Bahi 13 Block 03

BACHELOR OF ARTS IN
HISTORY (BAHI)
BAHI
BAHI-13
History of India-VIII
India 1950)
(C.1857-1950
Block-3:
Gandhian Nationalism after 1919:
Ideas and Movements
Movement
GANDHI HIS PERSPECTIVES &

UNIT-1: MAHATMA GANDHI-HIS
METHODS
UNIT-2: NON- COOPERATION, CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE
AND QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT
UNIT-3: SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE AND INA
UNIT-4: NATIONALISM AND SOCIAL GROUPS-
GROUPS
PEASANTS, TRIBES, DALIT, AND WOMEN
Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur

BAHI-13: HISTORY OF INDIA
INDIA-VIII (C.1857-1950
1950)
BLOCK-1: GANDHIAN NATIONALISM AFTER 1919:
IDEAS AND MOVEMENTS
Writer:
Dr. Shiba Prasad Nanda
Reader (Retd)
Department of History,
Rajendra Autonomous College, Bolangir
Editor:
Dr. Fanindam Deo
Reader (Retd)
Department of History
Khariar Autonomous College, Khariar
Coordinator:
Dr. Subodha Mendaly
Academic Consultanat,
Material Production:
Prof. Manas Ranjan Pujari

Registrar,
(cc) OSOU, 2022

2022. Gandhian Nationalism after 1919: Ideas and Movements
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UNIT - 9: MAHATMA GANDHI-HIS PERSPECTIVE
AND METHODS AND IDEAS
Structure
9.1 Learning Objectives
9.2 Introduction
9.3 Gandhi's struggle in South Africa
9.4 Gandhi's arrival in India and entry Indian politics
9.4.1 Champaran
9.4.2 Kheda
9.4.3 Ahmedabad
9.5 The Rowlatt Act
9.6 The Gandhian ideology and Methods
9.6.1 Satyagraha
9.6.2 Non violence
9.6.3 Religion
9.6.4 Swadeshi
9.6.5 Swaraj
9.7 Let Us Sum Up
9.8 Check Your Progress
9.9 Suggested Reading
9.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES
The purpose of this unit is to introduce you the perspectives and Methods of
Mahatma Gandhi. After going through this unit you shall be able to learn about the
application of Satyagraha and you will
* Know about the attempts made by Gandhi to improve the conditions of
Indian in South Africa.
* Understand the application of Non-violent Satyagraha in Kheda, champaran
etc. and became a part of the peasants movement.
* Know about the ideology and Methods applied by Gandhi.
Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 1

9.2 INTRODUCTION
The most important event in Indian politics in 1919 is the appearance of Gandhi
marked an epoch making event. With his entry into politics there opened a new
phase of struggle for Indian independence. He played a crucial role in directing the
struggle against British colonialism and imperialism. This unit takes into account
his experiment with truth in South Africa, his activities in India till 1919. We also
discuss his novel methods and the new spirit which he introduced in Indian politics.
9.2.1 Early Life
With the advent of Gandhiji a new era began in India's struggle for freedom.
Gandhi dominated the political scene like a Titan. His contribution to the nationalist
movement was unique. According to J.H. Holmes, "Gandhi is great among all the
great of the ages past. He is as great as with Alfred, Wallace, Washington and
Lafayette as a nation builder. He is great with Clarkson, Wilberforce, Garrison,
Lincoln, as an emancipator of the enslaved. He ranks with St. Francis, Thoreau, and
Tolstoy as a teacher of non-violence. He holds his place with Buddha, Jesus as one
of the spiritual prophets of all times. Out of love and reverence the Indians address
him as Father of the Nation." He was the first national leader who recognized the
role of the masses and mass action in the struggle for National liberation in contrast
to earlier leaders, who did not comprehend their decisive significance for making
that struggle more effective.
His concept of politics was something unique in the history of the world. During
the post-war (First World War) period, as stated by Ishwari Prasad, Gokhale had
died, Lala Lajpat Rai though a leftist was essentially moderate and constitutional,
Tilak who could have given the lead died in 1920. A dominating personality was
the need of the hour and this came with the entry of Gandhi into Indian politics. His
indomitable courage, his utter sincerity, his inevitable faith in the destiny of the
nation and the unfailing efficacy of Satyagraha as a weapon of political warfare and
above all, the atmosphere in which he propounded his principle and unfolded his
plans, enabled him to rise to the helm of the nation and dominate its history for
more than a quarter of a century. The year 1919 marked a definite stage in the
history of India's struggle for freedom. The most outstanding event was the
emergence of Gandhi in blazing colours that was to shape the political destiny of
India. According to R. Coupland, "He (Gandhi) had done what Tilak had failed to
do. He had converted the national movement, still less by discussion and agreement
but by force, none the less force because it was meant to be non-violent. And he had
not only made the national movement revolutionary, he had also made it popular-
Gandhi's personality had deeply stirred the countryside."
His heroic fight for the Indians in South Africa was well known. Till his
arrival in India in 1915, however, he had not played any leading part in the
Congress circle and unknown to the masses. His austere habits and saintly grace, his
use of Indian languages in preference to English, and of religious texts, had an
effect on the people who took him to their heart at once. Gandhi evolved a
programme of struggle which would mobilize the masses in the nationalist
movement and such that various sections of the people-workers, peasants,
capitalists, students, lawyers, and above all women could actively participate in it.
He thereby made nationalist movement a mass movement. Under his leadership, the
Indian people became heroic, patriotic, and intrepid fighters for national
emancipation. Gandhi, inspite of his compromising stand, instilled into them
undying hatred for the Satanic British Government and an unquenchable thirst for
Swaraj. Subhas Chandra Bose said about Gandhi, "Before the emergence of
Gandhi, the Congress was a constitutional party and mainly a talking body. The
Mahatma gave it a new constitution. Uniform slogan were repeated everywhere.
Khadi became official for all Congressmen. Gandhi played the dominant role in the
momentous events that led to the freedom of India from British control and he
introduced the novel methods and the new spirit in Indian politics."
9.3 GANDHI’S STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA

Born on October 2, 1869, Gandhi had spent twenty-one years of his life
(1893-1914) in South Africa. Influenced by the writings of Tolstoy, Ruskin, and
Thoreau, Gandhi organized Satyagraha (Nonviolent passive Resistance) against the
racial law in South Africa. In 1909 he wrote to Tolstoy that the struggle of the
Indians in South Africa-is likely to serve as an example to the millions in India and
to the people in other parts of the world, who may be downtrodden. South Africa
had transformed Gandhiji from a shy and youthful pleader into a mature idealist and
leader. Despite the opposition of the orthodox members of his family, Gandhiji
went to England in 1888 to qualify himself for the bar soon after he had passed his
matriculation. He returned from England in 1891 and started his practice as a
lawyer first at Rajkot and then at Bombay. In the meantime he got an assignment
from a firm Abdullah and company to go to South Africa to settle their property
dispute. It was in South Africa that Gandhiji was attracted towards politics.
He himself received the most humiliating treatment on more than one
occasion. He was spurred into activity by the steps taken by the Natal Government
for depriving the Indians of their rights to elect members of the Natal Legislative
assembly, and set up a permanent political organization under the name of Natal
Indian Congress. In spite of Gandhi's efforts a Bill for disfranchising the Indians
was passed, and an annual per capita tax of £3 was imposed upon the indentured
Indian labourers who refused to renew their contract. Besides, in 1896, he was the
victim of a murderous assault by a band of white men. But, in spite of all this,
Gandhi formed in Ambulance Corps to aid the British during the Boer War and
joined the British army with a platoon of 24 Indian stretcher-bearers during the Zulu
rebellion (in Natal) of 1906, when there was a strong current of anti-British feeling
in India during the Swadeshi movement. He volunteered, he said, because "the
British empire existed for the welfare of the world", and he had a "genuine sense of
loyalty" to it. This, as well as the fact that he seems to have been unaware of the
doctrine of Passive Resistance and Non-co-operation preached by Arabinda Ghosh
as early as 1907, seems to indicate that Gandhi was not in close touch with Indian
politics at this period, and, in any case, had no sympathy with the advanced
nationalist anti-British ideas preached in India by Arabinda, Tilak and others.
But it was not long before Gandhi
was engaged in a grim struggle with the
white settlers in South Africa over the
Asiatic Law Amendment Act which
affected about ten thousand Indians in
Transvaal, who were to be registered with
finger prints like a criminal on pain of
severe penalties. It was in the course of
resistance against this legislation that
Gandhi first used his new political
weapon which came to be known later as
Satyagraha. He asked the people to defy
the 'Black Act' by refusing to register and
give finger prints, and to go to jail, or if
need be, die. The people took an oath to Gandhi in South Africa in 1909
this effect. After about 150 men,
including Gandhi himself went to jail, an agreement was reached, but though the
Satyagraha was called off, the Government of South Africa did not fulfill the terms
of the agreement. Gandhi adopted similar tactics against another Act passed in 1907
preventing the Indians from entering into Transvaal. He led a body of Indians to
cross the frontier in defiance of the Act. They were sent to jail and subjected to
great hardship. Gandhi went on a deputation to England, but achieved no success.
A judgment of the Supreme Court on 14 March, 1913, made illegal all
marriages in South Africa which were not registered and performed in accordance
with Christian rites. Gandhi requested the Government to pass special legislation to
validate Indian marriages, but in vain. So Satyagraha of women was offered on this
issue, and they crossed over to Transvaal in batches of sixteen. A number of them,
including Gandhi's wife, Kasturbai, were sent to prison, and those who were not
arrested roused the mine-workers against the iniquities of the £ 3 tax. About 6,000
miners in New Castle went on sympathetic strike, and would not yield even though
they were driven from their lodgings and had to live in the open with their women
and children. Gandhi put himself at their head, and on 28 October, 1913, marched
with more than two thousand men, 127 women, and 57 children, to the border of
Transvaal to offer Satyagraha. Gandhi was arrested and sentenced to nine months'

imprisonment. The strikers were also arrested and taken back to New Castle. "The
labourers were brave men, and they flatly declined to work on the mines with the
result that they were brutally whipped . . . . (and) kicked . . . . But the poor labourers
patiently put up with all their tribulations". There were strikes and Satyagraha by
women in other places in sympathy with New Castle miners. The Government
resorted to firing which resulted in a number of casualties. The whole Indian
community rose as one man against the tyranny of the whites.
Ultimately, Smuts opened negotiations with Gandhi, "You can't put twenty
thousand Indians in Jail", said he, and on 30 June, 1914, a settlement was arrived at.
"The £ 3 tax was annulled; Hindu, Muslim and Parsi marriages were held valid;
Indians born in South Africa could enter the Cape Colony, but free movement
between Union provinces was otherwise prohibited; indentured contract labour
from India would cease arriving from 1920; free Indians, however, could continue
to enter, and their wives could come from India to join their husbands." The
Satyagraha campaign which had commenced in September, 1906, was closed by the
passing of the Indian Relief Act of 1914.
9.4 GANDHIJI’S ARRIVAL IN INDIA AND ENTRY INTO POLITICS
The hero's mission in South Africa was over. He decided to return to India.
Farewell gatherings, banquets and address marked the esteem in which he was held
by the entire population, including the European resident and South African press.
Gandhiji came back to India in January 1915 after an eventful political career in
South Africa . He was given a hero's welcome when he landed in Bombay as he had
earned an immortal fame as a Freedom fighter. He stayed at Poona at the
headquarters of the Servants of people society and had discussion with Gopal
Krishna Gokhale on political problems of the country. To gain firsthand knowledge
of the country's condition he travelled far and wide and settled down on 15 May in
an ashram founded at Ahmedabad and named by him Satyagraha Ashram. "Our
creed, he said, is devotion to truth; our business is the search for and insistence on
truth." He made a fervent appeal to his countrymen to help the British with men and
money during the First World War He was awarded the Kaiser-i-Hind Gold medal
for his services to the British empire. In 1915, he attended the Congress session, but
avoided speaking on important issues like self-government. Gandhi welcomed the
unity move of bringing back Tilak and others who were earlier excluded from the
Congress. He attended the reunited session of the Congress but refused to speak on
issues which would have meant aligning himself within a particular group. The year
1919 was an important landmark in the history of India's struggle for Freedom. It
saw the entry of Mohan Das Karamchand Gandhi into the arena of Indian politics.
Gandhi was in no hurry to set the Thames on fire as he had no idea how to proceed
nor what should be his first move. In 1916 he was invited to a gathering on the
occasion of the laying of the foundation stone of the Benaras Hindu University and
to speak on the occasion. Gandhi said, it is a matter of deep humiliation and shame
for us that I am compelled this evening to address my countrymen in a language
that is foreign to me-coming to the demand for Home Rule, he observed, "No paper
contribution will ever give us self government. No amount of speeches will ever
make us fit for self government. It is only our conduct that will fit us for it." He
further said that "Let us not forget that India of today in her impatience has
produced an army of anarchists. I myself an anarchist-I honour the anarchist for his
love of the country. I honour him for his bravery, but I ask him, is killing
honourable? If I found it necessary for the salvation of India that the English should
retire, that they should be driven out. I would not hesitate to declare that they would
have to go, and I hope I would be prepared to die in defence of that belief."
9.4.1 Champaran -1917
Gandhi's first experiment in Satyagraha came in 1917 in Champaran, a
district in Bihar. The peasantry on the indigo plantation in the district was
excessively oppressed by the European planters. The basic issue of the trouble was
the system of indirect cultivation whereby peasants leased land from planters,
binding themselves to grow indigo each year on specified land in return for an
advance at the beginning of the cultivation season. The peasants were compelled to
grow indigo on at least 3/20th of their land and to sell it at prices fixed by the
planters. The planters tried to say their own position by forcing the tenants to bear
the burden of their losses. Gandhi took no interest in the case of indigo cultivators
of Champaran. But Raj Kumar Shukul a peasant from Champaran prevailed upon
Gandhi to visit Champaran. Soon after his arrival in Motihari, Gandhi was served
with a government order to leave Champaran. When he refused to do so, he was
asked to appear on trial for disobeying the government order. He was willing to face
trial and imprisonment. This forced the government to cancel its earlier order and
appoint a committee of inquiry on which Gandhi served as a member. Gandhi's
moral victory became complete when most of the cultivators grievances were
redressed. Impressed by his idealism, young nationalists like Rajendra Prasad,
Mahadev Desai, J.B. Kripalini, Mazhar-ul-Hug worked with him in Champaran. To
the ryots he is their liberator. For the first time Gandhi earned the title of Mahatma
or Great Soul and the nickname of Bapu or father.
9.4.2 Kheda
Gandhi's second intervention was for the peasant of Kheda in Gujarat where
his method of Satyagraha came under a severe test. On account of severe drought
there was almost a famine there. Gandhi made an appeal to the government not to
collect land revenue from the farmers in these circumstances. Though the
cultivators were entitled to a remission of the land revenue under the law, it was
withheld by the Government. Gandhi organized Satyagraha and asked the
cultivators not to pay the land-revenue. The government yielded and a compromise
was reached. Gandhi himself reported, "The Kheda Satyagraha marks the beginning
of an awakening amongst the poor peasants of Gujarat."
9.4.3 Ahmedabad Mill Strike
When Gandhiji was in Champaran he received a letter from Smt. Anusuya
Bai requesting him to go to Ahmedabad to lead the mill labourers who wanted an
increase in their wages. On reaching Ahmedabad, Gandhiji advised the labourers
who wanted an increase in their wages. On reaching Ahmedabad, Gandhiji advised
the labourers who wanted an increase in their wages as their wages were very low
on the following conditions-Labourers who wish to go to work should not be
compelled to join the strike, in no case there should be a breach of peace, during the
period of strike they should not beg food and if the strike continue for a long time
they should lose heart. The strike continued for 21 days and during this period
Gandhi requested the mill owners to increase the wages of the labourers, but they
did not like the intervention of Gandhiji. Gradually the labourers became weak in
their determination. When the mill workers seemed to waver in their resolve to
continue the strike, Gandhiji declared that he would fast till an agreement is reached
with the mill owners. The mill owners then felt inclined to come to an agreement as
they did not wish Gandhiji to suffer for the mill workers. Finally an agreement was
made. These experiences at Champaran, Kheda and Ahmedabad brought Gandhiji
in close contact with the masses. The success of Satyagraha had given Gandhiji
supreme self confidence. In time he became the symbol of poor India, nationalist
and rebellious India. He once summed up his aims as follows, "I shall work for an
India in which the poorest shall feel that it is their country, in whose making they
have an effective voice, an India in which there shall be no high class and low class
of people, an India in which all communities shall live in harmony. There can be no
room in such an India for the curse of untouchability-women will enjoy the same
right as men-This is the India of my dream."
9.5 ROWLATT ACT
Revolutionary activities during the First World War had seriously disturbed the
British rulers. So Lord Chelmsford, the Governor-General followed the policy of
reform-cum-repression. On December 10, 1917 while he was busy formulating the
constitutional reforms, he appointed a committee of five members, to find out the
extent of the criminal conspiracies connected with revolutionary activities and to
suggest new laws for their suppression. A British Judge Sir Sydney Rowlatt was
the president. The Rowlatt Committee proposed a series of change in the machinery
of law to enable the British Government to deal effectively with the revolutionary
activities. In the light of this recommendation the Government of India drafted two
bills and presented them to the imperial legislative council on 6 February, 1919.
The Government maintained that the bills were temporary measures which aimed at

preventing Seditious crimes. The new bills attempted to make war-time restrictions
permanent. They provided trial of offences by a special court consisting of three
High Court Judges. There was no provision of appeal against the decision of this
Court. The bill also proposed to give authority to the government to search a place
and arrest a person without a warrant. Detention without a trial for maximum period
of two years was also provided in the bills.
The passing of this Act raised a storm of opposition unknown before in
India. A typical description of this Act which the public mind thought fit to employ
was "No appeal, No dalil, No vakil, meaning no appeal, no argument and no
pleader." Gandhiji's patience came to an end. He decided to try to oppose it with
Satyagraha. He started a Satyagraha Sabha and devised a pledge to disobey these
repressive laws. A general Hartal all over the country was called for on 6 April
1919, and this was to be followed by civil disobedience. The Hartal was a unique
success, but police firing on a Delhi crowd caused a number of casualties. When
Gandhiji who was on his way to Delhi was stopped enroute and forcibly sent back
to Bombay, police charged against upon the milling crowd. The entire country was
electrified and the people were no longer willing to submit to the degradation of
foreign rule. Gandhi's Rowlatt Act Satyagraha provided a rallying point to the
people belonging to different section and communities. This aspect of the
movement is quite evident from the massive participation of the people in Punjab.
But the most significant result of this agitation was the emergence of Gandhi as an
all India leader.
9.6 GANDHIJI AND HIS IDEAS
There were a number of influences which worked on Gandhi and helped

him in evolving his philosophy. The values of Vaishnavism and the tradition of
Jainism shaped his early thoughts. The Bhagavad Gita also influenced him. The
writings of Tolstoy, Thoreau and Ruskin also greatly influenced his thinking.
Gandhi was neither a moderate nor an extremist in the orthodox sense of these
terms.
9.6.1 Satyagraha
As Gandhi introduced the principle and technique of Satyagraha in Indian
politics and under his leadership it played a dominant role in the struggle for
freedom, it is necessary to explain at this stage the general ideas and philosophy
underlying it.
The word Satyagraha is a compound of two separate words, satya (truth) and
agraha (adherence, holding fast). Its root meaning is 'holding on to truth', Truth-
force. But Gandhi also called it Love-force or Soul-force. The term Satyagraha was
coined by Gandhi in South Africa to indicate the movement which was originally

described, even by Gandhi himself, as 'Passive Resistance'. The word Satyagraha
was deliberately substituted for it later, both because Gandhi felt ashamed to use an
English word, and also because Gandhi wanted to emphasize the essential
difference between his movement and the Passive Resistance. As Gandhi himself
put it: "Satyagraha differs from Passive Resistance as the North Pole from the
South. The latter has been conceived as a weapon of the weak, and does not exclude
the use of physical force or violence for the purpose of gaining one's end; whereas
the former has been conceived as a weapon of the strongest, and excludes the use of
violence in any shape or form."
This is further elucidated by a staunch follower of Gandhi in the following
words: "Passive Resistance is a weapon of the weak. It does not eschew violence as
a matter of principle, but only because of the lack of the means of violence or out of
sheer expediency. It would use arms if and when they are available, or when there is
a reasonable chance of success. Love has no place in it. Satyagraha, on the other
hand, is the law of love, the way of love for all."
Non-violence, which forms the very basis of Satyagraha, is thus expounded
by Gandhi: "When a person claims to be non-violent, he is expected not to be angry
with one who has injured him. He will not wish him harm; he will wish him well;
he will not swear at him; he will not cause him any physical hurt. He will put up
with all the injury to which he is subjected by the wrongdoer. Thus non-violence is
complete innocence. Complete non-violence is complete absence of ill-will against
all that lives. It therefore embraces even sub-human life, not excluding noxious
insects or beasts . . . ."
"In contradistinction to passive resistance, Satyagraha is the law of love, the
way of love for all. It eschews violence absolutely as a matter of principle, at all
stages and in all forms. It can never go hand in hand with any kind of violent
activity involving injury to person or property. The idea behind it is not to destroy
or harass the opponent, but to convert him or win him over by sympathy, patience,
and self-suffering. Whilst Satyagraha hates all evil and would never compromise
with it, it approaches the evil-doer through love. The Satyagrahi has infinite trust in
human nature and in its inherent goodness."
The aim of Satyagraha is the conversion of the opponent by self-suffering.
Its basic assumption is the essential goodness of human nature which is bound to
triumph over temporary aberration, if faced with love and self-suffering on the part
of his opponent, or rather the victim of that temporary aberration. In a more
philosophic phraseology it is the triumph of the soul-force over the brute-force.
Gandhi describes it as follows: "Non-violence, in its dynamic condition, means
conscious suffering. It does not mean meek submission to the will of the evil-doer,
but it means the pitting of one's whole soul against the will of the tyrant. Working
under this law of our being, it is possible for a single individual to defy the whole

might of an unjust empire, to save his honour, his religion, his soul, and lay the
foundation for that empire's fall or its regeneration."
How Satyagraha triumphs over the opponent is described in the following
passage in a way more intelligible to an ordinary layman. "As a moral-not a
physical-weapon, it raises political warfare to a higher plane. Groups, powerless in
a political and military sense, can fall back upon it as their only weapon. It involves
self-chosen suffering and humiliation for the resisters and thus demands in them
unusual resources of self-mastery and strength of will. If it is effective, it is so by
working on the consciences of those against whom it is being used, sapping their
confidence in the exclusive rightness of their case, making their physical strength
important and weakening their resolution by insinuating a sense of guilt for the
suffering they have a part in causing,"
The following quotations from the writings of Gandhi, taken at random from
different sources, throw further light on the whole idea:
"I do believe that, where there is only a choice between cowardice and
violence, I would advise violence."
"But I believe that non-violence is infinitely superior to violence,
forgiveness is more manly than punishment. Forgiveness adorns a soldier. But
abstinence is forgiveness only when there is the power to punish; it is meaningless
when it pretends to proceed from a helpless creature. I therefore appreciate the
sentiment of those who cry out for the condign punishment of General Dyer and his
ilk. Would tear him to pieces if they could."
"I am not a visionary. I claim to be a practical idealist. The religion of non-
violence is not meant merely for the rishis and saints. It is meant for the common
people as well. Non-violence is the law of our species as violence is the law of the
brute. The spirit lies dormant in the brute, and he knows no law but that of physical
might. The dignity of man requires obedience to a higher law-to the strength of the
spirit. I have therefore ventured to place before India the ancient law of self-
sacrifice. For Satyagraha and its offshoots, non-co-operation and civil resistance,
are nothing but new names for the law of non-violence in the midst of violence,
were greater geniuses than Newton."
Gandhi himself referred to non-co-operation and civil resistance (meaning
probably the same thing as Civil Disobedience) as the two offshoots of Satyagraha.
In addition to these two the hartal (temporary strike), picketing, non-violent raids or
marches (as on salt depots in 1930). and fasting, either for a short and fixed period
or unto death, are also reckoned by some to be forms of Satyagraha Examples of all
of these will be found in the course of the narrative of events and need not be
described here in detail.
9.6.2 Non-Violence
Non-violence implied not only an active refusal to commit a violent action
but the will to serve and suffer in order to convert the opposition. Gandhi wrote,

"When a person claims to be non-violent, he is expected not to be angry with one
who one who has injured him. He will not wish him harm, he will wish him well,
and he will not swear at him, he will not cause him any physical hurt-Thus, non-
violence is complete against all that lives." Ahimsa is the means, truth is the end.
Without Ahimsa it is impossible to find truth. Gandhiji wrote in Young India that
"non-violence is the law of our species, as violence is the law of the brute, but that,
where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advise
violence-I would rather have India resort to arms in order to defend her honour than
that, she should, in a cowardly manner, become or remain a helpless witness to her
own dishonor." In practice Satyagraha could assume various forms, fasting, non-
violent picketing, different types of non-co-operation and ultimately in politics civil
disobedience in willing anticipation of the legal penalty. Satyagraha, non-co-
operation, civil disobedience, both individual and on a mass scale, non-payment of
taxes, open defiance of laws, deliberate courting of Jails, mass demonstrations and
marches, and hunger strikes-these were the principal weapons he added to the
armoury of the national struggle.
Swadeshi
9.6.3 Religion
Religion for Gandhi was not a doctrinal formulation of any religious system
but a basic truth underlying all formal religions. Gandhiji's religion transcended
Hinduism. It changed one's very nature, bound one indissolubly to the truth within
and ever continued to purify him. It is the permanent element in human nature
which leaves the soul restless until it has found itself. His conviction was that
religion could not be relegated to the realm of private opinion but must influence
and permeate all activities of men. Religion provided the fundamental basis for
political action in India. Gandhi also used the religious idiom through concepts like
Ram Raj to mobilize people in the national movement. In his book Hind Swaraj, he
pointed out that the real enemy was not the British political domination but the
modern western civilization which was luring India into its stranglehold. He wrote,
"India's salvation consists in unlearning what she has learnt during the past fifty
years. The railways, telegraphs, hospitals and such like have to go and the so-called
upper classes have to learn to live consciously and religiously and deliberately the
simple life of peasant." Gandhi considered state as a necessary evil. He wanted to
remove violence from society, se he desired to entrust minimum functions to state.
His greatest contribution to politics was that it was based on morality.
9.6.4 Swadeshi
The Swadeshi programme of Gandhiji was based on the belief that political
freedom was closely linked with social and economic changes. His Swadeshi
programme was mainly directed towards the social and economic upliftment of
society, especially of the villages. Swadeshi meant the use of things belonging to
one's own country particularly stressing the replacement of foreign machine made
goods with Indian handmade cloth. This was his solution to the poverty of peasants
who could spin at home to supplement their income and his cure for the drain of
money to England in payment for imported cloth. Gandhi believed in the
interdependence of capital and labour and advocated the concept of capitalists being
trustees for the workers. According to him man should do their actual living and
moral stature, communities small enough to genuine self-government and
assumption of personal responsibilities, federated into large units in such a way that
the temptation to abuse great power should not rise. According to him, economic
equality means abolishing the eternal conflict between capital and labour. He
believed in decentralization. To him Khadi connoted the beginning of economic
freedom and equality for all in the country. He laid great stress on communal unity.
It means a total Swadeshi mentality, a determination to find all the necessities of
life in India and that too through the labour and intellect of village.
9.6.5 Swaraj
In Hind Swaraj he pointed out that the real enemy was not the British
political domination but the modern western civilization which was luring India into
strangle hold. He believed that the Indian educated in western style were under-
mining India's ancient heritage. He saw Swaraj or self rule as a state of life which
could only exist, where Indians followed their traditional civilization uncorrupted
by modern civilization. His ideas reflected adverse effects of modernization under
the colonial rule on the artisans and poor peasantry in the country side. Later on he
agreed to give concrete shape to his ideas by taking up the programme of Khadi
village reconstruction, Harijan welfare etc.
All the ideas of Gandhi were based on his own life's experiments. On the
basis of these ideas he made the Indian National movement, a mass movement by
making his constructive programme an integral part of his political programme.
Gandhi was not only a colossus in the field of politics, but also an outstanding
social reformer. He was a crusader against injustices in all sphere of social relations.
He denounced in words of blazing moral indignation, the barbarous institution of
untouchability, the age long crime of the Hindu society against its most oppressed
section. Gandhi was a classical type of a nationalist and therefore an anti-
communalist par excellence. In fact, he dominated the political scence like a titan.
His contribution to the nationalist movement was unique.
9.7 LET US SUM UP

In this unit we have traced the emergence of Mahatma Gandhi and his
activities in South Africa. The application of the principle of Satyagraha in South
Africa by Gandhiji was a novel weapon in the hand of Gandhi against the racist
regime of South Africa. After his advent in India, he joined the Indian National
Congress in 1916. His three successful Satyagraha at Champaran, Ahmadabad and

Kheda convinced the people of his qualities of leadership. He also organized an all
India Satyagraha against the enactment of Rowlatt Act.
There was a number of influences which worked on Gandhi Satyagraha,
Non-violence, Swadeshi etc. He applied his method, ideas to champion the causes
of India's freedom struggle.
9.8 CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
1. Explain how Gandhiji applied the principle of Satyagraha during his stay in
South Africa.
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2. Discuss the role of Gandhi in the Champaran Satyagraha.
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3. Briefly write the ideals and thoughts of Gandhiji.

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4. What are the basic principle of Gandhian philosophy.
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5. What methods did Gandhiji followed to fulfill his objectives?
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6. Read the following statement and marks right or wrong
A- Gandhi selected Ahmedabad to begin his practice as a Barrister.
B- South Africa was not a British Colony.
C- The Indians were known as coolies in South Africa.
D- Gandhi did not participate in the Kheda Movement.
9.9 KEY WORDS
Styagraha - Holding Fast

Civil Resistance - Civil Disobedience
Anarchist - An advocate of political disorder
Home Rule - The government of a country by its own citizen
Swadeshi- Home Made
Rowlatt Act - Detention without trial
9.10. SUGGESTED READING
A.R. Desai- Social background of Indian Nationalism, Bombay, 1976

B.R. Ambedkar- Annihilation of caste, B.B. Press, Bombay
N.K. Bose- My days with Gandhi, 1955
Subhas Ch. Bose- The Indian Struggle, 1920-42
Bipan Chandra- India's Struggle for Indipendence
S.P. Nanda- History of Modern India, Delhi, 2003
K.P. Jayaswal - History of India, 1935
A. Seal- The Emergence of Indian Nationalism, 1968
B.R. Nanda - Essays in Modern Indian History, 1980
Y. Singh - Modernisaiton, Indian Tradition, 1986
B.B. Majumdar - History of Freedom Movement in India, 1964
R. Kumar (ed.) - Essay on Gandhian Politics, 1979
P.N. Chopra - India's Struggle for Freedom, 1985
Sumit Sarkar - Modern India, 1983

UNIT- 10: NON-CO-OPERATION, CIVIL
DISOBEDIENCE AND QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT
Structure
10.2 Introduction
10.3 Circumstances leading to the Non-Cooperation Movement
10.3.1 Jallianwalla bagh Tragedy
10.3.2 Khilafat
103.3 Non Co-operation Movement
10.3.4 Programme of the Movement
10.3.5 Progress of the Movement
10.3.6 Chauri Chaura Incident
10.3.7 .Impact of the Movement
10.4 Civil Disobedience Movement
10.4.1 Lahore Congress and its resolution on complete independence
10.4.2 Dandi March
10.4.3 The 1st Round Table Conference
10.4.4 Gandhi - Irwin Pact
10.4.5 The Karachi Congress
10.4.6 The 2nd Round Table Conference
10.4.7 Communal Award
10.4.8 The 3rd Roundtable Conference
10.5 Quit India Movement
10.5.1 India and the Second World War
10.5.2 The August Offer
10.5.3 Individual Styagraha
10.5.4 Cripps Mission
10.5.5 Beginning of Quit India Movement
10.5.6 The Nature and Progress of the Movement
10.5.7 Government repression
10.6 Significance
10.7 Let Us Sum Up
10.8 Check Your progress

10.1. LEARNING OBJECTIVES
In this unit our goal is to understand the currents of National Movement

from 1919-1947 which constitute the pillars of Indian Freedom struggle. As Indian
we are expected to know about the origin, causes, progress, failure and impact of
Non-co-operation, civil disobedience and Quit India Movement After reading this
unit you will know -
* About the causes, consequences and impact of the Non-co-operation
movement.
* The second Nationalist struggle betterly known as civil disobedience
movement ended in 1934. It had a greater Mass basis and it proved
increased political awakening among the Indians.
* The Quit India Movement was short lived but it was not a failure. It served
as an eye opener to the British government. It had shown the depth of
National will.
10.2 INTRODUCTION
The Indian National movement, particularly between the two world wars,
acquired a mass character. The Indian National movement arose as a result of the
basic contradiction between the colonial rule and the Indian people. The colonial
government was a foreign authority and it never worked in the interest of the Indian
people the foreign character of the British colonial rule-in India that gave rise to
various revolts by the Indians against this government. This resulted in the rise of
the National movement. The National Movement mobilized millions of people from
various castes, and classes to fight against the foreign rule. Mahatma Gandhi
launched three mass movement- Non-co-operation, civil Disobedience and Quit
India movement which shook the foundation of the British rule in India.
10.3 CIRCUMSTANCE LEADING TO THE NON-COOPERATION

MOVEMENT
The political tension due to the unsatisfactory Reforms Act, the enactment of the
Rowlatt act, the martial law regime in the Punjab, the general repressive policy of
the government was further aggravated by the Khilafat question. The Khilafat issue
drew the Muslims into the orbit of the national movement. Everything was ripe for
Non-co-operation. The Non-co-operation movement signalized the beginning of the
next phase of the Indian National movement. Gandhi, was the outstanding leader
and Gandhism the ruling ideology of the movement during this period. Gandhiji
evolved a programme of struggle which would mobilize the masses in the
nationalist movement. Under his leadership, the Indian people became heroic,

patriotic for national emancipation. The Calcutta (Kolkatta) session of the congress
held in September 1920 Passed a resolution adopting the programme of nonviolent,
non-co-operation. Gandhi; based the political Satyagraha movement on moral
principles. The people responded to the call of the congress. The programme was
unanimously adopted by the congress in December at its Nagpur session.
10.3.1 Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy
The anti-Rowlatt agitation in some towns was accompanied by violence.
The movement gained momentum in several towns of Punjab. The lieutenant
Governor of Punjab, Sir Michel O' Dyre had already become notorious for his
repressive measures on April 10. Dr. Satyapal and Dr. Kitchlew two popular leaders
of the province were deported from Amritsar. On the 10th April 1919, Martial law
was imposed on the City. The city of Amritsar was handed over to the command of
General Dyre. On 13th April, 1919, a mass meeting was organized at Jallianwala
Bagh in Amritsar to protest against the firing of 10th April, 1919. About 20,000
people had gathered. The place had high walls surrounding it and there was only
one entrance. General Dyre with 150 of his soldiers guarded the entrance and
ordered the crowd to disperse. Strangely he and his soldiers had blocked the only
passage through which crowd could have dispersed. Within three minutes of the
order, the soldiers were ordered to fire upon the crowd from a point blank range.
Large number of people died. The official report which tried to suppress the
incident, stated that 379 were among the killed and 1200 were among the wounded
persons left unattended, throughout the night. The Jallianwala tragedy had an
immediate repercussion throughout Punjab in the form of demonstration and
disturbances. In fact, Dyre massacred the people with a spirit of revenge is above
dispute. The Punjab tragedy had a lasting impact on succeeding generation. The
Punjab tragedy has a new turn to the national movement and it become a mass
movement. The Punjab tragedy brought Gandhiji into the forefront of Indian
politics. The Congress boycotted the official committee of enquiry headed by Lord
Hunter, which the government had appointed. Several Indians renounced their titles
and Rabindranath Tagore was shocked that in protest, he renounced his knighthood
which had been conferred upon him by the government and he declared, "the time
has come when badges of honour make our shame glaring in their incongruous
context of humiliation, and I, for my part, wish to stand shorn of all distinctions, by
the side of my countrymen, who for their so called insignificance, are liable to
suffer degradation, not fit for human beings." An enquiry Committee was set up by
the Congress with Gandhi, Motilal Nehru, C. R. Das and M.R. Jayakar as its
members. The Committee condemned the action of 13th April 1913 as nothing but
a cold blooded and calculated massacre of innocent, unoffending, unarmed men and
children's unparalleled for its heartless and cowardly brutality in modern times.
Gandhiji declared that co-operation in any shape or form with this satanic

government is sinful. In this atmosphere of distrust and anger came the
proclamation of George V, issued on December 24, 1919, the king gave his assent
to the Government of India Act 1919 and granted an amnesty to all political
prisoners. The Amritsar session of the Congress which met under the presidency of
Motilal Nehru urged the British Government to make early steps to establish full
responsible Government in India. Under the inspiration of Gandhi, the Congress at
its Nagpur session in 1920 passed a resolution to launch the Non-co-operation
movement against the government.
10.3.2 The Khilafat Movement
An unprecedented unity appeared between the Hindus and the Muslim after
the jallianwala tragedy. Just at this time the Indian Muslim were deeply stirred at
the attitude of the British towards Turkey. Turkey was in the camp of the enemy
during the First World War At the end of the War the victorious allied power which
included Great Britain, decided to dismember the Turkish Empire and to abolish the
office of the Halifax (Sultan of Turkey). He was also the religious head of the
Muslim world. So Indian Muslim considered the above action as an affront to
Islam. The politico-Religious agitation launched by the Indian Muslim against the
British Government over this issue is popularly called the Khilafat agitation. Many
Hindus became the members of the Khilafat Committee and Gandhi himself lent his
support to this agitation. The all India Khilafat Committee adopted the non-co-
operation programme of Gandhiji and directed the Muslims to join the Congress in
fighting against the British.
10.3.3 Non-Co-Operation Movement (1920-22)
When Gandhiji lost all hopes of getting any fair and equitable treatment at
the hands of the British Government, he planned to wreck the administration of the
country by withdrawing the country's co-operation from the government. In a letter
to Viceroy Gandhiji said, "I consider that I would be less than truthful if I did not
describe as satanic a government which has been guilty of fraud, murder and
wanton cruelty and which still remains unrepented and resorts to untruth to cover its
guilts." The famous doctrine of Non-violence, Non-co-operation movement which
Gandhi had issued in march 1920 was formally launched on August 1, 1920 and
Tilak died on the same day. His last message to the nation was unless Swaraj is
achieved, India shall not prosper. It required for our existence. Gandhi Wrote about
the death of Tilak, "A giant among men has fallen. The Voice of the lion is hushed -
he will go down to the generations yet unborn as a maker of modern India." It was
not an easy task for Gandhi to get the entire Congress approve his programme of
political action. A special session of the All India Congress Committee was held at
Calcutta and Lala Lajpat Rai was its president. A strong opposition to Gandhi's
programme was expected at this session. But Gandhiji managed to get his proposal
accepted at the open session of the Congress. The Congress supported Gandhi's

plan for non-co-operation till the Punjab and Khilafat wrongs were removed and
Swaraj established. Finally, the Movement launched by Gandhiji was ratified at the
annual session of the Congress at Nagpur in December 1920. It was declared that
the object of the Indian National Congress is the attainment of Swaraj by the people
of India by all legitimate and peaceful means. The Nagpur session of the Congress
also revolutionised the structure of the Congress by making it a mass-based
organization Gandhi with a novel weapon of Satyagraha emerged as the mass leader
in the Congress party.
10.3.4 Programme of the Movement
The programme of the non-co-operation movement had two main aspects:
Constructive and destructive. Under the first category came-the nationalisation of
education, the promotion of indigenous goods, the popularisation of Charkha and
Khadi, the enrolment of a volunteer crop etc. In the latter category figured the
boycott of law courts, educational institutions, elections to the legislature, official
functions, boycott of British goods as well as the surrender of honourss and titles
conferred by the British etc.
10.3.5 Progress of the movement

The response to the Congress programme of non-co-operation was quite
enthusiastic; Gandhiji went round the country and mobilized public opinion in favor
of the movement. The movement became a mighty tidal wave and swept through
the length and breadth of the country and drew into it all sections of people. Nearly
two-third of the voters abstained from taking part in the elections to the council held
in November 1920. The response from the students and women was very effective.
Thousands of students left government schools and Colleges and joined national
schools and Colleges. Gandhiji opened the National College at Calcutta and Bihar
Vidyapith at Patna. In the course of less than four months the National Muslim
University of Aligarh, the Gujarat and Kasi Vidyapith, the Bengal National
University and a large number of schools were started in all parts of the country.
Women also came forward. They gave up purdah and offered their jewellery for the
Tilak fund. They joined the Movement in large number and took active part in
picketing before the shops selling foreign cloth and liquor. Numerous lawyers left
their profession throughout the country and therw themselves heart and soul into the
movement. Subhas Chandra Bose who had passed the ICS examination resigned his
post. Huge bonfires of foreign cloth were organized throughout the country. The
Most important landmark of this movement was the massive participation of the
peasants and workers in it. The long standing grievances of the toiling masses
against the British as well as the Indian master got an opportunity through this
movement to express their real feelings. There was great ferment and commotion
throughout the country and the bureaucracy was deeply shaken. It resorted to
forceful suppression of the movement. Thousands of volunteers were put into jail

without trial. By the end of 1921 all important nationalist leader except Gandhiji
had been imprisoned. In March, 1921, the Nankana tragedy took place when
peaceful pilgrims assembled in Gurudwara Nankana where they were suddenly
pounced upon and shot down.
The mass movement of the Indian people for Swaraj led by its bourgeois
leadership had reached its climax, when the Indian National Congress held its
session at Ahmedabad. The main resolution passed at the session said, "-This
Congress place on record the forced determination of the Congress to continue the
programme of Non.violent, Non-co-operation with greater vigour than hitherto-till
the Punjab and Khilafat wrongs are redressed and Swaraj is established-."
In November 1921 Prince of Wales arrived in India. The Congress had
already resolved upon the boycott of all celebrations connected with the price's
visit, which was duly carried out together with bonfires of foreign goods. On 1
February, 1922 Gandhiji announced that he would start mass civil disobedience
movement including non-payment of taxes unless within seven days the political
prisoners were released and the press free from government control.
10.3.6 Chauri Chaura Incident

On 5 February, an outburst of violence took place at Chauri Chaura in the
united provinces. A crowd mostly composed of peasants, attacked and setfire a
police station leading to the death of 22 policemen and Gandhiji decided to drop the
civil disobedience movement. He convened a meeting of the working committee on
12 February at Bardoli , when a resolution was passed to the effect that due to the
inhuman conduct of the mob at Chauri Chaura, the Civil disobedience programme
was suspended. Subhas Bose, one of the younger leaders of the Congress has
written in his autobiography, The Indian Struggle, "To sound the order of retreat
just when public enthusiasm was reaching the boiling point was nothing short of a
national calamity-." According to C.R. Das, "The Mahatma opens a campaign in a
brilliant fashion, he works it up with skill, he moves from success to success till he
reaches the Zenith of his campaign but after that he loses his nerve and begins to
falter." Gandhiji justified his action by writing to Nehru, "I assure you that if the
thing had not been suspended we would have been leading not a non-violent
struggle but essentially a violent struggle." The last act of the drama was played
when the government decided to take full advantage of the situation and arrested
Gandhi on 10 March 1922. He was sentenced to six years imprisonment. Gandhiji
said that, "I came reluctantly to the conclusion that the British connection had made
India more helpless than she ever was before politically and economically-Little do
town dwellers know how the semi-starved masses of India are slowly sinking of
lifelessness-Little do they realize that the government established by law in British
India is carried on for the exploitation of the masses. No sophistry, no jugglery in

figures, can explain away the evidence that the skeletons in many villages present to
the naked eye-."
10.3.7 Impact of the Non-co-operation movement

In spite of its failure, the non-co-operation movement had great significance
in Indian history.
Though the Movement failed to achieve Swaraj it generated a feeling of
freedom among the masses and inspired them to meet the forces of repression
unleashed by the government.
Coupland pointed out that Gandhi converted the nationalist movement into a
revolutionary movement.
He gave it a direction and a purpose- "a purpose which became dear to every
heart in India." Gandhi taught India a new self-respect, which could be content with
nothing less than self-government. He inspired his countrymen with a readiness to
suffer in the cause of their country.
A new nationalist awareness was generated and the national movement
reached the remotest corners of the land. The movement raised national dignity.
Due to the movement the Congress changed from a speech making platform
to an organized force with its approach resembling non-violent revolutionary
nationalism. The nationalist movement which was restricted to the upper and
middle classes till 1917 got a mass basis.
The economic boycott in 1920-22 was more effective than the swadeshi
movement in 1905-08. The popularization of Charkha, the village reconstruction
programme through self-help brought about economic revival.
The industrial bourgeoisie, which had gathered economic strength during
the year of war as a result of industrial expansion, largely indentified itself with and
supported the Non-co-operation movement.
In terms of social aspects, Gandhi emphasized the need of removing evils
like caste barriers, communalism, untouchability etc.
Above all, the weapon of passive Resistance or Satyagraha which the Congress
employed for attaining independence proved unique and unparalleled. Non-co-
operation was the first step towards the great glorious struggle which delivered us
our long cherished Freedom. According to C. G. Shah, "Gandhiji injected the
people with deep hatred for the satanic British Government and with an
unquenchable thirst for national freedom Gandhi was the highest expression of
nationalism-subjectively he incarnated the very spirit of nationalism, its profound
hatred of foreign enslavement and heroic will and determination to end that
enslavement." The intelligence branch of the government reported, "Never before
has any political leader, or perhaps even a religious leader, in his own lifetime
stirred the masses to their very depths throughout the country and received the

homage of so many people His influence is certainly phenomenal and quite
unprecedented."
10.4 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT
10.4.1 Lahore Congress and Resolution on complete independence

The Congress leaders who met lrwin brought disappointment to the
Congress annual session that met on the bank of river Ravi, near Lahore. The
delegates were enraged over the tactics of the British authorities. The young Nehru,
who presided over the session, condemned British imperialism. He pleaded for
action and deprecated timidity. He described Wedgewood's Dominion Status in
action talk a snare, and emphasised that nothing less than complete independence
should be the gold of the Congress. The main resolution of the Congress about
complete independence was as follows:
"The Congress endorses the action of the working committee in connection
with the Manifesto signed by party leaders, on the viceregal pronouncement of 31st
October relating to Dominion status and appreciates the efforts of the Viceroy
towards a settlement of the national movement for Swaraj. The Congress in
pursuance of the resolution passed at its session at Calcutta last year, declare that
the word Swaraj in Article 1 of the Congress Congress Constitution shall mean
complete independence and further declares that the entire Nehru Committee's
Report to have lapsed and hopes that all Congressmen will hence forth devote their
exclusive attention to the attainment of complete independence." The resolution
advised all Indians taking part in the national movement to abstain from
participating in future election and directed the Congress members of legislature
and committees to resign their sets. It authorised the All Indian Congress
Committee whenever, it deemed fit, to launch upon a programme of civil
disobedience including non-payment of taxes. On 31st December, 1929 at mid-
night Jawaharlal Nehru unfurled the tricolor national flag in Lahore and proclaimed
that it was a crime against man and God to submit any longer to British rule. The
Congress also issued a call to the country to celebrate 26th January as a "purna
Swaraj" day. A pledge was drawn up to be taken by every Congressman. It said, it
is the inalienable right of the people of India to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits
of their toil and have necessities of life, so that they might have full opportunities of
growth-The British Government in India has based itself on the exploitation of the
masses and ruined India. We believe, therefore, that India must severe the British
connection and attain Purna Swaraj or complete independence, Thus, the Lahore
Congress became a prelude to another nationalist mass movement. But lyengar and
Subhas Bose were not satisfied by this resolution and were excluded from the
Congress working committee. They walked out from the Lahore session and

announced the formation of another party, they called it the Congress Democratic
party.
The patience of the Indian masses reached a breaking point. The
intelligentsia of the country was convinced that the method of persuasion could not
work effectively. The adamant British Government had already rejected the Nehru
Report. There was acute economic depression in the country. Repression was going
on as usual. The peasants of Bardoli on 1928 had offered Satyagraha under the
dynamic leadership of Sardar patel. The communist workers hit this hour of
economic crisis assumed the leadership of the hardest hit class of peasants and
workers. Gandhiji before taking any extreme step, made another offer to the
government, and it was an eleven point demand. These demands were presented to
the Government of India on January 1930. They were prohibition, revaluation of the
exchange ratio of Rupees, reduction in the expense of the army, reduction of land
revenue restriction on the import of foreign cloths, abolition of salt tax, abolition of
criminal investigation department, release of all political prisoners and permission
for keeping arms to Indians. Gandhiji's Eleven point ultimatum to lrwin seemed to
many nationalist leaders a sad climb-down from the Purna Swaraj. But the
government's response to Gandhiji's proposal was negative. Gandhi wrote to the
viceroy. The viceroy gave a brief reply in which he regretted that Gandhi was
contemplating a course of action which was already bound to involve violation of
law and danger to the public peace. Gandhi in his rejoinder said, "On bended knees
I asked for bread and received a stone instead. The English nations respond only to
force and I am not surprised by the Vice-regal reply." Gandhi’s Dandi March had
thus become inevitable.
10.4.2 The Historic Dandi March
On receiving an unsatisfactory reply Gandhi decided to launch the Civil
Disobedience Movement. As a symbol of defiance of laws Gandhiji advised people
to manufacture salt in violation of the salt laws. The other items of the programme
included picketing of liquor shops, burning of foreign cloth, boycott of government
schools and colleges, spinning and the use of Charkha on a large scale and fighting
against untouchability.
On 12 March 1930 Gandhiji left Sabarmati Ashram accompanied by his 78
selected followers, walked 200 miles through Gujarat villages to Dandi on the sea
coast. Village officials began to resign their posts all along Gandhiji's route. The
choice of salt as the central issue appeared puzzling initially. lrwin later-on admitted
to Gandhi, salt was a concrete and a universal grievance of the poor, which was
almost unique in having no socially divisive implications. With regard to food habit
salt was a daily necessity of the people. Moreover, the breaking of the salt law
meant a rejection of the government's claims on the allegiance of the people. Thus,
national consciousness was electrified by Gandhiji's march to Dandi for the first
time in the history of the country, women were mobilised for the national struggle

and they marched shoulder to shoulder with men-folk. Gandhiji's tour generated a
good deal of fervour and patriotic sentiment. On 6th April 1930, after the morning
prayer of Gandhi, the Satyagrhi started the civil Disobedience Movement picketing
salt lying on sea-shore A wave of enthusiasm swept the country and salt laws were
broken in many places. The movement spread from town to town and village to
village. Thousands of men and women braved lathi blows and courted arrest. At
many places the administration was put out of gear. Gandhi was arrested on may 5,
1930 before he could offer Satyagrah and make salt at the govenmentt depot at
Dharsana, 150 miles from Bombay. His place was taken by A. Tayabji and he too
was arrtested. Later on Sarojini Naidu led the followers of Gandhiji. Sorojini's
presence at Dharsana attracted considerable attention. Kamala Devi Chatttopadhyay
an eye-witness describes the scence in her own language, "The Satyagrahis were
brave. They watched their leaders sitting with an unfailing smile on her lips-they
watched her with amazement as she cheered them-." The leaders were arrested and
volunteers were barbarously beaten up.
Besides violating the salt laws, the programme of Civil Disobledience
movement included boycott of British goods and cloth, withholding all payment of
revenue by the peasant and Zamindar, withholding payment of forest taxes,
picketing of liquor shope, mass strike by railway employee’s hartals, and
demonstration against foreign rule. There were police firing which led to large scale
casualties. Martial law was promulgated. There were several example of brave
deeds. In the North-West frontier province the home of the fierce warlike pathans,
the Red-shirt volunteers, organized by khan Abdul Gaffar khan followed in a non-
violent manner, an intense anti-government movement including non-payment of
taxes. The police fired at them at Peshawar. Many were killed but the brave people
refused to budge from their activities. Two Garhwali platoon refused to fire on non-
violent demonstrators, taking the risk of long term imprisonment. Rani Gaidilieu of
Nagaland at the age of 13, raised the banner of revolt and suffered 15 year of
imprisonment.
The government passed ordinance which empowered it to demand securities
from the press and outlaw the Congress organisation. Under these ordinances the
government could also confiscate the property of the outlawed Congress
organizations. Under the press ordinance 67 newspapers and 55 printing presses had
been closed down. About the injuries inflicted at the Satyagrahis, "Young India"
explained-Lathi blows on stomach, heads and joints, thrust of lathis on delicate
parts, dragging wounded men by legs and arms, throwing the wounded in thorn
hedges, riding horses over man as they lie or sit on the ground, thrusting pins into
the bodies, using very foul language and other ill things, too may to relate. Lord
Irwin admitted the magnitude of the movement and said, "However emphatically
we may condemn the civil disobedience movement, we would, I am satisfied, make
a profound mistake if we underestimate the genuine and powerful meaning of

nationalism, which is today animating much Indian thought and for this no
complete or permanent cure has ever been or ever will be found in strong action by
the Government." Due to the Civil Disobedience Movement, the Congress
organisation was stronger in the village than in 1921-22. The business community
supported the movement. There was a fall in British cloth imports.
10.4.3 The First Round Table Conference

While on one hand, the Government was following a policy of repression,
on the other it was eager for a compromise. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru and Dr. Jayakar
played the role of mediator between the Congress leaders and British authorities.
The British Government convened in London, the First Round Table Conference on
November 12, 1930 under the Chairmanship of the Prime Minister Ramsay
Macdonald. The conference boycotted by the Congress continued till January 19,
1931. But it was attended by several eminent leaders like Sapru, Jinnah and
Muhammad Ali. In the opening session Mr. Macdonald proposed a federal form of
government for India. In the provinces he proposed full responsible government
subject to special responsibility of the Governor to safeguard the interest of the
minorities. In the centre he suggested diarchy. But the conference received a
setback when B.R. Ambedkar demanded that for electoral purposes, the Depressed
classes should be treated as a separate community. The Muslim delegation also
demanded adequate safeguard for the Muslim of India.
10.4.4 Gandhi-Irwin Pact
The British politician was anxious to secure the co-operation of Gandhi and
other realized that no scheme of constitutional reform would succeed unless the
principal party of India assented to it. Lord Irwin, a far-sighted statesman, was
uneasy over the no-tax campaign. The boycott of British goods was in full swing
and terrorist activities were rampant in Bengal. Therefore, the Vice-roy's the
Viceroy thought was to enlist the support and good will of the Congress. So on 25
January, 1931 all important political leaders were set free. Sapru and Jayakar
persuaded Gandhi to see the Viceroy and discuss the possibility of a
reapproachment with the government. The discussion between Gandhi and Irwin
lasted for 15 days and resulted on 5 March, in an agreement known as the Gandhi-
Irwin Pact.
According to this Pact, the government agreed to withdraw all ordinance
and cases pending against the political workers. To release all political prisoners
excepting those who were guilty of violence. To permit the persons living within a
certain distance from the sea-shore to manufacture salt without being taxed. To
permit peaceful picketing of shops selling liquors. To restore the property seized in
connection with the Civil Disobedience Movement. Gandhiji on behalf of the
Congress agreed to suspend the civil disobedience movement, not to press for
enquiry into police excesses. To take steps to associate Congress with the Round
Table Conference and to withdraw all boycott plans.
On account of this climb-down from complete independence to the position
of agreements reached between Gandhi and Lord Irwin many Congress leaders, the
left-wing, the younger section were opposed to the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. The next
session of the Congress was held against this gloomy background at Karachi on
25th March that is only two days after the execution of Bhagat Singh and his
comrades.
10.4.5 Karachi Congress

On 29 March, 1931, the Congress met at Karachi. It passed a resolution
which praised the bravery and self-sacrifice of Bhagati Singh, Sukhdev and
Rajguru. The main resolution of the Karachi Congress called for Purna Swaraj but
also accepted the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. Another important resolution passed at the
Karachi Congress related to Fundamental Rights and economic policy. The main
points of this resolution were-Assurance of popular Fundamental Rights, removal of
caste and religious disabilities, development of regional languages, reducation of
taxes, prohibition of forced labour, abolition of salt duty etc.
The Second Round Table Conference
The Karachi session of the Congress paved the way for the Second Round
Table Conference by ratifying the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. The Congress was
represented by Mahatma Gandhi as its sole representative in the Second Round
Table Conference held from September 7 to December 1, 1931. The Congress
decided to discontinue the civil disobedience movement for the time being.
Government released all political prisoners as agreed to in the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. In
the Second Round Table Conference the British Government declined to accept the
nationalist demand for freedom on the basis of immediate grant of Dominion status
for India. No agreement was reached regarding communal question.
After the failure of the Second Round Table Conference the Congress was
declared illegal. The normal working of laws was suspended and the administration
was carried on through ordinances. On his return from England, Gandhiji protested
to Willingdon (Viceroy) about his repression but he was adamant on his attitude.
On 4 January, 1932 a fresh batch of Congress leaders including Gandhiji and Sardar
Patel were arrested. In these circumstances Gandhiji advised Congress men to
pursue individual Civil disobedience. On may 8, 1933, Gandhi commenced his 21
days fast to atone for the sins of caste-Hindus against the untouchables. It was also
to fight to dismember the Hindu community by treating the Harijans (or childrens of
God) as a separate community. His fast had the desired effect. It succeeded in
revolutionizing the outlook of the people. A mass movement was started to win
over the heart of the Harijans. On 14 July, 1933, Gandhiji called off mass
Satyagraha but allowed the people to Court arrest individually. Finally, he withdrew
the movement on 7th April 1934.
10.4.6 Communal Award and the Poona Pact
Meanwhile Mr. MacDonald announced his decision known as Communal
Award. Principal features of the communal award were the following: The scope of
the award was confined to allocating seats to various communities in the provincial
legislatures only. The award accepted the demand of the Muslims, Sikhs, Christians
and women for separate electorate. Harijans were recognized as a minority. Hindus
in Muslims majority provinces were not given the same concessions as were
enjoyed by Muslims in Hindu-provinces. The communal award evoked a deal of
resentment in the country. The award was a mischievous attempt to divide and
weaken the Hindus by separating the Harijans. The communal award was an
anachronism. It had no historical basis. The communal award came as a great shock
to Gandhiji. His heart bled and revolted at the sight of Harijans gradually drifting
away from the Hindu community. In protest against this Gandhiji began his fast to
death. Finally, an agreement was arrived at when Dr. B.R. Ambedkar agreed to
incorporate certain modification. This is known as The Poona Pact. It had the
following points-There would be joint electorate for all the Hindus. This included
Harijan also. The Harijan will remain as the indivisible part of the Hindus. Seats for
the Harijans would be terminated after 10 years. The British Government amended
the communal award in the light of the Poona Pact.
10.4.7 The Third Round Table Conference
In November 1932, the British Government called the Third Round Table
Conference in London. The Congress felt that no useful purpose would be served
by participating in it so it was not represented in it. As a result of the deliberations
at this conference the government introduced a bill which led to the enactment of
Government of India Act, 1935.
The Civil Disobedience Movement, the second nationalist mass struggle in
the history of Indian Nationalism ended in 1934. It had a greater mass basis than the
movement of 1920-21. It proved increased political awakening among the Indian
people. The masses including the peasants were drawn into the nationalist struggle
to a greater extent.
10.5 QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT:
10.5.1 India and the Second World War

It was on September 3, 1939 that the Second World War broke out. The
Vice-roy without consulting the Indian leaders proclaimed that Indian was at war.
The reaction of the Congress was sharp, and on September 14, it declared in a
resolution, "India cannot associate herself in a war said to be for democratic
freedom, when the very freedom is denied to her. If Great Britain fights for the
maintenance and extension of democracy, then she must necessarily end

imperialism in her own possessions. -A free democratic India will gladly associate
herself with other free nations for mutual defence against aggression and for
economic co-operation."
The Viceroy conversed with the national leaders and issued a statement on
17 October, 1939. He held out the pledge that Dominion Status was the goal of
British policy in India and that, to that end the act of 1935 would be reconsidered
after the war in the light of Indian views and with due regard for the opinions of the
minorities. And a consultative group consisting of the representatives of the
important communities and interests would be set up to help the Viceroy in the
conduct of war. As expected the Congress declared the viceroy's statesman as
evasive and unsatisfactory. Gandhiji dclare that "the old policy of Divide and Rule
is to continue. The Congress will have to go to wilderness."
In the meanwhile the Congress ministeries in the provinces having resigned,
Mr. Jinnah's heart reverberated with joy and on December 2, 1939, he called upon
the Muslims of India to observe a "Day of Deliverance" on December 22. During
the early months of 1940, the league whipped up its campaign for Pakistan. The
idea of Pakistan was perhaps first conceived by Dr. Iqbal. In his presidential speech
at the annual session of the Muslim league at Allahabad in 1929-30, he expressed
his dream of a consolidated North-West Muslim State. But the idea gained force
among the Muslim students at Cambridge under the lead of Rahmat Ali. In 1940
Jinnah said, "In India there are two nations, who both must share the governance of
common motherland." Jinnah proclaimed that the division of India into two
autonomous states was the only solution to the Indian problem.
10.5.2 August Offer-1940
On 8th August, 1940 the Viceroy made a statement regarding the political
future of the Congress and invited the Congress president for an interview on the
20th August. The statement recognized the right of Indians to frame their
constitution subject to certain obligations. The constitution making body was to be
set up after the war. To the Muslim League the statement gave the assurance that it
would not transfer power to any system of government whose authority is directly
denied by large and powerful elements in India's national life. As an interim
measure for the duration of the war, the Viceroy would invite a certain number of
representative Indians to join his executive council and to establish a war advisory
council. A full weight would be given to the views of minorities in any revision of
the existing constitution. The government hoped for a full co-operation of all the
parties and communities so that India secured an equal and free partnership in the
British Commonwealth. The Congress regarded the statement both unsatisfactory
and mischievous. No definite time limit was prescribed for the grant of the
Dominion Status after the war. Since there was not even an implicit recognition of

its demand for a provisional government, the Congress rejected the Viceroy's offer,
Congress deemed the offer to be a post-dated cheque, doubtful of being honored.
10.5.3 Individual Satyagraha

Gandhi decided to start the individual Satyagraha as he was convinced that
the British would not modify their policy in India. The very reason for confining the
movement to individual participation was that neither Gandhi nor the Congress
wished to hamper the war effort and this could have been the case in a mass
movement. Even the aim of the Satyagraha was a limited one i.e., to disprove the
British claim of India supporting the war effort whole heartedly. On 17 October
1940, Acharya Vinoba Bhave inaugurated the Satyagraha by delivering an anti-war
speech at Punar, near Wardha. Between November 1940 and February 1941 many
prominent Congressmen went to jail. Meanwhile the Second World War took a new
turn for the worse world public opinion pressed the British to take immediate steps
to win over the Indian people. The government released many political prisoners.
Finally, the British decided to send the Cripps Mission to India.
10.5.4 The Cripps Mission
Sir Stafford Cripps, the socialist leader of England, before he became the
member of a English war cabinet, had enjoyed the hospitality of Anand Bhawan. He
was accredited with sympathies for India and her demand for freedom. In March,
1942 Churchill (British Prime Minister) announced that Sir Stafford Cripps would
be visiting India with proposals approved by His Majesty's Government for the
solution of the Indian deadlock.
Some of the important Cripps proposals embodied in a draft declaration
were, India would be given Dominion Status immediately after the war with the
right to secede. Immediately after the cessation of hostilities, a constitution making
body would be set up. It will consist of members from British India as well as
Native States. It envisaged a federation of British India and Indian States. Any
province that was not prepared to accept the constitution would be allowed to obtain
Dominion Status separately. The actual control of defence and military operations
would be retained by the British Government. Provisions would also be made for
the protection of racial and religious minorities.
This declaration was rejected by almost all the Indian parties. The Congress
did not want to rely on future promises. It wanted a responsible government with
full powers. The freedom given to the status to opt out of the union was unfortunate.
It was felt that the interests of the people of the Indian States were ignored as the
Indian States would be represented by the representatives nominated by their rulers.
No limit was set for the actual grant of Dominion Status. The depressed classes also
rejected the proposals because they got no necessary safeguard for their interest.

Gandhi is said to have remarked that the entire scheme brought by Cripps, was a
sort of post-dated cheque on a failing bank. The Muslim League also rejected the
proposals because the constituent body was proposed with the primary object of
creating one Indian Union, so it was unfair to the Muslims to compel them to enter
such a constitution making body, when the league had finally decided that the only
solution of India's constitutional problem was the partition of India into independent
zones. So the Cripps Mission failed to pacify the Indians. The British merely taken
up this exercise to demonstrate to the world that they cared about Indian sentiments,
rather than to actually do something concrete.
10.5.5 Beginning of Quit India Movement

On account of the failure of the Cripps Mission, increasing success of Japan
in the war, the ill-treatment of the British meted out to Indians who had come from
Burma and Malaysia, unavailability and very high prices of essential commodities
on account of war there was widespread discontent against the British in India. On
April 19, 1942 Gandhiji suggested the immediate withdrawal of the British from
India. He wrote a series of articles in the Harijan elaborating his idea which was
soon to take shape as the historic "Quit India" movement. The Congress Working
Committee adopted a resolution calling for complete non-violent, non-co-operation
with any foreign forces invading India. On July 14, 1942 the Congress Working
Committee at Wardha declared that British rule in India must end immediately. This
long resolution generally referred to as the Quite India Resolution. The Congress
pleaded that India's freedom was essential not only to India but to the security of the
world. The Working Committee resolution of July 1942 was ratified and endorsed
by the Bombay resolution of the All India Congress Committee held on 7-8 August,
1942 which declared among other things that the committee was of opinion that the
immediate ending of British rule in India was an urgent necessity. The continuation
of that rule is degrading and enfeebling India and making her progressively less
capable of defending herself and of contributing to the cause of world freedom. The
ending of British rule in this country was thus a vital issue on which depend the
future of the war and the success of freedom and democracy. The A.I.C.C. therefore
repeats with all emphasis the demand for the withdrawal of British power from
India-"The committee resolves, therefore to sanction for the vindication of India's
inalienable right to freedom and independence, the starting of a mass struggle on
non-violent lines on the widest scale possible-such a struggle must inevitably be
under the leadership of Gandhiji and the Committee request him to take the lead
and guide the nation in the steps to be taken." Gandhiji regarded the impending
movement as the last struggle for Indian independence. Addressing the Congress
delegates on the night of 8th August, 1942, Gandhiji said, "I, therefore, want
freedom immediately, this very night, before dawn, it can be had-you can take it
from me that I am not going to strike a bargain with the Viceroy for ministeries and

the like, I am not going to be satisfied with anything short of complete freedom-
Here is a Mantra, a short one that I give you. You may imprint it in your hearts and
let every breath of yours give expression to it. The Mantra is "Do or Die," we shall
either free India or die in that attempt.
The very next morning on August 9, 1942, Gandhiji, the members of the
Congrees Working Committee and other bodies were arrested. The A.I.C.C. and
provincial bodies were banned and offices were placed under the police. The news
of the arrest stunned the entire nation for a day, life became paralysed and then a
wave of indignation swept over the whole country and the people rose in rebellion
with "Quite India" as the battle cry. The news of the leaders arrest shook the people
and they came to streets protesting against it. Before his arrest Gandhi had given the
following message to the country-"Everyone is free to go the fullest length under
Ahimsa to complete deadlock by strikes and other non-violent means. Satyagraha
must go out to die not to live. They must seek and face death. It is only when
individuals go out to die that the nation will survive. Karenge ya Marenge, Do or
Die." Soon after the arrest of Gandhi and other leaders caused to unprecedented
popular outbursts in different parts of the country. There were hartals,
demonstrations and processions in cities and towns.
10.5.6 The Nature and Progress of the Movement

The August Revolution marks an epoch in the history of Modern India. It
was a revolt of the people against tyranny and oppression and can be compared with
the French Revolution or the October Revolution of Russia. Unplanned,
unpremeditated, it was a curious mixture of violence and non-violence. Its
sustaining impulse was hatred of the British as rulers of the land. Its objective was
Quit India and methods were violence and sabotaging the administrative machinery.
It was symbolic of a new stature and a new confidence that the people had attained.
Fear of the English had completely vanished. The whole of India was in rebellion
after the arrest of Gandhiji. Initially the movement was based on non-violent lines.
It was the repressive policy of the government which provoked the people to
violence. The Gandhian message of non-violent struggle was pushed into the
background and people devised their own methods of struggle. These included-
attacks on government buildings, police stations and post offices, attacks on
railways stations, cutting off the telegraph wires, telephones, disrupting road traffic
by destroying bridges, workers going on strike etc. The people of Bombay, Bengal,
U.P. and Bihar took a lead in the movement. In Maharashtra, a parallel government
was established in Satara. In Bengal, Tamluk Jatiya Sarkar functioned for a long
time in Midapore district. People established Swaraj in Talacher in Orissa. In many
parts of U.P. and Bihar, Police Stations were overrun by the people. In Maharashtra
and Karnataka the peasantry started underground guerilla warfare. Achyutrao
Patwardhan, Jai Prakash Narayan, Ram Monohar Lohia, Aruna Asaf Ali, Nana

Patil, Biju Pattnaik were among the prominent leaders of the underground
movement. Jai Prakash Narayan visualized the complete overthrow of British
power. The Communist Party of India did not participate in the Quit India
Movement. The action of the Congress was not liked by the Muslim League which
termed it as a movement directed at coercing the British to hand over the
government to a Hindu oligarchy and at diabling the British from fulfilling their
obligations towards the Muslims. Subhas Bose speaking over Berlin Radio
described this movement as non-violent guerilla warfare. There was massive
participation by the students who spread to the countryside and played a role in
guiding the people there. But the movement did not evoke much response from the
merchant community.
10.5.7 Government Repression

The government struck hard to crush the revolt. The Whipping Act was
revived and hundreds and thousands of persons were detained without trial. The
Viceroy had ordered the use of machine gunning from air against crowds disrupting
communications around Patna. Armed aircrafts were used in Bhagalpur in Bihar,
Nadia in Bengal and Talcher in Orissa. Large numbers of people were thrown into
prison without trial and with long terms of imprisonment. It was through such
repressive measures that the British were able to re-establish themselves.
10.6. SIGNIFICANCE
The movement of 1942 was shortlived but it will be a mistake to suppose

that it was a dismal failure. On the other hand, it demonstrated the depth that
nationalist feeling had reached in the country and the great capacity for struggle and
sacrifice that the people had developed. The movement served as an eye-opener to
the British Government about India's attitude to British imperialism. Despite the
failure of the movement, it had shown the depth of the national will and convinced
the British that their days of domination in India were numbered. Its importance can
well be defined from J.P. Narain's observation, "The revolution of 1942 occupied
the same place in the history of this country as the French and Russian revolution in
the history of their respective countries. The amplitude of the revolution had no
parallel in history. In no other revolution had such vast multitudes taken part." It
was the apex of Indian struggle for freedom. The Quit India Movement of 1942 is a
landmark in India's struggle for freedom.

1. Assess the influence of Gandhiji on the national movement.

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2. Compare and contrast the Non-cooperation and Civil Disobedience
Movement.
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3. Discuss in about ten lines attitudes of the Indians towards the Second Wall
War.
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4. Discuss in about ten lnes the measures adopted by the people to uproot the
British Authority during Quit India Movement.
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5. Discuss in about ten lines the measures adopted by the British to crush the
popular upsurge.
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6. Write on the Dandi March in about 20 lines.
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7. Write about the Rowlatt Act 1919 in about 100 words.
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8. Discuss about the Cripps Mission in about 100 words.
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9. What was the important resolution passed in the historic session of the
Indian National Congress in 1929.
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10. With what objectives did Gandhiji started the Non-cooperation Movement.
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11. What led to the Civil Disobedience Movement? Discuss its importance.
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12. Write the significance of non-cooperation movement.
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13. Mark right or wrong
1. In 1920, the National Congress accepted Gandhi's programme for Non-
cooperation movement.
2. The Khilafat leaders did not accepted Gandhi's leadership.
C- Gandhi never considered Chauri Chaura incident as a horrible crime.
D- From Surat Gandhi began his Dandi March.
E- The Congress participated in the first Round Table Conference.
F- The Prime minister of England Churchill was a liberal.
10.8 LET US SUM UP
In this unit, you saw how under the leadership of Gandhiji India's freedom struggle
was lunched from 1920 - 1947. Under Gandhi, three major mass movements - Non-
cooperation, Civil disobedience and Quit India were launched for the attainment of
Indian independence. Therese movement brought millions of people, including
peasant, workers women etc. into political areas and made them conscious of their
rights. It was due to these movements Indian independence was achieved.
10.9 KEY WORDS
Swaraj- Self Government

Passive Resistance - Non-violent refusal to cooperate
Dominion - Self Governing Territories
Communal Award - Relating to benefiting a community
De- Industrialization- The process of removing industry from a place
Vice-roy - A ruler exercising authority on behalf of a sovereign in a colony
10.10 SUGGESTED READING


UNIT – 11: SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE AND THE INA
Structure
10.2 Introduction
10.3 Early life of Subhas Chandra Bose
10.3.1 Ideology
10.4 Flight to Germany
10.5 Formation of the INA
10.6 Action of the INA
10.7 Let Us Sum Up
10.9 Key Words
Subash Chandra Bose was one of the greatest freedom fighter in the annals
of World history. He did not believe in Gandhi's creed of Non-violence. He left
India with the plan to organize a movement for Indian independence. Accordingly
the INA was formed. The INA occupied an important place in the history of India's
struggle for freedom. After reading this unit you will know
* Subhas Chandra Bose as one of the greatest hero of India's struggle for
freedom.
* He was instrumental in the formation of INA
* How the INA took an active part in the Nationalist movement under the
leadership of Bose.
* The INA had failed to achieve its goal but how it made a significant impact
on the freedom movement.
11.2 INTRODUCTION
In this unit an attempt is made to familiarize you with one of the greatest son
of the Indian soil. We discuss here the chain of events which led to the emergence
of Subhas Chandra Bose as a prominent figure in the Indian politics. Because of his
association with the nationalists, he become a thorn in the eyes of the government
and government arrested him several time. He raised the slogan of complete
independence. Bose's flight from India is a saga of history. He took the leadership
of the INA and waged battle against the British from foreign soil. Subhas seized the
opportunity offered by the Second World War to mobilize Indians for an armed

struggle. Though the INA failed to achieve its goal but it made a significant impact
on the freedom struggle.
11.3 Early Life

Subhas Chandra Bose was born on 23 January, 1897 at Cuttack in Orissa.
His father Rai Bahadur Jankinath Bose, a lawyer by profession migrated to
Cuttack in 1895. After completing his early school training at the protestant
European school in Cuttack, Subhas went to the Revenshaw Collegiate School in
Cuttack, where he came under the influence of Beni Madhav Das, the Headmaster,
who taught him many interesting things about the glorious past of India, from there
subhas came to study in the presidency College at Calcutta in 1913, by which time
he formed within himself certain socio-political beliefs which gradually changed
his views and attitude towards greater value of life. On 15 September, 1919 he left
India for England to appear at the Indian Civil Service Examination. There he spent
all the time in his studies with intense concentration, and came out Fourth in the
examination. He had no inclination to join government service so he resigned Civil
Service and returned to India, in 1921 to take a plunge in the struggle for freedom.
11.3.1 Ideology
Subahas Chandra Bose believed that the Bahgavad Gita was a great source
of inspiration for the struggle against the British. Vivekananda's teachings on
universalism, his nationalist thoughts and his emphasis on social service and reform
has all inspired subhas from his very young days. The fresh interpretation of India's
ancient scriptures has appealed to him immensely. As historian Gordon explains -
inner religious explorations continued to be a part of his adult life.
Bose first preferred his preference for a synthesis of what modern Europe
call Socialism and Fascism. Bose criticized Nehru's statement that there is no
middle road between communism and fascism. He believed communism would not
gain ground in India due to its rejection of nationalism and religion and suggested a
synthesis between communism and fascism could take hold instead. His thought
reflects his disapproval of the racist practices and annulment of democratic
institution in Nazi Germany.
However, he expressed his admiration for the authoritarian methods which
he saw in Italy and Germany during the 1930s, he thought they could be used to
build an independent India.
Bose had expressed his belief that democracy was the first option for India.
Bose seems to have decided that no democratic system could be adequate to
overcome India's poverty and social inequalities and he said that a socialist state
similar to that of Soviet Russia would be needed for the process of national
rebuilding. He supported the empowerment of women, secularism and other liberal
ideas.

11.3.2 Career
Subhas was a political disciple of C.R. Das who had a big hand in bringing
him on the stage of Indian politics. C.R Das in those days was bringing out a paper
and also running a national college so as to give a prop to national awakening. He
entrusted Subhas with the work of editing the paper. Subhas sponsored an organized
demonstration in the City of Calcutta to protest against the visit of the prince of
Wales. He was arrested. This is the first time that Subhas went to jail after which he
had been arrested by the British Government at least eleven times till he left India.
Subhas had also secretly established his contact with the Indian revolutionary
groups like the Anushlian Samiti the Yuganter Group, the Hindustan Republican
Armed force who accepted him as their patron and adviser. Because of his
association with the revolutionaries, he became a thorn in the eyes of the
government. In 1924 he was arrtested under ordinance and sent him to Mandalay
jail in Burma. However, the Government released him in 1927 on grounds of ill
heath. In 1928, the National Congress met in Calcutta when Subhas as the general
officer commanding of the Volunteer crops, demonstrated a very bright
performance maintaining the order and discipline in the Congress pandal. He
organized the Volunteer Corps on military lines, clothed in military uniforms, by
training men in the military manner, Corps having acquired a paramilitary
formation. By this time Subhas mobilized the youth on India under the banner of
Youth Congress. He had created a left wing inside the Congress party to demand
radical measures against the British Government. He had already become the
uncontested leader of the youth and the leftist elements of the country.
Subhas had very high regard for Gandhiji as a man but he thought very
poorly of Gandhiji as a politician and statesman. He did not believe in Gandhiji's
creed of non-violence. As a student of history Subhas knew very well that the
British interest remained in exploiting India's man power and material resources for
the benefit of British economy. During the Lahore Session of the Congress in 1929
Subhas Bose said, "I take this opportunity of conveying my cordial and hearty
thanks to Gandhiji for coming forward to move a resolution which declares Swaraj
to mean complete independence. But I move this amendment because I believe that
this programme laid down by his resolution is not such as to carry us towards the
goal of complete independence. My amendment is consistent with the goal and in
keeping with the spirit of the times-Let us be for complete boycott or none at all. I
am an extremist and my principle is all or none." In 1938 he was offered the
presidential chair at Haripur Congress. He raised the slogan of complete
independence but his extremist views did not find favour with Gandhiji. He was
reelected president of Indian National Congress in 1939 inspite of the opposition of
Gandhiji. Later-on he resigned from the President ship of the Congrss and
organized a separate political party under the name of Forward bloc.

11.4 BOSE'S FLIGHT TO GERMANY
The Second World War brokeout in 1939 and the British became deeply
entangled in the war. Now the forward bloc under the leadership of Subhas
launched their anti-British campaign. The British Government arrested subhas in
July 1940. In Prison he fasted and when his physical condition began to deteriorate
he was released from jail on 5 December, 1940. He was put in house arrest and the
police kept a keen vigil on his movements. After his release, Bose remained quietly
in his ancestral house in Elgin Road, Calcutta. He was last seen there on 16 January,
1941, but ten day later it was reported that he was not found in his house. Bose left
his home on 17 January, 1941 at about 1.25 a.m. and proceeded by car to Gomoh.
Thence he went by railway to Peshawar and finally reached Kabul. With the help of
some of his friends he managed to evade British intelligence and get a passport
from the Italian embassy in the Italian name of Orlando Mazzota. The diplomatic
passport helped him in the
smooth journey to Germany
with the plan to organize a
movement for Indian
independence in Europe by
making the best use of the
circumstances arising out of the
World War II. Bose's journey
from Calcutta to Berlin full of Figure-11.1- Netaji Subash Chandra Bose with Adulf
thrilling details was a historic one. Hitler
He was well received by Ribbentrop, the right
hand man of Adolf Hitler (the Nazi Chief), and proposed that he would broadcast
anti-British propaganda from Berlin, to raise prisoners of Germany. The idea of
forming Indian Military units got an impetus when Germany declared war against
Russia. He was able to form in Germany the free India centre, Indian legion and
free Indian Broad casting Center in November, 1941. Since then, he came to be
known as the great "Netaji" and the popular greeting "jai Hind" was also introduced
by him. His frequent broadcasts from the Azad Hind Radio, Berlin encouraged the
Indian people to a great extent.
11.5. FORMATION OF INA
The Indian National Army was an armed force formed by Indian freedom fighters
and its aim was to secure Indian independence from British Rule. (The army was
declared to be the army of Bose's Arzi Hukumat-e-Azad Hind. The provisional
Government of free India) Subhas Chandra Bose named regiments of INA after
Gandhi, Nehru, Maulan Azad and himself. There was also an all women regiment
named after Rani of Jhansi. Bose reached Singapore on 4th July, 1943 and assumed

the leadership of Indian National Army in a ceremony at cthay building. Locl
civilian also joined the IN. A training school for INA officers led by Habibur
Rahman and the Azad School for the civilian volunteers were setup to provide
training to the recruits. Unlike Mohan Singh, whose assumption of the rank of
Generh had generated opposition, Bose refused to take a rank. Both the civilians
and soldiers of the INA addressed Bose as Netaji (Dear Leader), a term first used in
Berlin by members of the free Indian legion. The IN was declared to be the army of
Azad Hind.
There were many Indian revolutionaries working abroad for the country's
cause. Among these was Rasbehari Bose living as a fugitive from the British since
1915 in Japan. He seized the opportunity offered by the War to mobilise Indians for
an armed struggle against the British. There were a number of Indian soldiers
fighting on behalf of the British. The Japanese after defeating the British in south
East Asia took a number of Indian soldiers as prisoner of War. Major Fujiwara a
Japanese army officer persuaded captain Mohan singh, a prisoner of war to work in
collaboration with the Japanese for Indian's freedom. In March 1942 a conference
of the Indian was held in Tokyo and they formed the INDIAN INDEPNDENCE
LEAGUE. This was followed by a conference in Bangkok in June 1942, where
Rasbehari Bose was elected President of the league and a decision was taken to
raise the Indian National Army. Captain Mohan Sing was appointed the
Commander of the INA (Azad Hind Fauj). The conference invited Subhas Bose to
lead the Movement. After landing in Tokyo, he (Bose) declared in his first
statement "The opportunity which this Great War has offered may not recur in a
hundred years to come. It is our resolve to avail fully of this opportune moment for
the liberation of Bharat. It is our duty to offer blood as the price for-freedom- our
fight is against all types of imperialism-Comrades, let your one slogan be 'Chalo
Delhi" (march on to Delhi). Whatever befall your in sunshine and dark hours, in
grief or joy, I assurre you, will always remain with you. But today I Cannot offer
you anythirg except hunger, thirst hardships, travails and death itself, It is no matter
who of us lives or dies Let us sacrifice everything and make Indian free." Subhas
Bose was received by Tojo the Japanese premire. When Bose arrived at Singapore
on 2 July, 1943 he was welcomed with Tumultuous enthusiasm by an immense
surging crowd who instinctively felt that at last the man of destiny had come to lead
them on as victors to liberate their won motherland. Subhas Chandra Bose
proclaimed the inauguration of provisional government of free India on 21st
October, 1943 at Singapore. He and his minister took the following oath-in the
name of God, I take this sacred oath that to liberate India and thirty eight crores of
my Countrymen-After winning freedom, I will always be prepared to shed even the
last drop of my blood for the preservation of India's freedom. The provisional
government was recognized by nine world powers On 28 October, 1943 he flew to
Tokyo. He was received and honoured by the Emperor of Japan. He attended the

Greater East Asia Conference as the head of the Azad Hind Government General
Tojo announced that Japan decided to handover the Andaman and Nicobar island
to the Azad Hind Government. Netaji Visited the Andaman Island on 31 December,
1943, and named the two islands-as "Saheed" and "Swaraj" island.
Fig-11.2: Major Fujiwara Iwaichi of Japan (F Kikan) greets Captain Giani Pritam
Singh of the First en: Indian National Army, April 1942. (Source-Wikipedia)
11.6 ACTION OF THE INA
The first battle of the INA with the British took place on 4 February, 1944
on the Arakhn front, In course of time the INA crossed the Burma border and
penetrated into Indian Territory to put their feet on Indian soil on 21 March, 1944
so Netaji proclaimed the said as the National Day. The overseas Indians contributed
in terms of money and material for the INA. The slogan of the INA were "Jai Hind"
and "Delhi Chalo" the most famous slogan of subhas was Tum Mujhe Khoon Do
Main Tumhe Ajadi Dunga (you give me blood, I will give you freedom) Eighting
side by side with the Japanese armed forces, the INA crossed the Indian frontier on
18th March 1944. The tricolor was histed on Indian soil. However, the INA faied to
capture for two reasons-the Japanese failed to supply the necessary material and the
monsoon prevented their advance. The British also increased their air-raids and the
use of more sophisticated mechanized equipments, smashing their routes. Still the
INA fought bravely against such adverse circumstances. The INA demonstrated the

enthusiasm and concern of overseas Indians for the freedom of their mother land.
The action of the Rani Jhansi brigade demonstrated the capability of Indian women
waging armed struggle against the British. Henceforth, the British could no longer
depend on the loyalty of the Indian soldiers. The struggle justify that the people of
all community- Muslim, Sikh, Hindi who had fought as Indian.
Meanwhile, the course of the war was changing. With the Colllapse of
Germany and set backs to the Japanese armies, the INA too could not stand on its
own. Bose disappeared some believed he died in an air crash, while other refused to
believe this.
Accrding to R.C. Majumdar, "In spite of failure, the INA occupies an
important place in the history of India's struggle for freedom. The formation of this
force and its heroic exploit proved beyond doubt that the British could no longer
realy upon the Indian sepoy to maintain their hold on India-the universal sympathy
expressed all over India for the INA officers, when they being tried for treason in
the Red Fort at Delhi gave a rude shoke to the British-the Members of INA did not
die or suffer in vain and their leader Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, has secured a
place of honour in the history of India's struggle for freedom. Life of Subhas reads
like a thrilling saga of most dramatic events. His rise was meteoric. Subhas was
truly the greatest hero of India's struggle for freedom.
11.7 LET US SUM UP
The Quit India movement was a struggle fought against the British in India. But
equally important was the armed struggle of Subhas Chandra Bose and the INA.
What Subhas did was not due to his support fascist Germany or expansionist
Japan but for India's freedom. Though it had failed to achieve its goal but it made
a significant impact on the freedom struggle.
1.. Write few lines about Subhas Chandra Bose.

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2. Explain the methods adopted by Bose to driven out the British from India.
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3. Discuss what made Subhas Chandra Bose as one of the greatest leaders of
the national movement.
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4. Explain about the formation of INA in about ten lines.
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5. Give an account of the role of Subhas Chandra Bose in the nationalist
movement.
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6. Review the role of INA in the Nationalist movement.
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Marks Right or Wrong.

A- Subhas Bose was never a president of the National Congress.
B- The forward block was founded by C.R. Das.
C- At Assam Subhas established an independent kingdom.
D- In 1943 the INA reached Gauhati.
11.9 KEY WORDS

Corps - A body of troops with special duties
Netaji - Dear Leader
INA - Indian National Army
Fascism- The totalitarian principles and organisaiton of the extreme right wing
nationalist movement

Communism- A political theory advocating a society in which all property is
publicly owned and each person is paid according to his needs and ability.


UNIT- 12: NATIONALISM AND SOCIAL GROUPS-
PEASANT, TRIBES, DALIT AND WOMEN
Structure
12.1 Learning Objective
12.2 Introduction
12.3 Background
12.4 Nationalism and Social Groups and Peasants Movement
12.5 Tribes
12.6 Dalit
12.7 Women
12.8 Let us Sum up
The development of the Nationalist movement in India was subsequently

paralled by the growth of independent movement of various social groups. The
awakening of such groups reached such a high level they felt themselves as distinct
entities. After reading this unit you will be able to learn about
 The rise of various social groups like the Dalit, Peasants etc.
 In the twenties of 20th century these groups for the first time took an active
part in the freedom struggle.
 The Socio-Religious reforms movement set itself the task of removing the
social and legal injustices from which these groups suffered.
 With the passage of time these groups were growing conscious of their
rights.
 The awakening of these groups was the manifestation of the growth of
national sentiment among them.
12.2 INTRODUCTION
Nationalism grew in India as a result of the conditions created by the British

conquest. Since the conquest did not take place throughout the country at a time.
Therefore, national consciousness of matured amongst various groups unevenly.
Various reason brought sections of these groups in the orbit of the national
movement. The legal and political regimes established in the county were based on
the principle of the recognition of individual equality. These groups were steadily
growing consciousness of their rights. Each social group struggled to satisfy its own

interest as well as their common interest to oust the foreign and government from
India.
12.3 BACKGROUND OF THE MOVEMENTS
The growth of nationalism in India was an uneven process. Nationalism

grew in India as a result of the conditions created by the British conquest and rule.
Since the conquest and the penetration of the new forces did not take place
throughout the country at the same time, the conditions which lead to the rise of
national consciousness, matured unevenly among different social groups and
communities. The development of the nationalist movement of the Indian people
was subsequently paralleled by the growth of independent political movement of
such socio-religious categories as the depressed classes, peasant’s tribes, women
etc.
The political awakening of such groups reached such a high level in the
thirties of the 20th century that they felt themselves as distinct entities. The increase
in educated classes, Growth of industries and commerce, impact of the mass
movement like non-co-operation, civil disobedience movement which brought
sections of these groups for the first time in the orbit of the national movement,
there by Kindled national consciousness among them. The movements of these
groups were inspired by the urge of self-determination, by their will the live and
develop their life freely. These movements were the product of the specific
pressures, felt by them, of the British rule.
The British conquest of India transformed the social setting in India. The social
reform movement set itself the task of removing the social and legal injustices from
which the peasants, tribes. Dalits and women suffered. The capitalist economy
which the British conquest inaugurated in India and the legal and political regime
established in the country, were based on the principles of the recognition of
individual equality and contractual freedom of the individual. It did not admit on
principle, all inequalities based on birth, sex, caste or community.
These groups inspire of the handicap of illiteracy and poverty, were steadily
growing conscious of their rights. Thousands of them took part in strike, struggle,
street demonstration and conferences. They were also developing political
consciousness and became members of various national organizations. This
awakening of these groups was the manifestation of the growth of national
sentiment and democratic urges for national and individual liberty among them.
Each social groups organized itself and struggled to satisfy its own interest as well
as their common interest was the removal of political control of India by another
nation.

12.4 NATIONALISM AND SOCIAL GROUPS - PEASANT'S MOVEMENT
The economic policies followed by the British led to the rapid transformation of
India's economy into a colonial economy whose nature and structure were
determined by the need of the British economy. They totally disrupted the
traditional structure of the Indian economy. The basic economic pattern, that of the
self sufficient village economy, had been perpetuated. After the introduction of the
permanent land settlement, the Indian peasants were left to the mercies of the
Zamindars who raised rents to unbearable limits, compelled them to pay illegal dues
and to perform forced labour. Heavy assessment of land was one of the main causes
of the growth of poverty and the deterioration of agriculture in the 19th century.
The harmful effects of an excessive land revenue demand were further heightened
by the rigid manner of its collection. Further, the inability to pay revenue drove the
peasants to borrow money at high rates of interest from the money lenders. And the
money-lenders were greatly helped by the new legal system. Gradually the
cultivator sank deeper and deeper into debt and the land passed into the hand of
money-lender, merchant, rich peasant and other moneyed classes. The growing
commercialization of agriculture also helped the money-lender cum merchant to
exploit the cultivator. The loss of land and the over-crowding of land caused by de-
industrialisation and lack of modern industry compelled the landless peasants and
ruined artisans to tenants or agricultural labourers at starvation wages. The
government could have helped in improving and modernizing agriculture, but it
refused to recognize any such responsibility. While the main burden of taxation fell
on the shoulder of the peasants, the government spent only a small part of it on him.
At a time when agriculture all over the world was being modernized and
revolutionized, Indian agriculture was technologically stagnating. The change in
time did not bring an end to the exploitation of the peasantry, rather it continued
unabated. The peasants in India suffered great hardship and were always at the
mercy of others. The main grievances of the Indian peasantry were as follows. The
heavy burden of land revenue made the peasantry heavily indebted to village
merchants who charged heavy interest rates. In many region the peasants had no
occupancy right on lands tilled by them. Basides the regular taxes payable to the
landlord, the landlord compelled the tenant to pay "Nazarana". The outbreak of the
war added to the miseries of the peasants. At the same time there was sharp rise in
the prices of food grains. Unfortunately, the government was also in favor of the
landlords. That is why under the pressure of these hardships the peasants choose the
path of revolt as the way of their emancipation.
The period between 1870-97 witnessed occasional peasant's movements
broke out against the Zamindar, money-lender and the government. In 1870, the
Bengal tenants were hard hit by the economic depression accentuating their general
poverty. Thousands of them refuse to pay rents, disobey the dictates of courts,

obstruct their eviction and finally to fight with whatever weapons were available-A
regular state of anarchy came to prevail in a large part of Bengal and Santal
countryside. The rising was quelled by the government which however, appointed
an inquiry committee and subsequently, enacted the Bengal Tenancy Act in 1885.
A major agrarian revolt occurred in the Poona and Ahmednagar district of
Maharashtra in 1875. The government land revenue was fixed at such a high level
that most of the peasant found it impossible to pay without borrowing from the
money-lender. The result was that more and more land was mortgaged. The trouble
started in village Kardeh when a money-lender obtained a decree of eviction. The
peasants organized a social boycott which was later on transformed into agrarian
riot. The government appointed the Deccan riot commission to investigate into the
causes of the uprising. On the report of the commission, the government recognized
the necessity of relief to the peasant and passed the Deccan agriculturists Relief Act
in 1879. Similarly a revolt of the peasants threatened with loss of their land to the
money lenders took place in the Punjab in the last decade of the 19th century. To
ease the situation, the government enacted the Punjab Alienation Act in 1902-03.
During the time of Lord Curzon a resolution of the government of India on land
revenue policy was adopted aiming at protecting the tenants from the heavy
pressure of the demands of the Zamindars. In 1917-18 the struggle of the peasants
of Champaran in Bihar, led by Gandhi, against the indigo planters, most of whom
were Europeans, took place, where Gandhi employed the method of Satyagrah. The
government appointed an inquiry committee and on the basis of the report
published by it, it enacted a law which brought partial relief to the peasants.
Thereafter, Gandhi organized the Satyagraha movement of peasants in Kaira against
the collection of land revenue which they could not pay due to failure of crops.
Section of the Indian peasant were roused to political consciousness during the non-
co-operation movement. The National Congress gave a slogan of non-payment of
land revenue which had a great effect. It was the first participation of a section of
Indian peasant in an organized political movement. In the Eastern districts of U.P.
in Faizabad and Rai Bareli, the tenants and farmers destroyed the crops of the
Zamindars, raided their households, and also the offices of money-lenders and
merchants in trade centres. Some of them used mass instigation as a means. This
movement was suppressed and several thousand people were arrested. The
movement faded out due to the repressive policy of the government. The
Congressmen tried to restrain the movement but this failed to pacify the peasants
and the movement emerged again in Barbanki and Sitapur areas in early 1922. In
these districts the eka (one) movement was started by the peasants. However, the
movement failed due to the repressive policy of the government. In Bengal the
peasant joined the no-tax movement. The peasant refused to pay the union board
taxes. The movement became so strong that the members of the union boards
resigned. Similarly in North Bihar (Darbhanga) the peasants movement grew under

the leadership of Swami Vidyanand. The Vizag agency tribes waged a two year war
against the British Government under their leader Sitaram Raju. Initially they asked
for free use of forest land and produce but ultimately they demanded for Swaraj for
the whole of the agency area. The government took strong action against the rebels.
It was after the end of the non-co-operation movement that the process of
the formation of independent class organization of the Indian peasant started. Ryots
associations and agricultural and labour unions were formed in Andhra in 1923.
Similar Kisan Sabha were started in some parts of Punjab, Bengal, Bihar and the
U.P. in 1926-27. Kisan Sabha presented a memorandum to the all parties
conference presided over by Motilal Nehru. The Congress also attempted to
mobilize the peasants in Gujarat. In 1927 the Government had enhanced the
revenue in Bardoli inspite of the fall in the prices of cotton. Vallabhbhai Patel
played an important role in mobilizing the peasants. This led to the Bardoli
Satyagarh in 1928. The peasants refused to pay revenue to the Government. As a
result the lands of the peasants were seized by the Government. At last the
Government arrived at a compromise and the rate of assessment of revenue was
reduced. There were also sporadic peasant revolt in Rajasthan, Malabar, Orissa and
other provinces and the peasant protested against the injustices done to them. The
world economic crisis which occurred in 1929 hit the Indian peasantry hard. They
were in a state of ferment. In the early thirties the peasants rose in revolt in different
provinces. The Congress gave a call for no-tax movement. Some also started no-
rent movement. While no-tax movement was directed against the government, no-
rent movement affected the landlords. In Bengal, U.P. the peasants took part in no-
tax movement. Reduction of rent was one of the important demand of the peasants
of Southern India. In spite of the sincere effort of the government to restrain the
peasant movement, it continued to grow with much vigour.
The peasant movement began to gather strength in the thirties of the present
century. The Bihar Kisan Sabha which was started in 1927 developed into an
extensive organization. This was due to the effort of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati.
The provincial Kisan Sabha was formed in the U.P. in 1935. In other parts of the
country Kisan Sabha also came into existence. The Government also passed a
number of relief measures to alleviate the conditions of the Kisans, and their
discontent continued to grow and find expression in the growth of the Kisan
movement. The First All India Kisan Congress which met at Lucknow in 1935
decided that the Congress should be established as the Supreme Kisan Organisation
in the country. The First All India Kisan Sabha was formed in 1935. N.G. Ranga,
Swami Sahajanand, Narendra Deva, Bankim Mukherjee were some of the
prominent leaders of the All India Kisan Sabha. The objectives of the Kisan Sabha
were the protection of the peasants from economic exploitation, reduction of
revenues and rent, licensing of money-lenders, fair price for commercial crops,
irrigation facilities, the abolition of land lordism etc. In their meeting and

demonstration the Kisan Sabha popularized these demands and put pressure on the
government to concede to these demands. The provincial Kisan Sabha helped the
peasants to attain an awareness of their class interest. The grievances of the
peasants were to some extent relieved by the provincial governments which came
into existence in 1937. On the other hand, the All India Kisan Sabha carried on
wide educative and propaganda work among the Kisans. The Kisan leadership
demanded the emancipation not only from British rule but also from the hegemony
of the Zamindars and the capitalists. For the first time in the history of the India, an
all India organization of the Indian peasantry came into existence with a programme
of common demand and expressing the aspiration of the entire Kisan humanity of
this vast land.
12.5 TRIBES
The tribal movement in India directed towards freeing their land from all
those who exploited them economically and culturally. At the same time each of the
movements put emphasis on revitalization of their culture and tradition which was
swayed away under the impact of the outsiders.
As soon as the British took over India, tribal revolt broke out to challenges
alien rule. In the early years of colonization, no other community in India offered
such heroic resistance to British rule or faced such tragic consequences as did the
numerous Adivasi communities of India.
Infect the tribals of Odisha were the first in India to wage war against
British colonialism. It should be noted that the tribal movement in Odisha began as
early as 1768. It was in 1768 that under the feudal king Krushna Chandra Bhanja of
Ghumsar, the Kondha fought a pitched battle against the British and many lost their
lives.
The same year Raja Narayan Dev of Paralakhemundi fought another battle
at Jalwara where 30 tribles died. Mean while the British took over Ganjam as part
of Madras Presidency. But repeated battles by the tribals against the British
continued which forced them to abandon the idea of reigning the areas and declared
it as deserted.
In 1772 the Paharia revolt brokeout which was followed by a five years
uprising led by Tilka Manjhi who was hanged in Bhagalpur in 1785. In the two
decades, revolt took place in Singbhum, Birbhum, Gumla, Bankura, Manbhoom and
Paluma followed by the great kol rising of 1832 and Khewar and Bhumij revolt in
1832-34.
The various uprising of the Kondh meli against the feudal rulers in 1837, the
note worthy militant struggle under the Kondhs for a decade from 1848-56 under
the leadership of Chakra Bisoi and the resistance to British exploitation by the
santhals will go down as momentous events in the history of freedom movement.
The rebellion of 1855-57 was a great event in history of santhal. In 1853 the
santhals wage war against the permanent settlement of Lord Cornwallis. On 30th
June, 1855 a massive rally of Santhals protested against their exploitation and
oppression. They took an oath to end the oppressive role of the British Zamindars
and money lenders and decided t o setup an independent Santhal raj. The santhal
uprising was an attempt to recover the tribal land which was lost to the outsiders
and to wipeout the non-tribal's from their territory. More than twenty thousand
Santhalas were killed in this uprising. A large number of Adivasi leaders play a key
role in the 1857 war of independence.
A forest regulation act passed in 1865 empowered the British government to
declare any land covered with tree as government forest. The act made no provision
regarding the rights of tribal users. The forest act of 1878 imposed, severe
restrictions upon Adivasis rights over forest land in the protected and Reserve
forests. The act radically changed the measure of the traditional common property
of the Adivasi communities and made it state property.
Adivasi uprising in the Jharkhand belt were quelled by the British through
massive deployment of troops. There was uprising and the Brisa Munda Movement
was the most important struggle against the British rules and their local agents. As
Birsa Munda organized a force to fight oppressive land lords, Christian missionaries
and British officials, he was imprisoned later he trained his army and leading the
people to their goals of self-rule. He was arrested again and died in Jail. Yet, the
seeds of unrest were sown among the people and they continued to fight against
injustice.
In 1914 Oraon started what is called Tana Bhagat Movement in
Chotanagpur region. Among the Oraon the term Bhagat has been applied to a
distrinct section of tribe which subscribes to the cult of Bhakti. However, the tribal
leaders were essentially fighting the foreigners like the land lords and contractors.
All these prepared the ground for the Sepoy Mutiny's impact in India. The Kolhas,
Gonds, santhals, Binjhals and Khonds joined hands with Surendra Sai and others in
this first revolt for independence. Latter they engaged in skirmishes, ambushes, and
battles for more than two decades, an experience the British never cherished. The
struggle of the Mundas against the imperialist is another significant landmark.
Under the leadership of Brisa Munda, the Munda tribals fought the British in 1900.
The British retaliated killing masses of people. But did not deter them. The Munda
revolted against the queen of Gangpur who was exploiting the people under the
patronage of the British. Under the leadership of Nirmal Munda they fought the
British who in retaliation mercilessly shot down innocent lives at Amco Simco.
In the hill tribal tracts of Andhara Pradesh a revolt broke out in August 1922
led by Allum Ramachandra Raju better known as Sitaram Raja, the Adivashis of
Andhra hills succeeded in drawing the British into a full scale guerrilla war.

As the freedom movement widened, it drew Adivashis into all as aspects of
the struggle. Many landless and deeply oppressed Adivashis joined in with upper
caste freedom fighters expecting that the defeat of the Britsh would usher in a new
democratic era.
12.6 DALITS
Though the frontal attack on the citadel of caste produced on appreciable effect, the
efforts of the social reformers towards improving the condition of the Depressed
Classes and the Untouchables, who formed nearly one-fifth of the total Hindu
population, subject to the existing restrictions of inter-dining and intermarriage,
evoked sympathy and support of a large section of Hindus long before Gandhi
included it as an important item in his political programme for attaining Swaraj.
The Theosophical Society and Arya Samaj also took up the task of
educating these classes, As far back as 1897, Mr. K. Ranga Raju started schools in
Mangalore for the free education of the children of the Depressed Classes. Next
year, the prarthana Samaj of Bombay started a Depressed Class Mission, and the
social Conference adopted a resolution on the subject. For long, the improvement of
Depressed Classes formed an important item in the discussions of various social
Conferences held all over India. In 1906 V. R. Shinde launched the Depressed
Classes Mission Society of India in Bombay as an independent association, with
Chandavarkar as President, in order to organize the educational activities which had
so long been carried on under the auspices of the Prarthana Samaj. The Gaekwar of
Baroda had also established schools for the children of Depressed Classes and
Created scholarships for their higher education. The Depressed Classes Mission
Society of Madras was established in 1909
The work of the reformers got a fillip from two circumstances. The Muslim
League, in its political demands, scored a point against the Hindus by pointing out
that their claim, based on their numerical strength, was shallow, inasmuch as the
Depressed Classes, forming a large percentage of the Hindus, could not really be
called as such, and this contention was supported by Edward Gait, the census
Commissioner, who had sought to distinguish the Depressed Classes as separate
from the Hindus. This point gained great importance when the Muslims demanded
communal electorate and their leaders insisted that the number of Depressed
Classes should not count in calculating the proportion, respectively, of Hindu and
Muslim representation in the various Legislative councils. These ominous portents
undoubtedly served to quicken the zeal of the Hindus to remove the disabilities of
the Depressed classes as far as possible, so that they might be presented without
qualm of conscience as forming an indissoluble fraternity with the caste Hindus.
As in the case of women, the Depressed Classes themselves now held
conferences to ventilate their grievances and demand their rightful place in the
Hindu society. All-India meetings were held under the auspices of the Bombay
Presidency Social Reform Association in 1910. The All-India Depressed Classes
Federation were the two chief organizations of the community.
The Indian National Congress had deliberately excluded the question of
social reform from its programme during the first thirty-two years of its existence.
But it now found itself constrained to make a bid to win the sympathy and support
of the Depressed Classes by espousing their cause.
In a meeting held in Bombay on 11 November, 1917 and presided over by
Chandavarkar ,the Depressed Classes Mission Society supported the Congress-
League scheme of reform.
A second meeting of the Depressed Classes, held in Bombay, passed the
following resolution:
That this meeting cannot give its support to the Cong-ress-League Scheme
in spite of its having been declared to have been passed at the meeting of 11th
November, 1917, by an over-whelming majority.
That it is the sense of this meeting that the administration of India should be
largely under the control of the British till all classes, and specially the Depressed
Classes, rise up to a condition to effectually participate in the administration of the
country.
That if the British Government have decided to give political concession to
the Indian public, this meeting prays that Government should grant the
Untouchables their won representatives in the various legislative bodies to ensure to
them their civil and political rights."
The Indian National congress accordingly passed the following resolution in its
thirty-third annual session held in Calcutta in 1917: "This Congress urges upon the
people of India the necessity, justice and righteousness of removing all disabilities
imposed by custom upon the depressed classes, the disabilities being of a most
vexatious and oppressive character, subjecting those classes to considerable
hardship and inconvenience."
On 20 August, 1917, Mr. Montagu made the famous announcement of
granting Responsible Government to the Indians, it is easy to understand the anxiety
of the congress to placate the moderate section of the Depressed Classes. The
conclusion is therefore irresistible that the resolution passed by the congress in
December, 1917, was not inspired by a spirit of social justice, but by the less
laudable motive of gaining political power this is true, to a large extent, of the
subsequent efforts of the Congress, as a body, in the same direction. The first All-
India Depressed Classes Conference was held on 23-24 March, 1918, and attended
by prominent political leaders. It issued an All-India Anti-Untouchability Manifesto
to the effect that they would not observe untouchability in their everyday affairs.
Tilak denounced untouchability and said it must be removed, but he did sign the
manifesto.

It is thus apparent that since 1917, the problems of the Depressed Classes-
including the removal of untouchability become more and more a political rather
than a social question. Even Mahatma Gandhi, whose name is indissolubly
associated with the progress of this great reform after 1920, made no secret of the
fact that he valued it mainly as a necessity for attaining Swaraj than as a purely
social reform based on humanitarian grounds Gandhi gave priority to the removal
of untouchability.
Gandhi's entry into active politics in India is generally regarded as having
ushered in a new era in the history of the removal of untouchability. Like many
other notions about Gandhi, it is a highly exaggerated statement, although he played
a notable part in giving a fillip to the great reform movement for removing
untouchability. Gandhi dominated the Congress since 1920 and it passed a
resolution in 1921 appealing to the Hindus 'to bring about removal of
untouchability, and to help the improvement of the condition of the submerged
classes." Next year the Congress appointed a Committee "to formulate a scheme
embodying practical measures to be adopted for bettering the condition of the so-
called 'untouchables' throughout the country". This was intended to give effect to
the Constructive Programme which Gandhi launched after the failure of the Non-
co-operation movement and was adopted by the Working Committee of the
Congress at Bardoli in February, 1922.
It would be interesting to discuss in this connection the extent to which Gandhi
himself was prepared to go in working out this programme of reform. The problem
of the Depressed Classed entered a new phase after the historic fast of Gandhi,
followed by the Poona pact signed on 24 September, 1932. The very next day the
following resolution was adopted in a Conference of the Hindus at Bombay:
This Conference resolves that henceforth, amongst Hindus, no one shall be
regarded hitherto will have the same right as other Hindus in regard to the use of
public wells, public schools, public roads, and all other public institutions.
This resolution was followed by a feverish activity on the part of the Hindus
to throw open temples to the Untouchables.
As before, Satyagrahas were lunched to force the trustees to throw open
temples. Bills were introduced-one in the Madras Legislative Council and four in
the Central Legislative Assembly-regulating the entry of untouchables to the Hindu
temples.
But all this did not evoke much enthusiasm among the untouchables. The
reasons for their indifference, as stated by Dr. Ambedkar, may be summed up as
follows:
First, the principle underlying the Temple-Entry Bill of Mr. Ranga lyer is
that if a majority of Municipal and Local Board voters in the vicinity of any
particular temple on a referendum decide by a majority that the Depressed Classes
shall be allowed to enter the temple, the Trustees or the Manager of that temple

shall give effect to that decision. But if past experience be any guide there is little
chance of securing such majority.
Secondly, the Bill regards untouchability merely as social evil but does not
declare it to be inherently illegal, immoral, and sinful. According to the Depressed
Classes it is so, and "it must be destroyed without any hesitation even if it was
acceptable to the majority".
Thirdly, the untouchables did not place much value on temple entry. "They
think that the surest way of their elevation lies in higher education, higher
employment and better ways of earning a living. Once they became well placed in
life the religious outlook of the orthodox towards them was sure to undergo
change."
There was also, they felt, the question of self-respect. Finally he asked the
question:
"Is temple entry to be the final goal of the advancement in the social status
of the Depressed Classes in the Hindu fold? Or is it only the first step, and if it is
the first step, what is the ultimate goal?" He then added:
'If the Hindu religion is to be their religion, then it must become a religion of
Social Equality . . . . Merely an amendment of the Hindu religious code to provide
temple-entry is not enough. What is required is to purge it of the doctrine of
Chaturvarna (which is the) parent of the caste-system and untouchability.
The only valid reply to these very reasonable arguments would be to point
out that old customs and usages, striking roots in the society for 3000 years or more,
could not be eradicated in a day, but must be taken up stage by stage. Of course,
this presupposes a clear enunciation of the ultimate goal-abolition of caste-system-
and adoption of a definite programme to achieve it.
The movement of temple-entry began with a great fanfare in 1932-33. The
weekly reports in the Harijan of the number of temples and wells thrown open to
the untouchables, and of other concessions made to them, became gradually shorter
and ultimately vanished altogether.
There is no doubt, however, that a large number of temples were opened to
the untouchables, and there was a change of sentiment in favour of it.
Sensation was created by the fast commenced by Mr. Kelappan on 20
September, 1932, with a view to throw open to untouchables the temple of Krishna
at Guruvayur in the Ponnani taluk in Malabar. The Zamorin of Calicut, as the
trustee of the temple, stood firm, and though Gandhi offered his full support to
Kelappan and even threatened to undertake a fast himself, the doors of the temple
remained closed to the untouchables. Ambedkar has severely criticized Gandhi for
his failure to undertake the sympathetic fast promised by him.
It should be remembered, however, that the Congress Government, formed
in various Provinces as a result of the General Election (of 1937), adopted various
measures, particularly free education for the Depressed Classes, to improve their

lot. As regards the specific issue of temple-entry, the Congress Government of
Bombay passed the Bombay Harijan Temple Worship (Removal of Disabilities)
Act permitting the trustees, if they wished, to admit the Harijans to the temples even
if the current custom or the Instrument of Trust debarred them.
The resolution passed at a meeting on the day following the Poona Pact
urging the removal of untouchability. Five days later, on 30 September, 1932,
another largely attended meeting in Bombay passed a resolution forming an All-
India Anti-Untouchability League with its headquarters in Delhi. The aims and
objects of this organization were laid down as follows:
"Carrying propaganda against Untouchability and taking immediate steps to
secure as early as practicable that all public wells, dharmasalas, roads, schools,
crematoriums, burning ghats and all public temples be declared open to the
Depressed Classes, provided that no compulsion or force shall to be used and that
only peaceful persuasion shall be adopted towards this end"
Gandhi later changed the name of the League to Harijan Sevak Sangh,
Harijan being the word by which Gandhi designated the untouchables.
As regards the programme, such ambitious reforms as introduction of inter-
caste dinners and marriages were excluded, and stress was laid on constructive
work such as "the uplift of Depressed Classes educationally, economically, and
socially", with which "even a staunch Sanatanist can have nothing but sympathy".
The Sangha did a lot of useful work. It set up separate primary schools,
where necessary, instituted scholarships for High School students and trainees in
Arts, Technical and Professional courses; and maintained hostels for untouchable
students. The industrial Schools turned out a number of artisans.
The Sangha maintained a few dispensaries for the use of the untouchables,
and medical aid was given by itinerant workers of the Sangha to the sick and the
ailing among the untouchables. It also facilitated water supply to the untouchables
by installing tube wells and pumps for the use of the untouchables, repairing old
ones and persuading Local Governments and Bodies to sink and repair wells for the
untouchables.
The chief credit for the valuable welfare work done by the Sangha is
undoubtedly due to Gandhi. He was not only the guiding genious of the whole
movement, but actually collected a sum of eight lakhs of rupees by an all India tour,
mostly on foot, for about nine months.
Far more real and reasonable was the grievance, that while the Sangh did a lot of
welfare work, it did practically nothing to remove untouchability from the Hindu
society which was its chief object. G.D. Birla and A.V. Thakkar, the President and
Secretary, respectively, of the Sangh, issued a statement on 3rd November, i.e. only
two months after its inauguration, that its "main line of work will be constructive
such as the uplift of Depressed Classes educationally, economically and socially,
which itself will go a great way to remove untouchability".

But whatever might have been the achievements of the Harijan Sevak Sangh
or the organizations of the Harijans themselves, there is no denying the fact that the
most important factor that contributed to the amelioration of the Depressed Classes
was the new spirit of the time engendered by the World Wars, the national struggle
for freedom, and the great economic and other changes that were sweeping the
country. Modern systems of transport-Railway trains, buses, trams-where all had to
sit together, modern industrial factories where orthodox Hindu and Depressed Class
labourers had to work, live and fight (in cases of strike) side by side, the great
national struggle where all classes mingled together to fight for a noble and
inspiring cause-all these brought all classes and creeds together in close physical
touch and spelt doom to untouchability, both in theory and in practice. The value of
individuals and their equality, not only in the eye of the law but also laid down and
guaranteed in the democratic constitution as its very basis,--practical examples of
which one had to face almost every day in life-could not fail to give a mortal blow
to the deep-rooted sense of superiority inherent in the orthodox Hidus. These causes
have been in operation to relax the rigidity of the caste-system and loosen the
foundation of the iron wall that was raised by the ancient orthodox Hindus between
themselves and those who were regarded by them as untouchables.
12.7 WOMEN
The spread of education among women made them eager for improving their rights,
privileges and status, and they took an active part in the social activities. A Ladies
section was added to the Indian National Social Conference since 1903, and under
its auspices a Women's Conference was held in 1903. It resolved to organize a
separate association for women and held another conference in Allahabad in 1910
with Mrs. Sarala Devi Chuadhurani as Secretary.
All these facilitated social reforms by bringing about a gradual change in
public opinion, but the actual changes introduced by legislation were few. For the
Government was averse to any change, and thus indirectly lent its support to the
orthodox views. This is best illustrated by the efforts to increase the age-limits of
marriage. In 1927 Har Bilas Sarda introduced a Bill for preventing child marriages
and it was passed in 1929 with a proviso that it should not come into effect till
1930. The Act, applicable to all communities, penalized parties to a marriage in
which the girl was below 14 or the boy below 18 years of age.
Similarly, there was a vigorous move for a civil marriage law, but all
attempts to pass legislation to effect it ended in failure, although Baroda State had
passed a Civil Marriage Law in 1908. The Anand Marriage Act was passed in 1908
to validate the marriage of the Sikhs by removing restrictions on caste and sect.
In 1918 Vithalbhai Patel introduced a Bill to validate intercaste marriage.

In 1921 a Bill was introduced in the Legislative Assembly for giving rights
of succession to certain categories of women. But eight years passed before it was
put in the Statute Book. The Act passed in 1929 gave the son's daughter, the
daughter's daughter, a sister, and her son their natural place in the order of
inheritance. In 1937 the Indian Legislature passed the Hindu Women's Rights to
Property Act, which conceded to the Hindu widow a share in her husband's property
and the right to demand partition.
Two important items of reform for which the social reformers agitated were
the establishment of monogamy and the sanction of divorce. The Baroda
Government legalized divorce by an Act of 1931. But the attempt to do the same in
British India did not prove successful.
The institution of Devadasi-a class of women who dedicated themselves to
life-long service in temples chiefly by way of singing and dancing may be traced
back to hoary antiquity. But whatever may be its original nature, it came to be
recognized as nothing but prostitution in the name and under the protection of
religion. The number of such women exceeded two hundred thousand in Madras.
As a result of vigorous agitation, an Act was passed in 1925 which extended to the
Devadasis the Sections of the Penal Code which made traffic in minor girls a
criminal offence.
Vigorous movement for the improvement of women's position continued
throughout the country. One of the important items was the popularization of the
remarriage of widows. For, though the Act of 1856 accorded legal sanction to it,
such marriages, in actual practice, were very rare. There was difference of opinion
even among social reformers, and in the Social Conference held in Calcutta in 1901
there was considerable opposition, particularly from Bengal and Madras delegates.
On the other hand, numerous public meetings were held, laying stress on the
remarriage of widows and improvement of Depressed Classes as the two main
items of social reform in India.
Measures were, however, taken in various parts of India to improve the lot
of widows. Between 1906 and 1912 several Hindu Widows' Homes were founded
throughout the country.
The Widows' Home founded by D.K. Karve at Poona served as the model
for others. To this Home, which pledged itself to promote remarriage of widows, he
added a High School for girls and a Social Centre. These three institutions were
reorganized into a Women's University formed on 20 June, 1916.
There were other organizations doing valuable work for the uplift of
women. The Sevasadan in Bombay was established in 1908, The purpose of the
organization was to train women workers and to provide medical help, work-rooms,
classes for teaching English and Sanskrit and lectures on civics As the popularity of
the institution grew, education in the Indian languages and the teaching of crafts
were also developed.

The question of providing higher education for women was stressed by
social reformers, the Government, and, above all, by the various organizations set
up by the women themselves for the purpose.
The matter engaged the serious attention of the Sadler commission and its
auxiliary committee, presided over by Sir Philip Har-tog. They drew pointed
attention to the fact that the method, curricula and organization which might be
appropriate to boys were not necessarily applicable to girls, and recommended that
priority should now be given to the claims of girls' education in every scheme of
expansion.
This was carried into effect by the gradual increase in the number of schools
and college for women, provision of women's section in colleges, and popularity of
co-education in colleges and universities. There is no doubt that both State and
society, and above all, the organized efforts of the women themselves contributed to
a steady advance in women's education both qualitatively and quantitatively.
In the cases of some important items, what the earnest reformers failed to do was
more than accomplished by the march of political events, particularly the struggle
for independence in India and the situation created by the two world wars. The
Swadeshi Movement, Home Rule movement, the Non-co-operation movement, and
the Civil Disobedience movement drew women out from the seclusion of home and,
in many instances, made them active participants in the grim struggle.
The most important consequence of all this was the almost imperceptible
disappearance of the age-long Purdah system. Gandhi's influence was also an
important factor. In the course of his Champaran mission in Bihar in 1917 he
discussed the seclusion of women and pointed out "what harm this pernicious
system does to their health and in how many ways they are deprived of the privilege
of helping their husbands."
The All-India Women's conference denounced Purdah. An anti-purdah
movement began in Bihar about 1927. Many influential men and fifty women of
orthodox Hindu families issued an appeal demanding that 'purdah must go, if we
want our women to develop along Indian ideals'.
On 10 April, 1930 Gandhi had made a special appeal in his paper young
India to the women of India to take up the work of picketing and spinning. The
effect was almost miraculous. Thousands of women responded, and even those of
orthodox and aristocratic families, who had never before come out of their
seclusion, offered themselves for arrest and imprisonment. It took by surprise not
only the Government but even the Indians themselves. Miss Mary Campbell, who
had carried on temperance work in India for forty years, has vividly described the
awakening of the women in Delhi where alone 1600 women were imprisoned.
The two Great Wars, particularly the second one, led to the expansion of
Government departments and gave scope for the employment of women in large
number. This economic freedom, along with the national struggle for freedom,

wrought such changes upon the intellectual, moral and social outlook of Hindu
women of upper classes during a period of 30 years as were not witnessed during
the preceding seven hundred years. The abolition of purdah, free social intercourse
between men and women, co-education, use of public transports along with men,
increase in marriageable age of boys and girl, and practical monogamy of men-
these and many other revolutionary changes were carried out almost imperceptibly
and with-out any protest. Even inter-caste marriages took place without any serious
consequence-though they were very few in number.
12.8 LET US SUM UP

In this unit we discussed about various social groups including the Dalit,
Peasant, Tribals and women. In spite of illiteracy and poverty they were steadily
growing conscious of their rights. They took part in strike, demonstration,
confererences and members of various organisaiton. The awakening amongst them
was the manifestation of the growth of national sentiment and democratic urges for
national independence and individual liberty.
1. Explain the factors responsible for the rise of consciousness among the social
groups.
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2. Assess the role of women in the freedom movement.
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3. Review the role of tribals in the Nationalist struggle.
...........................................................................................
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4. Explain the conditions of the Dalit during the freedom struggle.
...........................................................................................

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5. Give an account of the peasant movement during the freedom movement.
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6. Marks Right or Wrong.

A- National consciousness developed among the Dalit spontaneously.
B- The women did not play an active role in the Freedom Movement.
C- The Peasants Supported the British Government against the Nationalists.
D- The Tribals opposed the British Government.

B.B. Majumdar - History of Freedom Movement in India, 1964
R. Kumar (ed.) - Essay on Gandhian Politics, 1979
Sumit Sarkar - Modern India, 1983

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BACHELOR OF ARTS IN

GANDHI HIS PERSPECTIVES &

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur

Prof. Manas Ranjan Pujari

(cc) OSOU, 2022

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur

9.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 1

9.3 GANDHI’S STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 4

9.4 GANDHIJI’S ARRIVAL IN INDIA AND ENTRY INTO POLITICS

9.5 ROWLATT ACT

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 7

9.6 GANDHIJI AND HIS IDEAS

There were a number of influences which worked on Gandhi and helped

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 8

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 9

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 10

9.7 LET US SUM UP

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 12

9.8 CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

3. Briefly write the ideals and thoughts of Gandhiji.

9.9 KEY WORDS

Styagraha - Holding Fast

9.10. SUGGESTED READING

A.R. Desai- Social background of Indian Nationalism, Bombay, 1976

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 14

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 15

In this unit our goal is to understand the currents of National Movement

10.3 CIRCUMSTANCE LEADING TO THE NON-COOPERATION

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 16

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 17

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 18

10.3.5 Progress of the movement

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 19

10.3.6 Chauri Chaura Incident

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 20

10.3.7 Impact of the Non-co-operation movement

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 21

10.4 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT

10.4.1 Lahore Congress and Resolution on complete independence

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 22

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 23

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 24

10.4.3 The First Round Table Conference

10.4.4 Gandhi-Irwin Pact

10.4.5 Karachi Congress

10.5 QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT:

10.5.1 India and the Second World War

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 27

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 28

10.5.3 Individual Satyagraha

10.5.4 The Cripps Mission

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 29

10.5.5 Beginning of Quit India Movement

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 30

10.5.6 The Nature and Progress of the Movement

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 31

10.5.7 Government Repression

The movement of 1942 was shortlived but it will be a mistake to suppose

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 32

1. Assess the influence of Gandhiji on the national movement.

Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur 34