THEnewly elected Sindh Chief Minister Syed Murad Ali Shah and the ruling PPP chairperson Mr Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari have reiterated their commitment to mak- ing the rehabilitation of flood-affected communities a priority. More than a year and a half after the deluge, hundreds of thousands of families are still waiting to be rehabilitated. Rebuilding two million houses, repairing and reconstructing 20,000 schools, dozens of roads, culverts, health facilities and water supply schemes is a herculean task. The PPP government has resumed these projects initiated in its previous term. International donors, including the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, have provided substantial financial and technical assistance. While rebuilding critical infrastructure and services is indeed a priority, it is also an opportunity for a paradigm shift. An important lesson from the 2022 floods is the need to embark on a macro- level resilient development model for the province. Anything less than a climate- resilient Sindh would mean funnelling precious resources into a flawed develop- ment model. Sindh’s peculiar topography makes it vulnerable to multiple climate hazards. The Indus poses a perpetual flooding risk from north to south. The Kirthar hills to the west expose the prov- ince to devastating flash floods. The coastal belt in the south is prone to cyclones, tsunamis and a rise in sea levels. The eastern desert strip experiences fre- quent dry spells and droughts, whereas major cities like Karachi and Hyderabad experience urban flooding and heatwaves. Worst still, a gentle gradient north to south makes natural drainage terribly sluggish. All this shows the scale of fragility amid the vagaries of climate change. The prov- ince’s economy, especially in the rural areas, is largely dependent on an inher- ently delicate agro-pastoral production model. A scarce asset base and skewed. land ownership in favour of the landlords are root causes of the poverty trap in the rural areas. Consequently, over 40 per cent of the population lives below the pov- erty line, which is perennially vulnerable to the climate’s wrath. A carefully crafted climate approach for distinct hydro-climatic zones is needed. A new perspective is required to design roads, culverts, bridges, houses, schools, public utility structures and flood protec- tion infrastructure. Town planning and urban drainage ought to incorporate new benchmarks to confront the increasing unpredictability of extreme weather events. Abnormal rains in August 2022 in Sindh, unusual rainfallin Balochistan dis- BY NASEER MEMON Resilient Sindh tricts bordering Sindh in July-August 2022, and the recent experience of a win- ter downpour in Balochistan must be noted by development planners. Given its insufficient capacity and flawed design, the existing infrastructure was bound to collapse under such heavy precipitation. Unannounced climatic somersaults are expected with more frequency. The Sindh government should revisit its plans in order to avert another catastrophe that could ruin the already poor public infra- structure and services built over decades. One should not forget that the schools damaged by the floods constituted nearly half the entire school infrastructure built over the last 75 years in the province. Encroached natural courses, poorly designed drainage systems, rickety flood prevention infrastructure, a ramshackle canal network and primitive cropping pat- terns are key factors that turned climate hazards into calamities. Unless the prov- ince focuses on these causative factors, rehabilitation will be unsustainable. Economic well- = 3 eing is key to com- 1 being is k C imatic munity resilience. According to the somersaults Food and Agricul- are ture Organisation’s recent report Unjust expected Climate, a single day with more of extreme précipi- - tation causes poor frequency. households to lose oo O.8pc of their inco- mes in comparison to better-off households. Floods and heat stress cause poor house- holds to lose livestock holdings either through distress sales of animals or higher levels of livestock mortality. Poor house- holds reduce their investment in agricul- ture when faced with floods and droughts, as they redirect their scarce resources away from agricultural production to immediate consumption needs, This was observed during the 2022 floods when over 2m households in Sindh lost their houses, livestock and crops. According to the Post-Disaster Needs Assessment report, poverty in Sindh will increase by between 8.9 and 9.7 percent- age points. Rebuilding hemes will only help if the local economy is also resusci- tated. Compensation for loss or damage or any other cash handout will only provide fleeting relief, which is not a substitute for economic rehabilitation. Sindh needs a comprehensive plan to make the province resilient against climate shocks. m The whiter is a civil society professional. nmemon2004 @yahoo.comBandit raj ~ URDER, kidnapping for ransom and armed robbery have become facts of life for the unfortunate souls y J... residing in the riverine areas of upper Sindh and neighbour! ing districts of Punjab. Here, bandits have established a reign of terror: armed with heavy weaponry and knowledge of the terrain, they operate with ruthless brutality — looting, abducting and killing as they please. No one is safe: even the police forces of the two provinces — so agile and fearsome when facing down unarmed protesters in the cities — seem helpless when it comes to challenging these violent criminals. Meanwhile, policymakers in Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi continue to dither over how best to deal with the nuisance, even though countless millions have already been poured into efforts to contain them. This week, these armed criminals crossed an unforgivable line. They killed a teacher in the Kandhkot-Kashmore area simply for refusing to quit his duty. Allah Rakhyo Nandwani, who taught at a primary school in the Nasrullah Khan Bijarani village, would have been a national hero had his story been better known. He had repeatedly defied the bandits in his determination to travel to ‘no-go’ areas to educate the children residing there. Citizens like Allah Rakhyo are an asset to the societies they serve, and it is a matter of shame for those tasked with protecting the citizenry that a dutiful, conscientious citizen lost his life to miscreants and troublemakers. The authorities must be asked: how long will these meaningless ‘clean-up operations’ continue to be rinsed and recycled? Why is it that the ‘progress’ against armed gangs often seems like the state taking one step forward and two steps back? We have been hearing since last year that significant resources and personnel have been allocated to combating the bandit problem. Were these claims just a smokescreen, or did the efforts to establish the state’s writ fail? How long will the people living in the affected areas be left to their fate? Clearly, those tasked with the nation’s internal security are doing an abysmal job in this respect. They must realise that they paint a sorry picture considering that ragtag gangs of goons are so easily outsmarting them. The problem must be dealt with at its source. Those who back, finance, and supply these gangs must be traced and eliminated. This malaise must not spread.Pipeline under fire wT A HILE US Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu’s : recent testimony before a Congressional panel ’ W contained no bombshells about the cipher saga, the American diplomat’s replies to questions from lawmakers about the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline should certainly be cause for concern. American reservations over the gas project clearly infringe on Pakistan’s sovereign right to take independent foreign policy decisions. Mr Lu told lawmakers that it was an American “goal” to ensure the pipeline is not completed. Using highly undiplomatic language, he observed that if “they [Pakistan] get in bed with [ran, it will be very serious for our relationship”. The Foreign Office reaction to these comments was measured, as the spokesperson told the media that there was no room for discussion on a third-party | US] waiver, while the pipeline plays an important role in Pakistan’s energy security. It is hoped that the state remains steadfast in upholding its commitments to the project, and rejects unwarranted foreign pressure. Until the caretaker government gave the go-ahead for revitalising the pipeline last month, the scheme had been in the doldrums for over a decade, mainly out of concern over attracting America’s wrath. Pakistan should be the best judge of its energy requirements, and unsolicited advice such as that offered by Mr Lu should be rejected with thanks. The American official also questioned how Pakistan would procure the financing to complete the scheme. Again, that should be Pakistan’s headache, not anyone else’s. The fact is that the Iran pipeline appears to be a viable energy project, as the other major regional scheme — the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline — is in deep freeze particularly after the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. Moreover, if Pakistan reneges on the deal with Iran, it risks entering a messy litigation process, and paying a hefty $18bn in penalty. Mr Lu’s comments should also serve as a warning to our policymakers of the demands some of our friends may make of us in future as geopolitical turbulence increases. For instance, today, Washington has issues with CPEC and the Iran pipeline; tomorrow it could let its displeasure be known regarding our relations with Moscow or other American foes. Pakistan should be ready to face such criticism, and take decisions that are in the national interest. Pakistan values its ties with the US and other Western states. But this does not mean relations with other states/ blocs should be held hostage to the whims of its Western partners. However, it is also true that Pakistan can only take truly independent decisions when it does not have to depend on others to keep its economy afloat. India and China can ignore US strictures about not trading with Russia because of their economic heft. Pakistan must heal itself if it wants to achieve true sovereignty.AMONG the comity of nations, Sweden stands out for its high standard of living, technological innovations (Spotity, Minecraft, Skype, Saab, Volvo, Ikea), out- standing environmental activists like Greta Thunberg and famous artists like ABBA. It hosts the world’s most gifted minds every year for the award of the Nobel Prize, a tradition that has contin- ued since 1901. What makes Sweden a huge success story and one of the most developed coun- tries in the world? The answer lies in the high standards of ethics, austerity and accountability of public money exercised by its political leaders. When it comes to the salaries, perks and privileges of par- liamentarians, Sweden and Pakistan are at the opposite ends of the spectrum. Sweden is often called a country where politicians have little pay and no privi- leges. Pakistan, on the other hand, has politicians who ruthlessly devour taxpay- ers’ resources — bestowing limitless perks and privileges upon themselves. The fol- lowing paragraphs explain the reasons for Pakistan’s poverty and the lessons it could learn from Sweden. The prime minister of Pakistan, a coun- try mired in debt and poverty, lives in a palatial house spread over 12,000 square yards. The prime minister of Sweden is entitled to a modest house of only 360 square yards. The Speaker and deputy Speaker of our National Assembly enjoy full-time official luxury cars and drivers Maintained at public expense. The Swedish parliament’s Speaker, on the other hand, is entitled only to public bus tickets. Members of parliament (MPs) in Pakistan are entitled to a basic salary of Rsi50,000 per month, while Swedish par- liamentarians receive just about half of the after-tax salary of an average primary schoolteacher. Pakistani lawmakers have concocted numerous allowances and perks that could overwhelm and disgust even the richest countries of the werld. To quote just a few, Pakistani MPs receive an office maintenance allowance of Rs8,000 per month, Swedish MPs, on the contrary, receive zero office maintenance allow- ance and hold meetings in public libraries or party offices. Pakistani MPs receive Rs10,000 per month as telephone allow- ance, while Swedish MPs use their own phones and receive zero telephone allow- ance. Pakistani MPs receive Rs5,000 per month as sumptuary allowance. No such allowance is the entitlement of any MP in Sweden. Pakistani MPs are entitled to free installation of a residential tele- phone, while Swedish MPs have no such ludicrous privilege. BY NAEEM SADIQ Self-imposed poverty It appears that the primary motive of becoming an MP is to promote tourism and air travel. Each Pakistani MP receives 25 business class return air tickets every year. In addition, they receive travel vouchers of Rs300,000 every year for travel by self and family from any destina- tion to any other destination within the country. The MPs of Sweden enjoy no such luxuries. Although ‘ad-hoc’ is intrinsically a shady term, Pakistan’s parliament has no qualms in designing an entitlement of Rs15,000 per month as ad hoc relief allow- ance for each MP. Relief from what, one might ask. Then there is a ‘special’ daily allowance of Rs4,800 per day and an ‘ordi- nary’ daily allowance of Rs2,800 per day that each MP is entitled to. To incentivise the reluctant arrival from home to parlia- ment, each MP additionally receives a gift of Rs2,000 per day as conveyance allow- ance. None of these allowances are given to or even imagined by any Swedish MP. Adding yet more to the perks, Pakistani MPs are entitled to receive the same level of free medical tre- atment as a Grade No nation 22 officer. In Swed- can survive &© the MPs receive : the same medical with an treatment as given : to any ordinary citi- immoral zen. Not to miss out allocation on any aspect of the booty, Pakistan’s of sO much MPs are entitled to to so few. free official blue pass- ports for self and spo- use. Swedish MPs are entitled to the same passport as that of any ordinary citizen. No nation in the world can survive, let alone progress with such an immoral allo- cation of so much to so few, while its teem- ing millions are deprived and tortured and left to fend for themselves. Pakistan ought to awaken from its deep slumber to understand why some countries succeed and others fail. Will the new occupants of Islamabad’s Constitution Avenue have the courage and sagacity to strip themselves and all government officials of perks, privileges, allowances, government vehi- cles, free petrol, electricity, guards, driv- ers, secretaries, assistants, naib gasids and numerous other discriminatory entitle- ments that the ordinary citizens cannot even dream of? It is time for Pakistan to catch up with the rest of the world by jet- tisoning the inequity imposed by its own self-entitled colonial ruling elite. m The wniter is an industrial engineer and a volunteer social activist. naeemsadiq @ gmail.comY involving the FIA in the exercise, the government has | |. admitted that the ongoing crackdown against power i i 2 and gas theft in the country has so far failed to produce the desired results since its launch last September. The anti- theft drive led by the utilities, with support from the provincial administrations, seems to have already lost its initial momentum. The decision to bring in the FIA to energise the campaign seems to be driven by an IMF statement that restoring the “energy sector’s viability” would be one of the four key areas of reforms under the Fund’s next medium-term loan that Pakistan is seeking for reducing its external sector vulnerabilities and shoring up international reserves. Even at the peak of the campaign between September and December, the effort had resulted in power theft reduction of just Rsi4bn, and arrear and detection bill recoveries of Rs58bn. That compares with a total electricity theft of Rs237bn in 2022. In September 2023, the caretaker set-up had put power sector losses at Rs589bn. In 2020, the Prime Minister’s Inspection Commission had found almost $2bn worth of annual losses in the gas supply chain due to theft and other factors. That power and gas theft is a major contributor to the combined energy sector circular debt, which has shot up to over RsStr, is no secret. Over the next several weeks, we may be fed ‘success stories’ until the euphoria fades away. Complete elimination of energy theft, the cost of which is being paid by honest consumers in the shape of higher tariffs or through budget subsidies, is imperative to stop the growth of the circular debt and reduce electricity and gas prices, a major reason why people steal power and gas. However, the government cannot control the situation with administrative measures alone. It will have to invest in distribution infrastructure and quickly move towards smart metering if it wants to achieve lasting results.a “THE desire for a post-retirement job influ- ences pre-retirement judgements.” These words of caution came from Arun Jaitley, one of India’s tallest political figures, in a debate in India’s par- liament on Sept 5, 2013. When Mr Jaitley spoke, he hadn’t the faintest idea that his words, which were referred to the Indian judiciary, would apply to Pakistan’s caretaker governments too. Created as a creature of the Constitution and meant to ensure transparency, neutrality and a level playing field for all political parties taking part in general elections, Pakistan’s caretaker set-ups have more often than not become fertile grounds for ambitious individuals inducted into these governments to advertise their capability and loyalties to the perceived victors in expecta- tion of a quid pro quo. In theory, per Section 230 of the Elections Act, 2017, caretaker governments are intended to be nothing more than seat warmers, and composed of individuals who undertake day-to-day govern- ance responsibilities before the electéd répre- sentatives of the people of Pakistan take over. As part of their responsibilities, they are supposed to be “impartial to every person and political party”. To drive home this point, the Constitution through Article 224(1B) prohibits members of the caretaker cabinets, including the prime min- ister and the chief ministers and their spouses and children, from contesting in the elections to “such Assembliés”, which immediately follow. The term “such Assemblies” was likely used by the drafters of the Constitution to lay stress on the expected impartiality of caretakers and to include within its ambit all provincial assemblies and the National Assembly to which elections would be held. Yet, in practice, the word “Assem- blies” has been taken literally and all other fac- ets of the political landscape have been deemed fertile ground for members of the caretaker cabi- nets to occupy, post-election, as a result of which caretaker ministers have considered political appointments for themselves as fair game. Our recent history is peppered with instances of caretaker ministers being awarded lucrative positions post-caretaker government. For instance, the caretaker chief ministers of Punjab in the 2013 general elections and the 2023 national polls were both made chairmen of the Pakistan Cricket Board. The first one was appointed immediately after the election. The latter was appointed just a couple of days before the Feb 8 poll, and was, post-election, made the federal interior minister, on top of now being set to contest the upcoming Senate polls. In 2013, the caretaker federal water and power minister joined the governing party after the elections and was made a spokesperson to the prime minister, and at a later date a senator. Similarly, the federal interior minister in the recent caretaker government resigned prior to Our recent history is peppered with instances of caretaker ministers being awarded lucrative positions post-caretaker government. the issuance of the 2024 election schedule. He now heads Pakistan’s largest province as its chief minister. Meanwhile, the sports minister in the caretaker government of Balochistan now sits as an elected member of the National Assembly, having adopted the same route as the chief min- ister of Balochistan. To top it off, even the prime minister of the recent caretaker government finds himself in the running for the Senate elec- tions and potentially stands a chance of becom- ing chairman of the Upper House. While some would argue that there is nothing wrong in elected governments identifying capa- ble individuals and offering them jobs they feel are suitable for them on the basis of past perfor- mance — even if they had been caretaker minis- ters — there exists a very real sense that such nominations and appointments are nothing but loyalty bonuses awarded to certain caretaker ministers for their efforts to aid the cause of a BY SYED SHEHERYAR RAZA ZAIDI Applying while on the job particular government coming to power in the first place. The then outgoing caretaker dispensations in Punjab and the federation, both of which stayed on for longer than what the Constitution man- dated, were subjected to some of the fiercest criti- cism during and after the completion of their reign. Yet, some of the most influential members of these governments are now either playing an integral role or are angling for one in the current political set-up. What is particularly disturbing is that some of them are aiming to become senators through the votes of the same assemblies they headed as caretakers not too long ago. The fact that though they were prohibited from directly contesting the elections, they were allowed to indirectly benefit from the exercise they helped administer makes a mockery of the very purpose of caretaker governments, This not only paints the electoral process, which is meant to be fair, in a bad light, but also reinforces the partiality that the Constitution and the Elections Act had intended to remove. There is a need to revisit the entire concept of caretaker dispensations in Pakistan. The concept has been reduced to a five-yearly lottery where individuals otherwise incapable of holding the reins — due to their being political novices — get to wield power in the run-up to the polls. Once the elections are over, the same individuals use their tenure in the caretaker set-up as a job appli- cation for a more permanent, lucrative stint in the elected government whose ascent they had allegedly facilitated. The country cannot afford to install at the helm, even for an interim period, individuals who are looking to curry favour with the powers that be while undertaking their constitutional duties. In Pakistan’s case, it is clear that the desire for a post-caretaker cabinet job has influenced the dis- charge of caretaker duties. In the final analysis, Pakistan is a democracy, a country meant to be ruled by those who embody the will of the people and no one else. m The writer is a lawyer. X: @sheheryarzaidiBY SHAHID MEHMOOD Pakistan’s PSDP conundrum In its present shape, development expenditure provides substantial ‘free riding’ to interest groups. ECONOMIC headlines in Pakistan are centred on big macro numbers, which often miss impor- tant insights. One such instance focused on the amount of ‘development’ expenditure released in the first month of the present fiscal (F Y23-24). While hardly consequential in terms of expense, there was one striking statistic: almost all of it was spent on ‘development’ schemes put forth by MNAs and MPAs. In essence, this sliver of information was an apt demonstration of how Pakistan’s develop- ment expenditure (PSDP) has been hijacked by various interest groups. And it is not just the ‘group capture’ that plagues Pakistan’s develop- ment expenses, but also a host of other problems, ranging from the design and acceptance of a pro- posal to evaluation failure of the outcomes (cost benefit analysis through PS-4 and PS-5). Confirmation of these issues comes from a piece of excellent research (Reforming the Federal Public Sector Development Programme, PIDE) by Dr Muhammad Ahmed Zubair, Dr Mahmood Khalid, Dr Ahsan ul Hag Satti and others, reflect- ing the waste being piled upin the name of devel- opment through the PSDP. Without going into the details of this interest- ing and readable paper, here are a few statistics that aptly indicate the challenge at hand. For example, just to finance the various projects already in the portfolio, it would require an aver- age allocation of Rs600 billion per year for the next 11 years, provided no new projects are approved (they already have been). The failure to complete PSDP works on time due to various reasons — one of them being an unhealthy dependency on foreign financing — the ‘throw- forward’ (the needed future expense to complete these projects) has crossed a whopping Rs8 trillion. This throw-forward can be viewed as undocu- mented debt that taxpayers will have to cough up, aside from the ones they are already saddled with. In the end, though, the majority of these development efforts will come to naught, gener- ating more long-term liabilities on top of the ones we already have. It might interest the readers to know that the issues plaguing our public sector development work had already been foretold. A fascinating debate in the first half of the 20th century took place between two groups of economists (the Austrians and the Central Planners, mainly belonging to the Lausanne and Italian economic schools). Known as the ‘Socialist Calculation Debate’, a fundamental question at the heart of this classic debate was the role of centralised decision-making. The issues that were raised at that time remain as relevant today as they were back then. In Pakistan’s case, in the context of centralised planning, the fears and objections raised by the Austrians were prophetic. For example, this arti- cle mentions in the beginning that almost all the development allocation goes to schemes pro- posed by MNAs and MPAs — clearly, it is not meant for development but for buying political loyalties. From coming up with short and long- term plans and their approval to the calculation of their returns, the whole process of Pakistan’s centralised planning is questionable and dubi- ous. Top that with irrational estimates of foreign inflows, and the capacity and qualification of institutions to undertake such ventures, and we have a process that caters less to development and more to fulfilling the financial demands of interest groups via taxpayers. To put it mildly, in its present shape, the PSDP provides substantial ‘free riding’ to interest groups. There has existed a never-ending list of such wasteful projects and programmes in the name of development, over the course of our history, to which both the federal and provincial govern- ments are mercilessly beholden. Any positive spill-over of such efforts is secondary or coinci- dental rather than intentionally planned. Building roads, bypasses, underpasses and sig- nal-free corridors is not for economic mobility but primarily for handing out fat contracts to power- ful contractors. They have helped greatly in turn- ing our cities into gas chambers while, coupled with continued horizontal expansion, resulting in higher import bills. Or take the recent example of last year’s hur- riedly passed bill to establish 24 new universi- ties. What was the need for these when around 200 universities in Pakistan are hardly produc- ing anything of global quality, and none of them have the required teaching faculty? We got a hint of the ‘need’? when a senator revealed that every approved university’s charter sells for billions; besides, the area’s MNAs, MPAs or senators get to employ their chosen people in those institu- tions, with their lifetime perks (wages, pensions, etc) footed by the taxpayer. And, of course, who scoops up the land just before the approval of development schemes is another sordid tale of corruption yet to be told. In the end, the country is left with tremendous amounts of waste. Amidst all this, a genuine puzzle is the wide- spread support that this kind of brick-and-mor- tar-led development garners from Pakistan’s economist and business community, whichthinks erroneously that this is the best way to aggregate riches for the country. There are, of course, exceptions to this. Perhaps no one has been more consistent in his opposition to this mode of devel- opment than Dr Nadeem ul Haque, who calls it the Hagqg-HAG (Harvard Advisory Group) model that harkens back tothe 1950s and 1960s. Back in 2011, as deputy chairman, Planning Commission, he advocated for change in our development out- look in the Framework for Economic Growth, but as usual the plea fell on deaf ears. What can be done then? Whilst some reform proposals are reportedly already under consid- eration, this writer favours the decentralised ‘RASTA’ — pertaining to Pakistan’s premier aca- demic research initiative — approach, whereby cities or districts compete for development funds based on their proposals. The development pro- posals are to be submitted to either a committee of renowned experts, or for peer review, with the best proposals winning the government’s finan- cial support. Put another way, this approach would bring development policymaking into the open rather than letting it be based on political, questionable decisions taken behind closed doors. When it comes to growth and development policies, Pakistan’s policymakers should now decide whether they want to continue in the unproductive ways of the past or chart a new future. m The writer is an economist and presently a Research Fellow at PIDE. The article constitutes his personal opinion. X: @ShahidMohmand79 shahid.mohmand @ gmail.comApex court ‘restores’ ex-judge Siddiqui THC judge punished for making allegations without probe into their veracity, judgement authored by CJP notes By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court on Friday ruled that outspo- ken former judge of the Islamabad High Court (IHC), Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui, will be deemed to have retired, and was entitled to receive all the benefits and privileges due to a retired high court justice. “Alhamdulillah, this decision ended the agony of my soul and fam- ily,’ was the prompt response of Justice Siddiqui while talking to Dawn. “I am indebted to all those who stood with me in trying times in particular Mr Hamid Khan,” he said. The ruling, given by a five-judge SC bench headed by Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Qazi Faez Isa, came after it set aside the Oct 2018 Supreme Judicial Council’s (SJC) opinion, on the basis of which the government had issued a notification for Justice Siddiqui’s removal for his July 2018 address to the District Bar Association Rawalpindi. Both the SJC opinion and subse- quent notification were challenged before the SC through a set of appeals filed by Justice Siddiqui, Islamabad Bar Association and the Karachi Bar Association, In its verdict, authored by CJP Isa, the bench explained that the delay that occurred in hearing and deciding the petitions meant that in the inter- regnum, Justice Siddiqui attained the age of 62 years, at which a judge of the high court retires. Therefore, Justice Siddiqui cannot be restored to the position of judge, it reasoned. In his fiery speech, Justice Siddiqui had made remarks against the involvement of certain officers of the executive organ of the state, spe- cifically ISI, in the affairs of the judi- ciary to allegedly manipulate the formation of IHC benches. The SJC, in its recommendations, had held that by making speech at the District Bar Association Rawalpindi on July 21, 2018, Justice Siddiqui had not only violated some express provisions of the code of con- duct but also displayed conduct unbecoming of a judge. According to a 23-page judgement, Continued on Page 5PM sets up seven cabinet panels; to lead ECC, CCoE ¢ Five other bodies to oversee affairs related to airports’ outsourcing, state-owned enterprises, privatisation, disposal of legislative cases and Chinese projects ¢ Reko Dig feasibility to be completed by year-end By Syed Irfan Raza ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Friday formed seven cabi- net committees, including the Economic Coordination Committee (ECC) and the Cabinet Committee on Energy (CCoE). According to separate notifications issued by the cabinet division, the prime minister will now chair meetings of the ECC and the CCoE. Earlier, the finance minister used to head the ECC. According to a notifica- tion, the ECC now com- prises the prime minister and federal ministers for finance, economic affairs, commerce, power, petro- leum and planning and development. Under its Terms of Reference, the ECC will consider all urgent eco- nomic matters and coordi- nation of economic poli- cies initiated by various divisions of government, identify and propose measures for the gradual attainment of the status of a welfare state, maintain vigilance on the monetary and credit situation and make proposals for the regulation of credit to maximise production and exports and to prevent inflation. It will also determine the future pattern of growth of agriculture and industries and review the country’s import policy periodically and its effect on production and invest- ment. The CCoE new com- prises the prime minister and the ministers for eco- nomic affairs, finance, petroleum, planning and development and power. Similarly, a committee PM seeks strategy to boost IT exports: Page 9 has been formed to speed up the process of outsourc- ing the country’s major air ports and privatising Pakistan International Airlines (PIA). This committee will act under the chairmanship of the defence minister. Other members of the committee are ministers for privatisation/BOI, for- eign affairs, planning and development, aviation and privatisation. The committee will review outsourcing of the Management of major air- ports of the country and will also monitor matters related to PIA’s privatisa- tion. Another body, the Cabinet Committee on State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), will be headed by the finance minister. Other members include ministers for maritime affairs, economic affairs, science and technology and housing and works. Similarly, the Cabinet Committee on Privatisation will be headed by the minister for foreign affairs to formu- late policy for privatisa- tion of SOEs, Other mem- bers of the committee are ministers for finance, commerce, power, indus- tries and production, and privatisation. The minister for law and justice will head the Cabinet Committee on Disposal of Legislative Cases (CCLC). Its other members will be ministers for information, overseas Pakistanis, commerce and economic affairs, indus- tries and production. Another cabinet com- mittee on Chinese Investment Projects (CCCIP) will be headed by the minister for plan- ning and development. Its other members will be ministers for foreign affairs, interior, finance, commerce, petroleum, power, railways and _ sci- ence and technology. The CCCIP will oversee the progress of investment projects executed by Chinese companies, expe- ditiously resolve issues faced by Chinese inves- tors, facilitate Chinese investment, reactivate slow-moving projects, and review measures for the Continued on Page 5PESHAWAR: Opposition MPAs elected on reserved seats for women stage a protest on the premises of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly building against the non-convening of a session for their oath taking, on Friday.—Shahbaz Butt / White Star Opposition protests as KP govt ignores assembly session order By Umer Farooq PESHAWAR: The oppo- sition and government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are headed for legal confron- tation after the sovern- ment refused to follow the order of the governor, who had called a session of the provincial legislature. On Friday, opposition members staged a protest demonstration against the government for refusing to call a sitting of the KP Assembly. They alleged that the government ‘wanted to deprive the women and minority members, elected on reserved seats and noti- fied by the Election Commission of Pakistan, of casting their vote [in the Senate polls slated for next month]. “This is their [women and minority members’ right to take oath. They [Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf] want to take four extra seats in the Senate polls,” said Dr [badullah Khan of PML-N, who is leader of the opposition in the KP Assembly. Dr Ibadullah, who was joined by opposition mem- bers from other political parties, regretted that on one hand PTI was com- plaining about alleged changes in Form-45s and Form-47s aimed at depriv- ing them of several seats in the Feb 8 elections, while on the other hand it was itself violating the law. He said KP Governor Ghulam Ali was empow- ered to calla sitting of the assembly under Article 109 of the Constitution, adding that 45 members from the opposition par- ties had requested the Continued on Page 5Resolution for Gaza ceasefire vetoed China and Russia have vetoed a US-sponsored resolution in the UN Security Council, which linked the immediate ceasefire in Gaza to the release of all prisoners held by Hamas. The Russian envoy said the draft was a “hypocritical spectacle” and would “ensure the impunity of Israel”. Page 12 Plus... WOUPAKISTAN CANNOT SURVIVE WITHOUT ANOTHER IMF PACKAGE, SAYS PM05 Sec cS cd wg! 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