The Flamines and Flaminicae in Roman Hispania*

Elsayed G. Attala, Professor , Archeology Dep. Minia University.

Abstract:
In Republican Rome the flamens were group of priests each of them was
devoted to the worship of a single deity. Each flamen was part of the
Pontifical College which administrated the state sponsored religion in
Rome.
They were fifteen flamens in all, three major ones for Jupiter, Mars and
for Qurinus . The other twelve were being assigned for twelve minor deities
like Carmenta , Flora ,Ceres Pomona, Portunus ,Palatau,Flacer,Furina.
The Flaminica was the title of the wife of both the Flamen Dialis , and
Flamen Martialis . She served as assistant to her wife in the sacred rituals.
During the imperial period the flamen and flaminica become devoted to the
imperial cult.
This paper aims to exploring the position of both the flamen* and
flaminica in ancient Hispania , at the provincial –municipal and conventus
levels ,their social status, their duties, ,advantages ,how they were
appointed and whose were in charge of this matter ,especially there are a
paucity in ancient literature and modern materials related the theme (except
few hints for pliny the elder ,and Aules Gellus), Alofdy G., considering
from the few scholars who argued the matter in his work : Flamines
Provincae Hispaniae Citerioris .Madrid.1973, in German, also Hemelrijk
E.(2005,2006,2007), offered good details about the flaminica in Latin west
as a whole. But I will study the subject in all his dimensions and details in
ancient Hispania .
So I will depend on the analysis of the epigraphic evidences; especially
there were a huge number of it from Spain related the matter.

* This paper was originally presented at the 12th Conference "European Culture" that took place in Barcelona-Spain 24-26
/10/2013

*- In Latin Dictionary a flamen-inis mean a priest appointed to carry out the ritual of one particular deity, in imperial period
applied to priests of living or deceased emperors of Rome. Oxford Latin Dictionary . Calrendon Press .Oxford. 1968.
 Introduction:
The Roman Republic was first drawn into the Iberian peninsula on
account of the second Punic war with Carthage, which began in Spain, in
218 BC. So in the same year the Roman senate decreed Hispania (roughly
modern Spain and Portugal) to be a province. In 197 BC the Roman Senate
sent two praetors to Spain each with a proconsular rank.1 From that date
Hispania was divided into two provinces: Hispania Citerior (nearer to
Rome) in the north and Hispania Ulterior (farther from Rome) in the south.
The two provinces were centered around Tarragona and Cordoba,
respectively. So when Claudius Sempronius Tuditanus arrived at Hispania
Citerior and Marcus Helvius in Ulterior, this was the first appearance of a
Roman magistrate in the peninsula.2 Hispania was the Roman Republic’s
first great imperial venture overseas; thus the Roman influence lasted
longer and ran much deeper in Spain than in other parts of the Latin West.
The full Roman conquest of Spain took, however, more than two hundred
years, so although it was the first mainland province to be entered by the
Romans it was the last to be completely subdued.3
During the years of the Roman Republic, Spain was an almost constant
battleground, and so far as the Roman state and its leaders were concerned,
Spain remained of purely military interest until the time of Augustus.
During the empire, on the other hand, Spain was very peaceful and Roman
civilization gradually penetrated throughout the Iberian Peninsula.4
During the period of Augustus (31 BC– AD 14) the two provinces of
Hispania Citerior and Ulterior were remolded. A vast new Hispania
Citerior was formed and soon became more generally known as
Tarraconsis and its capital was Taracco (modern Tarragona in Catalonia)
The old Hispania Ulterior, by contrast, was divided into two provinces,
Baetica (modern Andalusia in southern Spain) and its capital was Cordoba;
and Lusitania whose capital was Emerita Augusta (modern Merida in south
west of Spain) So the two Roman provinces in Hispania became three at
the beginning of the imperial era.5
1- Sumner G.V., Notes on Provinciae in Spain (197-133 B.C.), Classical Philology, Vol. 72, No. 2 (Apr., 1977), p.127

2- The year 195 saw three new commanders in Spain, the consul M. Porcius Cato, and two praetors, P. Manlius and Ap. Claudius
Nero. Cato was the chief command of all Hispania. Rishardson J., Hispaniae Spain and the development of Roman imperialism,
218-82 BC. Cambridge University Press. London. 2004. p.4

3- Nostrand J.V. , The Reorganization of Spain By Augustus. Oxford. Reprinted edition. 2010. p. 91

4 - Rishardson J., 2004. p. 56. For more information about the conquest, administration, military affairs, see Leonard A., Roman
Spain: Conquest and Assimilation. Rutledge press. London. 1991; Nicola M . "Local Administration in Roman Spain, AD. 14-212"
In: Series 172 (1983); Verveat F.J. :War in Outer Space :Nature and Impact of the Roman War Effort in Spain, 218-197 BC. In :The
Impact of the Roman Army(200 BC-AD 476) Proceedings of the Sixth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire
( 200 BC.-AD. 476),Capri, vol.6 ,(2005)

5- .Kulikwski M. Late Roman Spain and its Cities. The Johns Hopkins University Press .USA.2004. pp.5-6
 - The Roman cults spread into Spain:
Through centuries of settlement and administration, the Romans exerted
a deep influence on the religious life of the Peninsula. Roman religion
spread throughout Spain by army veterans and Italians who settled their. By
time the Roman gods managed to assert their authority and to oust the local
deities; thus the cults of the Roman gods began to establish themselves and
spread.6
In beginning of the second century BC, the Roman gods accompanied
those few discharged soldiers that settled in the south and east of Hispania
together with small communities of Italian merchants. Prominent among
them were probably the Capitoline triad, Jupiter, Juno and Minerva. But,
during the Republic the greatest impact of Roman religion was the
introduction of new gods in human form. Iberian and Turdetanian religions,
by contrast, belonged to a totally different tradition. These gods were never
personalized and rarely worshipped by way of images and statues. Despite
this cultural clash certain Roman gods were soon adopted by the elites of
major towns in the south and east.7
However, the wider acceptance of the Roman gods in Hispania took
place during the early empire. They were imported during the great wave of
Roman colonial settlement at the end of the first century BC, taking root at
towns in the south and east. The spread of the Roman religion to the less
urbanized parts of the peninsula was further assisted by the Spanish
returning home after long service overseas in the Roman auxilia, where
they had been in close contact with the Roman citizens of the legions.8
During the empire era we may divide the Roman religion in Spain into
official and non-official cults. The purpose of the official cults was to
honor the emperor as the head of the state. The official cult also included
the worship of the Capitoline deities, Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Iuno and
Minerva. The non-official cult included Mars, god of war; Neptune, god of
sea; Silvanus, the god who watches over the fields; Diana, patroness of
hunters; Venus, goddess of beauty. Apollo, god of the sun; and Nemsis,
goddess of revenge. Added to these deities there were many oriental cults
which spread in Spain, like Mithras, Cybele, Attis, Isis and Serapis.9
Worship of the emperors in Hispania:

6-Tsirkn J.B. "Romanization of Spain" :Socio Political Aspect II. Romanization in the Period of the Republic". In : Gerión, 2.
Madrid (1993),p. 301

7 -Curshin L.A. , The Romanization of Central Spain . Rutledge press .New York and London. 2004. pp. 169-174

8 - Keay S., The Roman Spain "Exploring the Roman World" . University of California Press. London. 1988. pp. 164-7

9 -Keay S., 1988 . pp.168-171

 The imperial cult started in Spain during the life-time of
Augustus. This worship that began so spontaneously became very
popular in the Romanized sections of the Peninsula.
Its popularity is evident from the fact that in Spain not only each
province, but also each conventus (a juridical district embracing a certain
number of towns), and very often each municipality (city council), had its
own imperial cult.10 Maybe it must be remembered here that the imperial
cult was basically a political device designed to weld the empire together in
loyalty to the head of the empire. Probable due to its location in the north,
near somewhere to Rome, the province of Tarraconsis came to experience
very early manifestations of imperial worship. There, the colonial elite,
inspired by the decree that was sent by the city of Mytilene,11 erected an
altar to the young emperor Augustus, probably during his stay in the city in
26-25 BC.12
Soon after the death of Augustus ,a diplomatic mission of Tarraco
residents travelled to Rome in AD 15 to ask the new emperor Tiberius (14-
37),to build a large temple in honor of the first emperor and adoptive father
of the current ruler.13
Tacitus states (Ann., 1.78) that "Tiberius (14-37), granted the Spanish
people the right to build a temple to Augustus in AD 15. The temple served
as a starting point for the provincial worship.
So in AD 15, the provincial cult was established in the same province,
with its chief official priest a flamen Augustalis , flamen divi Augusti
provinciae (priest of the living and deified Augustus of the province,)14 ".
Similar cults were established in Lusitania and Baetica, in all probability,
during the period of the same emperor. In addition to the first Imperial cult-
foundation at Tarraco, Barcino, in modern Barcelona, Castulo in Baetica
south of Spain, Complutum, north-east of modern Madrid, and Valeria had
also their flamines Romae et Augusti, Roman priests of Augusts.15
To the period of Tiberius also must be assigned the foundation of a new
form of a new cult, that of Rome and the deified Augustus. The foundation

10 -Curshin L. A., 2004 ,pp.174-6

11 -In about 27 B.C. the counsel of the city made a decree establishing their own version of emperor cult , and sent it to several
other eastern and western cities ,and to the emperor in Rome (Augustus), Macmullen R., The Romanization in the Time of
Augustus. Yale University press. London. 2000.p.15

12 -Etinne R., Le culte impérial dans la péninsule ibérique d'Auguste à Dioctétien . Paris.1958 . pp.367-387
13 - Josep M. Macias., Isabel Roda, Tarraco the First Capital . Catalan Historical Review. 8.( 2015),p.15

14 - Nostrand J.V., 2010. p.111

15 - Edmonston J. "Cities and Urban Life in the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire 30 BC.–250 CE". In : Potter., Companion
to the Roman Empire. London. 2006. p.256
took place at Colonia Clunia which was in northern Spain, now in the
province of Burgos. A similar cult was also established at Olisipo (now is
Lisbon Estremadura, Portugal) in honor of Iulia Augusta, the mother of
Tiberius, and a third in honor of Germanicus Caesar. Tiberius himself
received cult honors from the citizens of Pax Iulia in Lusitunia (today is
Beja in Portugal), the presiding priest was in each case a flamen.16
During the imperial times the flamens were appointed for the service of
the Emperor's cult, and there wives served that of the Impress.
Certainly there were priests in other cults, such as that of Jupiter, but for
a politician the cult of the emperor held greater prestige and provided an
opportunity to appear close to the emperor. Service to the Imperial cult was
a means of prestige and influence in the provinces, and a way in which a
wealthy citizen could, as we shall see, distinguish himself or herself.17
Who are the flamens , flaminica?
As mentioned before there were fifteen flamens in all, three major ones
for Jupiter (flamen Dialis)for Mars (flamen Martilias)and for Qurinus
(flamen Quirinalis) the other twelve were being assigned for twelve minor
deities like Carmenta (goddess of childhood) Flora (goddess of
flowers)Ceres (goddess of agriculture)Pomona (goddess of fruit)Portunus
(god of harbors and gateways) Palatu (goddess was charged of guarding the
Palatine hill) Vulcanus (god of fire, metalworking)Furina (goddess of
springs ) Falacer (god of uncertain origin ,maybe god of heaven),Volturnus
(god of waters )there were two other minors flamines , but there isn’t,
unfortunately, enough information about their names.18 The flamens, as
Varro says, "were called flamens because in Latium they always had their
head covered and bound with a filium, a woolen fillet" (On the Latin
Language, 5.84). On behalf of the Senate this college interpreted the sacred
law as a service of the state.
The major flamens were usually chosen from the Patricians while the
minor ones were from the local class. They were supervised by the Pontifex
maximus who selected the major flamens. They were to serve in this
position their whole life. The official costume of the flamens was a hat
called an apex and a heavy woolen cloak called a laena. The laena was a
double-thick wool cloak with a fringed edge, and was worn over the
flamen's toga, with a clasp holding it around his throat. The apex was a
leather skull-cap with a chin-strap and a point of olive wood on its top, like

16 -Delgado J.A. "Flamines Provinciae Lusitaniae". In Gerion.17, (1999),p .440

17 - Curshin L. A., 2004 , p.132

18- Forsythe G. A., Critical History of Early Rome: From Prehistory to the First Punic War. University of California Press .USA.
2006 pp. 137-8
a spindle, with a little fluff of wool at the base of the spindle.19 The major
flamens were subject to strict rules or taboos; this applied in particular to
the flamen Dialis. Aulus Gellus (10-15-30) mentioned some taboos , and
noted that the same taboos may imposed upon the flaminica, from these
taboos that he could not mount a horse, or even look upon an army. Also he
wasn’t allowed to swear an oath, nor spend more than three nights away
from Rome. He must always appear in public wearing festival garb.
Moreover, he couldn’t eat nor even mention a goat or beans. However,
some scholars referred that such restrictions were released step by step in
the later Republic.20 But the law of Narbonne21 assured that during the time
of the law (A.D.69-79) there were still some obligations imposed upon the
wife of the provincial flamen ,like that she prohibited to touch the body of a
dead man ,nor swear against her will.22
One of the last honors given to Caesar by the Senate before his death
was the creation of a new priestly office of Flamen Divi Iulii, and Antony
was the first to be selected to this position. His situation was to be equal to
that of the three majors Flamens.23
In the beginning of the imperial period Augustus added a new flamen, a
priest of Augustus and the imperial household (the domus Augustus)So
flamines Divorum (priests of the Gods) were instituted for the worship of
deified emperors both in Rome and in the empire’s outlying provinces,
where they often served as important representatives of the central
government. Accordingly the spread of the imperial cult during the three
centuries AD in Italy and the western provinces, gave rise to the flaminate
office (the flamen and flaminica) and we find constantly in the inscriptions
such titles as Flamen Augustalis (Flamen in the honor of the emperor)
Flamen Tiberii Caesaris (Flamen of the emperor Tiberius Caesar)Flamen
Divi. Julii (Flamen of the divine Julius) and sometimes Flamen Divorum
Omnium (Flamen of the whole divine).24
The Flaminica, as mentioned before, was the title of the wife of both the
Flamen Dialis , and Flamen Martialis ,there is no record of there also
19- Beard M. &North J., Religions of Rome Vol.1, Cambridge University Press. London. 1998., p.28 ; Turcan R., The Gods of
Ancient Rome: Religion in Everyday Life from Archaic to Imperial Times. Rutledge Press. London. 2013. pp.52-3

20 -Rupke J ., The Religion of the Romans. Polity Press . London. 2007.p.218

21 -The law comprises thirty lines of text engraved on a large fragment= =of a bronze tablet, discovered in Narbonne ,ancient
Narbo in Gallia Narbonesis ,in 1888 ,and now in the Louver. The title of the law is usually known is the lex de flamino
provinciae Narbonesis ,probably belonged to enactment of the emperor Vespasian, establishing the provincial imperial cult in
the Narbonese Gaul. The surviving clauses are concerned with regulating the office of provincial flamen and the provincial
assembly of the province. Williamson, C.H.: "A Roman law from Narbonne" In : "Athenaeum" ( 65) 1987.p.173
22- Williamson, C.H., 1987. pp .181-3

23 -Draper R.D , The Role of the Pontifex Maximus and its Influence in the Roman Religion and Politics . USA. 1994.p.337

24- Banson M . , Encyclopedia of the Roman Empire. Facts on File Library of World History. Info Base Publishing 2009.p.214.
having been a Flaminica Quirinalis ,though her existence is probable. 25
And according to Auleus Gellius, "the restrictions imposed upon the
flaminica were similar to those by which her husband was fettered."
(Aul.Gell.,10.15) Since, her assistance was essential in the performance of
certain rituals, the Flamen Dialis was not permitted to divorce her and was
obliged to resign if she died. Her dress consisted of a dyed robe, her hair
was plaited up with a purple band in a conical form (tutulus) and she wore
a small square cloak with a border (rica) to which was attached a slip cut
from a Felix arbor.26 Unfortunately, because of the brevity of the
inscriptions related to the dress of the Flaminica during the imperial period
and the loss of almost all statues and reliefs that belonged to these
inscriptions, the evidence is flimsy about the dress of the Flaminica during
this period. So we have to depend on some modern scholars; Fishwick
assumes that, in addition to her white or purple dress, the priestess of the
imperial cult, like the Flaminica Dialis, wore purple vittae, woolen
bandalettes or fillets that were bound around the head or braided through
the hair.27
The Flaminica performed ritual functions and therefore complemented
her husband’s role. She was perhaps originally a priestess of Iuno, for
together, the flamen Dialis and the flaminica represented the divine duality
of Jupiter and Iuno.28 In the Imperial era, Flaminica became a generic title
for a municipal priestess serving the cult of the living and deified
empresses and female members of the imperial family.29
- The Flamens and Flaminciae in Hispania:
As already stated, the Flamens in Hispania were priests in charge of the
imperial cult; the first appearance for this office in Spain was in the
beginning of the imperial period with the foundation of the worship of the
Roman emperor.30 As was the case in Rome, they were chosen from high
status Roman citizens who had already held the chief magistracy in their
home towns. They were given in general the title of the flamen of the living

25 -Schultz C.E. , Women in the Republican Religion. USA .2002. p.133.

26 -Staples A., From Good Goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and Category in Roman Religion. Rutledge Press . London .2002.
p.124

27 - Fishwick D., Imperial cult in the Latin west : Studies in the Ruler Cult of the western Provinces of the Roman Empire. In :
Religions in the Graeco-Roman World .146. Leiden . (2002),p. 393. For more information about the dress of flaminica see :
Hemelrijk E.A., 2007. pp. 333-43

28 -Lipka M. , Roman Gods A Conceptual Approach. Boston Brill press. Leiden .2009. p.53

29 - Muich R.M., The Worship of Roman Divae :The Julio Claudians to the Antonines :Master of Arts thesis .University of
Florida .USA .2004. p. 9

30- Gradel A., Emperor Worship and Roman Religion. Clarendon Press. Oxford. 2002. p.59
and deified Augustus "flamen divorum et Augustorum".31
As their title indicates, they were in service of the cult of the living
emperors (Augusotrum) and the dead ones (Divorum).32But Duncan
Fishwick points out that Augustorum refers, in the various titles of the
provincial flamen, both to deified and living emperors. He notices that in
Hispania nearer the titles flamen Augustorum and flamen Romae et
Augustorum (Flamen of Rome and Augustus) flamen divorum Augustorum
and flamen divorum et Augustorum, all occured during the Flavian and
Trajanic period (69-117) and must therefore be considered simply as
variants, all of them denoting a provincial priest charged with one and same
form of cult.
Since Roma is normally associated with the worship of the living
Augustus, it would appear therefore that from the time of Vespasian (69-
79) onwards the provincial cult at Tarraco included Roma and the living
Emperor along with deified Emperors.33 However worship of living
Emperors was prevalent in both the east and the west of Spain.34 We have
some inscriptions from ancient Spain proving that there were some
emperors were worshiped during their life, this inscriptions contain the
names of municipal priests. Also, we have some coins which indicate by
representations of altars or temples the existence of a cult in the towns
whose names they bear.35 There is a Latin inscription dating to the first
century AD and was found at Pax Julia in Lusitania. It mentions a Flamen
of Tiberius serving in his capacity as a priest of Tiberus' imperial cult
during the life-time of the latter (flamen Tiberi Caesaris Augusti) (CIL,
10.49) Also we have another one found at Ipsca in Baetica (nearly modern
Andalucia) and dating to AD 46. It refers to a statue of Claudius raised in
his lifetime as an object of worship ( CIL, 10.1569). As was their habit in
Rome, the flamens were dressed in purple robes and wearing a conical
cap.36
Fortunately we have a huge number of Latin inscriptions from Hispania
on which we find the names of flamines and flaminicae who were closely
associated with the imperial cult. From some thirty-four towns of Baetica

31 - Kulikski M. 2004. p.9

32 - Edmonston J., Augustus: His Contributions to the Development of the Roman State in the Early Imperial Period. Edinburgh
University Press, 2009. pp. 298-9

33 - Fishwick D., 2002. p.392

34 -Alfoldy G., Spain In: "The Cambridge Ancient History" . Second edition .vol.11 .Cambridge University Press.London.
2009.p.456

35 -Mckenna S., Paganism and pagan survivals in Spain up to the fall of the Visigothic kingdom. The Catholic University of
America. 1938. pp.111-118

36 - Keay S., 2004,p.165

alone we have thirty-four inscriptions mentioning the flamines, and
eighteen mentioning the flaminicae. In nine towns of Lusitania the flamines
were mentioned ten times; the flaminicae, eight times. In forty-five towns
of Tarraconensis the flamines were mentioned sixty-five times; the
flaminicae, ten times.37 From these inscriptions we know that the full title
of the flamens in Hispania citerior province was flamen Romae et divorum
Augustorum provinciae Hispaniae cirterior (The flamen of Roma and
deified Augustus in Nearer Hispania). And in Lusitaniae the capital of
Hispania ulterior, the title was flamen divorunm Augustorum provinciae
Lusitaniae (The flamen of deified Augustus in Lustania province).38
In Rome the first priestess of the Imperial cult was Livia who was
appointed as a priestess after the death of Augustus her deified husband.39
But was it the same case in Hispania? Was the flaminica the wife of the
flamen? It seems certain that in Tarraconsis province the provincial
flaminica was the wife of the provincial flamen. This is proved by many
inscriptions. From this region we have a record stating that "the citizens of
Tarraconsis (cives Tarraconenses) have set up a statue with inscribed base
to the provincial flaminica Aurelia Marcellina, whose husband was the
provincial flamen (CIL, 2.4198). From the same province we have another
inscription referring to " Manlia Silana who shared her husband Postumius
Fabullus the flamen in the same gift offered by the council of the city"
(CIL, 2.3329). In Lusitania province also the same relationship may have
existed between the flamen and the flaminica, but we lack to the epigraphic
evidence.
The necessity that the flaminate should be a flamen and his wife,
flaminica, is evident from the requirement that the flamen should leave his
office if his wife died; the same rule being also applied on the flaminica
when she become a widow. So the flaminate should be viewed as a single
priestly position that required the services of a married couple.40 It is
interesting; however, that we have some inscriptions from the province of
Baetica which assure that the Flaminca may have been a daughter, and not
the wife, of the flamen. Thus we have an inscription dating to the first
century AD which refers to "Lucretia Campana, the flaminica of the

37 - Tackas S. A.,Vestal Virgins, Sibyls, and Matrons:"Women in Rome Religion" University of Texas Press.USA .2010, p.215.
James B.Rives , estimated that the full number of the Greek and Latin inscriptions related the provincial flamen and flaminica only,
was more than 220 ,in a total of sixteen provinces. James B.Rives, Religion in the Roman Provinces .in :Bruun C.,Edmondson
J.(editors)The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy. Oxford University Press .Oxford. 2014.p.434

38 - Delgado J.A ., 1999 . pp.435-6

39 -Emily A. Hemelrjk .Local Impresses :Priestesses of the Imperial Cult in The Cities of the Latin West. Phoenix, Vol. 61, No. 3/4
(2007),p.328

40 - Scheid J. , The Religious Roles of Roman Women. In : A History of Women in the West , vol.1: From Ancient Goddess to
Christian Saints. Edit by Pantel .P.S. , Translated by Goldhammer A. Cambridge Harvard University press. P. 57
imperial house, the daughter of Lucius Lucretius Fulvianus, the flamen of
the province of Baetica" (ILS, 5080=CIL, 2.1660). Takačs also points out
that the community council may offer this office to a charismatic women,
one who had made a positive impression, as a reward.41
In sum the flaminica in provincial Spain was generally the wife of the
flamen, but it seems that the matter was somewhat different when it came
to the municipal flamincia. There is a certain number of inscriptions which
An inscription, was set up by a certain "Terentianus, a duumvir (two
juridical magistrates ) to his parents, Lucius Acilius Barba and Acilia
Lepidina, and his wife, Cornelia, who was a "flaminica municit Saciliensis"
(CIL, 2.2188). The absence of the title flamen in this inscription, where the
husband expressly calls himself duumvir, confirms that Terentianus did not
hold that office. If this be correct, his wife would have obtained the office
of flaminica as the result of an election. Thus, it can be safely stated that
the provincial flaminica was a wife of the same provincial flamen, but the
office was elective on the municipality level. They were elected from a
relatively small group of very high-ranking families.42
The inscriptions also inform us that in western provinces (especially in
Hispania) there were various titles used to denote a priestess of the imperial
cult. She was either called a flaminica or a sacerdos. Many questions arise.
Is the difference in the two titles a matter of terminology or does it point to
different duties or a difference in the social standing of the priestess? Many
attempts had been made to answer these questions. Some scholars believe
that the female sacerdos served in the cult of the divae (dead impresses)
and flaminica that of the living ones.43 Other scholar suggests that these
titles were interchangeable and that their use reflects the terminological
confusion about these titles in the Spanish provinces. But it may be noticed
that different conditions existed in different locations. In Baetica both titles
were used whereas in Tarraconsis the main title was flaminica. In Castulo,
both titles were used as well. Therefore, it seems likely that the titles for
both male and female priests were synonymous, their use depending on
regional or local preference.44
- The class of the flamen, flaminica:
As mentioned before, the major flamens in ancient Rome were chosen
from the Patricians and the minor ones were from the local class. In

41 - Takacs S. A. , 2010. p.115

42 - Hemelrijk E.A. , 2007 .p.322

43 - Hemelrijk E.A., 2007 . p. 139

44 - Emily A. Hemelrijk. Priestesses of the Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Titles and Function . L’Antiquité
Classique,74(2005).pp.139-42
Hispania we may fairly say that the flamens were held by the outstanding
men in the community. In Hispania nearer, at least, the flamens constitute
the best known status group within the upper classes.45 We know from the
inscriptions discovered at Tarraco, for example, that the names of many
flamens, from the period between AD 70 and 180, belonged to the élites of
the colony and the municipia.
A large number of the flamens, as well as of the members of Spanish
urban élites in general, belonged to the knight (equestrian) class.46 Pliny
the elder (served as procurator in tarraconsis AD 73), informs us that his
friend Voconius Romanus, was an equestrian and a provincial flamen of
Nearer Hispania ( Ep., II, 13. 4.)We have also an inscription dating about
AD 89 from Tarraco relating to "Lucius Fonteius Martrnus Novatianus, a
Flamen of Divus Vesspasianus raised to the equestrian rank by the emperor
Nerva" (CIL, 2.6095) Senators, however, did not hold the flaminate, which
was apparently considered too low-ranking a post for them. Consequently
the enrolment of a former flamen provinciae in the senatorial order, such as
is clearly attested in the reign of Vespasian for Raecius Gallus from
Tarraco, previously an officer of Galba, represented a rise in the social
scale. Normally, however, the flaminate was seen as the peak of their
career for men from a status group different from that which provided
senators.47
It might have been more common, therefore, for the son of a provincial
flamen to enter the senate as a novus homo (new man),Lucius Antonius
Saturninus, the governor of Upper Germany who revolted against Domitian
in AD 89 was perhaps the son of a homonymous " flamen of Hispania
Citerior".48 It also appears from the inscriptions that most priests of the
Imperial cult were Roman citizens. But they could also obtain Roman
citizenship upon their holding the office, if they hadn’t obtained it
already.49 The imperial priesthood required wealth, not only

45 -Alfoldy G. 2009,P.459

46 - Fishwick,D.: "Flamen Augustorum",in : Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. USA. 74. (1970), not.10

47-Bertand Goffaux., Priests, conuentus and Provincial Organization in Hispania Citerior . In James H. Richardson and Federico
Santangelo(ed.)Priests and State in the Roman World. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek, Band 33
.Germany. (2011),p.448

48 - Syme. R: "Antonius Saturninus" JRS, 68 .London. (1978) ,pp. 12–21

49- Muich R,M.2004. p.9

* The amount of this entrance fee varied from town to town, it was usually higher than the summa honoraria for most civic
magistracies in the same town, such as the duumvirate or the aedileship; this may be taken as an indication of the great prestige
of the priesthood .Jonse D. mentions that the payments varying from HS5,000 to 10,000 for a flamnate in the towns of northern
Africa, a much higher figure than the sum of HS2,000 to 4,000 which was a common summa honoraria for a duumvirate in the
same region. If we take the height of the summa honoraria to be paid for an office as an indication of its importance, the
flamanate was one of the most important offices in the African towns. This may have been less so in Italy, but unfortunately the
 because of the summa honoraria *(sum of money for the honorary
office) that had to be paid when entering it, which constituted a high sum
that usually exceeded that for local
magistracies, but also because of the numerous festivities in the imperial
cult, most of which were paid for by the officiating priest out of his (or her)
own pocket. Holding a normal office in the same town more than once was
in itself a sign of exceptional generosity. Because of the wealth it required,
a priesthood of the imperial cult is often regarded as proof that the person
in question belonged to the elite.50 So the Spanish Flamens were usually
wealthy Roman citizens of the Italian descent. As evidence of their wealth,
it may suffice to refer to the monumental amphitheatre of Tarraco which
was constructed, thanks to the kindness of a flamen of Hispania citerior.51
A number of flamens benefactors distributed free grain or supported its
price; such donations were gratefully remembered by the council of many
local towns in the inscriptions.52 From Clunia in Tarraconsis the flamen of
the imperial cult of the city, Gaius Clavisius, had given the people the corn
without money.53
Also we have inscription referring to "C. Salvisius Sabinus, magistrate
and flamen of Clunia, who gave grain to the people when the price was
high."54 Another inscription refers to C. lulius Pedo, flamen of Pax lulia
(not the Emperor's cult) who assisted the local annona with an unspecified
cash donation )Inscripciones latinas de la Espafia Romana,1559). The
flamines also paid for statues erected in honor of the emperors, as done by
Marcus Cornelius Proculus who was a flamen at the town of Anticaria
(modern Antequera )in Baetica and set up a statue to Germanicus Tiberius
in AD 18 or 19 (CIL, 2.2038).
It is also interesting to note that the Flaminica, like the Flamines,
belonged to the equestrian order, and only in few cases did they come from
the senatorial families. Although of varying social status, priestesses of the
imperial cult, like their counterpart the other priestesses must also have
been persons of wealth.55 Thus, we may reasonably suppose that priestesses

evidence from Italy and Hispania is slight .Duncan R.J , The Economy of the Roman Empire. Quantitative studies, Cambridge,
1982.pp. 82-8

50 -Emily A .Hemelrjk . Priestesses of the Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Benefactions and Public Honor. In: L’Antiquité
Classique, 75,( 2006),p.88

51 -Hemelrijk E.A. (2005),p.139

52 -Lunard A. Personal wealth in Roman Spain. In: Historia( 32.2.) 1983,p.233

53 -William E.M. Temples and Town in Roman Iberia :The Social and Architectural Dynamics of Sanctuary Designs from the Third
Century B.C. to the Third Century A.D.: University of California Press .USA .1999.p.286 ; CIL.2.2778

54 - Viives J. Inscripciones latinas de la Espana Romana, Barcelona . 1972.no.1580

55- Hemelrijk E. A., 2005 ,p.138

of the imperial cult were very much in the public eye. The considerable
wealth of such women is well illustrated by a dedication made in the early
third century at the Traianeum in Italica in Baetica. To mark her second
holding of the local flaminica, Vibia Modesta dedicated a huge silver statue
to deified Augustus Trajanus. The statue was bedecked with jewels:
earrings with three clusters of ten pearls, 40 gemstones, eight beryls, and a
gem-encrusted gold wreath. Inside the temple she dedicated her own
flaminica’s gold wreath together with gold busts of Isis, Ceres, and Juno
Regina.56
- How the flamen,flaminica were appoint
At Rome the augurs, flamens, and pontiffs were named by the pontifex
maximus for life. But in Hispania the matter is wholly different. Here, the
flamens were elected and the election was made by the provincial or the
town council.57 A question may, therefore, arise: Was the matter the same
for provincial and municipal flamen ?
Concerning the provincial flamens, and again from the inscriptions, it
seems probable that they were elected but, the same inscriptions do not
inform us about how the election was held and what the definite time for
this office was. We have an inscription, dated to about AD 100-120 from
Taracco, concerning Fuscus the flamen of the province of Hispania citerior.
It reads:
Fusco II dumivir flamini Divi Claudi, praefecto orae maritimae,
flamini Divorum et Augustorum provinciae Hispaniae citerioris,
provincial Hispania citerior. Ordo Tarraconensium honores decrevit
(CIL, 2. 4217)
An honorary decree made by the counsel of Tarraconsis to
Fuscus who had held the dumavirate (pair of judges) twice and the
local flamen of deified Claudius. He then served as prefect of the
maritime shore, then became the provincial flamen of the province
of Hispania citerior with the title of flamen of deified Augustus. 58
The last inscription may proved that the flamen was not for life, because
Fuscus here held many offices beginning with the duumvirate and ending
with the provincial Flamen. Also we have another inscription dating about
AD 90-120 from Corduba which states that "C. Cosanus Rusticus" was a
"flamen designatus provin(ciae) Baet(icae)" (CIL, 22/7, 294) Evidently he
died before taking the office as may be understood from the term

56 - Rishardson J., 2004. pp.66-75 = AE 1983, no. 521

57 -Francis Jowett Wiseman. Roman Spain: An Introduction to the Roman Antiquities of Spain and Portugal. Bell
Press.London.1965. p.51

58 - Fishwick D., A Municipal Decree at Tarraco. ZPE.126, (1999), pp.291-292

designatus.
However, one might compare Rusticus' inscription with other ones in
which the word 'designatus' occurs but not necessarily with the same
meaning. Another inscription, nearly the same time, refers to "L. Aufidius
Celer Masculinus, flamen designatus p(rovinciae) H(ispaniae) c(iterioris)"
(RIT, 259).59 L.Aufidius Celer Masculinus was elected a flamen for the
province of Nearer Hispania. To him, by decree of the decurions,60 his
community set up a statue for him at the provincial centre at Tarraco.
Similarly, a third inscription includes the word 'designatus'; it refers to "C.
I]ulius Fidus, flamen des(ignatus) pro(vinciae) H(ispaniae) c(iterioris)"
(CIL, 2, 5124) This Fidus, the elected flamen for the province of Nearer
Hispania, received an honorific dedication at Asturica before he entered on
office at Tarraco. The word 'designatus' does not necessarily indicate that a
flamen had died; it may simply mean that the office was an elective one.
More precisely the term designates may imply an interval time whether of
weeks or months between election and entry on office.61
More important, however, is that designatus may indicate in this context
that the office of the flaminate was an elective one, and that the election
was conducted by the concilium of the province, as we have seen in the last
inscriptions.62 That much can be confirmed by another honorific inscription
from Mellaria (a small town about eighty kms. north-west of Corduba) and
dates about the second year of the rule of Trajanus, AD 89. The text reads:
C(aio) Sempronio Sperato flamini Divorum Augg (i.e.
Auggustorum) provinciae Baeticae Imp(eratore) Nerva Traiano
Caes(are) Aug(usto) Germ(anico) II A(ulo Vicrio Martiali et L(ucio)
Maecio Postumo co(n)s(ulibu)s hic provinciae Baeticae consensu
flaminis munus est consequutus peracto honore flamininico ei
FECIALI omn(is) concilii consensus statuam decrevit. (CIL, 2, 2344=
L’Année Epigraphique, 1987, 539)
The local consul has decreed extravagant honors to C. Sempronius
Speratus, flamen of the sacred Augustus of the province of Baetica,
including not only funeral expenses and a eulogy but also two
equestrian statues, during the second year of the imperator Nerva
Trajannus Caesar Augustus Germanicus, and consulship of Vicrius

59 - Alfoldy G. (ed.) Die Romischen Inschriften von Tarraco, Berlin 1975.No.259

60 -Members of the town councils in the Roman municipalities, their number usually hundred, but the number evidently varied
according to the size and custom of the communities. They were drawn from the curiales class, which was made up of the wealthy
middle class citizens of a town social. Decurions were the most powerful political figures at the local level. They were responsible
for public contracts, religious rituals, entertainment, and ensuring order. Perhaps most importantly to the imperial government, they
also supervised local tax collection. Salmon, E. T., Roman Colonization, Thames & Hudson, London, 1969.p. 118

61 - Fishwick D ., Extravagant Honors at Mellaria.ZPE.128,(1999),P.286

62 -Fishwick D.,126. 1999, P.293

Martialus and Lucius Maecius Postumus, the base of one of which
bore this dedication in his honor.63
It seems possible that the Mellerians had added the name of the
Emperor to the dating formula in order to add luster to the occasion when
a local citizen was elected to the distinguished office of the provincial
priest. The local consul was composed of delegates belonging to the order
of the decuriones sent from colonies with Roman or Latin rights. It
probably met once a year and elected the provincial flamen for the next
year. So the duration of the flaminate office may be a year. The great
number of inscriptions from Tarraco relating to the provincial cult and the
fact that so many different towns were represented suggest a short term of
service. The concilium which elected the flamens had the right of praising
or blaming the provincial governors, a privilege which would have been of
little value if the meetings had not been annual.64 Finally, in the law of
Narbo the provincial flamens are expressly called annual . The term anuus
repeated in many sentences in the law , at the first instance:
"erit ius statuae ponendae nomenque suum patrisque et unde sit et quo anno
flamen fuerit inscribendi permitti.(CIL,12, 6038, 12-13) it will be a right for him to
put a statue for him and inscribe his name and his father in the year that he has
been flamen.65 The term appeared again: Arbitratu eius qui eo anno pro uniciae
praeerit intra idem tempus .(CIL,12, 6038, 27-28)
At the discretion of the man who in that year has charge of the
province.66 Election was also the procedure in case of the municipal
flamens. An inscription found at Cartima and dates to about AD 150,
states that at this town the decuriones had made a decree to elect the priest
of Cartima, "sacerdos perpetua decreto decurionum Cartimitani facta."67
So the municipal flamens were also elected by the town council.68

63 - Fishwick D.,128.1999. PP.284-5

64 -.Etinne R., Le Culte impérial dans la péninsule ibérique d’Auguste à Dioclétien, The American Journal of Philology . Vol. 82,
No. 1 (Jan., 1961), p. 104
65- Williamson, C.H. 1987.p.181
66- Williamson, C.H. 1987. P.183

67-CIL.2.5488 According to Gradel A..2002.p.448 the Sacerdos was the more general term, meaning ‘priest’, and flamen was a
more narrow term signifying a special priest devoted in principle to the worship of one god only ,Thus the flamens were a
subcategory of sacerdos. As we would expect from this, the two terms could be used synonymously, all flamens were sacerdos
though not vice versa. And its necessary to refer that =perpetua which mean a continual maybe was a honorary title . But Goffaux
B. 2011.p.448 pointed out that the adoption of the title sacerdos or flamen followed local customs and was a local development,
especially because both terms were sometimes treated in the Iberian peninsula as if they were interchangeable. Whilst Fishwick
D.2002.P.392 suggested that a flamen served a cult based in a temple, while a sacerdos served a cult based around an altar. The last
suggestions offered by Hemelrijk E.A.2005.p.139. Who believed that the difference was due to a chronological development, and to
the degree of Romanization of the individual provinces, Romanized provinces using the title flamen and newly conquered or less
Romanized ones sacerdos.

68- Alfoldy.G., Flamines Provincae Hispaniae Citerioris .CSIC Press.Madrid.1973.p.3

 All the evidence would thus seem to show that the municipal flaminate
was held for a definite period, probably a year. 69 We encounter in the
inscriptions such expressions as flamen iterum (again), bis (twice), or ter
(three times) and quartum (four times). They indicate that the office was
not then held for live, more likely it was annual.70 We have another
inscription found at Villajoyosa, (today is a coastal town and municipality
in the Province of Alicante, Valencia) which seems to make the fact that
the flaminate was annual very certain. It speaks of a Quintus Manlius
Celsinus who not only held the duumvirate three times, but the flaminate
as well four times (CIL, 2..3571). It is almost impossible to assume so
extensive a career on any other basis than that of an annual flaminate. It
seems also certain that the matter applies as well on the level of both the
provincial and municipal flamens .
- Levels of the flamens
In Hispania there were three ranks or levels of the flamens, the most
distinguished and supreme was the provincial ones, and then came the
conventual, and the last was the municipal flamen. Worship of the emperor
became the cult to which the provincials, municipalites, conventus, and
capitals were devoted. The cult of Rome and Augustus was, on the other
hand, the sole provincial cult in existence. So when we find a provincial
priest called simply flamen, we are forced to assume that this is a concise
expression for some such title as "flamen Romae et Augusti."71
At the forum of the cities of Spanish provinces, the council used to meet
and make some honors to the emperor in the manner of a provincial
council. The provincial council also served as a central meeting place for
provincial notables to share and discuss their common interests. The main
duty of the provincial council was to elect the priests of the province’s
imperial cult.72 The provincial flamen was an important step in public life,
and most of them could serve as town magistrates. It was the crowning
honor in the career of the provincial, as may be undersood from the
inscriptions. We have, for example, an inscription from Tarraco, dated
around the second century AD. It refers to Lucius Junius Maro, from
Quirina tribe who held all the magistracies, not only in his city but also at
Rome. Then he ended his career as the provincial flamen in Nearer
Hispania nearer:73

69 - Alfoldy. G. 1973, p.3

70 -.Etinne R., 1961, p. 107

71 - Goffaux B., 2011.P.452

72 - Kulikuski M., 2004. p,57

73 -Goffaux.B., 2011,p.463
 Lucio Iunio Blandi filio Quirina Maroni Aemilio Paterno
Lanciensi omnibus in re publica sua honoribus functo IIuiro bis
sacerdoti Romae et Augusti conuentus Asturum adlecto in quinque
decurias legitume Romae iudicantium flamini Augustali prouinciae
Hispaniae citerioris (CIL, 2.4223=RIT. 287).
To Lucius Junius Maro Aemilius Paternus, son of Blandus
enrolled in the Quirina tribe who fulfilled all the honors in his
state, judge twice, priest of Roma and Augustus in the district of
Asturum admitted into the five officers of legitimate judges in
Rome, provincial flamen Augustalis of Hispania Citerior. The
province of Hispania Citerior (dedicated this statue).74
After his retirement, the flamen was allowed by the provincial assembly,
under certain conditions, to erect a statue of himself within the boundaries
of the temple and inscribe it with his name, that of his father, his place of
origin and his year of office.75
One of the specificities of the epigraphy of Tarraco is the high number of
pedestals which we know were built in honor of the provincial
flamens,whose standards were engraved in the reliefs that surrounded the
imperial cult premises.76
From the inscriptions of Tarraconsis we come to know the names of
more than seventy flamens of the province.77 We have one from about the
middle of the first century AD. In it the province made a decree to dedicate
a statue to Marcus Flavius Sabinus, son of Marcus, enrolled in the Quirina
tribe, duumuir, sacerdos in the conuentus Bracarus, provincial flamen of
Hispania Citerior (CIL, 2.4215=RIT, 276). Also we have an inscription
from Tarraco, dated about the same time, which refers to a decree of the
council to erect a statue to "Fuscus, the flamen of the rovince during the
reign of the emperor Claudius"(CIL, 2.4217). During the second century
the same council made another decree to dedicate a statue for Calpurnius
Flaccus, the provincial flamen who evidently restored the town walls and
the temple of Augustus about the time when Hadrian visited Tarraco in the
winter of AD 121/122.78
In Baetica the concilium met at Corduba (the capital) where we find
honors decreed to Maximus, the provincial flamen, by the council of the
province which made a decision to make a statue for him:"consensu
concilii universe prop. Bacticae decreti sunt honores quantos quisque

74-Translated by the researcher

75 - Hemelrijk E.A., 2006. p.93

76 - Macias J.M., Roda R. , 2015.p.17

77 - Alofoldy G., 2004.P.466

78 -Alofoldy G. 1973 No. 2 ,13; Fishwick D. "The 'Temple of Augustus' at Tarraco, In Latomus ,57 (1998),p.122
Maximnos plurimsque flamen est consecuts cum statua" (CIL, .2.2221).
From another inscriptions we find the same province making a statue for
Sempronius Speratus, flamen of Baeicia (CIL.2.4192). According to
Tacitus, the province has "sent legates to Tiberius in AD 25 to ask for a
permission to build a temple" (Ann.,5.37)
In Lusitania , as mentioned befor , the concilium used to meet at
Emerita, and several flamens of the province of Lusitania used to gather
there.79
Like their male colleagues, provincial priestesses must have resided in
the provincial capital during their period of office. They had distinguished
careers sometimes comprising both municipal priesthoods and a priesthood
of the province though not necessarily in this order.80 For instance, "Flavia
Rufina was flammica of the province of Lusitania, and flammica of her
native town Emerita," (CIL, 2.32=ILS, 6893=ILER, 49).
The formal subdivision of Spain into different conventus was another
product of the Augustan era.81 In Spain, as in some other Roman provinces,
particularly in the East, conventus had developed around the communities
of Roman citizens, who formed unofficial juridical groupings with which
the provincial governor could deal and to whom he could dispense justice
under Roman law.82 There were fourteen of these districts in the three
provinces, four in Baetica, three in Lusitania, and seven in Tarraconsis.83
Hence, for instance, the province of Baetica had four juridical conventus
centered at Corduba, Astigi, Gades, and Hispalis; Tarraconsis had seven,
centered at Tarraco, Caesar Augusta, (modern Saraqusta) Carthago Nova
(modern Cartagna) Clunia, Asturica, Lucus Augusti, and Bracara, while
Lusitania had just three, centered at Emerita, Pax Iulia, and Scallabis.84

79 - Delgado.J.A., 1999.p.434 = C I.L. II. 35, 160, 396,

80 - .Hemlrijk E.A., 2005. p.156

81- For a long time the conuentus were thought to be a Flavian (or Claudian) creation, this view depended on an interpretation of
Strabo and pliny references, then Rocher L. El convento jurídico Caesaraugustano, Zaragoza 1981. And Alfoldy G. in his preface to
the edition of CIL in 1995, argued for an Augustan date, and this chronology is widely accepted today on the grounds of a
contentious inscription published for the first time in 1984. This is the so-called tabula Lougeiorum, Despite this new hypothesis
about an Augustan date for the creation of the conuentus system, the development of the conventual cult is still debated, because
most of the authors who have recently dealt with the topic have continued to defend the hypothesis that it was a Flavian creation
within an administrative system which dated back to Augustus. Curchin.(ed) The Romanization of Central Spain. Complexity,
Diversity and Change in a Provincial Hinterland, London-New York 2003.pp.54-7

82 - Andrew L., Imperium Romanum: Politics and administration. London. 1993. pp.54-60

83 - Monfort C. "A new perspective for the demographic study of Roman = =Spain". In :Revista de Historia da Arte e Arqueologia
, n.2, 1996. pp. 59-82. The 14 capitals of conventus iuridici were distinguished as the main centers in Hispania, which are also the
cities occupying larger areas (Braccara Augusta, Lucus Augustus, Asturica Augusta, Cartago Nova, Clunia, Caesaraugusta,Tarraco,
Gades , Hispalis, Astigi, Corduba, Pax Iulia, Scallabis, Emerita Augusta)

84 -Edmonston J.V., 2006.p.254

 Starting as judicial districts, the conventus therefore quickly became in
Tarraconsis communities having their own identity that could act in a
concerted manner. The imperial worship was clearly a tool by which
individual communities could define their relationship with the imperial
power.85 Thus at Tarraco, statues were set up to honor priests (flamines) of
Rome and Augustus of the conventus centered at Asturica and Bracara
respectively, and dedications have been discovered honoring the Genius of
the conventus centered at Asturica, Clunia, Caesar Augusta, and Tarraco.86
The foundation of the conventual cults, however, was not a product of a
local initiative; three of them were placed in districts where few
municipalities existed. Their function was educational as they presented a
concrete illustration of the principles underlying the new monarchy. At the
level of municipality, the imperial municipal cult in Spain under Augustus
had, at first, an altar dedicated to Rome and Augustus, and, second, a priest
whose title was flamen Romae et Augusti.87
It seems most reasonable to assume, however, that the simple term
flamen, when applied to the municipal priests, indicates in abbreviated
form some relation to the imperial worship. The duties of a municipal
flamen were similar to those of a provincial flamen, except that they were
on a smaller scale, so too were the ceremonies and celebrations. At the
municipal level, the imperial cult was a common expression of loyalty to
the imperial regime and also an important psychological link to the wider
world.88 So every conventus and munucipia also had there flamens who
had similar duties like the provincial flamen.89
Duties of the flamen and the flaminica.
The main duty of the flamens in Spain was of course the religious one;
they were priests of the Imperial cult.90 Added to his above mentioned main
duty, the provincial flamen had to organize the gladiatorial games at the
yearly festival in the provincial capital and to preside over the annual
meeting of the provincial council.91 Like their male colleagues, the
flaminca probably performed sacrifices before the statues of the living and
deified empresses and lead the procession of the Imperial images on
Imperial birthdays and other festal days and presided, probably from a

85 - Goffaux B., 2011. pp.358-9

86 -Edmonston j.V, 2006.p.255

87 - Goffaux B., 2011. p.458

88 - Kulikuski M., 2004 . p. 31

89 -Goffaux B., 2011.p.459

90 - Hemelirjk E.A., 2007.p.328

91 - Williamson, C.H., 1987.p.183

special seat, over the public games, which were a set element of Imperial
celebrations. Thus, for the duration of their priesthood they must have been
among the most prominent citizens of their town.92
The flamen and flaminica, moreover, lead many annual imperial
ceremonies like Augustus birthday, his accession to the power and his
triumph over Cleopatra at Actium in 31 BC. Later the birthdays and the
dates of accession of good emperors like Tiberius, Vaspasian, Trajan,
Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius were added.93 Imperial festivities usually
provided a great deal of entertainment and Imperial priests were expected
to organize such entertainments and contribute to the costs. During such
festivals the portable portraits (probably busts) of the emperors and
empresses were carried in procession from the temple to the amphitheatre
for the plays or games that they presided over, and which were often paid
for, by the officiating priests. To make the people participate in the
festivities and rituals, wine and incense were sometimes distributed. When
the games or plays were over, the images were brought back to the temple,
after which the flamen might offer a communal meal (epulum) to the
decurions, the Augustales and to the people. Though there is no
independent evidence for the role of the flamen in such ceremonies, the
little evidence we have seems to confirm this picture.
It seems likely that the festal days of the emperors, like those of the
empresses, were marked by games, banquets or distributions of food or
money.94 At Tarraco, the flamen presided at ceremonies which focused
upon the alter of Augustus and its adjacent temple at the forum in the lower
town. These ceremonies were transferred from the forum of the town to the
huge complex in the upper town during the first century AD. The
procession would have ended at the theater with plays, shows and public
banquets (partly paid for by the flamen) Afterwards there would have been
chariot races in the great circus which were attended by the flamen and
other magistrates and by a great mass of urban populace.95 The flamen
would lead the meeting whose business would include letters from the
governor making up embassies to the emperors at Rome. Any business
concluded in the provincial assembly would have been sealed by a sacrifice
to the genius of the living emperors. A marble relief found in Tarraco in
front of the temple Augustus shows a bull being led to sacrifice by two of
the flamen's aides, who were naked to the waist and armed with small

92 -Hemelrijk E.A ., 2006 . p.96

93 -Fishwick. D., 1999. p.532

94 - Hemelirjk E A.,2007. p.321

95 - Keay S., 2004. p.157

axes.96
From inscriptions we know also that the flamen has other charges
besides the religious one. Considering that he was a member or a chair of
the city or the town council, he used to interfere in the other social and
political affairs. As I had mentioned above there were beneficent flamens
who offered the grain for free or with low prices in a crisis times.97
- Conclusion
The establishment of an Imperial cult was one of the results of the
changes in Roman religion from the Republic to the early Empire. The
establishment of the Imperial cult, then, crossed a line between the
traditional religious rituals and the new experience of autocratic rule. The
flamens in ancient Hispania were the chief priests of the imperial cult, they
were devoted to the service of both living and dead emperors, while the
flaminica who usually (not often) was his wife was concerned with the
service of the impresses. The three Hispania provinces yielded huge
numbers of Latin inscriptions dated from the first century to the third
century A.D which offered a lot of information about the flamen and
flaminica, their titles, duties, classes, and levels.
Both inscriptions and literary evidence confirm that the flamen and
flaminica were chosen from the elite class, always from the equestrian and
rarely from the senatorial one. They were always wealthy men or women
and were always interested in presenting benefits for their communities.
After their retirement the city council was accustomed to making honors
and decrees to erect statues in recognition of their services.
And it allowed for them to inscribing their names and names of their
fathers, and being members of the city council, and attending the public
show at the first row, wearing the special dress for them they accustomed,
when they were flamens. Some flamines and flaminicae were even granted
the privilege of having a public funeral which always remained a preserve
of the most distinguished members of the local elite.
The assembly also assured the honors of the new flamen, that he become
member of the counsel city, have a lector, and to watch the public show
among the senators.
In Hispania there were three levels of the flaminate, the more prestigious
and the most distinguished was the provinical flamen, then the conventus
and at last the municipal flamen. The same duties were assigned to the
different flamens but on different scales. The inscriptions assured that the

96 -Keay S.,2004. p.167

97 -Lunard A., 1983. p.238

flamen was the chair of the city or the town council, and that he presided
over the ceremonies of the Emperor's cult, and the flaminica presided over
the ceremonies related to the impresses'. The provincial flaminica was the
wife of the same provincial flamen, but the office was elective on the
municipality level.
The inscriptions further confirm that the duration of the office was a year
and that the city or the town council was charged with the election
procedures.