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 Contents ◾ vii

III. Electing a Union and Getting a Contract: The Elements of

Collective Bargaining�������������������������������������������������������������������������92
A. Bargaining Unit Determination...................................................93
1. Community of Interest...........................................................94
2. Desires of Employees..............................................................94
3. Bargaining History................................................................94
4. Efficiency of Agency Operations............................................94
5. Fragmentation of Bargaining Units........................................94
6. Exclusion of Supervisory and Confidential
Employees..............................................................................96
B. Representation Election or Show of Majority Support..................98
C. Certification of the Bargaining Representative.............................99
D. Negotiating the Contract............................................................100
1. The Participants...................................................................101
2. Role of the Public.................................................................113
IV. Summary and Conclusions................................................................ 115

5 Process and Politics of Public Sector Collective Bargaining.................121

I. Introduction......................................................................................121
II. Internal Process and Politics..............................................................121
A. Identifying Proposals..................................................................122
B. Preparation for Bargaining.........................................................123
C. Duty to Bargain..........................................................................124
D. Script..........................................................................................125
E. Concession Bargaining...............................................................127
III. External Politics.................................................................................131
A. Lobbying....................................................................................132
B. Electoral Activities......................................................................133
C. Public Opinion...........................................................................136
D. Restrictions on Public Employee Political Activity......................136
IV. Internal Bargaining Processes: From Traditional to
Interest-Based Bargaining..................................................................138
A. Traditional Negotiations.............................................................139
B. Interest-Based Bargaining...........................................................142
V. Ratification of the Contract...............................................................148
VI. Interest-Based Bargaining’s Potential.................................................149
VII. Summary and Conclusions................................................................149

6 Financial Impacts of Unions and Collective Bargaining.......................153

I. Introduction...................................................................................... 153
II. Budget Making and Unions..............................................................154
A. Budgetary Process....................................................................... 155
B. Budgetary Outcomes.................................................................. 157
viii ◾ Contents

III. Unions, Wages, and Benefits............................................................. 159

A. Socioeconomic Factors................................................................ 159
B. Political Factors.......................................................................... 161
C. Politics and Decision Rules in the Compensation
Decision Process������������������������������������������������������������������������162
D. Monetary Impacts of Unions: Approaching the
Research Question���������������������������������������������������������������������167
IV. Are Public Sector Workers Paid More than Private
Sector Workers?.................................................................................168
V. Comparing the Relative Effects of Unions in the Public and
Private Sectors����������������������������������������������������������������������������������171
VI. Effects of Public Employee Unions on Compensation:
Methodological Problems�����������������������������������������������������������������172
VII. Effects of Public Employee Unions on Compensation: A Review
of the Findings....................................................................... ���������� 174
A. Salary and Wages........................................................................ 174
B. Benefits.......................................................................................177
C. Evaluating the Union Effect on Wages and Benefits...................178
VIII. Responding to Public Sector Compensation Cost
Increases............................................................................................179
IX. Productivity Bargaining (Gainsharing)............................................. 181
X. Monetary Impacts of Federal Employee Unions................................183
A. Federal Wage System..................................................................184
B. Classified Civil Service...............................................................185
C. Collective Bargaining System.....................................................186
XI. Conclusion........................................................................................187

7 Union Impacts: Personnel Processes and Policies.................................189

I. Introduction......................................................................................189
II. Merit Systems....................................................................................190
A. Interface between Collective Bargaining and the
Merit System...............................................................................193
B. Accommodating Collective Bargaining and the
Merit System...............................................................................194
C. Unions and Threats to the Merit Principle..................................196
1. Union Security.....................................................................197
2. Seniority...............................................................................197
3. Affirmative Action and Diversity..........................................199
4. New Public Management.....................................................202
III. Specific Impacts of Unions on Personnel
Functions and Policies.......................................................................203
A. Management Rights...................................................................203
1. Management Rights (Scope of Bargaining)..........................203
 Contents ◾ ix

B. Management Structure.............................................................. 206

C. Personnel Processess................................................................... 208
1. Recruitment, Testing, and Selection.................................... 208
2. Promotions...........................................................................209
3. Training and Development..................................................210
4. Position Classification and Staffing...................................... 211
5. Workload and Scheduling....................................................212
6. Grievances............................................................................ 215
7. Employee Discipline............................................................. 215
8. Dismissals and Layoffs......................................................... 215
9. Reductions in Force............................................................. 217
10. Other Human Resource Management Policies..................... 217
IV. Conclusion....................................................................................... 228
8 Strike!....................................................................................................233
I. Introduction......................................................................................233
II. A Strike by Any Other Name ...........................................................236
III. Public Sector Strike Activity..............................................................237
IV. The Right to Strike in Public Employment........................................239
A. The Sovereignty Argument.........................................................239
B. Distortion of the Political Process...............................................240
C. Lack of Market Constraints........................................................240
D. Essential Services........................................................................241
E. The Postal Strike of 1970............................................................243
V. Legislation Pertaining to Strikes....................................................... 244
VI. Public Policy and the Incidence of Strikes.........................................247
VII. Why Public Employees Strike............................................................248
A. Macro-Level Factors...................................................................249
B. Micro-Level Factors....................................................................249
1. Demographic and Attitudinal Factors..................................250
2. Bargaining Power and Disagreement Costs..........................250
3. Faulty Negotiations..............................................................251
VIII. Strike Tactics.....................................................................................253
A. The Union..................................................................................253
B. Management...............................................................................255
C. Contingency Planning for the Strike..........................................256
D. The Injunction............................................................................257
E. Strike Penalties...........................................................................258
IX. Conclusions and a Look Ahead.........................................................263
9 Resolving Impasses: Alternatives to the Strike......................................265
I. Introduction......................................................................................265
II. Private Sector Experience.................................................................. 266
III. Impasse Resolution in Federal Employment......................................267
x ◾ Contents

IV. State and Local Government Impasse Procedures............................. 268

A. Mediation...................................................................................271
1. Traits of an Effective Mediator.............................................274
2. Advantages and Disadvantages of Mediation as a
Technique for Resolving Impasses���������������������������������������275
B. Fact-Finding...............................................................................277
1. The Fact-Finding Process......................................................277
2. Advantages and Disadvantages of Fact-Finding....................279
C. Arbitration................................................................................. 280
1. The Arbitration Process........................................................282
2. Advantages and Disadvantages of Arbitration......................285
D. Final Offer Arbitration...............................................................291
E. Other Impasse Resolution Procedures........................................293
1. Med-Arb..............................................................................293
2. Arb-Med..............................................................................294
3. Labor–Management Committees.........................................294
4. Letting the Taxpayers Decide...............................................295
5. Unfair Labor Practice...........................................................296
V. Search for Flexibility..........................................................................297
VI. Uncertainty: Benefit or Bane?............................................................299
VII. Conclusion: The Benefits of Impasse Procedures.............................. 300

10 Living with the Contract.......................................................................305

I. Introduction......................................................................................305
II. Collective Bargaining Agreement..................................................... 306
A. Contents of the Agreement........................................................ 306
B. Disseminating the Agreement..................................................... 310
C. Administering the Agreement..................................................... 311
III. Grievance Procedures........................................................................312
A. Causes of Grievances.................................................................. 315
B. The Grievance Process................................................................ 316
C. Representation of the Grievant................................................... 319
1. The Steward......................................................................... 319
2. Union Duty of Fair Representation......................................320
IV. Grievance Arbitration........................................................................321
A. Arbitrability................................................................................322
B. Court Review of Arbitrators’ Decisions......................................323
C. Selection of the Arbitrator...........................................................324
D. Problems in Grievance Arbitration.............................................326
E. Standards for Arbitrator Decision Making..................................328
1. Past Practice.........................................................................329
2. Prior Bargaining Record.......................................................329
 Contents ◾ xi

3. Previous Arbitration Awards.................................................329

4. Other Considerations...........................................................330
V. Grievance Procedures in Federal Employment...................................331
VI. New Directions in Grievance Handling............................................332
A. Expedited Arbitration.................................................................332
B. Alternative Dispute Resolution...................................................333
C. Grievance Mediation..................................................................334
VII. Conclusion........................................................................................336

11 Public Employee Unions in the Future..................................................341

I. Introduction......................................................................................341
II. Decline of Private Sector Unions.......................................................341
III. Challenges for Public Employee Unions........................................... 344
A. Continuing Fiscal Squeeze......................................................... 344
B. Structural Challenges.................................................................345
C. Public Policy Challenges.............................................................347
D. Strategic Challenges................................................................... 348
IV. Opportunities....................................................................................350
V. Labor–Management Cooperation and Participative Decision
Making���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������354
A. Advantages of Cooperation.........................................................354
B. Conditions Necessary for Successful Labor–Management
Cooperation�������������������������������������������������������������������������������356
C. Future of Labor–Management Cooperation...............................358
VI. Public Employee Unions in the 2010s: Conclusion............................359
VII. Down but Not Out: The Case for Continuing the Good Fight.........361

References....................................................................................................365
Index�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������399
Preface

Since the completion of the fourth edition of this book, unions have encountered
fierce attacks from Republicans, Tea Party zealots, and conservative Democrats.
Those in the private sector have suffered membership declines for more than 60
years. Despite determined efforts to reverse this unhappy trend, the unions have
made little, if any, progress in stemming the powerful tide against them in the pri-
vate sector. In government, union membership, stagnant from the 1980s to 2010,
has suffered substantial declines nationwide as the consequence of layoffs driven
by the Great Recession and retraction of collective bargaining rights in Michigan,
Wisconsin, and other states. Conservative forces against public employee unions
and c­ ollective bargaining have been in a perpetual attack mode in many states and
localities. Meanwhile, spurred by New Public Management reforms, fundamental
restruc­turing of private and public organizations and the processes they use to con-
duct their business continue at a fast pace. Globalization of labor, manufacturing,
and services profoundly challenges unions in the business sector. For their coun-
terparts in government, continuing citizen resistance to government taxing and
spending joined with efforts to marketize and outsource government have posed
serious challenges to unions. Nonetheless, managing in a union environment is a
reality for approximately 40% of public managers, with unions remaining as key
political actors in the federal government and in a large proportion of state and
local jurisdictions.
This fifth edition of Labor Relations in the Public Sector has been completely
updated in terms of the scholarly and professional literature and relevant events.
As in previous editions, collective bargaining and labor relations are addressed at
all levels of government, with comparisons to the private and nonprofit sectors.
Interest-based (win–win) negotiations are a prominent theme in discussions of the
bargaining process and contract administration. The fifth edition features new case
studies that are intended to provide students with experiential learning opportuni-
ties. The fundamental organization of the book remains the same.
The fifth edition is designed to be classroom friendly. As before, the book is
intended for use in graduate and undergraduate courses in labor relations, collective
bargaining, human resource management, and problems in public administration.

xiii
xiv ◾ Preface

A new coauthor contributes to this edition, Dr. Patrice Mareschal. Patrice

c­ ompleted her Masters of Industrial & Labor Relations at Cornell University and
her PhD in Political Science at the University of Oklahoma. She contributes a
blend of research interests and practical experience working in labor employment
relations.
We appreciate the comments and suggestions of professors and students who have
used earlier editions of this book. Thanks also go to Lauren Hales and John Strange
at North Carolina State University and Patricia Ciorici at Rutgers University, who
helped gather information and materials, prepare tables and figures, and update
the bibliography for the fifth edition. Richard Kearney is indebted to Kathy, Joel,
Laura, Andrew, and Nicole for their love and support. Patrice Mareschal is grateful
to her children, Jacob and Arielle, and her mom, Peggy, for inspiration and support.

Richard C. Kearney
North Carolina State University

Patrice Mareschal
Rutgers University
Authors

Dr. Richard C. Kearney is a professor, and inaugural director, in the School of

Public and International Affairs at North Carolina State University. He previ-
ously held teaching and administrative positions at East Carolina University, the
University of Connecticut, and the University of South Carolina. He earned his
BS in business from Mississippi State University and his MPA and PhD in politi-
cal science at the University of Oklahoma. He has published widely in the areas of
labor relations, human resource management, and state and local government. He
is a retired member of AFSCME.

Dr. Patrice Mareschal is an associate professor and chair/graduate director of the

Department of Public Policy and Administration, Rutgers University. Her research
and teaching interests include conflict resolution, personnel/labor relations, labor
unions/organizing, and public policy. In addition to her academic training, she
has extensive professional work experience in organizational consulting, human
resource management, and labor–management relations. She has worked for both
public and private sector employers, including the National Labor Relations Board,
Ford Motor Company, and Andersen Consulting. She also completed the Federal
Mediation and Conciliation Service New Mediator Training Program.

xv
List of Case Studies

Case Study 2.1: P

 ortrait of a Union Leader: Randi Weingarten,
American Federation of Teachers����������������������������������������46
Case Study 4.1: Whose Union Is It?������������������������������������������������������������ 116
Case Study 5.1: S
 anitation Workers and the City of Belview,
Minnesota—Contract Negotiation������������������������������������150
Case Study 6.1: The Merit Pay Dilemma�����������������������������������������������������187
Case Study 7.1: A Blooming Labor Dispute������������������������������������������������230
Case Study 7.2: A Chocolate High?�������������������������������������������������������������231
Case Study 8.1: The Boston Police Strike of 1919���������������������������������������234
Case Study 8.2: Faulty Negotiations in Chicago�����������������������������������������252
Case Study 8.3: The PATCO Strike ������������������������������������������������������������260
Case Study 9.1: Tough Times in Garden Junction��������������������������������������302
Case Study 10.1: Chain of Custody�������������������������������������������������������������337
Case Study 10.2: The Arbitration Case of Keyshaun King��������������������������338

xvii
Chapter 1

History and Development

I. Introduction
As the Industrial Revolution dawned in England in the mid-eighteenth century,
the employer’s authority was absolute and completely free from laws or government
regulations. Employers unilaterally determined wages and the terms and conditions
of employment for their workers. As a practical matter, all but the most skilled
workers had to take jobs as they came, with little or no opportunity to influence
compensation levels or the nature of work. Conditions in the factories were deplor-
able: poorly lighted and ventilated, noisy, dangerous, and dirty working spaces;
12- to 14-hour days, 7 days a week; and children as young as 6 years toiling on the
factory floor. Early efforts to form trade unions were violently suppressed by laws
forbidding organization as a criminal conspiracy that interfered with commerce.
It was a long, hard struggle for employees in England and Europe to gain the
rights to organize and bargain collectively, and it took nearly 200 years in the
United States. The transition from autocratic corporate authority to organized
labor and collective bargaining was long, arduous, and sometimes bloody. Early
union organizers and their supporters often met with brutal repression by police
and hired thugs (see, e.g., Salmond 2004; Green 2006). Today, labor rights are held
in nearly all nations. Labor, in this sense, is triumphant. But unions in the United
States today face new sets of problems and challenges, the outcomes of which could
well determine their very existence in the next few decades.
This chapter discusses the history and development of unionization and collec-
tive bargaining in the private sector and in government. The roots of government
unions are traced through a historical examination of the American trade union
movement. The development of public sector unionization is examined, including
key factors that contributed to the growth of unions in government.

1
2 ◾ Labor Relations in the Public Sector

II. Early American Unionism

Labor organizations have existed in the United States since the earliest days of the
Republic. The environment within which they have been created and grown, how-
ever, has not always been friendly or even tolerant.
The earliest domestic roots of American unionism may be traced to the self-
help organizations formed by workers in the crafts and skilled trades prior to the
Revolutionary War. These organizations were, in a sense, close cousins of the
European guilds, whose own genealogy may be traced back to professional trade
associations in the Middle Ages. The guilds regulated wages, working hours, prod-
uct quality, and other concerns in trades such as bookbinding, weaving, and pottery
making. The first guild to develop in the United States was probably the cordwain-
ers (shoemakers) in 1648 in Boston, Massachusetts (Commons 1980). This guild
eventually evolved into what some historians believe to be the first American trade
union—the Society of Master Cordwainers. The guilds were not true “unions”
in that there was no separation of labor between worker and owner. Nonetheless,
workers were united in a common cause of self-protection.
The early American labor organizations were based on handicraft technologies
such as shoemaking, stonecutting, carpentry, hat finishing, and printing. Their
membership was composed of skilled laborers organized along the lines of indi-
vidual crafts. Today, such organizations are known as craft unions. It is not surpris-
ing that organized labor began with highly skilled, strategically situated workers,
because they were the first to enjoy what is referred to today as bargaining power.
Public policy toward early labor organizations was, to put it kindly, suppressive.
Unions had no legal basis for existence and were considered “criminal conspira-
cies in restraint of trade” under common law. This criminal conspiracy doctrine
emerged from a court case involving cordwainers, in which a judge ruled it illegal
for Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, shoemakers to act collectively in efforts to raise
their wages. Several of the early craft unions were prosecuted for criminal con-
spiracy, but the doctrine was brought to an end by the Massachusetts court decision
of Commonwealth v. Hunt (1842), which held that such organized labor activities
were lawful.
Some local labor organizations entered the political arena during the 1820s and
1830s through affiliating with “workingmen’s parties.” These organizations sought
to elevate the social and economic status of craft and skilled laborers. They pressed
Congress and state legislatures for job-related concessions, such as the 10-hour day,
and also for broader reforms, such as free universal education, an end to the military
draft, abolition of debtors’ prisons, and expansion of suffrage. Many of these orga-
nizations, which were strongest in large cities such as New York and Philadelphia,
even took a short-lived step toward national organization in 1834 by forming the
National Trades Union to coordinate the activities of the locals.
It was during this same time period (1820s–1830s) that labor organizations
began to penetrate public employment, as public workers in skilled occupations
 History and Development ◾ 3

sought the 10-hour day won in some cities by their private counterparts. Most of
this activity was concentrated in federal naval shipyards in Philadelphia, Boston,
and New York. Later, when agitation for the 8-hour workday began, the first
employer to grant it was the federal government, at the Charleston Navy Yard,
South Carolina, in 1842. According to Spero (1948: 87), the drive for the 8-hour
day “led to the crystallization of the principle of the state as a model employer
maintaining the highest possible working standards in its services as an example
for others to follow.”
During this early period of growth and development, unions’ organizational
health was highly dependent on national economic conditions; unions suffered dur-
ing hard times and revived during more prosperous times. For example, there was
a tremendous increase in union membership during the Civil War and immedi-
ately afterward as a consequence of industrial growth related to the war effort. The
Depression of 1873, however, was accompanied by a startling decline in national
union membership, from 300,000 to 50,600 within 5 years. By 1885, improved
economic conditions pushed membership growth back to the 300,000 mark. The
direct relationship between economic tailspins and union membership declines
reversed early in the twentieth century. Unions declined during the prosperous
1920s and made their most spectacular gains during the Great Depression era of
the 1930s.
Nonetheless, economic conditions continue to influence union fortunes. For
instance, when unemployment is low and consumer demand for products is high
employers tend to accommodate employee demands, perhaps even the demand for
unions. Concurrently, risk-taking union advocates and organizers find it relatively
easy to locate new jobs if they are fired. Thus, unionism is likely to flourish during
favorable economic conditions but flag during periods of high unemployment and
a weak economy (Reder 1988: 92, 93). Of course, many other factors also influence
union fortunes. During the past six decades, private sector unions have struggled
with membership losses during good and bad economic times. However, the Great
Recession of 2008–2011 was accompanied by the most severe attack on unions—
particularly in government—since the 1930s.

A. Ideological Battles in United States Unionism

Even though labor organizations could no longer be legally prosecuted for criminal
conspiracy in restraint of trade after the 1842 Commonwealth decision, this did not
by any means signal a new era of tolerance and encouragement of unionism. Bitter
union–management battles erupted during the 1870s. Employer “union-busting”
tactics such as lockouts; espionage; blacklisting of union organizers; summary fir-
ings of “agitators”; and, to break strikes, club-swinging “goon squads” forced some
unions to go underground and operate as secret societies. One of these societies—
the Molly Maguires, formed by coal miners—met employer violence with violence
of its own, perpetrating acts of arson and murder in the Pennsylvania coal mines.
4 ◾ Labor Relations in the Public Sector

Many opposing union philosophies competed for the allegiance of the

American working class during the late 1800s and early 1900s. Some groups
sought victories through the political process, whereas others advocated collective
bargaining. Most organizations wanted to operate and pursue their goals within
the boundaries of the capitalist system, but others spoke out in favor of the emerg-
ing European philosophies of socialism and communism.
Perhaps the strongest of the leftist groups was the Industrial Workers of the
World (IWW), which rejected capitalism outright and strove to organize the global
working class, take control of the state, and overturn the capitalist system.
Founded in 1905 by radical socialists and syndicalists, whose penchant for
a good fight took precedence over “planning, negotiating, and politiking [sic]”
(Stegner 1990: 13), the “Wobblies” enjoyed their greatest strength among mining,
lumbering, and agricultural workers in the western states of Idaho, Colorado, and
Utah. (Their nickname reportedly was taken from a Chinese cook’s pronuncia-
tion of IWW as “I wobble wobble.”) The Wobblies committed numerous acts of
industrial sabotage and were successful in leading several large strikes in the United
States and other countries during World War I. Many martyrs were produced along
the way, including the legendary Joe Hill, who just before his very public execution
in 1915 cried to his fellow Wobblies, “Don’t waste time m ­ ourning—organize!”
However, severe repression by the federal government—including the incarcera-
tion and lynching of union leaders such as Joe Hill—and the lack of broad appeal
of IWW philosophies to the American working class led to the organization’s
demise shortly after the war (see Rosemont 2002; Buhle and Schulman 2005). The
Wobblies’ utopian vision of “one big union” for the workers of the world remains
a historical curiosity to all except a handful of diehards who have recently sought
to revive the IWW through leftist movements. (For current information on the
Wobblies, see the IWW website: www.IWW.org.)
Other labor organizations on the ideological far left have enjoyed some sup-
port in the United States, including the Farm Equipment Workers, Tobacco and
Allied Workers, United Office and Professional Workers, and Fisherman’s Union.
Two communist unions even managed to survive the McCarthy-era r­epression
of the 1950s: the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and
the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers. But a number of factors
have ­conspired to mitigate socialist- and communist-oriented labor organizations
in the United States. The rigid class structures of Europe have never developed in
the United States to set boundaries for class conflict, largely because of a relatively
high standard of living for working people, a fairly steady economic growth with
the opportunity for individual advancement and upward mobility, the diverse eth-
nic and religious characteristics of American immigrants, and a strong ethos of
individualism in the American public. From a political perspective, organized labor
has been hemmed in by the absence of a labor-based political party and by actions
of federal and state courts that have constricted the boundaries of union political
and organizing activities (Galenson 1980: 73–79; Forbath 1991; Archer 2007).
 History and Development ◾ 5

B. Business Unionism
The real battles within the labor movement in the United States have been fought
not over questions of political ideology but over issues of which types of workers
should be organized and by whom. The ethos of business unionism, as originally
professed by Samuel Gompers, has dominated the American labor movement.
Economic gains and improvements in working conditions have served as the pri-
mary objectives of trade unionism, not social and political change. Theories of
the labor movement in the United States reflect the early ascendancy of business
unionism, asserting that American workers have joined unions out of concern for
job security (Tannenbaum 1921; Perlman 1928), as a means for democratizing the
workplace (Webb and Webb 1897), as a result of expansion of the job market from
increased industrialization (Commons et al. 1936), from a crystallization of group
interests arising from workers’ social and economic situations (Hoxie 1928), and
in response to various pay and fringe benefit incentives (Olson 1965). The Marxist
(and IWW) philosophy that unions should form the locus of a working class con-
sciousness and serve as the basis for restricting competition over jobs has never been
widely accepted in the United States.
As already noted, the earliest organizing efforts were among the craft unions.
Heavy industrialization, which began during the mid-1800s, provided a new and
rapidly growing industrial labor force of unskilled and semiskilled workers who
were not trade or craft oriented. Organization of this new pool of workers would
have to be along “shop” lines, based on the place of work rather than the type of
work. The Knights of Labor launched the first significant effort to capture this
industrial segment of the workforce.
Originally formed in 1869 as a craft union for custom tailors in Philadelphia, the
Knights gradually began to include other crafts under its organizational umbrella.
Within 10 years, it had evolved into the first national labor union in the United States.
The Knights dropped its status as a secret society and, under the leadership of an
affable Irishman named Terence V. Powderly, began to seek both craft and industrial
affiliates throughout the country. By the time of its successful 1886 strike against
financier Jay Gould and the Wabash Railroad, the Knights claimed a membership of
700,000. However, the Knights’ membership was somewhat unstable and d ­ ivisive,
and a ­subsequent series of ill-conceived and violent strikes led to one defeat after
another for the union (Phelan 2000). By the turn of the twentieth century, the Knights
of Labor was nearly extinct. Further organization of unskilled workers awaited the
­development of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the 1930s.
The remaining craft union pieces of the complex Knights of Labor organiza-
tional mosaic were quickly gathered by the American Federation of Labor (AFL),
which was originally established in 1881 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, as a federa-
tion for skilled craft workers. The 25 national craft union affiliates elected Samuel
Gompers, head of the Cigar Makers Union, as their first president. The ultimate
pragmatist, Gompers soon made the AFL a major actor in the American economic
6 ◾ Labor Relations in the Public Sector

system. Gompers was, in essence, a free marketeer who rejected philosophical, politi-
cal, and social issues in favor of advancing and protecting members’ economic inter-
ests. Under his leadership, the AFL grew steadily, surviving both the Depression of
1893–1896 and a violent strike that broke the back of an AFL local at the Carnegie
Steel Company in Homestead, Pennsylvania. The AFL also proved strong enough
to withstand the scientific management movement of Frederick W. Taylor, court
injunctions against strikes and other union actions, and years of stifling “yellow-
dog contracts” (a contract in which a worker promised not to join a union while
under the hire of an employer). There were, however, some dark times, particularly
following World War I and during the early years of the Great Depression.
The AFL’s resurgence after the Great Depression was, in the words of Sloane
and Witney (1981: 75–76), “in spite of itself,” as the union “almost snatched defeat
from the jaws of victory.” A leadership gap was part of the problem (Gompers had
died), but more to blame was the union’s continuing reactionary posture against
mass production workers whom the Knights of Labor had first tried to organize.
The AFL’s unrelenting refusal to allow unskilled industrial workers into the orga-
nization eventually prompted a secessionist movement steered by John L. Lewis
of the United Mine Workers. After Lewis’ efforts to gain affiliation for industrial
workers failed at the 1935 AFL convention in Atlantic City, New Jersey, he did not
exit meekly. According to Sloane and Witney (1981: 77), “Lewis, never one to cam-
ouflage his emotions for the sake of good fellowship with his AFL colleagues, left
Atlantic City only after landing a severe uppercut to the jaw of Carpenter Union
president William L. Hutcheson….” Lewis then formed his own industrial union,
which came to be known as the CIO. There followed another, later attempt to affili-
ate under the AFL banner, but it culminated in expulsion of CIO leaders and the
more than 30 national unions that had joined forces with the CIO.
Lewis’s independent CIO was highly successful in organizing industrial work-
ers, such as those in the automobile and steel industries, so much so that the AFL
finally recognized the error of its ways and began competing for unskilled workers.
Not to be outdone, the CIO responded in kind by organizing craft workers. In
1955, after years of fierce interunion conflict and competition, the AFL merged
permanently with the CIO, becoming “the united house of labor.”
The labor battles had been fought not over political ideology or competing
grand visions of American society but over organizing workers and the mundane
bread-and-butter issues that remain paramount to this day: wages, benefits, work-
ing conditions, and job security. To George Meany, as well as to other mainstream
labor leaders, ideology was “baloney” (Sloane and Witney 1981: 94). Unions did
become active in the political arena during the 1960s and remain so today, pressing
a broad national agenda for social betterment and economic reform with varying
degrees of success. However, no coherent ideology is apparent, and a capitalist men-
tality pervades the U.S. economy and polity (Godard 2009). Ironically, the year
following the AFL–CIO merger marked the beginning of a long and continuous
decline in union organization in private employment.
Another random document with
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 The manor Mickle-Over with the three chapelries of Finderne,
Little-Over, and Potlac, was granted by William the Conqueror to
Burton Abbey, and it remained with it till the dissolution of
Monasteries, when Henry VIII. granted the manor to his secretary,
Sir William Paget. Thomas, Lord Paget, sold the manor to the
famous Lord Mayor of London, Sir Thomas Gresham, whose widow
married again, and left the property to Sir William Reade, her son by
her second husband. Sir William Reade’s daughter and heiress
married Sir Michael Stanhope, and had three daughters, co-
heiresses, between whom the estates were divided. In 1648, Edward
Wilmot bought two shares, viz., Little-Over and Finderne, which were
again sold by Sir Robert Wilmot to Edward Sacheverell Pole in 1801.
The remaining share, Mickle-Over, was sold to Sir John Curzon in
1648, from the Curzons Mr. Newton bought it in 1789. An ancestor of
Mr. Newton who died in 1619, had previously inherited the manor-
house of Mickle-Over by marriage with the heiress of William Gilbert,
to whom it had been sold by Sir Thomas Gresham. The house is
now occupied by the tenant of the farm.
Little-Over is about two miles from Mickle-Over, and used to be the
seat of the Harpur family, Chief Justice Sir Richard Harpur built the
manor-house, in which the family lived till the days of John Harpur,
who died in 1754, when the property passed to the Heathcotes. In
the church is a costly monument to Sir Richard Harpur, son of the
Chief Justice, and his wife Mary, daughter of Thomas Reresby. The
church consists of nave, chancel, north aisles, and bell turret on the
west gable. The blocked-up Norman doorway in the west end is the
only relic of ancient days.
Finderne is a small village, about two miles from Repton. It had a
very interesting old chapel, dating back to its Norman days, but in
the year 1862 it was completely destroyed. It must have been like
the chapel at Little-Over. The present church consists of nave,
chancel, and tower, with a spire at the west end. The only relic of the
Norman church are the tympanum of the old south door, carved in
chequered pattern, with a cross formée in the centre, and a recessed
founder’s arch in the north wall of the chancel, which contains a
much mutilated effigy of a priest.
 The most valued possession of the church is a small chalice and
cover, considered to be the oldest piece of church plate in the
county. The Hall-mark shows it to be of the year 1564-5.
The Vicar of Finderne, the Rev. B. W. Spilsbury, has in his
possession a very curious and rare relic of mediæval times. It is a
small sculptured block of alabaster, 8¾ inches by 7 inches, and 1½
inches thick. There is a beautifully drawn and painted copy of it in
Vol. VIII. of the Derbyshire Archæological Journal, by Mr. George
Bailey, also an article on it by the Rev. J. Charles Cox.
A little above the centre, resting on a dish, is a head, below it is a
lamb lying on a missal or book. On the right side is a bare-headed,
full length figure of St. Peter, holding a key in his right hand, and a
book in his left. On the left side is a similar figure of an archbishop,
with a mitre on his head, a book in his right hand, and a cross-staff in
his left. The back ground, i.e. the surface of the block, is painted a
dark olive green. The head, dish and robes an orange brown. The
hair, rim of the dish, and edges of the robes, books, key, and cross-
staff are gilded. The lining of St. Peter’s robe is red, that of the
archbishop is blue. The head and dish occupy three quarters of the
space. Dr. Cox enumerates ten similar pieces of sculpture, all of
which have figures of St. Peter on the right side, and all, except one
which bears a figure of St. Paul, have a mitred archbishop on the
left, which is supposed to represent either St. Augustine, or St.
Thomas of Canterbury. The chief differences are in the figures above
and below the central head and dish. There is a cut on the forehead
over the left eye. Several suggestions have been made respecting
the head. It has been said to represent (1) The head of St. John the
Baptist, (2) The Vernicle, (3) The image of our Lord’s face, given to
King Abgarus, and (4) The First Person of the Holy Trinity. Which of
these is right is a matter for discussion, but “the block, no doubt, has
reference to the presence of our Lord in the Sacrament.”
At the back there are two holes, into which pegs could be inserted,
for the purpose or fixing it above an altar, on a reredos or otherwise,
in oratories or chantries. All the examples known were made about
the same date, at the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of the
fifteenth century.
 The Vicar of Finderne also has an old deed, dated 1574, which
sets forth that, in that year, Sir Thomas Gresham sold his property at
Finderne, with manorial rights, to twelve men whose names are
given. He had 1272 acres in Finderne, and 378 at Potlock.
Potlac or Potlock was the seat of the old family of Finderns, who
for nine generations lived here (as tenants under the Abbots of
Burton), from the reign of Edward III. to Elizabeth, when Thomas
Finderne died, in 1558, leaving all his estates, here and elsewhere,
to his sister Jane, who married Sir Richard Harpur, one of the
Justices of the Common Pleas, ancestor of Sir Vauncey Harpur-
Crewe, Bart., of Calke Abbey.
The ancient manor-house, and chapel, dedicated to St. Leonard,
have disappeared. A farmhouse occupies the site of the former, and
only a few cedar trees and Scotch firs remain near the house to
connect it with the past.

NEWTON SOLNEY.
About a mile and a half from Repton, situated on the banks of the
Trent, is the pretty village of Newton Solney. To distinguish it from the
hundred or more Newtons, the name of the ancient owners Solney
or Sulney is joined to it. The manor was held, in the reign of Henry
III. (1216-72), by Sir Norman, who was succeeded in turn by Sir
Alured, Sir William, and another Sir Alured de Solney, who came to
the rescue of Bishop Stretton at Repton in 1364 (see p. 52). Sir
Alured died at the beginning of the reign of Richard II. (1377-99), and
left a son Sir John, who died without issue, and two daughters,
Margery, who married Sir Nicholas Longford, and Alice, married
three times, (1) Sir Robert Pipe, (2) Sir Thomas Stafford, (3) Sir
William Spernore. During the reign of Henry VIII., the manor was
bought of the Longfords by the Leighs. Anne, heiress of Sir Henry
Leigh, married Sir Simon Every in the reign of James I.
Abraham Hoskins, Esq., purchased the estates from Sir Henry
Every, Bart., about the year 1795, and took up his abode there. In
the year 1801 he erected a range of castellated walls, called
“Hoskins Folly,” on the high land between Newton and Burton, as a
kind of look-out over the surrounding country, later on, he converted
it into a house and called it “Bladon Castle.” Mr. Robert Ratcliff is
now the owner of the manor and patron of the living, which is a
donative. Besides “Bladon Castle” there are two principal houses,
one occupied by Mr. Ratcliff called Newton Park, and the “The Rock”
occupied by Mr. Edward D. Salt.
The picturesque church, which has been carefully restored,
contains specimens of all the styles of architecture from the Norman,
downwards. It consists of nave, chancel, north and south aisles, with
chapels, at the east end, separated from them and the chancel by
pointed arches. The chancel arch was probably removed during the
Perpendicular period.
There are three very ancient monuments of knights, which are well
worth a close inspection.
The oldest of them is now lying under an arch at the west end of
the south aisle, it is the freestone effigy of a mail-clad knight, with a
shield on his left arm, his hands are on a sword, suspended in front
on a cross-belt, unfortunately the effigy is much mutilated, the lower
part has gone.
The second, also of freestone, is under the tower, on the north
side, the head has gone, the figure is clad in a surcoat, girded by a
sword belt, parts of armour are seen in the hauberk, the feet rest on
foliated brackets of Early English work.
The third, on the south side, opposite number two, is a very
beautiful effigy in alabaster, resting on an altar tomb of the same
material. On the sides are eleven shields. The effigy will well repay a
very close inspection, it is one of the most highly finished in the
county. From its head (wearing a bassinet) down to its feet, every
detail has been elaborately worked out. Most probably the
monuments represent three members of the de Solney family, but
which is a matter of discussion.
The effigy of Sir Henry Every, Bart., has been transferred from the
chancel and placed beneath the west window of the tower. It is of
marble, and the effigy is clad in a toga and sandals of a Roman
citizen, the contrast, between it and the other two ancient ones, is
most striking! On the front of the monument is the following
inscription:—

“Here lies the body of Sʳ Henry Every, late of Egginton in

this county, Baronet, who died yᵉ 1st day of Septʳ 1709. To
whose memory Ann his beloved wife, the eldest daughter and
one of the coheiresses of Sʳ Francis Russell, late of
Strentham, Bart. (of a very ancient family in yᵉ county of
Worcester) erected yᵉ monument.”

The floor of the tower has been paved with encaustic tiles found
during the restoration, they are supposed to have been made at
Repton.
Since Dr. Cox wrote his article on Newton Solney Church the
restoration, referred to above, has been made, the whole of the
fabric has been very carefully restored, a new south porch, of stone,
has taken the place of the former brick one, the floor has been
lowered and paved with stone, with blocks of wood under the pews,
which are also new, of pitch pine.

TICKENHALL, CALKE, AND STAUNTON

HAROLD.
About four miles to the south-east of Repton is the village of
Tickenhall, which was formerly one of the seven chapels of Repton.
At the time of the Domesday Survey its lands were divided between
the King, Nigel de Stafford, ancestor of the Gresleys, and the abbot
of Burton. Subsequently King Henry I. granted it, with Repton, to
Ralph, Earl of Chester. From charters, quoted in Vol. II. of the
Topographer, we learn that the Canons of Repton Priory obtained
grants of land and permission to draw a cart load of wood daily from
the woods in Tickenhall, also the right of free warren over the land
and fishing in the river Trent, from later Earls of Chester, and others.
From the same source we learn that the chapel was originally
dedicated to St. Thomas à Becket.
After the dissolution of monasteries, the rectorial tithes passed to
Edward Abell, lord of manor of Tickenhall, who died in 1596. From
his son, Ralph, Sir John Harpur purchased the manor and
impropriate tithes in 1625, and they remain in the hands of his
descendant, Sir Vauncey Harpur-Crewe, Bart., who is also the
patron of the living, which has been converted into a vicarage in
modern times.
In the year 1841 it was decided, at a vestry meeting, to build a
new church, the old one being so much out of repair. About fifty
yards to the north of the old one the present church was erected,
consisting of nave, with aisles, chancel, vestry, and tower with spire.
The picturesque, ivy-clad remains of the old church in the
churchyard, the four-clustered pillars in the vicarage garden, and
other fragments found in situ prove that the old Chapel of St.
Thomas contained portions of Norman, Early English and Decorated
work, and the fact that gunpowder had to be used in its demolition
also proves that a most interesting church, connected with centuries
of the history of Tickenhall, was destroyed. As if to complete the
severance, the name of its patron saint was also changed to that of
St. George, not in honour of England’s patron saint, but after Sir
George Crewe, Bart., lord of the manor, and patron of the living!
Formerly a good trade was carried on in the limestone quarries,
but of late they have been closed. The “caverns” present a most
picturesque appearance, and afford a grand field for the geologist in
search of fossils, which abound in the carboniferous limestone there.
There was also a pottery works, with a kiln, which have also been
closed and pulled down. There is a hospital, founded by Mr. Charles
Harpur in the year 1770, for “decayed poor men and women in the
parishes of Tickenhall and Calke.” It is now only occupied by women.
The octagonal brick-built “round house” still remains by the side of
the main street, and forms a link between the old and the new.
Calke was, as we have seen, celebrated for its “Abbey,” the
mother of Repton Priory. In the year 1547 Calke was granted by
Edward VI. to John, Earl of Warwick. Thirty years later it became the
property and seat of Roger Wendesley, whose successor, Richard
Wendesley, sold it to Robert Bainbrigge, who in 1621 conveyed it to
Henry Harpur, who was made a baronet in 1626. At the beginning of
the eighteenth century the present “Abbey” was built on the site of
the old priory, as it ought to have been called.
The parish church belonged to the Canons of Calke from the
earliest times, and with them was transferred to Repton Priory, with
whose canons it remained till the dissolution of the monasteries,
when it passed to the owners of the estate.
The Parliamentary Commissioners in 1650 describe Calke “as a
peculiar Sir John Harper of the same Baronett is impropriator and
procures the cure supplied. It lyes neare unto Ticknall and may
conveniently be united to Tycknall and the chapell of Calke disused.”
There is a seal of the peculiar, a diamond in shape, with the side
view of a man in a long gown. These words are round the margin,
Sigillum officii pecularis jurisdictionis de Calke. As “peculiars” are
exempt from the jurisdiction of the Ordinary or Bishops Courts, no
doubt this seal was used for stamping deeds, &c., issued by the
peculiar.
The church is said to be dedicated to St. Giles, who was also the
patron saint of the priory. Sir George Crewe rebuilt, or rather re-
cased, the old church with new stone in the year 1826. Like the
windows at Hartshorn, the mullions and tracery are of cast iron, by
Weatherhead, Glover and Co., Derby. At the west end is a small
embattled tower, in which is a door, the only entry to the church.
The village consists only of a few houses, but it is very prettily
situated.
A little to the south-east of Calke is Staunton Harold, the seat of
Earl Ferrers. At the time of the Domesday Book Survey, the Ferrers
family possessed estates in fourteen counties, and no less than one
hundred and fourteen manors in Derbyshire. Their principal seat was
at Tutbury Castle in Staffordshire, where they founded the priory.
Robert, the 2nd Earl, was created Earl of Derby in the year 1138.
This title remained in the family till the reign of Henry III., when
another Robert (the 5th Earl) was deprived of his titles and estates
owing to his repeated acts of rebellion. According to Lysons, the title
was conferred on several Plantagenets. Henry VII. conferred it, after
the victory of Bosworth Field, in consideration of services received,
on Lord Stanley, in whose family it still remains. The present Earl
Ferrers is descended from Sir Henry Shirley, who married Dorothy,
co-heir of Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, and of the Baronies of
Ferrers of Chartley and Bourchier. Their grandson Robert was
summoned to Parliament, by Writ 14th December, 1677, as Baron
Ferrets of Chartley, and was created Viscount Tamworth and Earl
Ferrers 3rd September, 1711. Staunton Harold Hall was built by the
5th Earl Ferrers. Situated in a lovely valley, overlooking a lake,
bounded by sloping ground adorned with trees, and other shrubs,
the house is one of the finest of its kind among our “stately homes of
England.” It is built in the style of Andrea Palladio (Classical or
Renaissance) with a pediment supported by Ionic pillars, which are
upheld with Doric columns. The material is stone, or brick
ornamented with stone. The south-west front, built in the form of the
letter H, is surmounted with the statue of a huge lion. The north-east,
or library front, was designed by Inigo Jones. The entrance gate of
the Hall is of most elaborate and beautiful specimen of iron
workmanship. By the side of the lake is a beautiful little Gothic
church, consisting of chancel, nave and two aisles. The chancel is
separated from the nave by elegantly wrought iron gates, which bear
the Ferrers’ arms. From the walls of the church are hung funeral
trophies of the family, like those in St. George’s Chapel, Windsor.
 Plate 22.

Tickenhall Round House. (Page 134.)

 FOOTNOTES
[1] See Dr. Pears’ address at the Tercentenary of Repton
School, 1857.
[2] Also Vicars of Etwall.
 INDEX.

Abell, Edward. Ralph, 133.

Abney, James, 26.
Abraham, 63, 119.
Abrincis, Hugh de, 113.
Adda, 8.
Æadwulph (Aldulph), King of E. Anglia, 9.
Ælfthryth (Ælfritha), Abbess of Repton, 9.
Æthelbald, King of Mercia, 9, 11, 14.
Æthelred, 11.
Agincourt, Battle of, 125.
Alfreton, 52.
Alfred, brother of Oswiu, 8.
Algar, Earl of Mercia, 3, 9, 50.
Alison, Sir Archibald, 97.
Allen’s Close, 5.
Alselin, Geoffrey, 108.
“Anchor Church,” 123-4.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, 6, 9.
Anne, Queen, 126.
Anne, wife of James I., 94.
Arleston, 99.
Armour of Repton, 32.
Ashby-de-la-Zouch, 92-9.
Castle, 93.
Church, 96.
Askew Hill, 91.
Astley, William, 24.
Augmentation Office Book, 53.
Augustine, St., 50, 129.

Badow Church, 52.

Bainbrigge, William, 96.
Robert, 134.
Baine, Ralph, Bishop of Lichfield, 63.
Bailey, George, 128.
Bakepuz, Robert de, 100.
Bakewell Church, 74.
Bangor, 2.
Bardulfs, 108.
Barker, Robert, 37.
Barnack Church, 19.
Barrow-on-Trent, 99-100.
Bartholomew, St., 12, 14.
Basano’s Church Notes, 20.
Bath School, 61.
Beaconsfield, Earl of, 98.
Beaumeis, Philip de. Robert, 92.
Beaumont, Sir George, 92.
Beauvale (Welbeck), Abbey of, 115.
Beccelm, 11, 14.
Beck, or Beke, John de, 100.
Becket, St. Thomas à, 129, 133.
Bells of Repton, 42-9.
Bell Marks, 46.
Bennett, Gervase, 66.
Berfurt (cousin of St. Wystan), 9, 15.
Bertulph (uncle of St. Wystan), 15.
Betti, 8.
Bigsby, Rev. Robert, 51, 53, 65, 85.
Birch, Walter de Gray, 13.
Birmingham School, 61.
“Black Book,” 53.
“Black Canons,” 50.
“Bladon Castle,” 131.
Blandee, Thomas, 24.
Block of Alabaster, sculptured, at Finderne, 128.
Blomfield, Sir Arthur, 23, 85, 128.
Blundeville, Randulph de, Earl of Chester, 3.
Bodleian Library, 46.
“Bonnie Prince Charlie,” 102.
Bosworth Field, 135.
Bourdon, John, Duke of, 125.
Brasenose College, Oxford, 62.
Breedon Church, 126.
 Hill, 91.
Bretby, 4, 5, 51, 104-6.
“Clump,” 91.
Brewster, Thomas, 63.
Bride’s, St., Farmhouse of, 104.
Bridgenorth, 95.
Brigstock Church, 19.
Bristol, 95.
Brockhurst, 63, 119.
“Brook End,” 4.
Brotherhouse, 14.
Bullock, William (O.R.), 67.
Burdett, Sir Francis (O.R.), 66.
Robert, 4, 51, 81, 123.
Thomas, 103, 121.
“Buries, the,” 3.
Burnett, Sir Hugh, 93.
Burton-on-Trent, 1, 4.
Burton, Abbot of, 129, 132.
Butler, Earl of Ormond, 93.
“Bygone Leicestershire,” 98.

Calke, 134-5.
Canons of, 10.
Abbey, 50.
Cambridge, 12.
Camp, Repton, 3.
Canons’ Meadow, 4.
Canons of Repton, 16.
Canute, King, 9, 16.
Carlisle, Bishop of, 126.
“Causey, the,” 66.
Cedda, 8.
Chad, St., 8.
Chalice and Cover at Finderne, 128.
Chandos, Sir John, 109.
Chandos-Poles of Radbourne, 109.
Charles I., 5, 95, 113, 126.
II., 69.
Charnwood Forest, 1.
Charters of Repton Priory, 51.
Repton School, 64.
Chellaston Hill, 91.
Chester, Hugh, Earl of, Matilda, Countess of, 10, 51.
Randulph, Earl of, 3, 10.
Chester, West, 62.
Chesterfield, Philip, 1st Earl of, 104.
Chief events referred to, &c., 87-90.
“Chronicon Abbatiæ de Evesham,” 15.
Chronicles (Rolls Series), 15.
“Church Bookes,” 36.
“Churchwardens’ and Constables’ Accounts,” 30-41.
Cissa, 11.
Civil War, 5, 105.
Clinton, William de, 3
Cokayne, Sir Arthur, 105.
Coke, Sir Thomas, 126.
Coleorton Hall, 92.
“Communion Cupp” at Hartshorn, 107.
Conquest, the, 3.
Conway, Sir W. Martin, 46.
Cornavii or Coritani, 8.
“Counter Jail,” the, 126.
Cox, Dr. Charles, 17, 30, 50, 117, 122, 126, 128, 129, 132.
Creçy, Battle of, 93.
Crewe, Sir George, 134.
Cromwell, Thomas, 53.
Cross, Repton, 4, 35.
Crowland, 12.
Abbey, 14, 15.
Croxall, 52.
Crypt of Repton Church, 17.
Culloden Moor, Battle of, 102.
Curzon, Sir John, 127.
Cyneheard, 9.
Cynewaru (Kenewara), Abbess of Repton, 9.

Dale Abbey, (Deepdale), 50.

Danes, the, 3, 6, 7, 14, 17.
Dartmoor, 97.
“Day Bell Houses,” 98.
Denman, George, the Honble., 75, 84.
Denton, Canon, 98.
Derby, 1, 63.
Dethicks, 107.
Diuma, 1st Bishop of Mercia, 8.
Domesday Book, 3, 4, 6, 9, 92, 113, 115, 124, 132, 135.
Dove, River, 8, 114.
Dugdale’s Monasticon, 8, 51.
Durdent, Walter, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 51.
Dutton, Edmund, 56.

Eadburgh, Abbess of Repton, 9, 12.

Ealdwulf, King of E. Anglia, 9.
Edgar, the Peaceable, 9, 17.
Edward III., 103, 130.
VI., 42, 61, 62, 134.
Egga, 14.
Egginton, 108-11.
Elfleda, mother of St. Wystan, 15.
Elizabeth, Queen, 130.
England, 2.
Ethelbald, King of Mercia, 6.
Etwall, 62, 115-21.
Every, Sir Edward, 110.
Henry, 130, 132.
Simon, 109, 130.
Evesham Abbey, Chronicles of, 9, 15.
Evesham Abbey, St. Wystan’s Shrine at, 57.
“Evidences, XVIII pieces of,” 35.

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 95.

Felix, Monk of Crowland, 1st Bishop of E. Angles, 11, 12, 13.
“Feppingum,” 8.
Ferrariis or Ferrers, Henry de, 113, 115.
Ferrers, Robert, 2nd Earl, 135.
Ferrers, Robert de, 113.
Ferrers’ Pew at Breedon, 127.
Finan, Bishop of Lindisfarne, 8.
Finderne, 128-9.
Family of, 129.
Finger Pillory at Ashby, 97.
Fitzherbert, Anthony Sir, 62.
John of Etwall, 62, 117.
Flora Lady, daughter of 1st Marquis of Hastings, 95.
“Flora of Derbyshire,” (W. H. Painter), 91.
Foremark, 51, 121-4.
Francis (Frances) John of Tickenhall and Foremark, 22, 103.
Sir Robert, son of John, 22, 52, 121.
French Prisoners at Ashby, 97-8.
Fuller’s Church History, 53.
Fynderne (Finderne), George, Jane, John, and Thomas, 3, 4.
Lords of Repton Manor, 20.

Gaunt, John, Duke of, 114.

Gell, Sir John, 5, 101, 105.
Gerard, Sir Thomas, 62, 116.
Giffard, Sir Thomas, 62.
Giles, St., 50, 134.
Glendower, 2.
Glover, S. (History of Derbyshire), 105, 106.
Glover’s Mill, 4.
Godiva, 9.
Gorham, Rev. G. M. (O.R.), 23.
Greaves, C. S., 122.
Grendon, Serlo de, Lord of Badeley or Bradley, 50.
William de, 109.
Grentemaisnel, Hugh de, 92.
Gresham, Sir Thomas, 127, 129.
Gresley, 1.
Gresley, Sir George, 101.
Gretton, John, 111.
Gronta (Grantchester), 12.
Guthlac, St., 9, Chap. III.
Guthlaxton Hundred, 14.
“Gypsies,” 35.
Hacket, Bishop of Lichfield, 122.
“Hall Orchard,” 86.
Hampton Court Conference, 36.
Hardinge, Sir Robert, 126.
Harker, John, 63.
Harley Collection of MSS., 13.
Harpur, Charles, 134.
Sir George, 128.
Sir John, 4, 55, 103, 133.
Sir Henry, 4, 134.
Sir Richard, 4, 101, 103, 130.
Harpur-Crewe, Sir Vauncey, 24, 130, 133.
Hartshorn, 106-8.
Hastings, Francis, Marquis of, 125.
George, Earl of Huntingdon, 62.
Sir William, 93.
Headda, Bishop of Winchester, 13, 14.
Heathcotes, 128.
Henry I., 50, 126.
II., 51.
III., 43, 130, 135.
VII., 125, 135.
VIII., 53, 114, 115, 127, 130.
Heyne, Ann, 67, 68.
Hope, W. H. St. John, 53, 81, 108.
Hoskins, Abraham, 130.