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CONSUMER
PSYCHOLOGY
Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459 – 470

The aesthetics of luxury fashion, body and identify formation

Alladi Venkatesh a , Annamma Joy b,⁎, John F. Sherry Jr. c , Jonathan Deschenes d
a
The Paul Merage School of Business, University of California, Irvine, CA 92697-3125, USA
b
University of Bristish Columbia, 3333 University Way, Kelowna, Canada V1V 1 V7
c
Mendoza College of Business University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN 46556, USA
d
HEC, Montreal, Canada H3T 2A7
Received 30 September 2009; revised 24 June 2010; accepted 29 June 2010
Available online 2 August 2010

Abstract

In this paper we theorize and empirically investigate how female consumers' attitudes and preferences relating to bodily appearance are linked
to their perceptions of the aesthetics of fashion. Our theoretical work is informed by three streams of research: aesthetics of production, aesthetics
of reception and aesthetic labor. These three converge to illuminate our study. Using the ZMET technique, we uncover four themes: fashion as
wearable art, body and self-identity, bodily appearance and high fashion brands, and aesthetic labor through fashion. Our focus on the aesthetics of
fashion and identity formation provides a segue into the broader discussion of the growing importance of aesthetics in understanding consumer
behavior.
© 2010 Society for Consumer Psychology. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Luxury fashion aesthetics; Fashion and self-identity; Fashion and body

Introduction Our theoretical approach integrates and goes beyond recent

In this paper, we theorize and empirically investigate how
consumers' attitudes and preferences relating to bodily
appearance are linked to their perceptions of the aesthetics of
fashion. We address the link between embodiment and
consumer experiences and identity formation in order to
elucidate the contours of aesthetic experience.
As some fashion researchers (Davis, 1992; Dwyer, 2004;
Entwistle, 2009) have noted, there seems to be a natural
relationship between bodily appearance and fashion choices,
but this link has not been adequately investigated within the
field of consumer research. Our study attempts to examine key
issues that lie at the intersection of aesthetics, fashion, and the
body based on consumer narratives, and explores how the
underlying themes emerging from such narratives provide
empirical and theoretical insights into bodily appearance and
the aesthetics of fashion.
⁎ Corresponding author.
E-mail address: Annamma.Joy@ubc.ca (A. Joy).
1057-7408/$ - see front matter © 2010 Society for Consumer Psychology. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.jcps.2010.06.011
work by consumer researchers on the aesthetics of the body (Joy &
Sherry, 2003; Thompson & Hirschman, 1995), fashion theory
(Barthes, 1983[1967]; McCracken, 2005; Scott, 2005; Solomon,
1985), gender subjectivities and gender-based appeals (Kaiser,
Freeman, & Chandler, 1993; Sengupta & Dahl, 2008) and identity
formation (Oyserman, 2009; Shavitt, Torelli, & Wong, 2009;
Wang & Calder, 2009). Our empirical work employs a modified
ZMET approach (Ringberg, Odekerken-Schröder, & Christensen,
2007; Zaltman & Coulter, 1995), an analytical technique using
qualitative data based on visual images as interpreted by
consumers. We focus on three theoretical notions that collectively
form the basis of our study: aesthetics of production, aesthetics of
reception and aesthetic labor.
In the field of culture and fashion theory, there has been a fair
amount of attention paid to fashion and bodily appearance as a
way to recognize the aesthetics of production that includes dress,
clothing, and costumes (Entwhistle, 2000; Miller, 2007). In
addition, consumer researchers have begun to pay attention to
developments relating to the reception of aesthetic images
(Schroeder, 2002; Venkatesh & Meamber, 2008). On a more
sociological level, the notion of aesthetic labor enters the picture,

460 A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470
indicating that consumers live in an “aesthetic economy” (Postrel,
2003) and that norms of attire and appearance are influenced by
socio-cultural forces. These different strands of research raise a set
of questions that guide our study:
1. What meanings do consumers derive from fashion images
and what metaphors do they use to describe their bodily
experiences with and exposure to high fashion?
2. How do consumers integrate their perception of bodily
appearance, aesthetics of fashion, and identity?
3. What type of aesthetic effort is exerted by consumers to look
good in their attire and adornments?
Theoretical framework
Before presenting our theoretical framework, we offer some
working definitions of fashion and aesthetics. Given the vast
literature on these subjects with many divergent views, there is
no single definition that will do justice to their full meanings.
For our purpose, we define “fashion” as the most admired style
in clothes and bodily adornments. By implication it is “the
cultural construction of the embodied identity”(Steele, 2004).
Likewise, the term “aesthetics” refers to visual forms of objects
and sensory experiences associated with, texture, harmony,
order and beauty (Venkatesh & Meamber, 2008). Neither
fashion nor aesthetics are timeless and therefore, the aesthetics
of fashion is constantly evolving based on prevailing tastes and
cultural dispositions (Slater, 2002).
The Fashion System and the Aesthetics of Production
An early proponent of “the fashion system,” Roland Barthes
(1983[1967]) provided the foundational theoretical work on
fashion as a semiotic system of language and signs. His study
included a thorough examination of fashion magazines and
focused on the “written garment.” He examined clothing/fashion
as an integral part of the visual sign system, and analyzed the
relationship between images and text in the production and
diffusion of fashion culture. He was one of the first theorists to
elaborate the notion of fashion as a sign system, which also
underscores the practice of media culture as it relates to fashion.
McCracken (2005) used a cultural production framework
and considered the fashion system from a structural/cultural
perspective, for the system can be manipulated for symbolic
purposes through a transfer of cultural meanings. In general,
there are cultural/social contexts that provide the broad canvas
in which fashion meanings are incorporated. This is what
McCracken calls the meaning transfer system within a cultural
framework. Meanings are also generated through interactions
with reference groups to which the individuals may belong.
Ultimately, individuals ascribe their own meanings to objects
based on their own judgments and evaluations. It is quite
possible that these different levels of meanings—cultural,
group-oriented and individual—may be in conflict with each
other. Thus consumers resolve these issues by developing
meaning structures that best define their own self-identity.
Consumers modify and adapt these lessons to their “life
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projects” and “life themes.” Thus we see an interplay of tensions
between the dominant fashion discourses and consumers' own
preferred styles and personal notions of body appearance. This
leads us to the aesthetics of reception.
Aesthetics of reception—bodily discourses and identity formation
In almost all cultures, the aesthetic notions of the body are
central to one's identity (Joy & Sherry, 2003). Some researchers
have found a linkage between consumer choices and identity based
motivation (Oyserman, 2009; Shavitt et al., 2009). The cultural
logic of the role of the body in reference to self-identity varies
depending on whether the body is viewed as celebrated or
commodified (Joy & Venkatesh, 1994). Bodies are also viewed
differently based on sub-cultural idioms and representations. Thus,
for example, adolescent discourses on sexuality are associated with
their bodily tropes. Fashion designers think of the body as
malleable and subject to artistic engagement through identity-
enhancement trappings. However, in the world of advertising
gratuitous sex appeals have also raised some concerns because of
their implications to bodily discourses (Sengupta & Dahl, 2008).
Consumers are exposed to culturally dominant meanings in the
fashion world and attribute their own personal meanings to fashion
objects (Solomon, 1985; Thompson & Haytko, 1997). They derive
meanings from the fashion world and also directly or vicariously
experience fashion objects—directly by adorning them and
vicariously through exposure to fashion models or attractive
people or through magazine displays and media exposure.
Aesthetic labor and fashion
While theories of the phenomenology of body aesthetics
point to its central importance in consumer culture, fashion
theorists describe how clothing and dress have contributed to
the intensification of aesthetic norms of the body.
Contemporary theories of fashion have shifted their focus from
the liberatory and celebratory notions of fashion to normative
expectations. In examining this close relationship, Miller (2007)
concludes that while “sartorial fashion” provides a serious
aesthetic basis and clothes are integral to artistic discourse, they
are also subject to the demands of aesthetic economy and body
culture (Postrel, 2003). One consequence of this is that consumers
follow and welcome the standards and guidelines set by their
reference groups. Another consequence is that this has led to
feminist critique which views fashion as exploitative of the female
body. As noted by Hanson (1990), “Fashion calls attention to
illusions grounded in embodiment…[A]ttention to dress is
inseparable from attention to the body… and both are subject to
the political economy of male gaze and historic resentment.”
These discourses lead us to the concept of “aesthetic labor.”
Aesthetic labor is a construct that helps us integrate these
different streams of theorizing. This has been also been addressed
recently in the consumer literature (Pettinger, 2004). With the
entry of women into the professional workforce, fashion ideas are
no longer limited to private/personal situations. The term,
aesthetic labor, is used by Warhurst and Nickson (2001)
contextually to refer to embodied capacities and attributes “that

A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470
enable employees to ‘look good and sound right’ in their jobs.”
These authors focus on service industries where appearances
matter as service professionals are performing their duties. This is
especially important in fields where style and design are
considered significant, and where emotional labor (Hochschild,
1983) figures prominently. As a consequence, aesthetic labor may
result in the exploitation of (female) embodiment in workplace
requirements, especially in service dominant environments. Thus
there is corporate production of aesthetic labor as part of the
aesthetics of the organization. However, one counterargument to
this is that there is no reason to believe that only females are
exploited and men are not, for it is really a function of the type of
work done and not who (or which gender) does it.
In the balance of this paper, we empirically investigate how
the attention to the body plays a crucial role in aesthetic
experiences of consumers in relation to their conceptions of
fashion. It has become a truism in studies of fashion that
garments cannot signify without a body, real or imagined, and
that even an unworn garment refers to the materiality of an
eventual wearer (Entwhistle, 2000).
Methodology
Visual image elicitation
In this study we employed a modified ZMET technique to better
understand fashion and bodily concepts that guide consumers in
their perceptions of fashion and aesthetics of body (Ringberg et al.,
2007; Zaltman & Coulter, 1995). ZMET has been widely used by
consumer researchers for it combines cultural models of narrative
understanding with cognitive principles. ZMET is useful in delving
into and providing in-depth understanding of key perceptual
concepts. It consists of a series of steps combining different
projective techniques to explore how individuals understand
consumer phenomenon and products. We had informants collect
ten to twelve images of what high fashion meant to them. We used
these images to probe issues related to the body, beauty, and actions
taken by individuals to look good. Such a visual elicitation
technique is designed to uncover rich descriptions of the people, the
context, and products in the picture. The resulting narratives reflect
the transportation experience (Wang & Calder, 2009) of consumers
engaged in aesthetic practice. Recent advances in cognitive
research have shown that the bulk of people's thoughts and
feelings are below the level of consciousness, the result being that
those within easy reach represent the tip of the iceberg (Zaltman &
Coulter, 1995).
We believe that by allowing the informants to express
themselves through pictures and by shifting the focus from the
person to the images, we can overcome some of the hesitation
people have about discussing topics that are central to their
concerns. It allows them to connect to submerged feelings,
symbols, and metaphors (Zaltman & Zaltman, 2008). Since
most thoughts occur through images and have an embodied
content (Joy & Sherry, 2003), the ZMET technique is well
suited to plumbing the link between fashion, art, and the body.
Since the images were chosen by informants themselves,
participants were actively involved with the project. A
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461
consequence of this type of engagement is that interviews are
long but are productive. In our study, the interviews typically
lasted between one and two hours. Each image conjured a story,
and informants were very involved and enthusiastic when they
described why they had chosen certain images and what they
read in these images. Fig. 1 provides all the images that were
used by participants that we report in this paper. In Fig. 2, we
link our empirical findings with the theoretical concepts
discussed earlier by using the ZMET framework that includes
originator constructs, connector constructs and destination
constructs (Zaltman & Coulter, 1995). Unlike in the theory
testing procedures customarily found within the nomological
framework, ZMET approach begins with basic theoretical
constructs that motivate or ground the study and subject them to
empirical analysis where the goal is to examine how the
theoretical constructs unfold from subject inputs.
Our informants were primarily between the ages of 20 and 50.
The participants were chosen through a snowballing technique and
were given detailed instructions appropriate to the ZMET process.
Given that all our informants are women, our study represents a
female voice; future work should be extended to male consumers,
to understand their expressions and preferences. Table 1 provides a
brief description of each participant.
The interviews were audiotaped, transcribed, and then used
for analysis. Analysis involved close reading of the transcripts,
including identifying central and meaningful themes as they
emerged. The themes were refined until we were satisfied that
they were captured in the quotes (Spiggle, 1994). The
organizing theme that integrated our interpretation was the
aesthetics of the body through perceptions of fashion.
Empirical analysis and results
Four themes emerged from our analysis: (1) High Fashion
Clothing as “Wearable Art,” (2) Body and Self-Identity in the
Context of Trendy but Timeless High Fashion Values, (3)
Synechdochal References to the Body via High Fashion Brands,
and (4) Aesthetic Labor, Body Image, and Fashion Models.
Under each theme, we present the visual images selected by our
subjects (see Fig. 1a–q).
Theme 1. High Fashion Clothing as “Wearable Art”
The first striking theme to emerge from analysis is the notion of
“high fashion clothing” as wearable art. This contrasts with the
general view of fashion as not being in the realm of art because, as a
form of bodily adornment, it is fickle and impermanent. Those who
have supported the idea of fashion as art emphasize the visual
beauty of clothes (Miller, 2007; Thompson & Haytko, 1997). The
body is central to such an engagement; indeed, it constitutes the
basic canvas for all human performance.
The following excerpt from an interview with Alicia (30-
something office worker) clarifies the importance of the body in
the creation of high fashion as “wearable art.” Alicia showed us
two images (see Fig. 1a and b) and noted:
“Haute couture is undeniably an art form. The first image I
have chosen is Monet's ‘water lilies.’ The use of color and
texture in this painting makes it enjoyable and although the
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462 A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470

structure looks deceptively simple, the combined techniques
make it interesting to view. I believe luxury goods are
created the same way. The second image communicates this
well. The yellow dress the woman is wearing looks like a
daffodil. The structure of the dress is that of a blossoming
flower. It is definitely wearable art.”
Clearly the body is implicated in the description of the dress
and the reference to nature. Worn by a tall, attractive model, the
daffodil dress comes alive. The structure and construction of the
dress, which looks deceptively simple, is as complex as the
creation of the world-renowned work of art, Monet's Water
Lilies. There is sensuousness and beauty in the dress, which

a b

c d

e f g

h i
Fig. 1. Images.

A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470
j k
n o
q
Fig. 1 (continued).
echoes some of the concerns of recent contemporary art with its
refocus on beauty (Beckley & Shapiro, 2002). The dress is
attractive, allowing consumers to form some identification with
the products and have an emotional attachment to them. Alicia's
comments reflect the condition that Miller (2007) discusses
when she asks the question, “Is fashion art?”
Melissa (35-year-old teacher) makes a subtler reference to the
body when she talks about artistic creations of fashion designers:
“The image of the illuminated shoe [Fig. 1c] displays an
artistic creation assembled with elaborate pieces that seem
to be delicately and complexly placed. My initial thought
was that the creator of this piece had taken an everyday
necessity and transformed it into a beautiful work of art. The
second image is that of a deer [Fig. 1d] which had been
created through the amalgamation of many abandoned items
from a garbage dump. There is nothing beautiful about
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463
l m
p
trash; yet when combined into a form, it becomes purposeful
and picturesque. This creativity is what makes high fashion
clothes an art form.”
The deliberate and constructed nature of couture is what
Melissa refers to. By extension it calls attention to the individual
who wears such a beautifully crafted ensemble to look like a
work of art herself.
Sarah (a 50-year-old consultant) likewise refers to high
fashion as elegant works of art.
“High fashion clothes are often beautiful, emphasizing being
slender, curvy, soft, delicate and feminine. The dress of this
woman (image of woman in white wedding dress—see
Fig. 1e) is delicate with intricate lace—but there is a wonderful
symmetry and balance that is strikingly beautiful.”
There is a projection of an image of beauty exemplified in
this picture—almost impossible to attain if an individual is not
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464 A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470

Theoretical Framework Empirical Analysis

Originator Connector Destination
Constructs Constructs Constructs

Wearable Art
Aesthetic
Production
Fashion
System

Identity
Formation

Body
Aesthetic
Reception
High Fashion
Representation
and Brands
Aesthetics
Aesthetic
Labor

Body
Image and
Fashion (Role)
Models

Fig. 2.

six feet tall and a size two. But this is also the image many
women dream of for their wedding day.
Our informants' comments on the idea of fashion as
wearable art are in sync with the descriptions offered by
fashion theorist Hollander (1993). He considers it axiomatic that
“dress is a form of visual art, a creation of images with a visible
self as its medium.”
Theme 2. Body and Self-Identity in the Context of Trendy
but Timeless High Fashion Values
Fashion calls attention to the physicality of the body as well
as the culturally evolving discourse around it. While fashions go
through a life cycle, luxury fashion is portrayed as “timeless.”
Similarly, while the body does age and change, the concepts of
beauty and sex appeal are not fickle. Referring to the picture of
Carmen Dell Orefice, (see Fig. 1f) Tina noted:
“She is such a classy lady. She is the epitome of what is
high fashion. She is a classic beauty—she does not seem to
have faded away. At seventy-seven she is still doing photo
shoots.”
Linda (30-year-old homemaker) added:
“I believe the theme of timelessness can be seen in two
distinct ways. The most literal interpretation of the theme is
that luxury goods are in fact timeless—like watches and
jewelry. The second meaning is more abstract. What I mean
is that while high fashion trends and designs will continue to
change, the fundamental values of luxury, prestige, and
sophistication are in fact timeless.”
While timelessness is an important quality in the fashion
world, remixing and refashioning is a continuous process. In this
sense, fashions change, but the meaning or substance of fashion
may not, or at least not as rapidly; that is, on the one hand, what is
artful and trendy today might cease to be so in the next decade,
and on the other hand, something about fashion consciousness
may be timeless. This is what Appadurai (1996; 85) refers to as
the tension between the aesthetics of ephemerality and the
aesthetics of duration.
Tanya (40-year-old fashion writer) spoke of the late 1980s
“when everybody dressed in black—it was severe and matched
the somber mood of a time of recession.” But black is classic
and timeless. Tanya's knowledge of the fashion world gives her
some insight into how colors and palettes are recycled in society
based on the fluctuations of the economy. So black can be
viewed as both timeless and trendy.
Cara (20-something student) also links high fashion to
beauty and sex appeal (Fig. 1g).
“The image that represents beauty is a picture of a rose. The
image of sex appeal is represented by a woman lying on the
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A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470 465

Table 1 Theme 3. Synechdochal References to the Body Via High

List of participants.
Fashion Brands
Name Age Occupation The next theme deals with the aesthetics of fashion as it
Alicia 30 something Office worker relates to the products that refer synecdochally to a woman's
Mellissa 35 Teacher body. Tara (30-year-old administrator) showed us her image of
Sarah 50 something Consultant high heels (Fig. 1i) and noted:
Cara 20 something Student
Linda 30 Housewife “This image symbolizes the confidence that women have
Tanya 40 something Fashion writer with high fashion shoes. A pair of heels can add “oomph” to
Brenda 20 something Student
Tara 30 Administrator
any outfit and I think women feel empowered because they
Seville 40 something Shop assistant are taller when they wear heels. Fashion models demon-
Tina 20 something Student strate confidence, composure, and poise when they strut on
Sabrina 40 something Graphic designer the catwalk and consumers are able to see themselves in the
Katelyn 30 something Store manager outfits and shoes in particular.”
Katie 30 Fashion store assistant
Amanda 35 Photographer Tara's view is compelling. What looks like an effortless strut
Zara 40 something Executive by models is an art form that is painstakingly learned. Being a
Jenny 20 something Student
Zinnia 30 something Housewife
model takes a lot of effort, which we recognize as aesthetic
Shayla 40 something Manager labor that is performed to please various clients.
Katrina 20 something Student Seville (40-something shop assistant) had a slightly different
Mabel 50 something Housewife take on the high-heeled shoes—an image of a shoe by Christian
Emily 20 something Student Louboutin (see Fig. 1j):
Maeve 20 something Student
Kendra 20 something Student “Consumers purchase these shoes because they want to be
Jennie 20 something Student
Sheila 30 something Housewife
seen in them. I think the fashion brand wears the consumer
Mara 40 something Store assistant rather than consumer wearing the brand. People are more
Leyla 30 something Bank teller likely to notice the product because they see the red soles on
Emma 50 something Salesperson high-heel pumps- a dead giveaway it is a Christian Louboutin
Bonny 20 something Student shoe.”
Brianna 40 something Office worker
Seville's comments on the distinctive style of particular
brands suggests that inanimate objects can become animate and
ground with a focus on her legs and red high heels. Sexual even dwarf the importance of the individual wearing the brand.
connotations are quite evident. Currently beauty is viewed She also refers to choices based on the beauty of the shoes. Here
as being thin for women, tall, and sexually appealing.” we refer to the work of Kirmani (2009) who argues at hat there
is a close relationship between one's self-identity and brand-
In all discussions of the body thus far, there is an underlying related consumption.
reference to culturally constituted meanings (McCracken, 2005). But Cindy (30-something graduate student) talks about how
Culture shapes our bodies, thoughts, feelings, desires, and values. the brand can give the wearer sex appeal:
It allows us to express ourselves in aesthetically pleasing ways,
just as it helps us to define how to continually remake our bodies “The soul of the luxury brand is its design, which has to be
and ourselves. Culture, however, cannot exist without the both timeless yet modern, and exude sex appeal. Choo and
animating power of embodied thought and action. Christian Louboutin conjure up images of privilege and
For example, Brenda (20-plus student) showed us an image luxury. Despite the success of the sneaker, high heels
of a powerful woman holding what looks like a surgical needle remain, as enhancements of stature, status, and sex appeal.”
in her right hand (see Fig. 1h):
Like foot binding, corsets, and body piercing in the past,
“Her eyes indicate strength and confidence. She is assertively women continue to tamper with their bodies in the name of
looking over her shoulder, possibly demonstrating the beauty—the high heel is particularly damaging to women and
instrument in her hand to someone. The instrument could be contributes to back and knee problems. These marks (on the
interpreted as a surgical needle. The authority and prestige that body) are material, and they issue from power-saturated
doctors have can be reflected in the way she holds it. A woman discursive and material fields (Parkins, 2008).
in high fashion clothes gives off this aura of power.” Other items that have great appeal and reflect the body are
Brenda's description certainly gives us the feeling of strength handbags and jewelry. Many women want to own designer
and power that women have in society today. Brenda seems to handbags. Tina, a young (20-something) student, observed,
imply that the image of socially constructed power defines self- while showing off her Gucci tote (see Fig. 1k):
identity. In this context, as the next theme shows, high fashion
brands are a way to enhance this notion of identity through “My father bought me this for my birthday—Gucci Sukey
bodily experiences. large tote. It's just a canvas tote with some cream leather

466 A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470
trimming using the famous Gucci monogram fabric. Maybe
it's a bit played out. Logo bags are not nearly what they use
to be. It was only $850—but it drapes so well on my
shoulder and makes me look graceful.”
Tina's description of the Gucci tote is an observation about
the physical glamour that fashion brands lend to the body. She is
neither tall nor beautiful, but she perceives that this bag slung
over her shoulder gives her a new look that is aesthetically
pleasing.
Sabrina (40-something designer) also noted that she had
bought a Dior Gaucho bag because it made her look glamorous
(see Fig. 1l). While Sabrina is mindful of the cost of looking
unique and glamorous, she is lost in the beauty of the gaucho
bag, which to her epitomizes what is classic. The body is
implicated in her statement that “it goes with everything,”
whether she is covered up in winter or dressed down in summer.
Sarah (quoted earlier) also told us how she “fell in love” with
a ring she bought at Bulgari (see Fig. 1m): “I bought a three-
band ring in 18K gold from Bulgari. Its iconic and linear design
features the central spiral and two lateral rims with the double
logo engraved. I bought it for my 50th birthday. The ring really
dazzled me when I first saw it.”
Sarah's comments about how wearing the ring changes her
as a person reveal the transformative power of high fashion
brands. It bespeaks the kratophany of sacred consumption
(Belk, Wallendorf, & Sherry, 1989). It makes her a calmer and
gentler person.
Focusing on a body part—the lips in this instance—was how
Katelyn (30-year-old manager) talked about the body (see
Fig. 1n). She showed us an image of a woman's face—the focus
was on her lips and expression:
“The appeal of this picture comes mainly from the
provocative way the woman's head and fingers are
positioned. The way her head is tilted back suggests
vulnerability and yet it is also an inviting gesture. Also, the
way her fingers are loosely placed over her chin with one
finger lightly caressing her lip is very provocative as well.
Her mouth is slightly open, which emphasizes her inviting
position. The girl as well as the red lipstick against the black
background grabs your attention. It represents sex appeal in
an arresting fashion.”
Katelyn is very astute about showing us how sex appeal is
important to the way in which a woman sees herself, as well as
how others—particularly men—see her. The reference to the
body is clear, body part by body part, although the overall
glamorous look that is appropriated is holistic. However, the
glamorous look is not always liberatory, as shown in our next
theme, aesthetic labor.
Theme 4. Aesthetic Labor, Body Image, and
Fashion Models
An emergent theme that relates to issues of embodiment is
the persona of the fashion model, which becomes the canvas
that designers manipulate as they develop and display their
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designs. As Katie (30-something fashion store assistant)
observed:
“They [fashion models] are walking ads for the designer and
help to attract the attention of potential customers. The
majority of high fashion brands seem to prefer the
nondescript models. The lighting and shadows are strategi-
cally positioned to highlight certain features of the model
and her specific look. It definitely looks like the work of a
highly skilled and highly paid photographer and stylist” (see
Fig. 1o).
There is a difference in relationship between body and
clothing in fashion representation and in the lived world. De
Perthuis (2005) argues that there is a co-dependency between
the two to the point where one cannot be understood without
reference to the other. On the other hand, according to Barthes
(1983[1967]), all that is natural is dissolved into the artifice of
fashion. He makes the distinction between the manufactured
garment and the represented garment, which does not contain
the modalities of the worn garment. “The fashion model's body
is divested of anything that is functional—so that the body
refers only to the garment.”
Attention is drawn to the face of the model on the catwalk (as
opposed to a photo shoot) to represent a high fashion brand,
although the model is the personification of the consumer's
dream. The body of the model is very important to the
presentation of the image. Amanda (35-year-old photographer)
has this to say:
“The model always uses particular body techniques—for
instance, the positioning of the eyes. She never looks at
anyone in the crowd who are seated below her on the
catwalk. She looks into the camera and almost looks as if
she is above the rest of us. This is true of her walk as well. It
is very contrived and communicates a particular image” (see
Fig. 1p).
The model represents the fashion house/brand in the ads, but
she can be hired by several brands to display their products.
While good looks and height are important, the versatility of the
model to represent different ideas and fashion themes is central
to her success in the fashion world. There is an element of
consumer fantasizing here. Models must invest in styling their
bodies and personalities in order to be successful in their
business.
Another take on models and their bodies is more negative,
and is referred to by Zara (40-year-old executive) (see Fig. 1q):
“Eating disorders have become epidemic and are now the
most deadly of all mental illnesses. The high fashion
standards of beauty are rarely obtained and should continue
to receive criticism of how they are manipulating body
image for various reasons.”
Zara's profound ideas are echoed even in the fashion world
where some countries (e.g., Spain) have made some require-
ments in terms of weight and size. The body becomes a
caricature of the self when a model is 5-feet, 11-inches tall and
weighs 110 pounds. If we take the position that Barthes (1983

A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470
[1967]) does, that there is a difference between the photo shoot
body of the model and the lived body, then we will have to
ignore what the model does in her lived existence. Her lived
body should not really matter. But this is not the case in practice
as females are under constant pressure to dress up in their
professional or working lives, as noted by Hochschild (1983).
For example, a related theme that emerged from our
interviews had to do with how participants drew inspiration
from the fashion world in order to look good. In some cases, it
became an obsession, as is reflected in the earlier discussion of
anorexic models. It led to some participants talking about
having cosmetic surgery in order to look good. In other
instances, they were just inspired to wear attractive clothes and
to have makeup that brought out the best in them. Zara
continued:
“I would like to work out sufficiently to look good like these
runway models. I try to do weights at least three times a
week.”
Zara's preoccupation with her weight and looks is normal,
although inspired by media. But this is not always the case, as
Zinnia (30-year-old housewife) notes:
“I am starving myself daily and watching everything I eat. I
also work out for long hours and yet I cannot look like these
models [at least my body].”
Zinnia is only 5-feet, 5-inches tall and loves to wear designer
clothes. Her focus on her body is “objective,” something to be
worked on. She feels that once she has gotten it to the point that
makes her happy, then it will feed into her definition of self.
However, Shayla (40-year-old manager) takes body obses-
sion to another level and says:
“I would like to look like Cindy Crawford. I am willing to
go under the knife to chisel and hone my face etc.,.”
Here the danger of total dissatisfaction with her body is
apparent. She feels compelled to do plastic surgery in order to
look beautiful. Her self-worth seems to be tied into this
requirement of looking good (Sengupta & Dahl, 2008).
In all of these examples, we see that individuals view the body
as both an externalized object to be worked on by the self, as well
as an integral aspect of the self. The pressure for self-management,
especially when it comes to keeping a trim body and looking
good, is very high. There is a lot of aesthetic labor that goes into
sculpting oneself and one's appearance. Often, negative emotions
and dissatisfaction with one's looks trigger aesthetic labor.
Discussion and study implications
This article has queried the bodily aspects of aesthetics under
the theoretical framework that integrated the ideas of aesthetics
of fashion and the body. Several themes emerged from our
empirical analysis: high fashion clothing as “wearable art,”
body image and self-identity, high fashion values, references to
the body via fashion brands, and aesthetic labor and body
image.
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467
We provide a discussion of our results by integrating them
into our theoretical framework. Using ZMET terminology
proposed by Zaltman and Coulter (1995), we categorize the
constructs identified in the theoretical framework as originator
constructs and connector constructs and the themes emerging
from our empirical analysis as destination constructs (Fig. 2).
In one informant's description of fashion as “wearable art,” we
find the inextricable link between two meanings of aesthetics, one
concerning form and appearance, the other concerning art and
representation (Kumar & Garg, 2010). This association between
art and aesthetics seems to attract consumers to the realm of
fashion. At the same time, the “wearability” of fashion suggests
the privileging of bodily appearance. Other responses confirm
such an artistic meaning of fashion, which materializes on the
body. Thus the body becomes the geography of human persona
(Damhorst, 1999; Joy & Sherry, 2003; Krishna, Elder, & Caldara,
2010). There is also a view that the body undergoes changes over
time while fashion can be timeless. However, the symbolism of
the maturing body can be augmented with the help of bodily
adornments such as watches and jewelry. This affords an aesthetic
continuity for the consumer as she grows into and through the
world of fashion.
The aesthetic view of fashion is further advanced not only in
clothes that people wear, but also in various other products such
as high-heeled shoes; they betray an expression of art form and
empower the wearer of the fashion. Jewelry is also incorporated
into self-identity. Thus, one can see how bodily adornments
enhance self-identity and social position and give the individual
a certain stature. In all such instances, the wearer looks to a
combination of clothes, jewelry, shoes, and other adornments
as objects of desire and fulfillment, enhancing the somatic
value for the consumer. Identity formation is thus a material
process through which continuous changes are made. Further,
while such identity-based motivation (Oyserman, 2009; Shavitt
et al., 2009) is compelling, affectively it can be both clarifying
and confusing (see also Cho & Scwartz, 2010). As a measure of
the deep impact of the fashion world, our informants look to
fashion models as incorporating aesthetic values while at the
same time they are troubled by the unattainable goals projected
by the models.
There is also a notion of self-identity associated with the
aesthetics of reception and the aesthetics of production that come
through in our findings (Yang, Zhang, & Peracchio, 2010)
issue). The aesthetics of reception takes into consideration how
consumers appropriate meanings of high fashion clothing and
accessories into their lives. The location of the subject is not
always obvious (as in the dress that unfolds like a daffodil) as it is
in the interaction between the participant and the location. When
Alicia looks at the yellow dress that resembles a daffodil, she is
not quite sure how she will look in that dress, although she does
say that it is definitely wearable art. She is not lost in this dress, or
de-centered in her encounter with this object. The dress is
beautiful as is the daffodil with which she is familiar. The
mutually constitutive effect of the garment and discourse is
necessary to acknowledge in her attempts to make the garment
intelligible. Interpretation and imagination are required, but
cannot be divorced from the material reality of the dress

468 A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470
(Parkins, 2008). The dress can also be seen as “decorative art,”
with its elaborate cutting, sewing, and draping.
The description of how designers create magnificent works
out of ordinary or unremarkable materials (Melissa's descrip-
tion of the deer made of trash) reflects the aesthetics of
production. Keep in mind, however, that it is Melissa's take on
the subject; it is her understanding of what designers do. In a
sense, she is able to understand the subjectivity of the designer
as it is present in the produced works.
Fashion presumes a “bodily form” even as it rejects the
material biological substance of that body as irrelevant
(De Perthuis, 2005). De Perthuis maintains that fashion shuns
ordinary men and women in its schema, because fashion would
have no power if it were to allow the body to be any shape or
size. Fashion does not promote the ideal body (as opposed to
natural body) but an imagined body. Dwyer (2004) likewise
argues for a post-structuralist evaluation of the fashion model's
body, not as an object of desire for women to yearn for, but a
body of desire produced by precise disciplinary training. Such a
notion of desire is opposed to the view of desire as something
that an individual feels or a circulation of inner heat or fire
(Belk, Ger, & Askergaard, 2003).
These three levels of aesthetics, forming the aesthetic
framework that progressively emerged from the findings, reveal
that the body is internalized in different ways when considering
the consumer experience and conceptualization of high fashion.
The aesthetics of production, through aesthetic labor, con-
ceptualizes the body as a work in progress and focuses on how
the subject, through the acquisition of body skills (like learning
to walk on the catwalk) or physical alteration (like wearing
makeup or performing surgery), can become the fashion object.
The aesthetics of reception, on the other hand, builds largely on
a dialogical relationship between the body and the subject.
Indeed, informants referred, critically or not, to the challenge of
keeping up with the fashion standards. Finally, the aesthetics of
the work of art shows a relation opposite to that of the aesthetics
of production. The synechdochal relationship between the
object and its owner or wearer reveals that the object becomes
the subject.
Our study explores some ways in which aesthetics can be
applied to everyday aspects of people's lives. It points to the
aestheticization of everyday life through fashion and bodily
adornment (Deng, Hui, & Hutchison, 2010). At the same time, we
found the tension between the aesthetics of ephemerality and
aesthetics of duration. Although our focus is on fashion, we
envision many avenues for study and application in consumer
research, from the design of products such as ceramics and dinner/
kitchenware to the design of personal technologies such as mobile
phones and other devices. Advertising is an apt venue as well,
given both the centrality and nascent understanding of sensuous,
embodied appeals (Sengupta & Dahl, 2008; Yang et al., 2010).
Everything consumed at some level can be viewed through an
aesthetic lens, particularly when bracketed from the realm of
utility. New product development and innovation are ripe for
examination from an aesthetic perspective in our field (Hoegg,
Alba, & Dahl, 2010). The fact that sensory perceptions and
feelings are central to aesthetic judgment also makes the body
15327663, 2010, 4, Downloaded from https://myscp.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1016/j.jcps.2010.06.011 by Uniwersytet Muzyczny im Fryderyka Chopina, Wiley Online Library on [01/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License
central to any discussion of aesthetics (Meyers-Levy & Zhu,
2010). Future research might investigate the role of aesthetics not
just in craft-like products, but in a variety of technological devices
that are part of modern existence. Our study is limited to female
consumers in the Western context. Future studies may need to
explore male consumers and also non-Western cultural contexts.
Acknowledgments
We gratefully acknowledge the grant received by the second
author from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada. No: 410-2004-1497. We thank our
reviewers and the special editors for their constructive criticism
in the writing of this manuscript.
Appendix A. Methods Used to Gather data
The method we used to gather data was a hybrid of the
ZMETt technique and phenomenological interviews.
Snowball sampling
We first invited eight women (students/staff) associated with
the university to participate in our study. They were chosen
because they displayed varying levels of interest in high fashion
and luxury brands. Once they had completed the ZMET
technique we used the themes that had emerged from the stories
that they told to pursue further how high fashion affected their
understanding of themselves as well as their shopping
experiences. Spiggle (1994), as well as Thompson (1997)
provide a detailed analysis of how to proceed with this approach
including categorization, abstraction of categories, comparison
of instances within data, emergent themes and so on.
The participants in turn provided us with names of others
who they thought would be interested in being part of this study.
This is how the snowballing technique proceeded until we felt
that enough information was garnered on the topic. In Table 1
we have listed participants of ages ranging from 20 to 50 and
holding different jobs. Again, the interest in high fashion varied
across these participants although all were willing to participate.
ZMET Instructions
We gave all participants the following instructions for the
ZMET technique:
- To collect 10-15 images of what high fashion and luxury
brands mean to them. We gave them about 10-14 days to do
so. They were encouraged to gather images from various
sources that they sought fit including personal photographs,
books, magazines and so on. In our study most of the images
were sourced from magazines, the Internet and photo
albums.
- Then on an individual basis we interviewed each of them
using the long interview process (McCracken, 1988).
- We used the following steps in our study : they were asked to
rank order the pictures in terms of what they mean to them.

A. Venkatesh et al. / Journal of Consumer Psychology 20 (2010) 459–470
The most representative image was the one they ranked the
highest. They were also asked to identify an image that
would be the opposite of this –building on the premise
described by Zaltman (1997) that we know something by
what it is not.
- Participants then proceeded to tell a story for how each of the
images related to high fashion and luxury bands. As Zaltman
and Coulter (1995) note, the participants are in control of the
stimuli which allows for elicitation of deeper meaning.
- They were also asked if there were missed issues and if so
to describe an image that would represent the issue. The
idea here was to address issues that might have come to
mind after the gathering of images or during the interview
process.
- They were asked to sort the pictures into categories because
it helps to establish the major themes or constructs relevant
to the participant. They then were asked to choose any two
pictures in a category (composed of three images for
instance), and describe why they were similar and different
from the third. Here a combination of Kelly repertory
method and laddering techniques are used to literally sort out
how they made sense of the pictures and to understand the
values associated with their choices.
- We also obtained sensory images from each participant –
they were asked to use the other senses to convey what the
topic meant to them. i.e. what it smells like and what it does
not smell like etc.
- They were then asked to create a collage of the most
important issues/images to them. Since most participants
were adept digitally they were able to produce collages
without the need of a technical expert. The idea here is to
stimulate and help express their thoughts rather than focus on
aesthetics.
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