Gabriel & Espiritu Salaysay at Saysay Manuscript (Unedited)

Chapter 12
Philippine Politics during the American
Period
While it would be perceived that the American period was glorious and rosy for the
Philippines, there were seriously bad practices that Filipino politicians had begun to learn.
The American period, perhaps, is the most important period to learn how our present structure
of government had begun and how our political culture developed. At this time, we learned
how to operate the government which we would later establish but with the acumen of
running the government, Filipino politicians also learned how to screw it up, distort the
system and mudsling on the opposition to keep their interest in the government afloat. We
could better understand the kind of politics that we have now by learning from this period.

Preliminary Activity
One of Manuel Luis Quezon’s famous lines was:

“I prefer a government run like hell by Filipinos to a government run like heaven
by Americans. Because, however bad a Filipino government might be, we can always
change
it” (Quezon 1939).

Process Questions
 In your own judgment, what ideas does this line generate?
 How do you feel when you think of this line?

This famous quotation from Quezon was uttered at a time when an American
administrator and Filipino politicians had a falling out. The context of which is found in the
following reading.

Historical Context of the Document

In 1916 William Atkinson Jones, a Democrat senator from Virginia authored the
Jones law or the Philippine Autonomy of Act which Pres. Woodrow Wilson signed on August
29, 1916. The law served as the charter of the colony which replaced the Philippine Organic
Law of 1902. Complementing the Filipinization policy of Gov. Gen. Francis Burton Harrison,
the law in its perambulatory clause provided an explicit provision that the US will grant the
Philippines independence under the condition that the Filipinos could prove self- governance.
(Jones 1990: 169).

By 1921, 96% of the Philippine bureaucracy had been staffed by Filipinos and at the
Wilson’s term he wrote to the US Congress the following letter:

Allow me to call your attention to the fact that the people of the Philippine Islands
have succeeded in maintaining a stable government since the last action of the
Congress in their behalf and have thus fulfilled the condition set by Congress as
precedent to a consideration of granting independence to the Islands.

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I respectfully admit that the condition precedent having been fulfilled, is now our
duty to keep our promise to the people of these Islands by granting them the
independence which they so honorably covet (Wilson 1990:191).

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In 1917, after the passage of the Jones law, a Senate functioning as the upper house,
in addition to the previously established Philippine Assembly now called the lower house
comprise a bicameral legislature. In January 11, 1917, the first cabinet was organized and the
Council of State composed of the Governor-general, the Speaker of the House, the Senate
President and six department secretaries now all Filipinos was formed. This was supposed to
be advisory body to the Governor-general but Osmeña having selected by Harrison as Vice-
chairman of the council was almost running it. This created the pro-Quezon, pro-Osmeña rift
since Quezon was the second highest official and in the event of granting independence, he
should be preferred to head the government, but Harrison seemed to be grooming Osmeña for
the job. Harrison permitted the passage of laws that would limit his power in running the
government since he thought the Filipinos should be given all the avenues to learn self-rule.
By 1921, the Philippine legislature passed laws to tie the hands of the governor-general in
enforcing laws such as Public Acts concerning public works which needed the approval of
both President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House. Public Act 2803 was enacted
requiring the governor-general to submit his executive order, proclamation or regulation to
particular departments before the publication of his order which is the last requirement of its
implementation. This would mean that if the department does not agree with the order, it will
not be published and so it would not be implemented. In 1927, The Philippine Supreme Court
ruled these legislations unconstitutional under the Jones law. With the Council of State, the
Board of Control was created whose members were also the members of the Council of State.
They sit as board of directors in government owned and controlled corporations like the
Philippine National Bank (PNB), the Manila Railroad Company (now Philippine National
Railway), National Coal Corporation and National Development Company. In this set-up,
Filipinization was in full swing (De Viana 2010:51-52).

By 1921, there was already enthusiastic anticipation in the Philippines that

independence was only a few months away. Unfortunately in the elections of 1921, Wilson’s
Democratic Party did not win and Warren G. Harding, a Republican won the presidency.
Immediately in 1921, he sent Leonard Wood and W. Cameron Forbes to investigate the
condition in the Philippines. And the following were their findings:

General Conclusions

We find the people very happy, peaceful, and appreciative in the main, prosperous,
and keenly appreciative of the benefits of American rule.

We find everywhere among the Christian Filipinos the desire for independence under
the protection of the United States. The non-Christians and Americans are for
continuance of American control.

We find a general failure to appreciate the fact that independence, generally under the
protection of another nation is not true independence.

We find that a reasonable proportion of officials and employees are men of good
character and ability and reasonably faithful to the trust imposed upon them, but that
the efficiency of the public services has fallen off and that they are now relatively
inefficient, due to lack of inspection and to the too rapid transfer of control to
officials who have not had necessary time for proper training.

We find that many Filipinos have shown marked capacity for government service
and that the young generation is full of promise that the civil service laws have in the
main been honestly administered, but here is a marked deterioration due to the
injection of politics.

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We find that there is a disquieting lack of confidence in the administration of justice,

to an extent which constitutes a menace to the stability of the government.

We find that the people are not organized economically nor form the standpoint of
national defense to maintain an independent government.

We find the lack of success in certain departments should not be considered as proof
of essential incapacity on the part of Filipinos, but rather an indicating lack of
experience and opportunity and specially lack of inspection.

In conclusion we are convinced that it would be a betrayal of the Philippine people, a

misfortune to the American people, a distinct step backward in the path of progress,
and a discreditable neglect of our national duty to withdraw from the islands and
terminate relationship there without giving Filipinos the best chance possible to have
an orderly and permanently stable government (Wood and Forbes 1990:192-194).

In their report, Wood and Forbes indicated the lack of transparency, corruption,
political rivalry and inefficiency as the main problem that best the government when the
Filipinos almost run them. Not much infrastructures, the lack of roads and school buildings
built were the major problems when the Department of Public Works was run by Filipinos.
Remember the political caricatures in Chapter 11. When the Filipinos took over the
Department of Health (Editorial Cartoon no.11.19), the infestation of mosquitoes and other
pests plagued Manila once again. The deterioration of public health could be dramatized with
37,839 Filipino deaths because of cholera while 73,796 Filipino casualties due to smallpox
between 1916 and 1921. There was massive vaccination during the time when the Americans
were handling the health bureau but the deterioration of public health simply meant the lax of
vaccination programs and poor public sanitation (De Viana 2010: 50).

In one of the cartoons (Editorial Cartoon no. 11.14 ), farmers were begging for funds
to finance the cultivation of their land, but PNB with Harrison, Osmeña and Quezon staring at
them were saying that PNB had no funds. This was due to lack of inspection and inefficiency
due to huge losses suffered by the bank because of huge loans given but with poor collection.
Between 1916 and 1921 the bank had earned only $10 million, since its inception of a capital
outlay worth $167 million against an outstanding balance of $177 million. But by 1921, the
bank loaned out $82,844,825 while its deposit was only $46,832,595. Compounding the
problem was its third president during this period, Gen. Venancio Concepcion whose was
flagged down by Galiciano Apacible, one of the Filipino diplomats based in Hong Kong
during Aguinaldo’s government as a man of dubious character since he went to Hong Kong to
convince Apacible to invest the money of the Revolutionary Government to a company based
in Hong Kong. But the scheme would simply be a means to siphon to money from them. But
despite warnings, Concepcion held high positions in the Harrison Administration where he
was able to wind his way to being PNB’s president though he never had any banking
experience. During his term, he loaned huge amounts to companies which he had personal
interests. He was later convicted of graft and corruption but heleft the bank in the verge of
collapse by 1921 (De Viana 2010: 53-54).

The seat of corruption was even in the Board of Control. PNB’s board was composed
of the politicians who are members of the Senate and House leadership and thecabinet. But
because they are also government bureaucrats, the lack of accountability and transparency
hounded its inefficiency that their mishandling of its money could escape without they
answering for it since they were also the officials who would investigate the board.

Gov. Gen. Wood then had only one mission, and that is to put the government which
they permitted the Filipinos to handle be placed on the right tract. This would mean putting
money back to PNB and making governance efficient. But there is dark side to this. Filipino

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politicians had been accustomed during the Harrison administration to doing things on their
own. Harrison gave them the unbridled freedom to do what they wished. This was not what
Wood intended. He would have to put inspection back in order to make governance more
accountable. The Filipino politicians wanted to regain their hands-free mode from the
governor-general. But this placed Gov. Gen. Wood and the Filipino politicians, the most
vocal of which was Quezon, on a head-on collision. While Wood wanted to put the
government back on track, Filipino politicians branded him as a meddler and anti-Filipino.
Wood vetoed 124 out of 411 bills passed by the Philippine legislature headed by Quezon and
Osmeña. But these were defective bills which Wood did not sign. Quezon purposed it to be
defective as a reason for him to snipe at Wood and brand him as anti-Filipino (De Viana
2010: 55). The only way to regain their opportunity to do what they wanted was to get rid of
him and have him deported back to the US. The Filipino politicians were simply waiting for
the right time to conspire against the governor-general and in 1923, the right opportunity
came.

Editorial Cartoon no.11.2 shows the proliferation of gambling in Manila because of

policemen taking bribes. But a policeman stands out from the corrupt law enforcers. Ray
Conley was a detective assigned in the Manila Police District under the vice squad tasked to
go after gamblers and their operators. By 1921, Conley had several successes in cracking
down on illegal gambling operations in Manila especially those frequented by politicians. In a
landmark case regarding a “John Doe warrant” in 1923, Jose Ma. Veloso, a member of the
House of Representatives was caught with pockets bulging with chips and the Philippine
Supreme Court found him guilty of “resisting agents of authority” in a raid by the Manila
Police in Parliamentary Club which was actually a gambling den, using an anonymous or
John Doe warrant (People vs. Veloso 1925: 171-172).

Conley’s crackdown also generated enemies for him. In retribution, the manufactured
bribery charges against him, which upon investigation, he was proven clean, until March
1923 when his detractors found the right timing. Manila Mayor Ramon Fernandez received
reports that monte was being played with impunity due to gambling lords in cahoots with
police officials. They found this right moment to pin down Conley. Mayor Fernandez
instructed his secretary Rosauro Almario to call a self-confessed gambling operator Eduardo
Cardenas to the office of the Jose P. Laurel, Secretary of Interior. In the presence of Mayor
Fernandez and Secretary Laurel in his office, Cardenas dialed 5180, alleged to be the phone
number to get in touch with Conley and with the alleged Conley, on the line, Cardenas voiced
his statements of bringing the money to the detective’s office. Cardenas confessed that the
money was in exchange for Conley’s silence and withdrawal to apprehend gambling
operators. The entrapment was supposed to be collaborated by another self-confessed
gambling lord, Eusebio Ramirez. Mayor Fernandez, at once, suspended Conley and a case
was filed in Branch 4 of the Court of First Instance of Manila. The case was tried and the
judge ruled Conley, not guilty of bribery (De Viana 2010: 35-48).

Renewed charges were filed only to be dismissed on the fiscal’s motion. Laurel and
Fernandez then asked the governor-general to institute administrative proceedings which, in
order to appease the two officials, Wood created an unbiased committee consisting of the
Civil Service Director, the undersecretary of the Department of Justice and an American
colonel from the Philippine Constabulary. The committee still found Conley clean of all
charges and recommended for the reinstatement of Conley back to the force. Though there
were renewed immorality charges against him for keeping a mistress, he was later
recommended for retirement with pension. But this first order was the one received by Mayor
Fernandez and Secretary Laurel. This was the perfect timing to snipe not on Conley but on
Wood. Laurel wrote his letter of resignation and so did Mayor Fernandez, saying that they
could not reinstate a corrupt official. But this is simply face-saving for the two officials. They
then abandoned their offices with Laurel going back to his home province in Batangas. Wood

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found this outright disobedience. With no official to act on the recommendation, Wood
reinstated Coney back to the force and approved his retirement with full benefits as
recommended (De Viana 2010: 48-49).

Quezon lashed out on Wood for having interfered on the work of a purely local
matter. This was followed through with the mass resignation of the members of the Council
of State and later the entire cabinet. This was meant to finally cripple the governor-general
and if he could not function anymore having harbored the distrust of the Filipinos, Wood
would finally be forced to go home. But what Wood simply did was to accept the mass
resignations and have other appointees take over their positions. Wood still remained his
ground. Thus in 1926, Filipino politicians filed a petition to the Pres. Harding airing their
grievances against Wood.

About the Governor-General

Figure 12.1 Photograph of Gov. Gen. Leonard Wood

(Photo: https://www.missouriatwar.com/featured-article/major-general-leonard-wood)

Gov. Gen. Leonard Wood, was born on October 9, 1860. He was a graduate of
Harvard Medical School and was later conscripted to the US Army as a medical doctor. He
was awarded the Medal of Honor for his service on the expedition against Apache Indians in
1886. During the Spanish American War of 1898, he saw action in Cuba which gave him the
position of Brigadier-General at the end of the campaign and which he became military
governor in Cuba from 1899 to 1902. In 1903, he became military governor in Mindanao. He
commanded the Philippine Division of the US Army from 1906-1908. He went to the US and
became Chief of Staff from 1910-1914. In 1920, he became a Republican candidate for the
presidency but lost in the nomination to G. Warren Harding. In 1921, Harding won the
election, and in acknowledgment of his worthy contender, Harding sent him and former
governor-general Cameron Forbes for a mission in the Philippines, as Harding appointed him
later as governor-general (Britannica 2018).

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========================================

Reading 12.1

Filipino Grievances Against Governor Wood

(Approved by the Commission on Independence on November 17,
1926)1

More than a quarter of a century has elapsed since the Philippines came under the
American flag --- an emblem of freedom, not of subjugation; a symbol of altruism, not of
selfishness or greed. American sovereignty was implanted in our country with the avowed
purpose of training us in the art or self-government and granting us independence. Our good,
not her gain was to be America’s aim. Our country was committed to her in trust to be
conserved and developed for the benefit of our people. Believing in the sincerity of America’s
purpose, the Filipinos applied themselves with patient diligence to the task of meeting the
conditions exacted of them, anxiously awaiting the day when America would honor her
promise.

The first twenty years of civil government were marked by mutual understanding and
loyal cooperation between American and Filipinos. At the end of that period, when it seemed
that the goal had finally been reached, after the President of the United States had advised the
Congress that the time had come for America to fulfil her sacred pledge, Major-General
Leonard Wood was sent to the Philippines as Governor-General. Cognizant of the part taken
by General Wood in the liberation of Cuba, the Filipino people expected that under his
administration the spirit of cooperation would be maintained and that the work of political
emancipation would be complete. Contrary, however, to our expectations, his conduct of the
government has been characterized by a train of usurpations and arbitrary acts, resulting in the
curtailment of our autonomy, the destruction of our constitutional system, and the reversal of
America’s Philippine policy.

This line of conduct recently culminated in the issuance of Executive Order No. 37,
by which he has attempted to nullify laws creating the Board of Control and assumed the
functions of that body. The gravity of this last step is the more evident when we recall the
series of usurpations theretofore committed by him.

He has refused his assent to laws which were the most wholesome and necessary for
the public good.

He has set at naught both the legal authority and responsibility for the Philippines
heads of departments.

He has substituted his constitutional advisers for a group of military attachés without
legal standing in the government and not responsible to the people.

He has reversed the policy of Filipinizing the service of the government by

appointing Americans even when Filipinos of proven capacity were available.
1
Lifted from the petition of the Commission on Independence “Filipino Grievances Against Governor
Wood ,” in Zaide, Gregorio and Zaide, Sonia, eds. Documentary Sources of Philippine History Vol.
11, Document 608, Manila: National Bookstore, 1990, pp. 230-234.

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He has obstructed the carrying out of national economic policies duly adopted by the
Legislature, merely because they are in conflict with his personal views.

He has rendered merely perfunctory the power of the Legislature to pass the annual
appropriation law by reviving items in the law of the preceding year, after vetoing the
corresponding items of the current appropriation act, in flagrant violation of the Organic Law.

He has made appointments to positions and authorized the payment of salaries

therefore after having vetoed the appropriations for such salaries.

He has used certain public funds to grant additional compensation to public officials
in clear violation of law.

He has arrogated unto himself the right of exercising the powers granted by law to the
Emergency Board after abolishing said board on the ground that its powers involved an
unlawful delegation of legislative authority.

He has unduly interfered in the administration of justice.

He has refused to obtain the advice of the Senate in making appointments where such
advice is required by the Organic Act.

He has refused to submit to the Senate appointment for vacancies occurring during
the recess of the Legislature in the contravention of the Organic Act.

He has continued in office nominees whose appointments had been rejected by the
Senate.

He has usurped legislative powers by imposing conditions on legislative measures

approved by him.

He has, in the administration of affairs in Mindanao, brought about a condition which

has given rise to discord and dissension between certain groups of Christian and
Mohammedan Filipinos.

He has by his policies created strained relations between resident Americans and
Filipinos.

He has endeavored, on the pretext of getting the government out of business, to

dispose of all the companies capitalized by the government worth many millions of the
people’s money to powerful Americans interests.

He has sanctioned the campaign of insidious propaganda in the United States against
the Filipino people and their aspirations.

He has attempted to close the Philippine National Bank so necessary to the economic
development of the country.

He has adopted the practice of intervening in, and controlling directly, to its minute
details, the affairs of the Philippine Government, both insular and local, in violation of self-
government.

He has insistently sought the amendment of our land laws approved by the Congress
of the United States, which amendment would open up the resources of our country to
exploitation by predatory interests.

Not content with these and other arbitrary acts, the Governor-General has recently
promulgated Executive Order No. 37, declaring that the laws creating and defining the powers

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of the Board of Control which is authorized to vote the stocks owned by the government in
certain private corporations, are absolute nullities. In the same order the Governor-General
also announced his purpose to exercise solely and by himself the powers and duties
developing upon the said board. This executive order is purported to be based on an opinion
rendered by the Judge Advocate General of the United States Army and the conformatory
opinions of the Acting Advocate General on November 7. Despite this fact, he has found it
convenient to withhold the publication of his order until November 10, a few hours after the
Legislature had adjourned, thus depriving the Legislature of the opportunity to consider the
matter.

The laws creating and defining the powers of the Board of Control have been in force
and acted upon by the present Governor-General and other officers of the government for a
number of years, and they have neither been repealed by the Legislature, annulled by
Congress, the Governor-General by a mere executive order can set them aside, is to subvert
the whole system of constitutional government and destroy the theory of separation of powers
which the Governor-General has always been so intent in upholding.

In the face of this critical situation, we, the constitutional representatives of the
Filipino people, met to deliberate upon the present difficulties existing in the Government of
the Philippines Islands and to determine how best to preserve the supremacy and majesty of
the laws and to safeguard the rights and liberties of our people, having faith in the sense of
justice of the people of the United States and inspired by her patriotic example in the early
days of her history, do hereby, in our behalf and in the name of the Filipino people, solemnly
and publicly make known our most vigorous protest against the arbitrary acts and usurpations
of the present Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, particularly against Executive
Order No. 37.

The consciousness of our sacred and inescapable duty to our country and our sense of
loyalty to the people of acts of the present Governor-General as arbitrary, oppressive and
undemocratic. We appeal to the judgement and conscience of the American people in
justification of our stand and for the vindication of our rights.

========================================

Postscript
This petition also produced nothing to keep Wood away from doing his job. In
November 26, 1926 was pay-back time for Wood. He promulgated Executive Act No. 37,
abolishing the Board of Control. Quezon and the rest of the politicians petitioned the
Philippine Supreme Court in order to challenge the order, but the high court sustained Woods
decision, branding the law that created the Board of Control unconstitutional. At the same
time, Wood also won in the case that challenged the constitutionality of Public Act No. 2803
which diminished the power of the governor-general (Agoncio and Guerrero 1977: 368-
3369).

Nothing that the Filipino politicians did was able to derail Wood into doing his
mission. But he induced a huge amount of bitterness among Filipino politicians who acted
like spoiled brats into insisting to continue on their corrupt ways. What made Wood to finally
leave the Philippines was not the wining of the politicians but a brain tumor that he was
rushed back to the US and died on August 7, 1927.

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Reinforcement Activity

 Judging on the kind of bad politics that Filipino politicians learned during American
era

From the document pick out some of the complaints of Filipino politicians against
Governor General Wood and look up in the discussion in the historical context what
he actually did in order to complete the matrix below.

Gov. Gen. Wood’s efforts His intentions Complaints against him as

lifted from the document

a) Do the complaints against the governor match what he was doing and his intentions?
b) What do these complaints then tell of the complainants (the Filipino politicians)?

 Comparing the kind of politics that we have today

From your answers in part b of the previous section, what are instances in our
political life do these episodes show up until today? Answer this by completing the
matrix below.

Bad politics of Filipinos during the Bad politics of Filipinos until today
American Period

What is in us that we should change in order to correct these flaws?

Relevance
At face value the document would show how evil and anti-Filipino Gov. Gen. Wood
was but the document is relevant on these points:

 The document, instead, portrays the bad politics, a scheme in order to oust the
governor and send him home and let the Filipino politicians govern on their own.
 The document shows what bad politics we have learned and yet we were not able to
unlearn it until today.

Challenge
So which would you prefer a government like hell by Filipinos to a government run
like heaven by the Americans? We have learned how to run the government, we have learned

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how to operate the system, but it seems we have not learned the values on how to make it
work. We have learned how to screw the system to our advantage and have learned to
mudsling another person of a different persuasion to serve our own interest.

In terms of Quezon’s quotation, the ideal is to prefer neither. We should not prefer a
government run like hell by Filipinos neither a government like heaven by the Americans. A
hell of a government is not what we deserve. A government run by Americans though like
heaven means we are not independent yet. The ideal is to turn that hell of a government run
by Filipinos into a government like heaven.

If you are a politician today, what values, which were lacking during the American
period and also today, should you develop? If you are not a politician or would not intend to
be one, what values of politicians should you wish they have in order to create a dignified and
honorable government? How would you teach others develop these values in order to make
for a clean and efficient government?

References

Agoncillo, Teodoro A. and Guerrero, Milagros C. (1977) History of the Filipino People.
Quezon City: R.P. Garcia Publishing Co.

Britannica (2018) “Leonard Wood” Brittanica.com

(https://www.britannica.com/biography/Leonard-Wood).
Commission on Independence (1990) “Filipino Grievances Against Governor Wood
(Approved by the Commission on Independence November 17, 1926),” in
Zaide, Gregorio and Zaide, Sonia, eds. Documentary Sources of Philippine
History Vol. 11, Document 608, Manila: National Bookstore.
De Viana, Augusto V. (2010) “The Ray Conley Case and the Cabinet Crisis of 1923,”
Ad Veritatem, Vol. 10, No. 1, (October), pp. 33-71.
Jones, William Atkinson (1990) “The Jones Law of 1916,” ”, in Zaide, Gregorio and
Zaide, Sonia, eds. Documentary Sources of Philippine History Vol. 11,
Document 598, Manila: National Bookstore.
People vs. Veloso (1925) Supreme Court Reports Annotated, October 20, Vol. 28, pp.
169-183.
Quezon, Manuel L. (1939) “Speech of President Quezon on Civil Liberties, December
9, 1939,” Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines
(https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1939/12/09/speech-of-president-quezon-
on-civil-liberties-december-9-1939/).
Wilson, Woodrow (1990) “President Wilson’s Message to the US Congress
Recommending Independence for the Philippines (Washington D.C.,
December 2, 1920)”, in Zaide, Gregorio and Zaide, Sonia, eds. Documentary
Sources of Philippine History Vol. 11, Document 599, Manila: National
Bookstore.

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Wood, Leonard and Forbes, Cameron W. (1990) “General Conclusions and

Recommendations of the Wood-Forbes Mission of 1921”, in Zaide, Gregorio
and Zaide, Sonia, eds. Documentary Sources of Philippine History Vol. 11,
Document 600, Manila: National Bookstore.

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