Michel Foucault Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated from the French by Alan Sheridan VINTAGE BOOKS A Division of Random House, New York1. Docile bodies Let us take the ideal figure of the soldier as it was still seen in the early seventeenth century. To begin with, the soldier was someone who could be recognized from afar; he hore certain signs: the natural signs of his strength and his courage, the marks, too, of his prides his body was the blazon of his strength and valour; and although it is true that he had to learn the profession of arms little by little — generally in actual fighting ~ movements like marching and attitudes like the bearing of the head belonged for the most part to a bodily rhetoric of honour; ‘The signs for recognizing those most suited to this profession are a lively, alert manner, an erect head, a taut stomach, broad shoulders, long arms, strong fingers, a sinall belly, thick thighs, slender legs and dry feet, because a man of such a figure could not fail to be agile and strong’; when he becomes a pike- bearer, the soldier ‘will have to march in step in order to have as much grace and gravity as possible, for the pike is an honourable weapon, worthy to be borne with gravity and boldness’ (Mont- gommery, 6 and 7). By the late eighteenth century, the soldier has become something that can be made; out of a formless clay, an inapt body, the machine required can be constructed; posture is gradually cortected; a calculated constraint runs slowly through each part of the body, mastering it, making it pliable, ready at all times, turning silently into the automatism of habit; in short, one has ‘got rid of the peasant’ and given him ‘the air of a soldier’ (ordinance of 20 March 1764). Recruits become accustomed to ‘holding their heads high and erect; to standing upright, without bending the back, to sticking out the belly, throwing out the chest and throwing back the shoulders; and, to help them acquire the habit, they are given this position while standing against a wall in such a way that the heels, the thighs, the waist and the shoulders touch it, as also do the backs 135Discipline of the hands, as one turns the arms outwards, without moving them away from the body. . . Likewise, they will be taught never to fix their eyes on the ground, but to look straight at those they pass... to remain motionless until the order is given, without moving the | head, the hands or the feet. . . lastly to march with a bold step, with knee and ham taut, on the points of the feet, which should face | outwards’ (ordinance of 20 March 1764). The classical age discovered the body as object and target of, ywer. It is easy enough to find signs of the attention then paid to tel body — to the body that is manipulated, shaped, trained, which | obeys, responds, becomes skilful and increases its forces. The great book of Man-the-Machine was written simultaneously on two: registers: the anatomico-metaphysical register, of which Descartes wrote the first pages and which the physicians and philosophers continued, and the technico-political register, which was constituted by a whole set of regulations and by empirical and calculated | methods relating to the army, the school and the hospital, for con- trolling or correcting the operations of the body. These two regis- | ters are quite distinct, since it was a question, on the one hand, of submission and use and, on the other, of functioning and explana- tion: there was a useful body and an intelligible body. And yet there are points of overlap from one to the other. La Mettrie’s Z’Homme- | machine is both a materialist reduction of the soul and a general theory of dressage, at the centre of which reigns the_notion “docilty, which joins the analysable body to the manipulable body. A body is docile that may be subjected, used, transformed ‘improved. The celebrated automata, on the other hand, were not only a way of illustrating an organism, they were also political puppets, small-scale models of power: Frederick II, the meticulous’ king of small machines, well-trained regiments and fong exercises, was obsessed with them. ‘What was so new in these projects of docility that interested the eighteenth century so much? It was certainly not the first time that’ the body had become the object of such imperious and pressing investments; in every society, the body was in the grip of very strict powers, which imposed on it constraints, prohibitions or! obligations. However, there were several new things in these tech niques. To begin with, there was the scale of the control: it was a 136 Docile bodies question not of treating the body, en masse, ‘wholesale’, as if it were an indissociable unity, but of working it ‘retail’, individually; of exercising upon it a subtle coercion, of obtaining holds upon it at the level of the mechanism itself - movements, gestures, attitudes, rapidity: an infinitesimal power over the active body. Then there was the object of the control: it was not or was no longer the signify- ing elements of behaviour or the language of the body, but the economy, the efficiency of movements, their internal organization; constraint bears upon the forces rather than upon the signs; the only truly important ceremony is that of exercise. Lastly, there is the modality: it implies an uninterrupted, constant coercion, super- vising the processes of the activity rather than its result and it is exercised according to a codification that partitions as closely as possible time, space, movement. These methods, which made possible the meticulous control of the operations of the body, which assured the constant subjection of its forces and imposed i ght b cdisciplines’, Many disciplinary methods had long been in existence ~ in monas- teries, armies, workshops. But in the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the disciplines became general formulas of domination. They were different from slavery because they were not based on a relation of appropriation of bodies; indeed, the elegance of the discipline lay in the fact that it could dispense with this costly and violent relation by obtaining effects of utility at least as great. They were different, too, from ‘service’, which was a constant, total, massive, non-analytical, unlimited relation of domination, established in the form of the individual will of the master, his ‘caprice’. They were different from vassalage, which was a highly coded, but distant relation of submission, which bore less on the operations of the body than on the products of labour and the ritual marks of allegiance. Again, they were different from asceticism and from ‘disciplines’ of a monastic type, whose function was to obtain renunciations rather than increases of utility and which, although they involved obedience to others, had as their principal aim an increase of the mastery of each individual over his own body. The historical moment of the disciplines was the moment when an art of the human body was born, which was directed not only at the growth of its skills, nor at the intensification of its 137Discipline subjection, but at the formation of a relation that in the mechanism | itself makes it more obedient as it becomes more useful, and con- | versely. What was then being formed was a policy of coercions" that act upon the body, a calculated manipulation of its elements; | its gestures, its behaviour. The human body was entering a machin- ery of power that explores it, breaks it down and rearranges it. A‘ ‘political anatomy’, which was also a ‘mechanics of power’, was | being born; it defined how one may have a hold over others’ bodies, not only so that they may do what one wishes, but so that they may operate as one wishes, with the techniques, the speed and the effi- ciency that one determines. Thus discipline produces subjected and practised bodies, ‘docile’ bodies. Discptine ne fine Increases the forces of the bo: economic terms of utility) and diminishes these same j forces (in political terms of obedience). In short, it dissociates power from the body; on the one hand, it turns it into an ‘aptitude’, a ‘capacity’, which it seeks to increase; on the other hand, it reverses the course of the energy, the power that might result from it, and turns it into a relation of strict subjection. If economic exploite ation separates the force and the product of labour, let us say that disciplinary coercion establishes in the body the con- | stricting link between an increased aptitude and an increased | domination. The ‘invention’ of this new political anatomy must not be seen as a sudden discovery. It is rather a multiplicity of often minor processes, of different origin and scattered location, which overlap, repeat, or imitate one another, support one another, distinguish themselves from one another according to their domain of applica+ tion, converge and gradually produce the blueprint of a general | method. They were at work in secondary education at a very early: date, later in primary schools; they slowly invested the space of the: hospital; and, in a few decades, they restructured the military organization. They sometimes circulated very rapidly from one, point to another (between the army and the technical schools or'f secondary schools), sometimes slowly and discreetly (the insidious. militarization of the large workshops). On almost every occasion} they were adopted in response to particular needs: an industrial innovation, a renewed outbreak of certain epidemic diseases, the! invention of the rifle or the victories of Prussia. This did not prevent.| 138 i" WY Docile bodies them being totally inscribed in general and essential transforma- tions, which we must now try to delineate. There can be no question here of writing the history of the different disciplinary institutions, with all their individual differ- ences. I simply intend to map on a series of examples some of the essential techniques that most easily spread from one to another. ‘These were always meticulous, often minute, techniques, but they had their importance: because they defined a certain mode of detailed political investment of the body, a ‘new micro-physics’ of _ power; and because, since the seventeenth century, they fad con- stantly reached out to ever broader domains, as if they tended to cover the entire social body. Smail acts of cunning endowed with a great power of diffusion, subde arrangements, apparently innocent, but profoundly suspicious, mechanisms that obeyed economies too shameful to be acknowledged, or pursued petty forms of coercion — it was nevertheless they that brought about the mutation of the punitive system, at the threshold of the contemporary period. De- scribing them will require great attention to detail: beneath every set of figures, we must seek not a meaning, but a precaution; we must situate them not only in the inextricability of a functioning, but in the coherence of a tactic. They are the acts of cunning, not so-much of the greater reason that works even in its sleep and gives meaning to the insignificant, af the attentive ‘malevolence’ that turns everything to account| Before we lose patience we would do well to recall the words of Marshal de Saxe: ‘Although those who concern themselves with details are regarded as folk of limited intelligence, it seems to me that this part is essential, because it is the foundation, and it is impossible to erect any building or establish any method without understanding its principles. It is not enough to have a liking for architecture. One must also know stone-cutting’ (Saxe, ). There is a whole history to be written about such ‘stone-cutting’ — a history of the utilitarian rationalization of detail in moral accountability and. political control. The classical age did not initiate it; rather it accelerated it, changed its scale, gave it precise instruments, and perhaps found some echoes for it in the calculation of the infinitely small or in the description of the most detailed characteristics of natural beings, In any case, ‘detail’ had long been a category of 139oFT Aveupus ayp aim axayy, “(1P-$6 ‘srapdug pue €1-gof ‘say +) Joouas Japour w caus pauam sera 31 su¢nsaf ay jo ammuzedap ay iaye ‘ways puesg-a|-sino7 3e AsoxeByjqo aureoaq at ‘outer jeuoneonpo Suanbey wsour ay rou J} oajzad asour aya se pareadde Surp1eoq fpesodwy Ajjenpes sem japotu spseuour aus ssjooups Arepuosas 30 ‘seBeqon 243 axam a1at|], “Souo aatioaya pur snorpisity ing 4903081p sro say70 azam asaya ‘siadned pue spuoquBea Jo suswauguos, year oxi sem auayy “AUGIOUOU! 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