635778

research-article2016
NMS0010.1177/1461444816635778new media & societyFox and Tang

Article

new media & society

Women’s experiences with

2017, Vol. 19(8) 1290­–1307
© The Author(s) 2016
Reprints and permissions:
general and sexual harassment sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1461444816635778
https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444816635778
in online video games: journals.sagepub.com/home/nms

Rumination, organizational
responsiveness, withdrawal,
and coping strategies

Jesse Fox and Wai Yen Tang

The Ohio State University, USA

Abstract
Online video games can be a toxic environment for women. A survey assessed women’s
(N = 293) experiences with general harassment and sexual harassment in online
video games, including frequency of harassment, rumination about the harassment,
perceptions of organizational responsiveness (i.e. efforts the gaming company made
to address harassment), and withdrawal from the game. Women reported coping
strategies to mitigate harassment, including gender bending or gender neutralization
through screen name or avatar choice, avoiding communication with other players, and
seeking help or social support inside and outside the game. Both general and sexual
harassment predict women’s withdrawal from online games. Sexual harassment, but
not general harassment, leads to rumination and subsequent withdrawal. The path from
sexual harassment to withdrawal was also mediated by organizational responsiveness,
indicating the video game industry plays a key role in whether women continue to
participate after harassment occurs.

Keywords
Computer-mediated communication, coping, gamer culture, online harassment,
organizational response, rumination, sexism, sexual harassment, video games, women
in gaming

Corresponding author:
Jesse Fox, The Ohio State University, 3016 Derby Hall, 154 North Oval Mall, Columbus, OH 43210, USA.
Email: fox.775@osu.edu
Fox and Tang 1291

Despite stereotypes about gamers being socially inept loners, playing video games is
a popular social activity: over 60% of gamers play with other people (Entertainment
Software Association [ESA], 2014). Many modern video games are online and shared
with faceless strangers around the world. Although relationship building and team-
work are common, hostile communication is also typical in many online games (Yee,
2014). Theoretical frameworks such as the online disinhibition effect (Suler, 2004)
and the social identity model of deindividuation effects (SIDE; Lea and Spears, 1991)
suggest that characteristics of online gaming environments, including anonymity,
diminished nonverbal cues, lack of observable authority, and a hypermasculine atmos-
phere, may facilitate harassment and other forms of negative interaction in these
spaces.
Online games are one site for such harassment and hostility (Gray, 2012a, 2012b;
Kuznekoff and Rose, 2013; Yee, 2014), particularly toward those perceived to be outsid-
ers (Nakamura, 2009; Yee, 2014). Although some research indicates that the number of
men and women who play games is relatively equal (Chalk, 2014; ESA, 2014), women
are typically perceived as a minority in gaming spaces and become targeted for harass-
ment as members of an outgroup (Ballard and Welch, 2015; Chess and Shaw, 2015;
Consalvo, 2012; Fox and Tang, 2014; Gray, 2012b; Salter and Blodgett, 2012; Yee,
2014). In a recent Pew Research Center (2014) survey on online harassment, respondents
identified gaming as the most inequitable community in terms of its treatment of women.
Although men were more likely to experience some forms of online harassment, such as
being insulted or embarrassed by other players, women experienced more severe forms
such as stalking, sexual harassment, and sustained harassment. Unsurprisingly, women
also reported higher levels of resultant emotional distress than men.
At this point, however, relatively little is known about the outcomes of women’s
encounters with harassment in online games. Given their distinct experiences and place-
ment within broader gaming culture (Jenson and De Castell, 2010; Royse et al., 2007;
Salter and Blodgett, 2012), it is important to investigate how women experience, respond
to, and cope with harassment in this context. Furthermore, as Consalvo (2012) notes,
researchers need to assess the scope of toxic gamer culture. In this study, we synthesized
research on hostile online interaction with a model of sexual harassment in organiza-
tions. We sought to examine the type and frequency of harassment women experience in
online games, the role of gaming organizations’ responsiveness to harassment, and how
this harassment affects women’s game play and offline experiences. Finally, to inform
future research, we also explored the variety of ways that women cope with and try to
avoid harassment in online video games.

Online video games

Social gaming is important to consider given that the presence of other people—or even
the perceived presence of others—can affect performance and enjoyment. Many online
multiplayer games encourage collaboration and co-play; social interaction is necessary
to accomplish many in-game goals (Castronova, 2008; Yee, 2014). Just as in offline
organizations, players establish working relationships focused on gaming tasks or
develop relationships that transcend the scope of the game itself (Cole and Griffiths,
1292 new media & society 19(8)

2007; Yee, 2014). These relationships, along with a player’s performance, are the foun-
dations for social capital in the gaming environment (Shen et al., 2014).
Social affordances of online games may also create an environment conducive to
hostility, however. The online disinhibition effect (Suler, 2004) suggests that anonymity,
a lack of nonverbal cues, and the minimization of authority online cause people to feel
less constrained by social norms than when interacting face-to-face. As such, people feel
they can engage in deviant behavior online without consequence, leading to toxic disin-
hibition such as uncivil or hateful speech, threats, and other forms of harassment.
The SIDE proposed by Lea and Spears (1991) also suggests that affordances such as
anonymity and a lack of cues in computer-mediated communication can promote nega-
tive behavior. Due to anonymity, users experience deindividuation, or a loss of a sense of
self, and defer to salient group memberships. Other users, particularly those in outgroups,
are depersonalized and stereotyped, and behavioral disinhibition occurs (Postmes et al.,
1998). As one faceless member of a group, the anonymous user feels capable of engaging
in antisocial behaviors online such as flaming, trolling, and other mistreatment of out-
group members (Barak, 2005). Since their emergence as a popular medium, video games
have been perceived as a masculine space (Braithwaite, 2014; Consalvo, 2012; Jenson
and De Castell, 2010; Kiesler et al., 1985; Salter and Blodgett, 2012), and the term
“gamer” is often equated with “male” despite the diversity of video game players (Gray,
2012a; Shaw, 2012). Given that players are largely anonymous in online games, SIDE
predicts that players would neglect their individual identities in deference to the preva-
lent social identity—masculine, competitive, and aggressive—and harass perceived out-
group members.
Indeed, networked video games can be hostile spaces characterized by objectionable
language and offensive comments. Trash talking is often perceived as a normal part of
competitive gameplay wherein a player demeans targets in an attempt to affect their play.
Trash talking varies from lighthearted or playful teasing, such as impugning targets’
skills, to malevolent insults intended to hurt or anger them (Conmy et al., 2013). In this
way, trash talking can constitute harassment, which is hostile or otherwise unwelcome
behavior that causes a target discomfort or distress (Einarsen, 2000). Notably, this con-
ceptualization of harassment is situated around the target’s perceptions rather than the
source’s: the source may not intend for their actions to cause distress or they may see the
behavior as good-natured fun rather than hostile aggression.
General harassment behaviors in games include insulting someone’s skill or intelli-
gence, swearing at them, threatening them, or interfering with their progress in the game
(Ballard and Welch, 2015; Fox and Tang, 2014). Gender-based or sexual harassment
involves targeting someone based on their sex, gender, or gender identity (Tangri and
Hayes, 1996). In games, this includes sexist comments (i.e. implying inferiority or ine-
quality tied to sex or gender), unwanted sexual or romantic advances, or rape threats or
jokes (Ballard and Welch, 2015; Fox and Tang, 2014).
Given that sex or gender identity can often be ascertained even with the limited cues
available in networked games, women in particular are targeted in these spaces (Fox and
Tang, 2014; Gray, 2012a, 2012b; Kuznekoff and Rose, 2013). Sexist players maintain
stereotypes regarding women’s motives and participation in video games (Fox and Tang,
2014) and those who try to draw attention to gender inequalities are targeted for
Fox and Tang 1293

harassment or labeled “feminist killjoys” (Braithwaite, 2014; Chess and Shaw, 2015).
Furthermore, sexism predicts harassment behaviors among male video game players
(Tang and Fox, 2016). Behavioral research also suggests that sexism manifests in online
games. In a field experiment, confederates played an online video game with unknown
others and interacted using pre-recorded male or female voices. The female voice
received three times as many negative comments as the male voice (Kuznekoff and Rose,
2013). Although women’s harassment in games is well-documented, at this time, limited
research has integrated scholarship on offline sexual harassment to understand its
consequences.

Sexual harassment
Sexual harassment behaviors range from making suggestive or discriminatory comments
to coercing someone to perform sexual acts (Pina et al., 2009; Tangri and Hayes, 1996).
Because it is tied to a salient and relatively inescapable aspect of one’s identity, sexual or
gender-based harassment is distinguished from other forms of harassment and has dis-
tinct and particularly pernicious effects (Pina et al., 2009). Pryor and Whalen (1996) note
that although sexual harassment can be driven by sexual motives, it can also be intended
as “an expression of hostility toward a recipient perceived as an outgroup member”
(p. 130). In this way, sexual harassment can be viewed from a social identity perspective,
as it qualifies as a discriminatory act of aggression against an outgroup member.
Both sociocultural and organizational theories of sexual harassment suggest that
women are more frequently targeted for sexual harassment due to gendered inequity in
power structures and behavioral expectations tied to these inequities (Tangri and Hayes,
1996); sexual harassment is most often perpetrated by men and targets women (see Pina
et al., 2009, for a review). Men are socialized to be dominant, aggressive leaders, whereas
women are socialized to be submissive. These roles are carried over to organizational
contexts, where they may be formally institutionalized (e.g. religious organizations pro-
hibiting women from holding positions of power) or informally enforced (e.g. hiring or
promoting men over equally qualified women; Tangri and Hayes, 1996). Other gender-
related contextual features, such as the ratio of men to women in the organization or the
gendered nature of the work itself, also predict the prevalence of sexual harassment
(Fitzgerald et al., 1997; Willness et al., 2007).
Consequences of sexual harassment include emotional distress, diminished self-
esteem, anxiety, sleeplessness, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Larsen
and Fitzgerald, 2011; Willness et al., 2007). One reason sexual harassment is so devastat-
ing is that victims often ruminate about these experiences, reflecting on them long after
a particular incident occurs (Pina et al., 2009). Rehashing these negative experiences
amplifies depressive symptoms and feelings of helplessness and can elicit self-blame
(Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008).
Another consequence of sexual harassment is organizational withdrawal. Within the
workplace, harassed individuals often attempt to extract themselves from the environ-
ment by spending as little time as possible there (Fitzgerald et al., 1997). Thus, targets
may avoid social interaction at work, come to work late, or even take days off.
Alternatively, the individual may choose to leave the organization altogether and find
1294 new media & society 19(8)

another job. Withdrawal behaviors are costly to the individual, who may miss out on
important assignments, career advancement, or pay (Gutek and Koss, 1993). Withdrawal
is also costly to the organization: productivity declines, and it may be necessary to find,
hire, and train a replacement if the target leaves the organization. Furthermore, informa-
tion about a hostile work climate could threaten the company’s reputation or ability to
hire (Gutek and Koss, 1993).
These withdrawal behaviors are more likely if victims feel their organization is not
protecting them. Organizational responsiveness is the perception that the entity takes
harassment seriously, attempts to prevent harassment, and addresses harassment when it
occurs, including punishing perpetrators (Miner-Rubino and Cortina, 2007). A lack of
responsiveness is interpreted as tolerance of sexual harassment and associated with
higher rates of harassment as well as worse outcomes for victims (Fitzgerald et al., 1997;
Miner-Rubino and Cortina, 2007). Perceived responsiveness quells harassment (Willness
et al., 2007), but publicized anti-harassment statements or policies have no effect on
perpetrators if they believe the organization will not take action (Williams et al., 1999).

Consequences of sexual harassment in online video games

We anticipate that organizational theories of sexual harassment may provide insight into
harassment in online video games. Online games have often been conceptualized as a site
where a leisure activity can become a labor practice (Castronova, 2008; Nakamura, 2009;
Taylor et al., 2015; Yee, 2014). The game producers are at the top of the hierarchy; players
generate capital for these companies through their participation (Castronova, 2008).
Players often invest considerable time and effort both inside and outside the gamespace
(Taylor et al., 2015; Yee, 2014). Players earn social capital and ascend hierarchies by gain-
ing experience and formal ranks or titles (Castronova, 2008; Shen et al., 2014). In these
ways, online games are similar to traditional organizational environments.
Affordances of online environments create some significant differences, however
(Suler, 2004). Colleagues in the gaming space are typically faceless and anonymous.
Although some codes of conduct may exist, there is a lack of formal regulation and
authoritative organizational presence. Online games also represent the myth of the
offline/online dichotomy, wherein people believe online interactions cannot have a “real”
impact because they do not take place in the “real world.”
Specific to the occurrence of sexual harassment, existing organizational theories out-
line two essential contextual factors (Fitzgerald et al., 1997), both of which apply to
gaming contexts. First, these theories suggest that sexual harassment is more frequent
when men outnumber women and when the job tasks are perceived as masculine
(Fitzgerald et al., 1997). Online video games meet these criteria as women are a minority
in many popular genres (Chalk, 2014; Quandt et al., 2014). Furthermore, playing video
games is seen as a masculine domain, and within games many tasks are stereotypically
masculine (Gray, 2012b; Jenson and De Castell, 2010; Yee, 2014). Second, these theories
posit that sexual harassment is more prevalent when punishment is unlikely or inconse-
quential (Fitzgerald et al., 1997). Similarly, users perceive few consequences for sexual
harassment online (Barak, 2005; Ritter, 2014). Furthermore, video game companies,
competitive gaming organizations, and the gaming industry as a whole have been
Fox and Tang 1295

publicly criticized for not addressing the widespread harassment of women (Fletcher,
2012). Thus, online video games meet the criteria for an environment in which sexual
harassment is likely.
At this time, considerable theorizing identifies the antecedents of sexual harassment,
but less focuses on predicting the effects of sexual harassment on victims. Two models
have been proposed (Fitzgerald et al., 1997; Knapp et al., 1997), but they are contingent
on factors that do not necessarily translate to players of online games (e.g. hired, hierar-
chical positions of power). Thus, we have synthesized and adapted these models to focus
on elements relevant to online games: prevalence of harassment, offline psychological
consequences of harassment (i.e. rumination), perceived organizational responsiveness
to harassment, and withdrawal.
We anticipate that higher levels of harassment will predict women’s withdrawal from
the game (H1). Previous research also suggests that the impact of online harassment can
be assessed by the degree to which people ruminate about those experiences offline
(Runions et al., 2013). For example, if cybervictimized women ruminated about their
experience, this rumination led to depressive symptoms (Feinstein et al., 2014). Similarly,
we anticipate an indirect effect in which harassment will lead to rumination, and rumina-
tion will predict withdrawal from the game (H2).
One gap in Fitzgerald et al.’s (1997) model is that it presumes that organizational
climate only predicts the incidence of sexual harassment. Other theorizing, however,
indicates that organizational responsiveness can determine how the victim proceeds
(Knapp et al., 1997). Thus, we expect another indirect effect in which organizational
responsiveness will mediate the relationship between harassment and withdrawal such
that less organizational responsiveness to harassment will predict game withdrawal (H3).
We will examine the fit of this model for both general harassment and sexual harassment
to determine whether these experiences differ for women.
Another important aspect to investigate is how women cope with harassment in online
games. According to Pew Research Center (2014), 60% of men and women chose to
ignore online harassment. Those who responded chose strategies such as confronting the
harasser, reporting them to a system administrator, discussing the harassment with oth-
ers, or leaving the environment. These behaviors are similar to the coping with harass-
ment within organizations that includes direct confrontation, seeking advocacy (e.g.
trying to get help from authoritative sources), social coping (e.g. asking others for help),
avoidance, and denial (e.g. pretending the harassment is not impactful; Knapp et al.,
1997). These strategies vary by their effectiveness, however (Gutek and Koss, 1993), and
online gaming environments have unique features that may yield different permutations
of these approaches. Thus, we proposed an exploratory research question to assess what
coping strategies women use to prevent or mitigate harassment, from before they initiate
play to after harassment takes place (RQ1).

Method
Sample
Adult participants were recruited through online forums, blogs, and social media sites
(including Reddit and Twitter) for an online survey on experiences with trash talking and
1296 new media & society 19(8)

Table 1. Mean values, standard deviations, and correlations.

M SD General Sexual Rumination Organizational Game

harassment harassment responsiveness withdrawal
General harassment 2.98 .87 – .68** .07 −.10 .23**
Sexual harassment 2.77 .99 .68** – .18* −.22** .32**
Rumination 2.84 .86 .07 .18* – −.11 .42**
Organizational 2.67 1.18 −.10 −.22** −.11 – −.25**
responsiveness
Game withdrawal 2.52 .99 .23** .32** .42** −.25** –

M: mean; SD: standard deviation.

*p < .005 and **p < .0005.

harassment in video games. A link was posted to an online survey administered in

English. Because we were interested in gender-based harassment, we focused on partici-
pants who identified as women (including transgendered individuals). No compensation
was offered for participation.
Although we cannot assess response rate given the nature of solicitation, the follow-
ing data indicate completion rates for those who began the survey and identified as
women: 75 respondents were excluded for extensive missing data, 17 were excluded for
being underage, and 2 failed data checks in the survey.
Participants (N = 293) included women aged 18–57 (M = 26.20, standard deviation
[SD] = 6.39) years and represented 30 countries, most commonly the United States
(n = 171), Canada (n = 26), and the United Kingdom (n = 24). They identified as 79.1%
White/Caucasian/European (n = 232), 9.6% multiple races or ethnicities (n = 28), 6.5%
Asian/Asian-American (n = 19), 1.4% Black/African/African-American (n = 4), 1.4%
American Indian (n = 4), 1% Latina/Hispanic (n = 3), and 0.6% other (n = 2). One did not
report race/ethnicity.
Participants played an average of 21.71 hours (SD = 14.45) of video games weekly
and 13.52 of those hours (SD = 13.32) online. The most frequently cited games were
World of Warcraft (n = 68), Defense of the Ancients (DOTA) 2 (n = 27), Team Fortress 2
(n = 30), League of Legends (n = 22), and various iterations of Halo (n = 17), Counter-
Strike (n = 16), and Call of Duty (n = 16).

Measures
Mean values, SDs, and correlations for all composite variables can be seen in Table 1.

Video game harassment behaviors. The Video Game Harassment Scale (Fox and Tang,
2013) included 19 items across two subscales. We selected this scale because it was
developed specifically for the video game context, considering verbal harassment and
forms of gameplay harassment, such as interfering with play. Furthermore, the scale
elucidates both general and sexual harassment behaviors. A total of 11 items measured
general harassment, such as swearing or insulting a player’s skill (α = .90). Eight items
measured sexual harassment, such as sexist comments, being asked for sexual favors,
and rape jokes and threats (α = .90).
Fox and Tang 1297

Rumination. Six items were adapted from the Rumination about an Interpersonal Offense
Scale (Wade et al., 2008) to assess players’ rumination about harassment they experi-
enced within the game (1 = Strongly disagree; 5 = Strongly agree). We selected this scale
because it was developed specifically to measure rumination of social transgressions (as
opposed to a single traumatic event, such as a natural disaster) and the items were easily
adapted to the context of online harassment. Items included “Long after being harassed,
my thoughts keep going back to what happened,” and “I always seem to be replaying or
rehashing my experiences with harassment in my mind” (α = .72).

Organizational responsiveness. A total of 12 items were adapted from the Organizational

Unresponsiveness to Sexual Harassment questionnaire (Miner-Rubino and Cortina, 2007).
This scale was selected because it focused on attributions of the organization (here, gaming
companies) regarding their reactions to harassment in the environment and could be applied
to any harassment behavior. These items measured players’ perceptions of organizational
responsiveness to harassment within the game (1 = Never; 5 = Almost Always), such as
whether participants felt that the game administrators or company investigated harassment
complaints, took action to stop harassment, and punished the harassers (α = .97).

Withdrawal. Four items measured game withdrawal resulting from harassment, such as
quitting in the middle of the game or choosing not to play the game again. Because exist-
ing measures of withdrawal were based on specifics to the work context (e.g. showing up
late to work, skipping meetings, and taking longer lunch breaks) or observation (e.g.
such as whether or not employees quit their jobs), these items were developed to cover
the nature of withdrawal specific to the gaming context. Participants responded on a
5-point scale (1 = Never; 5 = Almost Always; α = .78).

Coping strategies. A total of 31 items were derived from previous research in organiza-
tions (Fitzgerald, 1990; Gutek and Koss, 1993; Knapp et al., 1997) and in online games
(Fox and Tang, 2013; Gray, 2012b). These items considered the unique features of online
games and were selected to assess how women coped with harassment before, during,
and after gameplay.

Results
Mediation analyses
To test the hypotheses, we conducted parallel mediation analyses with PROCESS Model
4 (Hayes, 2013). PROCESS estimates the coefficients of the direct and indirect effects
using ordinary least-squares (OLS) regression models and allows for bootstrapping,
which generates a bias-corrected 95% bootstrap confidence interval for the indirect effect.

General harassment. General harassment was not significantly related to rumination

(a1 = .06, p = .34) nor organizational responsiveness (a2 = −.12, p = .16). Although indirect
effects were not observed, the findings indicated a direct effect of general harassment on
withdrawal (c′ = .22, lower limit confidence interval [LLCI] = .10, upper limit confidence
1298 new media & society 19(8)

interval [ULCI] = .34, p = .0005). Thus, although general harassment can lead to women
quitting games, women do not appear to ruminate about this experience offline. Organi-
zational responsiveness to general harassment also does not seem to be a factor in deter-
mining women’s withdrawal. One possible explanation is that because general harassment
does not trigger rumination offline, perhaps women do not perceive it as needing inter-
vention from gaming organizations.

Sexual harassment. For sexual harassment, both direct and indirect effects were observed
(see Table 2 and Figure 1). Higher levels of sexual harassment were associated with more
rumination. Rumination, in turn, predicted withdrawal. A bias-corrected bootstrap confi-
dence interval for the specific indirect effect through rumination was above zero
(a1b1 = .06, LLCI = .02, ULCI = .12). Higher levels of sexual harassment negatively pre-
dicted perceptions of organizational responsiveness and in turn withdrawal (a2b2 = .03,
LLCI = .01, ULCI = .08). Sexual harassment was also directly predictive of withdrawal
(c′ = .19, LLCI = .09, ULCI = .30). These findings indicate that women’s reactions to sex-
ual harassment operate differently than general harassment. Women ruminate about their
experiences with sexual harassment, which in turn leads to withdrawal. Women who
experience sexual harassment also perceive gaming organizations as not taking sufficient
steps to address the issue. When gaming organizations are unresponsive to complaints,
this apparent indifference leads to women quitting their games.

Coping strategies
A final exploratory research question was posed to identify strategies women use to cope
with harassment in online games. We submitted all 31 items to an exploratory factor
analysis. We selected principal axis factoring with Kaiser normalization and, given it was
likely the factors were related, an oblique rotation (Promax).
The point of inflexion on the screen plot indicated five factors. The Kaiser–Mayer–
Olkin measure of sampling adequacy was .82, indicating the sample was factorable.
Bartlett’s test of sphericity was significant χ2(276) = 2641.02, p < .0005. All items, fac-
tors, and loadings can be viewed in Table 3. A total of 24 items were retained, explaining
58.57% of the variance.

Gender masking. Six items comprised the first factor (M = 2.16, SD = 1.07, α = .88), which
we labeled “gender masking.” These items included using male or gender neutral avatars
and screen names, avoiding female avatars, or trying to pass as male. These items indi-
cate that women make decisions, often before gameplay even begins, to avoid being
identified as a woman. Presumably, these masking strategies make women less likely to
experience gender-specific harassment. Of course, masking makes women invisible not
just to harassers, but to other players, and likely contribute to perceptions that women are
rare or nonexistent in certain gaming environments.

Avoidance. The second factor included five items (M = 2.89, SD = .95, α = .76) such as
avoiding social interaction with other players, choosing a single player option, or leaving
that particular game or lobby; we labeled this factor “avoidance.” In this case, women
Fox and Tang 1299

Table 2. Coping strategies.

Items M SD 1 2 3 4 5

Gender Seeking Avoidance Denial Self-

masking help blame
Use male avatar 1.96 1.20 .837 −.020 −.064 −.071 .034
Avoid female avatars 1.76 1.21 .810 −.093 −.037 −.045 .082
Try to pass as male 2.05 1.34 .786 .026 .035 −.033 .022
Use gender neutral avatar 2.41 1.48 .783 .043 −.001 .065 −.145
Use male user name 1.83 1.21 .752 .035 −.030 .003 .109
Use gender neutral user name 2.97 1.56 .555 .074 .168 .087 −.094
Talk to someone about what 2.61 1.21 −.034 .670 .038 −.040 .003
happened
Asked other players for help 2.22 1.22 .052 .639 −.139 .037 .044
Told the harasser directly it’s not 2.98 1.35 .032 .623 −.032 −.036 −.070
okay
Reported harasser 3.11 1.41 .033 .599 −.008 .111 −.121
Discussed with someone outside 2.07 1.12 .016 .548 .173 −.081 .119
game
Discussed with someone inside 2.19 1.16 −.057 .544 −.088 −.007 .152
game
Avoided talking to others while 3.14 1.32 .083 −.115 .688 .040 −.029
playing
Left game 2.16 1.21 −.083 .021 .651 .014 .114
Played single player 2.95 1.42 −.048 −.020 .620 −.160 −.030
Switched to different lobby/ 2.64 1.20 .022 .075 .592 .051 .065
server/match
Avoided voice chat 3.55 1.49 .107 −.067 .548 .063 −.056
Told myself it wasn’t important 3.17 1.30 .040 .015 −.093 .711 −.047
Acted like it didn’t bother me 3.44 1.27 .006 −.008 −.017 .706 .037
Tried to forget it 3.26 1.29 −.072 .139 .134 .672 −.038
Put up with it 3.34 1.30 .003 −.212 −.070 .559 .150
Felt stupid about it 2.18 1.24 .002 −.081 .025 −.026 .865
Blamed myself 1.73 1.10 .023 .027 −.003 .020 .722
Made excuses 2.04 1.12 −.004 .163 .042 .078 .479
Variance explained (total 58.57%) 22.57% 13.11% 8.93% 8.53% 5.43%

M: mean; SD: standard deviation.

Factor loadings based on principal axis factoring with Promax rotation and Kaiser normalization.

self-select out of environments, either before or during play, in which they think harass-
ment is likely.

Denial. The third factor included four items (M = 3.30, SD = .98, α = .75) such as putting
up with harassment or telling oneself it was not bothersome; we labeled this factor
“denial.” This strategy involves tolerating or minimizing the experience, perhaps in an
effort to prevent it from causing negative affect or interfering with gameplay.
1300 new media & society 19(8)

Figure 1. Parallel mediator model illustrating direct and indirect effects of sexual harassment
on game withdrawal.
*p < .01, **p < .005.

Table 3. Direct and indirect effects of sexual harassment on game withdrawal.

M1 Rumination M2 Organizational Withdrawal

responsiveness

Coeff. SE p Coeff. SE p Coeff. SE p

Sexual harassment a1 .15 .05 .007 a2 −.26 .07 <.0005 c′ .19 .06 .0005
M1 Rumination b1 .43 .06 <.0005
M2 Org. response b2 −.13 .05 .004
Constant 2.44 .16 <.0005 3.38 .22 <.0005 1.12 .28 .0001
R2 = .03 R2 = .05 R2 = .26
F(1, 261) = 7.28, F(1, 261) = 12.65, F(3, 259) = 30.14,
p = .007 p = .0004 p < .0005

SE: standard error.

Seeking help. The fourth factor, deemed “seeking help,” included six items (M = 2.53,
SD = .85, α = .77) such as discussing the harassment with others, asking other players for
help, or reporting the harassment. In this case, women take action to address, mitigate, or
prevent harassment from occurring. This active strategy may clarify the nature of the
incident to bystanders, identify it as inappropriate or distressful, and make it clear that
the target wants it to stop.

Self-blame. The final factor, labeled “self-blame,” included three items (M = 1.98,
SD = .94, α = .75) such as blaming oneself or feeling stupid for getting into the situation.
Given harassment is not an uncommon occurrence, women may feel that they should be
able to avoid or prevent it and thus blame themselves. Alternatively, self-blame may
occur when women feel the hostility is in part justifiable, perhaps due to an error or poor
performance within the game.
Fox and Tang 1301

Discussion
Our findings support the salience of toxic behavior in online games and revealed that
women’s experiences with harassment have a significant impact on their continued par-
ticipation. Sexual harassment led to rumination, which is troubling given its association
with negative affect, depressive symptoms, and other detrimental outcomes (Nolen-
Hoeksema et al., 2008). General harassment, such as being targeted with curse words or
skill-based insults, did not predict rumination. This finding indicates sexual harassment
has distinct, insidious outcomes for women and may explain previously noted differ-
ences in online harassment–related distress between men and women (Pew Research
Center, 2014). Nevertheless, both forms of harassment have adverse outcomes in terms
of women’s participation in games, as both directly influenced women’s withdrawal.
Organizational responsiveness also influenced women’s withdrawal as a result of sexual
harassment. These results parallel findings from workplace harassment in which targeted
women are more likely to quit their jobs, particularly if they feel their employer is unre-
sponsive (Fitzgerald et al., 1997; Miner-Rubino and Cortina, 2007).

Theoretical contributions
Theoretically, our work indicates that organizational theories of sexual harassment have
some utility for understanding harassment in online games. Similar to work contexts,
women make attributions about the organization itself based on their experiences with
harassment within the game. Their experiences carry over outside of that context, result-
ing in negative emotions and subsequent withdrawal. Our results also indicate that the
affordances of computer-mediated communication provide unique coping mechanisms
for women outside of typical organizational contexts. Thus, existing models need to be
reconceptualized; a comprehensive game–specific model of harassment should consider
how digital affordances affect the occurrence of sexual harassment online, ranging from
how it is enacted by perpetrators to the preventive measures by potential victims to the
ways victims and other community members respond and cope.
Our results also support previous theorizing that indicates sexual harassment is con-
ceptually and experientially distinct from other forms of harassment (Pina et al., 2009;
Pryor and Whalen, 1996). Existing work on cyberbullying and online harassment is often
agnostic of content, but our results indicate that being targeted as a member of a minority
or otherwise stigmatized group is an important distinction. Although we focused on indi-
viduals who identify as women, players may also be targeted based on race, ethnicity,
nationality, sexual orientation, other aspects of gender identity, or the intersectionality of
various identities (Gray, 2012a, 2012b; Nakamura, 2009; Yee, 2014). Researchers should
acknowledge that online hostility and harassment manifest in many different ways, and
some may be inherently more pernicious than others.
Another contribution of this study was clarifying the multitude of strategies that
women employ to avoid and cope with harassment in online video games. Our findings
mirrored several of the strategies that have been observed in coping with offline sexual
harassment, including avoidance (e.g. leaving a particular match or not talking to other
players) and denial (e.g. acting like the harassment is not bothersome; Fitzgerald,
1302 new media & society 19(8)

1990). The help-seeking factor, which included garnering social support as well as
reporting perpetrators, reflects the ideas of social coping and advocacy seeking identi-
fied in previous sexual harassment studies (Fitzgerald, 1990; Knapp et al., 1997). Self-
blame indicates that some women may internalize their harassment, which could
instigate other negative outcomes. One factor, gender masking, has not been identified
in previous sexual harassment research, likely because one’s identity is known in tra-
ditional organizations. Our findings indicate that digital affordances, such as anonym-
ity and a lack of cues, must be considered in future theorizing about the distinct nature
of online harassment.

Implications for existing and future research

Our findings offer several insights into previous findings as well as the future conduct of
research. Women’s experiences with harassment may explain some sex and gender dif-
ferences observed in other studies. For example, Vermeulen and Van Looy (2014) found
that men engaged in significantly more online communication in games than women.
Our findings suggest that women may limit or avoid communication with other players
to thwart harassment, which may partially explain this difference. Additionally, many
fast-paced cooperative games (such as collaborative first person shooters) necessitate
audio chat for quick coordination. Women may be avoiding these games because it is
difficult to mask their gender, hence explaining the male majority in these environments
observed by Quandt et al. (2014).
Some previous studies have reported that men are more often targeted for negative
interactions than women online (e.g. Pew Research Center, 2014). Our findings about
women’s coping strategies indicate that there are important methodological considera-
tions regarding these conclusions. First, women are actively selecting out of some hostile
environments because they have previously experienced or observed harassment. Given
our findings on rumination, it is important to acknowledge that women have adopted
behaviors and actively take steps to avoid harassment, perhaps due to previous experi-
ences. Thus, whether or not they are currently experiencing harassment does not gauge
if they are currently being affected by harassment.
Relatedly, many surveys have taken the approach of asking whether players them-
selves have been targeted without considering the general climate. Given that our find-
ings show many women employ a gender masking strategy to avoid harassment, it may
be that they are successfully avoiding being targets themselves and thus report no per-
sonal experiences with harassment. It is important to note, however, that merely being
present in a climate in which harassment is taking place, or experiencing ambient sexual
harassment, is similar to direct experience in terms of psychological outcomes and with-
drawal (Glomb et al., 1997). Thus, researchers should ask not just what women have
experienced directly, but also what they have observed.
Given differences in the types of games men and women consume (Quandt et al.,
2014; Vermeulen and Van Looy, 2014), assessments of harassment in games should also
consider the variance in features before making claims about genres of games or games
in general. It is important to assess the presence of communicative affordances such as
public and private in-game communication and whether interaction is text or voice
Fox and Tang 1303

based. Other game features, such as in-game content (e.g. violence, sexualization), type
of play (e.g. cooperative or competitive), options for self-representation (e.g. assigned
avatars, breadth of choice, gendered or gender neutral), and the availability of flagging
or reporting mechanisms may influence the incidence of harassment.
Finally, our results indicate that simply asking whether a woman has been insulted or
harassed online is insufficient. Researchers should probe specifically whether women
experience sexual and gender-based harassment, as this has distinct mechanisms and
effects.

Implications for gaming

From an applied perspective, our results indicate that video game companies should be
concerned with players’ perceptions of organizational response to sexual harassment, as
this predicted women’s withdrawal from games. Previous research suggests whether
organizations choose not to acknowledge issues with harassment, they are cultivating the
impression that they tolerate it (Fitzgerald et al., 1997; Miner-Rubino and Cortina, 2007).
By remaining passive and not addressing sexual harassment, gaming companies are
sending the implicit message to players that it is acceptable. Users who perceive dis-
crimination to be acceptable or normative within an online environment are more likely
to engage in sexual harassment (Ritter, 2014); in this sense, the silence of gaming com-
panies on the topic may be promoting a hostile gaming climate for women. In terms of
demonstrating responsiveness, it is not enough for companies to simply state they disap-
prove; actions must follow and harassers must be punished for there to be any reduction
in harassment (Williams et al., 1999). If gaming companies are seeking motivation for
taking action, they should be aware that their lack of responsiveness influences victims
of sexual harassment to quit their games. Although online gaming has many challenges
in terms of managing harassment given millions of people are playing at any given
moment, our results indicate that companies need to actively seek solutions if they want
to retain women players.
For women, our findings suggest that there are a variety of ways to deal with harass-
ment, but the implications of these coping strategies should be noted. Avoidance, denial,
and self-blame are ineffective in the workplace (Knapp et al., 1997). Although avoidance
behaviors may protect the individual player, they do nothing to acknowledge or curtail
harassment behavior. Denial and self-blame are forms of psychological reframing by the
target, but again do not address or mitigate harassment behavior. Furthermore, minimiz-
ing or blaming the self for sexual harassment can lead to greater depression and other
post-traumatic stress symptoms (Larsen and Fitzgerald, 2011).
Seeking help is identified as the least common coping strategy in workplace harass-
ment studies, but it is the most effective in curtailing harassment (Knapp et al., 1997).
Simply discussing the issue with others raises awareness of the issue and reframes it as a
problem within gaming. Furthermore, identifying the situation as distressful may help
dispel myths that harassment is harmless and promote bystander intervention (Diehl
et al., 2014; Glomb et al., 1997). Some online games, such as League of Legends, are
improving system affordances for the reporting and detection of harassment, which
makes seeking help easier.
1304 new media & society 19(8)

Although it seems like an easy way to control harassment, gender masking also pre-
sents issues, as many people assume players are male simply based on heuristic cues like
the genre of the game (Eden et al., 2010). By choosing to mask their sex or gender in
play, women are inadvertently reinforcing the idea that they are in a small minority of
players and that gaming is solely a masculine space. In this way, harassment has created
a spiral of silence in which women—and the men who support their presence in games—
have been silenced by a perceived majority of hostile, hypermasculine players. Although
gender bending can be employed strategically by players (e.g. Martey et al., 2014) and
may help individual players cope with harassment, on a broader level it makes women
invisible in these spaces. Such symbolic annihilation may make parity more difficult to
achieve for women in gaming.

Limitations and future directions

Although our study focused broadly on online video games, it is important to note that
our findings will not necessarily generalize to all types of online games. First, as noted,
online games have a variety of affordances that may augment or curtail opportunities for
harassment. For example, some games enable multiple communication channels (such as
text and audio), offer messaging outside of the gamespace, or have embedded reporting
systems for flagging harassment or other negative behavior. Second, future research
should investigate how game content may exacerbate sexual harassment. Sexualized and
objectified representations of women in virtual worlds have been tied to sexist attitudes
and an increased likelihood to sexually harass (Dill et al., 2008; Fox and Bailenson,
2009; Yao et al., 2010). Third, we only assessed harassment in a single game. The game
that participants chose may not be representative of the normal level of harassment they
experience across games. Different online games foster different cultures, which may be
due to genre, game features, or the type of players involved in that particular game.
Future research should investigate the relationship between affordances, content, or cul-
tural factors in video games and harassment.
Another issue worth noting is sample bias given participants were volunteers. Due to
the somewhat sensitive goals of this study, however, we found it necessary to recruit
anonymous participants from gaming spaces. Thus, we cannot claim that our findings
apply to all women who play video games. Given the number of hours our participants
reported playing each week, it is likely our sample is skewed toward more heavily
involved players, who may have become more accustomed to harassment or found suc-
cessful ways of avoiding, neutralizing, or managing it already. Alternative methods,
including content analytical techniques and field experiments, may provide further
insight. Until researchers have thoroughly explored the different facets of this issue, it is
difficult to determine the most effective course of action to eradicate sexual harassment
and other forms of unwanted hostile interaction in games.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.
Fox and Tang 1305

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Author biographies
Jesse Fox (MA, University of Arizona; PhD, Stanford University) is an assistant professor in the
School of Communication at The Ohio State University. Some of her research interests include
video games, virtual environments, social media, and issues surrounding sex and gender in online
spaces.
Wai Yen Tang holds a PhD in Communication at The Ohio State University. His research interests
include video games’ influence on behavior and communication processes between video game
players.