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Book Review: The Minoritization of the Indigenous

Communities of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago
by B. R. Rodil

Self-determination is very important concept that every person desire, as it allows them to

make decisions and regulate their own lives. It gives people the impression that they are in

charge of their choice and lives. But, since then, many people have felt a sense of not

belongingness as a result of the government’s unfair treatment of the people, particularly the so-

called minorities. Self determination includes political involvement, free and fair elections,

democratic government, good governance, public accountability, and other political rights. This

reminds us of the Moros and Lumad in the region of Minsupala, so-called the minority group, in

the past, ruled over their own geographical territory. It is heart warming to know a history

educator like Rodil is instructive and passionate about adding to the limited literature about

Mindanao’s minorities, particularly the Lumads and Moros. His works serve as a forum for those

who receive less attention to speak up. Knowing that Rodil’s book’s goal is to transmit the

demand of Mindanao’s minority to not only national, but also international audience, it’s

encouraging to know that there are those like him who can speak for others who can’t.

Furthermore, while many authors have published comprehensive ethnographies on

specific Lumad communities or have focus primarily on the Bangsamoro’s history, Rodil

broadened his scope to include the minoritization. With each chapter, he goes from macro to

micro, beginning with an overview of Indigenous Peoples (IP) in the context of Philippine

history and socioeconomics. He then goes on to write chapters about the two groups' experiences

with colonialism, which he connects to the next chapter about their current struggles for self-
determination. The following two chapters dig deeper into individual case studies involving

Moro and Lumad groups' struggles with developmental aggression. The following chapter,

labeled "prospects for problem settlement and peace," returns to the macro once again, where the

author examines the responsibility of the two groups involved in the history of minoritization.

The final chapter, which reads almost like a declaration, is a concise list of recommendations and

action plans.

His ethnohistorical technique mixes statements from personal interviews and archival

sources to bring the Lumad and Moro viewpoints on Mindanao's demographic, economic, and

environmental developments from the 12th century to the present. This collection of source

documents, including documents in indigenous languages and cultural histories of specific

indigenous peoples, is vital for offering fine-grained, diachronic perspectives on indigenous

experiences and perspectives.

On the first chapter, which he discussed overview about the indigenous peoples in the

Philippines, now officially designated as indigenous cultural communities (ICC). Cultural

minorities is a more common term used to describe them. The introduction section, in which he

mentioned “once the masters of their own lives, now the majority of them are poor and landless”

reading this which gives us a grasp of ideas that many of them lived in the plains on the past

days, but they have gone to the forest areas as a result of several settlement initiatives as a result

of rapid high population increase among the majority. Sadly, their forests, which they refer to as

“home” or “way of life,” have been destroyed, and their cultures are threatened; as a result, they

have learned to fight for survival. They demand acknowledgement of their right to self-

determination, as well as respect for and protection of their ancestral domains and culture, which

they have been fighting for a long time.

 The author also examines the contributions of the Spanish and American occupations to

the condition of these minorities. Rodil claims that the Lumad and the Moro are marginalized

because of the tensions between two competing land tenure ideologies; the Ancestral Domain,

which is based on community-based ownership of land resources inherent to IP tradition, and the

Regalian Doctrine, which is based on colonial legacy that allows the state to commodify natural

resources under its territories. These contradictions are reflected in national policies define

property, environmental responsibility, development, and eventually nation-building.

Moreover, as a background to the Moro and Lumad overviews, Rodil provides

demographic data and maps to show the decline of the Lumad and Moro populations. Despite the

fact that the Lumad and the Moros are both indigenous cultural communities of Mindanao, the

author tells their stories differently. Rodil makes another Moro-Lumad comparison in his case

studies, although not directly. The failure of Lumad-led opposition to the Mt. Apo Geothermal

Project is detailed in Chapter 4, and the legislative victories of the Maranao-led Save Lake Lanao

Movement (SALAM) as a result of their opposition to the Agus 1 Hydroelectric Power Plant in

Lanao del Sur are described in Chapter 5. In the Lumad case study, twenty-one Lumad leaders

joined together and commemorated their struggle through traditional rituals but were executed by

Lumad collaborators. The overwhelming convergences of competing parties, including NPA,

AFP, PNP, LGUs, Industry-backed paramilitary organizations, etc., and then-President Ramos'

appearing above-it-all acceptance finally override their resistance. In the Moro case study, the

author places developmental aggression in the context of global demands, and SALAM

resistance in the context of Moro violent past successive massacres. The case study concludes

with both local and national legislative reforms.

 The placement of these storytelling elements and narrative tools appears to encourage

readers to sympathize with the Lumads and consider the Moros. ‘Self-determination' appears to

be the opposite of minoritization, yet it isn't precisely defined either. Both the Lumad and the

Moro want ‘self-determination,' as indicated by their formation of unified groups to fight for

legislative reforms. While the Moros have turned to armed struggle, the Lumad are considered as

victims of both state aggression and the MNLF and MILF's fight.

Furthermore, the sixth chapter adopts an authoritative tone, with sections like "What the

Moro People Want" and "What the Lumads Desire." Finally, the seventh chapter is a literal list

of requests to the government.

Overall, I think the book is well-written, and it provides a fertile ground for scholars of

indigenous peoples, minority studies, and nation-building, as well as plenty of emotional and

critical insights for indigenous peoples themselves. Rather than an academic contemplation on

historical or sociological notions, it issues an evidence-based call to action. The authors utilize an

emotional, informative, data-filled style that appears to be a comprehensive source on Moro and

Lumad struggles, yet it is aimed at activists, community organizers, political lobbyists,

legislative staffs, and civil servants can be motivated by the author's reflexive analyses and

concrete action points.