Sanctioned Pleasures: Youth, Piety and Leisure in Beirut

Author(s): Lara Deeb and Mona Harb

Source: Middle East Report, No. 245, The Politics of Youth (Winter, 2007), pp. 12-19
Published by: Middle East Research and Information Project, Inc. (MERIP)
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Al-Saha Traditional Village restaurant complex. michelle woodward

Sanctioned Pleasures
Youth, Piety and Leisure in Beirut
Lara Deeb and Mona Harb

The pious Shil youth of Lebanon, stereotypically pictured as rigid and joyless, are as devoted to recreation and fun

as any other group of their peers. As more pious Shil families enter the middle class, and acquire disposable income,

entrepreneurs?including Hizballah?are moving fast to exploit the emerging market in the "Islamic milieu."

Beirut is known internationally for a youthful jet set These cosmopolitan young people?particularly the women
that likes to be identified with the world clubbing among them?have been highlighted in media coverage of
circuit, including such stops as B018, an underground Lebanese political protests since 2005, waving the Lebanese
nocturnal haunt reminiscent of a coffin built by Lebanese flag or, unexpectedly, accessorizing with the bandannas of
architect Bernard Khoury upon the remains of a war crime. Shi'i Hizballah and its sometime Christian ally Gen. Michel
Aoun. Such images of Lebanese youth fit the "Paris of the
Lara Deeb, an editor of this magazine, is assistant professor of women's studies at the Middle East" stereotype that comforts Westerners and also
University of California-Irvine. Mona Harb is an assistant professor at the American
University of Beirut. comports with the desires of many in Lebanon. Beirut?or

12 MIDDLE EAST REPORT 245 WINTER 2007

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rather, a certain part of Beirut?is also known internationally and the party's vast media network, including television, radio,
as the home of Hizballah, the party once described by a US magazines and iconography.
official as the "A-team of terrorists." Residents of this Beirut are Since the late 1990s, the hala islamiyya has begun incorpo
pictured as somber, bearded young men toting Kalashnikovs rating leisure sites?directed at and desired by the resistance
and alternately timid and fiercely outspoken young women society, other dahiya residents and conservative tourists?as well
dressed uniformly in black. as debates about leisure activities and dating. Predominantly
This pair of polar opposite images leaves out many?perhaps established by the private sector, leisure sites include exhibi
most strikingly, the thousands of pious young people who want tions, amusement parks, beaches, Internet cafes, libraries,
to have fun, and who strive to follow religiously sanctioned public gardens, fitness clubs and summer youth camps. Eateries
norms in their recreation. Just as Christian youth groups in have also proliferated in the southern suburbs and attracted
the United States organize dances along with devotional study thousands of visitors, mainly youth. They range in scale from
groups and ski trips along with evangelical work, young people small streetside snack bars to neighborhood cafes to restaurant
complexes that cater to both a local and a national?and
in the pious Shi'i community in the southern suburbs of Beirut
seek out spaces for social interaction that accord with the sometimes an international?clientele. In addition to entre
norms of morality and appropriate behavior defined by their preneurs, religiously based charitable organizations have also
religious tenets. Yet in those spaces, young people often redefine chosen to invest in this market niche. One such institution,
those tenets as well, interpreting injunctions in ways that may al-Mabarrat, uses the profits it makes from its restaurant and
open moral codes to broader definition or limit them more hotel complex, al-Saha Traditional Village, to fund its many
stringently. In the process, pious Shi'i youth are contributing facilities that serve the poor and orphans. Hizballah-affiliated
to the production and construction of an Islamic milieu in the institutions also have a piece of the pie, though they have
city that also extends to other regions of the country. mainly created what might be called political entertainment,
such as summer camps and exhibitions celebrating the feats
Leisure in the Islamic Milieu of the party's militia, the Islamic Resistance.
The range of sites ensures that consumers with different
What is the Islamic milieu? One of the phrases sometimes understandings of piety and politics can visit different places.
used to convey the concept is "hala islamiyya? Hala literally While some young people choose to attend Hizballah political
means "state of being" or "condition," and together with the exhibitions, for example, others encounter them as part
adjective islamiyya, translates as "Islamic state of being," or in of school field trips, and still others avoid them altogether.
relation to this part of Lebanon, "Shi'i state of being." Often, Similarly, personal preference and taste play a role in which
islamiyya is not appended, indicating internalized assumptions cafes and restaurants are frequented, as do the same rapidly
about the halas nature. But the phrase hala islamiyya has shifting ideas about trendiness that help to fuel downtown
no fixed, a priori meaning. For, in addition, hala connotes Beirut's notoriously high rate of restaurant turnover. (It is
both the physical spaces where pious Shi a live out the "state crucial to emphasize that many people in the dahiya do not
of being" and the public sphere where its norms and values feel that they are part of this pious community and have no
are discussed. Pious Shi a, including youth, are thus always desire to frequent its spaces. If they can afford to do so, they
participating in defining what the hala is, as are those around may instead go out and shop in other Beirut neighborhoods.)
them. Synonyms frequently used for hala include the Arabic Al-Saha has probably been the most successful of all these sites
terms for "environment" and "ambience." in attracting a diverse clientele?in terms of both generation
The Shi'i hala islamiyya has no geographic boundaries, but it and lifestyle. It is not unusual to see turbaned sheikhs dining
is possible to imagine it as centered in the dahiya?the southern there near women in tank tops.
suburbs of Beirut, known in Western media by the misnomer Most of the new leisure sites in the dahiya are intent on
"Hizballah stronghold." This mainly Shi'i Muslim area of the providing their predominantly young customers with modern
capital includes dense urban neighborhoods where a particular stylized decor, high-quality food, coffee, hookahs and wireless
sort of pious lifestyle has progressively become hegemonic; Internet access. In spatial design and level of services, the dahiya
certain religious understandings and practices have become hangouts compare to their counterparts in other parts of Beirut.
a part of common-sense knowledge and desires, as well as a For instance, one cafe in a prime dahiya location, Cafe.Yet,
social norm to which people are expected to conform. While serves the famous Illy coffee as well as providing hookah and
Hizballah has been the most popular political party in the Internet services. The cafe is colorfully designed, with chairs
dahiya since the late 1980s, it is only one, albeit a powerful, and tables fitting into each other to form red, black and white
player in the emergence of the hala islamiyya. The Islamic cubes, and with shiny reflective floors and walls that produce
milieu includes the daily practices and spaces that are part of a sleek, polished effect. At the eastern edge of the dahiya, the
life within the "resistance society," as Hizballah often refers newly opened Beirut Mall, a Saudi investment encouraged by
to its constituency, and is in part organized around formal the Hizballah mayor of the municipality where it is located,
service-providing institutions, informal support organizations houses brand-name clothing shops and a food court including

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Dunkin Donuts and McDonald s?trademarks that make one the importance of this social component in establishing
resident proud to "finally have access to such stores within the whether a site or a behavior is "appropriate" or not. A mall,
southern suburbs." for instance, does not necessarily reflect a pious approach
Private and institutional entrepreneurs catering to the pious to leisure, and in fact some would argue that consumerism
Shi'i community around the country have also developed and piety are at odds with one another. One older woman
multi-purpose entertainment compounds reminiscent of who prides herself on being one of the vanguard of the Shi'i
all-inclusive family vacation destinations in the US. In the Islamic movement in Lebanon complained, "Our society
dahiya, al-Saha Traditional Village, one of the earliest such looks like there has been a development in values, but then I
places, offers customers a diverse menu along with wireless don't know. Sometimes I think this is all on the surface. You
Internet access, gift shops, prayer rooms, hotel rooms, a know, now people compete over headscarves?this one Gucci,
private garden, a crafts museum and a library. In the wake that one I don't know what." Yet because of its location and
of al-Saha's success, demonstrated by its continuing expan customer base, in addition to the unavailability of alcohol
sion, other entrepreneurs raced to catch up. Al-Inma Group, on its grounds, many pious youth consider the new Beirut
establishers of the first amusement park in the dahiya, FantasyMall up to their moral standards.
World, upgraded its cafe, incorporating more sophisticated Put bluntly, "the kind of people who go there," especially
design elements, and added new restaurants. The group's aim their comportment, is the primary criterion by which young
is to supply "family entertainment," and it has extended this people judge places. In this regard, the hala islamiyya can
concept to other neighborhoods in Beirut and towns in the be said to also incorporate a sense of entre-soi?the security,
comfort and validation that come from being among one s
south, constructing large complexes that include pools, fitness
centers, campgrounds, terraces and gardens, in addition to peers and community. It also points to the ways that sectarian
amusement park rides and restaurants. divisions have continued to be spatially entrenched in Beirut,
as ideas about "the kind of people who go there" may also
Entre-Soi reflect au courant sectarian discourses. Though the owners of
Fantasy World are keen to emphasize how "the place attracts
Pious youth appreciate the high-end services and aesthetic different sectarian groups," they acknowledge that the majority
provided by these new spaces of leisure, which they used to haveof customers are from the immediate surroundings and note
to leave the dahiya to experience. In describing these places, that "diversity decreased in recent months given the polarized
young men and women highlight how the recreational sites on atmosphere in the city." Upon visiting Fantasy World for the
offer in the southern suburbs previously were not up to "qualityfirst time, non-Shi'i youth living in Beirut reported feeling
standards," while those available in Beirut proper were (and "othered": "If they wanted to be inclusive, they should have
are) not respectful enough of the religious norms to which they opened these sites in Beirut, not in the dahiya!'
strive to conform. Indeed, what distinguishes the new dahiya Yet pious leisure sites can also work in other ways. For
leisure sites from others in Beirut, and marks them as "pious instance, Cafe.Yet includes private booths where people can
leisure" spaces in particular, is their facilitation or accommoda sit and chat online out of sight of their peers. This privacy?
tion of a conservative Muslim lifestyle. To be considered "pious" unusual in Beirut Internet cafes?is an example of how the
or "conservative"?or simply "appropriate," as the patrons spatial organization of pious leisure sites may simultaneously
often say?cafes and restaurants must not serve alcohol or facilitate conformation to and transgression of the moral
non-halal meat, and must not play music that features singing boundaries they intend to establish. On the one hand, private
that could be construed as "seductive" or that is conducive booths may allow pious young women to feel more comfort
to dancing. The definition of "inappropriate" music varies able in mixed-sex spaces, as this cafe, unlike others in the
depending on whom you talk to. Some people rule out Arabic dahiya, does not have a separate space for women. Women may
and Western pop music entirely; others emphasize context and also want to remove their headscarves when conversing with
conduct over type of music; and still others publicly shun pop headsets via the Internet, or may feel that it is inappropriate
music but listen to it secretly through headphones. Similarly, for their voices to be heard by their neighbors (as would be
some pious individuals find it acceptable to go to the movies as possible in the main Internet room). On the other hand, the
long as they look away from scenes deemed immoral. Others privacy provided by the booths opens a space within which
claim to "disengage" from the soundtrack. users may have conversations in cyberspace that violate the
In addition, social interactions in these sites generally abide boundaries for male-female interaction maintained by the
by a moral expectation of conservative behavior that emerges presence of their peers and the staff within the main room of
through a combination of self-discipline and external enforce the cafe. Other studies have shown how cyberspace in pious
ment. Unrelated men and women do not touch or sit too environments facilitates young peoples sexual interactions,
closely to one another in restaurants, and beaches are strictly enabling them to safely and anonymously engage in cybersex,
sex-segregated, with women's beaches inaccessible to outside "meeting, mating and cheating online," or simply producing
view from shore, sea or air. It is difficult to overemphasize and exchanging information.1

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At the Beach their view (usually not substantiated in these cases by reference
to their marja) that being in a bikini in front of other women
This flexibility of meaning and activity can be seen more is haram (religiously forbidden).
explicitly in the debates among young Shi'i Muslims about In both sets of debates about beaches and pools, disagree
the "proper" ways to interact and have fun. ment among pious young women is common. Young women
In Lebanon, as in many other Arab and Muslim countries, are not only referring to the teachings and opinions of
there are several women-only beaches, as well as fitness clubstheir maraji on these matters, but also making their own
and swimming pools. In the late 1990s, pious young women judgments about the relationship of certain sites to moral
in the dahiya did not hesitate to frequent women-only beaches,boundaries and understandings of pious behavior. As is
though some were quite specific about which beaches were evident, such personal judgments do not necessarily lead to
appropriate. At that time, the conversation revolved around more "liberating" views, but may in fact prove more restric
whether or not a beach (or sports club, or pool) was indeed tive. Furthermore, young women are not making decisions
shari (permitted by Islamic law). For some, this was deter about whether or not to frequent single-sex beaches in isola
tion from one another or from the broader social environ
mined by whether it had been established as such by their
marja*al-taqlid> the scholar to whom practicing Shi'i Muslims ment. In fact, the homophobic fears they express stand in
may look for guidance on religious matters. Costa Brava and contradiction to complex histories of homosocial spaces in
Bellevue were beaches that were marked as shari by prominent Lebanon while also echoing a particularly modernist form
Lebanese mar/a Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah, though of heteronormativity. The obvious question that arises is
that designation was later removed at least from the former. what has prompted these explicit expressions of homophobia
A beach's shari status depended on a number of things, the among young women. One possibility is the international
most critical of which was assurance that women would not be prominence of gay rights movements in the Middle East
visible to men from any vantage point, which, given beaches' and media attention to human rights abuses like those in
openness to sky and sea, led some maraji (plural of marja) to the Queen Boat case in Egypt in 2001. Closer to home, the
disqualify them all (Sayyid Ali Khamenei of Iran, the official Lebanese LGBT activist group Helem has had a growing pres
marja* of Hizballah, falls into this category). Also important ence in Beirut since 2004 and was also an active participant
are general rules of comportment, meaning no alcohol or loud in the relief efforts following the 2006 war, which may have
music, no dancing and no topless sunbathing. When Sayyid raised its profile in the dahiya significantly.
Fadlallahs office certifies a particular beach as shar% women
who are official representatives of his office check to ensure Dating
that the beaches maintain those standards.
Yet for many young women, a stamp of approval from a The second topic of debate involving moral limits in relation to
marja'was not enough, and they judged the shari quality of a sexuality, and specifically forms of dating, is that of temporary
beach based on their own personal sense of the appropriateness marriage, or zawaj muaqqat. This is also sometimes termed
of its atmosphere, often leading to far stricter interpretationszawaj mut'a, but that phrasing is frowned upon by most
than those of Fadlallah, for example. In this regard, one young pious youth because of its emphasis on pleasure and desire
woman said that Costa Brava, even when it was in Fadlallahs as the descriptive element distinguishing it from other forms
good graces, was not a respectable beach, and that she had not of marriage, as opposed to the difference of timeframe that is
felt comfortable with the sorts of bathing suits that women highlighted in the term muaqqat. Temporary marriage is not
there were wearing. Others will swim only at fully enclosed a new practice among Lebanese Shi'a, and has long been stig
pools, in order to eliminate the possibility of their being seen matized and associated with widows, divorcees and less "ethical"
from the sky or sea. women who accept such relationships for either financial
In recent years, a new line of debate has emerged around reasons or in order to satisfy their sexual desires. According to
women-only beaches that extends to these fully enclosed pools most interpretations within Shi'ism, a temporary marriage is a
as well as to fitness clubs. No longer about the visibility of contracted relationship between a man and a woman, without
women to men, or limits on women's bathing suit styles, a new any witnesses, limited to a specified period of time and in
hesitancy to attend women-only facilities is being expressed accordance with a specified dowry provided for the woman
in homophobic terms by some young pious women. This at the end of the contract. This "dowry" can be symbolic (a
argument is sometimes taken to the extent of insisting that Qur'an or a piece of fruit) or substantial (a sum of money or
going to a single-sex beach may in fact be as "dangerous" as an apartment). In theory, the contract can be renewed as many
going to a mixed-sex one, and expressing fears or expectations times as one wants, and one can contract as many temporary
that single-sex beaches contribute to the incitement of illicit marriages in one's life as one wants. Children born as a result
sexual desire in women for other women. "These days, it is of sexual relations contracted via temporary marriage are
everywhere," one young woman said. "You can get hit on [by considered legitimate by Shi'i courts. This means that they are
a woman] in a sports club, at a beach, anywhere." Others note eligible for child support and inheritance privileges, though

MIDDLE EAST REPORT 245 - WINTER 2007 15

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A makeshift bunker at the Hizballah exhibit in the dahiya commemorating the summer 2QQ6 war. jiro ose

in practice, because these are contracts with no witnesses, provide for a family until well into their thirties. They also
implementation of these rights is often difficult. cite a new open-mindedness among both young men and
What seems to be novel about temporary marriage in women, often attributed to exposure to the Internet, satellite
Lebanon is that it is becoming more normal among pious television and other media.
Shi'i youth. Indeed, interviews and focus groups with Shi'i Yet if temporary marriage allows pious young men to have
college students in Beirut indicate that such marriages are not sexual relationships while feeling at ease with their religious
restricted to a certain category of women, and are increasingly beliefs, the issue is far less straightforward for pious young
practiced among educated, middle-class youth as a means women, who are expected to preserve their virginity for their
of fulfilling desires for sex and/or intimacy while abiding by "official" wedding day. While some young women have the
religious norms and rules of conduct. Temporary marriage confidence to engage in temporary marriages and inform
contracts provide exactly this legitimation. their future husbands of their pasts, others depend on hymen
This is especially true for pious young men. Ali, for reconstruction surgeries to avoid having to justify or reveal their
example, represents a typical pious young man's perspec prior sexual relationships. For this reason, young women are far
tive: He is 30 and single, and does not hesitate to speak more reluctant to discuss temporary marriages than are young
out about his year-old relationship with a young woman men, and often keep such relationships a secret from even their
he is married to following the rules of zawaj muaqqat. closest friends. As one young woman in her early twenties put it,
Why are they not regularly married? Ali replies that he is "It used to be ayb (shameful), and it isn't anymore, but you still
still unsure about wanting to commit, that he is not yet don't talk about it." Aziza, about ten years older, was horrified
financially secure and needs more time to feel comfortable when it was suggested to her that temporary marriage was no
about his professional status. He adds that he will renew his longer shameful, saying, "Yeah, young people do it, but that
temporary marriage contract with his partner for another does not mean that it is correct. The maraji disagree on this,
year. Many young men explain the current rise in popularity and anyway, it is impossible in our society, especially for a girl.
of temporary marriage as related to the economic recession You'll find that young men are just saying it is OK so they can
and the inability of many men to afford to get married and do what they want."

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 Much of the debate around temporary marriage that exists Through their conversations, they are striving to formulate
among pious youth does not question its shari status in norms of behavior that are commensurate with their values and

principle, but instead concerns the legitimacy and morality acceptable to God within their belief structures. The question
of the specific ways in which it is practiced in Lebanon today. remains: Why now, and why youth?
Some feel that young men are abusing the principle in pursuit
of short-term sexual relationships with no strings attached. Piety and the Market
"It's just a way for a guy to do whatever he wants," said Hasan,
echoing 'Aziza's observation above. "And young people are not For the first time, there is a generation of young people in the
doing it within the boundaries of the sharia, but are using it dahiya who were raised within an established system of piety,
however they want. I am against this." Hasan felt strongly that hegemonic norms that reflect the success of the Lebanese
temporary marriage was only religiously permitted for divorcedShi'i Islamist movements' project (including, but not only,
or widowed women. Another young man noted, "Young men Hizballah). Their experiences contrast sharply with those
and young women are using this as a way to play each other. of many of their parents, who often had to fight against an
The girl might not know the rules, so the guy will tell her, 'We older generation's notions of morality?cast by the rebelling
have this in our religion,' and fools her so that she might agree Islamic vanguard as "traditional"?in order to be able to
to something, so it is being used in this way as well." Again, enact their understandings of religiosity. Hajja Umm Ja'far
these objections are not to temporary marriage in principle, described this difference: "When I became committed [to
something generally left to the marja', but about perceptions Islam] there was a lot of talk about us. Even within my family
about its abuses, especially by young men, in society. there was talk. You know, 'What is this commitment?' While
Rabi' concurred with Hasan, but extended the argument today, it is normal. A girl can put on the headscarf and she
a bit, saying that "it is OK if it is a way to get to know a girl doesn't have a problem." Another consequence of the success
but with the intent of marrying her, if you are engaged or of the Islamist movements, and especially Hizballah as both
something like that." But when Rabi' was then asked whether political party and Islamic Resistance, is the growth of their
he would contract a regular marriage with a girl with whom he constituency. Hizballah representatives often point to debates
had had a temporary marriage, he immediately replied, "No, around appropriate moral norms in the dahiya as a "natural
I wouldn't do that." This contradiction was a common view consequence" of their greater popularity: As the circle grows,
among the young men interviewed, and once again points "naturally" there will be some people who are less committed
to the gendered constraints on the reshaping of moral norms or improperly committed on its outskirts.
The combination of a generation of pious youth and the
in a patriarchal society. "Personally, I don't want to be with
a girl who has done [a temporary marriage]," agreed Firas, expansion of the party's constituencies has contributed to a new
continuing, "because I will have a bad impression about her. market for pious leisure and entertainment activities that are
Even if it is done in a halal way, of course it affects engage also appealing to a young, educated, media-sawy generation.
ments. It is not acceptable for girls in our society." Others Such consumer desire is also linked to the recently emergent
acknowledged this perspective, but labeled it a problem of "the and continually growing middle class in the southern suburbs.
traditions of society" or of "how this society thinks." This pious middle class has begun to demand the same access to
Those who expressed this latter view believed that temporary leisure that other neighborhoods of Beirut have long enjoyed,
marriage could be shar z for a previously unmarried girl as well, but with the caveat that the leisure activities remain consistent
according to certain interpretations. And indeed, the views of with their lifestyle. The market is responding rapidly.
maraji'on this seem to differ, not only from marja' to marja, The new market demand for sites of pious entertainment
but potentially from audience to audience as well. Zaynab, demonstrates the socio-economic and political transformation
for example, was very upset with a sheikh who had stated on of the Lebanese Shi'i community over the past 30 years. Indeed,
a television program that "zawaj muta was not permitted for the 1990s saw the consolidation of an urban Shi'i middle class
virgins," because she had heard him say otherwise in private. in Lebanon, the result of greater educational and sectarian
While Zaynab's decision to contract a temporary marriage may institutional support in the community, as well as remittances
be seen as her calling into question this sheikh's authority in and high rates of return emigration. In addition, the rampant
determining her own sexual practices, at the same time it is neo-liberal economy that characterized the late Rafiq al-Hariri s
critical not to underestimate the health risks and the potential reign during the 1990s encouraged global capital circulation
for punishment or sanction. across sectarian groups. It also affected the development of
Despite differences in the extent to which challenges to exuberant consumerism within urban centers in Lebanon?
moral norms of leisure and dating may be implemented in epitomized by the fantasy-like downtown, reconstructed by
practice, this generation of young Shi'i Muslims in the dahiya is the real estate company Solidere. The southern suburbs were
both highly aware of and attributes great importance to debates no exception: Effective municipal governments participated
and understandings about the legitimacy and practice of both direcdy in the improvement of the built environment, collecting
temporary marriage and women-only beaches and clubs. taxes, improving infrastructure, beautifying neighborhoods

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and encouraging private investment. An increasing number of the dahiya and fueled a growing desire among the party's
high-end apartments were built, catering to a pious middle class constituents?especially youth?to embrace the leisurely
with specific lifestyle demands. This shift was embodied by one aspects of life after a period of chronic warfare.
man who, ten years ago, was a low-profile, selfless individual In addition, Hizballah itself is involved both in promoting
working behind the scenes. In 2007, he receives visitors proudly the development of the pious recreational sector and in defining
in his trendy office, wearing Diesel jeans and smoking a Cohiba, the relationship between leisure and morality. Party-run
regaling them with stories of his latest trip to Paris. municipalities provide support to specific entrepreneurs,
The dates 1998 and 2000 are significant ones in the develop and indirect censorship takes place via unofficial boycotts
ment of the pious recreational sector. The first year was the of cafes or restaurants in the dahiya that do not fit within
nadir of a real estate depression in the country, during which the party's notions of moral standards, led by committees
investors and institutions began diversifying their sources resembling "neighborhood watch" groups. Demonstrating this
of income. The founders of the first amusement park in entanglement, al-Inma' Group's manager?who is not officially
the dahiya, Fantasy World, testify to how its initial success affiliated with Hizballah, but whose business includes party
helped them deal with the dropoff in real estate business at members among its shareholders?underscores the importance
that time. Other entrepreneurs looked to this model as a of building spaces that can provide "trust and security" for
possible economic alternative as they moved into the enter their clientele. Those qualities are not only material but also
tainment sector. The second date, 2000, marked the end of symbolic; he mentions "spaces where children would not be
the Israeli occupation of most of south Lebanon, a moment offended or hit and where wives would not be harassed or
when, in the words of one woman, "We could breathe again." made to feel uncomfortable." However direct or indirect these
She continued, "People wanted to go out again, especially relationships are, it is clear that the party does exert a certain
the youth. People wanted to be out and about. It's natural, control over the opening of recreational spaces and the defining
because we could breathe. The war wasn't with us all the time of "appropriate" sites, at least in certain neighborhoods in the
anymore." The cultural aspects of the Shi'i Islamic sphere in dahiya. This enmeshment was highlighted by a woman who
Lebanon underwent particularly striking growth between is a prominent party member, as she responded to a question
1998-2000 and the summer 2006 war. During this period, the about the recent increases in pious leisure sites in the dahiya.
relative calm along the Lebanese-Israeli border led Hizballah She answered that it was "natural" for society and the party
to prioritize cultural production, encouraged investment in to be working together, saying, "Our society is helping a great

_^_^_^_^_K*^_^_^_^_3____B_Hi___ ^____^_^_B '^iI^^whuvii i *?*?_Nii^wpw'. *" ^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Hh_19I^HmRI

Race & Class is a quarterly journal on racism, empire Recent highlights: Han Pappe on US involvement in
and globalisation, published by the Institute of Race Palestine, A. Sivanandan on racism and the 'war on
Relations, London. terror; Liz Fekete on enlightened fundamentalism, Matt
iilr Canon Eurabia,Mn Berger on Palestine and Anis
W W W. 11 I.O iy UK Shivani on the new Orientalism.

18 MIDDLE EAST REPORT 245 WINTER 2007

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deal with this. So today, you see that there are shari swimming may choose not to drink or dance, while others refuse to sit at
pools, for example, and you find, as you mentioned, cafes, and tables where alcohol is being consumed or even to enter the
these things are increasing a lot. And it is under our control, I establishment. Time of year is also relevant here, and during
mean, it's not outside our control. Even many of the owners of Ramadan, for instance, people who might frequent restaurants
these projects make sure that we are in support of the project, with alcohol on the menu during other months cease to do
because we have our organizations and centers, and people ask so temporarily. For some, it is about how blatant a violation
us, 'Can we go to this place? Is there a problem with going to of moral standards appears to be. "It is one thing if there is a
so-and-so's place?' It's not Hizballah that's doing it. I'm saying table with a few people drinking beer sitting there, but it is
that the society, people are demanding these projects, and are another thing when it is a bar, and all it is are people drinking
also asking our opinion of these projects." and dressed like that and dancing."
How one feels about Hizballah's involvement in this process Another crucial factor here is a general sense among
depends in large part on the extent to which one identifies withmany within the pious Shi'i community in the dahiya of the
and supports not only the party itself, but also the hegemonic importance of individual moral responsibility and intention
understandings of piety and morality that it promotes. Some in choosing one's leisure activities and sites. Faith and religious
people feel stifled by the hala islamiyya and view the party's commitment are understood to exist in varying degrees, and
enmeshment with it as an unwelcome form of moral regula to change over one's lifetime and even from month to month.
tion or policing. While, for the most part, dissenters seek their Piety is meant to be something that one strives for, but is under
recreation elsewhere, there are attempts to provide alternate stood as something that is difficult to attain. It was common for
spaces within the dahiya as well, such as UMAM Hangar in youth in the dahiya to express a hope or desire to "someday be
Harat Hurayk. Established by the son of a bourgeois family that committed" so as not to go to certain restaurants, or dress
originally from the neighborhood and his German wife, the in certain ways or want to go out as often, but this was usually
Hangar seeks to establish a space of cultural debate contesting cast as an admirable but unnecessary goal for the moment. This
Hizballah's domination and reclaiming the right to position belief facilitates a certain amount of leniency on the part of
oneself against the pious milieu. As such, it also attracts visitors many young people with regard to their own choices as well
from outside the dahiya. as those of their friends and families. Yet it also opens new
Another area of contention has to do with the establishment spaces for moral censure and sanction, especially regarding
of restaurants and cafes catering to a middle-class clientele. For practices related to sexuality, such as zawaj muaqqat. Casting
example, despite the popularity of al-Saha and Fantasy World, contracting a temporary marriage?or even choosing to have
where prices are low compared to similar locales elsewhere coffee in a cafe that has beer on the menu?as a decision subject
in Beirut, there are people who think that the prices are too to individual moral intention, in fact, makes it more possible
expensive for the dahiya and who either cannot afford to eat to place blame squarely on the shoulders of the person who
there or choose to take their business elsewhere. Others note makes that decision. This deflects attention from the broader
that, given the levels of poverty that persist despite the emer social context. Belief in the mutability of faith and religious
gence of the middle class in the area, those who have money to commitment should not be mistaken for moral relativism, as
spare should be giving it to those in need rather than spending such belief works in relation to the interpretations of dominant
it on recreation. As one woman put it: "Recently, there has maraji1, one's personal trajectory, shifting community norms
been a lot of living for appearances, you know, the 'high life' and patriarchal social structures.
and I don't know what. And these are the rich among us, but It remains to be seen what the long-term ramifications of
we have a lot of poverty too, especially after the last war. There these intersections of party controls with market demands
are people who lost everything, people who lost their homes. and investor goals related to leisure will be, and more so, how
So a person has to be moderate in these things.... And if you these dynamics may both influence and be influenced by the
see a person in need, it's better if we think of each other and debates and desires of the new generation of educated pious
take care of each other." Shi'i youth. This is clearly a generation that is bringing its
Located among these various interests and perspectives, own interpretations, tastes and desires, including a desire for
young people in the dahiya who consider themselves to be piety itself (variously interpreted), to the hala islamiyya, thus
pious Shi'i Muslims are playing a crucial role in defining and contributing to shifts in the norms and practices of daily
demanding these sites. As Hawra put it, "You go to places life. In this regard, pious Shi'i youth are like youth in other
that fit with your values. You can tell immediately, from the communities and neighborhoods of Beirut and elsewhere,
place, the setting, if there is alcohol, you can just tell. And negotiating self and community, voicing claims and contesting
when you are living somewhere, you know about the places." boundaries, hoping and desiring invented futures.
This zone of comfort?or space of entre-soi?is relative to each
persons history and experiences: Some youth who consider Endnote
themselves pious do not mind going to cafes in Beirut which
1 See, for example, Pardis Mahdavi, "Meeting, Mating and Cheating Online in Iran," ISIM
serve alcohol and play dance music, though they themselves Review 19 (Spring 2007).

MIDDLE EAST REPORT 245 WINTER 2007 19

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