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Social media is a modern person’s digital voice to project and engage with new ideas and mobilise
communities—a power shared with extremists. Given the societal risks of unvetted content-moderating algo-
rithms for Extremism, Radicalisation, and Hate speech (ERH) detection, responsible software engineer-
ing must understand the who, what, when, where, and why such models are necessary to protect user safety
and free expression. Hence, we propose and examine the unique research field of ERH context mining to unify
disjoint studies. Specifically, we evaluate the start-to-finish design process from socio-technical definition-
building and dataset collection strategies to technical algorithm design and performance. Our 2015–2021
51-study Systematic Literature Review (SLR) provides the first cross-examination of textual, network,
and visual approaches to detecting extremist affiliation, hateful content, and radicalisation towards groups
and movements. We identify consensus-driven ERH definitions and propose solutions to existing ideologi-
cal and geographic biases, particularly due to the lack of research in Oceania/Australasia. Our hybridised
investigation on Natural Language Processing, Community Detection, and visual-text models demonstrates
the dominating performance of textual transformer-based algorithms. We conclude with vital recommenda-
319
tions for ERH context mining researchers and propose an uptake roadmap with guidelines for researchers,
industries, and governments to enable a safer cyberspace.
CCS Concepts: • Computing methodologies → Discourse, dialogue and pragmatics; Lexical seman-
tics; Information extraction; Machine learning; Natural language processing; Knowledge represen-
tation and reasoning; Image and video acquisition; • Applied computing → Sociology; • Social and pro-
fessional topics → Hate speech; Technology and censorship; Political speech; Governmental regulations;
Additional Key Words and Phrases: Extremism, radicalisation, machine learning, community detection, Nat-
ural Language Processing, neural networks, hate speech, sociolinguistics
ACM Reference format:
Jarod Govers, Philip Feldman, Aaron Dant, and Panos Patros. 2023. Down the Rabbit Hole: Detecting Online
Extremism, Radicalisation, and Politicised Hate Speech. ACM Comput. Surv. 55, 14s, Article 319 (July 2023),
35 pages.
https://doi.org/10.1145/3583067
Authors’ addresses: J. Govers and P. Patros, ORKA Lab, Department of Software Engineering, The University of Waikato,
Gate 3a 209 Silverdale Road, Hillcrest, Hamilton, 3216, Waikato, New Zealand; emails: jg199@students.waikato.ac.nz,
panos.patros@waikato.ac.nz; P. Feldman and A. Dant, ASRC Federal, 7000 Muirkirk Meadows Drive, Beltsville, MD, 20705,
United States; emails: {philip.feldman, aaron.dant}@asrcfederal.com.
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provided that copies are not made or distributed for profit or commercial advantage and that copies bear this notice and
the full citation on the first page. Copyrights for components of this work owned by others than the author(s) must be
honored. Abstracting with credit is permitted. To copy otherwise, or republish, to post on servers or to redistribute to lists,
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https://doi.org/10.1145/3583067
ACM Computing Surveys, Vol. 55, No. 14s, Article 319. Publication date: July 2023.
319:2 J. Govers et al.
1 INTRODUCTION
Online social media empowers users to communicate with friends and the wider world, organise
events and movements, and engage with communities all at the palm of our hands. Social
media platforms are a frequent aid for modern political exchanges and organisation [115], with
extremes amplified by algorithmic recommendation systems, such as on Twitter [49], TikTok [87],
and YouTube [63]. Furthermore, the semantic expression of ideas differs between social media
platforms, with Twitter’s short 280 character limit resulting in more narcissistic and aggressive
content compared to Facebook [75], and anonymous platforms such as 4Chan instilling a vitriolic
“group think” in political threads/“boards” [70]. Hateful, emotive, and “click-worthy” content
permeates virtual discourse, which can radicalise users down an ideological rabbit hole towards
real-world violent action. The individuals behind the 2014 Isla Vista and 2019 Christchurch
shootings appeared as individual “lone-wolf attacks” without an allegiance. However, investiga-
tions found a deep network of perverse and violent communities across social media [40, 106].
Likewise, exploiting social media to plan politically motivated attacks towards the civilian
population to coerce political change (i.e., terrorism) delegitimises democracies, social cohesion,
and physical/mental health [28, 58, 79].
As a response, social media platforms employ text and visual content-moderation systems to
detect and remove hate speech, extremism, and radicalising content. This paper offers a state-
of-the-art Systematic Literature Review (SLR) on the definitions, data collection, annotation,
processing, and model considerations for Extremism, Radicalisation, and Hate speech (ERH)
detection.
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Down the Rabbit Hole: Detecting Online Extremism, Radicalisation 319:3
1.2 Structure
For a high-level summary of this SLR’s findings, refer to Section 4 on Key Research Question Find-
ings, and Section 9 for Recommendations for Future Work. These key summaries condense and
contextualise the 51 studies observed between 2015–2021, which we use to build our proposed
computational ERH definitions and technological roadmap for researchers, industry, and govern-
ment in Section 9.
For a holistic understanding, we present a social context to our motivations in Section 2. Related
work and areas our SLR improves on are outlined in Section 3.1. Section 3 outlines the systematic
protocol used to collect the 51 studies between 2015–2021. Further to the summaries presented
in Section 4, we present an in-depth analysis and cross-examination of studies definitions of ERH
concepts in Section 5, approaches for collecting and processing data in Section 6, algorithmic ap-
proaches for classification in Section 7, and their performance in Section 8. We conclude with
recommendations for future SLRs, and studies in Section 9, and conclusions in Section 10.
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319:4 J. Govers et al.
For example, the “Great Replacement” conspiracy theory claims that non-European immigrants
and children are “colonizers” or “occupiers”, and an “internal enemy”–with the intent to securitise
migration, race, religion, and culture into wars with wording to invoke fears of a fifth column or
racial invasion/replacement [22, 106]. The Christchurch shooter took direct interest in securitising
migrants as an extreme military threat, as far as to name his manifesto after the conspiracy [106].
Extremism is not a strictly demographic “majority vs minority” concern, as it encapsulates move-
ments demanding radical change and earmarked by a sense of rewarding personal and social re-
lationships, self-esteem, and belief of a wider purpose against a perceived adversarial force [58].
Exploiting desires for vengeance and hostility are also key recruitment strategies [20, 58, 70].
Outside of political, cultural, and socio-economic factors, mental health and media are intrinsi-
cally inalienable contributing factors [28, 58, 79]. Likewise, repeated media reports of footage and
body counts can gamify and normalise extremism as a macabre sport for notoriety [20, 79].
Within industry, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and the European Union frame extremism as a
form of indirect or direct support for civilian-oriented and politically motivated violence for co-
ercive change [34]. Facebook expands this industry-wide consensus to include Militarised Social
Movements and “violence-inducing conspiracy networks such as QAnon” [37].
Radicalisation focuses on the process of ideological movement towards a different belief, which
the EU frames as a “phased and complex process in which an individual or a group embraces a radi-
cal ideology or belief that accepts, uses or condones violence” [35]. Terrorism consists of politically
motivated violence towards the civilian population to coerce, intimidate, or force specific political
objectives, as an end-point for violent radicalisation to project extremism [25, 28]. Borum delin-
eates the passive ideological movement of radicalisation from active decisions to engage in ‘action
pathways’ consisting of physical terrorism, or hate crimes [20].
Political radicalisation towards increasingly aggrandising groups can also manifest in Roe’s two
sides of nationalism: positive socio-cultural and negative ethnic/racial nationalism [98]. These
balancing forces create a form of societal security dilemma whereby the actions of one society to
strengthen its identity can cause a reaction in another societal group, weakening security between
all groups–a radicalising spiral which can manifest into a polarised “culture war” [70, 98]. However,
integration over assimilation can inversely undermine culture, self-expression and group cohesion,
leading to alienation and oppression by the dominant political or normative force [28, 98].
Nonetheless, ERH detection does not offer a panacea to combating global terrorism, nor does
surveillance offer a “catch-all” solution. In the case of the livestreamed Christchurch shooter, the
New Zealand Security Intelligence Service concluded that “the most likely (if not only) way NZSIS
could have discovered [the individual]’s plans to conduct what is now known of [the individual]’s
plans to conduct his terrorist attacks would have been via his manifesto.” [106, p. 105]. However,
the individual did not disseminate this until immediately before the attack, and his 8Chan posts
did not pass the criteria to garner a search warrant [106, p. 105]. Hence, extremism detection
is an evolutionary arms race between effective and ethical defences vs. new tactics to evade
detection.
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Down the Rabbit Hole: Detecting Online Extremism, Radicalisation 319:5
The European Union defines hate speech as “all conduct publicly inciting to violence or hatred
directed against a group of persons or a member of such a group defined by reference to race, colour,
religion, descent or national or ethnic origin.” [34]. Whereas, the U.S. Department of Justice frames
that: “A hate crime is a traditional offence like murder, arson, or vandalism with an added element
of bias... [consisting of a] criminal offence against a person or property motivated in whole or in
part by an offender’s bias against a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity, gender,
or gender identity.” [38] Notably, governmental laws may differ from industry content moderation
policies via the omission of sexual, gender, religious or disability protections, and may include
threats of violence and non-violent but insulting speech.
The United Nations outlines the international consensus on hate speech as “any kind of commu-
nication in speech, writing or behaviour, that attacks or uses pejorative or discriminatory language
with reference to a person or a group on the basis of who they are, in other words, based on their
religion, ethnicity, nationality, race, colour, descent, gender or other identity factor.” [117, p. 2]
What all these definitions have in common is that they all involve speech directed at a portion
of the population based on a protected class.
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(1) Results may not be comparable, if they use culture-specific lexical datasets, or language
models trained on other languages.
(2) Linguistic differences and conveyance in language—as what may be culturally appro-
priate for the majority class may appear offensive to minority groups and vice-versa.
(3) The choice of language(s) influences the distribution of target groups—with a bias
towards Islamic extremism given its global reach in both Western (predominantly ISIS) and
Eastern countries (e.g., with studied online movements in the Russian Caucasus Region [77]).
It is worth investigating whether Gaikwad et al.’s finding that 64% of studies solely target
‘Jihadism’ corroborates with our study, which targets only English data [42, p. 17].
Our SLR incorporates the key approaches of dataset evaluation (including their accessibility,
labels, source and target group(s)), data collection and scraping approaches, Machine Learning and
Deep Learning algorithms, pre-processing techniques, research biases, and socio-legal contexts.
Unlike prior SLRs, our SLR conceptualises all elements for ERH context mining—consisting of a
user’s ideological radicalisation to an extremist position, and then projected via hate speech.
3.3 Databases
Given the cross-disciplinary, global and socio-technical concepts for ERH detection, we queried the
following range of software engineering, computer science, crime and security studies databases.
• ProQuest (with the “peer-reviewed” filter, including queries to the below databases)
• Association for Computing Machinery (ACM) Digital Library
• SpringerLink
• ResearchGate
• Wiley
• Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE) Xplore
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Down the Rabbit Hole: Detecting Online Extremism, Radicalisation 319:7
Fig. 1. Method to collect data. Fig. 2. Number of studies per social media platform studied.
Fig. 3. Type of data used for an ERH classification. Fig. 4. Distribution of target groups.
We categorise and frame the two approaches for dataset annotation: organisational or
experience-driven annotation. Organisational annotation utilises non-governmental anti-hate or-
ganisations [105] or ‘expert’ annotator panels—determined via custom tests or by tertiary degree.
Organisational annotation relies on crowdsourced annotators, balanced by self-reported political
affiliation. Inter-rater agreement or Kappa coefficient are the sole metrics for measuring annotator
agreement. Generic ‘hate speech’ and ‘Islamic extremism’ are the predominant dataset categories/
classifications per Figure 4.
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319:10 J. Govers et al.
Notably, only three of the 21 community detection studies utilised Deep Learning Algorithms
(DLAs) [77, 84, 99]. Instead, community detection researchers tended to opt for graph-based models
such as heterogeneous graph models converting follower/following, reply/mention, and URL net-
works with numeric representations for logistic regression or decision trees [12, 16, 24, 48, 80, 84].
Community detection Machine Learning Algorithms (MLAs) performance varied by ~0.3
F1-score (mean between studies) dependent on the selection of features. Statistically significant
features for performant MLA models include gender, topics extracted from a post’s URL(s),
location, and emotion via separate sentiment algorithms such as ExtremeSentiLex [89] and
SentiStrength [112].
For textual non-deep NLP studies, researchers classified text via converting the input into word
embeddings via Word2Vec, GloVe, or frequent words via Term Frequency-Inverse Document
Frequency (TF-IDF), and parsing it into Support Vector Machines, decision trees, or logistic re-
gression models. As these embeddings do not account for word order, context and nuance is often
lost—leading to higher false positives on controversial political threads. Conversely, DLAs utilise
positional and contextual word embeddings for context-sensitivity using Long Short Term Memory
(LSTM) Convolutional Neural Networks and Bidirectional Encoder Representations from Trans-
formers (BERT) leading to their higher performance as outlined in RQ4.
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Fig. 5. Relations between researchers’ country of origin and their dataset’s country of focus (global and
indiscriminate studies excluded). Created via Flowmap.blue [21] with Mapbox [74] and OpenStreetMap [85].
European-origin studies have a reduced bias, where 25% target far-right white supremacy and
29% on Islamic extremism. Islamic extremism’s popularity is a global trend for 20% of all studies,
shown in Figure 4. Hence, there is a clear Islamophobic trend in academia—given the aversion of
far-right groups, and the lack of a change in the distribution of targeted groups between 2015–2021.
Researcher ethics and socio-legal considerations present a critical international research gap, as
only 13% of US and 28% of European studies included discussions on annotation ethics, expression
laws, or regulation. This US vs. Europe discrepancy likely emanates from the data collection and
autonomous decision-making rights guaranteed under the EU’s GDPR [36].
4.5.1 The Case for Oceania and the Global South. Despite developments post-2015, such as two
New Zealand terrorist attacks [94, 106] and five in Australia [8], the rise of racial violence in South
Africa [28], and the 2019-ongoing COVID-related radicalisation [120], no studies considered target-
ing Oceania or English-recognised countries in the global south. Likewise, applying these datasets
across intersectional ethnic, sexual, and cultural domains presents a threat to validity as terms con-
sidered mundane or inoffensive to one group may be considered inflammatory to another. Datasets
are also biased towards racism towards a minority group [31, 123], which may bias English hate
speech in a white minority country such as South Africa. Investigating language trends and model
performance on Mela-, Micro- and Polynesian groups could also offer insights in the role of re-
ligion, values (such as tikanga values in New Zealand’s Māori population), taboos, lexicons, and
social structures unique to indigenous cultures.
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Hence, this research question consists of two parts: the socio-legal ERH definitions, and the
technical implementation and classification thereof outlined in the existing literature.
We identified an unexpected overlap between the definitions and models between extremism and
radicalisation studies, whereby researchers frame these concepts as synonymous with hate speech
with a political/organisational affiliation. Hate speech studies focus on protected groups as binary
‘hate or not’ [3, 4, 15, 27, 32, 57, 77, 84, 101, 109, 111, 123], or multiclass “racism, sexism, offensive,
or neither” text [10, 13, 31, 45, 69, 81, 83, 90, 91, 123, 126], with a consensus that ‘Extremism =
Radicalisation = Hate speech with an affiliation’. Alternatively, we propose a novel computationally
grounded framework and definitions to separate and expand ERH in Section 9 to underline the
holistic stages of extremists temporal radicalisation through disseminating hateful media.
5.0.1 Socio-legal Context Provided in Existing Literature. The largest discrepancy was between
studies that discussed legal or ethical context to ERH, which constituted only 20% of studies
[15, 18, 47, 53, 55, 71, 77, 84, 123, 128]. The remaining 80% relied on an implicit consensus of ‘hate
speech’ (often synonymous with toxic, threatening, and targeted speech), or ‘extremism’ (often
UN designated terrorist organisations like ISIS [118]).
Waseem and Hovy [123] outlined a unique eleven-piece criteria to identify offensive “hate
speech” including considerations for politicised extremist speech via tweets that “promotes, but
does not directly use, hate speech or violent crime” and “shows support of problematic hash
tags” (although “problematic” was not defined). Hate speech as a supervised learning task resulted
in two categories—sexism and racism. A sexist post requires gender-oriented slurs, stereotypes,
promoting gender-based violence, or straw man arguments with gender as a focus (defined as a
logical fallacy aimed at grossly oversimplifying/altering an argument in bad faith [123]). The am-
biguity for sexism classification by human annotators was responsible for 85% of inter-annotator
disagreements [123].
Hate speech is the subjective and derogatory speech towards protected characteristics ex-
pressed directly or indirectly to such groups in textual form.*
*N.B: there is a significant bias in hate speech categorical classification in practice, whereby no
studies considered categories outside of sexism (including gender-identity) or racism.
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The current academic consensus among researchers demonstrates a considerable overlap be-
tween ‘extremism’ and ‘hate speech’ definitions. In practice, extremism exclusively focused on
racism detection, or in the specific context of Jihadism [4, 15, 84], white supremacy [53, 86, 99, 109],
Ukrainian separatists [16], anti-fascism (Antifa) [53], and the sovereign citizen movement [53]. Of
the 13 studies targeting extremism, only one considered extremism by the ADL’s politically-fringe-
but-not-violent definition [1]. Tying extremism to the study of mainstream terrorist-affiliated
groups neglects rising movements, ethical movements using unethical terror-tactics, and non-
violent fragments of other terrorist groups, such as a reversion to ‘fringe’ activism. Hence, extrem-
ism’s working definition is similar to terrorism when considering group affiliation detection. If inves-
tigating extremist ideologies, then the definition is synonymous with those in hate speech studies.
Extremism’s working definition is exceptionally biased towards support for Islamic extremist
movements (10 out of 13 studies [4, 16, 24, 53, 77, 80, 84, 86, 89, 109]), with far-right ideologies a dis-
tant second (5 out of 13 studies [16, 53, 86, 99, 109]). These organisational and ideological biases are
potentially a result of US security discourse and national interests (via the ‘War on Terror’). White
supremacy and far-right ideologies are separate terms used interchangeably without distinction.
No discernible difference between extremism’s definition with both terms used interchange-
ably. Radicalisation = extremism = politically affiliated hate invoking or supporting speech.
Definitions and algorithmic approaches on radicalisation detection relied on political hate speech,
or extremism via ideological affiliation—with five of the eight radicalisation studies targeting
textual or network affiliation to the Islamic State (IS) [7, 47, 80, 95, 101], and two on white
supremacy [46, 103].
The only other notable deviations from this extremism = radicalisation dilemma is Bartal
et al.’s [12] focus on radicalisation as a temporal movement with apolitical roles. Their study inves-
tigated the temporal movement from a ‘Novice’ (new poster) classification towards an ‘influencer’
role based on their network relations and reply/response networks. Chandrasekharan et al. defined
‘radicalisation’ as the process of an entire subreddit’s patterns up to and including the time of its
ban to map subreddit-wide radicalisation [27]. Only two studies are the exception to the extremism
= radicalisation = politicised hate speech consensus per the remainder of the 51 studies [12, 27].
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319:14 J. Govers et al.
Fig. 6. ERH Definition Tree—visualising how ERH definitions deviate based on their algorithmic approach.
Table 2. Table of References for Studies in Each Category (A, B...K) in the above
ERH Definition Tree Diagram
Label Studies Label Studies Label Studies
A [12, 15, 48, 80] B [15, 16, 80, 89, 99, 108] C [48, 108]
D [3, 4, 15, 27, 32, 57, 77, 84, E [14, 53, 80, 89, 93, 99, 99] F [1, 4, 7, 13, 52, 55, 86, 89,
101, 109, 111, 123] 90, 95, 100, 107, 124, 128,
129]
G [15, 18, 46, 47, 103, 104, H [10, 13, 45, 69, 81, 83, 90, I [10, 13, 45, 81, 83, 90, 91,
113] 91, 123, 126] 123, 126]
J [13, 56, 83, 90, 126, 128, K [3, 56, 57, 67, 71, 81, 83, - -
129] 90, 99, 111, 126, 128–130]
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6.1.1 Data Collected. 62% of all studies evaluate ERH on a single post-by-post basis, with NLP
the dominant approach per Figure 3. Conversely, grouping posts on a per user basis frequently
included annotations from cyber-vigilante groups such as the Anonymous affiliated OSINT ‘Con-
trolling Section’ (CtrlSec) group’s annotations of ISIS-supporting accounts [47]. However, Twit-
ter claims that CntrlSec annotations were “wildly inaccurate and full of academics and journal-
ists” [26]. Hence, researchers should avoid unvetted cyber-vigilante data, and consider anonymis-
ing datasets to further benefit user privacy, researcher ethics, and model performance by reducing
false positives (i.e., censorship).
While NLP text detection is the dominant detection approach, 23 of the 51 studies investigated
data sources outside of textual posts. Research gaps include the lack of multimedia and law enforce-
ment studies, with only three hybrid text-image detections [57, 99, 111] and one study utilising
FBI anonymous tips, Automated Targeting System, and Secure Flight data [48, 119].
6.1.2 Data Collection and Annotation Bias. Due to the varying fiscal costs, biases, and time
trade-offs, there is no consensus for selecting or excluding annotators for supervised learning
datasets. Hence, we frame that annotator selection falls within two varying groups: experience-
driven selection and organisation-driven selection.
For the former, experience-driven selection includes studies that utilised self-proclaimed ‘ex-
pert’ panels as determined by their location and relevant degrees [123], are anti-racism and femi-
nist activists [122], or work on behalf of a private anti-discrimination organisation [105]. However,
assembling annotators by specific characteristics may be time-consuming or costly, such as crowd-
sourcing tertiary annotators via Amazon Mechanical Turk, or Figure Eight [10, 45, 71, 81, 93].
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319:16 J. Govers et al.
removing but not classifying bot accounts from the ERH datasets [12, 15, 16, 46, 69, 93, 109]. Strate-
gies include removing duplicate spam text, filtering Reddit bots by name, and setting minimum
account statistics for verification—such as accounts with that share hashtags to at least five other
users to combat spam [16]. Likewise, Lozano et al. limited eligible users for their dataset to have at
least 100 followers, with more than 200 tweets, and at least 20 favourites to other tweets [69]. This
operates on the assumption that bots are short-lived, experience high in-degree between similar
(bot) accounts, and seldom have real-world friends or followers—as discovered by Bartal et al. [12]
Outside of removing suspicious bot accounts via human annotation in dataset generation, com-
putational means to explicitly categorise bots or trolls remains an area for future research.
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319:18 J. Govers et al.
(1) Contextual sentimental embeddings—due to their compatibility with deep learning models
and highest performance, per Table 4.
(2) Pre-defined lexicons—assuming they remain up-to-date with online culture.
(3) Probability-occurrence models—ideal for large-scale clustering of emergent groups [27, 99,
126].
We do not recommend pre-defined lexicons on non-English text, new groups, or ideologies—as
these lexicons may not translate to different concepts and slurs. We recommend adaptive semi or
unsupervised learning via contextual embeddings and entity/concept clustering for edge cases.
Research currently lacks multidomain datasets, pseudo-anonymous platforms, multimedia (i.e.,
images, videos, audio, and livestreams), and extraction of comedy, satire, or bot features.
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Fig. 8. Types of data filtering techniques across NLP and community detection studies.
Fig. 9. Studies with bot or troll filtering. Fig. 10. Special type of data used.
from Transformers (BERT), Convolutional Neural Networks (CNN), and Bidirectional Long
Short-Term Memory (BiLSTM) models (defined further in the Supplementary Material’s Algorithm
Handbook section). DLAs are best oriented for text-only tasks and for hybrid image-caption
models [3, 57, 99, 111]. Nonetheless, Figure 10 highlights the studies which used novel non-textual
forms of data for training ERH detection models. Future NLP studies should consider higher-
performing neural languages models over BERT-base—such as RoBERTa [68], Sentence-BERT [96],
or multi-billion parameter transformers such as GPT-3 [23], GPT-Neo [19], or Jurassic-1 [65].
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319:20 J. Govers et al.
Table 4. Models Ranked by Macro F1-score for the Benchmark Datasets Across Studies
(Inter-study Evaluation)
7.1.1 Non-deep Machine Learning Algorithms in Community Detection Studies. There is a dis-
crepancy in the choice of algorithmic approach compared to NLP-oriented models where less than
a third of the community detection studies considered Deep Learning (DL) models [77, 84, 99],
while NLP-only studies were majority DL (15 of 29). A reason for this discrepancy would be the
limited research in social media network analysis without investigating textual data, instead opting
to cluster group affiliation via K-means [12, 16, 80], NbClust [12], weighted bipartite graphing into
Louvain groups [15, 16], and fast greedy clustering algorithms [80].
We observed that graphing relationship networks result in two types of classification categories:
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Fig. 11. Number of instances of machine learning algorithms (MLAs) used for ERH detection.
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319:22 J. Govers et al.
Fig. 12. Patterns of adoption for ERH detection algorithms over time. Colour change ordered by F1-score
trend (low to high). Brown = ~0.75 F1-score on benchmark datasets, Red = ~0.9 F1-score, Grey = No Data.
Four studies consider model relationships to individual extremist affiliates [12, 24, 48, 77]. In a di-
rect comparison between text and relationship detection models, Saif et al. observed that text-only
semantic analysis outperformed their graph-based network model by a +6% higher F1-score [101].
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and image-text sources—utilising image memes with superimposed text from the Facebook hateful
meme dataset [57] and the MultiOFF meme dataset [111]. Only one study considered the post’s
text (i.e., text not displayed on the image itself) as context via the multimedia Stormfront post and
image data from Rudinac et al. [99].
For the Facebook hateful meme and MultiOFF datasets include images with superimposed cap-
tions [57, 111]. Both Kiela et al. [57] and Aggarwal et al. [3] extract caption text via Optical
Character Recognition (OCR) models–a computer vision technique to convert images with
printed/visual text into machine-encoded text [125]. The three hateful meme studies utilised ei-
ther both (multimodal) or one (unimodal) of the image and its caption [3, 57, 111]. The multimodal
Visual BERT-COCO model attained the highest accuracy of 69.47%, compared to 62.8% for a cap-
tion text-only classifier or 52.73% for image only, 64% for the ResNet152 model [3], and 84.70% for
the baseline (human) [57].
The highest performing multimodal model relied on Visual BERT [57]. Visual BERT extends
textual BERT by merging BERT’s self-attention mechanism to align input text with visual regions
of an image [64]. VisualBERT models are typically pretrained for object detection, segmentation,
and captioning using the generic Common Objects in COntext (COCO) dataset [66], such that
the model can segment and create a textual description of the objects behind an image such as
“two terrorists posing with a bomb” (Figure 13). Training otherwise acts the same as BERT–which
involves masking certain words/tokens from a textual description of the image of what the image
depicts, and VisualBERT predicting the masked token(s) based on the image regions. We aggregate
and generalise all visual ERH detection studies architectural pipelines in Figure 13 [3, 57, 99, 111].
No hateful meme dataset studies consider accompanying text from the original post. This raises
concerns regarding posts satirising, reporting, or providing counter-speech on hateful memes.
Only one study investigated a contextual textual post and accompanying images through a
proposed Graph Convolutional Neural Network (GCNN) model [99]. This GCNN approach
extracted semantic concepts extracted from Wikipedia, such as identifying that an image was a
KKK rally—attaining a 0.2421 F1-score for detecting forum thread affiliation across 40 Stormfront
threads [99].
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319:24 J. Govers et al.
Fig. 13. Deep learning pipeline for visual-text ERH detection based on the hateful meme studies [3, 57, 111].
Fig. 14. Distribution of metrics used across the 51 studies—demonstrating a lack of standardisation.
displayed in Figure 12. SVMs and a single instance of a Random Forest classifier on sentimental
features were the last standing non-deep MLAs [7, 56, 84, 95]. Given the variety of MLA and
DLAs (Figure 11), approaches that frequently underperformed included Word2Vec, non-ensemble
neural networks such as CNN-only models, and baseline models [31, 46]. These baseline models
include the HateSonar model by Davidson et al. [31], Waseem and Hovy’s n-grams and gender-
based approach [123], LSTM model by de Gibert et al. [32], and C-Support Vector Classification
by Basile et al. [13]. No studies discuss memory or computational complexity, an area worthy of
future research as expanded in our Supplementary Material’s Section 3.
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Down the Rabbit Hole: Detecting Online Extremism, Radicalisation 319:25
analysis, as it is not biased towards the majority class, unlike Jaccard or cosine similarity [108].
For community detection models on the same pro/anti-ISIS dataset [39], F1-scores ranged from
0.74–0.93 [7, 15, 95].
Only one study cross-examined text and network features [101], with a hybrid dataset consist-
ing of annotated anti/pro-ISIS users’ posts and number of followers/ing, hashtags, mentions, and
location. Text-only semantic analysis outperformed their network-only model (0.923 F1 vs. 0.866,
respectively) [101]. However, topic (hashtag) clustering and lexicon-based sentiment detection via
SentiStrength underperformed compared to the network-only approach by a 0.07-0.1 lower F1 [101].
Thus, unsupervised clustering models are ideal for temporal radicalisation detection and identifi-
cation of emergent or unknown groups or ideologies. There is insufficient evidence to conclude
whether community detection is superior to NLP due to the lack of shared NLP-network datasets.
For supervised community detection tasks, researchers [15, 80, 101] used network features via
Naïve Bayes [80], k-means [12, 16, 80], SVM [84], and decision trees [77, 84]. The highest F1-
score community detection model was a hybrid NLP and community detection model using network
features, keywords and metadata (i.e., language, time, location, tweet/retweet status, and whether
the post contained links or media) with a Naïve Bayes classifier—attaining a 0.89 F1-score [80].
The temporal movement of one’s belief space and network of interactions from a point of
normalcy towards an extremist belief space. It is an approach to detecting radicalisation
with an emphasis on non-hateful sentiment as ringleaders and/or influencers pull and absorb
others towards their hateful group’s identity, relationships, and beliefs.
As outlined in our novel tree-diagram dissection of ERH definitions to their computational ap-
proach in Figure 6, there is considerable overlap in approaches between the otherwise unique fields
of extremism, radicalisation, and politicised hate speech. Radicalisation’s working definition suffers
from ambiguity in the majority of studies due to its interchangeability towards extremist affilia-
tion and no considerations for temporal changes. Radicalisation’s computational definition should
reflect a behavioural, psychological, and ideological move towards extremism over time. While ex-
tremist ideologies and outwards discourse towards victim groups may be manifestly hateful, rad-
icalisation towards target audiences may involve non-hateful uniting and persuasive speech [58].
Hence, we propose that radicalisation detection should not be a single-post classification. Rather,
models should consider micro (individual), meso (group dynamics), and macro (global events and
trends) relations. The roots for radicalisation result from an individual’s perceptions of injustice,
threat, and self-affecting fears on a micro-level. On a meso-level, this can include the rise of commu-
nity clusters based on topics and relationships. Socially, a radicalised user draws on an extremist
group’s legitimacy, connections and group identity, trends, culture and memes [58, 70, 79].
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319:26 J. Govers et al.
The congregation of users into collective identities (‘in-groups’) in support of manifestly un-
lawful actions or ideas.
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Down the Rabbit Hole: Detecting Online Extremism, Radicalisation 319:27
Hence, the projection and mainstreaming of hateful ideologies through speech, text, images, and
videos requires an outwards dissemination of views shared by extremists, such as racism. The out-
wards dissemination of hate is a strictly NLP (text) and computer vision (entity and object) clas-
sification problem. We delineate hate speech with affiliation to violent extremist groups as such
misappropriation could have devastating effects on one’s image, well-being, and safety [9, 24, 29].
All researchers should be aware that malicious actors may exploit existing ERH models for injuri-
ous surveillance and censorship. Future work should also consider the impacts of labels on society
at large, whereby terms such as ‘far-right’ as an alias for white supremacy is both misleading, infers
a ‘right vs wrong’ left-to-right spectrum, and ambiguous. We recommended decoupling religious
contexts in favour of technical terms such as ‘radical Islamic extremism’ or ‘terror-supporting
martyrdom’ to avoid grouping religiosity to a political ideology and terrorism.
Thus, we propose three key prerequisites for a study to be in the hate speech category:
(1) Investigates textual or multimedia interactions only, whereby detecting cyber-bullying or
extremist community networks should be separate tasks.
(2) Decouples affiliation where possible. For instance, white supremacy instead of far-right (an
ambiguous term) or organisational affiliation.
(3) Considers models which include latent information, such as news, entities, or implied hate.
Datasets should explain each classification with categories for disinformation and fallacies.
Future work in outlining hate speech would be a systematic socio-legal cross-examination of hate
speech laws from governments and policies from social media platforms—including the emerging
consensus vis-á-vis the harmonised EU Code of Conduct for countering illegal hate speech [34].
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319:28 J. Govers et al.
Fig. 15. ERH Context Mining pipeline—with key identified research gaps.
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Down the Rabbit Hole: Detecting Online Extremism, Radicalisation 319:29
offline, and present avenues for cooperation with third-parties such as suicide prevention and
counselling groups. Finally, we recommend searching for multimedia-only studies including for
livestreams.
10 CONCLUSION
ERH context mining is a novel and wide field that funnels to one fundamental aim—the pursuit
to computationally identify hateful content to enact accurate content moderation. In our work,
we harmonised Extremist affiliation, Radicalisation, and Hate Speech in politicised discussions from
2015–2021 in a socio-technical context to deconstruct and decouple all three fields of our proposed
ERH context mining framework. Hence, we propose a novel framework consisting of ideological iso-
morphism (radicalisation), morphological mapping (extremism), and outwards dissemination (politi-
cised hate speech) based on our findings in RQ1. While hate speech included racism and sexism,
other forms of discrimination were seldom considered. Extremism and radicalisation frequently
targeted Islamic groups, particularly from US and European researchers. Binary post-by-post clas-
sification remain the dominant approach despite the complexity of online discourse.
There is a clear and present danger in current academia emanating from the unresolved biases in
dataset collection, annotation, and algorithmic approaches per RQ2. We observed a recurring lack
of consideration for satire/comedic posts, misinformation, or multimedia sources. Likewise, data
lacked nuance without contextual replies or conversational dynamics, and were skewed towards
the US and Europe—with the global south, indigenous peoples, and Oceania all marginalised.
Computationally, we identified that deep learning algorithms result in higher F1-scores at the
expense of algorithmic complexity via RQ3/4. Context-sensitive neural language DLAs and SVM
with sentimental, semantic, and network-based features outperformed models found in prior SLRs.
However, state-of-the-art models still lack a contextual understanding of emergent entities, con-
versational dynamics, events, entities and ethno-linguistic differences. To combat injurious censor-
ship and vigilantism, we recommended several areas for future work in context-sensitive models,
researcher ethics, and a novel approach to framing ERH in SLRs and computational studies.
The poor design and abuse of social media threatens the fabric of society and democracy. Re-
searchers, industries, and governments must consider the full start-to-finish ecosystem to ERH
context mining to understand the data, their criteria, and model performance. Without a holistic
approach to delineating and evaluating Extremism, Radicalisation, and Hate Speech, threat actors
(extremists, bots, trolls, (non-)state actors) will continue to exploit and undermine content moder-
ation systems. Hence, informed, accurate, and ethical content moderation are core to responsible
platform governance while averting injurious censorship from biased models.
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