DICTIONARY OF

~ TRADITIONAL
SOUTHEAST ASIAN
TAT RE
GHULAM-SARWAR YOUSOF

ZONA ST

9150464113877
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in 2023 with funding from
Kahle/Austin Foundation

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 Dictionary of
Traditional South-East Asian Theatre
 "ALSO4b 41138?

DICTIONARY OF
TRADITIONAL
SOU a a ASIAN
THEATRE,
GHULAM-SARWAR YOUSOF
Issued under the auspices of the
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,
Singapore

KUALA LUMPUR
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
OXFORD SINGAPORE NEW YORK
1OO4
 Oxford University Press
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First published 1994
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Ghulam Sarwar (Ghulam Sarwar Yousof)
Dictionary oftraditional South-East Asian theatre/Ghulam-Sarwar Yousof.
p. om.— (Oxford in Asia paperbacks)
“Issued under the auspices ofthe Institute ofSoutheast Asian Studies, Singapore.”
ISBN 967 65 3032 8 (pbk.):
1. Theater—Asia, Southeastern—Dictionaries. 1. Institute ofSoutheast
Asian Studies. I, Title. III, Series.
PN2860.G48 1994
792'.095—dc20
93-6205
CIP

Printed by Kyodo Printing Co. (S) Pte. Ltd., Singapore

Published by Oxford University Press,
19-25, Jalan Kuchai Lama,58200 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
 RREPAGE
THE Dictionary of Traditional South-East Asian Theatre is the result of several
years of preliminary research conducted at the University of Hawaii where
the writer completed his Ph.D. degree in Asian drama and theatre under the
supervision of Dr James R. Brandon, follow-up research both in the field and
at various university libraries in Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Burma, as
well as observation of theatre performances in these countries. Such field
visits yielded valuable data. They also allowed for final checking ofpreviously
gathered material. Documentation was made in the form of photographs,
colour slides, as well as sound recordings of performances. In addition,
interviews with performers, researchers, and observers of theatre were
recorded.
For research and documentation within Malaysia, the writer received
generous grants from the East-West Center, Honolulu, and Universiti Sains
Malaysia, Penang. For these grants and other assistance provided, the writer
thanks these two institutions.
For the final phase of research, the writer was fortunate to receive a
substantial research grant which covered travel and other expenses. For this,
the writer would like to express his deepest thanks to the Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, and to place on record his appreciation
for the assistance rendered during fieldwork by various individuals and
institutions concerned in each of the countries visited. Finally, heartfelt
thanks are due to Datuk Professor Sharom Ahmat for his encouragement and
personal interest in the project.
It is hoped that the present dictionary, the first of its kind, will be of some
use to scholars and students of traditional South-East Asian theatre, much of
which is rapidly changing in character and some ofwhich is likely to succumb
to the winds of modernization. Many genres already face the grim prospect of
total extinction before too long. It is hoped, too, that the present work,
which is by no means complete or even comprehensive, will stimulate further
research in the performing arts and in allied disciplines, particularly in the
remoter regions of South-East Asia where as yet much remains to be done.

Penang GHULAM-SARWAR YOUSOF

21 November 1992
The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies was established as an autonomous
organization in May 1968. It is a regional research centre for scholars and other
specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia, particularly the multi-faceted
problems of stability and security, economic development, and political and social
change.
The Institute is governed by a twenty-two-member Board of Trustees comprising
nominees from the Singapore Government, the National University of Singapore, the
various Chambers ofCommerce, and professional and civic organizations. A ten-man
Executive Committee oversees day-to-day operations; it 1s chaired by the Director, the
Institute’s chief academic and administrative officer.
 IN @IGED LO USE READER:
NAMES in bold capital letters are those of real people. The headwords of all
other entries are in bold upper and lower case: italics for the titles of play
cycles and literary sources; roman for theatrical genres, characters, and terms.
Entries are in simple letter-by-letter alphabetical order. Country of origin
is indicated in parentheses following the headword. The length of individual
entries is roughly correlated to the importance of the subject, but with many
qualifications, some theatrical genres being much more physically accessible
than others.
An asterisk (*) before a name, term, or title indicates that there is a separate
entry for that subject. “See...” is also used to indicate cross-references from
one entry to another.
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ABAD, Juan (1872-1932) (Philippines).
Journalist and Tagalog dramatist noted for
his reaction against the “moro-moro plays
which, in his opinion, needlessly alienated
the Filipino Muslims. His plays include the
famous * Tanikalang Ginto (Golden Necklace),
considered an anti-American and therefore
‘seditious’ “zarzuela. Staged in July 1902, the
play resulted in one ofhis several arrests.
Abdul Muluk (Indonesia), see Syair Abdul
Muluk, dolmuluk
ABDUL QADIR JILANI, Shaikh (Indo-
nesia/ Malaysia), see wali
Abimanyu (Indonesia/Malaysia). The son
of *Arjuna and Dewi Sumbadra in the
*Mahabharata. He appears in the various
theatre forms, particularly of Java and Bali,
such as *“wayang kulit purwa and *wayang
wong, which have stories (lakon) derived
wayang kulit purwa
ie
from that epic. These lakon inevitably em-
phasize his abilities as a warrior and also his
spiritual abilities attained through medi-
tation. One of the most popular of these
episodes, featured in the “perang kembang
section of a shadow play performance, has
him in battle with Cakil, the leader of the
demonic (*detya) forces.
Refined and well-mannered, but in-
tensely courageous at the same time, Abi-
manyu is said to have learnt the technique
of war from his father and that of medi-
tation from Vyasa, his great grandfather. It
is related that when he approached Dewi
Utari with his proposal of marriage, he told
her that he was still a bachelor, and that if
he was telling a lie at that time (something
which he was doing since he was already
married to Dewi Sundari), his body would,
at the time of his death, be torn to bits and
smashed into pulp. This is precisely what
happens in the Bharatayuddha war with
ACARA BERLADUN
which the Mahabharata closes. He dies, struck
simultaneously by hundreds of weapons
aimed at him by the *Korawa forces and an
elephant smashing his head underfoot.
From his marriage with Dewi Utari he has a
son, *Perikesit, who becomes ruler of Asti-
napura at the end of the Mahabharata when
all the five *Pandawa brothers die.
acara berladun (Indonesia). A dance ex-
ecuted by two rows of performers as they
emerge on to the stage to commence a per-
formance in the *mendu opera. The dancers
complete a circle, singing and dancing, and
then give way to the opening scene of a
selected episode.
ACHAN DAENG, Phra (Thailand), see
Chanthakorop
adegan kereta (Indonesia). The chariot or
cart scene occurring in the first part (*patet
nem) of a nine-hour *wayang kulit purwa
performance. It is presented if a king or
prince of the first audience scene (*paseban
jawi) has to travel in state to another king-
dom. He enters mounted on a chariot
and, following a lengthy description given
by the puppeteer (“dalang) of his magical
powers and those of his chariot, he rides
off.
adegan putri (Indonesia). A scene usually
presented in the second part (“patet sanga) of
a nine-hour “wayang kulit purwa perform-
ance. It is set in the women’s quarters-of a
battle camp. This scene is presented as an
alternative to a hermitage scene (*jejer pan-
dita).
adegan wana (Indonesia). The forest scene
occurring in the first part (“patet nem) of a
nine-hour, three-part “wayang kulit punwa
performance. It depicts the hero’s descent
from a mountain through the forest (wana).
The scene ends with the hero and the
clown-servants (“punakawan) entering an
ogre-infested forest, the setting for a flower
battle (“perang kembang).
ahli lawak (Malaysia/Indonesia). The role
of the comedian or clown (alternatively
named badut) in “bangsawan, comedy being
in)
one of the vital ingredients of the genre. As
in most forms of Asian theatre, the ahli
lawak character has considerable freedom
on stage, in terms of speech and action,
often resulting in the overall tendency to
overdo both. A close companion of the
hero, the ahli lawak is often in a position to
tease as well as advise his master. In a single
bangsawan performance, there are usually
one or two ahili lawak roles.
ahli nujum (Malaysia). An astrologer, inter-
preter of dreams, and fortune-teller, the ali
nujum is a common character in many tradi-
tional Malay theatre genres. See also tok
wak.
Aindarwuntha (Burma), see Eenaung
Alang Dios! (Philippines). Written by Juan
Cnsostomo Soto (1867-1918), it is prob-
ably the best known ofall *zarzuela master-
pieces in the Capampangan language. It is
essentially a love story.
Enrique, a poor painter, has just been
released from prison for the alleged theft
of a diamond crucifix belonging to his
sweetheart, Maria Luz, the daughter of the
wealthy Don Andres. Upon his return to
his home town, he learns of the impending
marriage between Mana Luz and Ramon,
the scion of a wealthy family. Angered by
the unfaithfulness of Maria Luz, he decides
to leave town. A tearful Maria Luz pleads
with him, saying that she has consented to
the marriage only under pressure from
Dona Cucang, her ambitious stepmother.
Enrique refuses to believe her and Maria
Luz is forced to proceed with the wedding.
Meanwhile, her maid, Clara, suffers re-
morse and confesses the truth to Enrique.
On the nightof the alleged theft, she had
seen Enrique leave the house after a secret
rendezvous with Maria Luz. Wishing to
protect the reputation of her mistress, she
had stolen the diamond crucifix to make it
appear that Enrique was there as a thief
rather than as a lover. Clara’s confession,
however, comes too late to prevent the
marriage of Maria Luz to Ramon. A family
friend, Don Monico, succeeds in prevent-
ing Ennque and Ramon from fighting a
duel by revealing to them that they are

really half-brothers and that Maria Luz and
Clara are also half-sisters. The brothers, now
reconciled, return home only to discover
that Maria Luz is dead. They exclaim ‘There
is no God!’ but are reproved by Don Mo-
nico. Repentant, they reaffirm that there is,
after all, a God who rewards the good and
punishes the bad.
alus (Indonesia), see halus
AMIR AMBY
AH (Indonesia), see AMIR
HAMZAH
AMIR HAMJAH (Indonesia), see AMIR
HAMZAH
AMIR HAMZAH (Indonesia). With Islam
ascendant in Java in the sixteenth century,
Muslim literary influence began to be felt
on that island. Among the romances intro-
duced in this period was the epic, Hikayat
Amir Hamzah, whose hero is a historical
personage and an uncle of the Prophet Mu-
hammad. Jt is possible that a prose version
of the life of Amir Hamzah, derived through
Indo-Persian originals, was known in the
western part of the Malay archipelago as
early as the fifteenth century. The first Ja-
vanese versions were in all likelihood based
upon Malay originals. In Java the hero was
given the ancient Javanese title ‘Menak’ and
the whole cycle of tales thus came to be
known as the Menak cycle. In addition to
Amir Hamzah himself, his sons and grand-
sons appear in some of the later tales. Many
of these romances were written in Central
Javanese courts, the most extensive work of
this nature being that of the poets Yasadi-
pura I and Yasadipura II.
It has been noted that there exist similar-
ities between the Menak cycle of stories
and those belonging to the contempor-
aneous *Panji tales. Both these cycles
spread in the region during the same period
and some of the native colouring given to
the Menak tales had the obvious intention
of making them acceptable to Javanese
sensibility.
In Javanese traditional theatre, the Menak
stories were at times placed on par with
autochthonous romances. Thus, in the *twa-
yang golek menak, a form of doll theatre
ANAK RAJA GONDANG
specially developed to perform Menak stor-
ies, the hero was given a pair of compan-
ions, “punakawan, such as those in the
retinue of the heroes of the Panji tales and
the Hindu epics, “Ramayana and *Maha-
bharata. The latter tales constitute the major
repertoire of the principal Javanese shadow
play forms. In the Menak stories, the puna-
kawan are named Marmaya or Umar Maya
and Marmadi or Umar Madi.
Over the centuries since their first intro-
duction into Java, these tales have been con-
siderably expanded. New and independent
romances developed out of the expansion
of Menak material, under the influence of
the older Panji tales. From Java the Menak
romances spread also to Madura, Bali, as
well as Lombok. Little evidence, however,
is found of their usage in theatre beyond
these areas.
anak-anak bangsawan (Malaysia/Indone-
sia). Literally, ‘children of *bangsawan’. A
term applied to a company of bangsawan
performers.
anak dabus (Malaysia). A skewer-like instru-
ment used by entranced “dabus dancers to
inflict wounds upon themselves.
anak mambang (Malaysia). A term used to
describe inexperienced “bangsawan per-
formers considered only slightly better than
those termed “pak pacak. Such performers
are usually given minor roles with limited
dialogue, such as court officials (panglima)
and deities (dewa-dewa).
Anak Raja Gondang (Malaysia/Indonesia/
Thailand). Also known as *Sang Thong in
Thailand, Anak Raja Gondang (The Conch
Shell Prince) is the second most important
story in the repertoire of the *mak yong
dance-theatre. In Malaysia, Indonesia, and
Thailand, its plot remains essentially the
same except in details. As used in Thai
dance-theatre forms, the story betrays Bud-
dhist colouring having been originally de-
rived from one of the *jataka, tales of the
Buddha’s previous lives. The following is a
synopsis of the story as performed in the
Kelantanese mak yong. It is, in Kelantan,
considered as the first part of a trilogy, the
ANAK RANDAI
other two being *Bongsu Sakti and * Bijak
Laksana.
In a dream the king (raja besar) of Se-
rendah Sepagar Ruyong learns that he has
to go hunting for a white elephant with
nine tusks to serve as a mount for his son
who will be born soon. The raja goes hunt-
ing. Meanwhile his wife, Tuan *Puteri
Gerak Jitra, gives birth. The raja, upon re-
turning home, finds that his wife has given
birth to a conch shell instead of a human
child. Accusing her of being a demoness, he
beats the princess and drives her away from
his palace. She takes refuge with an old
palace servant, Wak Pakil Jenang. At his
house, at the edge of the forest, she collects
wood and does household chores. One day,
after cooking some rice and fish, she leaves
for the forest to collect wood.
Out of the conch shell a prince emerges.
This is Anak Raja Gondang. He meets Tok
Wak Pakil Jenang, revealing to the old man
his real identity but at the same time re-
questing him not to reveal his emergence
from the shell to Tuan Puten Gerak Jitra.
The princess, upon returning, finds the
food half gone and her conch shell empty.
She accuses Wak Pakil Jenang of having
stolen her food and eaten the contents of
the shell. The old man denies the accusa-
tions, but cannot reveal the truth due to his
promise to the prince. Tuan Puteri Gerak
Jitra curses the ‘unknown’ person who has
done harm to her. Emerging immediately
from hiding, the prince apologizes to his
mother. The princess is delighted to see
him, but the curse cannot be revoked. Up-
set, they both lament their fate.
Anak Raja Gondang gets his mother’s
permission to explore the surroundings of
their cottage, Discovering a group of royal
children playing in the open field, he joins
them. Later the children tease the royal
cock-hunter. They shave off his hair and
circumcise him, The raja besar orders the
prince’s arrest as he is believed to be behind
the scheme to insult the cock-hunter.
Once the king sees the prince, he feels a
natural attraction towards him and adopts
him. Anak Raja Gondang, however, causes
a great deal of trouble at the palace, in re-
venge for the treatment the raja meted out
to Tuan Putert Gerak Jitra. Unable to bear
it any longer, the raja condemns the prince
to death. The royal executioner’s sword
does not behead the prince, while a mad
elephant sent to trample on the prince
kneels before him. As a last resort, the prince
is fired into the sea through a cannon.
Anak Raja Gondang reaches the under-
sea kingdom of the Sea Dragon King (Raja
Naga Laut). Here he is welcomed, for the
king is Gerak Jitra’s father. However, since
the prince cannot stay underwater for long,
Raja Naga Laut sends him ashore with a
message for the ogre (Maharaja Gergasi).
The prince meets Maharaja Gergasi while
the ogre is searching for food. The Ogre
King welcomes the prince to his forest cave.
One day, while Maharaja Gergasi is away,
Anak Raja Gondang discovers many of his
secrets. Seeing a heap of human bones, he
begins to fear the outcome of his stay with
the ogre. He discovers a series of magical
objects: a bear skin that allows its wearer to
fly, magic oil, and a short staff possessing
magical power (tongkar sakti). The prince
conceals himselfon a mountain peak before
Maharaja Gergasi returns, having first taken
possession of the bottle containing the ogre’s
soul. Maharaja Gergasi, returning, traces
the prince to the mountain top, but is un-
able to capture him, for the prince keeps
pouring oil on the mountain rocks. Anak
Raja Gondang says that he will spare Maha-
raja Gergasi’s life if the ogre will tell him
the secret of attaining invisibility. The ogre
does this by writing the secret magic for-
mula on the rocks. The prince releases Ma-
haraja Gergasi’s soul and the ogre dies. In
the country of Apung Berhanyut, which he
next visits, the prince marries Tuan Puteri
Melur and becomes king. Following fur-
ther adventures, the prince returns to his
father’s kingdom, successfully bringing about
a reconciliation between Tuan Puteri
Gerak Jitra and raja besar.
anak randai (Indonesia/ Malaysia). Literally,
‘children of randai’. It is the name tradi-
tionally given to members of a *randai
troupe.
andir (Indonesia). A Balinese classical dance
considered, by virtue of its structure, as an
older form of *legong keraton. While legong

keraton is danced by three girls, andir is per-
formed by three male dancers. Recent
changes, however, have seen andir being
executed by female exponents. Andir de-
veloped from ritual dances, principally from
*sanghyang, a trance dance. Other elements
that have influenced andir style include
stylized *gambuh movements and the genre’s
adaptation to relatively dynamic music.
Principal andir themes include the Malat
story (“Panji Malat Resmi) based on the
*Panji cycle, stories derived from the *Ma-
habharata, as well as local legends and tales
inspired by natural phenomena. Perform-
ances are accompanied by a “gamelan or-
chestra whose composition differs in the
various districts in which andiris active.
angin (Malaysia). The wind, angin, is con-
sidered by the Malays as a causal agent of
many diseases, rheumatism (sakit angin), for
instance, or sakit angin tofan (syphilis). Again,
the term, as in sakit angin mambang, posses-
sion by the evil mambang spirits, may be
crudely described as illness due to the ‘ghost
wind’. The wind is one of the four ele-
ments (anasir) of which every living entity 1s
composed—in fact, the most important of
wayang kulit siam (ritual)
ANTAWACANA
these elements. Thus, any imbalance of the
wind in particular and of the elements as a
whole in the human anatomy causes illness,
usually of an emotional or psychological
variety. Such illnesses are, of course, often
conceived of as being due to spirits (*hantu).
There is a third application of the term
angin, in this case meaning a strong attrac-
tion or penchant for something, including
specific genres of traditional theatre. In
such cases, performances of the appropriate
genre, such as *main puteri, *mak yong, or
*wayang kulit siam in their ritual (*berjamu)
versions, have to be performed to effect a
cure. This may involve exorcism or ‘wind
blandishment’ (semah angin or menyemah),
or both. The patient is often required to
participate actively in such performances
even where he or she has no previous
experience, for such participation, even if
only tentative or minimal, helps release the
tensions within, thereby causing emotional
release and effecting a ‘cure’.
antawacana (Indonesia). A term referring to
the manner in which a shadow play (*wa-
yang kulit) puppeteer (“dalang) presents the
dialogue to the audience. The technique is
ARJA
also sometimes termed pocapan or ginem, and
in Bali megunem. The dalang’s vocal tech-
niques indicate a character is soft-spoken
or forceful, bland or coquettish, refined or
coarse. His style of speech must also com-
municate the atmosphere of a scene, which
could be quietly conversational, hilarious,
threatening, or solemn. The acquisition of
this skill requires a deep understanding of
all wayang characters and a mastery of mim-
icry.
arja (Indonesia). A form of opera or musical
comedy active in Bali. Performances in-
corporate the elements of song, dance,
drama, and comedy in addition to panto-
mime. They are accompanied by a “gamelan
orchestra.
Earlier versions of ara with minimal
comedy elements were performed entirely
by men, and without musical accompani-
ment. Recent decades saw arja’s principal
roles being taken over by female artistes.
Currently, the form has changed again, to
allow for mixed performers and an en-
hancement of the comic content. Women’s
arja, however, continued to be performed
untul recently. On the whole today the male
and comic parts are played by men while
romantic roles are handled by women.
Arja is characterized by a strong senti-
mental strain and a tendency to caricature.
The plot, however, is strongly developed
compared, for instance, to *gambuh or
*topeng. Thus, the emphasis is on the story
and the singing, rather than on the dance or
music, The accompanying gamelan orches-
tra, consisting of percussion and flute, thus
remains silent for long sections while com-
edy dominates a performance.
Arja themes, in addition to the classical
Javanese ones used also in gambuh, includ-
ing the *Panji romance, and Old Javanese
(Kawi) versions of the “Mahabharata, also
include relatively modern Chinese stories.
The arja heroine role, galuh, closely re-
sembles her counterparts in other Balinese
dance forms both in performance style and
costumes. This is also true of her attendant,
*inya. In addition, the galuh actress may
have two younger assistants named Bajan
and Sangit, distinguished from the inya by
their costumes.
One peculiar role found only in arja is
*]imbur, a mature strong-minded woman
with masculine characteristics including a
deep, determined voice and large com-
manding gestures. This role is often played
by female impersonators. The limbur actress
may represent the mother or mother-in-
law of one of the principal characters in a
play, and there may be one or more limbur
roles in a performance. She has an attend-
ant, named Desak, whose manner and
head-dress are sometimes slightly peculiar,
even eccentric. A limbur may appear with
one or a pair of them, each with a distinct-
ive peculiarity of gesture which establishes
her character, or even without any of them.
In addition, there is the *liku role, that of
an ugly, foolish character who generally
tries, as a result of manipulation by the lim-
bur character, to usurp the place of the real
heroine in her lover's affections, sometimes
getting away with it unul near the very end
of a story. A character parallel to liku is the
rich and foolish nval young man, often a
boor.
Although the minor secondary charac-
ters are the source of some humour, the
principal comedians in arja are the universal
comic servants, *Punta and *Kertala, here
named Punta and Wyil. As in all genres of
Balinese theatre, they serve as interpreters of
the classical language into the vernacular.
Each of these arja role types has its own
technique encountered within a common
characteristic style, seen among principal
characters and in the performance as a
whole. Much of the technique, as in all
Balinese dance-theatre, derives ultimately
from gambuh. The specific adjustments res-
ult from the greater flexibility possible in
arja. The presentation of specific characters
also betrays some influences from other
genres, including *calonarang and *baris.
Similarly, certain basic styles of acting or
character presentation seen in arja belong to
standard Balinese traditions and conven-
tions as a whole. They reflect the overall
artistic sensibility of the island.
The curtain plays an important role in
the entrance of an arja actor. As in topeng,
the shaking of the curtain from inside, the
long hesitations, withdrawals, half-exits, and
the renewed reluctance to emerge serve as a

powerful means of creating suspense. The
arja curtain is drawn smoothly, unlike that
of topeng, in keeping with the slow tempo
both of the players and the play. The sing-
ing voice of the servant is often heard from
behind the curtain long before her entry.
This is also the case with the heroine’s entry
which takes place after that of the servant.
In this manner, adequate preparation is made
for the entry of each character while the
audience’s anticipation is also aroused. The
emergence ofboth the inya and the heroine
leads into intricate dance movements and a
rapid cadence ofspeech peculiar to the inya.
To this the heroine replies expressing her-
self, as her role demands, only in singing. A
considerable stretch of business thus pre-
cedes the actual unfolding of a story.
The entry of Punta and Wijil takes place
next from behind the curtain in equally
spectacular and dramatic fashion. Punta’s
style is pompous and his poses splendid. He
is the herald of his master’s grandeur though
he is also the butt of Kertala’s wit. The two
comedians vie with each other in extravag-
ant improvisations of speech and move-
ment. This section provides opportunities
for brilliant movements and comic dances.
The antics of Punta and Wijil often take up
a considerable amount of time before the
entry ofthe hero. The story, of which some
indication has already been given with the
entry of the heroine, galuh, now begins
to unfold. An arja performance tradition-
ally lasts the whole night, ending at about
9.00 a.m.
Agxjuna (indonesia/Malaysia). The middle
of the five *Pandawa brothers in the *wa-
yang kulit purwa versions of *Mahabharata
stories, is physically delicate and good-
looking, tender-hearted and yet iron-willed.
A refined (halus) hero with numerous wives
and mistresses, he is yet capable of the se-
verest discipline and self-denial. A Kshatriya
with a deep sense of family loyalty who yet
forces himself to kill his half-brother, Ar-
juna is to the older Javanese the epitome of
the total man. In contrast to the ascetic
*Yudhisthira, his eldest brother, Arjuna is
very much at home in this world. His out-
standing physical beauty and refinement
cause princesses and maid-servants alike to
ARYA DAMAR
offer themselves to him. It is they who are
honoured, not Arjuna. In contrast to *Bima,
he represents physical grace and gentleness
of heart. In the shadow play stories (lakon)
in which he is featured, Arjuna has a num-
ber of other names, including *Permadi.
These names indicate various stages in
Ayjuna’s life.
Arjuna Wiwaha (Indonesia). One ofthe old
Javanese reworkings of the *Mahabharata
story, Arjuna Wiwaha or Arjuna’s Marriage
by Mpu Kanwa, dates from Airlangga’s
reign. It is composed of thirty-six cantos.
It deals with Arjuna’s penance and temp-
tation on Mount Indrakila. The hero has
accumulated so much power that the gods
think he might be fit to combat the
demon-king, Navatakavaca, for them. To
test Arjuna they dispatch a number of
heavenly nymphs, among them Tilottama
and Suprabha. In spite of their efforts at
seduction, Arjuna remains unaffected. Indra
then visits him in the guise of a sage who
questions him to test his philosophical
acumen. Having passed that test, he is
approached by a huge boar, a demon
incarnate, whom Ayjuna kills. Then Siva as
a Kirata visits him; they quarrel and fight,
and finally Siva reveals himself in his half-
male and halffemale (Ardhanarisvara)
shape. Arjuna receives the Pasupati weapon.
and after many incidents combats the de-
mon Navatakavaca, killing him with an
arrow in his mouth. He becomes Lord of
Heaven for seven days, frolicking with the
nymphs, before returning to his brothers.
Scenes from Arjuna Wiwaha have been
carved on the third terrace of Candi Jago,
a Central Javanese Hindu temple dating
from the thirteenth century. An older dec-
oration inside a hermit’s cave near Tulun
Agun shows Anjuna performing penance on
Mount Indrakila where the nymphs descend
to tempt him. Selected scenes from the
story are performed in the classical Javanese
shadow play, *wayang kulit purwa, whose
repertoire is derived largely from the Maha-
bharata.
arsawijaya (Indonesia), see dalem
Arya Damar (Indonesia). A Majapahit story
ARYO PENANGSANG GUGUR
which serves as a theme in *wayang topeng
performances. Arya Damar is the son of a
king by a giantess who goes to court to
claim his position. The only exploit related
of him in the *Pararaton is that he drew, by
his magic, all the beasts out of the jungle to
congregate in the public square (alun-alun).
Aryo Penangsang Gugur (Indonesia). The
Death of Aryo Penangsang is one of the most
commonly performed stories (lakon) in
*ketoprak. Apparently based upon historical
facts, the story is well documented in Javan-
ese historical records. Ketoprak performers,
however, as a matter of common practice,
rely on oral tradition and recollections of
previous performances. A basic framework
of the story serves as a guideline. No com-
plete scripts are used.
Aryo Penangsang Gugur is set in the ume
of the Sultanate of Demak between the fall
of Majapahit and the rise of Mataram. Dur-
ing this period, various centres of power
vied for political dominance. The story
runs as follows:
Following the death of the third Sultan
of Demak, Trengganu, his third son, is
appointed sultan instead of an older son,
Suryata, as a result of intrigue among royal
relatives and the Islamic religious teachers.
Suryata, who resists the succession, is killed
in a subsequent vendetta. His son, Aryo Pe-
nangsang, regional lord (adipati) of Jipang,
who is aided by the religious leader (suman)
of Kudus, sets out to take revenge on behalf
of his father and to dispose of all those who
stand between him and the succession, Sul-
tan Trengganu is replaced upon his death
by Hadiwiiyo, the husband of his fifth
daughter, and moves the capital. Aryo Pe-
nangsang, enraged by this disregard of his
own candidacy to the Demak throne, attacks
the sultan but dies a bloody death.
atang (Philippines). A minor propitiating
ritual among the Ilocos of the Philippines
that does not always require the services of
a professional medicine man. It consists of
the offering of simple food and wine to the
spirits who have been ‘offended’ by some-
one and who, in turn, have caused in that
person some malady or other. The offerings
include plain boiled glutinous rice (sinukat),
8
glutinous rice boiled with coconut milk
and sugar (suman), betel leaves (buyo),
sugar-cane wine (bast), tobacco, and betel-
nut. The offerings are usually made in a
makeshift shelter or upon a platform. The
medicine man and his assistant light a
candle and as the offerings are made, they
address the spirits solemnly, inviting them
to partake of the food offered to them as an
atonement for the patient’s offence. A plea
for the cure of the patient is included, the
medicine man pointing out that the patient
has suffered enough. The food, the drinks,
and the lighted candle are left on the plat-
form for some time (at times the whole
night). The offerings are then consumed by
the patient and his or her relatives.
awang batil (Malaysia). A form of solo
theatre found in the state of Perlis and, until
recently, also on the island of Langkawi in
Kedah. Currently, there is only one active
performer, Mahmud bin Wahid (Pak Mah-
mud), aged 82, who lives in the Chuping
district of Perlis. Performances take place
with the batil (a brass bowl) player seated
cross-legged on a stage or platform, without
any set or scenery, and telling stones in
rhythmic prose mixed with verse. The sto-
nies are embellished with dialogue, chanting
or recitation, narration, and limited acting.
Costume and mask changes, which take
place with those of characters, are accom-
panied by appropriate mime and vocal
transformation.
Despite awang batil’s possible antiquity,
no concrete evidence is available to indicate
its age or origins. According to Pak Mah-
mud, who has inhented the tradition
through a line of performers going back
several generations, awang batil was in the
past presented .by two or three performers
appearing simultaneously. While telling sto-
ries, they moved about on stage.
The basic elements in a performance,
apart from the extensive repertoire of
stories, consist of the brass bowl or batil, a
double-reed oboe (serunai), masks, and a
short dagger (keris). The repertoire was at
one time fairly extensive. Pak Mahmud re-
members eleven stories although he himself
performs only two of them. The eleven
stories are Raja Dewa Lok, Awang Ada Duit

Semua Jadi, Angan-angan, Anak Dang Pak
Lang, Raja Berdarah Putih, Sultan Dewa,
Awang Belanga, Awang Batil, Awang Malim
Awang Deman, and, for children, Pak Kaduk
and Pak Pandir.
These are mostly folk-tales, legends, or
myths connected with the adventures of
gods and kings. Some of them take five
nights to complete a performance, lasting
between approximately 9.00 p.m. and mid-
night. The batil is essentially a brass bowl
coming in varied sizes. In the past, how-
ever, clay pots (belanga) were used; hence
awang belanga, an alternative name for awang
batil. The batil provides the rhythmic ac-
companiment to the chanting or narration.
According to Mahmud bin Wahid, the me-
tal bowl is also a source of inspiration. He
obtains from it the inspiration or mood
(“semangat or “angin) to perform, and can-
not even remember the stories unless he has
the batil securely in position on his lap.
Certain sacred phrases written inside the
batil in Arabic script serve as charms against
evil or negative influences. They protect
both performer and members of the au-
dience. The oboe (serunat) is used to evoke
court atmosphere. It serves the same func-
tion as does a trumpet (nefiri) in the nobat
court ensemble. Traditionally, awang batil
performances used four wooden masks
painted in bnght colours. These rep-
resented a court official (femenggung), min-
ister (wadit), warrior (hulubalang), and an
astrologer (“ahli nujum). The two still
remaining with Pak Mahmud are the
hulubalang and nujum masks. In design they
are similar to masks used in other states of
Kedah, Kelantan, and Patani. These include
*mak yong (Patani and Riau mak yong uses
masks), *nora chatri, and *mek mulong. The
nujum mask, when combined with a cap,
becomes a tok imam mask. A sacred short
dagger (keris), used in ceremonial situations,
enhances the formality of an awang batil
performance.
As is the practice in traditional Malay
theatre, awang batil performances begin with
theatre consecration (“buka panggung). In
awang batil it is performed in a relatively
simple manner compared to *wayang kulit,
mak yong, or “main puteri. The offerings
consist of betel leaves (sirih), betel-nuts
AYANG
(pinang), and money (“wang pengkeras) to
the value of M$2.15. The ceremonies
consist of prayers (doa selamat) and a sa-
lutation (bertabik) to thank the sponsor or
host of aperformance, to seek advance for-
giveness from the audience for mistakes
during performance, and to prevent any
mishap from offended supernatural beings.
During a performance, the awang batil
performer co-ordinates music and story.
Rhythm and tempo, which create a hyp-
notic effect, are necessary for the smooth
flow of the tales, which, memorized from
the oral tradition, are linguistically and
stylistically complex. Certain stock phrases,
particularly in the introductory portions of
a tale, relate awang batil to mak yong’s
opening *menghadap rebab sequence and to
“wayang kulit siam’s prologue (*dalang
muda). Thus, stylistically as well as struc-
turally, awang batil shares certain features
with equivalent solo theatre styles in
Malaysia and Indonesia as well as with the
most elaborate and oldest traditions of
Malay theatre.
awang belanga (Malaysia), see awang batil
awit (Philippines), see moro-moro
ayang (Cambodia). Cambodian shadow play
theatre using small, single-character pup-
pets, also known as nang sbek touch, nang
kaloun, or nang kalung. The resemblance of
the terminology between ayang and the
Malay/Indonesian term wayang has often
been noted. It is believed that the term
ayang derived from the latter. It should also
be pointed out that nang kalung is a possible
corruption of “nang talung, the name for the
single-character shadow play of southern
Thailand. While the etymological possibil-
ities suggest interrelationships between the
various genres, there is no,conclusive proof
to indicate the origin of ayang. In the Cam-
bodian shadow play, Ayang is also the name
of a deformed character with a bulging
belly who resembles the Javanese *“Semar
and the Kelantanese Malay “Pak Dogol, as
well as other similar characters in Indian
and South-East Asian shadow play styles.
Ayang is performed in a covered theatre
or booth mounted on stakes with a cloth
AYANG
screen covering its front. A torch or a
petroleum lamp is used to cast the shadows
of the skin figures. The technique resembles
that of nang talung and *wayang kulit siam
with a slight variation in that there is a more
liberal use of the sticks used to manipulate
the arms. Thus, a performance is not as
static as it is in the other two varieties of
shadow play. The repertoire consists of old
legends with a considerable measure of
comedy so that, on the whole, the themes
are less serious than those of the more
stately *nang sbek thom, the classical shadow
play.
Ayang figures, however, are designed in
keeping with classical canons so that they
possess elegance and fineness. Techniques
of making these figures resemble the gen-
eral pattern observable elsewhere in South-
East Asia. The designs are drawn in detail
upon a cut-out piece of hide and then
carved. Regional stylistic variations exist.
As a whole, the region around Angkor
seems to maintain the more traditional de-
signs and finer craftwork in the puppets
while districts away from Angkor seem to
have simplified the craftsmanship, thus
giving the figures a cruder and more rustic
appearance.
 B
babad (Indonesia). Chronicles or histories
of various kingdoms and dynasties whose
kings ruled Java and Bali at various times.
Thus, there are, for instance, Babad Tanah
Jawi (The Chronicles ofJava), Babad Bali (The
Chronicles of Bali), Babad Mantawis (The
Chronicles of Mataram), Babad Mangkubumi
(The Chronicles ofMangkubumi) and so on.
While essentially providing details of polit-
ical developments, these chronicles also pro-
vide interesting insights into the cultural
milieu of the various palaces (keraton) besides
giving some indication of the position and
role of performing arts in the most import-
ant courts of Java and Bali. This same role is
sometimes also played by the personal his-
tones of legendary heroes and kings, sirat.
babali (Indonesia). A collective term applied
to the various ritual shadow play genres in
Bali—*sapuh leger, *wayang kulit suddhamala,
and *“wayang kulit lemah.
babat (Indonesia). The *gunungan or kayon,
the highly important leaf- or tree-shaped
figure used in the shadow play (*wayang
kulit), is also known in Bali as babat. This
term implies that the shadow play’s story 1s
divided into sections or episodes and each
section is introduced by means ofthe kayon.
The Balinese babat is shaped as an elongated
oval; in performance it is used to indicate
floods, storms, and other such phenomena.
As it symbolizes the mountain Mahameru,
it is also, as in the case of Java, known in
Bali as gunungan, ‘the mountain’.
baca kenduri (Malaysia). Literally, ‘reading
the feast’, baca kenduri refers to the act of
reading invocations (mantera) or Islamic
prayers (doa) during the theatre consecration
(*buka panggung) rituals with which most
performances of traditional Malay theatre
begin. Most ritualists combine Islamic ele-
ments, such as prayers and verses from the
Holy Koran, with Hindu texts or Malay
language invocations addressed to specific
groups of animistic beings regarded as
guardians of various segments ofthe envir-
onment. Hindu deities are similarly invoked.
Names of prophets from the Semitic tra-
dition and those of Muslim saints (*wali) are
often featured in invocations and favours
are sought from these beings. Many
officiating ritualists (*bomoh), for instance,
request the invisible forces to make their
voices as pleasant as that of David (Nabi
Daud) so that all listeners, human as well as
invisible ones, totally charmed, will stay on
until the very end of a performance.
Bagong (Indonesia). One of the comedians
(“punakawan) in the Javanese *wayang kulit
purwa and *“wayang wong. His appearance in
the punakawan troupe is recent, as the tradi-
tional practice was to have the trio “Semar,
*Gareng, and *Petruk. This was especially
the case in East Java. In West Java, on the
other hand, the normal practice was to have
Bagong and Semar. Today, the four are fre-
quently shown together. Bagong has his
share of physical deformities—a bald head,
a hernia, a bulging fat belly and behind, and
virtually no nose. His peculiar characteristics
are an immensely deep slow voice and his
impenetrable stupidity. He persistently mis-
understands what his master or his fellow
punakawan have to say.
BAI KASSIM (Malaysia). A Penang-born
(peranakan) Indian whose origins were 1n
Bombay, set up a “bangsawan troupe in
Penang in 1902. The highly successful
troupe, named Seri Pelipor Lara, was, how-
ever, more popularly known as Wayang
Kassim, and later as Bangsawan Indera
Zanzibar. The troupe moved to Singapore,
and from that island toured Indonesia for
three years. In Borneo the troupe was given
the title ‘royal’ by the Sultan of Pontianak,
so that it came to be known as the Royal
BAKABA
Zanzibar Theatrical Company of Singapore.
it disbanded in Singapore in 1907.
bakaba (Indonesia). A form of dramatized
story-telling found in the Payakumbuh dis-
tricts of Sumatra in which a solo performer
narrates legendary histories or folk-tales
(*kaba) without any musical accompani-
ment. Bakaba is also used as a general term
for various ways, apart from narration, in
which a kaba is used.
Baladewa (Malaysia/Indonesia). Prabu Ba-
ladewa, brother of Krishna (*Kresna) and
king of Mandura, sides with the *Korawa
clan who are pitted against the heroic *Pan-
dawa brothers in the “Mahabharata. Yet, in
his own way, he is no less striking and ad-
mirable a figure. Given to sudden generous
enthusiasm, unstinting in his loyalties, brave,
hot-tempered, direct, and undoubtedly stu-
pid, he is a marked contrast to Kresna, who
indeed consistently manipulates and out-
wits him. Yet, at the end of the Last War,
when all the heroes including Kresna him-
self are dead and gone, it is Baladewa alone
who is left to guard and bring up *Perikesit,
*Arjuna’s infant grandson, who is destined
to become the ancestor of the Javanese
kings.
BALAGTAS (1788-1862) (Philippines).
Francisco Balthazar, known popularly as
Balagtas, occupies an important place in
Filipino literature and theatre. Although a
fairly prolific writer of poetry, kundiman,
*moro-moro, or “comedia plays, and even a
* =arzuela, his fame rests principally upon his
masterpiece, *Florante at Laura, described
as an awit, The work, published in 1838,
using the traditional moro-moro theme of
Muslim=Christian conflict as a base, depicts
the social, moral, and political situation in
the Philippines during his time as well as
passionately presenting the Filipino patri-
otic ideals. His moro-moro plays were staged
at various places in the Philippines from
about 1835. His principal dramatic works
are Abdal y Miserena, a comedia, first staged in
Abucay, Bataan, in 1859; Bayacoto y Dor-
lisca, a three-act comedia, first staged in Orion
in 1877; Almanzor y Rosalina, a comedia first
staged in the Orion town fiesta in 1841; La
India Elegante y El Negrito Amante, a one-act
zarzuela staged in Orion in 1860 and 1902
and also in Manila in 1944.
balagtasan (Philippines). Named after the
Filipino poet Francisco Balthazar, more
popularly known as *Balagtas, and author
of the famous *awit, *Florante at Laura, balag-
tasan is a verse debate in the form of court
proceedings. Participants assume various
‘roles’. It has a tribunal consisting of a La-
kanbini, Gatpayo, and Lakanilaw. Lakan
and Gat are titles of respect for nobility;
added as prefixes to bini (modesty), ditwa
(soul), payo (reason), and ilaw (light or en-
lightenment), the persons who play these
roles, as in medieval European morality
drama, represent those abstractions. The
proceedings open with a poet (makata)
being placed on the stand in defence of the
flower (bulaklak) of his own choice. He is
then challenged by another poet. Thus
challenged he must move the tribunal by
his logical arguments, using lyrical language
and an accepted musical style. Like the
*duplo, the balagtasan may take unexpected
turns into virtually every conceivable field
of knowledge. It thus requires spontaneous
and quick-witted improvisation of verses.
balian (Indonesia), see belian
balih-balihan (Indonesia). A collective term
used in Bali to describe secular dances, such
as *legong, kebyar, joged, and janger.
BALTHAZAR, Francisco (Philippines),
see BALAGTAS
banaspati raja, see barong kek
Bancak (Indonesia), see Pentul
bangberokan (Indonesia). A folk theatre
form active in certain districts of Java west
of Cirebon and used for healing persons (in
particular children) who fall ill as a result of
spirit mischief. The principal performer
animates a half-tiger half-snake mask, also
known as bangberokan. The tiger head is
shaped out of wood, while the ‘body’ and
‘tail’ of the mythical creature are impro-
vised out of sackcloth. A small orchestra

& both of faith and the supernatural powers
bangberokan
consisting of a double-headed drum (gen-
dang), wooden clappers (kecrek), a trumpet
(terompet), and small gongs (bonang), accom-
panies a performance.
During times of food shortage, a bang-
berokan troupe tours the rural districts. A
performance takes place in an open space
and certain ofterings (sesajen), including two
packages of unhusked rice (padi) which
serve as payment (upah) to the troupe, are
placed. Following the buming of benzoin
(kemenyan) to start off the preliminary rit-
uals, a prelude is played. To the accompani-
ment of two tunes—lagu doblang and lagu
kidung—respects are paid to the ancestors of
the patient being treated.
The performer is completely covered
with sackcloth. His right hand moves the
tiger mask while, with his left hand, he ma-
nipulates the ‘tail’ of the bangberokan mask.
A tiny device held in his mouth serves to
produce the ‘voice’ of the mythical animal
he incarnates. Children generally gather to
‘tease’ the animal and promptly the ‘mon-
ster’ chases them. Any child caught by the
bangberokan is likely to fall ill and further
performances thus become necessary. How-
ever, the more children are caught the live-
lier a performance. Children therefore
deliberately contrive to be ‘caught’ by the
monster. The money given by the parents
of the bangberokan’s captives serves as a
donation to the troupe leader, his only offi-
cial service charge (upah) being the rice.
Following repeated and often crude
dance-like movements to musical accom-
paniment, and after several children have
been ‘caught’ by the bangberokan, the masked
actor enters his “patient’s’ room. In it com-
plete offerings (sesajen) and other parapher-
BANGSAWAN
nalia are placed in readiness. The patient is
treated with Islamuic prayers (doa). The bang-
berokan also massages the child’s body by its
‘biting’ and the clapping of its jaws. The
patient’s pillow is brought out by the bang-
berokan, held in the jaws of the mask. This
pillow is thrown by the monster upon the
roof of the house. Should it land accurately,
a cure 1s assured. After a few days, the child
recovers. This is believed to be the result
manifested in the bangberokan mask. See also
reog.
bangkitan (Malaysia). An extremely im-
portant category of speeches in the *mak
yong dance-theatre and in the shamanistic
*main puteri dance. They are used in very
specific contexts to invoke (bangkit) the
origins (asal-usul) of sacred beings, places,
and objects. Bangkitan are thus phrases of
power, very similar to the invocatory utter-
ances (also known as bangkitan) of ashaman
(“bomoh) when addressing spirits. They in-
voke the spirits or souls (“semangat) of the
places and objects concerned—sacred ponds,
ancestral forests, weapons, and so on—ask-
ing them to be of assistance or friendly to
the appellant. Their use demonstrates the
measure of power the chanter has over the
semangat. The use of bangkitan in theatre
illustrates the close relationship between
traditional theatre genres and the super-
natural world inhabited by forces whose
co-operation is vital in ritual and in effect-
ing healing. It also demonstrates that in
such performances the physical world and
the world of myth and imagination as
found in the stories utilized come into con-
tact on the supernatural plane, that there is
no complete separation between theatre
and reality.
bangsawan (Malaysia/Indonesia). A form of
‘operatic’ theatre which developed in the
1870s in Malaysia and thence spread to
Indonesia, changing in the process both its
name and, to a certain degree, its style. It
also came to be known as *stambul and
*sandiwara although this final term, strictly
speaking, represents a later form which de-
veloped as an intermediate one between
bangsawan and modern drama. Typically,
BANGSAWAN
the South-East Asian ‘opera’ form consists
of sung and spoken drama performed with-
out scripts. It is based upon scenarios which
serve as skeletal guides supplying the plots
and leaving much room for improvisation.
Other features include painted backdrops,
stereotyped acting, incidental music, and
limited, similarly incidental dance.
Amongst the Malays of Peninsular Ma-
laysia, the *mak yong dance-theatre and
*wayang kulit, the shadow play, constitute
the two most important and chronolo-
gically earlier, perhaps ancient, forms of
traditional theatre while bangsawan is the
third most important style of pre-modern
theatre. Owing to its use of standard Malay
and its distribution throughout Malay-
speaking territories, it came closest to a
‘national’ Malay theatre form in contrast to
other geographically localized, culturally
limited styles. In its purest form, bangsawan
spread to Singapore, Sumatra, and to parts
of northern Kalimantan. It spawned as its
offshoots several other genres, some of
which continue to be active, particularly in
Indonesia.
Bangsawan pioneered the introduction
of certain modern elements into Malay
theatre. These included the proscenium
arch, the actor—audience division, and the
darkened auditorium in addition to those
features already noted. The first urban
theatre form to develop in the Malay pen-
insula, it brought in its wake the ‘commer-
cial’ element: salaried performers and paying
audiences. Consequently, bangsawan may
also be termed ‘intermediary’ theatre—a link
between older folk styles and contemporary
Western-inspired drama and theatre that
followed fast on its heels.
The history of bangsawan is usually re-
garded as beginning in Penang in the 1870s
following a visit of a group of parsi theatre
(locally “wayang parsi) performers from
Bombay. Wayang parsi, which used the
Urdu language, found a ready audience in
Penang both among the local population
and the large number of expatriate Indians,
particularly in the armed forces. The initial
enthusiasm, however, appears to have been
short-lived. The single Penang-based wa-
yang parsi troupe encountered problems
which led to its collapse. From the ashes of
wayang parsi rose a local adaptation known
as ‘imitation wayang parsi (tiruan wayang
parsi), the brainchild of a local merchant,
*Mamak Pushi. Tiruan wayang parsi per-
formed stories taken directly from the
wayang parsi repertoire, using only male
performers, Hindustani music, and wayang
parsi costumes. Several tinian wayang parst
troupes developed. Using Penang as a base,
they toured several Malay provinces stimu-
lating the development of yet others and
simultaneously inspiring changes—utilizing
local costumes, music, and stories—which
led to the eventual consolidation of bangsa-
wan as a distinct theatre entity.
It is not known when the term bangsa-
wan began to be used for this offspring of
parsi theatre. The term itself is commonly
believed to derive from two words: bangsa,
meaning ‘race’, and wan, meaning ‘noble’.
Together they connote the nobility, a sense
in which the word continues in contem-
porary Malay language. This interpretation
has fuelled much speculation as to whether
or not bangsawan was court theatre, enjoy-
ing official court patronage. There persists
an unsubstantiated belief that perhaps at
least some of its early performers were
members of royalty. While available evid-
ence indicates that bangsawan was at times
performed for nobility and royal houses did
in some instances lend the ttle ‘royal’ to
certain groups, that was the furthest extent
of court support. There were no court
troupes or royal performers, as far as can be
ascertained. Bangsawan was run almost tot-
ally as commercial theatre.
The size of a bangsawan troupe tradi-
tionally depended upon its wealth, its rep-
ertoire, and upon how successful it was.
This final factor was, in turn, often deter-
mined by the fame of its leading male
(“orang muda) and female (*seri_panggune)
artistes. Overall, there was a great deal of
flexibility in numbers. Groups could com-
fortably make adjustments to use more or
fewer persons according to prevailing cir-
cumstances. Since the only active and rep-
resentative bangsawan troupe in Malaysia
today is the one at Penang’s Universiti Sains
Malaysia, it can be safely assumed that its
thirty-five or so members, including musi-
cians, would, in the past, have made it a

typical medium-sized company. Larger
companies apparently had fifty or more
members.
The principal bangsawan roles consist of
the following:
1. orang muda, literally ‘young man’, the
hero
. Sert panggung, the female lead rol
*ahli lawak, the comedians
AYN
*raja or sultan, the king, or datuk, a
nobleman
5. permaisuri, the queen, and datin or tok
puan, the datuk’s wite
6. *“menteri-menteri or datuk-datuk, the
munisters and courtiers
7. “jinn afrit or raja jinn, the king of the
genies
8. “orang pertapaan, the hermits
9. *hulubalang, the warriors
10. “dayang-dayang, the female attendants
or duenna.
The orang muda usually portrays a prince,
sometimes disguised, in the initial stages of
a story, as a poor man. The selection of an
actor to play orang muda is determined by
good looks, a good singing voice, and re-
fined (*halus) manners.
Altogether in keeping with the concept
of an ideal person, such a role demands
conformity to certain stereotypical ideals.
This is also true of most other bangsawan
roles. Despite his gentle manners and alto-
gether refined qualities, however, the young
bangsawan hero has the ability, when a situ-
ation demands, to overcome all enemies,
human or superhuman, no matter how
powerful, to re-establish nghteousness and
truth. Thus, the hero never loses
competition, be it a “silat or
contest, the wooing of a lady or a challenge
from invisible evil forces.
The seri panggung, literally, the ‘light or
glory of the theatre’, is the principal female
role, and a seri panggung actress generally
plays the heroine (wirawati). The choice of
an actress for this role is based upon criteria
not unlike those applied for the orang muda:
good looks, a good singing voice, and the
ability to dance. Outstanding seri panggung
actresses were once known as prima donna.
The role almost equals that of the orang
muda in importance. A seri panggung’s phys-
ical appearance and beauty generally served,
BANGSAWAN
in the past, as a means of attracting larger
audiences and, consequently, greater profits
to a troupe.
As in much Asian theatre, the role of the
jester or comedian (ahli lawak) is a recog-
nized means of drawing an audience. As
such, most bangsawan performances incorp-
orate one or two such roles. In most in-
stances, such characters are closely associated
with the court or with the person of the
king, prince, or datuk. Ahli lawak actors
have considerable freedom in the impro-
visation of dialogue and action. This is also
the case in their use of make-up and cos-
tumes. Also tolerated is any breach of court
etiquette by an ahli lawak. Often, in addi-
tion to the principal romantic plot invol-
ving the hero and heroine, there is, in
bangsawan tales, a secondary one involving
the ahli lawak and one or more minor
female figures. This serves as the source of
much, often crude, humour.
The raja or sultan is a standard character
in bangsawan stories set in Malay, Indian, or
Middle Eastern kingdoms. The physical set-
ting in which the raja plays his part is one of
pomp and ceremony. Thus, the behaviour
expected of such a character has to be dig-
nified and respectful, calm and controlled.
Compared to that of the raja, however, the
permaisuri role is relatively undeveloped.
The jinn afrit serves as an antagonist in
certain types of bangsawan plays, principally
those derived from Middle Eastern sources,
such as “One Thousand and One Nights. The
jinn character is envisioned as large-sized
and crude (*kasar), evil, and terror-
in any inspiring—qualities derived from popular
“pantun
bangsawan
BANGSAWAN
Malay adaptations of Middle Eastern no-
tions of the jinn.
The menteri or datuk, usually ministers or
court officials but also at times village head-
men, are played by mature-looking actors.
In most cases, their functions are limited to
court ceremonials. As such, they become
merely decorative features, filling the audi-
ence chamber (balai), reporting on develop-
ments inside and outside the court, and
generally setting the atmosphere for the
unfolding of important events.
The hermit’s (orang pertapaan) role is
seldom utilized in bangsawan, but when it 1s
it fits in with certain stereotypes. The
warrior (hulubalang) role is assumed by the
orang muda as well as several others whom
he invariably leads. Battles consist of *silat
fights using short daggers (keris), and most
warriors are dressed in black silat costumes.
The final category, dayang-dayang, are
female servants or attendants to a princess
or queen. The role is usually divided into
two: dayang tua, the older servants, and
dayang muda, the younger servants. There
may be one, two, or more dayang in a play.
Apart from these sometimes specialized
roles, bangsawan uses several supplementary
ones: gods and goddesses, astrologers and
fortune-tellers, persons represenung the
ordinary citizenry, animals, and monsters
No bangsawan troupe, however, 1s oie
without dancers (penari-penan) trained in
both Western and Eastern dances. In the
past, certain popular dances were used dur-
ing extra-turns to facilitate scene changes.
Today, their place has been taken by songs
or comic skits.
During its heyday, bangsawan had a fairly
extensive repertoire drawn from a host of
diverse sources. The facility with which
Malay culture has borrowed elements from
all and sundry is reflected in its literary
sources, its music, and dance forms as well
as in its theatre styles. Bangsawan stories
derive from the following sources: (i) local
history, (11) Islamic and Middle Eastern
tales, (1) Indian stories, (iv) Chinese stories,
(v) Western stories, (vi) Indonesian and
Thai stories, and (vil) contemporary sources.
Stories connected with real or imaginary
history of the Malay world constitute nearly
half of the total bangsawan repertoire.
Having members of royalty as principal
characters, these tales deal with their special
status (kedaulatan) and dignity. Alternat-
ively, tales of this group recount the adven-
tures of real or legendary Malay heroes and
warriors. The values and standards depicted
often reflect the Malay’s own feudal past in
glorious terms, a past with which he con-
tinues to identify. The infusion of super-
natural elements into some of them makes
these stories even more attractive. They
provide a means of escape into a world of
fantasy and romance while also leaving
room for a moral or message.
Themes include oppression or tyranny of
an unjust king and the ensuing punishment;
unfair treatment by an elder queen of a
younger one and its consequences; the
meeting of a prince and princess after one
(or both) of them appear in dreams and
after a quest involving several adventures;
romances between earthly beings and heav-
enly ones and their eventual marnage or,
conversely, separation due to taboos and
prohibitions which suddenly come to light;
and romances between persons of different
social status, which despite hindrances even-
tually lead to successful marriages. Many
devices, familiar from romances everywhere,
complicate the plots: deliberate or uninten-
tional disguises, mistaken identties, trans-
formations, and so on. Bangsawan perennials
from this group include Laksamana Bentan,
Laksamana Mati Dibunuh, Jula Juli Bintang
Tiga, and Dendan Setia.
Certain stories trom the Middle East
and, in particular, those derived from Islam
reached South-East Asia through Persia and
India; others came direct from Hadramaut
or through Acheh in North Sumatra. Islam
brought into the Malay archipelago heroic
romances such as those dealing with the
adventures of “Amir Hamzah, an uncle of
the Prophet Muhammad, and even Alexan-
der the Great, long regarded as a Muslim
hero despite his pre-Chnistian origins. Dur-
ing bangsawan’s early phase, such tales from
the world of Islam were immensely pop-
ular. To an extent, this popularity continues
today. The emphasis, as always, has been
upon adventure, romance, and moral teach-
ing. Such tales in the bangsawan repertoire
include Tajul Muluk, Abu Nawas, Ali Baba

and the Forty Thieves, Laila Majnun, and
* Sharifah Al-Banun.
Although the Indian epics, “Ramayana
and *Mahabharata, form the fundamental
source material for much of South-East
Asia’s traditional theatre, this is not the case
with bangsawan, for while the epics en-
trenched themselves in this region follow-
ing the first wave of Indian influence
around the time of Christ, bangsawan is a
recent cultural phenomenon. Bangsawan
stories of Indian origin seem to have been
borrowed from wayang parsi, and there is a
marked preference for those of Muslim
origin or inspiration. Popular titles include
* Bunga Bakawali and Hawai-i-Majlis, one of
the earliest to be used.
Chinese stories found their way into
bangsawan during its early days particularly
in view of Chinese sponsorship or owner-
ship ofleading troupes. Of these, however,
only one tale, Siti Zubaidah, became pop-
ular.
Through the constant exchange of per-
formers and troupes between Malaysia and
Indonesia, stories from Java and Sumatra
came to be used in Malaysia. These include
*Radin Mas, a Javanese story, and Siti Jami-
lah, a Minangkabau tale, both of which are
still popular. To a lesser extent, Thai tales
found their way into bangsawan through
*nora chatri and “likay.
Most of the tales in the bangsawan rep-
ertoire are romances dealing with the upper
classes. In its later development, bangsawan
used stories involving contemporary issues.
During the Japanese occupation, stones
containing anti-Britisn propaganda are
known to have been performed. Others,
some of them still in use, deal with social or
domestic issues: Siti Jamilah, Bukan Salah
Ibu Mengandung, Nurdin Sabariah, and Sela-
mat Tinggal Bungaku, for instance. Essen-
tially, however, the love theme remains
supreme.
Out of this extensive repertoire a large
selection still remains popular. Many of
these stories bangsawan shares with the Ma-
lay film industry. Due to the very small
number ofactive troupes and relatively few
performances, a large portion of the tradi-
tional bangsawan repertoire inevitably re-
mains dormant.
BANGSAWAN
Technically, bangsawan staging was a vast
step forward into the ‘modern’ era for Ma-
lay theatre. Folk forms such as “mak yong
and menora did not use any specifically
designed permanent theatres (*panggung),
while wayang kulit, the obvious exception
due to its special characteristics, used a vari-
ation ofthe operating box. In most instances,
performances were staged in covered or
open spaces, in parks, or wherever the pub-
he gathered, the audience standing or sit-
ting on the ground or, alternatively, on
available rustic benches. There was no es-
sential separation between the actors’ area
and that for the audience. Ritual perform-
ances, in particular, were characterized by
considerably greater free mingling of per-
formers and audience. Much of this
changed with the arrival of bangsawan.
It was through the agency of Western
theatre that modern drama and _ theatre
came about in Malaysia. Long before this
development, however, the European im-
pact was felt. Bangsawan itself is ultimately
descended from the Italian commedia dell’arte
through Indian and possibly European
intermediaries. Stories from Shakespeare,
the tragedies in particular, were freely used
in bangsawan, suitably adapted with the
inclusion of dances and songs, Malaysian-
style.
Later developments introduced stages
raised on stilts about 1 metre above the
ground to facilitate maximum visibility,
particularly in public fairs (pesta). On the
whole, the physical theatre became a basic
wooden platform with a thatched or zinc
roof, an arrangement still very much in
vogue today in countryside bangsawan per-
formances. A partition used to hang scenery
demarcates the upstage area as a green room.
This space is also used as a resting place
during and between performances. Mem-
bers ofitinerant troupes often sleep on such
stages during performance tours. Indoor
staging, which bangsawan eventually came
to use, became the fashion as time went on,
and specially constructed bangsawan theatres
made their appearance. Thus, the idea of a
closed theatre, a Western importation, found
root in Malaysia and Indonesia.
Technically, bangsawan was the first Ma-
lay theatre form to use the proscenium
BANGSAWAN
stage, to which access was gained through
two doors at the back, stage nght and stage
left, or through entrances at the wings. This
is basically the pattern used in today’s per-
formances. Apart from this, wings and
borders are used, with painted backdrops
serving to establish locale. The wings, usu-
ally consisting of single or multiple flats
hinged together, have designs in keeping
with the backdrops. Neutral colours are
today used for borders although convention
at one time demanded designs consistent
with backdrops and wings.
Traditionally, a bangsawan company’s
collection of backdrops and stage properties
depended upon its wealth. It is possible to
perform bangsawan satisfactorily with a
limited number of basic backdrops—per-
haps half a dozen—taking into account the
following possible locales: the interior of a
palace; a garden; a forest scene; a landscape,
generally a paddy or a village scene; a sea-
scape; and the interior of a poor man’s
house. For more interesting staging,
group sometimes uses alternative drops for
identical settings. There may, for instance,
be two or more painted drops to represent
each locale, some of them cut-outs which
serve to enhance the illusion of depth. Ad-
ditional drops, when utilized, represent
such settings as the sky country (kayangan)
for mythical tales, caves for stories in which
hermits appear, and so on. Thus, a com-
plete set of bangsawan backdrops can reach
approximately a dozen.
In addition to backdrops, wings, and
borders, a complete bangsawan set makes
use of two important front curtains. One is
the ‘drop scene’ upon which is inscribed a
logo or some other design associated with
the troupe. Immediately behind the drop
scene is the second curtain, usually con-
sisting of vertical panels in two colours.
This is utilized during scene changes.
Extra-turns, comic sketches, or songs are
performed in front of this curtain while the
setting is being changed. This curtain also
serves as a street-scene, for the action of a
play is sometimes continued in front of it.
The main curtain is therefore never used
except to mask the beginning and the end
of a performance. Sets generally consist of
basic pieces of furniture. On the proscen-
ium arch appears the name of a troupe, and
above it the crown with decorative features.
The proscenium arch and the crown are, as
a matter of common practice, decorated
with traditional Malay floral designs (awan
larat).
In the past, certain fairly ngid rules
regulated the hanging of the backdrops so
that, from downstage to upstage, the order
was as follows: (i) the drop scene, (u) the
street scene, (iii) the garden scene, (iv) the
palace scene, and (v) the jungle or seascape.
There were certain practical considerations
for this. Usually, the jungle scene and
seascape were required during fighting
sequences. They were thus placed at the
back to allow for more acting space. This
conventional arrangement may stll be
observed.
Bangsawan lighting has always been basic
and by no means subtle. Its function is
purely to provide visibility for, by its very
nature, bangsawan as a theatre style does not
a allow for subtle lighting. Gas lamps were
used in the early penod and these gave way
to fluorescent lightng. Special effects, such
as splashes of colour for battle sequences or
thunder and hghtming effects, are created in
today’s modern theatres with sophisticated
equipment and although lighting does un-
der these circumstances approach natural-
ism at times, this is not in keeping with the
original spint of the genre.
One other element worth mentioning
briefly is the use of music and musical
instruments. Bangsawan utilizes several dif-
ferent styles of music, including Middle
Eastern, Indian, traditional Malay, and
Western, depending upon the story being
performed. The orchestra consists of about
a dozen instruments. In the early stages,
some Indian instruments, such as the drums
(tabla) and bowed lute (sarangi), were taken
over trom wayang parsi. These have given
way to Western instruments—drums, cym-
bals, tambourines, violins, and even the
piano. Wind instruments include the flute,
the clarinet, and the saxophone. In addi-
tion, hand-held drums (rebana), the Indian
drums (tabla) placed vertically and used to
provide the tempo, and harmonium are
featured. The initial tunes played were
Indian and Arabian. Malay classical and folk

melodies, however, soon found their way
into bangsawan so that today’s repertoire
consists of a fairly wide mixture of tra-
ditions. Selection is dictated by the story.
Popular extra-turn items include *dondang
sayang and light semi-classical (asli) music as
well as popular film songs in the Malay,
English, or Hindustani languages.
Bangsawan costumes represent a hotch-
potch, and are designed to conform to the
story’s locale. Traditional Malay costumes
are featured in Malay tales while attempts at
Javanese, Indian, Middle Eastern, or West-
ern costuming are made with some ‘au-
thenticity’.
Overall, bangsawan has features that relate
it to Western commedia dell’arte, on the one
hand, and to diverse Eastern performing
arts, on the other. Although it became
rage during the days between the World
Wars, it rapidly gave away to modern drama
and theatre and succumbed even more
readily to the cinema and television. Today,
bangsawan is rarely seen in Malaysia.
This has to do with bangsawan’s intrinsic
qualities as well as its content which has
remained static. Experimentation in bangsa-
wan has yet to come about. Attempts at
adapting it to modern times and tastes are
non-existent. Its future thus remains in
doubt, at best. It represents the ethos of
another generation, one to which the aver-
age Malaysian or Indonesian of today can-
not relate. To him, there is more excitement
and greater relevance in Western or Hin-
dustani films and television soap opera—
new art forms that serve more satisfactorily
to satisfy an ancient need for elucidation or
fantasy.
bangsawan hadrah (Malaysia), see hadrah
Bangsawan Langlang Buana_ (Indo-
nesia), see mendu
Bantugen (Philippines), see Darangen, sa-
gayan
Banyu Pawitra (Indonesia/Malaysia), see
Lakon Dewaruci
Banyu Suci Pawitra Sari (Indonesia/Ma-
laysia), see Lakon Dewaruci
BARONG
barabab (Indonesia). A form ofstory-telling
in the Minangkabau areas of Sumatra in
which a solo performer uses a spiked fiddle
(rebab) while also chanting stories, *kaba.
Apart from this, ‘acting’ skills of the per-
former are also utilized. Barabab may thus
be termed a proto-theatre form.
Baratayuda Jayabinungan (Indonesia).
The last great war in the Hindu epic, the
* Mahabharata, in its Indonesian version.
baris (Indonesia). A dance in Bali per-
formed by men as a demonstration of
physical strength and maturity through the
use of weapons. It is generally performed in
pairs, with performers arranged in two,
three, four, or five pairs. Accompaniment is
a provided by a “gamelan gong or gamelan gong
kebyar. The costume used by baris dancers is
distinctive, and apparently its design is based
upon ancient Balinese armour; the head-
dress is conical in shape. The steps and
movements of the performers are precise
and deliberate, thus giving emphasis to the
martial aspects of the dance.
Several varieties ofbaris are active in Bali,
each style named after the weapon used.
Baris cendekan uses a short lance (cendek);
baris panah makes use of bows and arrows
(panah); baris presi and baris tamiang dancers
carry a shield (presi or tamiang); and baris
bajra dancers carry a club (gada) as their
weapon.
The varieties of baris mentioned above,
and yet others, are performed without story
elements. However, there does exist a style
of baris that may appropriately be described
as a dance-theatre. This is baris lampahan,
which is performed using stories derived
from the *Mahabharata or from * Arjuna Wi-
waha, incorporating all the elements of baris
mentioned above, but with the addition of
a plot. There is, however, no spoken text in
baris lampahan.
baris lampahan (Indonesia), sce baris
barong (Indonesia). The Balinese villager 1s
immersed in, and constantly preoccupied
with, his deified ancestors as well as the
numerous spirits and magical forces that
share his world with him. They constantly

SES
barong
disturb his health and well-being as well as
peace of mind unless their demands are
satisfied. Good and evil appear side by side,
and one cannot really be separated from the
other without disturbing the balance. The
ancestors and spirits must, occasionally, be
propitiated, particularly on special festive
occasions, such as *Galungan and * Kuningan,
the dual festivals marking the Balinese New
Year, with offerings that take the form not
only of food and flowers but also of dances,
music, and theatrical performances. It is not
possible, therefore, to look at Balinese per-
forming arts apart from the social and reli-
gious context in which they are performed.
The barong drama is no exception. Indeed,
it is one of the most powerful manifesta-
tions of the interrelationship between man
and the supernatural in Balinese society.
In essence, the barong performance is a
physical manifestation of the confrontation
between two forces, symbolized by the
masked figures of Barong, the mythical
animal, and the witch “Rangda, and often
viewed, though incorrectly, as respectively
positive and negative.
In Bali, various barong masks are used,
including those of the tiger (macan), wild
boar (bangkal), elephant (gajah), lion (singa),
cow (lembu), and the “barong kek mask
which does not correspond to any known
animal. Universally described as banaspati
raja or Sovereign Lord of the Forest, it is
magically the most powerful of all barong
masks. j
Like all sacred objects, the Barong mask
is hung so that it never touches the ground.
The Barong, when in action, is manipulated
by two men, one forming the front and the
other forming the hind legs. Both dancers
wear trousers striped horizontally in white,
red, and black.
Rangda, the name of the other protag-
onist of the barong drama, is a Balinese word
meaning ‘widow’. As such, it has mythical
connections with the graveyard, in popular
Balinese imagination the home of the dead
and the source of all that is evil and negat-
ive. Rangda is often seen as a manifesta-
tion of Durga, the negative or demoniacal
aspects of Parvati, Siva’s wife. Rangda wears
a white mask with large, protruding eyes
and huge white teeth and fangs. The mask
is further furnished with long tresses of
goat’s hair covering Rangda’s back and
falling in front, over her red, black, and
white entrails which hang between her
pendulous breasts. A long tongue with
flame-shaped designs hangs from her gaping
jaws. Flames also appear from her head,
apart from her mouth, indicating the all-
consuming fire that issues from the witch.
Rangda’s arms and legs are covered with
striped red, black, and white cloth edged
with shaggy hair, and a head of the garuda
bird (from the Ramayana) is attached
behind her, designed as a part of her belt. In
addition, long strips of tongue-like leather
hang down from both her thighs, and she
is further armed with long, transparent
fingernails. Thus, she appears through the
split gate of a temple (pura) between two
umbrellas and hidden from view by a white
cloth of invisibility which is painted with
magic symbols and figurines. The cloth and
fingernails are indispensable, as are the ban-
ners, which, when held down with their
points crossed in front of Rangda, sym-
bolize her flight through the air.
The basic and most essential element in
the barong drama is the conflict between
these two principal protagonists, Barong
and Rangda, though the conflict itselfis all-
engulfing and embraces the entire com-
munity in which it is worked out. Today,

even with the incorporation into the per-
formances of additional story elements
derived principally from the Indian epic,
*Mahabharata, the basic pattern in which
the conflict between Barong and Rangda is
highlighted is still retained. Various other
modifications, particularly in terms of
duration and content, are also made to
make performances suitable for non-ritual
situations.
Performances open with the entry of the
Barong, accompanied by several comic
masks known as *jauk or “omang. These
vary from contortions of the human face to
ogre masks, although nowadays monkey
masks are becoming increasingly popular.
It is established that the Barong, though
fierce-looking, is essentially good-natured
and friendly. The Barong’s exit after the
initial encounter with the jauk brings in
Rangda who is then encountered by Ba-
rong in its next entry. Rangda’s entry
brings in the entranced keris (dagger) dan-
cers, who are overpowered by the witch,
turning their keris on themselves. The keris,
however, do not pierce the dancers for they
are saved and protected by the benevolent
magical powers of Barong. They fall on to
the ground unconscious. Rangda, defeated
by Barong, leaves the battleground.
In terms of the Balinese world-view, it
is not possible to state definitively that the
Barong figure represents the good while
Rangda represents the evil forces and that
the barong drama is thus a confrontation be-
tween these two forces. It is often explained
by the Balinese that the two forces were
originally both inimicai to man. In essence,
Barong is 2 monster of the same kind as
Rangda. He is often regarded as an emana-
tion of Ranegda herself. However, Barong
was won over and has thus become an ally
of the Balinese villagers, their protector
against the dark, death-like intruding forces
symbolized by Rangda. The conflict is a
powerful one and often victory, even of
Barong, seems in doubt. This is when the
village mediums (pemangku) rush im, en-
tranced, with their keris to defend Barong.
Rangda casts her spell over them and they
turn their weapons against themselves.
However, Barong makes them invulner-
able. They merely faint, and once the battle
BARONG BANGKAL
between Barong and Rangda is over, they
are revived by a hermit (pandita).
The dramatic victory of Barong over
Rangda is a reassertion of Barong’s support
and protection for the villagers. It is a visual
symbol of the preservation of the village
community which had been jeopardized by
Rangda, and a pledge ofcontinuing protec-
tion. For in the confrontation between the
two forces, no matter how powerful, the
negative forces are never completely or
permanently defeated. Evil can never be
completely destroyed, for evil and good,
negative and positive, male and female, are
coeternal and essential for each other. The
evil forces are merely driven away for a
time from the precincts of the village into
the realms of the dead where they rightfully
belong. They are bound to reappear, and
such a reappearance will be marked by
another confrontation, such as the one that
has just transpired between Barong and
Rangda. For now, the victorious Barong
returns in triumph to the village temple in
procession, while the mask of Rangda, no
longer animated, is carried in its covered
basket to be placed in the temple for it, too,
like the Barong mask, is sacred. Here it will
remain until the next occasion, when once
again it is time for the conflict between
Barong and Rangda. Thus it has been from
time immemorial, and thus it will continue
to be. See also Calonarang, calonarang,
bangberokan.
barongan rimau-merak (Indonesia/Malay-
sla), see reog
barong asu (Indonesia). The word asi means
‘a dog’, and the barong asu is ‘one that wears
a dog mask’. It is considered highly sacred,
and is found in the district of Pacung or
Tabanan in Bali. Performances of barong asu
take place during the celebrations of tem-
ple anniversaries (odalan) in the district
of Pacung. During the *Galungan and
*Kuningan celebrations, the barong asu is
taken in procession. In every district it
visits, it is given offerings and the villagers
seek their well-being from the barong.
barong bangkal (Indonesia). The barong
bangkal, used in Bali, is a mask of an old
BARONG GAJAH
wild pig. It is considered a mythical animal
with special powers. The costume ofsuch a
mask is made of black and white velvet.
The barong bangkal emerges during the
*Galungan and *Kuningan festivities. It is
animated by two persons and moves around
the entire village. With the performance of
a barong bangkal, the villagers feel that they
are protected by the gods and goddesses
whose appearance is marked with the ar-
rival of the barong. Musical accompaniment
is provided by a gamelan batel bebarongan.
barong gajah (Indonesia). The barong gajah
mask is shaped in the form of an elephant
and is considered sacred (keramat). This
barong is shown in procession in various
Balinese villages during the *Galungan fest-
ival.
barong kek (Indonesia). The Balinese barong
kek [ket], also known as banaspati raja (Sover-
eign Lord of the Forest), is a mask having
the combined features of the hon (singa),
tiger (macan), and cow (lembu). Such a barong
mask is considered sacred (keramat) and is
kept in a temple (pura dalem). The hair of
the barong kek is usually made from black
sugar-palm fibre (ijuk). There are also some
masks made from the feathers of a heron, a
crow, or a chicken. The decorative head-
piece, known as sekar taji, is carved in
leather, coloured golden and decorated
with glass.
barong landung (Indonesia). Among the
special forms of “barong are the more-than-
life-sized masked figures of Jero Gede and
Jero Luh, who portray an old married
couple and are played by men in the Bali-
nese barong landung. The masks are usually
kept in a temple and are sometimes
considered to have extraordinary magical
powers (sak¢t), Barong landung performances
take place, above all, dunng *Galungan
when the masked figures go in procession
from village to village singing folk songs
that are often quite coarse.
barong macan (Indonesia). The barong macan
mask is shaped hke a tiger. The macan,
regarded as a mythical animal, is quite well
known in Bali, especially in tales connected
with Tantrism. Its mask is made of velvet
with designs like the skin of a uger. This
style of *barong is found in Pura Pacung.
basijong (Indonesia). A variant style in *ran-
dai using stories depicting the deeds of
the Minangkabau hero, Si Tongga Maget
Jabang. Also known as basitonga.
basitonga (Indonesia), see basijong
basur (Indonesia). A form of Balinese dance-
theatre named after the leading character
in the principal story, also named Basur,
used by the genre. In some ways, Basur is
regarded as the male counterpart of *Ca-
lonarang or the witch *Rangda who is
encountered in several Balinese dance-
theatre styles. Basur as a performed dance-
theatre style is sometimes connected too
with *arja, for the *gamelan used is that of
arja and it also has some of the character
types familiar to arja audiences. These are
played by actors selected principally for
their singing ability and voice. The Basur
story is popular in the performances of arja
and *barong. It goes as follows:
I Nyoman Karang, who lives in Banjar
Sari, has two daughters, the elder named Ni
Sokoasti and the younger Ni Rajasa. Both
are extremely beautiful. At the age of six
months, Ni Rajasa dies as a result of black
magic, and the mother of the owo girls dies
as a result of poisoning by her neighbour,
Ni Rempang. Thus, only | Nyoman Karang
and Ni Sokoasti are left. | Nyoman Karang
serves as a good teacher and adviser to his
daughter. When she grows up, many young
men are interested in marrying her. One
day, | Gede Basur comes in with a proposal.
He wishes Ni Sokoasti to be married to his
son, | Tigaron.
Because of | Gede Basur’s arrogance,
I Nyoman Karang does not entertain the
proposal. He leaves it to his daughter to
make her own choice. Even before she has
the chance to respond to I Gede Basur,
another proposal comes from I Made Tanur
of Banjur Sekar who wishes the beautiful
Ni Sokoasti to marry his son, I Tirta. Ni
Sokoasti chooses | Tirta as her husband.
I Gede Basur returns home feeling offended.
As a result of the rejection, | Gede Basur

feels very disappointed, and resolves to take
revenge against | Nyoman Karang and Ni
Sokoasti. He decides to kill Ni Sokoasti
with his black magic. Changing himself
into a fearful giant, he flies to the house of
Ni Sokoasti to cast his magic spell. This
causes Ni Sokoasti to become unconscious.
In a state of panic, | Nyoman Karang seeks
the assistance of | Kaki Balian. The latter
comes immediately and starts his treatment.
Soon Ni Sokoasti regains consciousness.
Due to I Kaki Balian’s strength, I Gede
Basur is defeated. Thus, he is unable to kill
Ni Sokoasti. While he is in such a state of
confusion, there comes a shaman (*belian)
who pretends to have treated Ni Sokoasti.
This belian is hired by I Gede Basur and
through him another effort is made to kill
the girl. But I Gede Basur is once again
unsuccessful.
As a result of the help rendered by I Kaki
Balian, Ni Sokoasti recovers her health
completely and also her beauty. She now
awaits the time for her wedding to I Tirta.
On the other hand, I Tigaron also feels
downhearted because his proposal has been
rejected by Ni Sokoasti. Suddenly, there
comes Ni Garu, a dishevelled woman who
tries to persuade I Tigaron to forget Ni So-
koasti. I Gede Basur, who happens to arrive
at this time, misunderstands the woman's
intention. In his anger he chases her away.
Ni Garu is really hurt by the behaviour of
I Gede Basur. She goes off wandering aim-
lessly and lamenting her fate. As soon as
night arrives, Ni Garu, who has entered a
graveyard, asks the guardian spirits of the
graves to end her life. Soon Betan Durga
arrives and asks Ni Garu the cause of her
melancholy disposition. Ni Garu, having
told Betari Durga the cause for her sadness,
seeks black magic from the goddess so that
she can defeat I Gede Basur. When her
request is rejected, she asks to be killed, in-
dicating that she prefers death to the shame
of rejection. After further consideration,
Betari Durga agrees to provide Ni Garu
with the black magic she wants. Having
acquired the power ofblack magic, Ni Garu
now returns to confront I Gede Basur. A
great war breaks out between Ni Garu and
I Gede Basur. Since the magical power
given by Betari Durga to Ni Garu is greater
BASUR
than I Gede Basur’s, he repents his beha-
viour and from then on I Gede Basur
becomes conscious of his evil deeds. He
decides never again to hurt others.
In the performance version of this story,
as noted by Beryl de Zoete and Walter Spies
(Dance and Drama in Bali {1938}, 1973),
Basur assumes the form of Ranegda, the
visible manifestation of black magic and
divine power. Rangda is overthrown after a
fight with Ni Sokoasti’s father. Elements of
trance and keris fights are included.
As in arja, basur performances incorpor-
ate the role of the mother or stepmother,
*limbur. In addition, there are the three
roles of the fathers of Ni Sokoasti, I Tigaron,
and [ Tirta. Ofthese, I Gede Basur is by far
the most important. He wears a distinctive
head-dress expressive of his erratic character.
In basur, the three fathers, being characters
of lower caste, are not introduced by the
usual Balinese *penasar characters, although
*Kertala does appear as their servant.
I Tirta, as the male lead figure, is dressed as
an arja prince, while I Tigaron is featured as
a mad *mantri character. The black magi-
cians who attempt to heal Ni Sokoasti are
sometimes presented as evil spirits (“leyak).
In addition to the limbur role, there is also
present the *desak, her servant, wearing a
head-dress of flowing palm-leaf streamers
and with eccentric dance steps.
In structure, there are resemblances be-
tween basur and ara performances. The
opening scene introduces the “inya and
Ni Sokoasti, in which Ni Sokoasti relates
her love for I Tirta. The next scene, in
I Gede Basur’s house, presents I Gede Basur
dancing in the style of *Punta. I Tirta’s
father, who now emerges, is followed by
I Tirta dressed like a *gambuh prince. We
learn that I Tirta does not wish to marry.
Following an argument, I Tirta and his
father go to Ni Sokoasti’s house to ask for
her hand.
After a short introductory scene between
I Nyoman Karang and his daughter in
which he persuades her to get mar-
ried, | Gede Basur enters and then comes
I Tirta’s father. The rival fathers interview
I Nyoman Karang. Some comic business is
provided here by the servant characters.
I Tigaron weeps when asked to fight
BATALEREK
I Tirta. I Gede Basur then performs his
magical dance as a bird. Ni Sokoasti is
struck with illness. | Gede Basur now
appears as Rangda and the conflict between
him and I Nyoman Karang takes place.
Rangda, overpowered, lies in a heap on the
ground. When Rangda rises she is attacked
by keris-wielding dancers. All of them turn
around and roll on the ground. Rangda 1s
finally taken off in a trance. The sacred
mask is kept in a temple in a basket, as it
normally is following a barong performance.
batalerek (Indonesia). In the *randai dance-
theatre, the term batalerek refers to the nar-
ration of love stories and romances.
batalla (Philippines). One of the most pop-
ular features of the *comedia or *moro-moro
in performance. It is a stylized battle, usually
well choreographed, in which dance move-
ments derived from the arnis are incorpor-
ated.
batang pisang (Malaysia/Indonesia). The
banana tree-trunk(s) into which the puppet
handles of the shadow play, *wayang kulit,
are pierced so that the figures stand in place,
casting their shadows on the screen (*kelir).
The positioning of the figures in this man-
ner allows the puppeteer (*dalang) to ma-
nipulate their arms or jaws as the puppet
characters speak or otherwise engage in
some activity. In the Malaysian “wayang
kulit siam, two batang pisang of differing
heights are affixed to the screen, placed
next to each other, The ends of the batang
pisang are used for placing the figures that
are either not used or not immediately
needed by a dalang. Traditionally, the batang
pisang never get changed during a series of
nights or a ‘season’ once the *panggung has
been ritually opened. In symbolical inter-
pretations of “wayang kulit punwa and wayang
kulit siam, the batang pisang are known as
penggalang dunia (‘support of the world’) or
dinding dunia (‘wall of the world’). See also
gedebong.
batin (Malaysia/Indonesia), see halus, kasar
bayok (Philippines), see bayuk
bayuk (Philippines). Poetic verses, chanted
repartee, and songs composed in metaphor-
ical language to express thoughts and ideas
that defy direct expression for a host of
reasons including the need to be discreet in
unpleasant matters or in love relationships.
Bayuk are found principally among the
Muslim Maranao and Maguindanao com-
munities of the island of Mindanao, but they
have also been recorded or known to have
been used among the Maragusan Mansakas,
a Christian group. Though overall the bayuk
style of singing or chanting is associated
principally with the Muslim groups, it is
possible in view of the bayuk’s contents, that
the genre derives from pre-Islamic times.
The contents of bayuk recitals vary
according to the circumstances and needs of
the occasion. In general, bayuk verses are
used to praise a visiting dignitary, mdi-
viduals, or even government projects or
policies as well as insututions in the same
manner as the “*dikir barat in Kelantan, Ma-
laysia, for instance, has become increasingly
utilized for the praise of government
achievements, something quite alien to its
onginal functions. Traditionally, baywk dealt
with love relationships or served to impart
religious, moral, or ethical values. Among
the Maranao communities, however, bayuk
also utilizes passages from the epic, *Da-
rangen, principally those dealing with the
courtship and loves of Bantungen, its hero.
Among the Mansakas, similarly, the bayuk
utilizes portions of their native epic, par-
acularly those dealing with the abduction
of Masadya.
Stylistically, baywk consists of one or two
stanza pieces, the former being considered
older and more sophisticated. Maranao per-
formances involve the use of fans as stage-
properties in an artistic manner to cover a
portion of a performer's face. During a
bayuk recitation, these fans are incessantly
waved back and forth to give expression to
the eyes and to incorporate limited dance
movements. Performances, however, do not
develop into elaborate dance-theatre.
Despite the utilzation of chanted or
sungtexts from the Darangen and the use of
simple hand properties and costumes, bayuk
recitals or jousts (kambayoka) do not con-
sutute developed theatre activity, although

there are in them potentially theatrical ele-
ments, including a shift in identity, with a
singer becoming a character. Passages with
such potential, however, seem to be the
exception rather than the rule in baywk.
Kambayoka begin with two or more
women singers (“onor) well-versed in the
art of bayuk chanting or singing, often with
a supporting choral group. The ‘audience’
comprises the third group. Introductory
remarks from the patron, from important
members of the community, or from the
supporters of one group initiate the action.
Although essentially friendly sessions, kam-
bayoka have been known to turn hostile and
unpleasant. A judge or a team of judges
evaluates a performance using lucidity of
description and excellence of language as
criteria.
Despite modernization and changing cir-
cumstances, bayuk continues to retain some
ofits popularity.
bebali (Indonesia). A group or category in
dance and dance-theatre, principally that of
Bali. Bebali dances are those that function as
accompaniments to, or constitute part of,
ceremonies (upacara or upakara) in temples
(pura) or in Open spaces immediately out-
side. As a general rule, such dances make
use of story-lines or plots (lakon). Dances
included in the bebali category are *wayang
wong, parwa, *topeng, and *gambuh, as well as
several others created from these.
bebanten (Indonesia). In the Balinese tradi-
tional theatre forms, bebanten are the ofter-
ings made prior to performances. These can
be simple or elaborate depending upon the
nature and purpose of a performance as well
as the story (lakon) selected.
bebanten wayang (Indonesia). A complete
set of offerings given before a Balinese
shadow play (*wayang kulit) performance to
ward off evil spirits and powers of black
magic. Also known as bebantenan.
bedaya (Indonesia). One ofthe two types of
highly refined Javanese court dances per-
formed only by women, the second one
being *serimpi.
Bedaya, probably dating from the seven-
BEDAYA KETAWANG
teenth century, is performed by nine female
dancers. The background to this dance is a
legendary event, the meeting between Sul-
tan Agung and Nyai Lara Kidul, goddess of
the Southern Sea. Javanese legend has it
that Sultan Agung, the greatest king of
Mataram, married the mythical Nyai Lara
Kidul. Legend further claims that all suc-
ceeding Sultans of Mataram also married
Ratu Lara Kidul. On special occasions,
when a Mataram king felt the threat of war,
he obtained the assistance of the invisible
troops ofthe equally invisible queen.
There are several variant bedaya forms:
*bedaya ketawang, bedaya semang, bedaya be-
dah mediun, and bedaya arjunawiwaha. Bedaya
ketawang, created by Sultan Agung in the
second half of the seventeenth century, re-
enacts the legend mentioned above. It is
considered the most sacred of all bedaya
dances. As such, it was in the past featured
only on very special occasions such as the
coronation of aking. Today, it is performed
in the Surakarta palace (keraton) once every
thirty-five days on Selasa Kliwon when
Tuesday (Selasa) of the modern calendar
coincides with Kliwon of the Javanese five-
day week.
Bedaya semang, created by Sultan Agung
Amengku Buwana II at the end of the
eighteenth century, once played a similar
role in the Yogyakarta court. This dance 1s,
however, no longer performed.
bedaya ketawang (Indonesia). A sacred court
dance from Surakarta (Solo), based on the
theme of the marriage ofthe third and great-
est king of the kingdom of Mataram, Sultan
Agung Anyakrakusuma to Nyai Lara Kidul,
goddess of the Southern Sea. The dance
depicts how the goddess falls in love with
Sultan Agung and then expresses her inner
feelings in a graceful dance. She eventually
manages to arouse the admiration and affec-
tion ofthe youthful king.
According to the book Babad Tanah Jawi,
Nyai Lara Kidul was first married to Pe-
nembahan Senapati, the first king of Mata-
ram. With her help, Penembahan Senapati
managed to expand his kingdom, founded
at the beginning of the sixteenth century,
with its seat in the region of present-day
Yogyakarta. Later, the goddess married his
BEDOLAN
grandson, Sultan Agung. There has survived
a popular belief that each of the Mataram
kings married Nyai Lara Kidul. See also
bedaya.
bedolan (Indonesia/Malaysia). In the clas-
sical Indonesian shadow play, *wayang kulit
purwa, bedolan is the art of plucking a figure
from its base in a smooth and fluid manner.
A large and heavy giant figure must be
moved without the appearance ofjerkiness.
On the other hand, when a small female
figure is being handled, a very delicate touch
called metit is required. When an army or a
whole group of figures is lifted, part of the
base as well as its central support is gripped
for additional steadiness. The grip is called
nyagak.
belian (Indonesia/Malaysia). In several parts
of Indonesia and Malaysia, a medium,
whether male or female, is referred to as
belian, balian, or walian. The words balian,
walian, and their variants derive from a root
word meaning ‘to return’ (bali, wali, etc.).
This suggests the return of the spirits to a
place or person. In the latter situation,
trance may result. In Bali, the term walian,
among others, applies to male mediums
while the better known *sanghyang is used
for female trancers.
Benco (Indonesia), see Tembem
bengberokan (Indonesia). An alternative
name for the ritual masked dance-theatre
form “bangberokan. The name bengberokan
occurs in the Sumadeng district of Java.
Bentara Kala Episode (Malaysia). In ritual
(*beriamu) performances of the Malay
shadow play, “wayang kulit siam, a story of
Bentara Kala, a son of Betara Guru (Siva) in
the shape of a giant, is included. The
episode deals with the pursuing of a young
woman, Mak Mabu Kelan Dermi, by the
giant with the intention of eating her.
While Mak Mabu Kelan Dermi is prepar-
ing offerings for a ritual wayang kulit per-
formance to be done by “Wak Long, one
of the pair of wayang clowns, she accidentally
cuts her ring finger (ari manis), thus staining
her vegetables with blood. Bentara Kala,
also known as Sang Kaki, who is out hunt-
ing, eats the remnants of the vegetables.
Having thus accidentally tasted human
blood and now looking for a victim to eat,
he notices Mak Mabu Kelan Dermi. She
runs away, with him in pursuit. Reaching
the wayang kulit theatre where Wak Long 1s
puppeteer (*dalang), she seeks his help. Wak
Long conceals her. Sang Kaki, arnving at
the theatre, asks Wak Long if he has seen
Mak Mabu Kelan Dermi. Wak Long lies
that he has not. The giant’s attention is
soon caught by the wayang kulit. He leans
against a coconut tree (pohon kelapa gading)
to watch the performance and is soon en-
grossed in it. The fall of the coconut palm
under his weight annoys him. Recovering
quickly, however, he once again focuses his
attention on the wayang, quesnoning Wak
Long with regard to the names for the dif
ferent parts of the theatre. Wak Long edu-
cates him regarding the symbolical and
mystical meanings of the wayang.
Sang Kaki then asks Wak Long who, in
the latter’s opinion, is the older of the two,
Sang Kaki or Wak Long. Wak Long replies
that he himself, i.e. Wak Long, is the older.
“Why do you say so?’ asks the demon. “Be-
cause I have only two teeth and you have
many, comes Wak Long’s reply to the
giant’s utter amusement. Sang Kaki admits
that Wak Long must be right since his logic
cannot be contested. Once the wayang kulit
performance is over, he leaves, completely
forgetting Mak Mabu Kelan Dermi, the
object of his original pursuit.
The Bentara Kala (or Sang Kaki) Episode
begins at about 3.00 a.m on the third night
of aritual performance and comes to a close
before dawn (subuh) prayers.
The Bentara Kala Episode bears close
resemblance to the *lakon murwakala of the
Javanese *wayang kulit purwa. As in the case
of the latter, it serves the purpose of saving
the life of a victim of Bentara Kala. Much
of the spiritual significance of ritual wayang
kulit and that of the Bentara Kala Episode,
however, has now been lost. Berjamu per-
formances themselves, done for a variety of
reasons, are comparatively rare. See also
wayang kulit lemah, wayang kulit suddha-
mala.

Bentava Kuripan (Malaysia). The *Panji
ec is one of the principal sources of
“wayang kulit melayu stories. The following
1s a story collected by A. H. Hill (‘Wayang
Kulit Stories from Trengganu’, 1949) in the
state of Trengganu. It includes Islamic and
local elements, reflecting a certain degree of
indigenization of Javanese materials.
Four brothers, the princes of Kuripan,
Deha, Gegelang, and Singasari, are sent by
*Semar to Mecca after which they return to
rule their own countries.
One day, the ruler of Kuripan shouts to
Betara Guru in the Sixth Heaven for a war-
nor of supernatural power to help him in
his fight against the giants. Alarmed by the
noise and shaking, Betara Guru confers
with two other gods, Betara Jndra and
Betara Indra Jaya. Only Kerma Jaya is equal
to the task, but he is the favourite of Sang
Hyang Tunggal, the Lord of the Highest
Heaven. So they go to the Seventh Heaven
to obtain Sang Hyang Tunggal’s permission
to dispatch Kerma Jaya. Sang Hyang Tung-
gal agrees to send Kerma Jaya down to
earth. At the same time, he counsels the
gods to return to the Sixth Heaven and to
guard carefully Princess Lela Anata Ajaib as
well as the sacred flower, Jayang Malai,
which grows in her garden.
Turning Kerma Jaya into a custard apple,
Sang Hyang Tunggal casts him down to
Kuripan. The nymph Lela Kesokma he
turns into a pomegranate and sends to Deha.
He sends Sang Gera to Gunung Wilis, and
Wirun into the hinterland of Kuripan. Sang
Kala is transformed into a wild rambutan
fruit and sent down to the forest. Unwill-
ingly, Sang Hyang Tunggal also allows
Bentara Busu (cp. Bongsu, youngest) to go,
transforming him into a piece of rotten
wood the size of acoconut, and casting him
into a lake called Martapura. Bentara Busu
is instructed never to return to the Seventh
Heaven.
One day, Bentara Kuripan is out hunting
with Wiron, Andaga, and several of his
followers. They have spent several days in
the forest without finding anything when
suddenly they see a golden hind which dis-
appears when they chase it. Then they meet
seven sisters, members of a tribe which in-
habits the forest. Pursued, the sisters all
BENTARA KURIPAN
escape, with the exception of the youngest,
the beautiful Princess Bongsu Pangan. She
becomes Bentara Kuripan’s mate. She longs
to eat a rambutan fruit, and when the wish is
miraculously granted she becomes preg-
nant. Thinking of the embarrassment which
the love-child of an aboriginal mother
would cause him when he returns to his
kingdom, Bentara Kuripan decides to kill
the princess. However, on the advice ofhis
chief minister, she is given his ring and
placed in a well. After some time, a son
named Kertala is born to her in the well.
She places the ring on his finger, and ex-
horts him to go in search of his father when
he is older.
Back in Kuripan, the king’s wife longs
one day for a custard-apple. When this wish
is also miraculously granted, she becomes
pregnant and bears a son, Raden “Inu Ker-
tapati. As he grows up, the fame ofhis good
looks spreads far and wide, but his parents
refuse all marriage proposals made by en-
voys of foreign countries. To the king of
Deha a daughter, Princess Raden Galoh, is
born. The ruler of Menggada, a large and
important kingdom ofJava, wishes to find a
match for his daughter, Princess Sinaran
Pati, who is of surpassing beauty. The king
himself heads an embassy of his ministers
and warriors to Kuripan. Raden Inu is,
however, unwilling to marry. Vowing ven-
geance the king returns to Menggada. A
month later, he sends three of his trusted
ministers to capture Raden Inu. They kid-
nap him as he is playing in the palace
garden, and carry him back to Menggada
where he is looked after by forty duennas of
the royal household. One day, he is sum-
moned into the presence of the king of
Menggada, and offered his daughter’s hand
and the kingdom. Raden Inu, however,
turns his back defiantly and walks out. No
amount of coaxing, not even binding in
chains, can bring about a change of mind in
him for, he says, Kuripan is a greater king-
dom than Menggada. He is thrown into a
dungeon guarded by seven ranks of war-
riors, starved, and made to work as a slave.
Sang Hyang Tunggal descends to earth
and, donning a beggar’s garb, suddenly
turns jet-black in colour. His body increases
in size and three tufts of hair sprout from his
BEREMAS
head. He now assumes the name Semar. He
bathes in the lake of Martapura and rubs
himself vigorously. He then throws the
lump of removed dirt, the size of acoconut,
into the lake and all at once a human form
emerges and climbs onto the bank. Sang
Hyang Tunggal names him *Turas. Travel-
ling together, Semar and Turas soon reach
an old disused well from which comes the
sound of a voice. Turas, frightened by
sounds which he believes are made by
ghosts, runs away. Semar lifts the stone lid
and discovers a woman of the forest tribe
and her child. Semar indicates that he is
searching for a prince whom he can serve.
Princess Bongsu Pangan tells Semar that her
son is the prince of Kuripan, relating to him
all the incidents leading up to her being
imprisoned in the well and the birth of her
son. Semar and the young man set off to
seek the king of Kuripan after Semar has
taught him the correct way of making obeis-
ance before a ruler. However, when Semar
recognizes the ring on the young man’s
finger, Semar tells him that he has no need
to make obeisance before the king.
While making his way through the for-
est, Turas is seized by a tribe of cannibal
demons ruled by Buta Kala Sunyi. They are
about to devour him when he tells them
that he is the head keeper of the forest.
They immediately release him with profuse
apologies and show him the way to Kuri-
pan, promising to help him should he ever
need their assistance. He soon meets Semar
and Kertala, the son of Bentara Kuripan.
When Semar and Turas appear before
the king of Kuripan with a desire to be
taken on as palace servants, they find him
stricken with griefat the loss of Raden Inu.
They are told that they must first bring the
prince son back to Kuripan. Semar men-
tions that they have with them a man who
can accomplish that task. Kertala, sum-
moned before the king, reveals his identity.
On learning of it, the king withdraws to the
palace. Kertala, left standing in the entrance
hall, is so angry that he shakes the walls
until the whole palace trembles. The king
says that he will acknowledge Kertala as his
son if he will bring Raden Inu back. Kertala
asks for weapons. A box of keris is brought,
and he tests each dagger by stabbing his
chest. The points of all the keris except one
break. This one he hands to Andaga. He
tests another boxful in the same way and
hands the one unbroken keris to Wirun.
From another box he similarly selects a keris
for himself, one that is called lok sangsokugo
(the keris with twenty-five curves in its
blade). He sets out for the kingdom of
Menggada in the company of Semar and
Turas, while Andaga and Wirun watch out
for their return in Kunpan. Semar and
Turas become servants at the court of
Menggada, and soon make themselves fa-
vourites of the king. Told to guard the
palace precincts, they find a very emaciated
Raden Inu in a dungeon. Smashing open
the dungeon, Kertala grabs Raden Inu and
dashes out of the fortress gate. The noise
disturbs the whole palace, and Kertala finds
himself immediately surrounded by soldiers.
Passing Raden Inu on to Semar, he runs
amok, killing many of his opponents. Ker-
tala and his companions return safely to
Kunpan with Raden Inu. The king, how-
ever, goes back on his word. Kertala, fun-
ous at his perfidy, ance again shakes the
entrance hall of the palace until the whole
building trembles. Enquining the reason for
the disturbance, Raden Inu is told the whole
story by Kertala. Raden Inu then addresses
Kertala as elder brother, and accords him
the new name of Sila Kalam, ‘Foster Prince’.
Six months later, the king of Menggada
sets Out on an expedition to seek the hand
of Raden Galoh, the princess of Deha. Ra-
den Galoh is already betrothed to Raden
Inu. Reaching the borders of Kuripan, they
are met by Sila Kalam, Wirun, and Andaga,
who have been sent by Raden Inu. A battle
lasting seven days and seven nights sees the
utter rout of the Menggada forces.
beremas (Indonesia). The technique used
by *dolmuluk actors to greet the audience as
well as to introduce themselves.
berg na pra (Thailand). The invocation
ceremony performed before the commence-
ment of a *nang yai shadow play perform-
ance. In it, the spirits of the patron gods of
dance, parents, teachers, and ancestors are
invoked by the puppeteers, dancers, and
musicians.

berjamu (Malaysia). The term berjamu
means, literally, ‘to feast’. In the context of
traditional Malay theatre, it refers firstly to
the act of feasting or feeding the spirits, in
particular in ritual or spiritual performances,
and secondly, to ritual performances per se,
which are then known as berjamu perform-
ances (persembahan berjamu). The most ex-
citing and elaborate berjamu performances
are those of *mak yong, *wayang kulit siam,
and “main puteri. All three of these genres
are active in the east coast Malaysian state of
Kelantan.
The berjamu variety of performances dif
fer from ordinary non-ritual ones by virtue
of (i) their intention, and (ii) their structure.
Principally, berjamu performances are staged
for the salutation of teachers (*upacara sem-
bah guru), for the adjustment of humours or
wind blandishment (semah angin), and occa-
sionally for the ritual cleansing of a village
(bersih kampung), particularly when there is
an epidemic. Lesser forms of beyamu may
take place where there is illness. Tradition-
ally, illness is said to be caused by the loss of
spirit or soul (*“semangat) or, alternatively, as
a result of spirit (“hantu) possession. In all
these instances, a traditional medicine man
or shaman (“bomoh) is required to conduct
necessary rituals to remedy the situation.
In all forms of traditional Malay theatre,
the sembah guru ceremony takes place at the
time that a student in any given genre com-
pletes his or her training and officially re-
ceives the knowledge or the training from
the teacher. Berjamu performances thus
involve the transfer of the learning which
allows the student to establish his or her
own troupe as well as to teach others. All
sembah guru performances also involve se-
mah angin (wind blandishment), something
which takes place almost continuously
during the berjamu performances climaxing
in sembah guru. Essentially, these involve the
blandishing of the emotions and a purga-
tion of the emotions in the principal par-
ticipant, usually the person ‘graduating’.
Inevitably, however, other persons present,
including members of the audience, also
experience such purgation.
Semah angin performances, however,
may take place even where there 1s no sem-
bah guru involved. In such situations, semah
BERJAMU MAMBANG
angin serves as a curative ritual, allowing for
the purification or purgation of the emo-
tions through participation. It becomes ne-
cessary when a wayang kulit siam puppeteer
(“dalang) or a mak yong actress, for instance,
has made a vow to hold performances peri-
odically, or when he or she feels unwell as a
result of not having performed for some
time. Such persons begin to feel much
better through active participation in a per-
formance or through merely being present
on stage. Someone who has a particular
affinity or attraction (*angin) for any of the
characters from the large mak yong reper-
toire, or for a character from the *Rama-
yana, which is used as the principal source
of wayang kulit siam stories, may be cured
through the act of playing that particular
character in a berjamu performance. In cases
where illness comes about through the loss
of semangat, the bomoh may make use of the
shamanistic main puter or various lesser pro-
cesses, such as wind blandishment (isih
angin), to bring about a cure.
Berjamu performances of mak yong, wa-
yang kulit siam, and main puteri, which
usually last three nights, are structurally
much more elaborate than normal ones.
They traditionally call for many more rit-
uals as well as very elaborate stage parapher-
nalia. Inevitably, there is the need to contact
supernatural beings through trance sessions,
to inform them of the purpose of the per-
formance, to obtain their co-operation, and
to invite them to the performances, for the
spirits are the ones to be feasted. When they
arrive they actually partake of the food
offerings prepared for them. Most of the
additional rituals take place on the third
night of performances which last, with sev-
eral short breaks, from about 8.30 p.m. to
about 8.00 a.m. Berjamu performances con-
clude with the sending-off of the guest
spirits, the removal of the offering items,
and ceremonial cleansing or bathing by the
principal participants to remove any negat-
ive effect or malicious influence that may
subsist as a result of contact with the spirit
beings. Due to their complexity and the
heavy costs involved, berjaniu performances
are on the whole comparatively rare.
berjamu mambang (Malaysia). A style of
BERJAMU SANG KAKI
ritual (*berjamu) *wayang kulit siam shadow
play performance which does not incorpor-
ate the *Bentara Kala Episode. See also ber-
jamu sang kaki.
berjamu sang kaki (Malaysia). A form of
ritual (*berjamu) *wayang kulit siam shadow
play performance in which the *Bentara
Kala Episode featuring the chasing of a vic-
tim, Mak Mabu Kalan Dermi, by the giant,
Bentara Kala or Sang Kaki, a son of Betara
Guru (Siva), is featured. The victim is saved
by a clown, *Wak Long, operating as a
puppeteer (*dalang).
bersiram (Malaysia). A cleaning or bathing
ceremony which takes place upon the com-
pletion of ritual (*berjamu) performances of
*mak yong and *wayang kulit siam. Seven
pots of water containing croton leaves and
other offerings are used either for a full
bath, for washing the face and limbs, or for
drinking. Principal participants, such as a
leading mak yong actress or a puppeteer
(*dalang), usually take a full bath. It is be-
lieved that the bersiram removes any mali-
cious influence (badi) that may subsist as a
result of contact with supernatural forces
who invariably play a part in spiritual per-
formances.
Betara Guru, sce trimurti
Bharata Yuddha (Indonesia). The Old Java-
nese Bharata Yuddha (Battle of the Bharatas)
was written in the early twelfth century by
two authors, Sedah and Panuluh. Under
the guise of presenting the Bharata story,
they apparently referred to the life’s-work
of King Jayabhaya of Kediri to restore the
unity of the Javanese realm. It is in simple
yet powerful, often poetic style and derives
its incidents from the Udyoga, Bhisma,
Drona, Karna, and Salya parva of the * Maha-
bharata. The poem follows the Mahabha-
rata fairly closely. The story begins when
*Kresna (Krishna) appears at Duryodhana’s
(*Sujudana) court to demand a partition of
the country. The *Korawa reject his claims
and to frustrate a plot he assumes his divine
form as Vishnu with four arms, three heads,
and three eyes. After a visit to Kunti, Krishna
returns to Virata. The next morning, the
armies march out. Before the battle com-
mences, Krishna admonishes *Anjuna, who
is reluctant to enter the war. He urges
Arjuna to fight bravely, for it would be a
breach of tradition that a Kshatriya should
withdraw from the battle. Then the battle
takes place in all its horror. Bhisma is slain,
Bhagadatta and *Abimanyu follow. Then
Arjuna has a vision of Rudra who presents
him with the Pasupati weapon (a magical
arrow with a crescent motif) on the eve of
the thirteenth day of the battle. The next
morning, Krishna and Arjuna, proceeding
to the battlefield, strike terror into the en-
emies’ hearts by blowing on their horns,
Devadatta and Pancajaya.
Besides the Old Javanese Bharata Yuddha,
a New Javanese reworking exists, com-
posed in sixty-nine cantos at the court of
Sultan Paku Buwana III (r. 1749-88). It
follows closely the text of the Bharata Yud-
dha.
Bhima (Indonesia), see Bima
bhuta yadnya (Indonesia), see panca yadnya
Bijak Laksana (Malaysia). One of the three
tales that constitute the highly important
*Anak Raja Gondang cycle in the Malay
*mak yong dance-theatre of Kelantan.
bilangan (Malaysia). In the *mak yong dance-
theatre, the shamanistic “main puteri and
*wayang kulit siam, bilangan are the lyrics of
songs and the special magical numbers,
usually one, three, five, and seven in a series,
used in invocations and release (*pelepas)
ceremonies.
Bima (Indonesia). Bima (Skt. Bhima) or
Wrekudara is the most powerful and, con-
sequently, the most feared of the *Pandawa
brothers in the *wayang kulit purwa version
of the “Mahabharata. He wreaks havoc with
his club and his atrocious fingernail (pan-
canaka). Disdaining to ride in chariots, he
traverses forests and deserts, seas and moun-
tains on foot without any difficulty, Scorn-
ing pomp and pageantry, he bows to no one
and to the gods he speaks in ngoko, a form
of Javanese used to social inferiors. Gi-
gantic, ungainly, hairy, and muscled, with

protruding eyes and a thunderous voice, he
is thoroughly merciless to his enemies, a
complete contrast to “Yudhisthira, his elder
brother, as well as to *Arjuna, his younger
brother. Nevertheless, despite his rough ap-
pearance and brusque manner, his honesty,
unswerving loyalty, fortitude, and military
skill make him amongst the most admired
of wayang figures.
blas-blasan (Indonesia). One manifestation
of the *barong consists of masked monkey
dancers depicting such characters as “Ha-
numan, Sugriwa, and Subali. In its further
development, this form adopted the masks
for “Rama, *Laksamana, *Rawana, and
other characters, so that in recent times blas-
blasan is often regarded as a prototype of
*wayang wong. Blas-blasan is staged in Bali
once every six months or so during the
* Galungan—* Kuningan period marking the
Balinese New Year. The dancers visit sev-
eral houses, performing in the courtyards. It
is strongly believed that blas-blasan perform-
ances have the power of chasing away evil
(menolak bala or malapetaka). Thus, the
villagers welcome the appearance of blas-
blasan and encourage performances in their
grounds. This particular form of barong 1s
found in the districts of Bangli, Klungkung,
and Gianyar.
bodebil (Philippines). A variety show with
origins in American vaudeville, and con-
taining singing, comedy skits, as well as
magical acts at the initial stages of its de-
velopment. During the Japanese occupa-
tion, when actors skate to be included,
melodrama became an element of bodebil.
Bodebil became very popular after the
Second World War. In many places, it was
probably responsible for the decline of the
* -arzuela.
bomoh (Malaysia/Indonesia). A term gen-
erally applied to a shaman, a ritualist, or a
pedlar of folk medicine. In the traditional
theatre genres of Malaysia and Indonesia, a
bomoh is often an active member of a
troupe, possibly even a performer. At times,
a part-time professional bomoh is invited to
initiate a new theatre or to perform specific
rituals, such as those for opening a theatre
BORIA
(“buka panggung or *buka tanah) or closing it
(*tutup panggung) upon the completion of a
season. A bomoh—in particular, one attached
to a company of traditional performers—is
usually well-versed in both esoteric (batin)
and exoteric (zahir) knowledge. He is fa-
muliar with the supernatural world and its
operation. The supernatural impinges dir-
ectly upon these arts whether they are
intended purely for entertainment or for
spiritual purposes, including exorcism, the
recalling of a lost soul (memanggil semangat),
or the strengthening of one weakened (sam-
but semangat) by black magic. Other terms
sometimes used for a bomoh include dukun
and pawang. Certain categories of bomoh,
including those officiating in “main puteri,
known as bomoh puteri, or in a simpler heal-
ing ritual (bagih), make use of trance. See
also semangat.
bomoh puteri (Malaysia), see bomoh, main
puteri
Bongsu Sakti (Malays). One of the most
important of all *mak yong stories. It con-
stitutes part of a trilogy, together with
*Anak Raja Gondang and * Bijak Laksana.
borea (Malaysia), see boria
boria (Malaysia). It is believed that the term
boria (or borea) itself, as well as the art form
known by that name, onginated in Persia.
Various explanations have been advanced
for the term. One ofthese explains the term
as referring to a receptacle or container
holding incense (bekas berasap), passed
around during meetings of a religious na-
ture. Some explanations describe borea as
‘carpet’? or ‘mat’ (tikar) whereupon grief-
stricken mourners would sit wailing and
crying, at times in a state of frenzy, during
the first ten nights of the Muslim month of
Muharram, commemorating in question and
response sessions the valour, heroic deeds,
and martyrdom of Muslim heroes, par-
ticularly the fourth caliph, Ali, his sons
Hassan and Hussain, and their families. The
two sons of Ali were slain on the battle-
field of Kerbala in present-day Iraq by a
rival faction led by Yazid. It is alternatively
claimed that the term boria derives from the
BORIA
Buria, or Bohn, an Indian Muslim com-
munity, who apparently staged perform-
ances, during Muharram, to commemorate
the family of Ali. Finally, the term boria
means, in several Indian languages, ‘sack-
cloth’. There is a strong possibility that boria
is connected with this connotation of the
word, since during the mourning period
sackcloth was commonly worn.
Boria as a performance style is believed to
have developed in Penang in the nine-
teenth century. Two possible dates have
been advanced—1845 and 1874. It came to
Penang through India and was almost cer-
tainly introduced into the island by Indians
of Shiah origin. Sunni Muslims do not
observe in any substantial fashion the activ-
ities connected with the martyrdom ofAli’s
family. Boria activities at their early stage in
Penang consisted of costume parades with
strolling minstrels visiting the houses of the
wealthy, singing songs connected with the
martyrs of Kerbala. Secular songs in praise
of wealthy patrons, such as local merchants,
also seem to have been included. An im-
portant aspect of boria performances in
Shiah communities in India is the inclusion
of passion plays based upon the theme of
the martyrdom of Ali’s family. Known as
*tazia, these plays are still presented in
Shiah communities the world over. Ori-
ginally presented by male performers only,
tazia plays featured during the first ten days
of Muharram include processions. They are
essentially open-air performances, highly
dramatic, even gory in character. Lamenta-
tions as well as self-flagellations are invari-
ably included. Although a representation of
some form of passion drama seems to have
been performed during the early days of
boria in Penang, this tradition has altogether
died out. The practice of going from house
to house collecting donations to finance
evening dramatic performances of a non-
religious character, however, was main-
tained for some tme. Thus, the Penang
boria was divided into two sections—the
processional day performance, called *kuli
kalin, and the night performance consisting
of straight drama. Competitions between as
many as forty groups have been reported by
early observers.
The kuli kalin, said to have been derived
from a Tamil word meaning ‘coolie’, was
done during the first five days of Muharram
between noon and about four in the after-
noon. Another meaning for the term kuli
kalin appears to have been ‘chicken thief’,
although the reason for this is not clear. It
was the night performance which even-
tually came to get the name boria. Kuli kalin
performers wore masks or painted their
faces in various designs. The costumes con-
sisted of robes, modelled upon onginal
sackcloth garments characteristic of early
boria, and hats, often funny in shape.
In the early days, only members of the
Indian sepoy regiments based in Penang
took part. Later on, with the secularization
of the performances, boria degenerated into
choric presentations with a lead singer
(*tukang karang) accompanied by a chorus.
Comic sketches with no well-defined func-
tion were inserted here and there. The
costumes developed for this fashion of boria
were at Umes copies of military uniforms.
For comic sketches, normal costumes of
Penang’s many races were uulized. Today,
boria remains characteristically and typically
a choric performance with the tukang karang
in charge and reciting the more significant
poetic passages whose lyrics he composes.
Minimal dance movements or gestures are
included, and large modern bands accom-
pany performances. Thus, from a religious
theatrical activity, boria has been trans-
formed into a completely secular solo and
chorus singing style. Performances grace
special occasions such as birthdays of celeb-
rities or public holidays.
Innovations introduced into the genre
over the years include a platform or pro-
scenium stage, so that the early processional
boria has altogether died out, and even
open-air staging has become extremely rare.
The use of keroncong music parties be-
came fashionable in boria for a while and
with them it developed another important
feature—the involvement of women per-
formers as singers and dancers in the years
following the First World War. New mu-
sical instruments, including the guitar, the
ukelele, the flute, and the bongo, replaced
traditonal Malay instruments, such as the
frame drum (rebana), gong, and gambus or
oud. Contemporary boria groups use a com-

bination of Western, Indian, and traditional
Malay instruments.
A contemporary boria group typically
consists of about a dozen chorus per-
formers—males, females, or mixed—one
tukang karang, and several actors or actresses
to perform comic sketches. This contrasts
strongly with the large number of particip-
ants in the genre’s early days when groups
had forty or more performers. Female im-
personation, a necessity in the early days
due to social and other factors which did
not allow women on stage, has been re-
tained as a convention, essentially for the
purpose of heightening comedy.
As for costuming, the iukang karang always
dresses in resplendent clothes. The other
members of the group, known as sailors,
wear pants, with a clear preference for
white ones, shirts, and sashes. The Malay
sarung kebaya, consisting of a long-sleeved
blouse and a wrap-around skirt, is the most
common dress for women performers.
Costumes very similar to those worn by
their male counterparts are also used for
females. For the sake of variety, performers
at one time wore a mixture of styles
Western, Middle Eastern, Chinese, Indian,
as well as Malay.
The tukang karang’s lyrics are sung to
tunes borrowed from Western, Malay, and
Hindustani popular music, while the dance
steps of chorus members are based upon
popular Western dances, such as cha-cha-
cha or tango. Preferred local dance styles
include zapin, inang, or joget. Dances from
other cultures, such as Indian or Middle
Eastern, once fashionable, are today rarely
encountered.
Jn the absence of scripts, the tukang
karang had to improvise his lyrics extem-
pore. Recent years have seen the increasing
use of fixed scripts, sometimes following
censorship by government licensing bodies.
Although a fairly large repertoire of plots
was once used, complete stories are no
longer featured. Materials for these were
developed from local folk-tales, legends,
and history. Western, Indian, or Chinese
literature also served as source material,
usually coming through *bangsawan. Other
themes dealt with common social problems
and issues among the Malays—themes that
BUJANGGANONG
continue to form the staple plots in Malay
films. Comic tales were used to advertise
products such as cigarettes and local oint-
ments, as well as a means of channelling
government propaganda.
Boria thus combined entertainment with
social criticism. These functions continue
to be important in contemporary per-
formances. The bad effects of gambling or
drinking and even of multiple marriages,
for instance, are often highlighted. The tra-
ditional function of praising the rich and
powerful is still maintained, with the dif-
ference that much of the praise is today
showered upon politicians or local dignit-
aries.
Boria, still popular in Penang, remains
unique to that state.
Bossaba (Cambodia/Thailand). The name
of the heroine in the Thai and Cambodian
versions ofthe Javanese “Panji romance. In
Java and Malaysia, she retains her original
name, “Chandra Kirana. See also Eynao.
Brahmachakra, sce Phommachak
brutuk (Indonesia). A form of “barong per-
formed in the village of Trunyan Kintamani
in Bali. The appearance of this type ofbarong
mask is described as frightening (dahsyat).
The hair ofthe barong figure is made of pre-
viously dried plantain leaves. In appearance,
brutuk resembles topeng hudog, an ugly mask
used in dances intended to chase away evil
spirits, of Eastern Kalimantan. In Trunyan
Kantamani village, there are two such masks,
one male, known as | Dewa Pancening Jagat,
and the other, a female, named I Dewa Ayu
Pingit.
Brutuk is only performed in ritual situ-
ations, and its schedule is quite indefinite. A
regular performance may take place an-
nually or it may not occur for long periods
of time. When there is an occasion for a
brutuk, the villagers attempt to obtain at
least one strand of the mask’s hair as a
means of chasing away evil.
budalan (Indonesia/Malaysia), see lampah
Bujangganong (Indonesia/Malaysia). The
principal character in the “reog masked
BUKA ALAT-ALAT MUZIK
dance-theatre. He is a protagonist in battles
involving the masked lion figure, barongan
or Singabarong. It is believed that the char-
acter is based upon a historical personality,
a court official of the fifteenth century, King
Brawijaya V, the name being a distortion of
bujangga anom (‘the young poet’ or ‘scholar’).
See reog for further details.
buka alat-alat muzik (Malaysia). As one of
the activities in theatre consecration rituals
(*buka panggung), a puppeteer (*dalang) or
ritualist (*bomoh) also initiates the musical
instruments. This activity derives from a
belief that in certain instruments there are
resident or guardian spirits who need to be
addressed (dipesan). The ritualist flatters
these spirits and asks them to make the in-
struments sound beautiful so as to both
tempt an audience and to keep it captive
during a performance. In addition to the
pesanan or words used to address the spirits,
the instruments are first played briefly by
the dalang or bomoh. Thus initiated, they are
handed to the musicians. At times, lighted
candles are placed on the instruments which
are fumigated with incense smoke. Buka
alat-alat muzik is featured in most important
traditional theatre genres active in the east
coast of Peninsular Malaysia.
buka panggung (Malaysia). Theatre consec-
ration rituals of various styles featured in
most traditional theatre performances. These
are intended primarily to invoke diverse
spirits (*hantu or “jinn) believed to be guard-
ians of particular segments of the environ-
ment with the intention of obtaining their
permussion to use those localities. Indirectly,
buka panggung
the functions of buka panggung, conducted
by a ritualist (*bomoh) or senior troupe
member, are to protect performers as well
as audience members from any malicious
influences (badi) existing in the environ-
ment. The simplest of buka panggung rituals,
as in “bangsawan, consist of purely Islamic
prayers (doa selamat). More elaborate ones
usually feature a mixture of elements derived
from animism and a host of religious sys-
tems to which the Malays were exposed
over many centuries. Overall, Islamic ele-
ments tend to dominate.
In Kelantanese traditional genres, in par-
ticular, the importance of both the buka
panggung and the *tutup panggung (theatre
closing ceremony) is recognized. Per-
formers tell numerous stories illustrating the
dangers of negligence in these ceremonies.
The most common ailment seems to be
possession or attack by unsatisfied spirits
returning to demand their share of offerings
where these have not been given. Spirits are
believed to remain close to a performance
site in the event of their not being properly
released, thus constituting a constant threat.
Any shortcoming has to be recufied by be-
latedly making the obligatory offerings or
by re-enacting the ceremony in cases where
it has been omutted for whatsoever reason.
The following elaborate example of a
buka panggung ritual derives from the *mak
yong dance-theatre. Rituals in other major
genres are very similar.
Before the actual buka panggung rituals
can be performed, certain other require-
ments have to be fulfilled. These are:
1. The preparation of the stage (bansal) itself
by placing the various instruments in the
appropriate positions and by stationing
the musicians.
in) The preparation of the offerings (bahan-
bahan kenduri) for the spirits soon to be
invoked and invited. The offerings con-
sist of the following items:
a. pulut kuning (yellow glutinous rice)
b. bertih (parched rice)
c. beras kunyit (tarmeric rice)
d. sebiji telur ayam masak dadar (an egg
fried fritter style)
e. dadar tepung gandum (cakes and fritters
made from wheat flour)
f. air manis (sweetened water)

mak yong offerings
air sejuk biasa (ordinary cold water)
po pinang-sirih tiga piak (three quids of
betel leaves and betel-nuts)
me rokok daun dan tembakau (rolled cigar-
ette leaves and tobacco)
j. benang penkeras (cotton thread) or
benang mentah (raw cotton thread)
k. wang penkeras (money for services
rendered) —M$1.25
]. kemyan dan bara api di dalam bekas bara
atau kembat sturi (benzoin and some
burning embers in a censer).
These items, in several small containers,
are placed on one large tray together with a
bowl of water containing jasmine flowers
(bunga melur).
Buka panggung rituals take place, as a rule,
only once, on the opening night of a per-
formance, no matter how many nights the
theatre thus opened is to be used. In the
event, however, that a group moves to
another panggung during an engagement,
the old theatre has to be ritually closed and
anew one consecrated.
The rituals consist of several ceremonies
linked together. These are:
1. “Baca kenduri (literally, ‘reading of the
feast’). This consists of the reading of
ritual formulae or incantations (mantera
or jampi) as well as the invocations to
various categories of spirits and gods.
2. *Buka alat-alat muzik (literally, ‘the open-
ing of the musical instruments’). This
ceremony consists of requests (pesanan)
by the shaman to the spirits believed to
be residing within the instruments.
3. Buka panggung ceremony as such, in
which the bomoh actually opens the
theatre or makes it ready for the ensuing
performance.
BUKA PANGGUNG
4. *Lagu bertabik or salutation song, ad-
dressed to the spirits and gods, some of
whom have already been invoked in the
process of mantera recitation.
Once the stage has been prepared, the
bomoh goes on stage, appropriately dressed
for the occasion, sometimes wearing, among
other items, a keris meant to strengthen his
*semangat. He then proceeds with the rit-
uals, first fumigating himself in the smoke
rising from the censer.
1. Baca kenduri.
Seated cross-legged before the rebab
(three-stringed viol) player and the food
offerings, the bomoh reads several Islamic
prayers beginning with the A ‘uzu Billah or
Ta’awuz: ‘I seek refuge with God from the
cursed Satan.’ This is followed by the Bis-
millah or Basmala: ‘In the name of God, the
Compassionate, the Merciful,’ a ritual for-
mula used by all Muslims for the com-
mencement of any undertaking. Following
this comes the dikir or repetition of God’s
names. The names are selected from
amongst the ninety-nine Asma-i-Husna
(beautiful names of God). The bomoh then
recites the Kalimah-tus-Shadadat or the (Is-
lamic) Affirmation of the Faith: ‘I bear
witness that there is no god but Allah and
that Muhammad is His prophet.’ Up to this
point in the proceedings, the entire delivery
of the incantations is in Arabic, the lan-
guage ofreligious instruction and conduct.
Following this opening sequence, the
bomoh proceeds to the recitation of Koranic
verses. These are not all fixed by conven-
tion, hence a great deal of flexibility in their
choice may be seen from one bomoh to
another and even in a series of ceremonies
conducted by the same bomoh. Much de-
pends upon his erudition and_ personal
ability. The length of time spent on Ko-
ranic verses is also not set but is determined
by the nature and purpose. of the perform-
ance, as well as its site. When a perform-
ance takes place near the sea, for instance,
longer and more powerful formulae are
utilized, because the spirits of the ocean
(jinn or hantu laut) are considered more
malevolent than most others. Once Islamic
prayers have been concluded, the invoca-
tions addressed to the spirit-denizens ofthe
environment begin.
BUKA PANGGUNG
Various bomoh and puppeteers (*dalang)
in mak yong, *main puteri, and *wayang kulit
have their own sets of spirits to whom in-
vocations are addressed. There is no stand-
ard list. It seems the practice to invoke a
cross-section of the spirits regarded as den-
izens of the various parts of the environ-
ment. Care is sometimes taken to include
the most important ones from each of the
categories. The spirits are known as orang,
person in charge of the different localities
and inhabiting them, as *penunggu, ‘waiters’
at the various places, or as *penggawa, guard-
ian spirits of specific localities. The follow-
ing list, derived from one of the oldest
living bomoh, 1s fairly typical:
a. Orang bumi, denizens of the earth
b. Orang keramat, the saints
c. Orang di padang, denizens of the fields or
open space
d. Orang di kampung, denizens of the vil-
lages
e. Orang di dusun, denizens of the orchards
or cultivated land
Orang di gigi air, denizens of the water's
edge, estuaries, and river mouths
g. Orang di laut, denizens of the sea
h. Orang di kayangan, denizens of the sky or
heavens.
There is no unanimity of opinion on the
various divisions of the environment. Sim-
ilarly, there is no consistent list of the in-
habitants of the spirit world. Each bomoh
thus invokes the spirits most familiar to him
or those invoked by his teacher before him.
Each area of the environment has one
major attendant spirit who is regarded as
the chief (ketua) of that area or segment.
Under each of the chiefs there may be
dozens of spirits arranged in a hierarchical
manner. For the invocations, it is considered
sufficient to address the leader of any one
category of spirit beings or any one of the
better known spirits in that category.
The mantera or invocation texts show a
considerable variety. Many of the older,
lengthier, and, consequently, more power-
ful of these are known only to the senior
ritualists, indicating a tendency amongst the
younger ones to simplify them. The follow-
ing mantera, a typical one, applies, with the
necessary alterations to the names of spirits
and their localities, to all the different cat-
egories of spirit beings already listed.
‘I wish to send my greetings to the
Guardian of the Village. Hey Sang Bima,
Guardian of the Village, I wish to make a
request to the forces of your members, the
guardians of the Village. I ask you not to
come and sue or prosecute (i.e. attack), do
any unwarranted harm to the seven troupe
members and the five bridegrooms, to-
gether with the Pak Yong, Mak Yong, the
elder Peran, the younger Peran, the children
young and old, the young and aged in the
theatre and outside the theatre, this theatre
of Inao, the acting area of Semar, the theatre
of Turas. I have come here to this village,
your place, to put on a performance repres-
enting the gods. I wish to ask your mem-
bers without intending to leave out anyone
(though I make this request) without men-
tioning all their names.’
All the mantera show that their basic
function is to obtain the goodwill and pro-
tection of the spirits. The obligations serve
as a gift of nourishment in the firm belief
that the recipient spints actually consume
the essence (semangat) of the food.
Following the utterance of requests
(pesanan) and the invocations, the bomoh
places a portion of the offerings on a piece
of banana leaf (dawn pisang) with a candle
that he lights. This portion is then placed
on the ground at the centre post (tiang seri)
on the panggung’s eastern side. It belongs to
Jinn Bumi, or the genie of the earth,
regarded as the most important of the
invisible hosts, for the performance is to
take place upon the earth, his territory. The
remaining offerings are placed at various
points around the theatre or taken into the
house of the sponsor of aperformance (fuan
kerja).
The term applied collectively to all the
offerings is kenduri. It is also applied to the in-
vocations. In general the contents of the
kenduri texts consist, first of all, of the in-
formation given to the spirit-beings on the
nature and purpose of a performance. The
bomoh states that the intention of those in-
volved in a performance is not to emulate
the gods or to compete with them, but to
perform a saga (hikayat). Then follows a re-
quest to the spirits to act favourably and ina
friendly manner, to provide the necessary

protection for the performers and audience
members. The invocations contain names
of spirits, a mention of their abodes,
some information on their origins. Thus,
the bomoh, while showing his deep spiritual
knowledge (ilmu dalam), also demonstrates
his power or supremacy over the spirits.
The spirits are identified, addressed,
then told to behave themselves—a process
extended to great lengths in ritual perform-
ances, in particular those connected
healing.
2. Buka alat-alat muzik.
The next stage consists of buka alat-
alat muzik (literally, ‘the opening of the
musical instruments’) which introduces, pre-
pares, and addresses the instruments of the
orchestra.
The bomoh picks up the instruments one
by one, beginning with the rebab, the chief
of the instruments. Following the rebab, the
drums are handled, first the large drum
(gendang ibu), then the small drum (gendang
anak). The bomoh finally moves over to the
gongs; again, first the large gong (gong ibu)
and then the small gong (gong anak) receive
his attention. In each case, the instrument is
first fumigated in benzoin smoke and then
addressed by the bomoh, who makes his in-
audible requests to the attendant spirits in
the instruments or to the instruments them-
selves, using nicknames given to them. The
nicknames and the pesanan are well-guarded
secrets of the shaman and members of a
group.
Some bomoh also fumigate such stage
properties as the split cane (rotan berat) and
the wooden swords (golok) used in mak
yong. At this stage in the buka pangeung rit-
uals, the musical instruments are started off
but not played as yet.
3. Buka panggung.
For the buka panggung proper, which now
takes place, the bomoh, still seated before the
rebab player, who provides a prelude, takes a
fistful of rice from the dish placed amongst
the offerings. This he holds for a few sec-
onds to his mouth, while whispering a silent
mantera.
Next, swaying as ifin a trance, he throws
the rice to the ground in front of him and
over both his shoulders with a violent ges-
ture. This is accompanied by the drums and
BULAKLAKAN
gongs playing the lagu bertabuh or signal
piece. The whole process of thus throwing
and the fistful of rice is repeated two more times
to the accompaniment of drums and gongs.
The bomoh fumigates the four corners ofthe
stage with the censer to formally open and
purify the theatre.
and 4. Lagu bertabik.
The lagu bertabik or salutation song sung
by the bomoh to the tune of lagu sedayong
with pak yong is accompanied by the complete
orchestra. This song is nowadays seldom
incorporated into performances; the words
have been either completely forgotten or
mutilated by bomoh.
buka tanah (Indonesia). The ‘opening of
the theatre’ ceremony. While there are
variations in details, particularly in offerings
and invocations, the buka tanah ceremony
retains the same_basic structure and func-
tions in different genres and locations. For
details, see buka panggung.
bulaklakan (Philippines). Like the Tagalog
*duplo, the Pampangan bulaklakan is a game
involving two groups of participants, one
consisting of young women named after
flowers and the other of young men named
after trees. The game is presided over by a
‘king’ who sits at the head ofa table. The
‘king’ opens the game by announcing that
his pet butterfly has flown, indicating in his
last line where it has presumably landed
(e.g. on a guava tree).
The young man playing the guava tree
(biabas) protests that the butterfly merely
fluttered past and had perched instead on
the rosal bush. The young woman playing
the role of the rosal bush makes up a similar
story and points at another participant. The
game proceeds by having the participants
point to one another in turn, all the while
reciting in octosyllabic verse. In the event
that one of the participants is unable to
defend himself satisfactorily, the person is
required to hand in a token (prenda) in the
form of a handkerchief, a ring, a walking
stick, or some other object which may be
redeemed at the end of the game by per-
forming some penance, reciting a prayer, or
singing a song. Although an effort is made
BUNGA BAKAWALI
to give the impression of extemporaneous-
ness, the participants these days often mem-
orize their versified responses from specially
prepared handbooks.
Bunga Bakawali (Malaysia). One of the
most popular of Indo-Malay romances used
in *bangsawan and other related genres,
sometimes entitled Gul Bakawali or Puteri
Bakawali. Recently, it was, for the
time, featured in a new *wayang kulit style
developed at Universiti Sains Malaysia in
Penang. The story, existing in several ver-
sions, runs essentially as follows:
The kingdom of Tajul Bahri is ruled by
Sultan Tajul Arif and a host of able minis-
ters and officials. One day, when the king’s
officials and courtiers are gathered in court,
Sultan Tajul Anf comes in. Apparently, he
has been only recently blinded while hunt-
ing in a forest. The sultan, taking his place
on the throne, asks one of his ministers
(*wazir) to call in an astrologer (*ahli nujum)
so that the cause ofhis blindness as well as a
possible remedy may be known. Accord-
ing to the astrologer, the sultan had been
blinded because a golden deer (kijang emas)
crossed his path. The cure is a flower
known as bunga bakawali, which grows in
the Garden of Bolkis. The garden is almost
impossible to reach. Even if the whole
population of Tajul Bahn went in search of
the flower, the chances of getting it are very
remote. The only person who can success-
fully obtain bunga bakawali is Prince Tajul
Muluk, son of Sultan Tajul Ant.
Tajul Muluk leaves with his two com-
panions, Ahmad and Muhammad, in search
of the magical flower. They soon arrive at a
crossroad, The three roads facing them
lead, respectively, to a sea of mud, a dark
ocean, and a sea of fire. They decide that
each one will take a different route. Tajul
Muluk goes through the sea of fire, while
each of his companions agrees to take one
of the other routes. Once the prince leaves,
Ahmad and Muhammad decide to abandon
their journey. They return to the city to
enjoy themselves.
Tajul Muluk, having successfully crossed
the sea of fire, finds himself before a cave,
the home of a gigantc garuda bird. Attack-
ing Tayul Muluk, the bird tries to eat him
but the prince pleads with it and after some
time Garuda leaves Tajul Muluk alone. As
soon as Garuda goes in search of food, there
arrives before Tajul Muluk a beautiful prin-
cess, Garuda’s daughter. Tajul Muluk and
the princess, Nurul Ashikin, are attracted to
each other. Upon Garuda’s return, they are
married.
Tajul Muluk tells his wife, Puteri: Nurul
first Ashikin, about his mission—that is, to
search for bunga bakawali. Puteri Nurul
Ashikin believes that Garuda can be of
assistance as he is one ofthose taking care of
the flower. As a means of drawing the huge
bird’s attention, the two pretend to quarrel,
and when questioned by Garuda, they ask
Garuda to swear by the Prophet Solomon
that he will grant them a favour. When
Garuda takes his oath, they tell him about
Tajul Muluk’s search for bunga bakawalli.
With the assistance of Garuda’s friend, the
king of the rats (Maharaja Tikus), who cuts
an underground passage to the Garden of
Bolkis, Tajul Muluk reaches the garden.
Here, he finds Puteri Bakawali asleep. Tajul
Muluk feels faint. Without wasting any
time, however, he takes the princess’s ring
and bunga bakawall.
Puteri Bakawah, upon awakening, finds
both her ring and the magical flower miss-
ing. She is sent by her father, the king of the
skies (Maharaja Kayangan), in search of the
two missing items. To this end, she dis-
guises herselfasa man.
Meanwhile, Tajul Muluk, now in posses-
sion of bunga bakawali, arrives at the junc-
tion where he parted from Ahmad and
Muhammad, and where they have agreed
to meet. Each of them brings with him a
flower, and each claims that his flower is
the true bunga bakawali. To establish which
of the three flowers is the true bakawali, they
find a blind man, who is promptly healed by
the flower in Tajul Muluk’s hand. Ahmad
and Muhammad decide to steal the flower
from Tajul Muluk. Enticing the prince to
the edge of a lake, they push him into it, in
the process snatching the flower from him.
Meanwhile, the story turns to a poor
couple. One morning when the wife goes
to the lake as usual to get some water, she
comes across Tajul Muluk. To her enquiry
as to why he is in the lake, Tajul Muluk

replies that he is a trader and that he has
been robbed and pushed into the lake by a
band of thieves. The old woman, pitying
Tajul Muluk, takes him home with her.
The prince is adopted as their child by the
poor couple. He begins selling cakes on
their behalf.
Ahmad and Muhammad, having ac-
quired bunga bakawali, now go in audience
before Sultan Tajul Anf. The sultan’s blind-
ness is cured by means of the flower. As a
reward, he gives the two as much money as
they want and also complete freedom of
action in his land for forty days and forty
nights. The only restriction is that they
cannot kill anyone. During this time, Puteri
Bakawali, disguised as a young man, arrives
before Sultan Tajul Arif, seeking a job. She
is given the responsibility of the State Treas-
ury, where she works under the assumed
name of Shahrat.
Ahmad and Muhammad misbehave
themselves and go wandering about in the
country. One day, they meet Tajul Muluk
as the cake seller but do not recognize him.
They eat his cakes until they are absolutely
full. They ask for some water, and when
Tajul Muluk goes to fetch water for them,
they abscond. His foster parents, when they
learn from him the cause ofhis misery, sug-
gest that a complaint be made to the sultan.
In the palace, the poor man presents his
case before the sultan. Puteri Bakawali no-
tices her ring on Tajul Muluk’s finger, and
she too goes before the sultan. As Shahrat,
she orders that all the doors to the palace be
locked, as there is a thief amongst them.
She points out Tajul Muluk as the thief,
saying that the ring on his finger is a stolen
one. The sultan, surprised, asks who Shahrat
really is, and Puteri Bakawali, removing her
disguise, relates all the events that have
taken place. It is not Ahmad and Muham-
mad who obtained bunga bakawali, she says.
BURDAH
The successful person is none other than
the young cake seller. Tajul Muluk reveals
his true identity as the son of Sultan Tajul
Arif who went in search of the magical
bunga bakawali. Realizing that Ahmad and
Muhammad have cheated him and his son,
the sultan orders them to be punished, but
Tajul Muluk urges his father to pardon
them.
At that very instant, the king of the skies
arrives and the marriage of Tajul Muluk
and Puteri Bakawali is celebrated. Soon
afterwards, Garuda too comes in bringing
with him his daughter, Tajul Muluk’s first
wife. The sultan orders that celebrations be
held for the period of forty days and forty
nights to commemorate the marriage of
Tajul Muluk to both Puteri Nurul Ashikin
and Puteri Bakawali.
burdah (Malaysia). The first part of a*dabus
performance as seen in Malaysia. It consists
of religious chanting (*zikir) to the accom-
paniment of frame drums, gongs, and barrel
drums.
In the dabus ritual dance-theatre, per-
formances are divided into two parts, burdah
and jawab, terms which mean, respectively,
‘question’ and ‘answer’. Burdah consists of
zikir singing to the accompaniment of mu-
sical instruments. The zikir verses are usually
taken from the Kitab Maulid-un-Nabi. The
word burdah or al-Burdah is also applied in
Islamic literature to an extremely well-
known panegyric poem (qasidah) written by
Sharaf al-Din Abu Abd Allah Muhammad
ibn Said al-Busiri (AD 608-96) entitled al-
Qasidah al-Mamiyah. Both the Kitab Maulid-
un-Nabi and the al-Burdah are used in
praising or commemorating the Prophet
Muhammad, in particular on the occasion
of his birthday (maulid). The precise link
between dabus and the maulid celebrations,
however, remains to be established.
 S
Cahaya Bulan (Malaysia). The most 1m-
portant story in the repertoire of the *mek
mulong dance-theatre of Kedah. It is re-
garded as the origin story of the genre.
Interestingly, two comic characters, Endeng
and Epong, who feature in the Kedah
shadow play, *wayang kulit gedek, also
appear in it. The story runs as follows:
One night Puteri Namara, wife of Raja
Cahaya Bulan, the king of Sepagar Riong
Kemuncak Anjung Buluh Perindu, dreams
that a white dove landed in the palm of her
hand. When she tried to catch it by closing
her palm, the bird flew away, completely
disappearing into the clouds. The queen felt
melancholy as a result of her desire for the
bird.
Upon awakening, she informs Raja Ca-
haya Bulan about the dream. He immedi-
ately sends for the royal astrologers so that it
can be interpreted. According to the astro-
logers, the dream indicates that a king of
giants (Raja Gergasi) from the kingdom of
Benua Pak Kian will invade Sepagar Riong,
kill Raja Cahaya Bulan, and kidnap Puteri
Namara. The giant is so powerful that
twelve kingdoms have already submitted to
his will.
The astrologers advise Raja Cahaya Bu-
lan to mobilize his people as well as his
soldiers so that the gates to the city can be
properly guarded for the next seven days
and seven nights. All weapons are to be
kept in readiness and the moat around the
city deepened.
Having made all these preparations, Raja
Cahaya Bulan retires to his room with
Puteri Namara. While everybody is asleep,
the giant king enters the city and kills Raja
Cahaya Bulan. Leaving behind two of his
servants to persuade Puteri Namara to join
him in his kingdom, he returns to Benua
Pak Kian.
After some time, Puteri Namara, de-
ciding that she has no alternative, agrees to
go to Benua Pak Kian. Upon reaching the
kingdom, however, she refuses to enter its
gates. This upsets the giant king who orders
his servants to imprison the queen in an
iron cage and to leave the cage in the mid-
dle of a field.
Meanwhile, the dead king, Raja Cahaya
Bulan, is placed upon a raft and set afloat
upon a river. Although the water flows at
high speed, the raft moves in the opposite
direction towards the river’s source. Soon it
reaches another country. Here, it is dis-
covered by two men, Endeng and Epong.
Taking the raft ashore, they discover that it
bears the body of Raja Cahaya Bulan, an
old friend of theirs. Endeng then instructs
Epong to go to his (Endeng’s) house to ob-
tain an antidote so that Raja Cahaya Bulan
can be brought back to life. Endeng’s wife,
who at first refuses to give the antidote, is
convinced only when Epong tells her that
Endeng has been bitten by a poisonous
snake and thus needs the antidote.
On his way back, Epong is bitten on his
leg by a snake. He sees this as a punishment
for the le he has told Endeng’s wife. Mean-
while, Endeng, who is getting worried
about the delay, sets out to look for Epong.
He finds his friend lying unconscious and
also sees the snake that bit him. Endeng
applies some of the antidote to Epong’s leg
and he recovers. Returning to where Raja
Cahaya Bulan is, they restore him to life.
The three companions then proceed in
the direction of Benua Pak Kian. Here, a
battle takes place and with his magical
powers (sakti) Raja Cahaya Bulan defeats
the giant king while Endeng breaks open
the iron cage to rescue Puteri Namara. Raja
Cahaya Bulan and Puteri Namara return to
Sepagar Riong Kemuncak Anjung Buluh
Perindu in safety.
cak (Indonesia). A Balinese dance, possibly
left over from pre-Hindu times, more pop-
ularly known as kecak. Generally, cak is a
section from the *sanghyang trance-dance,

cak
where it serves the function of a chorus. As
a choir of ahundred or more men performs,
the dancers sing the word ‘ecak’ repeatedly
in a rhythmic pattern. It is for this reason
that the choir of males is called cak. In the
sanghyang dance, it generally sings prayers to
invite the spirits of ancestors or gods and
goddesses to descend. Their arrival is marked
by trance in the sanghyang dancers.
A sanghyang performance serves to re-
move disease or pestilence. Customarily,
cak and sanghyang are performed in the sixth
month of the Balinese calendar; the actual
performance time is determined by a reli-
gious expert.
Today, however, cak has become separ-
ated from sanghyang and from its original
function. It has developed into an art form
which uses stories (lakon) from the *Rama-
yana. The new form of cak developed in
1935 in the village of Bendaulu, Gianyar. It
is believed to have been inspired by two
western anthropologists, Beryl de Zoete
and Walter Spies. The subsequent arrival of
increasing numbers of tourists converted
cak into the popular entertainment form
that it has since become.
A cak performance is, on the whole, sim-
ple in terms of technique, costumes, and
dance movements. Participants wear a wrap-
around batik skirt (sariung) and no shirt. The
simple make-up consists of three white dots
CALONARANG
on the temples and forehead. Those who
perform episodes from the Ramayana, how-
ever, wear traditional Balinese costumes,
which have increasingly come to resemble
those of a*wayang wong.
The setting for a performance is rel-
atively simple. Cak dancers sit in a circle,
usually five or seven persons deep. A clay
lamp standing about a metre in height pro-
vides the only light. Cak movements are
simple, these being imitations of flames,
wind, swaying coconut palms, and sea
waves. Clapping of hands provides rhyth-
mic accompaniment. Jumps and move-
ments derived from those of animals are
also occasionally included. Every move-
ment is accompanied by shouts.
The Ramayana dances are stylized, re-
sembling those used in wayang wong. Each
cak group has its own set of rhythms. Apart
from these rhythms, cak also uses chanting
(tembang) of text such as wirama, derived
from the *Ramayana Kekawin, or tunes from
sanghyang. The language used in Ramayana
episodes in cak is Kawi or Balinese. Char-
acters such as *Rama, *Laksamana, and
*Rawana use Kawi, while the comedians
(*punakawan) use the local Balinese, thus
serving their traditional function as inter-
preters of the Kawi text for the benefit of
the village audience.
Calonarang (Indonesia). Although the name
does not appear anywhere in Balinese his-
tory, the Calonarang story, which serves as
dramatic source material for several import-
ant Balinese theatre forms, is considered
semi-historical or legendary. The back-
ground to the story is a historical event
believed to have taken place in the East
Javanese kingdom of Kuripan during the
reign of King Airlangga in the eleventh
century. The story goes as follows:
Calonarang (Walunateng Girah), a
widow from the village of Girah, has an
extremely beautiful daughter named Ratna
Menggali. Despite her outstanding beauty,
however, mo proposal is received for the
hand of Ratna Menggali on account of
Calonarang’s reputation as a witch. Her
daughter’s fate upsets and angers Calona-
rang. She presents offerings to the Goddess
Durga in order to request her permission
CALONARANG
and the power to destroy Kuripan. This
power granted, Calonarang and her fol-
lowers cause disaster in Kuripan by dancing
during the night.
The following day, an epidemic afflicts
the citizens of Kuripan. Upon discovering
its cause, King Airlangga sends his troops to
kill Calonarang. The witch, destroys them
by means of a fire which issues from her
mouth, eyes, ears, and nostrils. Following
the destruction of Airlangga’s soldiers,
Calonarang performs a victory dance with
her companions, Guyang, Gandi, Larong,
Woksir, Lendi, and Mahisawadana.
Unable to overcome the witch through
his own efforts, Airlangga seeks the assist-
ance of a powerful priest, Mpu Bharada,
from the village of Lemah Tulis. Mpu Bha-
rada sends his son, Brahula, to find out
what makes Calonarang invincible. Brahula
proposes to Ratna Menggali and Calo-
narang promptly accepts the proposal. She
is delighted, for Brahula turns out to be a
good-looking and cultured person. The
marriage between Ratna Menggali and
Brahula takes place.
One night, while making love to Ratna
Menggali, Brahula asks his wife the secret
which it has been his mission to find out.
Unsuspecting, Ratna Menggali informs her
husband that the source of her mother’s
magical power is her holy book. Brahula
asks to see it and the moment it is brought
to him, he rushes to hand it to his father.
Mpu Bharada discovers that the magic the
book contains is good but that Calonarang
has been using it for evil purposes. Having
discovered the secret of the witch’s power,
Mpu Bharada proceeds to accost her with
the intention of convincing her that her
actions are wrong.
Mpu Bharada meets Calonarang in her
death temple (pura dalem). Despite the
priest’s noble intentions, the two are soon
locked in a heated argument. Mpu Bharada
tells Calonarang that her sins are great and
since she has caused so many deaths the
only redemption is for her to die, Calona-
rang, furious, shows her magical power by
burning a banyan tree. Mpu Bharada chal-
lenges her to bring the dead tree to life with
her magic. This she is unable to do and so
Calonarang admits her defeat. Mpu Bha-
rada proceeds to show her the way to
heaven. See also calonarang, barong,
Rangda.
calonarang (Indonesia). A Balinese dance-
theatre which is a powerful exorcism against
evil spirits (leyak). As such, it is generally
performed when there is a threat or an
epidemic. Performances take place at night
in graveyards. Preparations start several days
ahead in a temporary performance area
surrounded by banyan trees. It is important
that a male papaya tree (one that does not
bear fruit) be transplanted from the wild to
the middle of the performance area, in
keeping with the belief that such a tree is
the favourite haunt of the leyak, subjects of
the witch Calonarang. In addition, the
covered performance area 1s decorated with
palm-leaf streamers and flags cut out of
tissue paper. A tall house on stilts is built for
Calonarang. It is flanked by spears, pen-
nants, and umbrellas—all symbols ofstate.
A musical prelude played by a full */egong
orchestra augmented by large bamboo
flutes begins the performance which lasts
untl dawn when the witch makes her
dramatic entrance. The play’s theme is the
struggle between Calonarang and King Air-
langga. Interludes consist of dances by six
girls representing the witch’s pupils, slap-
stick scenes depicting the encounters of
Airlangga’s subject with leyak, and dra-
matic songs by the prince sent to kill
Calonarang.
Towards dawn, while a priest stands by
to conjure the witch, an entranced actor
impersonating Calonarang appears, dramat-
ically drawing the curtain at the entrance to
her house. The witch makes her triumph-
ant entrance to the accompaniment of vi-
olent music,’ shrieking curses upon the
prince who is promptly put to flight. Des-
pite the common origins between this per-
formance and *barong, the intention of the
calonarang play is to depict the witch’s
triumph.
The climax is considered critical for one
does not know what will happen next. Ca-
lonarang could very well ran wild in the
village. Should this happen, she has to be
brought under control. See also Calona-
rang, barong.

canggai (Malaysia/Indonesia). Long finger-
nails made of metal or other materials used
by some of the performers in several dif-
ferent forms of South-East Asian dance and
dance-theatre.
capala (Indonesia). In the Balinese shadow
play (*wayang kulit), the conical toe
knocker which the animator ofthe puppets
(*dalang) holds between two toes of his
right foot to strike a large box so as to
provide the musical cues to the orchestra
(*gender wayang), as well as to determine the
music and its tempo.
carijos (Indonesia). A form of narration in
the classical shadow play, *wayang kulit
purwa, of Java which describes action and
usually introduces a minor scene (adegan) or
describes ‘off-stage’ or ‘between-the-scene’
events not portrayed on the screen. Carijos
also serves, at times, to indicate the entrance
of a new character in the midst of a major
scene (*jejer).
carillo (Philippines). The shadow play in
the Philippines, now no longer active,
which used wooden or cardboard figures to
perform historical or chivalrous romances.
Judging from the various alternative names
given to the genre, it appears that carillo was
at one time probably widespread or at least
widely known in the islands. The names
used in the Tagalog regions, include, apart
from carillo, titre (in Bataan, the Visayas, and
Pangasinan), gagio, petei, and kikumit (in the
Pampangan region), aliala (in La Union),
and teatro anino (in Nueva Ecija).
The opinion has been expressed that
carillo is probably pre-Spanish in its origin,
but its precise history has not yet been
determined. Verne Dyson (Tagalog Literat-
ure, 1931) proposes a Javanese or Sumatran
origin with an eventual derivation from
India and China. He believes the earliest
presentations used the Indian epics, *Rama-
yana and * Mahabharata, as source materials.
He postulates that the shadow play could
have been introduced into the Philippines
by Malay immigrants by the same process
the Hindus used to bring it to South-East
Asia. After the Spanish arrived in the
CEMPALA
Philippines, he believes, European themes
superseded Hindu ones.
There is nothing in any available source
to indicate Indian or Chinese origin, or
even other South-East Asian connections
for carillo, such as design features and rep-
ertoire. The lack of any concrete evidence
and the absence of specific linking features
makes this theory at best an implausible
one. Navaro de Peralta (in Amelia-Lapen
Bonifacio, The Seditious Zarzuela) indicates
that the shadow plays were introduced in
the 1870s with a shadow puppet theatre
built in Magdalena Street in Manila. The
performances used various romantic stories,
including Don Juan Tenorio. De Peralta saw
his first performance in 1879.
An earlier description of 1783, by Vel-
lardo (in Bonifacio, op. cit.) marks the first
actual date available for the carillo. There is
no available evidence in any Spanish or
Filipino source prior to these two.
On the whole, therefore, the shadow
puppet theatre in the Philippines seems to
have been relatively undeveloped compared
to similar traditions in the other countries
of South-East Asia. It is very likely that
there never was a strong tradition, for no
Spanish source mentions it, even in derog-
atory terms, as one would expect.
With the sole exception of the Pam-
pangan versions, carillo figures representing
persons or animals seem to have been of
cardboard. They were tied to fine strings
and manipulated by expert hands. The fig-
ures were then projected on to a screen for
the entertainment ofthe audience seated on
the darkened side of aroom. The perform-
ance seems to have been generally silent,
though occasionally prompters were used
to provide dialogue. Among the stories
mentioned by W. E. Retana (Superstitiones
de los Indios Filipinos, 1894) are the
following: La Tia, Norica, Los Sudores del
Rey, and Momo. Don Juan Tenorio, as earlier
indicated, was also used. It seems highly
unlikely that carillo was Christianized and
used to enact miracle or morality plays as
was done with various other traditions of
Filipino theatre.
cempala (Indonesia). A small piece of wood
which a puppeteer (*dalang) of the Javanese
CERITA 1
shadow play (*wayang kulit punwa) holds in
his right foot between the big toe and the
second toe to strike an instrument attached
to the box containing his puppets (*keprak).
This enables him to cue the musicians. In
addition, the cempala is sometimes held by a
dalang in his left hand and struck on the
chest of puppets to stress certain words or
phrases.
cerita 1 (Malaysia/Indonesia). In general,
whether in traditional or modern theatre, a
story or plot.
cerita 2 (Malaysia/Indonesia). In *wayang
kulit purwa, the straightforward giving of
information or description without musical
accompaniment.
Cerita Kusi Serawi (Malaysia). In the Ke-
lantanese Malay shadow play form known
as *wayang kulit siam, the story which deals
with events following those covered in
* Hikayat Maharaja Wana, the Malay version
of the Hindu epic, *Ramayana. Tradition-
ally, this later tale, like the classical Rama-
yana, ends with the rescue of *Sita Dewi by
Seri *Rama, and their triumphant return to
Ayodhya where Seri Rama is crowned king
following the completion of his banish-
ment. Kusi and Serawi are the names, re-
spectively, of Kusha and Lawa, the sons of
Rama and Sita Dewi. In wayang kulit siam’s
branch stories (*cerita ranting), the princes
are also known, respectively, as Lak Juna
and Lak Palembang. In ritual (*berjamu)
performances of wayang kulit siam, where it
is an obligatory story, Cerita Kusi Serawi is
also popularly known as *Sii Dewi Dihalau
or Siti Dewi Driven Away. Several minor
variations of the plot exist, but the principal
events remain more or less consistent.
Immediately upon his return from Lang-
kapuri, where he went to rescue his wife,
Sita Dewi, from the demon-king, *Rawana,
Seri Kama goes to bathe in a pond to wash
away any malicious influences there may be
on his body following contact with the evil
forces he has subdued. An evil spirit (in
some versions said to be the ghost of Ra-
wana himself), disguised as a former serving
maid of Sita Dewi, returns to her palace to
continue serving her. She persuades the
unwilling Sita Dewi to talk of her experi-
ences in Langkapuri and particularly of
Rawana. Eventually, she succeeds in per-
suading Sita Dewi to draw a portrait of the
demon-king. This causes Seri Rama to fall
ill while at the pond; he therefore asks to be
taken back to his palace. Seri Rama’s sud-
den return catches Sita Dewi by surprise.
She hides the portrait under her mattress,
and the ‘servant’ disappears. Seri Rama,
now lying on the mattress, feels even more
ill than before. He concludes that some
object in the palace is the cause of his ill-
ness. He orders a thorough search; the por-
trait is discovered. Seri Rama disbelieves
Sita Dewi’s story about the servant having
persuaded her to draw the portrait. He
beats her and orders *Laksamana to take her
away and kill her, bringing back her liver
which he believes will prove that she is no
better than a dog.
Laksamana, though convinced that Sita
Dewi is innocent, has little choice in the
matter. All his attempts to dissuade Sen
Rama fail. He then takes Sita Dewi away
for her execution. Apologizing to Sita Dewi,
he tnes to kill her three umes, with bow
and arrow, sword, and dagger (keris), but
fails. He then advises Sita Dewi to go to her
father Maharishi Kala Api’s hermitage at
Wat Tujuh Kedi Bermas to live with him
there. Kerga Dewa, on the orders of Betara
Guru (Siva), descends to earth in the shape
of a dog. This dog is killed by Laksamana,
and its liver given to Seri Rama.
At Wat Tujuh Kedi Bermas, Sita Dewi
gives birth to Kusi. One day, leaving him
at the wat, she goes to a pool to collect
water and to wash clothes. On the way,
she hears the monkeys criticizing human
beings for being so irresponsible as to leave
children behind, while even monkeys
carry their children with them all the time.
Returning to the temple (wat), she fetches
Kusi and takes him along with her. Maha-
rishi Kala Api, seeing that Kusi is missing,
creates a replica from lemon grass (seraf).
This child is named Serawi. When Sita
Dewi returns to the wat, the truth is dis-
covered. Maharishi Kala Api.is prepared to
destroy Serawi, but Sita Dewi says that the
child should be allowed to live.
Kusi_ and Serawi persistently enquire

about their father, and Siti Dewi tells them
about Rama as well as about Laksamana.
They study under Maharishi Kala Api.
When they grow up, they begin to make
explorations on horseback, and during one
of their trips they come to the tree marking
the boundary of Seri Rama’s kingdom.
They shoot at it, and various animals
emerge. Seri Rama’s horse escapes and it is
mounted by Kusi. Ser’ Rama orders an
investigation into the cause of the confu-
sion. Sagariwa reports back on the situ-
ation. Ser1 Rama’s faithful clown-servants,
*Pak Dogol and *Wak Long, meet Kusi
and Serawi, but Kusi refuses to return Seri
Rama’s horse, claiming that it is his. Seri
Rama, when told of these events, orders
Pak Dogol and Wak Long to arrest the cul-
prits, but they fail. Similarly, Seri Rama’s
captains and *Hanuman Kera Putih, the
monkey general, try to arrest Kusi and Se-
rawi, but in vain. All of them return with
their hands tied behind their backs by the
sons of Seri Rama. Only Seri Rama is able
to loosen the knots. Laksamana is sent to
demand Sen Rama’s horse from Kusi and
Serawi. The princes make obeisance to him
but refuse to return the horse. As they ride
away, Seri Rama himself follows them in
an attempt to capture them, but he too fails.
Seri Rama then decides to shoot his arrows
at Kusi and Serawi. His three arrows, when
shot at the princes, change into sweetmeats,
golden and silver flowers, umbrellas, and
the regalia of a ruler. Finally, Kusi allows
himselftobe captured, telling his brother to
return to Sita Dewi, and to tell her of the
events. Hanuman Kera Putih, who follows
Serawi and reaches the wat, discovers that
Sita Dewi is still alive. He pays her his
respects. On the orders of Sita Dewi, Hanu-
man Kera Putih then returns to Seri Rama
with the news that Sita Dewi is alive.
Refusing to believe Hanuman, Seri Rama
drives him out. Hanuman Kera Putih goes
to Wat Tujuh Kedi Bermas. However,
soon regretting his actions, Seri Rama sends
his captains to recall Hanuman Kera Put,
but Hanuman refuses to return. The mes-
sengers, returning to Seri Rama, confirm
that Sita Dewi is alive. Ser: Rama now
discovers the facts from Kusi. Upon being
questioned, Laksamana also confirms that
CERITA RANTING
he could not kill Sita Dewi. Seri Rama then
asks Kusi to coax Hanuman Kera Putih and
Sita Dewi to return. Although reluctant to
leave Sita Dewi, Hanuman Kera Putih re-
turns to Seri Rama. Sita Dewi, however,
refuses to leave Wat Tujuh Kedi Bermas,
vowing to return to Ayodhya only when
Seri Rama is dead.
After some time, advised by Laksamana
and Hanuman Kera Putih, Seri Rama
feigns death. He is placed in a coffin, and a
message 1s sent to Sita Dewi informing her
of her husband’s ‘death’. Sita Dewi comes
to Ayodhya, is seized by Seri Rama, but
escapes into the earth, split by Princess
Maya Bumu, the earth goddess. Hanuman
Kera Putih, pursuing, seizes her from Maya
Bumi. Sita Dewi escapes again, taking the
form of a white dove. Hanuman pursues
her in the form of ahawk. She then becomes
a golden carp and Hanuman Kera Putih a
fish trap. Next, Sita Dewi becomes a white
mouse and Hanuman Kera Puth a cat, Sita
Dewi a swallow and Hanuman a dove.
Eventually, Sita Dewi is caught but de-
mands that her reconciliation with Seri
Rama be considered a second marriage.
The bride price is to be a golden palace
with 108 pillars, with furnishings and other
paraphernalia. Seri Rama agrees to the
terms. When preparations are completed,
the remarriage of Seri Rama and Sita Dewi
takes place.
cerita pokok (Malaysia). Literally, ‘tree’ or
‘trunk story’. In the Malay *wayang kulit siam
shadow play, the basic story of the Hindu
epic, “Ramayana, as it appears in the Malay
*Hikayat Maharaja Wana and the *Cerita
Kusi Serawi. The complete story is never
performed these days although most pup-
peteers (*dalang) are familiar with it.
Dalang, however, select popular episodes
from it, preferring, most of the time, to do
the more popular branch tales (*cerita
ranting).
cerita ranting (Malaysia). In Kelantanese
*wayang kulit siam, the basic repertoire of
the *Ramayana is divided into what is
known as the main or trunk stories (*cerita
pokok) and the branch or twig stories (cerlta
ranting). The cerita pokok deals with the basic
CERITA RANTING
Ramayana story as it appears in the *Hikayat
Maharaja Wana and the *Cerita Kusi Serawi.
This story is, therefore, more or less parallel
to other Indian, South-East Asian, and Ma-
lay *Rama sagas with certain variations,
additions, and localizations which lend each
of the regional versions a distinctive char-
acter. The word ranting is used to designate
a whole mass of tales that, although part of
the Rama repertoire, are not found in the
basic Ramayana story. The term ranting
indicates that such stories are not intended
to be a part of the main or trunk story.
Generally, they consist of the later or minor
adventures of the hero, Seri Rama,
other major Ramayana characters, as well
as their offspring. In chronological terms,
therefore, the ranting stories begin after the
death of *Rawana and Seri Rama’s success-
ful rescue of *Sita Dewi from Langkapun..
The ranting stories do not, as a whole,
constitute a ‘cycle’ as such, or even a com-
plete story as does the epic. The stories do
not form a series in chronological or even
logical or thematic sequence; each is a
single, complete, and independent unit. A
certain number of ranting stories are com-
mon to several *dalang and, invented as
they were several generations ago, have
now become part of the basic repertoire of
the dalang through a process of oral trans-
mission. In many cases, motifs are inter-
changed between stories, either new
traditional, not only from the Rama cycle,
but also from stories derived from other
sources such as the Javanese *Panji ro-
mance, as well as stories from other tradi-
tional genres such as *mak yong, *menora,
and *selampit. The majority of ranting tales
are completely fluid and flexible in content.
In many cases, therefore, such interchange
of motifs is achieved without too much
difficulty, or any feeling of incongruity.
A large number of ranting stories have
been in existence for several generations
and have been handed down in this form.
Therefore, although only fanciful creations,
they have been completely accepted as a
part of the ‘fundamental’ wayang kulit siam
repertoire. There are also dalang who con-
tinue to create new adventures for the
heroes of the Ramayana, thus further devel-
oping and enlarging the ranting repertoire.
The exact number of ranting stories 1s not
known.
Several important themes or motifs re-
peatedly make their appearance in the
Ramayana ranting stories of the wayang kulit
siam, some exactly parallel to those found in
the *Panji cycle, and indeed some which
are the stock-in-trade of romances or folk-
tales the world over.
These recurrent motifs include the
following:
1. Seri Rama’s several marriages, con-
tracted for various reasons, including
victories in wars as well as his plain
and desire for pretty women whom he can-
not resist. Sometimes such marriages are
inevitable as they are a precondition to
the obtaining of a favour Seri Rama
badly needs. In most cases, the prin-
cesses he marries are left behind. Some-
times they bear him children who later
seek him out. An ultimate reconciliation
generally takes place between Sen. Rama
and his wives and children.
bo . The marriages of other characters, in-
cluding Hanuman Kera Puth, Sen
Rama’s other sons, and his grandsons.
The pattern here usually parallels that of
Seri Rama’s own marmages. Com-
petitions or tests for the hands of prin-
cesses are featured.
3. The expulsion of a deity from the sky-
or country, Kayangan, and his transforma-
tion into some other form, usually
awaiting a retransformation into his
original shape through a meeting with
Seri Rama. Often, to thus bring about
an encounter with Ser Rama, the
condemned deity has to commit a sec-
ond or even a third crime which leads to
battles between him and various lesser
characters ‘before a final battle brings
him face to face with the hero. Such evil
acts as are committed by the con-
demned deity include kidnappings of
women, sometimes that of Sita Dewi
herself, or invasions. In the final battle,
Seri Rama’s attempt to ‘kill’ the trans-
formed deity is usually instrumental in
restoring the deity’s original form.
4. The kidnapping of Sita Dewi and
her eventual recovery by Seri Rama
through assistance provided by others,

including *Laksamana, *Hanuman, and
*Pak Dogol. The events in such stories
sometimes parallel the main plot of the
Ramayana.
5. Seri Rama’s constant disappearance
from his own kingdom either in search
of love or adventure, and Sita Dewi’s
search for him. In the more dramatic
situations, Sita Dewi, in male disguise,
is brought face to face with Seri Rama
in a war. Such a war generally leads to
the discovery of Sita Dewi’s true iden-
tity and her reconciliation with Ser
Rama.
6. Separation and reconciliation. Various
characters, including Laksamana, Ha-
numan Kera Putih, Pak Dogol, and
*Wak Long, get banished by Seri Rama
from his kingdom, Siusia Mendarapura,
for various ‘misdeeds’. Apart from
banishment or self-exile, separation is
occasionally brought about by kidnap-
ping, as in the case of Sita Dewi (no. 4
above). In all instances, final recon-
ciliation comes about through various
devices, including battles, which those
banished are obliged to fight against Seri
Rama or on his behalf when, desperate
for their help and profoundly regretting
his hasty decision to banish them, he
seeks them out. Some of the situations
leading to battles preceding reconcili-
ation include visits to the sky-country,
Kayangan, to seek divine assistance or
intervention. In such cases, the stories
end with elaborate deus ex machina.
7. The kidnapping of various princesses,
generally the fiancées of other maharajas
or princes, by members of Seri Rama’s
family. Such thefts invariably lead to
invasions of Seri Rama’s territories and
the defeat of the invading forces, or
alternatively, peace agreements.
8. Invasions inspired by the desire for
revenge or territorial designs. The in-
vading forces are usually defeated with
assistance rendered by Seri Rama.
These motifs cover most eventualities
though they are by no means exhaustive.
At the same time, it is obvious that a meas-
ure ofoverlap is inevitable as a consequence
of several motifs being found together in a
single story.
CHAN KUROP
CESPEDES, Dario (Philippines). Spanish
poet and playwright who arrived in Manila
in 1878 with a troupe ofperformers organ-
ized in Spain, is regarded as the man who
introduced *zarzuela into the Philippines.
The first zarzuela, staged by him in Manila
in early 1879, was Jugar Con Guego.
Chandra Kirana_ (Indonesia/Malaysia).
The heroine of the vast corpus of *Panji
romances which spread from Java to Ma-
laysia, Thailand, and possibly Cambodia,
and which continue to be featured in tra-
ditional theatre forms. The stories of the
Panji cycle deal essentially with the adven-
tures of the hero, Raden Panji, who has a
host of other names, including Ino Kerta-
pati and Chekel Wanengpati, and those of
Chandra Kirana (meaning ‘moonbeam’ or
‘radiant ray of the moon’) who is some-
times disguised as a man and named Sekar
Taji or Kuda Narawangsa. Raden Panji and
Chandra Kirana are eventually united in
marriage following a long period of separ-
ation. Chandra Kirana’s full name is some-
times stated as Galoh (or Galuh) Chandra
Kirana. See also Bossaba.
Chan Kurop (Malaysia/Thailand). One of
the most important tales in the *nora chatri
repertoire in Kelantan and southern Thai-
land. Chan Kurop, a young prince, is sent
at the age of ten to the little house of a
hermit (resi) to study the art of self-defence
and various magical arts. Following two
years’ training, the resi, wishing to give the
prince a parting present, instructs his ser-
vant to bring him some human bones, but
the servant can only find the bones of a
dog. The resi places the bones in a little gold
box, 5 centimetres deep, and prays that
they be transformed into a beautiful young
woman. He then gives the little box to
Chan Kurop, warning him not to open it
until he reaches his father’s palace. Chan
Kurop travels all day through the forest.
When he stops to sleep under a large tree,
unable to restrain his curiosity, he opens the
lid of the box.
A tiny figure of ayoung woman emerges,
and quickly grows to full size. Her name,
Nang Raman, is inscribed on the lid. In the
adventures which follow, the princess, with
CHANTHAKOROP
her dog origin, betrays the prince on several
occasions. Chan Kurop is killed by a robber
chief, but is restored to life by a god. He
goes to a cave under the sea where a beauti-
ful princess lives, guarded by sea dragons.
Rescuing the princess, he marries her.
Nang Raman, the dog-woman, who is
transformed into an ape, remains in the
forest. Chan Kurop takes his bride back to
his father’s country. Here, he is installed as
the crown prince.
Chanthakorop (Thailand). Written by Phra
Achan Daeng, it is one of the most popular
of all *likay stories. It goes as follows:
Prince Chanthakorop, having completed
his studies with an old hermit (resi) named
Phrachaota, prepares to return home. The
rishi gives him a small magic urn as a gift,
instructing the prince not to open it before
his arrival in his city. The prince, however,
disobeys his teacher’s instructions. He opens
the urn, and out of it appears a beautiful
maiden named Mora. Chanthakorop takes
her as his wife.
Along the journey one day, Chanthako-
rop and his wife come across a thief in a
forest. The prince tries to protect himself
and Mora with his sword, but it slips from
his hand. He requests his wife to hand him
the sword but she accidentally gives it to the
thief who uses it to kill Chanthakorop. The
thief takes Mora as his wife but later
abandons her, starving, in the forest. The
god Indra, seeing the events below, wishes
to test Mora’s faithfulness. Disguising him-
self as an eagle, and bearing a piece of meat
in his beak, he perches himself on a branch
in the forest. Mora begs the eagle for the
meat and when the bird demands that she
surrender herself to it in return for the
meat, Mora does so. The god Indra, realiz-
ing her depravity, turns her into a gibbon,
and she cries pua-pua (husband-husband)
hereafter.
Chan Thu Wong (Malaysia/Thailand). A abducted by an ogre while asleep. Chan
tale from the Malay and Thai *nora chatri.
The story is a continuation of *Chan Kurop.
Chan Thu Wong is a young prince born
under the sea. He is brought up by his
grandfather, the Sea Dragon King, until he
is seven years old. He then sets off to join
his father and mother, but he spends two
years in the house of a hermit (resi), in a
forest, studying martial skills. When he
leaves his teacher and travels off through
the forest, he is transported to the bedroom
of an ogre princess named Nang Matcha.
They fall in love. Soon, the Ogre King dis-
covers him and orders him to be killed. He
escapes by magic. Nang Matcha goes in
search of him and is changed into a youth
by a friendly god. Meanwhile, Chan Thu
Wong returns to his grandfather’s kingdom
and assembles an army of sea dragons for
the invasion of the Ogre King’s country,
intending to capture the princess. However,
he meets her in the forest, in the house of a
resi, and they are married. Chan Thu Wong
then continues his journey. He and his
army meet the army of the Ogre King,
which has been sent to find Nang Matcha.
Chan Thu Wong kills the Ogre King.
Returning with his wife to the Ogre King’s
palace, he is proclaimed king.
Two demons who have been fostered by
the late Ogre King and who hate Chan
Thu Wong, now drive him insane. In his
madness, he orders the guards to throw his
wife into the sea, to imprison his mother-
in-law, and to kill all mortals in his king-
dom. His wife escapes by magic. She is
taken above the clouds and adopted by
another Ogre King, a favourite pupil of the
old resi. Chan Kurop and the Sea Dragon
King, hearing of Chan Thu Wong’s mental
illness, come to cure him. Chan Kurop
brings a hermit with him, and the latter
quickly discovers that the illness has been
caused by demons. Chan Thu Wong is
cured, Chan Thu Wong goes into the sea
to look for his wife and learns that she is
above the clouds. He follows her there and
marries her a second time. The couple con-
tinue to live with the Ogre King in the sky.
When his wife is seven months pregnant,
Chan Thu Wong decides to take her home.
On their way through the forest, she is
Thu Wong does not realize this. Resi Mata
Api, a sage with special magic powers, res-
cues her and takes her to his-little house in
the forest, where she gives birth to a son
who is named Su Ri Wong. Meanwhile,
Chan Thu Wong searches for her. He is

carried away by a well-meaning god to
another ogre’s palace. Once again, he finds
himselfin the bedroom of a beautiful ogre
princess. He is again discovered and ar-
rested. This time, he is bound to a post in
front of the palace and left in the sun and
rain. He is beaten every day. This continues
for nine years.
Chan Thu Wong’s son, Su Ri Wong,
studies martial arts and magical skills under
the resi, until he reaches the age of seven.
He is then sent to rescue his father. Having
done so, he returns to kill the Ogre King.
Chan Thu Wong is proclaimed King ofthe
Ogre Kingdom and lives there with his two
wives: his first wife, Nang Matcha, with
whom he is reunited, and the ogre princess,
Nang Ken Chan, by whom he has two
children.
Chekel Wanengpati (Indonesia/Malay-
sia), see Panji, Chandra Kirana
Cik Wang (Indonesia). The name by
which a *pak yong is addressed in a per-
formance of the Riau islands’ *mak yong.
He may, of course, have other proper
names, such as *Dewa Muda or Dewa
Samadaru, depending upon the story.
comedia
COMEDIA
cinem (Indonesia). The words a character
speaks in the first person to another char-
acter in the *wayang kulit purwa shadow
play.
comedia (Philippines). A variety offolk reli-
gious drama performed in various towns
and villages in the Philippines during local
festivals (fiestas) in honour of patron saints.
The most notable of these is the comedia,
held annually on 29 September (Michael-
mas Day) during the *San Miguel Fiesta in
honour ofSt Michael at Iigan City on the
island of Mindanao where St Michael is
both a titular saint and a folk hero of epic
proportions. Most Filipino town fiestas have
traditionally had performances of a variety
of romantic comedy, *moro-moro, which
centres on the conflict between Christians
and Muslims. Due to Iligan’s mixed popu-
lation, moro-moro cannot be openly perform-
ed without offending Muslim sensitivities.
In moro-moro, Muslims are inevitably the
losers in battles resulting from conflicts
between them and the Christians. Many
moro-moro plays even conclude with the
conversion of Muslim heroes and kings to
Christianity. The Iliganos turned, therefore,
to a tradition that antedates the moro-moro,
COMEDIA HEROICA
one that goes back to the very beginnings
of the comedia in the Philippines—the
religious comedia. In this classic definition, as
in the case of Dante’s The Divine Comedy,
the term comedia refers to any play or story
with a happy ending.
The first comedia in the Philippines was
presented in Cebu in 1598. It was locally
written by a Jesuit in Latin and Spanish to
celebrate the arrival of the first bishop of
that diocese. In a short time, the comedia be-
came an integral part of Filipino religious
activities. By 1609, according to a report by
Antonio de Morga, the Filipinos gracefully
performed comedia in Spanish as well as in
local languages. When, in 1619, Pope
Urban VIII decreed the observance of the
Feast of the Immaculate Conception of
Our Lady, the comedia was one of the high-
lights of the celebration. The Franciscans
presented Comedy of the Beauty of Rachel; the
Jesuits, Comedy of the Conception; the Domin-
icans, Comedy of the Sale ofJoseph; and the
Recollects, Comedy ofthe Prince of Transylva-
nid.
In Cebu, the comedia reached its peak
with Captain Serapio’s Huas staged in 1886.
Iligan’s Divine Comedy of Senor San Miguel
by an unknown Cebuano playwright is an
offshoot of that city’s comedia. First staged in
1890, it is one of today’s few active comedia
in the Philippines. [ligan’s Divine Comedy
begins with the traditional *loa wherein
Catholics as well as representative pagan
groups deliver poetic panegyrics to Senor
San Miguel. The play itself is based on a
Jewish legend that antedates both Chris-
tianity and Islam. Semitic tradition says
that God commanded the angels to make
obeisance to Adam and that some refused
from pride. In the Muslim version, Mikail
and Jibrail were the first angels to pay their
homage to Adam; Satan refused, claiming
that he had been created from fire and
would not stoop to make obeisance to an
inferior created out of dust. He was driven
out of God’s service and allowed to become
the adversary of mankind. Iligan’s Senor San
Miguel is a Sugbuhanon interpretation of
this Semitic legend.
The beginning of the twentieth century
saw a campaign to exterminate the Philip-
pine traditional theatre, in particular the ro-
mantic comedia known also as moro-moro. In
Manila, it was led by Severino *Reyes, who
wrote a *zarzuela entitled *R.J.P., wherein
the romantic comedia was relegated to the
grave. In Cebu, the movement was spear-
headed by Vincente Soto, a Sugbuhanon
playwnght who wrote political plays. The
moro-moro, however, is still alive, and the
comedia, which began in Cebu in 1598, 1s
highly active in Iligan City.
Comedia Heroica De La Conquistada De
Granada O Sea Vida De Don Gonzalo De
Cordoba Ilamado El Gran Capitan (Philip-
pines). Written by Padre Anselmo Jorge de
Fajardo (1785-1845), the most famous of
the Kapampangan *comedia, and based upon
Spanish history. The historical Gonzalo de
Cordoba (1453-1515) was a general in the
service of Queen Isabella and was among
those responsible for recovering Granada
from the Moors who had occupied it for
three centuries. Although Gonzalo’s milit-
ary exploits appeared tailor-made for the
comedia, alterations had to be made to his
amorous conquests; hence, Fajardo’s con-
clusion of Gonzalo’s fictional romance with
the beautiful Moonsh princess, Zulema.
Like other comedia, Gonzalo de Cordoba has
an extremely intricate plot.
Dunng an invasion of a Muslim city,
Gonzalo falls in love at first sight with
Zulema. Nothing, however, comes of this
first encounter because Gonzalo is sent on
another mission, this time to Africa. During
Gonzalo’s absence from the Chnstian camp,
a letter arrives. It is addressed to Gonzalo by
Zulema and her sister-in-law, Queen Zo-
raida. The latter, who has been falsely
accused of plotting the murder of her
husband, the despotic Boabdil, begs Gon-
zalo to come to her defence. On behalf of
the absent Gonzalo, Conde de Lara goes to
Granada and saves the queen’s life as well
as her honour. Meanwhile, Zulema is ab-
ducted by her brother, Almanzor, and
taken prisoner on a ship bound for Africa.
Gonzalo, who is on his way back to Spain
disguised as a Moor, rescues Zulema. The
two lovers anchor at Malaga, where Zulema
nurses the wounded Gonzalo whom she
knows only as the African knight. Learning
of his daughter’s rescue, Muley Hassam

promises Zulema’s hand to whoever of her
four suitors—one of them being the Af
rican knight—can capture Gonzalo. When
Gonzalo reveals his true identity to Zulema,
the Moorish princess nevertheless assures
him of her love. Gonzalo surprises his rivals
by revealing his identity to them. Then, he
defeats them in combat. Meanwhile, the
news of Gonzalo’s impending arrival in
Granada causes panic among the inhab-
itants. Almanzor challenges Gonzalo to
personal combat. Without Gonzalo’s know-
ledge, Queen Isabella accepts the challenge.
Gonzalo thus finds himself caught between
his loyalty to the queen and his love for
Zulema.
When Gonzalo fails to arrive on time,
Conde de Lara puts on Gonzalo’s armour
and kills Almanzor. Gonzalo then rushes to
Zulema to explain what has happened but
he is captured by Boabdil’s men and sen-
tenced to death. The wounded Lara, hear-
ing of this, confesses that it was he who
killed Almanzor. Refusing to have his
friend sacrifice his life for him, Gonzalo
insists that he is guilty. The matter is settled
when Lara exhibits the wounds he received
during the fateful combat. Muley Hassam is
so moved by the friendship between the
two men that he releases them both. An-
gered, Boabdil imprisons his father and his
sister. In response to Zulema’s plea for help,
Gonzalo invades Granada. On behalf of
Spain, he claims the city of Granada and for
himselfhe claims the hand of Zulema.
Fajardo’s work is only one of the many
similarly romanticized accounts of the life
of Gonzalo de Cordoba. Its plot resembles
that of aTagalog *corrido on the same sub-
ject. What distinguishes Fajardo’s work
from other versions, however, is its epic
proportions. Possibly the longest work in
Philippine literature, it consists of three
volumes of 832 pages (31,000 lines). The
three volumes correspond to its division
into three journeys (journadas), each lasting
a day. When it was staged in Bocolor in
February 1831—the only time it is known
to have been staged—the performance took
seven nights. The work is of high lyrical
quality. The only known published edition
of the work is that printed by Cornelio
Pabalan Byron in Bocolor in 1912.
COWONGAN
condong (Indonesia). A female role in vari-
ous forms of Balinese dance-theatre, usually
representing the attendant or servant of a
queen or princess. In addition, the condong
performer has certain special functions, in-
cluding that of the developer (penata) of a
story through the interpretation of Kawi
texts into vernacular Balinese. The condong
role is encountered in *gambuh, *arja, and
*legong performances.
corrido (Philippines), see more-moro
cowongan (Indonesia). An ancient trance
theatre form centred around a doll called
Nini Cowong or Nini Cowok. It is per-
formed in Java, principally in the Maduin
and Banujumas areas, with some differences
in performance details in the two regions.
Traditionally, cowongan had deep religious
significance, and while this is still evident in
certain areas, in others the ritual significance
of the ceremony has been somewhat lost.
Traditionally, the principal performers have
always been women, since the aim of the
ritual is to contact Dewi *Sn, the rice-
goddess, and to ask her for rain. It is thus
mostly seen during the dry season or when-
ever there is insufficient water for the rice-
fields. It is considered best to perform
cowongan when there is a full moon. Jumaat
Kliwon, the day on which Friday (Jumaat)
coincides with Kliwon of the Javanese five-
day week, is considered the most por-
tentous day for it.
A doll is made as a shape to be inhabited
by invited spirits, in particular any mes-
senger from Dewi Sri. The doll is called
Nini Cowong, Nini Cowok, Dewi Nini,
or Sri. The term ‘nini’ (nenek in bahasa Indo-
nesia) in all these names means ‘grand-
mother’ or ‘female ancestor’ and indicates
the special status that Dewi Sri enjoys in the
Javanese mind.
In the afternoon before the actual cere-
mony, a small number of women, usually
five, steal a water dipper from the kitchen
of any woman considered ‘pure’, the pref-
erence being for a virgin. If the owner of
the object discovers the theft and gets angry
with the ‘thieves’, this portends well for the
ceremony. Thus, no attempt is made to
conceal the ‘theft’.
CRISTOLOGO, MENA PECSON
Before sunset, the water dipper is dressed
up as Nini Cowong by being covered with
plaited bamboo streamers or other mater-
ials. The doll’s costume may take the form
of a traditional bridal dress. The hollow
coconut shell of the dipper, covered and
transformed with make-up, becomes Nini
Cowong’s face. Handles, such as those at-
tached to *wayang golek puppets, may be
provided to manipulate the doll. Nini Co-
wong may also be given an elaborately
designed house. As the doll is being dressed
up, the women sing some of the Nini
Cowong songs in chorus.
After sunset, the doll is carried in stately
fashion, seated, to the spot intended for the
ceremony. Here, Nini Cowong 1s removed
from her ‘house’ and held up by the wo-
men who, while singing songs containing
prayers for rain and descriptions of the
offerings prepared for the spirits, bounce
the doll from side to side. There is no mu-
sical accompaniment to the singing, but the
songs themselves have a hypnouc effect.
After some time, some of the spectators,
aided by the hypnotic movements of the
doll and the sound of the singing, may ex-
perience a state of trance. Thus entranced,
they take turns swinging the doll into
which the spirit has descended. It is be-
lieved that once a spirit has entered the doll,
the doll dances by itself. Visiting spirits may
make specific demands and have the habit
of getting upset if these are not promptly
met. Offerings of food and flowers, among
other things, are given. During the ritual,
Nini Cowong may be consulted as an
oracle.
CRISTOLOGO, Mena Pecson (1884-
1927) (Philippines). A very highly regarded
playwright in the Hocano language as well
as composer of music for the *zarzuela. He
initiated the trend of performing zarzuela in
the open air. Of his plays, two are par-
ticularly noteworthy: Cogido Municipal and
Maysa a Candidato. Both of these, written in
1908, belong to the one-act variety (*genero
ch ico) 5
CRUZ, Juan Matapang, see Hindi Aco
Patay, zarzuela
CUBERO, Alejandro (Philippines). A
Spaniard who arrived in the Philippines in
1880 with his mistress, Elisa Raguer. He 1s
credited with having started the first local
*>arzuela troupe in the Philippines. Named
Teatro Portatil Fernandez, it lasted only a
few months and was later replaced by
another, also started by him. This was
known as the Compania Linco-Dramatica.
Cubero is noted for having trained several
outstanding early Filipino zarzuela per-
formers, as well as for attempting to give
local relevance to the genre.
Cupak (Indonesia). A story based on the
*Panji romance. It is used in the Balinese
shadow play (*wayang kulit), as well as being
the name of a dance-theatre on the island.
Although the setting of the Cupak story is
the medieval Javanese court of Daha, the
story is Balinese. The central character, Cu-
pak, is boastful, greedy, and cowardly, a
type that also occurs in many other genres
of Javanese as well as Balinese theatre,
including the masked dance-theatre style
known as *wayang topeng. The Cupak story
goes as follows:
The wife of a Brahmin, while taking
food to her husband who is working in the
fields one day, encounters two good-
looking young men. Both of them force
her into having sex with them. The two
young men are manifestations of Betara
Brahma and Betara Vishnu. The wife tells
her husband what has happened, and while
both of them are upset, they accept the
event as something fated.
After some time, the Brahmin’s wife
gives birth to two sons; the first is named
Cupak and the second Gerantang. The
former is the son of Brahma and the second
that of Vishnu.*Cupak has a large belly and
an ugly appearance. He is, moreover, greedy
by nature. On the other hand, Gerantang is
extremely good-looking and refined in his
manners. When they are asked to help the
Brahmin, their father, in the paddy, Geran-
tang works hard while Cupak spends most
of his time sleeping. However, when the
time comes for them to return home, Cu-
pak applies mud to his body to give his
father the impression that he has been
working hard.

In this manner, Cupak keeps constantly
deceiving his father and also creating in him
ill feeling against Gerantang, until one day
Gerantang is thrown out of his house.
Cupak, while realizing the trouble he has
caused, nevertheless accompanies Geran-
tang in his banishment. They wander in a
forest and finally arrive in Daha. Here, the
king is having consultations with his minis-
ters with a view to recovering the princess
Mustikaning Daha who has been kidnap-
ped by a giant, Detya Manaru.
Cupak offers to bring back the princess
and to kill Detya Manaru. The king of
Daha, extremely happy to hear this offer,
announces that he will marry his daughter
to anyone who can rescue her. With ad-
equate provisions supplied by the king, Cu-
pak and Gerantang now proceed into the
forest to look for Detya Manaru. In the
middle of the forest, they find an extremely
deep well which is Detya Manaru’s hiding
place, and also the place where the princess
of Daha has been held captive. Cupak asks
his brother to descend into the well while
he himself offers to guard the top. Geran-
tang enters the well. Using his magical
powers and reciting an invocation, he causes
Detya Manaru to sleep soundly. Gerantang
meets Mustikaning Daha, and she reveals to
him that the giant’s power lies at the base of
his neck. Gerantang kills the giant by
shooting an arrow into his neck.
Gerantang then asks Cupak to throw
down a thick rope so that the princess of
Daha can climb out of the well. Happily,
Cupak throws down the rope and the prin-
cess climbs out. When Gerantang once
again asks for the rope to be thrown so that
he himself can get out of the well, Cupak
throws down the rope, but when Geran-
tang makes an effort to climb out, Cupak
breaks the rope, thus causing Gerantang to
fall to the bottom of the well. Assuming
CUPAK
that Gerantang is dead and highly pleased
with himself, Cupak returns to Daha with
the princess. According to the king’s prom-
ise, he now marries Mustikaning Daha. He
is given the title Prabu Mantrining Anom.
Despite his ugly appearance, the people of
Daha acknowledge him as their king.
Some time after Cupak’s return, Geran-
tang too comes back to Daha. He has man-
aged to escape from the well by a ladder he
made using the bones of Detya Menaru’s
victims. Cupak orders his people to sur-
round Gerantang with their dogs and to
capture him, Once captured, Gerantang is
wrapped in a mat and thrown alive into the
sea. He is, however, saved by a fisherman
from the Daha coast. All this while, Mus-
tikaning Daha is very unhappy for she
knows that her real rescuer and the killer of
Detya Manaru is Gerantang.
The king of Daha, who is told the whole
story, orders his men to look for Gerantang.
When the hero is found, he is brought to
Daha to show his powers in a battle against
Cupak. Gerantang now confronts Cupak
and the latter is easily defeated. With this
defeat, Cupak is thrown into prison and
Gerantang marries the princess. He becomes
king of Daha.
There are several versions of the tale of
Cupak.
cupak (Indonesia). A Balinese dance-theatre
which uses the lakon *Cupak, a Balinese
folk-tale based upon the *Panji legend.
Cupak is connected stylistically with *gam-
buh, *ajar, and *prembon, closely resembling
this last-mentioned form. Due to the fact
that the sole item in its repertoire is the
Cupak story, the genre has come to be
known simply as cupak. Performances are
accompanied by the gamelan semar pegulingan
or pelegongan.
 D
dabus (Malaysia/Indonesia). .A form of
proto-theatre using dance. It is active in
various parts of Sumatra in Indonesia as
well as in the states of Selangor and south-
ern Perak in Peninsular Malaysia.
It is believed that dabus originated in the
Middle East or in Persia. In the Arabic lan-
guage, the word dabus means ‘a stick’ or ‘a
sharp pin’. In the Malaysian context, this
has reference to the sharp, dagger-like
instrument, *anak dabus, used by the dancers.
The second suggestion is that *burdah,
another name given to the genre in Sabak
Bernam, refers to the religious chanting
which accompanies dances of dabus. Burdah
in Arabic is an alternative ttle of a famous
composition (syair), al-Kawakib al-Durriya
Fi Madh Khayr al-Barriya, written by al-
Busin. According to legend, the poem’s
magical words, and in particular the stanza
in which the Prophet Muhammad is praised
and where his assistance is sought, cured its
writer.
It is believed, too, that dabus was used by
the early Muslims to overcome their en-
emies. The Caliphate of Zainal Abidin, son
of Saidina Hassan and grandson of Islam's
fourth Caliph, Ali, saw the development of
a schism in Islam into the Shiah and Sunni
sects. In the battles between the rival camps,
the Shiah followers of Ali, although less
numerous, were victorious due to special
magical powers revealed to them. From
these developed the art of dabus. The dis-
play of sword-fighting skills, the ability to
withstand the pain of being pelted with
stones, burnt with fire, or pierced with
sharp metal skewers is believed to derive
from a combination of supernatural power
and the special ability to develop physical
resistance through dabus. The wounds res-
ulting from weapons used during contem-
porary dabus performances are cured by the
leader of a troupe known as a khalifah, lit-
erally ‘caliph’.
It is believed that dabus was brought to
the Malay world by one Syed Ahmad bin
Ali Hassan al-Rifal from Baghdad. Having
fled Baghdad as a result of accusations that
he was propagating deviationist teachings,
al-Rifal came to Acheh through Malabar
under the assumed named of Fakir Mu-
hammad. Here, in addition to preaching
Islam, he taught dabus. There are several
versions as to how the genre reached the
Malay peninsula. First, there is the view
that dabus came with the Buginese through
the Riau islands off Sumatra during the
reign in Selangor of Raja Abbas bin Raja
Sulaiman ibni Al-Marhum Sultan Ibrahim.
The sultan’s brother, Raja Omar bin Raja
Salleh, administered the district of Sabak
Bernam where dabus is fairly active. His
interest in dabus led to its development in
that district as well as in Jeram, Kuala
Selangor, and Klang. From Selangor it
spread to south Perak.
The second view is that dabus came to
Peninsular Malaysia from Acheh about 150
to 200 years ago with someone named
Daeng Mentanu who reached Perak while
chasing pirates across the Straits of Malacca
in fulfilment of an agreement between the
Achehnese and Perak.
Dabus in the Malay peninsula today
serves as a means of raising the level of
self-confidence, and the development of
bravery. It is used as a means of self-defence.
The religious elements it contains, includ-
ing the *zikir texts, also make it a means of
attaining to God.
Developments in the genre have resulted
in the existence of three acknowledged
varieties: dabus kebal, dabus berdarah, and
dabus gubahan. The first and second, like the
original dabus, are serious in nature while
the third, emphasizing the dance elements,
is the invented or artistically developed vari-
ety featured at public gatherings, such as
weddings and welcoming ceremonies.
Performances are divided into two parts,
burdah and *jawab, which means ‘question’

and ‘answer’. Burdah consists of zikir or
singing to the accompaniment of musical
instruments. The ztkir verses are usually
taken from the Kitab Maulid-un-Nabi. The
jawab section can be improvised by the
singers to suit the occasion of a perform-
ance. Its lyrics may praise the country or
government, individual dignitaries or
newly-married couple. The number ofpar-
ticipants in a dabus troupe is not, strictly
speaking, limited. It depends upon the
number of dancers and the instruments in a
troupe’s orchestra. For instance, one group
in Tanjung Bidara consists of seven musi-
cians, twelve dancers, a khalifah, and one
singer, tukang lagu. A troupe sometimes
utilizes an assistant khalifah. The khalifah is
in charge of aperformance and his role be-
comes particularly important when dancers
go into trance (lupa).
Dabus costumes sometimes take the form
of military dress in commemoration of the
struggle of the early Muslims in defence of
their religion. Many dabus performers today
use Malay costumes, including those used
in martial arts, such as *silat.
The principal instrument is the anak
dabus or damak. This is a short, spear-shaped
weapon made of metal or cane, about
25-35 centimetres long, with a handle.
Metal rings attached to the handle provide a
rhythm when the dancers move in specific
steps in harmony with the rebana. The anak
dabus is used by the dancers to pierce their
own arms at certain stages during a per-
formance, in particular when they are in a
state oftrance.
The principal musical instruments are
frame drums (rebana), barrel drums (gen-
dang), and a pair of hanging gongs. The
number of rebana and gendang is variable.
Rebana usually appear in two sizes, standard
and small (rebana kecil). The dabus musical
repertoire consists of about a dozen pieces,
including several named after members of
the family of the Caliph Ah.
As in many other traditional ritual-based
performing arts of the region, dabus per-
formers observe a series of taboos. A dancer
is not allowed to use his anak dabus to draw
blood from any other person. Self-inflicted
wounds are the only ones that conform to
dabus traditions (sunnah dabus). Dabus
55 DABUS
cannot be performed together or in com-
bination with performing arts that have to
do with spirits (dewa-dewa), even if these are
Muslim spirits (*jinn Islam), for dabus is a
ritual performance connected only with
Allah. The anak dabus or damak cannot be
stepped over. In this respect, the instrument
a is treated as equivalent to the keris, and like
the sacred weapon, the anak dabus is tradi-
tionally handed down by the ancestors and
teachers to disciples. An anak dabus must
have its poison neutralized before use. Ad-
equate precautions must also be taken as to
where an anak dabus is kept.
Performances, which generally last ap-
proximately between 8.00 p.m. and mid-
night, commence as in traditional ritual
theatre, with theatre consecration nituals.
Benzoin is burned and the performance
area, performers, as well as the parapher-
nalia fumigated while the khalifah recites
certain prayers (doa) containing a mixture of
Arabic and Malay phrases. The completion
of the prayers marks the presentation of
gifts (kurnia) by the khalifah to each par-
ticipant. The whole procedure is intended
to ensure the safety of the performers and
the distancing of negative effects accruing
from bad-intentioned individuals, as well
as from the denizens of the supernatural
world. The names of various prophets are
mentioned in invocations to prevent the
entry into the performance area of any evil
spirits while maintaining the efficacy (*se-
mangat) of the performances.
The completion of the opening rituals
leads on into the singing of religious songs
(nasyid) to musical accompaniment. The
chorus begins and receives a reply (jawab)
from other members of the troupe. The
completion of the nasyid leads on to a song
which ushers the dancers on to the stage.
They enter with their anak dabus in their
hands, shaking them to create a rhythmic
sound. Standard dance steps are observed in
this section, taking the dancers back and
forth as well as in tiny circles. After some
time, the trance begins, and using the anak
dabus the dancers pierce themselves in the
arms until blood begins to flow. According
to the taboos of dabus, only the khalifah can
stem its flow
DABUS BERDARAH
dabus berdarah (Malaysia). A variant form
of the *dabus ritual dance found in the Ma-
laysian states of Perak and Selangor. It
requires the inflicting of wounds and the
spilling of blood, hence its name (berdarah
means ‘bloody’).
dabus gubahan (Malaysia). One of the vari-
ant forms of the *dabus dance found in the
Malaysian states of Perak and Selangor. It is
of anon-ntual variety intended primarily to
be performed in ceremonial situations, such
as weddings, and to honour guests.
dabus kebal (Malaysia). One of the variant
forms of the *dabus dance found in the Ma-
laysian states of Perak and Selangor. As its
name indicates (kebal means ‘invulnerable’),
it is a variety believed to bestow invulner-
ability upon its practitioners.
dagelan (Indonesia). A popular style of spon-
taneous, improvisational comedy (bebodoran)
performed in Jakarta in the local dialect of
the city. No scripts are used, and each per-
formance is based upon a single brief epis-
ode (lakon) developed by the actors using
content, various styles of acting, as well as
speaking and other devices to arouse and
sustain audience interest. All roles are taken
by men.
Overall, dagelan is characterized by par-
ody and thus avoids realism, at the same
time trying to create interest in, or provide
comment upon, contemporary issues. In
exceptional situations, however, a dagelan
performance may develop into a full even-
ing’s programme, four or five acts in length.
Dagelan is also used as a form of extra-turn
between acts in other forms of traditional
theatre.
dagelan ekstra (Indonesia), Comic scenes
played before the beginning of a *ketoprak
performance as a sort of prelude. Such scenes
have developed also into a specialized type
of comic performance genre known as da-
gelan Mataram.
dalang 1 (Malaysia/Indonesia). The anim-
ator of the puppets in performances of
the shadow play (*wayang kulit) as well as
of certain other South-East Asian puppet
dalang (Malaysia)
theatre traditions, such as *wayang golek,
*wayang krucil, and *wayang beber. In some
instances, the term is also used for story-
tellers, as may, for instance, be seen in the
proto-theatre genres, *dalang jembulung and
*dalang kentrung. A third application of the
term dalang appears in certain instances
where the word is used as an equivalent for
the modern English word ‘director’. By far
the most important use of the term, how-
ever, occurs in the shadow play as well as in
wayang golek. In Bali, the general name for a
puppeteer of the shadow play is *juru da-
lang. Here, with the strong link that sull
exists between the shadow play and reli-
gious practice, the dalang is regarded as a
sort of religious functionary.
The dalang is by far the single most im-
portant element in any wayang kulit per-
formance which is regarded, consequently,
as a one-man show. As a performer, he has
to be well-versed in spiritual matters to the
extent of being able to conduct his own
rituals in the theatre. He is required to be
completely familiar with the synopses of the
numerous stories (lakon) which belong to
the two highly important Hindu epics,
*Ramayana and *Mahabharata, as well as
local sources such as the *Panji romance in
Indonesia, that constitute the bulk of the
repertoire. He also provides the descriptive
passages or narrative texts, some of these
inalterably fixed, others improvised by
him on the spot. The dalang sings the songs
as well as intones the specific dialogue for
all his characters as and when they appear
on the screen (*kelir). In addition, the
dalang provides the movements for all

puppets, these ranging from simple articular
hand-raising to complicated patterns such
as are used in war sequences.
The dalang’s range of knowledge in-
cludes the iconography of the puppets and
their postures or stances. Both these ele-
ments determine a character’s basic person-
ality. The provision of dialogue requires of
the dalang an ability to cope with several
dialects that are sometimes used in a per-
formance by characters coming from a wide
range of castes, social levels, and geograph-
ical locations, as well as in observance
customary practice (adat). At the same time,
he encounters strong linguistic stratification
such as that found between the noble
(*halus) characters and the rough (*kasar) or
unrefined ones, between the nobility and
the comedians (*penasar or *punakawan),
who are prominent in every tradition of the
South-East Asian puppet theatre. In addi-
tion to all this, the dalang has to be able to
distinguish the various musical
included in a performance, understand their
functions, and provide the cues for their
use. Often he is an expert musician himself
and teaches both the art of puppet
manipula-tion as well as the music to
prospective performers.
In both Malaysia and Indonesia, the
dalang, apart from beimg manipulator, com-
mentator, and provider of dialogue
must understand the underlying spiritual
significance and esoteric meaning of the
wayang which in these countries is steeped
in ritual. Thus, in most performances he
serves as ritualist functionary at the consec-
ration of a theatre and as a shaman (*bomoh)
in the strictly ritual performances, such as
the wayang kulit berjamu in Kelantan, the
*Jakon murwakala play in the Javanese *wa-
yang kulit purwa, and in the *wayang kulit
lemah, *sapuh leger, and *wayang kulit sud-
dhamala of Bali. In all these traditions, the
dalang is expected to be thoroughly versed
in the religion of the area, be it animism,
Agama Hindu ofBali, the mystical Islam of
Central Java, or a mixture of these as prac-
tised in most areas of Malaysia and Indo-
nesia. It is not surprising, therefore, that this
animator of the lifeless puppets is often
compared to God, the animator and life-
giver par excellence, and that the screen
DALANG GUNA
(*kelir) and other parts of the wayang kulit
theatre (*panggung) are similarly imbued
with symbolical and mystical meanings. See
also dalang purba, dalang sejati, dalang
wasesa, dalang wikelpa, dalang muda.
dalang 2 (Indonesia). The narrator in the
*wayang topeng masked dance-theatre of
Java and Bali. He also presents the dialogue
and songs for all the characters depicted by
the masked dancers.
of dalang 3 (Indonesia). The trance leader in
the *ebeg folk drama ofBali.
Dalang (Cambodia). The title of one of the
most important versions of the Javanese
*Panji romance. There are significant dif-
ferences between this version and other
South-East Asian versions of the tale. See
also Bynao.
pieces dalang changam (Indonesia). A Central
Javanese solo-theatre form found in Kam-
pung Kudus. The seated performer re-
enacts Islamic stories, using only his voice
to provide musical accompaniment. A
dalang changam performer is usually invited
to grace special occasions, such as weddings
and circumcisions.
also dalang guna (Malaysia/Indonesia). A ma-
nipulator of puppets in the *wayang kulit
purwa shadow play, who performs his stor-
ies according to the *pakem. Such a *dalang
does not regard teaching as an important
aspect of wayang. He gives prominence to
providing entertainment, at the same time
including, at appropriate points, scenes
dalang (Indonesia)
DALANG JEMBULUNG
created by himself to heighten comic and
dramatic interest.
dalang jembulung (Indonesia). A one-man
theatre form found in the Yogyakarta and
Central Javanese regions. A seated per-
former usually re-enacts events from the
Indian epics, *Ramayana and _*Mahabharata.
Any musical accompaniment needed 1s also
provided by him using vocal sound effects.
No instrument is used. Invitations are usually
extended to a dalang jembulung during im-
portant public occasions, such as weddings.
dalang kentrung (Indonesia). A Central and
East Javanese form of theatre done by a solo
performer using one or more rebana-type
frame drums. Performances involve the re-
enactment of stories from the *Panji cycle
and Javanese historical material (Babad Ta-
nah Jawi), as well as Islamic tales such as
those derived from the Menak (*Amir
Hamzah) cycle. The dalang kentrung is often
invited to perform at weddings and other
family or public occasions.
dalang muda 1 (Malaysia). In the Malay
*wayang kulit siam, an apprentice *dalang
who performs the prologue also known as
dalang muda, Such a dalang does not perform
a full wayang show until he has completed
his training with the performance of a full
ritual (*berjamu) performance incorporating
an *upacara sembah guru or ‘salutation of the
teachers’ ceremony.
dalang muda 2 (Malaysia). The prologue to
the main featured story in *wayang kulit
siam. It follows the theatre-opening rituals
(*buka panggung), the signal piece (*lagu
bertabuh), and the musical prelude (lagu-lagu
permulaan). Despite its designation, the
dalang muda is not always performed by an
apprentice puppeteer. Often, a senior mem-
ber of a dalang’s troupe officiates, allowing
the regular puppeteer (dalang tua) to take
over for the story proper. At times, the
dalang tua performs both the prologue and
the story.
The prologue is designed to bring an ap-
prentuce dalang into contact with his po-
tential audience, to allow him to develop
his confidence and performance skills so
that when the time comes he can, ad-
equately prepared, assume the responsib-
ilities incumbent upon a full-fledged master
puppeteer. The dalang muda serves to draw
a crowd, furthering the process initiated by
the buka panggung rituals, the lagu bertabuh,
and the musical prelude. The prologue is
also believed to have nitual significance. In
it is contained a prayer (doa) for the safety of
the dalang, his musicians, and his audience.
It is aimed at driving away any malevolent
influence (badi) present in the vicinity of
the panggung and setting the mood for an
evening's performance.
In structure, the dalang muda consists of
two parts, each with several subdivisions.
The first, the battle of the godlings with
arrows (dewa panah perang), opens with the
movement and removal of the important
leaf-shaped figure (*pohon beringin or *gu-
nungan). Following this, the old sage (*ma-
harishi) enters and recites his mantera. Then
follows the entry, fight, and exit of the pair
of godlings with arrows, dewa panah. Their
fight symbolizes the eternal conflict be-
tween negative and positive forces, a theme
later re-enacted in the evening’s story. This,
in essence, is the recurrent theme of most
South-East Asian traditional theatre.
The second part, the entry of Sen
*Rama’s warriors to pay homage to the
hero (babak penghadapan Seri Rama), func-
tions as a means of character introduction.
Seri Rama’s principal warriors enter to pay
their respects to him and to bring the news
that all is well in his kingdom of Siusia
Mendarapura. The section concludes with
the dalang singing the glories of Seri Rama
(berbilang Seri Rama).
dalang pantun (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit pantun
dalang purba (Indonesia/Malaysia). In the
*wayang kulit purwa shadow play, a pup-
peteer who performs popular stories while
not neglecting the education of his audi-
ence.
dalang sejati (Indonesia/Malaysia). In the
*wayang kulit purwa shadow play, a pup-
peteer who uses his wayang performances
to provide his audience with moral or

religious instruction, basing his teaching
upon religious texts.
dalang wasesa (Indonesia/Malaysia). In the
*wayang kulit purva shadow play, a manip-
ulator of puppets who is extremely skilled
even to the extent of being able to manip-
ulate the emotions of the audience. Such a
*dalang has the ability to use language
effectively and is generally master of Old
Javanese (Kawi).
dalang wikelpa (Malaysia/Indonesia). In the
*wayang kulit purwa shadow play a pup-
peteer who sticks firmly to *pakem pewa-
yangan, using these as his guides. He does
not add or subtract or in any other way alter
what has been recorded in the pakem.
dalem (Indonesia). A role in the Balinese
masked dance-theatre (*wayang topeng) rep-
resenting a noble character, such as a king or
someone who is handsome (dalem means
‘king’). The mask used to play the dalem
role is also called arsawijaya.
damak (Malaysia), see dabus
damar (Indonesia). The oil lamp used to
cast shadows ofthe puppets on to the screen
in the Balinese shadow play (*wayang kulit).
See also pelita.
Damarwulan (Indonesia). A story from
Central Java that is an important theme in
*wayang krucil. The synopsis goes as follows:
Patih Udara, the prime minister of Maja-
pahit, retires from government and, giving
up all worldly activities, becomes a hermit.
No one knows the whereabouts of his
hermitage. His position is taken over by his
younger brother, Ki Patih Logender. Patih
Udara’s wife, Dewi Citrawati, returns to
the house of her father, Begawan Mustika-
maya, also known as Begawan Santanu-
murti, in Paluhamba village. At the time of
her return, Dewi Citrawati is pregnant.
Later on, she gives birth to a good-looking
boy who is named Damarwulan. Naya-
genggong and Sabdapalon are appointed to
be his constant companions.
Damarwulan grows up into a handsome
young man. Begawan Mustikamaya, who
DAMARWULAN
believes that as a Kshatriya it is not right for
Damarwulan to stay in the village, advises
his grandson to go to Majapahit to ensure a
brighter future for himself. Immediately
upon reaching Majapahit, he should get in
touch with his uncle, Ki Patih Logender,
for assistance to secure a position at court.
Damarwulan leaves for Majapahit with his
two companions.
Ki Patih Logender has three children—a
pair of twin sons and a daughter. The sons,
Layangseta and Layangkumitir by name,
are arrogant, cruel, prone to jealousy, and
treacherous, while the daughter, Dewi An-
jasmara, is gentle, loving, and refined in
manners.
Ki Patih Logender becomes jealous of
Damarwulan. He realizes that if Damarwu-
lan is given a place in the palace (keraton),
the opportunities for his own sons would
certainly diminish. Despite their obvious
shortcomings, he cannot ignore the reality
that they are, after all, his sons. He con-
cludes that Damarwulan must not be al-
lowed to serve in the palace. At the same
time, he does not feel that he should com-
pletely refrain from assisting his nephew.
Thus, he arranges for Damarwulan and his
companions to serve at his own house
(kepatihan), rather than in the keraton. The
three newcomers to Majapahit are ap-
pointed keepers ofhis twelve horses.
At the kepatihan, Damarwulan suffers a
great deal. He is treated no better than a
lowly servant. His food is inferior and he is
not allowed to dress according to his Ksha-
triya status. Each day he has to work hard
performing menial tasks. Layangseta and
Layangkumitir behave tyrannically towards
him. However, Damarwulan, who is used
to living in a simple manner, does not com-
plain even to his loyal companions about
the duties and burdens imposed upon him.
He continues to perform his duties with
care and thankfulness. His noble qualities
do not remain unnoticed by his com-
panions who, as a result, are drawn even
closer to him in his suffering. Damar-
wulan’s situation does not escape the
attention and interest of Dewi Anjasmara
either. She has been, from the very
beginning, attracted to him because of his
appearance and his noble qualities. Due to
DAMARWULAN
her feelings of sympathy for him, she gives
him assistance secretly, sending him food
and drinks as well as speaking to him in a
manner which both pleases and entertains
him. All of these gifts are received by
Damarwulan with a pure heart and with
pleasure. This feeling of mutual sympathy
gradually blossoms into love as the two
grow up into full adulthood.
One day, when Dewi Anjasmara is with
Damarwulan, they are suddenly discovered
by Layangseta and Layangkumuitir. A com-
plaint is lodged with Ki Patih Logender and
he promptly imprisons Damarwulan. Dewi
Anjasmara, failing to reverse her father’s
decision, asks to be imprisoned together
with Damarwulan. Realizing Dewi Anjas-
mara’s deep affection for Damarwulan,
Ki Patih Logender is worried and confused
at the same time. She ts his only daughter
and he loves her very much. He does not
have the heart to hurt her feelings. On the
other hand, Damarwulan is his horse-
keeper, something that everyone knows.
The relationship between Damarwulan and
Dewi Anjasmara thus becomes a source of
potential embarrassment to him, for even
though Damarwulan is his real nephew, he
has concealed this fact from all but the
members of his immediate family. His love
for Dewi Anjasmara now overcomes his
Jealousy and hatred for his nephew. He
gives in to her wish to be imprisoned with
Damarwulan. Before she is sent into prison
with Damarwulan, she is married to him.
At this time, the situation in Majapahit
becomes increasingly critical because of the
activities of Menakjingga, the ruler (adipati)
of Blambangan. For some time now, Me-
nakjingga has been attacking Majapahit,
claiming himself to be a king and giving
himself the royal name of Prabu Urubisma.
Many of the commanders of Majapahit
have fallen in attacks launched by him.
Even the brave Wirotama Ranggalawe,
ruler of Majapahit has been killed. Various
territories of Majapahit, have been occupied
by the Blambangan forces. Feeling himself
more powerful each day, Urubisma becomes
increasingly arrogant and rude. He sends a
message to Prabu Kencawungu, the queen
of Majapahit, that the war can end imme-
diately if she agrees to marry him and goes
to Blambangan as his queen.
The queen is sad, principally because of
Ranggalawe’s death. She feels helpless and
confused. She fears the fate that awaits her
people if she rejects Urubisma. Majapahit
will certainly be destroyed by Menakjingga.
Countless numbers of her people have died
in the war and the horrors are still to be
seen everywhere. Yet, she feels that Maja-
pahit must not surrender. The pride of the
nation must be maintained through victory
or through total destruction. There is no
other way.
Day after day, the queen conceals herself
in her prayer room, meditating, seeking a
way out of the dilemma. She decides not to
give up meditating until she receives some
inspiration or sign from Hyang Waiddhi,
God Almighty. That inspiration comes one
calm and quiet night. The queen receives
word that the only person who can save
Majapahit is a young man named Damar-
wulan.
The following morning, Ki Pauh Logen-
der is ordered to look for Damarwulan.
The queen tells him that failure in this task
will not be tolerated as the fate of Majapahit
depends upon Damarwulan.
Ki Path Logender is shocked to hear the
queen’s orders but does not show it. In his
heart, he is worned in case the queen is
already aware of everything that has hap-
pened to Damarwulan. Her present orders
may be a trap. He must be careful, he
decides. For now, he can do nothing but to
admut that Damarwulan is already at his
own palace. He even explains to the queen
that Damarwulan is, in fact, his own
nephew as well as his son-in-law. In this
way, he hopes that Damarwulan’s prospects
would improve, even though his jealousy
and hatred for his nephew still remain in his
heart. The queen is delighted. Ki Patih
Logender is ordered to bring Damarwulan
to the palace at once to be appointed as the
commander of the Majapahit forces and to
make all necessary arrangements for the
ceremony.
Damarwulan appears in the palace, and
the queen is highly pleased with his beha-
viour and personality. The ceremony for

the appointment is immediately conducted
with all pomp. Layangseta and Layangku-
mitir become increasingly jealous and upset.
Ki Patih Logender conceals his own
feelings behind a mask of apparent joviality.
Immediately upon the completion of the
appointment ceremonies, Damarwulan re-
quests the queen’s blessings for a victory
and takes leave to proceed into the battle-
field.
Ki Patih Logender now expresses his
opinion to the queen that the responsibility
and duties given to Damarwulan are really
heavy. Being young and inexperienced, he
may not be able to bear them effectively,
and may suffer harm. He goes on to suggest
that Layangseta and Layangkumitir be
appointed to keep an eye on Damarwulan,
so that they can give protection and
immediate assistance should the need arise.
The queen has no objection to this pro-
posal. Ki Patih Logender reveals his inten-
tions to his two sons. They immediately
understand and take leave to follow Damar-
wulan.
Damarwulan reaches the territories of
Majapahit that have been captured by
Blambangan. He is intensely aware of the
tremendous responsibility that has devolved
upon him, and the fact that his enemy is a
formidable warrior who has defeated the
ablest sons of Majapahit. He decides to
avoid a direct confrontation with Menak-
jingga. Instead, he resolves to use an indirect
approach, intending to seek out the weak
points in the enemy, with the aid of deceit
if necessary. His two companions suggest
that perhaps Damarwulan should establish
connections with Menakjingga’s wives and
through them obtain the enemy’s secrets.
Damarwulan proceeds directly to the
capital of Blambangan, handing the com-
mand of his forces to other generals. He
arrives with his two companions at Blam-
bangan’s royal garden where, at that time,
the two wives of Menakyjingga, Dewi Wa-
hita and Dewi Puyengan, both of outstand-
ing beauty, are relaxing in the cool evening
seated under the branches of a nagasari tree.
Dewi Wahita and Dewi Puyengan are
initially shocked at the sudden appearance
of the three strangers. But Damarwulan’s
DAMARWULAN
good looks as well as his gentle words and
soft manner soon win them over. As the
evening gives way to night, Menakjingga’s
two queens and Damarwulan are soon
inside the palace. Menakjingga, without
sending any word beforehand, suddenly
returns to his palace. Entering, he is shocked
to find Dewi Wahita and Dewi Puyengan
making love to a stranger. A fight develops,
but there is an obvious imbalance in the
strengths of the two warriors, Damarwulan
and Menakjingga. The latter is big-sized
and is well armed with various sorts of
weapons. Realizing how strong his oppon-
ent is, Damarwulan loses confidence and
his blows seem to reach nowhere. He real-
izes that he does not have the ability to beat
Menakjingga. In his desperation, he remem-
bers all that he has left behind—his village
and his wife, Dewi Anjasmara.
Menakjingga does not waste the oppor-
tunity to take revenge against the intruder.
With a single blow, he knocks Damarwulan
down, and the latter becomes unconscious.
Menakyjingga smiles as he kicks the body of
his enemy. Satisfied, he returns to his kera-
fon, paying no attention at all to his two
unfaithful wives. To Dayun, his beloved
slave, he gives orders that Damarwulan’s
body be taken care of, for he believes that
Damarwulan is dead. He plans to suspend
Damarwulan’s head in the public square
(alun-alun) the following morning for his
people to view as a reminder to them and
to his enemies ofhis strength and bravery.
Dewi Wahita and Dewi Puyengan come
to Damarwulan’s assistance. Using a sleep-
inducing charm, they immobilize Dayun.
With the assistance of Nayagenggong and
Sabdapalon, they take the unconscious
Damarwulan into the palace. He 1s not
physically hurt in any way. Following the
treatment he receives, he soon regains con-
sciousness. Damarwulan’ coaxes the two
queens to reveal the secret of their husband’s
magical power. As a reward, he promises to
make them his wives. The two queens are
unable to resist, especially now since they
know what fate awaits them at the hands of
Menakjingga. They reveal to Damarwulan
the secret of Menakjingga’s extraordinary
strength. His strength, they tell him, is due
DAMARWULAN
to Menakjingga’s possession of an amulet
(azimat) named ‘gada-wesi-kuning .Following
Damarwulan’s persuasion and flattery, they
are prepared to steal the amulet from
Menakjingga that very night. That is the
only way in which Menakjingga can be
destroyed.
The amulet is soon in Damarwulan’s
hands, and he wastes no time. Entering the
palace with Nayagenggong and Sabdapalon,
he orders them to awaken Menakjingga by
pulling the hair on his feet. Menakjingga
sees Damarwulan before him and for a
moment is shocked. With a loud scream, he
jumps in Damarwulan’s direction. Damar-
wulan avoids him as fast as lightning, and
the villain falls, breathless. He is still not
fully in control of his senses, having been
rudely awakened from sleep. He turns
around and this time his vision is no longer
clear. He notices his own heirloom (pusaka)
in Damarwulan’s hand, and hears the sharp
and taunting words of Damarwulan asking
him to surrender.
His spirit is broken. His feet can no
longer carry his weight, and he is thus
forced to go down upon his knees. He
pleads for forgiveness and for his life to be
spared. Damarwulan is unwilling to accede.
He is, after all, only a representative of the
Majapahit queen, and he must carry out the
orders given to him. He is unable to forgive
Menakjingga. He strikes with the amulet
and Menakjingga, the hero of Blambangan,
falls. His head is chopped off and placed in a
golden container and his body is cast aside.
Early next morning, the news of Menak-
jingga’s death is everywhere. There is shock
amongst the citizens as well as amongst the
soldiers of Blambangan who have been
attacking Majapahit. Now the soldiers of
Majapahit, under pressure for so long, run
riot in the territories of Blambangan, killing
numerous citizens of that country and
capturing others. The forces of Blambangan
surrender,
After some days, senior officials of Maja-
pahit enter the gates of Menakjingga’s pa-
lace accompanied by the former officials of
Blambangan. At the head of the group are
Layangseta and Layangkumitir. Greetings
and embraces are exchanged, and the Maja-
pahit soldiers take control of Blambangan
on behalf of their queen, Sang Prabu Putn
Kencanawungu. Damarwulan plans to re-
turn quickly to Majapahit to surrender the
head of Menakjingga and the two wives of
the dead king to the queen as proof of his
capture of Blambangan.
Upon orders from Layangseta and La-
yangkumitir, Damarwulan’s return journey
is arranged so that there is the proper guard
of honour as a sign of Majapahit’s thanks to
him for his victory. The return procession
is to be led by the two sons of Ki Patih
Logender. The preparations are made and
the journey home begins. The elaborate
procession is preceded by a *gamelan or-
chestra and other musical instruments, as
well as the weaponry. There are greetings
all along the way from joyously shouting
crowds.
About half-way along the route home,
in the middle of a forest, the group stops to
rest. Each member finds his own spot, and
Damarwulan gets a place for himself under
a shady tree. Layangseta and Layangkumitir
are with him while Nayagenggong and
Sabdapalon are some distance away. The
procession has fallen into a trap specially
prepared for Damarwulan.
Without arousing any suspicion, the sol-
diers one by one move away. They are
all men appointed by Layangseta and La-
yangkumitir. When the place is almost
completely deserted, Layangseta, speaking
roughly, says, ‘Hey Damarwulan, go and
join your old man. | am going to send your
soul to hell.’
Before Damarwulan is able to get up, a
dagger (keris) is pierced into his. breast.
Thus, Damarwulan is killed as a result of
the treachery of his cousins and his uncle as
well as father-in-law. His two companions
manage to escape death by hiding in a thick
patch of grass.
After some time, an old priest (pandita)
visits the spot where Damarwulan’s body
les. He is Damarwulan’s father, Patih Udara,
now a spiritual being named Begawan
Tunggulmanik. He knows the events that
have recently transpired and his intention in
visiting the forest is to bring Damarwulan
back to life. After giving the necessary
treatment and meditating awhile to seek
the assistance of Hyang Widdhi, Begawan

Tunggulmanik restores Damarwulan’s life.
He looks exactly as he was before his death,
without any mark or blemish on his body.
Awakening as if from a dream, Da-
marwulan sees the maharishi before him,
someone he does not recognize. After ques-
tioning him regarding his identity and
receiving the answer, Damarwulan pays his
respects to his father by kissing his hands.
Begawan Tunggulmanik is overwhelmed,
and with his weak hands he helps Damar-
wulan to his feet. Begawan Tungegulmanik
examines his son’s face carefully for a long
time and then the two embrace each other
in happiness.
Begawan Tunggulmanik advises Damar-
wulan not to return to Majapahit as yet, but
to stay in Blambangan until he has regained
his strength as well as mastered the use of
the magical weapon (azimat), ‘gada-wesi-
kuning. Once he feels that he has done so,
he should then return to Majapahit and
meet the queen, together with the other
kings loyal to him.
Damarwulan, however, is worried and
feels that he does not want to follow the
suggestions of the Begawan. His whole life,
he feels, has been spent in difficulties, and
there has been no peace of mind at all. It
looks as if worldly pleasures cannot be his,
no matter what. [fit is possible at all, he says,
he would rather, like the Begawan, spend
the rest ofhis life in meditation as a hermit.
Perhaps in that alone lies the peace of mind
he seeks.
Maharishi Begawan Tunggulmanik smiles
and shakes his head, understanding Damar-
wulan’s fear of worldly existence. But he 1s
not prepared to allow Damarwulan’s re-
quest. He says that Damarwulan has to do
his duty as a young Kshatriya in the world
of human beings to bring about peace in
the world and save it from evils resulting
from falsehood and enmity. It is too early,
he says, for the young Damarwulan to
escape into the life of amonk. It is someone
like him, who possesses a strong spiritual
nature, who should stay and confront the
challenges that the world has to offer.
Upon receiving this advice, Damarwu-
lan feels that some of his doubts and fears
have already begun to vanish. He salutes
the feet of Begawan Tunggulmanik and
DAMARWULAN
asks for his blessings, so that his heart will be
strengthened to carry out the Begawan’s in-
structions. Meanwhile, Nayagenggong and
Sabdapalon have also emerged from hiding.
Begawan Tunggulmanik, bidding farewell
to the three, disappears.
Damarwulan reaches Blambangan with-
out any obstacles. He orders some of the
troops assigned to guard Blambangan to
make preparations for his intended return
to Majapahit. Meanwhile, he gets treatment
to restore his health and strength. He spends
some time mastering the magical powers of
the ‘gada-wesi-kuning. The preparations are
completed and the time for him to move
on is at hand. With a full retinue of sol-
diers and kings loyal to him, he leaves
Blambangan.
Meanwhile, in Majapahit, Dewi Anjas-
mara, who was awaiting his return, is
shocked at the news, given to her by her
brothers, that Damarwulan is dead. She is
not fully convinced, however, as she finds
her brothers’ behaviour rather strange. On
the one hand, realizing the immense
strength of Menakjingga and his reputation
as a warrior compared to Damarwulan’s lack
of experience, she is inclined to believe the
story regarding her husband’s death in the
war. But, then, why have the two trusted
companions of Damarwulan not returned?
And why has Damarwulan’s body not been
brought back? In view of all these doubts
and uncertainties, she decides to visit Blam-
bangan personally to investigate the matter.
In the event that her husband is really dead,
she resolves to locate his grave. One dark
morning, Dewi Anjasmara leaves, accom-
panied only by one trusted servant. One
day, in the middle of a forest, she meets
Damarwulan and his entourage who are on
their way to Mayapahit. Thus, she is re-
united with her husband.
Meanwhile, Layangseta and Layangku-
mutir, reaching Majapahit, come in audi-
ence before the queen. They present before
her the head of Menakjingga and his two
queens, Dewi Wahita and Dewi Puyengan,
as evidence that Menakjingga has been
killed and Majapahit avenged. The queen is
thoughtful, receiving the news of Damar-
wulan’s ‘death’ in battle with reservation.
Why are the events so different from the
DAMPAENG
message she received in her dream? Al-
though she feels glad at the death of Me-
nakjingga and Majapahit’s victory over his
land, she is still full of doubts and uncer-
tainties. In the end, she resolves to receive
only the two queens of Menakjingga, and
postpones the acceptance of Menakjingga’s
head. ; defeat
After some time, Damarwulan and his
troops arrive in Majapahit. The hero heads
straight for the keraton. The soldiers line up
in the alun-alun, while Damarwulan and
Dewi Anjasmara, with a few soldiers in
attendance, enter in audience before the
queen. At the same time, by chance, Ki
Patih Logender, Layangseta, and Layang-
kumitir, as well as other senior officials of
Majapahit, are present. The sudden arrival
of Damarwulan and his wife causes a total
upheaval in the audience chamber but soon
the atmosphere is calm. When Damar-
wulan and Dewi Anjasmara salute the
queen, she questions them regarding the
events that have transpired. Anjasmara
reveals all the hes and the treachery of her
two brothers. Ki Patih Logender still
maintains what has been said by his two
sons, based upon the evidence available,
i.e. the head of Menakjingga and the two
queens brought back to Majapahit by La-
yangseta and Layangkumiutir. And, he says,
if anyone claims that Damarwulan has been
killed by his sons, there is obviously no
truth in that statement either, as Damar-
wulan stands before them, very much alive.
Finally, Sang Prabu, the queen, decides that
Damarwulan should fight a duel with Lay-
angseta and Layangkumitir. The winner
will be declared the one who succeeded in
crushing Menakjingga’s invasion of Maja-
pahit.
With that, the duel between Damarwu-
lan and the two brothers takes place, with
each of them trying to show oft his skills as
a swordsman. After some time, the two
brothers, unable to defeat Damarwulan, run
away from the arena. Damarwulan is de-
clared the winner, and therefore the one
who defeated and killed Menakjingga, re-
establishing the pride and supremacy of
Majapahit. As a reward for his contribution
to the nation and to the people of Maja-
pahit, Damarwulan is crowned king of
Majapahit and given the official name Bra-
wijaya. He marries Tuan Puteri Kenya
Kencanawungu. Dewi Anjasmara shares the
throne with her. Damarwulan also marries
the two queens of Menakjingga, as he had
promised them, for their assistance in the
and death of their late husband,
Menakjingga. Ki Patih Logender continues
to be Patih Warangka Nata in Majapahit.
Layangseta and Layangkumitr, forgiven by
Damarwulan, continue to serve in the
palace as before. Nayagenggong and Sab-
dapalon similarly keep their previous
positions.
Thus, with peace re-established in Maja-
pahit, Damarwulan, alias Prabu Brawiyaya,
rules that land with wisdom taking care of
the welfare ofall his subjects.
dampaeng (Indonesia). A name used for the
*randai dance-theatre in the south-western
coastal region of Sumatra.
Darangen (Philippines). One of the most
extensive narratives in the Philippines, a
popular epic of approximately 72,000 lines,
belonging to the literary traditions of the
Maranao, a community of Muslims living
in the province of Lanao del Sur in western
Mindanao. The Darangen or Darangan serves
as a source of traditional wisdom, inherited
from the ancestors of the Maranao, and has
an important role in social conduct. It is
also occasionally used as a source of material
for traditional performing arts.
The epic consists of song cycles of
which, untul recent years, twenty-five had
been identified and eighteen recorded by
scholars; these have been divided into four
divisions. The first contains just one song
(song one), the second consists of songs two
to twelve, the third division consists of
songs thirteen to fifteen, while the last cycle
or division contains the last three songs
(songs sixteen to eighteen). Each song stands
independently (some even have their own
titles) but is yet connected to the others in
sequence relative to the lives and adven-
tures of the principal characters. While this
is the case, however, the events related in
the various songs do not flow in a strictly

chronological order. The epic also finds
space within these songs to bring in elabor-
ate comments on the nature and practice of
kingship, love, war, and other topics.
The first song deals with the reign of
Diwatanda-o-Gibon, the first ruler of a
fabled region called Bembaran, and grand-
father of the Darangen’s principal character
and hero, Bantugen. Bembaran is said to be
the land first settled by the Maranao. The
song depicts how Diwatanda-o-Gibon built
the kingdom single-handedly, handing it
down to his sons before his death. This
song also presents a genealogy ofthe earliest
sultans of Lanao province, in addition to a
treatise on how kings should rule.
The second division deals with the jour-
neys of Bantugen and his sons. Song two
tells of the courtship and marnage of Ban-
tugen to Walain-a~Maginar. Because ofthis
marnage, Bantugen’s brother, the king,
orders all the subjects not to greet or talk to
the hero upon his return. Bantugen leaves
the kingdom and later finds himself in the
Land between the Seas. Here, he is en=
chanted and dies. His death brings all his
wives and sweethearts to pay their last re-
spects to him. Two princes, Madale and
Mabaning, who are his cousins, retrieve
Bantugen’s soul from heaven and the hero
returns to life. This event is celebrated with
a great festival.
In the fourth song (The Abduction of
Princess Lawanen), Princess Lawanen, sister
of Murog, the chieftain of Bembaran, and
of Prince Bantugen, who is betrothed to
Prince Mabaning of Kudarangan, is kidnap-
ped by Prince Mapandi of the distant land
of Sagorongan. As a result of this unlawful
act, Prince Bantugen and Prince Mabaning,
who are cousins, wage war against Prince
Mapandi to avenge the great insult done to
their family. The episode ends with the de-
feat of Prince Mapandi, the conquering of
his land, and the marriage of Princess Lawa-
nen to Prince Mabaning.
In songs five, six, and seven there are
further abductions. Song five tells how
Bantugen charms Princess Sirig who falls in
love with the hero and consents to marry
him. The entire tower room (lamin) of the
princess is carried away miraculously to
DARANGEN
another kingdom without her knowledge.
In song six, the Princess Paramata Gan-
dingan is dressed for festivities when a god
(diwata) appears. Darkness and lightning
engulf the kingdom, and when the atmo-
sphere has calmed she finds herself sitting
on a rock. Bantugen appears before the
princess, brings her to Bembaran, and pre-
sents her to his father for marriage. But his
father rejects the princess and Bantugen
returns her to her own kingdom. The song
includes a treatise on how to play the kulin-
tangan, consisting of a set of inverted bronze
gongs, and other Maranao musical instru-
ments.
In song seven, Minoiod-a-Damoao, one
of the sweethearts of Bantugen, is abducted
by another prince. Bantugen rescues her
from her abductors. Song eight brings Ban-
tugen into the realm of dreams. A beau-
tiful princess, Alongan Lambimombao of
Minangoao-a-Rogong, comes to see the
festivities in Bembaran. In his dream, he
does not allow her to return to her king-
dom. The princess has the same dream.
Finally, Bantugen and Princess Alongan
Lambimombao meet in real life.
In song nine, Bantugen divorces Gina-
saan-o-Orai, one of his wives, when he sees
a necklace worn by his daughter and en-
quires whence it came. The daughter claims
that she obtained it from her mother.
Ginasaan-o-Orai tries to explain that it be-
longed to her mother but Bantugen doubts
her word.
Songs ten and eleven describe the life
and adventures of Bantugen’s favourite son,
Prince Lomna. In song ten, Prince Lomna
proposes marriage to a princess in another
kingdom on behalf of his father. During the
proposal, Lomna is required to affirm the
seriousness of his father’s proposal; he is
asked to describe his father’s prowess and
wisdom. Among other things, he is asked
to turn the palace into gold, which he does.
In song eleven, which continues the
story of song ten, Prince Lomna 1s told to
remain in the kingdom where he has pro-
posed marriage on behalf of his father. Ban-
tugen has to leave for another realm.
Lomna is left with the people of Kadaraan,
whose prince was also a suitor for the same
DASARATHA
princess being sought for Bantugen by
Lomna. The people want to avenge their
prince. A nori bird is sent to Bembaran and
Prince Madale, learning of the danger in
which Lomna is placed, sends a message
with the same bird informing him that help
is on the way. : including similar episodes and moufs, with
The twelfth song (Song of Rinandang),
the last in this cycle, traces the genealogy of
the Darangen characters as far back as the
mythical hero, Radia Indarapatra.
The third division, constituted by songs
thirteen, fourteen, and fifteen, deals prin-
cipally with wars. Song thirteen describes
the shame of defeat and the joy of victory
in the wars fought by Prince Misoiao. Song
fourteen narrates the story of the young
Prince Misoiao, who, wishing to test his
bravery, declares war against all the king-
doms around his realm. He plunders and
murders his way through all the kingdoms
he attacks. It is only Bantugen who subdues
him. Song fifteen (Sagayan War Demonstra-
tions) describes the techniques of warfare. It
includes the different ways of holding the
sword (kampilan) and the various positions
in sword fighting. To a *sagayan dancer, this
song is an immensely useful treatise on the
art and technique ofwarfare.
Song sixteen tells of a misunderstanding
that leads to a war. Princess Minoiod, like
many other princesses, is not accepted as a
wife for Bantugen. This leads to a misun-
derstanding between Bantugen and_ the
princess. An enemy prince attacks the king-
dom of Princess Minoiod, and when all
means to defend the kingdom fail, the prin-
cess sends nori birds with messages to Ban-
tugen. Bantugen saves both princess and
kingdom.
The fourth and last division constitutes
the songs that describe misunderstandings
between the characters of the Darangen,
particularly between Bantugen and_ his
wives and sweethearts, In song seventeen,
Bantugen recollects the misunderstandings
and other events that have led to his di-
vorcing his wives. Full of pathos, this song
is replete with poetic lines about love that
used to bring him happiness. Song eighteen
depicts Bantugen’s recollections in his old
age. He is alone sitting on a rock seat, look-
ing at the horizon. He recollects his past
adventures in various kingdoms, making
love with the princesses there, fighting for
these loves, and all the excitement of being
a young man.
The Darangen, besides being in itself a
work of great literary merit, shares much,
other epics familiar to the peoples of South-
East Asia. At this stage in research, how-
ever, it is impossible to talk of any influences
from outside the Maranao termitories that
could have inspired or shaped the epic.
The epic has numerous subjects and
many settings, the principal one being the
enchanted land of Bembaran, the legendary
home of the Maranao, and ofcourse of the
hero Bantugen. The important heroes of
the epic are characters of supernatural
powers. Bantugen, the greatest of them all,
is a fearless and skilful warnor. The poem
glorifies him as one who could vanquish
hundreds of enemies with his magic sword
(kampilan) and shield as his only weapons.
He is handsome, bold, and very popular,
and numerous princesses go crazy over
him. He marries many of them during the
course of his travels and adventures, follow-
ing fierce marnage contests. His son Lomna
is only next to his father in heroic qualities.
The most important female character of the
epic is Princess Lawanen, whose beauty and
grace are comparable to those of other epic
heroines. Supernatural beings, too, have a
place in the Darangen—gods (diwata), demi-
gods, and spirits playing their own parts in
the lives of the characters. See also bayuk,
kaganat sa Darangen.
Dasaratha. The king of Ayodhya in the
“Ramayana, He has three wives, but being
childless he performs a horse sacrifice. Four
sons are then born to him from his three
wives. Kausalya is the mother of *Rama,
Kaikeyi gives birth to Bharata, and Sumitra
bears “Laksamana and Satrughna. Tradition-
ally, Rama is regarded as a reincarnation
(avatara) of Vishnu. Following the appoint-
ment of Bharata as king of Ayodhya and the
banishment of Rama, both of these events
demanded by Kaikeyi in keeping with
wishes granted to her by the king, Dasa-
ratha dies heartbroken. In the South-East
Asian versions of the Ramayana, Dasaratha,

like the other characters of the epic, has
other names including, in Malaysia, Sirat
Maharaja.
Dasaratha Jataka (Burma). The name for
the Hindu epic, * Ramayana, in Burma. Un-
like the rest of South-East Asia, with the
exception of the Philippines, the Ramayana
is not, in Burma, an important source of
dramatic material. Similarly, the *Mahabha-
rata, the other important Indian epic, is
virtually unknown in Burma. The Rama-
yana was brought into Burma in 1767 and is
considered a relatively minor work seldom,
if ever, performed in the traditional theatre.
This is probably because it dees not show
Buddhist values very clearly.
dayang (Malaysia/Indonesia). The female
attendant usually serving a queen or prin-
cess (puteri), who may be encountered in
most forms of traditional Malay and Indo-
nesian theatre, such as *mak yong, menora
(*nora chatri), *wayang kulit, and *bangsawan.
In most cases, there are several dayang or
*inang in a performance, serving as the com-
panions to a princess or attendants upon a
queen. Sometimes, the dayang or inang role
is divisible into that of the elder inang/
dayang (inang tua) and the younger (inang
muda), the former serving more serious
functions and the latter merely performing
dances or singing to entertain her mistress.
The dayang tua role is usually much more
important than that ofthe mang muda, as the
former often has to serve as consultant to
the leading female character in matters con-
cerning love or court etiquette.
dayunday (Philippines). An ancient dramat-
ized verse-debate performed among the
Maguindanaos of central Mindanao. It was
once used to entertain royalty. Although
this is no longer true, dayunday still has a
large following among Maguindanaos.
It is played generally by a pair of per-
formers—one male and the other female—
but some versions use more than two
performers, who exchange sing-song verses
centred on the theme of love, using hand
gestures as well as movements of the eyes,
head, and feet to the accompaniment of
music provided by a zither (kutyapi), gong,
DETYA
or drum, as well as the appreciative shout-
ing of audience members. Dayunday has
traditionally been performed in open fields
without a stage.
In contemporary performances, love still
remains an important theme. However,
other themes, including current political
and social issues, have found their way into
it. Performances can last for several hours,
depending upon the skill of performers and
audience response. The players wear their
best clothes, usually a colourful, long, tubu-
lar skirt (malong) and a long-sleeved shirt
reaching to the knees (bargula), the tradi-
tional Maguindanaoan attire.
dekor lipat (Indonesia), see drama gong
Delam (Indonesia), see parekan
demang (Indonesia). A role in the Balinese
*oambuh dance-theatre. Usually, the demang
wears a mask similar to the temenggung, and
the pair of them, demang and temenggung, act
as officers in charge of a district (bupati or
penguasa daerah) in a kingdom. The demang
can be recognized by his crown (gelungan)
which has a ‘bald’ appearance. In addition,
he has certain distinctive features—move-
ment style, voice, costumes, make-up, and
music—used only for this role. In gambuh,
the demang role is considered one of the
coarse (*kasar or keras) ones.
desak (Indonesia). A female role in the *arja
dance-theatre form of Bali. A desak func-
tions as an attendant upon a queen. In sev-
eral districts of Bali, the desak role is also
known as magleng, klatir, or desak made rai.
The desak is usually played as a comic role.
desak made rai (Indonesia), see desak
detya (Indonesia). In the Balinese shadow
play, in keeping with Hindu mythology,
there are several categories of malevolent
demons or ghosts. A detya (Skt. daitya) 1s
a giant (raksasa) of high rank, or a king of
the giants. The most famous raksasa is, of
course, *Rawana, the demon-king of
Langka whom *Rama defeats and kills in
the *Ramayana. All categories of detya are
frightful and dangerous, taking terrible
DEWA MENDU
forms and lurking in dark places at night to intended for healing and other spiritual
kill and eat men or otherwise distress them. functions. In the Riau islands of Indonesia,
Other categories of demons or goblins the Dewa Muda story is also entitled Wau
include danawa, the demons of the ocean, Bermas or Layang Bermas, both translatable
pisaca, demons who haunt battlefields, char- as Golden Kite.
nel grounds, and places of violent death, Dewa Muda wakes up from a dream and
and bota or preta, the spirits of those who tells his two attendants (pengasuh or *peran)
have died violent deaths and for whom that in the dream an old man (or woman)
proper obsequies or rites have not been appeared to him. This person asked the
performed. These miserable beings are con- prince to go into the ancestral forest (alas
sidered very dangerous to men, particularly pesaka) to hunt for a white deer with golden
to their surviving relatives. horns. The image of the deer has also
appeared to him in a dream. He asks the
Dewa Mendu (Indonesia). The title of the pengasuh if they can make anything of his
original single story that was featured in dream. Even the wise peran tua is unable to
the *mendu sung and spoken theatre of the do so. They are then sent to summon the
Raau islands, royal astrologer (wak nujum) who, upon
arrival and being informed of the dream,
Dewa Muda (Malaysia/Thailand/Indo- provides Dewa Muda with an interpreta-
nesia). The principal story in the *mak yong tion. The interpretation is not announced,
repertoire. It is often regarded as both a mak but Dewa Muda 1s told that he must carry
yong origin story and the onginal one of the out the instructions of the person who
twelve which eventually came to comprise appeared in his dream. Failure to do so can
the ‘authentic’ mak yong repertoire. Several lead to calamity either to the prince himself
versions of the story exist in the oral tra- or to his country, Seluruh Tanah Jawa. Pre-
dition. The synopsis presented here may be parations are made for the entry into the
regarded as fairly consistent and a standard forest.
one. In terms of interpretation, the story has Dewa Muda leaves for the forest with his
often been given spiritual significance, par- entourage. The spirits of the forest are in-
ticularly in ritual (*berjamu) performances voked and propitiatory offerings made to

berjamu

them. The pengasuh go ahead to look for
the white deer, and the hunt begins as soon
as the deer is sighted. Mysteriously, the deer
disappears as the prince follows it. The
hunting dogs are lost in the forest, separated
from other members of their company.
They look for water. Dewa Muda goes to a
pond the servants have discovered for his
bath, and in it he finds a seven-petalled
flower. On the petals there is a message: ‘If
you wish to find me, come up into the
skies.’ Dewa Muda gets a violent urge to go
up into the heavens. The pengasuh advise
him that this is not really possible, since he
has no wings and is not a bird. Their imme-
diate problem is to find a way out of the
forest. The peran tua advises Dewa Muda to
make a vow (niat). Dewa Muda makes the
vow: if he successfully returns to the palace
of his mother, Tuan Puteri Selindungan
Bulan, he will fly a golden kite. The forest
brightens immediately upon the comple-
tion of Dewa Muda’s utterance. They meet
their companions and the homeward jour-
ney begins. Upon Dewa Muda’s enquiry,
the peran tua informs the prince of the
existence of a golden kite which once be-
longed to Dewa Muda’s father, Tuk Raja
Jawa, and is now in the keeping of his
mother. They plan a ruse to acquire the
kite from Tuan Puteri Selindungan Bulan.
Dewa Muda performs his purification rites
at a pond in Taman Banjaran Sari park. The
prince and his companions return home.
Dewa Muda’s ruse to acquire the kite
works. The kite is repaired and taken to the
open field (padang luas sajauhana padang).
The prince seeks assistance from a spirit of
the skies, Awang Sejambul Lebat, to fly the
kite into the heavens. They are both de-
lighted, hearing the sound made by the kite
as it hangs suspended in the skies. When it
is time to bring the kite down, they discover
that it is stuck; it will move neither higher
nor lower. Dewa Muda gets a strong urge
to go up into the skies to get it and will not
go home without the ancestral kite. Awang
Sejambul Lebat, failing to dissuade the
prince from the mission, finally agrees to
help the prince go up into the skies. There
is one condition, however. Dewa Muda
must promise that he will fight all ogres
they encounter. The ogres are heard, but
DEWA MUDA
not seen. Dewa Muda, frightened, wants to
give up the journey to the skies and return
to earth, but Awang Sejambul Lebat will
not allow that. He chastises Dewa Muda for
his cowardice. They enter into a heavenly
garden, cat the fruits in it, and go to sleep.
The sky princess, Tuan Puteri Ratna
Mas, and her attendants (*inang) decide to
go into their garden to pick flowers and to
eat fruits. They discover Dewa Muda and
Awang Sejambul Lebat. The two sleepers
are awakened and an argument ensues
between the youngest attendant (inang
bongsu) of Tuan Puteri Ratna Mas and the
two intruders regarding the theft of fruits.
The sky-princess and Dewa Muda fall in
love. As a sign of hospitality, the sky-
princess offers Dewa Muda betel leaves
which the inang fetch. Dewa Muda eats the
first quid, which he finds is sweet, proceeds
to the second which is bitter, and finally
eats the third which causes drowsiness in
him. He goes to sleep. The inang bongsu
takes his keris as compensation for the fruit
eaten by Dewa Muda and Awang Sejambul
Lebat. Tuan Puteri Ratna Mas and the
inang return to their palace.
Dewa Muda, awakening, finds his keris
missing. Tuan Puteri Ratna Mas, having
obtained the prince’s keris from the inang
bongsu, comes to meet Dewa Muda on the
pretext of wanting to return his weapon.
She invites Dewa Muda to her room and
takes him in with her in the form of awhite
flower that she puts in her hair. Once inside
the palace, the prince returns to his normal
shape. The princess instructs inang bongsu to
bring more food than usual for her, saying
she would like to feast the spirits of the
palace (hantu anjung). Inang bongsu obeys but
gets suspicious when the princess does not
allow her to enter her room with the food.
Later, she peeps through the keyhole and
discovers the truth. She notices that Dewa
Muda leaves the palace as a white mouse
every time he has been in the palace with
Tuan Puteri Ratna Mas. One day, she
places an arrow at the window, and Dewa
Muda is pierced by it. He is transformed
into his real shape, and lamenting, crawls to
see Awang Sejambul Lebat. The prince dies.
Awang Sejambul Lebat knows that this is
the doing of the inang bongsu, but 1s quite
DEWA MUDA
helpless. He brings Dewa Muda down to
earth and leaves the dead prince with his
mother, Tuan Puteri Selindungan Bulan,
indicating that only a certain shaman (*bo-
moh) can bring the prince back to life. This
bomoh, he says, will seek the prince out.
Awang Sejambul Lebat returns to the
heavens. ‘ of the same name, performed in the *mak
The search for a bomoh begins. When all
seems to have failed, Tuan Puten Selin-
dungan Bulan orders Dewa Muda’s body to
be placed in a coffin. Soon, it is on its way
to the lying-in-state. Along the way, the
royal attendants in charge of the procession
meet two persons who appear to be herm-
aphrodites and claim to be bomoh. When
asked if they can revive the dead prince,
they answer that they can only try, giving
no guarantee. They are invited to make the
effort. For the attempted revival, all other
persons are sent away to wait at some dis-
tance. The healing ritual starts, and soon
Dewa Muda begins to revive. The two bo-
moh leave before Dewa Muda is fully con-
scious. A message is written for him on the
blade of his dagger (keris) which is placed
under his pillow. Dewa Muda awakens, as
if from a long sleep, discovers the keris, and
reads the inscription: ‘If you wish to see
me, come up to the skies.’ He realizes that
he has been visited by Tuan Puteri Ratna
Mas. He gets a mad desire to go up into the
skies.
Dewa Muda summons Awang Sejambul
Lebat. In his form as ‘the Green Horse,
Manifestation of the Gods’, Awang Sejam-
bul Lebat carries the prince into the heavens.
On earth, Tuan Puteri Selindungan Bulan
is informed of Dewa Muda’s revival and
flight into the heavens. Dewa Muda, upon
reaching the heavens, meets Tuan Puteri
Ratna Mas in the garden as before.
There are two major versions of the end-
ing of Dewa Muda:
1. Dewa Muda and Tuan Puteri Ratna
Mas marry. Dewa Muda spends half his
time in the skies with her and the other
half on earth with his mother, Tuan
Puteri Selindungan Bulan.
N Dewa Muda proposes marriage and
Tuan Puteri Ratna Mas accepts. Before
they can proceed any further, however,
a heavenly voice prohibits them from
marrying. They are both the children of
the same father, a god. They part from
each other. Dewa Muda returns to earth
and is reunited with his mother.
Dewa Muda (Malaysia/Thailand/Indo-
nesia). The principal character in the story
yong dance-theatre. Dewa Muda, a prince,
goes through a process of encountering a
sky princess in a dream, meeting her in the
skies, dying, coming back to life, and
achieving a final reconciliation with the
princess. The *Dewa Muda play, generally
believed to be mak yong’s ongin story, is
regarded as a symbol of shaman training
through the process of symbolical death and
revival. Thus, it has an extremely important
place in both mak yong’s spiritual (*berjamu)
performances and in exorcistic ones invol-
ving a combination of mak yong and main
puten shaman dances (*main puter—mak
yong).
dewana (Indonesia). A collective term used
in the Balinese shadow play (*wayang kulit)
when referring to an ogre king, his coun-
sellors and officers, as well as their followers,
including Cakil, Buta Rambut Geni, Buta
Terong, and Buta Cangklok.
dewa panah (Malaysia). Two skin figures,
one good and the other evil, in the *wayang
kulit siam shadow play of Kelantan. They
are used in the opening section (*dalang
muda) of every performance to symbolize
the eternal conflict between the two forces—
a conflict which remains inconclusive. See
also dewa panah perang.
dewa panah perang (Malaysia). Literally,
‘the fight of the godlings with arrows’. It is
a symbolical battle between two god figures
in the opening section or prologue, *dalang
muda, of the Kelantanese Malay shadow
play, *wayang kulit siam. The fight begins
once a sage figure (*maharishi) whispers into
their ears by turn, and its completion leads
on to the opening of a selected dramatic
episode. The figures of the two godlings
with arrows are seen as symbolizing the
negative and positive forces forever in
conflict with each other in traditional South-

East Asian theatre. Alternatively, they are
seen as male and female.
Dewa Pechil (Malaysia). One of the most
important of all *mak yong stories. Strictly
reserved for spiritual (*berjamu) perform-
ances, it is never otherwise performed. In
the three-night ritual activities for wind
blandishment (semah angin) or saluting the
teachers (*upacara sembah guru), it is featured
after midnight on the final night. The
synopsis of Dewa Pechil goes as follows:
Rajya Sokma Daru, king of Setambong
Tulang, feels inferior to other raja because
they all have queens, secondary wives
(gundek), and mistresses (candek) whereas he
himself has not been as fortunate. He con-
sults his attendants (*peran) seeking to know
if in their travels they have heard of any
princess who might be a suitable match for
himself. The attendants tell him they have
heard that Tuan Puteri Chemara Bermas,
the daughter of the raja besar (king) of the
country of Serembahan Kisaran Payong and
Mak Ibu Ayo Panggo Wetan, is extremely
beautiful. However, the princess is already
married to Dewa Pechil. Raja Sokma Daru,
hearing the name of Tuan Puteri Chemara
Bermas, falls in love with her. He tells the
peran that he already feels he knows the
princess Chemara Bermas although he has
never, in his life, seen her.
In spite of the fact that Tuan Puteri
Chemara Bermas is already married, Raja
Sokma Daru decides to propose to her. A
letter of proposal is prepared, since ordinary
gifts cannot be sent. The country is a great
distance from Setambong Tulang, and the
usual gifts of proposal (pinangan) will perish.
The letter is, on the advice of the peran
tua, borne by seven soldiers and three
knights (balang tujuh kelana tiga), to be taken
to the Raja Besar of Serembahan Gunung
Kisaran Payong. The messengers are told to
conduct themselves in a manner ap-
propriate to their mission, and not to offend
the Raja Besar of Serembahan Gunung
Kisaran Payong. Soon after they leave
Setambong Tulang, the messengers lose
their way. They end up in the kingdom of
Raja Muda Lembek, and find that the king
here is suffering from leprosy. The visitors
advise the king that if he makes a vow to
DEWA SUCI
arrange for a buffalo fight at the foot of the
golden mountain, he will recover. Once he
recovers, the vow must be fulfilled.
Continuing their journey, after a long
time the messengers from Setambong Tu-
lang finally reach Serembahan Gunung
Kisaran Payong. The proposal letter is de-
livered in the manner suggested by their
king, Raja Sokma Daru. The raja besar is
shocked at the contents. He sends for Dewa
Pechil, who also reads the letter. Dewa
Pechil tears up the proposal and throws it in
the faces of the messengers. The messen-
gers, insulted, return to Raja Sokma Daru.
Raja Sokma Daru is advised by his
pengasuh that in order to secure the hand of
Tuan Puteri Chemara Bermas he should
himself make the trip to Serembahan Gu-
nung Kisaran Payong. They also advise the
king that he should approach the mother of
Tuan Puteri Chemara Bermas with an offer
of part of his wealth. Loaded with a ship-
load of gifts and money, Raja Sokma Daru
makes his trip to see Mak Ibu Ayu Panggo
Wetan, who is known to be greedy for
wealth. Raja Sokma Daru, upon arrival,
tells the queen, Mak Ibu Ayo Panggo We-
tan, the reason for his visit to her. She
accepts his gifts and agrees that Raja Sokma
Daru can marry her daughter, Tuan Puteri
Chemara Bermas. Mak Ibu Ayu Panggo
Wetan tries to get Dewa Pechil to divorce
the princess so that she can remarry. Dewa
Pechil refuses to do so, and is banished from
the palace. Before leaving in the direction
of the mountains, he asks his wife, Tuan
Puteri Chemara Bermas, for a golden fish-
ing net (jala kecik berantai bermas), an item of
clothing which she has already used, and
some betel leaf that she has already chewed.
Dewa Pechil and Tuan Puteri Chemara
Bermas also make an agreement that she
will join him soon in his banishment. She
asks him to leave signs for her to follow him
all the way to wherever he is going. Dewa
Pechil leaves and the princess later joins
him, stealing away from the palace.
Dewaruci (Indonesia/Malaysia), see Lakon
Dewaruci, Serat Dewaruci
Dewa Suci (Indonesia/ Malaysia), see Lakon
Dewaruci
DEWA YADNYA
dewa yadnya (Indonesia), see panca yadnya
dharma pawayangan (Indonesia). In the
Balinese shadow play (*wayang kulit), the
‘law of the wayang which a puppeteer
(*dalang) masters so as to obtain an under-
standing of the philosophy as well as the
esoteric meaning of the wayang. Dharma
pawayangan includes rules of behaviour as a
dalang as well as instructions for the con-
ducting of prayers and exorcistic rituals.
dikay (Thailand). In Thailand, the word
*zikir is sometimes stated as dikay, and per-
formances take place to the accompaniment
of dances and music provided by hand-held
single-faced drums known as ramana (Malay
rebana). It appears that dikay was first intro-
duced into Thailand by Iranian Muslims
who visited the kingdom of Ayutthya
(1259-1767). Their descendants in Thai-
land continued the tradition. Dikay was
later introduced into the court of King
Rama V (r. 1868-1910), continuing bey-
ond that period into the present with
certain modifications that transformed it
into a secular form,
Zikir as a religious activity 1s practised, as
elsewhere, wherever there are Muslim
communities in Thailand, in most instances
in a pure form, without dances. Various
opinions exist as to the precise relationship
between dikay and other art forms known
as yikey and jikey, which are to this day active
in Thailand, Cambodia, and Malaysia. In
terms of developed traditional theatre, the
importance of dikay lies in the fact that it is
generally considered a forerunner to the
important operatic theatre style known as
*likay.
dikir (Malaysia), see zikir
dikir barat (Malaysia). A form of verse-
debate involving two teams of male parti-
cipants which possibly evolved from Islamic
religious chanting (*zikir or zikr). Found
principally in the east coast Malaysian state
of Kelantan, today dikir barat has become a
social phenomenon with political or other
messages. In this form, it serves as a vehicle
for government propaganda.
A dikir barat team normally consists of
fifteen performers, an orchestra consisting
of a single headed hour-glass shaped drum
(gedumbak), hand-held drums (rebana kecil), a
pair of gongs (tetawak), and a double-reed
oboe (serunai). Musical themes are generally
lively and simple. As such, dikir barat allows
for popular participation.
There are two important functionaries
connected with dikir barat: first, the leader
(juara) and, second, the composer of the
lyrics (tukang karut), the latter often not a
regular member of a team but an invited
participant.
Poetic passages or verses (*pantun) sung
in dikir barat are, as a rule, created extem-
poraneously by the tukang karut who takes
into view his immediate situation or en-
vironment when creating his pantun or
couplets (rangkap). In Kelantan, dikir barat
competitions are a regular phenomenon,
and the practice has also found its way into
radio and television programmes.
When a leader (tukang karut) sings, other
members of a team serve as background
voices, clapping rhythmically, repeating a
quatrain after him, or singing a choric pas-
sage throughout a performance, which may
last several minutes or extend into a whole
evening's entertainment.
dikir hulu (Thailand), see zikir
dolmuluk (Indonesia). A variant form of the
Malay opera, *bangsawan, a genre that
gained popularity in both Malaysia and
Indonesia (in particular, Sumatra) from the
end of the nineteenth century. Dolmuluk
staging techniques were very similar to
those of bangsawan. In terms of language,
repertoire, and orchestration, dolmuluk re-
flected a strong Malay influence. As in
bangsawan, the.majority of the stories con-
cerned Malay royalty. In view of these
strongly Malay characteristics and, con-
sequently, a limited audience, dolmuluk did
not manage to spread beyond certain areas
of Sumatra. The term for the genre is de-
rived from Abdul Muluk, the name of the
leader of a troupe, possibly of bangsawan
performers, who reached Sumatra from
Johore or Malacca. The decline of the
short-lived dolmuluk saw the rise of *stambul
or komedi stambul, another offshoot of bang-
sawan.

dondang sayang (Malaysia). A vocal-cum-
instrumental genre of music performed
principally by the Straits-born Malay-
speaking Chinese communities of Malacca,
Penang, and Singapore. The word dondang,
derived from the Malay dendang, means
‘song’, while sayang means ‘love’. Dondang
sayang therefore translates as ‘love song’, a
name which also provides a clue to the
essential content of its lyrics.
Introduced into Malaysia by Indonesian
traders in the early twentieth century, don-
dang sayang was adapted and adopted by the
Straits Chinese Baba and Nyonya commu-
nity. Its gaiety and spontaneity suggest the
Jamaican calypso. Dondang sayang suffered a
decline during the war years but experi-
enced a revival in the 1950s. It is tradi-
tionally performed on the fifteenth night of
the Chinese New Year (Chap Goh Mei).
Tradition allowed young ladies of the Baba
and Nyonya community to leave their
houses on this particular night for the sole
purpose of husband-hunting. Generally
heading for the waterfront, the maidens
threw oranges and dates into the water, the
popular belief being that this was a sure
means ofattracting a good husband.
On Chap Goh Mei night, too, the
young Babas formed themselves into bands
of roving minstrels, singing dondang sayang.
Its romantic and witty quatrains (*pantun)
added colour to the occasion. In the past,
such singing and wooing took place on
bullock-carts. The musical instruments con-
sisted of adouble-headed drum (gendang), a
single-headed drum (rebana), violins, a pair
of gongs (tetawak), and an accordion. Don-
dang sayang was also popular with trans-
vestites, who performed it made up as
beautiful maidens.
Today, dondang sayang troupes continue
to make their rounds every Chap Goh Mei
night, entertaining crowds ofrevellers, with
some innovation visible in their orchestras.
Its appeal, however, has declined. Modern-
ization has seen to it, too, that instead of
bullock-carts the roving minstrels use buses.
Doyok (Indonesia), see Tembem
drama gong (Indonesia). A form of Balinese
dance-theatre created in 1966 by Anak
Agung Gede/Raka Payadnya. Derived from
DRAMA GONG
traditional Balinese styles, including *arja
and *prembon, it also has certain Western
influence. Drama gong uses as its repertoire
well-known Balinese legends, including
Jayaprana, and most performances take
place in the Balinese language although
bahasa Indonesia is gaining a foothold.
Reflecting a mixture of traditional Bali-
nese as well as Western elements, drama
gong uses Javanese *gamelan accompaniment
complete with *gending. As is the case with
arja, drama gong performances take a whole
night, generally starting at 9.00 p.m. and
ending at 4.00 a.m. While it is related to
arja, prembon, and *sendratari, drama gong,
however, restricts the use of dance to cer-
tain special sections—scenes in which
nymphs (bidadari) appear or where entries
of demons (bota) or giants (raksasa) take
place.
The staging techniques of drama gong
reveal certain modern elements. There is,
for instance, the use of static decor and
painted scenery. Recently, folding stage
decorations (dekor lipat) have become fash-
ionable in the genre. Settings include back-
drops which cover most eventualities in the
stories (lakon). Modern technical features,
such as lighting and electronic musical in-
struments, have found their way into per-
formances. Realistic acting and decorative
features are used, but drama gong also makes
use of certain conventional elements such as
a prologue and an epilogue. Performances,
on the whole, become melodramatic in
character. The acting is usually theatrical-
ized, a feature drama gong shares with
*bangsawan and *stambul.
The dialogue of a drama gong play is im-
provised upon a scenario which provides
the play’s outline and themes. There is no
single director and a production is the col-
lective responsibility of a troupe. Apart
from dialogue, singing (tembang) is used to
establish mood or atmosphere. For instance,
tembang semarandhana is used for ladies in sad
situations, while in similar situations for
men. fembang sinom wug payangan is con-
sidered appropriate. Sendratari elements
included in it are dance sequences, back-
ground instrumental music, and certain
cliché scenes.
Drama gong performances require offer-
ings (sesajen), as do most traditional folk
DRONA
and classical theatre genres. Following the
sesajen, the performers, led by the group
leader or a priest (pemangku), sprinkle the
back of the painted scenes with water taken
from seven different wells. This completes
the ritual preliminaries, and performers pre-
pare themselves for the enactment of a
selected story. d developed on stage using improvisation.
Performances of drama gong usually take
place before a temple (pura). The first scene,
as in traditional Balinese theatre, brings in
the comedians (*punakawan or *penasar) to
the accompaniment of the bapang gede
piece. With the next piece, selisir or penge-
lengkara, they begin their dialogue. Then
comes a court scene, marked by the penang-
kilan piece, and the ensuing dialogue 1s
done to the accompaniment of legodbawa.
This is followed by a romantic scene to the
accompaniment of a slow or fast penge-
ger which serves to create the sentimental
mood. The battle scene which follows is
done to the accompaniment of the betel
piece, and the epilogue is done to the semu-
gari piece. The orchestra for drama gong,
consisting of fifteen different instruments
derived from the gamelan, is positioned in
front of the performance area. The costum-
ing and make-up of actors and actresses is
near-realistic but in keeping with the char-
acters and according to the setting or period
of a play. Anachronisms do, of course, oc-
cur as in much folk theatre.
The plays (lakon) in the drama gong rep-
ertoire derive from classical sources as well
as from relatively recent materials. In most
instances, the theme of good versus evil is
to be found. Invariably, good overcomes
evil. In most traditional dance-theatre forms
in Bali, this theme is ted up with the con-
frontation of black magic and white magic,
such as is the case in the sacred *calonarang
play. At the same time, the lakon of much
traditional theatre include moral teaching
or messages in addition to the romantic ele-
ment. This is also the case in the large num-
ber of its plays derived from the *Panji
cycle, from the *Ramayana, as well as local
legends and folk-tales. Examples of im-
portant drama gong plays include Jayaprana-
Layonsan and =Mayadanawa. In many
instances, the basic stories are reutilized or
re-created. Altogether, the drama gong rep-
ertoire consists of over a hundred lakon of
both varieties—those derived from classical
sources and those purely invented. Initially
developed in an oral tradition, they were
later written down, mainly in the form of
prose texts. Synopses are made available
before a performance, and the story is then
Recently, however, with the increasing
popularity of drama gong, attempts have
been made to transcribe these /akon into full
plays instead of retaining them as scenarios.
In addition, special plays for children and
young adults have been created.
Drona (Indonesia/ Malaysia), see Durna
drop scene (Malaysia/Indonesia), see tirai
pertama
dukun (Malaysia/Indonesia), see bomoh
duplo (Philippines). A verse-debate contain-
ing some Spanish elements, in which the
poets extemponized in verse. The male par-
ticipants were called bellaco and the female
bellaca. It is possible that the duplo incorp-
orated into its performance elements de-
rived from the *ribaw, a play traditionally
staged on the ninth night following a death.
Durna (Indonesia/Malaysia). A Brahmin,
magician, and teacher in the * Mahabharata,
sometimes called Drona. When they were
sall boys, both *Korawa and *Pandawa
learnt the art of war from him, and to the
end he retains a deep affection for his fa-
vourite pupil, *Arjuna, though they are
arrayed on opposite sides in the last war. As
a sign of his extraordinary learning and
magical power, he alone of the mortals
wins a heavenly nymph, Dewi Wilutama,
as his bride. By her, he has a single adored
son, Bambang Aswatama. In the final war,
he matches *Kresna, and when he takes the
field the Pandawa and their armies turn and
flee. Arjuna himself refuses to face his now
aged and crippled teacher. Durna is, how-
ever, killed as a result of a trick by Kresna,
and both the Pandawa and Korawa unite to
perform the final rites.
Duryodhana, see Sujudana
 Jel
ebeg (Indonesia). The name used in Central
Java for the folk-drama known as *kuda
kepang, or jaran kepang elsewhere in Java and
in Malaysia, and *sanghyang jaran in Bali.
Each of these regional variations displays
differences in performance techniques. Ebeg
is sometimes performed in combination
with the *reog or *barong.
Ebeg performances are staged in the open
during weddings, circumcisions, and on
other such occasions by professional troupes
consisting of a trance leader (*dalang), a
clown named *Pentul who wears a pig-
faced mask, three barong performers cos-
tumed as fantastic mythical tiger-like
animals, and some twenty trance dancers
‘riding’ bamboo horses, called ebeg. Musical
accompaniment is provided by a miniature
*oamelan consisting of at least one instru-
ment from each essential functional group
of instruments in the large gamelan, 1.e. one
double-headed barrel drum (kendang), one
small hand drum (ketipung), one metal
xylophone (saron wesi) hit with a wooden
hammer, a gong (gong campur), and a trum-
pet (selompret). Ebeg uses a fairly extensive
musical repertoire.
Trance is induced through a combina-
tion of music and the hypnotic powers of a
dalang. The trance state consists of posses-
sion—the entry into a dancer of spirits,
including evil ones (setan or roh kasar), and
gamelan
those of reptiles and animals such as the
tiger and the dog.
During any one ebeg performance, sev-
eral dancers may go into trance either by
turn or simultaneously, and the spirits, upon
arrival, usually demand food. A performer
possessed by the tiger spirit (setan harimau)
typically asks for meat or fish to eat while
the horse spirit may ask for straw or grass.
Other spirits demand their usual food and
drink. Such items include unhusked rice
(padi), betel-nuts, and flower offerings (sesa-
jen). All of these are consumed. Certain
spirits ask for glass which, interestingly,
when proffered is eaten by them without
any apparent mishap. Among the more
amusing spirits making their appearance in
ebeg is the comic spirit (setan pelawak), who
usually enters Pentul, causing him to make
funny movements and noises or to execute
a comic skit (lelucon). Arriving spirits some-
times come up with rather amusing re-
quests—for cigarettes, coffee, or money, for
instance. One of the more dramatic items
in an ebeg performance, is a combat between
the horsemen and the barong monster. Keris
dancers may enter the fray, demanding a
keris and with it attempting to stab them-
selves, much as in the famous Balinese
barong performances. No pain is felt and the
keris-wielding dancers do not get wounded.
During the course of a performance, casual
observers may become hypnotized. Usually
making a salutation (*sembah) gesture to the
dalang, they act or dance. After some time,
the dalang brings them out oftrance.
Eenaung (Burma). A play based upon a ver-
sion of the *Panji romance, known as Ain-
darwuntha, which was introduced from
Thailand into the Burmese court in 1785.
In its Burmese adaptation by U Sa
(1766-1853), which was derived not dir-
ectly from Aindarnwuntha but from a non-
dramatic source, the work came to be
known as Eenaung and even as Eenaung-zat.
EENAUNG ZAT
This term gave it the status of a *jataka
story. The Burmese court version rejected
many of Inao’s adventures, giving emphasis
instead to the hero-prince’s romantic in-
trigues. As such, it is believed that while the
story may have been read in its entirety,
only selected romantic episodes were staged.
The play consists of a series. of adventures
connected only by the hero’s presence but
otherwise appearing disjointed. Following
the Siamese style, the production in Burma
included music and dance as important
elements, as well as elegant language, much
in the style of the Burmese court’s produc-
tion at about the same time of the *Rama
story, also imported from Thailand.
hero of the story, in the Cambodian ver-
sion, probably the source of the Thai, and
through it of the Burmese versions of the
story, has two names, Aindarwuntha, an
official title given by Indra, the king of the
gods, and the palace name of Eenaung;
thus, the two possible titles for the work.
Both the play and its hero are known as
* Eynao in Cambodia.
Eenaung Zat (Burma), see Eenaung
eluh (Indonesia). The term elu means
lady’ or ‘woman’. In the Balinese *gambuh
dance-theatre form, it refers to a specific
role—that of female attendants or compan-
ions (inang) to a princess (puteri) or queen
(ratu). Usually, there are four eluh in a gam-
buh performance, named Ni Bayan,
Neginte, Ni Pasir, and Ni Pengunengan.
They are also known as kakan-kakan.
zarzuela
Endeng (Malaysia), see Cahaya Bulan
entreme (Philippines). Another name for
the *sainete. See also zarzuela.
Epong (Malaysia), see Cahaya Bulan
extra-turn (Malaysia/Indonesia). In *bang-
sawan, items such as comedy skits, singing,
and dances performed before a neutral street
scene at forestage to allow scene changes to
take place in the main performance area.
See also tirai stret.
Eynao (Thailand/Cambodia). The *Panji
romance as found in Cambodia and Thai-
The land. It is believed that the story possibly
reached these territories through a Malay
version written in the Arabic script. In the
mainland South-East Asian versions, Panji,
the hero, is named Eynao, sometimes spelt
Inao. According to Dhani Nivat, there are
two versions of the tale in Thai, the first
known as *Dalang, and the second as Ari
Negara.
Dalang seems to represent a collection of
tales from various sources. In it, Eynao has
three lovers, Busba Desa, Busba Daha (who
corresponds to *Bossaba, or in the onginal
‘a Javanese story, *Chandra Kirana, the hero-
ine in most versions of the romance), and
Busba Sari, There are also interesting dif
ferences in detail between the two versions
of the story. A text of the story was also
prepared by King Rama II (r. 1767-1824).
Ni The main events of the Eynao story go as
follows:
Eynao, the prince of Kuripan, breaks oft
his engagement with Bossaba, the princess
of Daha, and marries another princess. After
a while, he regrets his action but it is too
late as Bossaba has already become engaged
to a prince of ‘Carika and the wedding date
has been set. Moreover, Bossaba is very
angry with Eynao. Styatra, her brother, tries
to soften her feelings towards him, but to
no avail,
Hearing the news of Bossaba’s impend-
ing wedding, Eynao faints. His brother-in-
law, Sangkha-Marita, succeeds in pacifying
Eynao with the suggestion that Bossaba
should be kidnapped and kept in a cave.
This scheme succeeds. Bossaba is kidnapped,

and Carika does not even suspect Eynao.
He believes another prince is responsible.
Pattarac-Cala, an ancestor of Eynao and
Bossaba, is angry at Eynao’s unbecoming
behaviour. He flies Bossaba to another
place some distance away from the cave,
and transforms her into a man, giving her
the name Onacan. Onacan is also given a
magic weapon and with this he/she goes
wandering. Onacan is adopted as a son by a
king, Pramotan. After some time, Bossaba/
Onacan reaches the foot of a hill where
he/she meets an extremely handsome
young man who is performing meditation.
He is none other than Eynao himself: Eynao
joins Bossaba/Onacan and after some time
they reach the kingdom ofKalang, here be-
coming servants to the local king. Their
ability in the use of weapons pleases the
king. Soon Eynao and Onacan are good
friends.
The king of Calapan wishes to marry his
younger brother, Raja Camara, to the eldest
daughter of the king of Kalang. As the prin-
cess is already engaged to someone else, his
proposal is rejected. He attacks Kalang but
is repulsed by Eynao and Onacan. Follow-
ing this victory, Bossaba/Onacan goes off
to Mount Enang. Here, Pattarac-Cala, her
ancestor, transforms her into a woman
EYNAO
again and names her Ci Enang. He also pre-
dicts that she will meet Eynao on the
mountain.
Styatra is sad at the loss ofhis sister, Bos-
saba. To while away his time, he goes
hunting. He comes across an extremely
beautiful golden peacock and, chasing it,
reaches Kalang. His name is now changed
to Jaran. Here, he meets Eynao and his own
fiancée, Vyada, Eynao’s sister.
King Prea-bat-meang-roda, hearing of
the fame of Eynao, is extremely jealous. He
sends four of his wizards to kidnap the
prince. As they have no idea what Eynao
looks like nor where to find him, they end
up kidnapping Jaran instead. Princess Da-
raan, Prea-bat-meang-roda’s sister, who falls
in love with Jaran, makes every effort to
lighten his sufferings.
Eynao is shocked at the sudden disap-
pearance of Jaran. A search begins and
Eynao soon succeeds in freeing Jaran as well
as discovering Ci Enang alias Onacan alias
Bossaba. This is a source of great happiness
all round. The weddings of the two couples
are held with pomp, and to this the kings of
Kuripan and Daha also come. Soon after-
wards, the newly married princes, Jaran and
Eynao, are crowned kings in their respect-
ive countries.

FAJARDO, Anselmo Jorge de (Philip-
pines), see Comedia Heroica De La Con-
quistada De Granada O Sea Vida De Don
Gonzalo De Cardoba Ilamado El Gran
Capitan
Florante at Laura (Philippines). Described
as a combination of romance and corrido, the
most important work of the nineteenth-
century poet-playwright, Francisco Baltha-
zar, known popularly as *Balagtas. The
work was first published by the Santo
Tomas Press in 1838. Stylistically, it has
affinities with *moro-moro plays. Balagtas
wrote several such plays. Florante at Laura
consists of three parts, the first a dedicatory
poem, the second a versified preface in-
tended for the audience, and _ finally,
Florante at Laura itself.
Florante is the son of the private coun-
sellor of King Linceo of Albania. After
studying in Athens for a few years, he re-
turns home to his native Albania where he
meets Laura, the beautiful daughter of King
li
Linceo, and falls madly in love with her.
Having obtained the good graces of King
Linceo, Florante is appointed general and
fights successfully against the invading Per-
slans, returning home mumphant.
In the meantime, Adolfo, a rival of Flo-
rante, incites the people of Albania to revolt
against their king. He succeeds in having
the king killed and seizes the throne.
Florante, upon his return from the war
against the Persians, is seized by Adolfo. He
is sent into a forest where, tied to a tree, he
is left to die. Here, Florante narrates his past
history, describing his love for Laura and
for his country while also lamenting his sad
fate. Two lions emerge from the forest,
ready to devour him. However, by a stroke
of good fortune, a Persian general, Aladin,
saves his life.
Rescued, Florante gathers his faithful
soldiers and returns to Albania where he
kills Adolfo and marnes Laura. Florante and
Laura are proclaimed king and queen of
Albania.
 G
gabor (Indonesia). A ceremonious dance
performed during Balinese temple festivals
(odalan), usually by between two and ten
women, and resembling the *pendet. The
dancers bring offerings and the dance is
usually led by a priest (pemangku). The pur-
pose of the gabor dance is to welcome the
ancestors who are believed to be des-
cending to the earth to participate in the
temple ceremonies.
gagah (Indonesia), see kasar
gagio (Philippines), see carillo
galuh buduh (indonesia), see liku
Galuh Chandra Kirana (Indonesia/Ma-
laysia), see Chandra Kirana
galuh liku (Indonesia), sce liku
Galungan (Indonesia). The most celebrated
festival in Bali. It is observed from the
Wednesday ofthe eleventh week according
to the Balinese wuku or pawukon calendar.
A feast of victory, it commemorates the
battle between the Balinese community and
a tyrannical giant king, Sang Maya Denawa,
from the kingdom of Bedulu who pro-
hibited the people’s religious worship and
punished all who did not conform to his
decree. Sang Maya Denawa was defeated in
a great battle but not before thousands of
Balinese had sacrificed their lives. This fest-
ival also symbolizes reunion between the
Balinese and their ancestors.
Galungan is held over seven days with
specific social and religious activities pre-
scribed for each day. The seventh is the
great festival day. Cattle are slaughtered on
this day in honour of the spirits (bota) and
demons (kala). Prayers are addressed to the
souls of ancestors and gods to ensure peace
and prosperity. Traditionally, Galungan is
also a time for the performing arts. Dances,
*gamelan music, and *barong performances
are featured.
GALURA, Felix, see Ing Cabinguan
gambuh (Indonesia). Almost universally
recognized as the oldest form of Balinese
classical dance-theatre, going back to the
tenth-century court of East Java. Late in
that century, the kingdoms of East Java and
Bali were united through the marriage of
Princess Sri Sunapriya Dharmaputra of Ke-
diri to King Udayana of Bali. A palm-leaf
manuscript, Lontar Candra Sengkala, written
in 1007, mentions King Udayana’s enjoy-
ment of gambuh and the fact that a special
roofed platform (bale pengambuhan) was
constructed at his palace specifically for
gambuh performances. Lontar Babad Dalem
(1455) mentions such performances, indic-
ating that the Ahmad Mohammad story was
used. This was during the tme of Sn
Dalem, a Majapahit appointee king. Lontar
Panitetalaning Gambuh (1812) mentions that
I Sabda and I Goya of Gianyar and I Wayan
Batubulan of Blahbatuh were the artistic
leaders in the nineteenth century during
what is considered the ‘golden age of gam-
buh’. Despite the fact that oral tradition and
written records allow its possible antiquity
to be established, it cannot be positively
proven that today’s gambuh is identical in
performance to its tenth-century ancestor.
Several conflicting theories have been
advanced concerning the origin of the
word gambuh. Soedarsono, identifying the
classical Javanese dances from the eleventh
to fourteenth centuries as sori-tekes (*raket)
and *wayang wong, concludes that gambuh is
similar to the now extinct Javanese dance-
drama, raket. 1Made Bandem indicates that
the term gambuh was first found in the
fourteenth-century Javanese *Panji ro-
mance. Named gambuh warga asmara, it was
a group dance led by Pandji Semirang.
R. M. Moerdowo gives King Udayana,
GAMBUH
who was very fond of Javanese dancing, the
credit for developing gambuh. The name
gambuh, he indicates, means ‘combination’.
In gambuh, Balinese and Javanese dance
steps were combined.
Gambuh’s position as the source of almost
all other classical Balinese dance-drama now
seems indisputable. Its dance movement
vocabulary, character types, dramatic con-
ventions, plot development, and costuming,
as well as its musical melodies, rhythmic
patterns, and musical composition serve as
the basis of many performance forms.
Among the derivative theatrical types are:
*wayang topeng, a masked dance-drama that
dates from 1525 and takes its stories from
Balinese history; *wayang wong, dating from
1884, which employs both masked and
unmasked characters to tell the story of the
* Ramayana; the dance-drama parwa, which
originated in 1885 and relates tales of the
* Mahabharata; *legong keraton which has
since 1880 presented stones from the Malat
or Balinese Panji cycle (* Panji Malat Resmi),
the Mahabharata, and Balinese legends;
*ayja, a folk opera that began in 1880, in-
corporating Balinese history and Chinese
legends; *cupak, that presents a 1930 Bali-
wayang topeng (mask)
80
nese tale; and *calonarang, depicting the
legend of King Airlangga of Bali and dating
from 1890. One common element among
the dance-dramas derived from gambuh 1s
that they all have a relatively small number
of performers.
The gambuh repertoire is drawn from
four story cycles: the Panji cycle; Malat, a
variation of the Panji theme, in which this
prinee is shipwrecked in Bali and marnes a
Balinese princess; *Rangga Lawe, a histor-
ical account of the revolt of Rangga Lawe
against King Hayam Wuruk of the
fourteenth-century Majapahit empire; and
Ahmad Mohammad, a Javanese version of
the life of Muhammad. Most gambuh per-
formances in Bali today use episodes from
the Panji or Malat stories.
With stories set in historical Javanese
kingdoms, it 1s interesting to note that the
characters, with the exception of Prince
Panji, are not identified by their names but
by their feudal titles: demang, temenggung,
arya, mantn, patih, prabu. These royal char-
acters recite their dialogue in Kawi, the
language used in the courts of Java from the
tenth to the fourteenth centuries. As iS
typical in the shadow puppet plays (*wayang
kulit) and other dance-dramas, such as wa-
yang topeng and wayang wong, the servant
and clown characters, who speak colloquial
Balinese, translate the Kawi dialogue for
Balinese audiences.
Gambuh has from its beginnings been
supported by royal patronage in the eight
kingdoms of Bali—Klungkung, Karanga-
sem, Gianyar, Buleleng (Singaradja), Ba-
dung (Denpasar), Jembrana, Bangli, and
labanan. Village performers were brought
to the palace and trained as gambuh dancers.
Gambuh as performed for royalty in the
past was elaborate, performances lasted
from late morning through the afternoon
for three or four consecutive days. The
complete legend of Panji, with all of its
adventures, would be featured by a large
company of performers. After 1906, when
the Dutch took Bali, elaborate gambuh pro-
ductions became a thing of the past. While
gambuh is sull required for court rituals—for
weddings, tooth-filing ceremonies, and
cremations as well as for family temple
ceremonies—performances consist of a

single episode from the Panji or Malat
stories and last at most an hour or two.
However, over time, in addition to its
original purpose as a form of court enter-
tainment, gambuh has become a prescribed
ritual dance in connection with certain re-
ligious festivals. Gambuh is, for instance,
performed during the ten-day *Galungan—
*Kuningan Balinese New Year period.
Most notable is its inclusion in the sacred
ceremonies at Besakih, Bali’s most import-
ant temple complex which has a family
shrine for each of Bali’s eight kings. Gam-
buh is required, too, as part of the sacred
ceremonies of Karya Pedanan, held annu-
ally; Panca Wali Karma, held once every
decade; and Eka Dasa Rudra, held once
every 100 years.
There are several surviving gambuh
troupes in villages throughout Bali. The
Gianyar region, the traditional centre for
gambuh, has Bali’s two most active troupes—
the Mayangsari and Triwangasa companies,
both located in Batuan village. In an effort
to popularize gambuh, | Made Dhimat has
created a gambuh prembon (gambuh of mixed
style), a shortened version of gambuh with
many more clown and animal characters,
that seems more popular with Balinese
audiences than the classical gambuh. Other
gambuh troupes are active in Pedungan vil-
lage, at Budakeling and Padang Aji in
Karangasem, in Taban, and in Singaradja.
The gamelan gambuh ensemble consists of
one rebab (three-stringed viol), several flutes
(suling gambuh), a pair of double-headed
drums (kendang), one hand-held gong
(kajar), a set of cymbals (rincik), a set of bells
(genterong), a small hanging gong (kempur), a
mounted gong (kelenong), and a small me-
tallophone of three bronze keys (kenyir).
Occasionally, a set of cymbals strung be-
tween sticks (kangsi) and a metallophone of
four bars (gunanek) are included.
The drums lead the orchestra, signalling
patterns and changes while the gong signals
the conclusion of musical phrases which are
of sixteen or thirty-two counts. The mel-
odies in gambuh are played by the suling
with the help of the rebab. This particular
suling, which is about 90 centimetres long,
is unique to gambuh and has a distinctive
sound. The bells, cymbals, and gongs play
GAMBUH
in seemingly free-form syncopation. Gam-
buh music is the most difficult of all the
Balinese musical forms.
The gambuh troupes performing today
display strong similarities in production,
notably in the selection of scenes, in cos-
tuming, scenery and stage setting, instru-
mentation, choice of melodies, in the
number and types of characters, in the
dialogue, and in the duration of a perform-
ance. Variety, however, is seen in dance
style and the amount of movement used for
each character. A specially prepared per-
forming area may consist ofcurtains upstage
centre for performers’ entrances and a large
woven thatched roof constructed of
bamboo. Performances, however, may be
held in front of atemple. Bamboo decora-
tions and umbrellas may be added. Any
shift in time, date, or location of action is
revealed by the characters, as the gambuh
setting never changes.
Each character or group of characters in
gambuh has an identifiable costume, mel-
ody, and dance. The dances are punctuated
with song-like cnes and snatches of dia-
logue. The plot begins to unfold when the
principal character and his servant are on
stage.
Gambuh, like other traditional Indo-
nesian dance-drama forms, includes charac-
ters of two types: refined, heroic (*halus)
characters and strong, crude (keras) ones.
The refined characters have a dance vocab-
ulary in which the movements are smaller,
smoother, and more delicate than the
movements of the strong characters. The
strong characters include the female servant
(*condong), the handmaidens (*kakan-kakan),
the messengers (kade-kadean), the soldiers
(arya), clowns (*penasar), regents of the
court (*demang and temenggung), and the
enemy prince (prebangsa). The refined char-
acters are the princess (*puteri), the prince
Panji, the enemy king (prabu), and the
prime ministers (patih tua) of both opposing
factions. Performances begin with female-
style dances, starting with the entry of a
servant who is later joined by the hand-
maidens ofthe princess. The princess comes
in next to join them. After this introductory
section, the plot begins to unfold through
the dialogue. With the conclusion of the
GAMBUH PREMBON
scene, the female characters exit, usually
not reappearing in the drama. This opening
sequence parallels a later scene in which
Panji appears with his ministers and
attendants.
The women’s dances are usually fol-
lowed by the dance of Demang and Te-
menggung, two regents of Panji’s court,
whose comic dance sets the style for the
clown characters. The exit of the regents
introduces the soldiers’ dance and this is
followed by the dance of Panji, considered
to be the most difficult in the entire gambuh
repertoire. Panji and his minister dance to-
gether. Panji’s servant appears and sum-
mons the messengers and soldiers. Panji
speaks to his courtiers, with *Semar trans-
lating the dialogue into vernacular Balinese.
Panji and his group exit.
The opposing king and his retinue enter
the stage area, dancing, in a manner similar
to the preceding scenes. A single character
or a group of characters dance. These dances
are shorter than those performed by mem-
bers of Panji’s court. The king begins his
dialogue relating to his followers his plan of
attack.
At the end of this dialogue sequence, the
confrontation between the two rival fac-
tions takes place. The battle scene may be
wayang kulit purwa
long, as arya battle kade-kadean, the prime
ministers confront each other, and Panji
meets and defeats his rival.
Scenes of comic confrontation between
the servants of the rival kings may be in-
serted in the drama following Panj1’s exit or
at a number of other possible points in the
plot. Gambuh’s slapstick comedy, with its
many references to current events, 1s similar
to that featured in other Balinese drama
forms, such as wayang topeng, ana, and
*drama gong, as well as that used in the
shadow puppet theatre. Gambuh as per-
formed at the temple ceremonies of Besakih,
however, considerably cuts down such
comic business.
gambuh prembon, see gambuh
gambyong (Indonesia). Dances which are
sometimes used to open performances in
the operatic *ketoprak.
gamelan (Indonesia/Malaysia). An ensemble
made up mainly of bronze percussion
instruments; other instruments include sus-
pended gongs, bronze and wooden xylo-
phones, drums, and the spiked fiddle (rebab).
Today, the word gamelan reters both to the
music of the ensemble and collectively to

the instruments themselves. Gamelan devel-
oped in Java and Bali, but whereas in Java
gamelan music developed in the court set-
tings, Balinese gamelan remained closely
connected with village activities. Many of
the origin myths attached to gamelan credit
the gods with having created its prototype.
Principally from Java, gamelan travelled
to neighbouring islands. There is no indi-
genous tradition of gamelan in Malaysia, and
the earliest gamelan sets were imported from
the Riau islands off Sumatra, later evolving
independently tato what became known as
gamelan Pekan and gamelan Trengganu, the
former receiving initial court support while
the latter developed as a more popular
gamelan. With the movement oflarge com-
munities of Javanese into the Malay penin-
sula in the early decades of the twentieth
century, gamelan sets were imported to-
gether with certain styles of Javanese
theatre, including *wayang kulit purwa.
On the islands of Java and Bali, there
exists a large variety of gamelan orchestras of
varying sizes and composition. In Java, for
instance, there are the gamelan monong, ga-
melan kodok ngorok, gamelan sekati, gamelan
klenengan, gamelan calung, and so on. Larger
gamelan are also accompanied by male and
female singers (*pesinden). A gamelan orches-
tra may be used merely to provide music or
to accompany other performances, and may
be defined as coarse or rough (*kasar) or
refined (*halus). The two most popular
scales for gamelan orchestras are the pelog and
slendro scales. A complete gamelan set may
consist of instruments tuned in both of
these scales. In Bali, there are the gamelan
gong gede, gamelan gong kebyar, gamelan pele-
gongan, gamelan semar pegulingan, gamelan
angklung, gamelan arja, gamelan gambuh, and
gamelan wayang Ramayana. These names
indicate tuning styles as well as the role of
the gamelan, to accompany specific types of
performances, such as the *legong, kebyar,
*arja, *gambuh, or the shadow play (*wayang
kulit Ramayana), as well as for ritual and
other ceremonial functions. Certain game-
lan, especially those that have been in use in
the palaces (keraton) of Central Java for gen-
erations, are considered highly sacred heir-
looms (pusaka).
GENDER WAYANG
Ganesha (Malaysia/Indonesia). In Hindu
mythology, Ganesha is the elephant-headed
deity. He is the son ofSiva and Parvati. Re-
garded as a beneficent deity, Ganesha is fea-
tured in prayers on all auspicious occasions
and also, invariably, at the commencement
oftheatre performances ofany kind in India.
This practice, to some extent, has also found
its way into the traditional theatre of South-
East Asia. In Malaysia and Indonesia, with-
out really being aware of his identity or
background, theatre practitioners address
invocations to him under the name of Sang
Gana.
gara-gara (Indonesia). In the classical Java-
nese shadow play (*wayang kulit purwa), the
section of a performance at the beginning
of the second mode, *patet sanga, in which
the comic characters (*punakawan) emerge.
They are *Semar and his three sons, *Ga-
reng, *Petruk, and *Bagong.
Gareng (Indonesia). The eldest of *Semar’s
ten sons and therefore a deity in origin.
Gareng (whose complete name is Nalaga-
reng) is unable to express himself properly,
but neither corrects nor revokes his foolish
remarks. He limps, has protuberances at his
left elbow, and acts mostly as a fool. He is
thus a direct contrast to his father. His trin-
ket is a perforated disc.
gedebong (Indonesia). In the Balinese *wa-
yang kulit, the banana tree-trunk into which
the wayang figures are pierced to keep them
standing in position behind the screen. See
also batang pisang.
gender wayang (Indonesia). The orchestra
used to accompany the Balinese shadow
play (*wayang kulit) featured at temple fest-
ivals, cremations, purification rituals, and
other such occasions. It consists of one or
two pairs of ten-key metal xylophone
(gender). The most popular plays (/akon) are
derived from the Indian epic, *Mahabha-
rata. In the case of performances based upon
the other Indian epic, *Ramayana, the
gender wayang ensemble is supplemented by
drums (gendang), gongs, and cymbals in-
tended to enliven the more dramatic battle
scenes. See also wayang kulit Ramayana.
GENDING
gending (Indonesia). The instrumental mel-
odies played by the *gamelan orchestra.
Typically, gending accompany entrances and
exits of characters in battle situations. The
number ofgending available to gamelan mu-
sicians is fairly large and a number of them
are selected for every performance.
genero chico (Philippines). The term used in
Spain from the late nineteenth century for
the *zarzuela in one act to distinguish this
variety from the longer three- or five-act
version known as *zarzuela grande. The term
was also borrowed by the zarzuela in the
Philippines.
Gerak Jitra (Malaysia). The tragic heroine
of an important *mak yong play, *Anak Raja
Gondang.
Gerantang (Indonesia), see Cupak
gerong (Indonesia). Male singing in the
shadow play (*wayang kulit) and *wayang
wong performances usually done by a group
in unison to the accompaniment of a
*gamelan. See also sendon.
ginem (Indonesia), see antawacana
Gran Comedia de la Toma del Pueblo de
Corralat y Conquista de Cerro (Philippines).
The title of a *moro-moro play written in
1637 by Padre Juan de Salazar and possibly
inspired by a mock war staged by a group of
boys imitating a martial display. It is usually
cited as an important landmark in the his-
tory of the moro-moro.
Gul Bakawali (Malaysia), see Bunga Baka-
wali
gunungan (Malaysia/Indonesia). Also known
in Java as kayon or kekayonan, in Bali as
*babat, and in Kelantan as the *pohon beringin
or waringin tree, the intricately carved tree-
or leaf-shaped puppet which serves to open
and close all *wayang kulit as well as *wayang
golek performances. The most important
figure in a puppet set, it makes its appear-
ance 1n every performance, no matter what
the story or the occasion. As an item of stage
property, the gunungan serves a host of
other functions as well. It is, for instance,
commonly used as a mountain, a forest, as
the fire, and so on.
Symbolically, the gunungan represents
the created world in which human beings,
represented by the wayang figures, live. Ac-
cording to the Balinese interpretation, the
shaking of the gunungan by the master
puppeteer (*dalang) at the beginning of a
performance symbolizes the process of
combining the elements to create some en-
tity. Thus, for instance, is created the human
body. Once the gunungan has stopped
moving, returning to its original stillness, a
wayang performance can be presented.
Symbolically, this suggests that the created
beings (makhluk-makhluk), having been
given breath, can now begin to function,
play their role in the created world. In both
Java and Bah, the gunungan is also used to
represent wind.
On a lower level, the movements of the
gunungan at the beginning of a performance
also represent the vibrations in the dalang’s
mind. While the figure is in motion at the
commencement of an evening, the puppet-
eer, sitting silently, recites his invocations
(*mantera) or prayers. The gunungan repres-
ents life, as well as the return of life after the
process of death, in cyclical manner, accord-
ing to the ancient Hindu-Buddhist theory
of reincarnation. Further, the gunungan is
said to be a symbol of Mount Mahameru,
the sacred mountain of the gods. It is the
world tree, the axis mundi, linking the upper,
middle, and lower worlds. Reflecting an
already apparent and complex combination
of ideas and symbols borrowed from a host
of diverse belief systems, the tree-image of
the kayon conforms remarkably well with
the image of the tree of life inherited by
Islam through the Judaeo-Chnistian tradition
and the Islamic conception of the heavenly
tree, sidrat-ul-muntaha, again representing
the totality of creation. It is held that each
leaf on this tree represents a living soul and
that the falling of any leaf indicates the end
of asoul’s earthly existence.
In the puppet theatre traditions of Indo-
nesia and Malaysia, there are several vari-
cties ofgunungan, differing in size, design, as
well as in the manner of their utilization.
Differences may be encountered from
 85
district to district in Java and Bali. The
Malaysian pohon beringin possibly derived
from the Javanese gunungan, but has now
departed considerably from it. While the
Javanese and Malay gunungan are, as a
whole, leaf-shaped and pointed at the top,
the Balinese variety, which is smaller than
the Javanese, is more rounded; in fact, it is
an elongated oval. Gunungan featured in
*wayang kulit purwa or *wayang golek purwa
which present episodes from the classical
epic-based repertoire are fairly large in size.
Traditionally, *wayang kulit madya gunungan
are of intermediate size while those used in
*wayang kulit menak are small.
Among the host of designs appearing on
Javanese gunungan are those of trees with
branches and leaves. Among the leaves,
images of monkeys, birds, snakes, and even
insects appear. These represent life in its
totality, with the various creatures repres-
enting different levels of creation. In this
scheme, the animals are representative of
the lower creation. Even the giants oc-
cupy a comparatively low position in the
scheme of the universe, for it is the human
soul, here symbolized by the bird, that is
God’s highest creation. The image of the
human soul as a bird is central to the
Malay—Indonesian belief system. Much of
shamanistic practice, as well as its rituals and
symbols, reflect this conception.
The Kala Makara, the image of the giant
with a protruding tongue, represents the
presence in the forest of *jinn or evil spirits
who disturb the peace of the human beings.
The giants are also supposed to represent
evil beings who inhabit this world, a living
testimony that it takes all kinds of beings to
make the world. This is on the macrocos-
mic level. On the microcosmic plane, these
giants represent the many negative emotions
and desires (nafsu) which have made a
home in the human heart.
Various commentaries have been given
to the gate (pintu gerbang) appearing in the
bottom section of the gunungan. It is said to
represent the gateway to a palace (keraton),
the entrance to a temple or a cave whence
the pious hermit retires to meditate. How-
ever, the most important symbolical mean-
ing of the gateway as an entrance to the
world hereafter.
GUNUNGAN
At the entrance to this gateway stand
two demons (raksasa) armed with swords
and shields. These are said to represent
ethical and moral values. The human being
must understand and practise the code of
good conduct and refined behaviour. Some-
times the images of the pair of demons or
giants are replaced by those of snakes.
These represent the native spirits whose
pernussion must be obtained prior to a per-
formance. In the code of the dalang (pada-
langan), the snake is also a symbol of Dewa
Anta or Antaboga who controls the earth
(bumi, bantala, or patale). Antaboga stays un-
der the earth, which is said to be ofseveral
layers, each with its own guardian spirit or
native genius. Thus, the first layer is under
Ayu Ratna Pertiwi; the second under Dewi
Gangga; the third under Daram Palan; the
fourth under Candula; the fifth under Na-
kula who originated in the tortoise. The
sixth layer of the earth is the home of the
Naga Raja, father of Naga Gina and father-
in-law of *Bima. The seventh layer is under
the care of Antaboga or Anantaboga, who
is sometimes associated with Dewi *Sn, the
goddess or soul of rice (*semangat padi).
This seventh layer ofthe earth is sometimes
seen as the place from which the seven
principal vices that destroy human dignity
originate. There is a strong belief that the
serpent under the earth is a manifestation of
Vishnu as the base upon which the Hima-
layas stand. In some kayon, to top off this
process of developing cosmic symbols, wings
(sayap) are painted near the top, appearing
in the form of a flame and symbolizing the
creative energies and life-giving forces of
the sun.
The gunungan, then, develops into a
symbol of the created or manifested world,
the microcosmos. Giving the gunungan a
spiritual dimension, it has sometimes been
said that the doorway guarded by the two
giants represents the passage into the higher
mysteries and self-knowledge. The door
will be opened only to one who has over-
come the obstacles or challenges confront-
ing him in this world. These obstacles are
symbolized by the various creatures on the
gunungan.
In a wayang performance the gunungan
has several important functions. As already
GUNUNGAN
noted, it marks the opening and closing of
performances. Further, the placing of the
figure at screen centre during a perform-
ance serves to indicate a pause, in the event
that the dalang needs a break.
As a stage property, it serves to mark the
boundary between two countnies. As a piece
of decor, it represents the elements—air,
water, and fire, and yet others. Several plays
illustrate the diverse roles in which the
gunungan is utilized. In the *Samudra Man-
tana play, where the gods and giants are
seeking the nectar of immortality by en-
circling Mount Mandhara in the Ocean of
Milk, the gunungan figure serves as a symbol
of both the water in the Ocean of Milk and
of Mount Mandhara. In the *Ramayana,
where *Hanuman is burnt by the Langka
soldiers under Indrajit and in which Hanu-
man, using his tail, burns down a section of
*Rawana’s palace, the gunungan functions
as a symbol of fire. In the same way, in the
play entitled Bale Sigale, the gunungan is
used to represent fire in the scene where
the *Korawa set the *Pandawa camp
aflame. In scenes in which Betara Guru
(Siva) shows off his divine power (sakti), the
puppet representing the mountain flutters
as if struck by a violent storm. An interest-
ing use of the gunungan as the sun may be
encountered in scenes where Dewa Surya,
the Sun God, makes an appearance in
anger, thus producing his extremely hot
rays.
In Bali, the gunungan is known as the
babat, meaning ‘to tell’ or ‘to narrate’. The
word also is possibly connected with ‘bab’,
which is a section or chapter. It has thus
been thought that the gunungan functions as
the marker between the end of one scene
and the beginning of another, much as does
the curtain in modern theatre.
 is
hadrah (Malaysia). A theatre form active in
the states of Kedah, Penang, Perlis, and
Perak. it is also known by several other
names, including *noge and bangsawan ha-
drah, particularly in a version that uses
dances and dramatic plots. Basically, hadrah
involves singing accompanied by drum-
ming. The lyrics originally consisted of
words in praise of God (Allah) and the
Prophet Muhammad. While such lyrics
continue to be used in today’s performances,
others of a secular character containing
praises in honour of newly married couples
or visiting dignitaries have also been in-
corporated,
Hadrah performers tell an interesting tale
regarding its origins. It runs as follows: A
deer trapped by hunters begged its captors
to be allowed to go home as it had a new-
born child. Brought before the Prophet
Muhammad, it sang songs in praise of the
prophet, thus impressing him and obtaining
its freedom. The deer’s songs, imitated by
the villagers, became an established form of
entertainment and a means of showing
respect to dignitaries.
Another opinion claims that the genre
has to do with the word hijrah, or the
migration of the Prophet Muhammad with
his small Muslim community from Mecca
to Medina. His entourage was welcomed
into Medina by means of drumming and
the singing of laudatory texts. A second
version of this story relates that hadrah was
first performed to welcome the triumphant
prophet back to Mecca from his exile in
Medina. There are, in addition, several
other origin stories for the genre.
Most performers believe that hadrah was
introduced into Malaysia through India and
possibly Java from the Hadramaut area of
the Arabian peninsula; hence its name. The
songs sung in Malaysia contain elements
derived from both Arab and Indian-Muslim
cultures. Performances take place at wed-
dings or other special occasions, such as
public holidays. Two styles of hadrah are
performed in Malaysia—-the first, *hadrah
punggok, active in Penang and Perak, con-
sists of singing and drumming, while the
second, hadrah ekor or noge, has, in addition,
some dances and sometimes dramatic per-
formances to conclude an evening. This
variety 1s to be seen in Kedah and Perlis.
The dances are executed by male dancers or
transvestites. A hadrah group traditionally
consisted of twelve men. Contemporary
troupes, however, often have twenty or
more members including, in hadrah ekor,
eight dancers. Performers wear formal Ma-
lay dress consisting, for men, of a loose
Malay shirt (baju), a pair of pants, a short
sarong (sampin) reaching to the knees, and a
cap (songkok). Transvestites wear ordinary
women’s clothes. In village performances,
no formal dress 1s required.
Hadrah musical instruments consist only
of single-faced drums (gendang or rebana) in
three different sizes: a large one (gendang
besar) placed face-upwards and beaten by
several performers, ten medium-sized ones
(gendang pengibu), and a pair of small ones
(gendang penganak). The latter two varieties
are either placed on the lap when beaten or
held in the air with one hand and beaten
with the other.
In hadrah ekor, a pair of gongs is also used.
These are sounded at the end of each
measure. The drum sounds are low-pitched
at the centre and high-pitched at the rims.
The large drums provide a constant basic
melody, while the smaller drums are played
in a freer improvisatory manner. In recent
years, a violin is at times included in the
hadrah musical ensemble.
Regional variations in the repertoire
may be encountered from state to state. In
Kedah and Perlis, the standard hadrah mu-
sical repertoire consists of twelve pieces,
sung in an indistinct Arabic-sounding lan-
guage claimed by performers to be “Ben-
gali’, which normally in Malaysia means
HADRAH EKOR
Urdu or Hindustani. Performers remember
neither all the tunes nor their names. The
following are among tunes still remem-
bered and performed: Pa No Eh, Zakallam,
Cintar Geya, Sar Geya, Eh Ja De, Ya Do Ya
and Pare Um Pare, Para Melayang, Sa Masom
Kumar (Shamsul Kumar), Da Wa Leg, Ka Ni
Jo, and Om Pase Ya Re. These names appear
to be the initial syllables of the first lines in
each case. Local creations in the Malay lan-
guage include the following titles: Ugama
Islam Ugama Suci, Pantun ini Pantun Nasihat,
Assalamualaikum, Selamat Pengantin Baru,
Dendang Fatimah, Lagu Berendui, and Ampun
Tuan Ku. Most of these are songs of praise
or those giving advice to follow the teach-
ings ofIslam.
One of the principal sources of Arabic
language lyrics, described collectively as
lagu rawi or lagu hadi, is Kitab Majmu’at Sha-
rifal-Anam, better known as Kitab Berzanyi.
Among the better known pieces from this
text are the following: Lagu Walidah, Lagu
Alhamdulillah, Lagu Badatlana or Sharif Al-
Anam, Lagu Tanakal, Lagu Palakam, and
Lagu Haruman. The titles in these instances
are the first few syllables of the texts them-
selves.
Unlike most Malay traditional pertorm-
ance genres, hadrah punggok does not always
begin with theatre-opening rituals (*buka
panggung), possibly due to its original purely
vocal and instrumental style. Its Islamic
origin may also be a factor explaining the
absence of normal ritual elements in the
form of theatre consecration ceremonies
usually featured in older traditional theatre
forms. Simple Islamic prayer (doa) may
instead be used.
In hadrah ekor or noge, however, more
elaborate opening rituals are performed.
No one is allowed on to the stage until cer-
tain ritual activities have been completed by
a troupe leader or ritualist. Usual offerings
consists of betel leaves and betel-nuts (sirih
pinang), flour (fepung tawar), coconut oil,
M$1.15 or some other amount of money
including M$0.15, yellow rice, and a
candle. The candle is lit and placed inside a
large drum while the leader reads certain
prayers. Only if and when the flame of the
candle tilts in the direction of the ritualist,
can a performance begin. This practice ap-
pears to have come about as an inheritance
from previous generations of practitioners,
and shares certain elements with the theatre
consecration rituals of other forms of theatre
such as *jikey, menora or *nora chatri, and
*mek mulong. Certain taboos applicable to
instruments of other indigenous theatre
genres are also observed in hadrah. In par-
ticular, special care is taken of the drums.
The overall performance structure is
similar in both styles. Performances begin
with a troupe leader initiating the pro-
gramme. He begins all the tunes performed
in any one evening’s performance by sing-
ing the first few phrases without musical
accompaniment. The chorus repeats the
opening section, still without music. Fol-
lowing this, the drums join in. The pro-
gramme goes on continuously for 3 hours
or more. The leader both introduces and
closes every featured song.
Hadrah ekor performances begin with
khodamin, an opening melody to which the
dancers enter. Dancing in pairs, they ex-
ecute relatively simple steps or movements,
with previously selected male participants,
known as rasuk, audience members joining
them on stage now and then. Comedy skits
or full-fledged plays, in theme and pre-
sentation style approximating *bangsawan,
are staged during the remainder of the
evening in improvised shelters. The dra-
matic repertoire includes the following titles,
Kebar Hitam, *Wak Billah, Darul Johari,
Pertarungan dan Jelok Saga, and Hikayat
Abdullah. Most of these tales are Middle
Eastern in origin. Overall, hadrah perform-
ances range between the purely musical and
the crudely theatrical.
hadrah ekor (Malaysia), see hadrah, noge
hadrah punggok (Malaysia). A form of *had-
rah. A quasi-religious performance which
consists of singing and drumming. It is
active in the states of Penang and Perak.
halus (Malaysia/Indonesia). The term halus
means ‘refined’ in its various shades. It im-
plies all that is polished, polite, subtle; it
applies to objects, concepts, behaviour pat-
terns. Music, language, or the physical
appearance of a *wayang kulit figure may be

described in similar fashion. Batik, or any
other material as well as the designs on it,
may be described in terms of halus or *kasar.
In traditional theatre, whether performed
by human beings or puppets, the term is
applied to all aspects of performance—char-
acterization, costuming, make-up, physical
presence on stage, language, movements,
music, and so on. In terms of human char-
acterization, the term describes or appertains
to not only the external appearance and
behaviour ofa person, but also to the inner
being. It is thus related to another import-
ant concept—that of zahir—batin, what is
seen and what is hidden—the external/
physical and the internal/spiritual. This is
particularly important in understanding the
total personality, for instance, of ashadow
play character.
hamdolok (Malaysia). A processional theatre
style involving several elements—music,
dance, and singing—apparently inspired by
processional dances of the bedouin Arabs.
Believed to have started early in the twen-
tieth century in the Batu Pahat district of
the southern state of Johore, it is performed
principally in situations of welcoming
guests or of leading in a bridegroom’s party.
The principal performers consist of a
leader (pandu), a comedian (*watak lucu),
and a leading female performer (wanita).
The pandu serves as a leader of the troupe
as well as its director, usually giving the
necessary signals for change in music, dance
patterns, or music style. The pandu is fre-
quently dressed in a ‘military’ uniform or as
a band leader with a Turkish cap (tarbus)
decorated with a five-pointed star, sup-
posedly representing the five principles
(rukun) of Islam. A sword and a pair of
decorative chains with medals attached to
them and stretched between his epaulettes
and his coat button complete his costume.
The watak lucu, usually representing a
rich but shabbily dressed person, fond of
women and liquor, is generally dressed in
the same fashion as the male dancers, in a
large black shirt or coat and a red vest. He
is grotesquely overweight, with a bulging
stomach, enhanced, if necessary, by means
of a cushion. The watak lucu always appears
with *dolmuluk’s third character, the lead-
HAMDOLOK
ing lady, wanita. The female lead role in
dolmuluk, sometimes, as in *bangsawan, also
called *seri panggung, is invariably per-
formed by a man or by a female imperson-
ator. In addition to these principal roles,
dolmuluk makes use of a number of male
dancers (penari) and musicians. In the cos-
tuming, there are obvious attempts to
incorporate Middle Eastern elements,
although the preference for military-style
costumes appears to be strong.
Make-up is optional and has no fixed
characteristic style. The comedian and the
dancers are usually the only ones made up,
the former being given a painted-face look,
sometimes one half of the face being white
and the other black. The wanita character
has naturalistic but slightly exaggerated
make-up, while the musicians and dancers,
assumed somehow to be connected to be-
douin, have their faces painted brown or
black.
Music and singing constitute an integral
element of hamdolok. The principal instru-
ments consist of the gambus, the tambourine,
the maracas, a double-headed Indian drum
(dhol), the marwas drum, and the konga
drum, In Johore, the gambus appears in two
sizes, the larger variety, used in ghazal mu-
sic, known as gambus Arab, and the smaller
named gambus Melayu. The latter is used in
hamdolok.
Like other traditional theatre perform-
ances, hamdolok begins with theatre-opening
rituals (*buka panggung). Members of the
group are given to drink water, over which
some charms or prayers (jampi) have been
recited by a troupe leader. Other pre-
cautionary steps are also taken by the leader
to protect both himself and his troupe
members from malicious influences. In this
he is aided by his special mystical know-
ledge (ilmu pendinding).
A performance may take place on a spe-
cially constructed stage (pentas) or on the
floor. Where hamdolok performances are
done to accompany a bridegroom’s party,
they take place in the open. In these in-
stances, they are truly processional in char-
acter.
Performers are divided into three groups.
Two of these, consisting of the musicians
and dancers, stand in parallel lines facing
HANTU
forward, while in between stand the dir-
ector, the principal performers, and the
gambus player, known as the *khalifah.
Following the preparation of the com-
pany as above, the leader will raise his sword
to signal the commencement of the per-
formance. Loudly he utters a phrase in
praise of the Prophet Muhammad and his
words are repeated by the company of
players. The gambus player, now taking
over, leads the musicians, while the dancers
begin their dance steps and also clap in tune
to the music. Their songs consist of several
stanzas of poetic passages and quatrains
(*pantun), every stanza beginning with the
word masadeka. At the completion of each
stanza is heard the loud shouting by the
chorus leader of the word hamdolok. The
other members join in, echoing hok, hok,
hok. This is done twice after each pantun.
The last couplet of the final pantun requests
the audience’s permission to end the song.
Immediately upon their arrival in pro-
cession at the performance venue, the com-
pany forms a circle, with the wanita and
watak lucu in the centre. The musicians
begin to play, while the accompanying dan-
cers clap. Following three movements in
this circular fashion, the performers re-
arrange themselves into two circles, the
dancers in the inner circle, and the mu-
sicians in the outer. In the centre of the two
circles are the comedian and the wanita
performer. A series of such changing
patterns takes place during the remainder of
a performance before the company finally
forms itself into two lines facing the
audience to salute their farewell. A final
vocal greeting may be included if the
occasion of the performance demands it.
The theatrical element in hamdolok comes
principally in the form of comic, often
crude, acting between the watak lucw and
wanita performers. This may consist purely
of mime or of improvised dialogue. A more
developed plot may occasionally be incorp-
orated into a performance. Hamdolok does
not have any specific repertoire of stories
characteristic to it. Ideas come from bangsa-
wan and other genres.
hantu (Malaysia/Indonesia). The Malay—
Indonesian word hantu is usually translated
as ‘evil spirit’ or ‘ghost’. In Malay—
Indonesian communities, typically, all spirits
are divided into two categories: those
considered good, called *jinn, and those
regarded as evil, hantu. It should be noted
that the former, being a term introduced by
Islam, has its own specific connotations
from a religious point of view. Local usage
and colouring, however, have extended the
term somewhat. Thus, jinn at times refers
to all spirits interchangeably with hantu.
There exists also a distinction between
spirits that became Muslims (jinn Islam) and
those that remained infidels (jinn kafir). Yet
again, hantu are not always negative. En-
vironmental spirits, for instance, as one cat-
egory of hantu, need not necessarily be evil,
while disease-causing ones are invariably
considered to be so.
As far as traditional theatre goes, it is
acknowledged that specific groups of spints
must be invoked pnor to performances.
This is done as part of the theatre consecra-
tion (*buka panggung) rituals by a qualified
shaman (*bomoh) or a senior member of
a troupe. The purpose of the invocations is
to inform the spirits that a performance is
about to take place and to indicate its pur-
pose, to seek their permission to use their
space (for instance, the ground upon which
a theatre (*panggung) is constructed), and to
ensure their goodwill through offerings
(*kendurt) so that a performance can go on
without mishap. The welfare of performers
and audience members alike is the primary
concern of the ritualist. Upon the com-
pletion of a performance, the spirits are
thanked for their co-operation. Where
theatre genres serve the function of exor-
cism or healing, more complex conditions
prevail. Consequently, the role of the sha-
man 1s considerably enhanced.
See buka panggung for the names of
specific spirits invoked. For ritual perform-
ances, see berjamu and specific theatre
genres.
Hanuman. A celebrated monkey chief,
Hanuman is the son of Pavana or Vayu, ‘the
wind’, by Dewi Anjana. In some South-
East Asian versions of the Hindu epic,
*Ramayana, however, it is established that
he is the son of *Rama and *Sita Dewi, and

that he was transferred as a foetus into the
open mouth of Anjana. Hanuman is able to
fly and is a conspicuous figure in the Rama-
yana. He and the other monkeys assist
Rama in his search for Sita Dewi and in his
final war against *Rawana, her captor. His
services to Rama are great and numerous.
In one of the final battles between the
forces of Rama and those of Rawana, the
enemy forces grease his tail and set it on
fire, but to their great injury, Hanuman
burns down their capital city, lighting the
great conflagration with his tail. Tradi-
tionally, in all forms of South-East Asian
theatre, Hanuman is represented as being
white. In Malay shadow play, *wayang kulit
siam, he is known as Hanuman Kera Putih,
or literally, Hanuman, the white ape. Sev-
eral lesser episodes, which constitute part of
the branch stories (*cerita ranting), are pre-
sented with him as an important central
character.
Harivamsa, see Mahabharata
hat boi (Vietnam). A court theatre style
generally considered the ‘classical’ theatre
of Vietnam, also known as hat tuong. Con-
sisting ofsinging, acting, dialogue, as well as
vocal and instrumental music, it is very
similar to the Chinese opera. It resembles
the Chinese opera, too, in its simplicity of
staging as well as conventions related to
characters, costuming, make-up, language,
and the vocabulary of gestures. The singing
style of hat boi also shows a considerable
resemblance to that employed in Chinese
opera.
Hat boi themes are derived from the
mythology and history of China, while the
musical style reveals a predominance of
percussion and the importance of the two-
stringed fiddle, as in Chinese opera, al-
though the music itself is different. The
musical vocabulary consists of declamations
(moi loi), recitatives (xuong, bach, and tuan),
and a variety of songs which are Chinese or
Vietnamese in character.
hat cai Iuong (Vietnam). The modern
theatre of Vietnam, developed in 1918.
Some of its themes are still derived from
Vietnamese as well as Chinese history, as in
HAWSA
Vietnam’s classical theatre style, *hat boi.
Mythological materials have been dis-
carded. In addition, the repertoire consists
oftopics derived from everyday life, some-
thing which has also introduced naturalistic
staging and acting. Elements of traditional
theatre, such as stylization, however, may
be encountered in hat cai luong, when his-
torical plays are performed.
hat cheo (Vietnam). A folk theatre of pop-
ular origin, performed in the common lan-
guage of the people. The texts for the plays
are mostly anonymous and orally transmit-
ted. This is the case also with the melodies
used in the genre. Hat cheo does not use
scenery, elaborate costumes, or sophisticated
make-up as may be seen in the Vietnamese
classical theatre style, *hat boi.
Hat cheo 1s essentially a musical theatre
style and although traditionally the accom-
panying orchestra consisted ofonly a fiddle,
a flute, and a drum, it has been considerably
enlarged in recent years. The musical rep-
ertoire consists of declamations in serious
style (noi su): those intended for the pro-
logue, as well as for situations of ahappy or
melancholy nature. Similarly, a wide variety
of songs is used in different situations: for
lively or sad scenes, for love or courting
scenes, for scenes in which clowns or mad
women are the principal singers.
hawsa (Burma). A form of dramatic reading
and recital of the Buddha birth story in
verse, believed to have been in existence in
Burma since at least the eighth century. All
hawsa were based on religious stories. In
structure, the hawsa used a dialogue form,
the reciter changing his voice and using
gestures during a performance, thus con-
verting a recital into an elementary theatre
presentation. The dramatic material used in
hawsa is believed to have had at least some
literary worth, and the reciter or performer
himself was often an accomplished verse-
writer, if not a poet, who, when he used
material composed by other writers, made
necessary additions or modifications to suit
his own style or taste. Many a /hawsa reciter
knew Pali and therefore could read the
*jataka in the original; as such, /awsa per-
formers were highly respected in Burmese
HIKAYAT AMIR HAMZAH
society. The hawsa is believed to have
reached its peak in terms of popularity dur-
ing the second half of the eighteenth cen-
tury. Some specimens have come down to
present-day Burma, even finding places in
anthologies of Burmese literature.
Hikayat Amir Hamzah, see AMIR
HAMZAH
Hikayat Maharaja Wana (Malaysia). The
Hindu epic, *Ramayana, serves as the prin-
cipal source of dramatic material for much
of the traditional theatre of South-East Asia,
and in the countries of the region several
versions, differing in various degrees from
the principal Hindu epic as written by Val-
miki, exist. In Malaysia, two literary ver-
sions are known, Hikayat Seri Rama and
Hikayat Maharaja Wana. This latter version,
which differs considerably in detail from
Hikayat Seri Rama, provides the source
material for the main story of the plot,
known as the trunk story (*cerita pokok),
while many branch stories (*cerita ranting)
have been developed as accretions or ex-
tensions of Hikayat Maharaja Wana, often
with the addition of materials borrowed
from other sources, including tales from the
*Panji cycle. Although Hikayat Maharaja
Wana is considered to be a fundamental
part of the *wayang kulit siam repertoire and
most *dalang had, at one time, to be fully
acquainted with the story, this is no longer
the case. Today, it is almost never per-
formed in full. Most dalang merely pick the
more exciting episodes dealing, for instance,
with the marnage of Ser’ *Rama and *Sita
Dewi, the abduction of Sita Dewi and her
final recovery from Langka by Seri Rama.
The branch stories, however, are immensely
more popular.
Hikayat Pendawa Jaya (Malaysia). A Malay
version of the Indian epic, “Mahabharata,
probably going back to an original now
lost. In the plot, *Kresna, upon his arrival at
Astinapura as an emissary, 1s beleaguered by
eager women who want to love him. Dewi
Srikandi (Sikhandin), as in the Javanese ver-
sion, is *Arjuna’s wife and follows him into
battle. The Hindu holy book (Bhagavadgita)
is found in a very brief form. When Arjuna
expresses compassion for the enemy, Kresna
irritatedly cuts him off with the remark that
in the face of the enemy such language is
inappropriate. The battle is described in
gory detail. The names of the other *Pan-
dawa are Darmavamsa (*Yudhisthira),
*Bima, Si Kula (Nakula), and Sadewa.
*Karna is often named Ambakarna, and
Dhnitarashtra has the name Dastrata. Arjuna
is killed at one point in the battle, but
Kresna revives him with a magic flower.
Bima, not Yudhisthira, shouts out loud that
Drona’s (*Durna) son Sotama (Asvattha-
man) has been killed. Kresna saves Arjuna
from being struck by Karna’s magic arrow
by pushing the chariot down into the
ground, so that it strikes his head ornament
only after Salya has given the warning.
Arjuna becomes king of Astina.
hilang royat (Malaysia), see hilang wajat
hilang wajat (Indonesia). The name given
to self-introduction songs sung by the vari-
ous courtiers in the first scene in *mendu.
They serve the function of establishing
character. In Kelantanese *mak yong and
*wayang kulit siam, a similar term, hilang
royat, is used to indicate the beginning of a
story, following certain preliminaries such
as theatre consecration ntuals, and character
selfintroduction. In mak yong, hilang royat
also marks a change of scene.
Himavanta (Burma), see yokthe pwe
Hindi Aco Patay (Philippines). I am not
Dead, written by Juan M. Cruz, is one of
the most important of the ‘seditious’ *zar-
zuela plays. The date for the work is not
known. It gained attention and notoriety,
however, after it was banned on 10 May
1903. The story, with the symbolic mean-
ing of each character, runs as follows:
Karangalan (Natural Wealth of the Phil-
ippines), a young lady, has a lover, Tangulan
(Patriotic Filipinos), whom she wishes to
marry but Ma-imbot (America) wishes her
to marry his son, Macamcam (American
Insular Government). Ma-Imbot approaches
her mother, Pasakitan (The Mother Coun-
try), offering money as a bribe. Ualang-
hinayang (Filipino Traitors) advise her to

accept the foreigner, as the marriage will
make them all rich and prosperous. Rather
than marry Macamcam, who is presented as
a drunken soldier in khaki, Karangalan
elopes with her lover to the mountains.
Macamcam seeks them out and fights a
duel with Tangulan. Tangulan is killed.
Preparations are made for the marriage.
In the presentation of the play, a flag,
made of three widths of cloth forming a
triangle, was brought upon the stage. The
blue represented the prospective bride-
groom, the white the mother, and the red
the daughter, aa colour which, she declares,
will make her hate her drunken suitor for-
ever. In each ofthe three corners ofthe flag
was placed a star instead of the K of the
Katipunan.
The play, has, as a finale, something cor-
responding to the Greek chorus. Ma-Imbot
(America) exclaims: “Our power is ended.’
Katwiran (Justice) shouts, “Liberty has been
bor again,’ while Kauri (Filipino
patriot) shouts the slogan, “The people shall
improve.’ In similar fashion, a number of
other statements are made by various char-
acters, the final one being, ‘Hindi aco patay’
(‘Iam not dead’).
huit-pa-thwa (Burma). In the operatic *zaf
pwe, a sort of pas de deux, a dance scene in
which all the leading stars participate. It
usually serves as the centre or high point of
both the plot and the performance of zat
pwe.
hulubalang (Malaysia/Indonesia). This addi-
tional or supplementary role in *bangsawan
is required principally in stories depicting
royalty or mythological beings. It represents
the role of the soldier or palace guard.
Often, such roles do not possess specific
dialogue, and their roles are basically silent.
They are utilized in such stories merely to
boost the standing of a king, to lend him
greater dignity or status. Hulubalang roles
are encountered in a large variety of South-
East Asian theatre forms, since a great
portion of the repertoire in the region’s
theatre is derived from mythological tales
or stories depicting nobility.
hun (Thailand). The Thai marionette
93
HUN
doll theatre which developed in the court.
It is not possible to assign a specific date to
the tradition, in view of incomplete evid-
ence. It 1s clear, however, that by the early
Bangkok (Ratanakosin) period, hun was al-
ready well established. The puppets are
mounted on wooden rods and manipulated
from below through a complicated system
of strings concealed inside their bodies.
The hun theatre, although possibly de-
rived from religious roots, has obviously
been influenced very strongly by the clas-
sical Thai dance-theatre styles, in particular
*khon. Common performance conventions
are observed. The puppets are replicas of
khon dancers, with heads fashioned of pa-
pier maché. Costumes, which are richly
embroidered according to classical conven-
tions, are precise in detail. Every single
figure is easily recognizable through details
of attire, such as a belt, an epaulette, spec-
tacular headgear, or a weapon. Puppet
Com- movements are expected to imitate those of
court dancers, and thus demand consider-
able skill from manipulators.
The principal episodes for hun perform-
ances are derived from the *Ramakien, the
Thai version ofthe Hindu epic, “Ramayana.
The Ramakien is believed to have stemmed
not from the Sanskrit but from the Javanese
translation of a later Tamil or Bengali ver-
sion. Several versions exist. The only com-
plete one, however, is that of King Rama I
or bangsawan
HUN YAI
of the Chakri Dynasty, while the one con-
sidered most suitable for stage purposes 1s
that of King Rama II. Since the complete
story of Ramakien would take several days
to complete, hun performances generally
feature selected episodes. It is possible that
other classical tales, including the local epic
Kwae Na Na, were once featured in hun.
The only currently surviving set of hun
puppets, kept at the Tha: National Mu-
seum, consists of miniature figures. It is
made up of about 100 figures, 30 centi-
metres high, created by Prince Bowon
Wisetchaichan in 1883-5. This miniature
set is known as hun lek or ‘small hun’. No
sample of the style using larger figures (hun
yat) has survived.
Another variety of hun is hun krabawk or
hun krabok, in which the rodless figures are
manipulated in Punch and Judy fashion.
Among hun krabawk puppets still in use
today are those created in the last decade
of the nineteenth century by a nobleman,
Mom Ratchawong Tho Payakkasena. They
represent a blend of Chinese, Indian, and
indigenous Thai cultural elements. The hun
krabawk repertoire consists of popular Thai
stories, including the romances of *Sun-
thorn Bhoo, the court poet whose diverse
fortunes span the reigns of five Chakn
Dynasty kings.
hun krabawk (Thailand), see hun
hun krabek (Thailand). The Thai rod pup-
pet theatre form derived from that of the
Chinese, and performing only one story
wnitten during the early nineteenth cen-
tury. The costumes of the figures are highly
elaborate and the manipulation technique
sophisticated. Overall, there has been little
development or change in the performance
style or content of hun krabek. The genre is
today virtually extinct in Thailand, with the
last important group retiring in 1975.
hun krabok (Thailand) see hun
hun lek (Thailand), see hun
hun yai (Thailand), see hun
ILAGAN, Hermogenes (Philippines)
(1873-1943). A *zarzuela playwright noted
for apolitical, romantic plots. His best
known piece is Dalagang Bukid.
inang (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand). In
the *mak yong dance-theatre, the inang or
*dayang role is that of a female attendant or
companion to a leading female character
(*mak yong). In many ways, the inang’s func-
tions parallel those of the male attendant
(*peran), with the inang serving the prin-
cipal female lead roles (mak yong and puteri
mak yong). The role is usually divided into
the elder inang (inang tua), the middle or
intermediate inang (inang tengah), and the
youngest inang (inang bongsu or inang muda).
It is believed that at one time there were
seven inang roles in mak yong. Today, the
number is flexible, determined by a group’s
financial status and the requirements of a
specific story. As a general role type, the
inang appears in most major traditional
theatre genres in Malaysia and Indonesia.
inang bongsu (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thai-
land), see inang
inang muda (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand),
see inang
inang tengah (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thai-
land), see inang
inang tua (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand),
see inang
Inao (Cambodia/Thailand). One of the
names of *Panji, the hero of a cycle of
Central Javanese romances. This 1s a vari-
ation of the Indonesian—Malay name Inu.
See also Eynao.
indang (Indonesia). A form of verse-debate
found in the Minangkabau areas of Su-
matra. It uses the frame drum (rebana) and
usually features the singing or declamation
of a religious text for the purpose of Islamic
propagation (dakwa). Performances include
three groups of participants each consisting
of between fifteen and twenty men singing
alternately. Although body movements are
incorporated into performances, they con-
tain no acting in the strict sense of the
word. Recent years have seen the intro-
duction of secular themes, although per-
formances, as a rule, still commence with
Islamic invocations.
induk randai (Indonesia/Malaysia). The
leader of a *randai troupe as well as its dir-
ector.
Ing Cabinguan (Philippines). The Misfortune
is an important verse narrative composed by
the Pampangan poet Felix Galura (1866-
1919). From the theatrical point of view,
the work merits attention, for its express
purpose was to awaken Pampangan readers
from the stupor which, according to the
writer, had been induced in the Filipinos by
the *corrido, *awit, and *comedia, three forms
of traditional entertainment. Both the work
itself and the foreword written for it by
someone whose name appears as Pilo-Pilo,
contain severe criticism of the comedia in
particular. Pilo-Pilo sees in it a potential
threat to the morals of the Filipinos. It is
therefore something deserving to be buried.
The narrative proper of Ing Cabinguan 1s
a commonplace love story not bound to the
comedia except by the loosest of ties. It is
during the staging of a comedia that the two
lovers in the tale manage to slip out ofthe
crowd and to elope, escaping the watchful
eyes of the girl’s mother who is opposed to
the marriage. In laying the background for
the clopement, however, Galura takes the
opportunity to make satirical thrusts at the
comedia. Through his narrators, he ridicules
the incredibility of a princess fighting with
a lion and the absurdity of the prince and
INO KERTAPATI
princess conversing with the animal. No
sooner is the lion vanquished than the prince
declares undying love for the princess. Ga-
lura points out the impropriety of such a
declaration of love since neither the place
nor the time allows the princess any choice.
He fears the bad example contained in the
comedia may have a dangerous effect upon
the impressionable young people in the
audience. Ing Cabinguan went through two
editions in 1915. Although generally well
received, it is difficult to assess its effect
upon the comedia and how much it con-
tributed to the decline of that genre, whose
demise is believed to have started at just
about this time. The comedia eventually gave
way to the newly established and more
sophisticated *zarzuela.
Ino Kertapati (Indonesia/Malaysia/Thai-
land), see Panji, Chandra Kirana
Inu (Indonesia). One of the variant forms
of Inao, an abridged version of Raden Inao
Kertapati, an alternative name for the hero
of the *Panji cycle of Javanese romances.
See also Chandra Kirana.
inya (Indonesia). A female servant or at-
tendant whose basic function is to accom-
pany the principal female character. Inya
roles are encountered in *arja, *calonarang,
and *prembon. The inya is sometimes known
as *condong in *gambuh, *legong kraton,
*wayang wong, as well as *wayang kulit, The
basic difference between the inya and the
condong is that the inya actress sings while
dancing whereas the condong has no vocal
accompaniment. She is accompanied by a
*gamelan orchestra. Despite this difference,
however, the inya in calonarang does not
sing. Instead, she uses dialogue or mono-
logue when communicating with a princess
(tuan puteri) or queen (raja putert). The term
inya seems to have developed through
metathesis from the word nyai, meaning
‘woman’. See also eluh.,
ipat (Philippines). A curing ritual practised
among the Maguindanao of Cotabato on
Mindanao island to exorcize evil spirits from
the sick. Based upon the belief in the le-
gendary figure Bantugen as a god, and a
conviction that spirits can, by lodging them-
selves in persons, cause illness, ipat is per-
haps the most important of all pre-Islamic
rituals still active among the Maguindanao.
No specific dates or festivals are con-
nected with ipat. Performances are gen-
erally held following a horoscope reading
(alamatan) if such a reading indicates the
need for ipat to satisfy the spirits, particu-
larly the spirit that has entered a ‘patient’. It
involves community participation.
Preparations, usually made by an older
person, man or woman, who is an acknow-
ledged ipat expert or a witch doctor (tal-
gayod), require consultations between that
person and a war-dancer (pagsagayan). The
rituals are usually held in the grounds of a
patient’s house. Preparations include the
construction of a symbolic palace (kota)
from banana tree-trunks (/alag), the struc-
ture being in an open space in front of the
patient’s house. The talgayod prepares the
food, consisting of chicken, preferably a
white-feathered one with yellow legs,
cooked in rainbow hues, hard-boiled eggs,
and a variety of other dishes. Upon the
completion of initial preparations, the pag-
sagayan and the talgayod join hands. The
banana tree-trunk is cut down and the
patient’s body marked with blood from the
white chicken. These markings consist of
various designs, some utilizing Arabic calli-
graphy. Most of the inscriptions are, how-
ever, in an ancient Mindanao script only
decipherable by the talgayod.
The patient, placed in a hammock (pu-
yutan), is surrounded by young men and
women who entertain him with songs, po-
etry, and ancient sayings. A_ kulintangan
orchestra. provides accompanying music
while the pagsagayan dances and sings spir-
itedly for some time. The patient is then
carried out of his hammock and placed near
the lalag. The dancers slash the lalag, some-
times in an artful manner, while the talgayod
chants an ancient ballad, flattering the spirit
and at the same time imploring it to free the
sick one from illness. The cutting of the
lalag signifies that the malicious spirit
lodged in the patient has been exorcized. If
the patient, in spite of his weakness, takes
part in the dancing that follows the rituals,
it is believed that recovery is assured.

The rites completed, the entire village or
community takes part in a feast and merry-
making. The festivities may last several days
with dancing and singing to kulintangan
music. Due to its ancient origins and ob-
viously un-Islamic characteristics, ipat is
being actively discouraged by Muslim func-
tionaries (ulama). Traditions, however, die
hard and like other native festivals, ipat re-
mains an integral part of Maguindanao life
and heritage.
One story attached to ipat origins runs as
follows: Once upon a time, the people res-
iding along the Maguindanao River lived
so contentedly that they forgot to worship
Bantugen. Angered, the god sent a deluge
in which thousands perished. Among the
few who survived there was an old man.
One morning, as he sat by the river, the old
man started praying, chanting, and acting
out strange things. The people watched
him in wonder. Soon, they saw something
swimming in the river but even as it came
nearer they could not make out what it
was. Suddenly, the object leaped into the
arms of the old man. It turned out to be a
ISUAN, PRA
sword (kampilan). The villagers celebrated,
for the event was a sign of good luck. In
their joy, they started dancing, singing, and
shouting. As time passed, the kampilan was
interpreted in different ways by different
people. One of the stories still current
turned the mysterious floating object into a
tiny boat (awang). One such boat, now in
the possession of a family in the barno
Paidu-Pulangui in Pikit, is believed to be
the original floating object.
istiadat buka panggung (Malaysia), see buka
panggung
Isuan, Pra (Malaysia/Thailand). The Thai
name for the Hindu god Shiva, possibly
derived from Isa, one of Shiva’s names in
Hinduism. In performances of both the
Malaysian—Thai *nang talung and the Ma-
laysian *wayang kulit gedek, the Pra Isuan
figure, sitting on an ox, is usually intro-
duced on the screen as part of the series of
preliminary rituals prior to the opening of a
story.
JAAFAR TURKI (Malaysia/Indonesia).
The founder of a*bangsawan troupe, known
as Wayang Stambul, which used principally
Middle Eastern stories and which gained a
measure of popularity in Indonesia. See also
MAMAK PUSHI.
Jaka Kembangkuning (Indonesia). One of
the most important of the Javanese *Panji
cycle of tales, Jaka Kembangkuning was a
principal story in the *wayang beber during
the reigns of King Mangkurat II and King
Paku Buwana in Kartasura in the seven-
teenth century. Its plot of Jaka Kembangku-
ning runs as follows:
In the kingdom of Kedin, King Brawi-
jaya is sitting in audience, attended by the
ministers Tanda Prawramantni and Harya
wayang beber
Jasanagara along with his entire army. The
king is bereaved because his daughter,
Dewi Sekartaji, has disappeared. He pro-
claims that whoever finds his daughter,
even if he be of the lowest social class, will
be taken as her husband. If a woman finds
Dewi Sekartaji, she will be adopted as the
king’s own daughter. Jaka Kembangkuning,
who is in attendance, 1s ordered to try to
find her. Prabu Klana Gendingpita, a for-
eign king, arrives and asks about the prin-
cess. When told that she has disappeared, he
takes his leave. Jaka Kembangkuning and
his servants, Tawangalun and Naladerma,
decide to go to the market-place at Palu-
hamba in search of the princess. They meet
three Kshatriya who wish to be taken into
Jaka Kembangkuning’s service. He refuses

them, suggesting that they become retainers
of Raden Candarepa, a Kediri prince.
At Paloamba, a royal minister, Cona-
cani, 1s told by his wife that she has had a
vision in which two manifestations of ma-
gic power (wahyu) have been made visible
to her. One fell in her lap, the other into
the ocean. All of a sudden, Princess
Sekartaji arrives and explains to them that
she wishes to withdraw from society. The
minister and his wife restrain her. They
advise her to return to the palace, but she
refuses to do so.
In the market, a group of travelling
musicians 1s performing. The noise of the
crowd is heard in the house of Cona-cani,
and the musicians are called into his pres-
ence to cheer up the princess. The leader of
the musicians is none other than Jaka Kem-
bangkuning. Seeing him, Sekartaji faints.
He is ordered to stop playing, and returns
to Kademangan, where he tells his story to
Demang Kuning. Tawangalun is ordered to
take the news to Kediri and Naladerma is
instructed to give an ornate jewel box to
the princess.
In the Panreburan palace, the noble lady,
Retna Mindaka, meets Retna Tenggaron,
King Klana’s younger sister. Retna Teng-
garon offers her jewels as dowry to Retna
Mindaka, but they are rejected. A fight
follows; Retna Tenggaron, defeated, runs
away.
In Taratebang, the noble Gandarepa is
meeting with the minister Sedahrama when
Tawangalun arrives to convey Jaka Kem-
bangkuning’s message. They all proceed to
Kediri to appear before the king.
Brawijaya is meeting with Klana, who
aspires to be taken as the king’s son-in-law.
Gandarepa arrives, accompanied by Ta-
wangalun, and informs the king of the
discovery of Sekartaji. The king 1s
overjoyed. Klana repeats his wish to marry
the princess, but the king answers that now
he can only do so if he wins her through
trial by combat. Klana takes his leave.
In Passanggarahan, Klana orders his min-
ister, Kebo Lorodan, to fight with Tawan-
galun. Kebo Lorodan is willing to do so,
and is promised a fitting reward. Klana’s
sister, Retna Tenggaron, next arrives
tears and tells her brother of her fight with
JATAKA
Retna Mindaka. Klana, becoming angry,
prepares to take revenge.
Meanwhile, Demang Kuning and Jaka
Kembangkuning await the messenger’s re-
turn. When Naladerma returns, Jaka Kem-
bangkuning leaves, planning to follow
Tawangalun to Kedin.
In the courtyard (alun-alun) of the Kedin
palace, Kebo Lorodan defeats Tawangalun
in a battle.
Jaka Kembangkuning arrives with Nala-
derma, and kills Kebo Lorodan. Jaka Kem-
bangkuning and Gandarepa are asked to
help if there is a war in Kediri. Jaka Kem-
bangkuning is willing, but Gandarepa asks
for further time to consider this request in
the garden.
Cona-cani is treating Tawangalun’s
wounds when one of the king’s ministers
arrives to give Tawangalun a reward of
clothing and a keris (dagger). Tawangalun is
ordered to take part in the war in the event
that Klana attacks.
Klana now goes into the garden, dis-
guised as Gandarepa. Here, the Princess
Sekartaji is with one of her retainers. She
refuses to meet Klana, whose real identity
she can tell by his smell. Gandarepa, arriv-
ing in the garden, immediately challenges
the impostor. Klana, returning to his ori-
ginal form, runs away to the alun-alun
where he is met by Tawangalun. A battle
ensues between the two and Klana 1s killed.
Retna Tenggaron and all her retainers are
carried off by Jaka Kembangkuning to Ke-
diri, where he presents them to the king.
Gandarepa and Jaka Kembangkuning,
reaching Kediri, inform the king of Klana’s
death and of how his younger sister has
been brought to Kedin. The king imme-
diately orders preparations for the wedding
of Princess Sekartaji and Jaka Kembang-
kuning.
jampi (Malaysia/Indonesia), see mantera
jaran kepang (Indonesia), see kuda kepang
jataka (Burma/Thailand/Malaysia). The
technical name in Buddhist literature for a
story of one or other of the previous births
in of the Buddha. The word is also used for
the name of a collection of 547 such stories
JATAYU
included in the Buddhist Pali canon. The
form of most of the jataka tales is a very
common Indian one known as an akhyana.
It may be a beast fable, a story of common
life, or a folk-tale told in prose, with the
climax or essential part of the dialogue in
verse. It is this verse or verses which, being
the utterance of the Bodhisattva or future
Buddha, constitutes the canonical portion
of the jataka. The jataka itself (the story of
the past) is always preceded by a story ofthe
present, an incident in the life of the his-
torical Buddha, which is the occasion for
his telling the story of the past. This is
followed by the identification, in which the
chief characters are declared to be previous
births of persons who appear in the story of
the present. There is also a verbal com-
mentary explaining the archaic language of
the verses.
A few of the jataka tales are almost ident-
ical with some of Aesop’s fables and a large
number with the tales of the Pancatantra.
The last ten are long romances, and the last
one of all, the *Vessantara Jataka, is a fa-
vourite subject of dramatic presentations in
Burma, where it is staged under the name
* Waythandaya. The ethical teaching in the
Jjataka is mostly that of the virtues of secular
life and moral retribution as emphasized by
the doctrines of karma and rebirth.
Among other notable collections besides
the collection of 547 jataka already men-
tioned, are the Nidama-katha, which was
compiled in Ceylon but mainly from Indian
sources. The Pali canon also contains the
Cariya-pitaka, a collection of thirty-six jataka,
There is no collection of jataka in Sanskrit,
but many of the Pali jataka as well as others
are found in the Mahavatsu and in Tibetan
and Chinese translations from the Sanskrit
verse by Aryasura, a writer of the fourth
century AD. Some previously unrecorded
jataka which reached Thailand probably
from Ceylon, came to be included in a col-
lection known as the Pinnasa-jataka. It is
certain that some of these spread to the
neighbouring countries, such as Cambodia
and Burma, and that mainland South-East
Asia as a whole shared this common herit-
age of Buddhist tales.
Besides the Vessantara Jataka already re-
ferred to, several others, including the Su-
100
varnasangkha Jataka (the Golden Shell Jataka),
have been dramatized in various forms of
traditional theatre in South-East Asia. In
Buddhist Burma, Thailand, and_ Laos,
where both the jataka and the Hindu epic,
* Ramayana, exist side by side the epic has
been, interestingly, named *Rama Jataka
and * Dasaratha Jataka.
Jatayu (Malaysia/Indonesia). The garuda
bird, Jatayu, son of Resi Briswawa, appears
in the epic, *Ramayana, as a close friend of
*Dasaratha, king of Ayodhya and Sen
*Rama’s father. When *Sita Dewi is kid-
napped by *Rawana, her cries for assistance
are heard by Jatayu who happens to be
flying past. In the ensuing battle, Jatayu 1s
beaten and his wings are cut offbyRawana.
Jatayu falls to the ground, but before his
death Rama and *Laksamana, in their search
for Sita Dewi, come across Jatayu. He is
thus able to inform them of Sita Dewi’s
kidnapping as well as indicate the idenuty
of her kidnapper. In South-East Asian ver-
sions of the Ramayana, the name is some-
times rendered as Jentayu.
jatilan (Indonesia/Malaysia). Dancers using
artificial horses fashioned out of bamboo or
carved leather. They appear in conjunction
with *reog performances or by themselves
in a variety of dance styles, some involving
trance states. See also kuda kepang, ebeg.
jaturan (Indonesia/Malaysia). In *wayang
kulit punwa, the jaturan is a narrative form,
the word itself meaning ‘to tell’. The jaturan
usually introduces a major scene, *jejer, and
all particulars connected with it, including
such details as the kingdom, the name of its
ruler, as well as the palace settings are de-
scribed in eloquent phrases. During a ja-
furan, instrumental music is played to create
an appropriate mood,
jauk (Indonesia). A kind of Balinese masked
dance-theatre (*topeng) form which tells the
story of a tyrannical and wild king (raja) or
ogre (raksasa). The mask of the jauk actor is
a cross between that of an ogre and a human
being. Based upon the expressions depicted
upon the masks, the jauk is divisible into
types: the refined (*halus) and the coarse or
 101
rough (*kasar), the two types thus being
known as jauk manis and jauk keras. They
are otherwise known, respectively, as
longgor and durga. The costumes of the jauk
dancer often resemble those used in *baris.
The principal difference is that in jauk masks
are used and the crown (mahkota) is de-
signed like a pagoda.
jawab (Malaysia/Indonesia). The second
part of a performance of *dabus, following
the *burdah. The term means ‘to reply’ or ‘a
reply’. This section can be improvised by
the singers or chanters to suit any occasion.
Words contained in it may be in praise of
an individual, of the country, or of anewly
married couple.
jejer (Indonesia). Generally, a major audi-
ence scene in *wayang kulit purwa; several of
these occur during any nine-hour perform-
ance. Usually, the jejer is an impressive
court scene set in the main audience hall of
a palace. Its functions include the introduc-
tion of akingdom, its ruler, and his retinue.
A performance opens its first part (*patet
nem) with a jejer, usually the longest and
most elaborate scene in any play. Officials
enter in audience before a king and a
*dalang presents the setting and its principal
characters in impressive descriptions in-
tended to glorify both the kingdom and the
person of its ruler. This takes place before
the audience proper. Following this de-
scription, the king makes enquiries regard-
ing the state ofthe land, thus leading to the
problem of the play. The scene concludes
with the king issuing his orders, one of
which is that the army should be assembled
and sent off to guard the border, escort an
envoy, or attack the enemy. Following this,
the audience ends and the king enters the
inner palace.
jejeran (Indonesia). The first court scene in
Javanese *wayang kulit purwa. See also jejer.
jejer pandita (Indonesia). A hermitage scene,
so named because in it a religious teacher or
seer (pandita) usually receives in audience
the hero *Arjuna or one of his sons at his
mountain hermitage. In Yogyakarta, this
scene is known as jejer pertapaan or the me-
JIKEY
ditation scene. The jejer pandita occurs in
the second part (*patet sanga) of anine-hour
performance. See also jejer.
Jejer pertapaan (Indonesia), see jejer pandita
Jjejer sabrangan (Indonesia). Literally, ‘a for-
eign audience scene’. In a performance of
*wayang kulit purwa’ the jejer sabrangan is the
second major scene. [t occurs in the first
part (*patet nem) of a performance, serving
the function of introducing the second
kingdom that will be involved in the plot of
the ensuing play. It is normally set in a non-
Javanese kingdom (hence its name), usually
that of ogres. Conventionally, even if the
scene is set in Java, it 1s still called jejer sa-
brangan. In it, the king receives in court his
nunisters, allies, and relatives either to state
his wishes or to inform them of a problem
needing attention. The scene usually ends
with the king giving orders, including one
to dispatch the army.
jejer tanceb kayon (Indonesia). The final
audience scene of a play in the Javanese
*wayang kulit purwa. It thus occurs at the
end of the third part (*patet manyura). Its
name, which literally means ‘the *gunungan
or *kayon planting scene’, indicates its func-
tion. In it, the *Pandawa group gather to
thank the gods for their victory. It is usually
brief, and the planting of the leaf-shaped
puppet, gunungan, on the banana tree-trunk
(*gedebong) marks the end of aperformance.
Jentayu (Malaysia/Indonesia), see Jatayu
Jero Gede (Indonesia), see barong landung
Jero Luh (Indonesia), see barong landung
Jerudeh (Indonesia), see Pentul
jikey (Malaysia). A form of operatic theatre
performed by Malay and Thai communities
living along the Malaysian—Thai border in
Kedah and Perlis provinces on the west
coast of the Malay peninsula. The origins of
jikey remain to be established. Also yet to
be ascertained is its relationship with vari-
ous other performing genres in that area, as
well as with the Thai *likay. The idea has
JIKEY
been advanced that jikey possibly developed
out of Muslim religious chanting known as
*>ikir, pronounced locally as dikir or dikay.
Michael Smithies (‘Likay: A Note on the
Onigin, Form and Future of Siamese Folk
Opera’, 1971), as well as other scholars, has
suggested the possibility that likay had its
origins in the Malay territories south of the
Thai border. Other opinions similarly con-
nect likay with Muslim chanting, though
not connecting its origins with Malaysia.
Written materials which could provide some
light on the problem do not exist. Oral tra-
dition in the Malay terntories where jikey is
featured maintains that the genre developed
as a result of influences from India, and
even that the genre was introduced into the
Kedah—Perlis area by Indian-Muslim (“Ke-
ling’ or Bengali) traders. A turbanned Indian
character always introduced at the com-
mencement of performances is regarded as
a visible symbol of jikey’s connection with
India. Needless to say, other origin tales
claim indigenous development for the genre,
sometimes ascribing to it certain magical or
healing powers. It is clear, on the whole,
that a great deal more research is necessary
before anything concrete can be established
regarding the origin of the genre. Today,
jikey is performed by five groups in the re-
gion already alluded to, four in Kedah and
one in Perlis. On the whole, however, the
genre seems to be on the decline due to fac-
tors such as modernization and declining in-
terest in the traditional performing arts per se.
Jikey performances involve twelve to six-
teen persons in a troupe, including musi-
cians. They take place on a simple stage
approximately 6 metres by 5 metres con-
structed of attap and bamboo. Such stages
were traditionally built on the floor and
mats were used to cover the ground. This
practice 1s no longer strictly observed, the
primary consideration being visibility rather
than authenucity. Jikey stages are thus often
raised about 1 metre above ground, par-
ticularly at public fairs (pesta) where
audiences are larger. The stage area is some-
times divided into two parts by means of a
multi-coloured curtain with vertical stripes.
This curtain also serves as the backdrop for
a performance. The two areas function as
the dressing-room or preparation area (tem-
102
pat persiapan) and as the performance area
(tempat permainan). They are linked by
openings at both ends which serve as en-
trances and exits during performances. Only
minimal props are used. Usually, two chairs
suffice. Their uses are entirely flexible.
Fluorescent tubes or gasoline lamps serve to
illuminate the stage.
The principal jikey roles consist of the
following: the king (raja), the prince (putera),
the princess (puteri), the old sage (Maha-
guru or Mahasiku), a character representing
an Indian (Bengali), several comedians (peran
or pelawak), two or more female attendants
(inang or dayang), and several additional
characters depending upon the story se-
lected. Special female roles, in particular
that of the mother or giantess (gergasi_ be-
tina), are played by male performers. There
are no special requisite qualifications for
jikey performers, although commonly sing-
ing ability and physical appearance serve as
criteria for selection much as is the case in
other operatic forms of theatre in South-
East Asia.
Most present-day jikey groups do not
possess complete sets of costumes. Thus,
minor characters use ordinary, everyday
clothes. These include a blouse and batik
sarong for ladies, and sarong and T-shirts
for men. The actor playing a raja or prince
wears a crown, a_ knitted or beaded
shoulder-piece (layar), a shawl (selendang), a
belt, and a piece of material wrapped about
his wrists (fali tangan). His costume, usually
colourful, is beaded or trimmed with silver
or gold thread. In addition, the raja, as in
*mak yong performances, carries a length of
split bamboo which serves as a weapon or a
device to beat his servants. The costume for
the principal male actor shows considerable
resemblance to that used in mak yong and
* nora chatri.
The principal female lead (puteri) wears a
crown, a layar (shoulder decoration), and a
shawl (selendang). In addition, cloth with
gold thread is used for her sarong and long
blouse. The mahaguru or mahasiku character
uses a wooden mask, and wears a shawl
in addition to a sarong. He is also given a
walking-stick (tongkat) and a betel-nut
pounder (gobek). The Bengali character is
made up as a north Indian, with a beard, a
 103
moustache, and a turban. He wears ordin-
ary Malay clothes, including a short sarong.
Convention has not clearly defined the
costumes for the clowns (pelawak) and
minor characters. The pelawak often wear
torn or damaged-looking costumes and red
masks, as in nora chatri and *mek mulong.
The giant or ogre (gergasi) sometimes uses a
skin mask. Weapons and other parapherna-
ha are undefined and flexible. The same is
the case with make-up.
Jikey possesses a fairly extensive reper-
toire of stories consisting of local legends
and fairy-tales, Thai folk-tales, and some
derived from the Middle East through
*bangsawan. Many of these stories have
been handed down over the past several
generations of performers. Jikey, however,
provides room for improvisation and even
the addition of new tales. The stories deal
with adventures and wanderings of royal
personages, and there is always room for
ogres or characters from the lower ranks of
society, such as beggars and clowns, much
in the manner ofbangsawan and likay. Jikey’s
active repertoire is, however, fairly small
in view of the limited number of perform-
ances. Many of the tales are thus gradually
being forgotten out ofdisuse.
The jikey orchestra consists of several
instruments commonly seen in other tradi-
tional theatre genres in the same region.
These include a double-reed oboe (serunai),
a bossed gong, three drums (rebana), and a
pair of wooden clappers (cerek). Additional
instruments, such as a pair of stick drums
(gedug), or more modern ones, such as a
tambourine, are sometimes featured. The
musical repertoire is relatively small.
Jikey is never performed during the day-
time. As in most traditional theatre genres
of the Malays, performances begin after the
late evening (isya) prayers, coming to a
close around midnight. Typical occasions
for performances include public holidays.
Special performances are sometimes com-
mussioned for weddings, circumcisions, and
upon the fulfilment of vows (*pelepas niat or
membayar nazar). On the whole, the con-
nection between jikey and the supernatural
is at best tentative despite the use in the
genre of certain obligatory rituals commonly
seen also in other traditional theatre genera
JINN
of the region. Jikey performances begin with
theatre consecration rituals (*buka pang-
gung). Then follow a selected number of
introductory musical pieces (lagu-lagu_per-
mulaan), as well as vocal invocatory songs in
which respects are paid to spirits (*hantu) of
the locality and their permission sought for
the performance. This opening structure of
Jjikey bears considerable resemblance to that
seen in other traditional theatre genres of
the region. A lively signal piece indicates
that the actual drama is about to take place.
This piece ushers in the Bengali character.
He dances and sings, his singing being
followed by that of a chorus, consisting of
the remaining members of the jikey troupe.
Greetings are addressed to the audience and
a request made that mistakes or shortcom-
ings in the performance should be forgiven.
The entrance of the Bengali is a unique
feature of jikey performances. Upon the
completion of a portion of his dance and
song, the Bengali provides the audience
with details of the upcoming story. He then
completes his number before leaving the
acting area. The story then begins. The tales
of jikey, episodic in character, contain many
scenes, taking several hours to complete.
Each scene begins with songs and music.
Dialogue between the principal characters
ensues. The whole performance of the
drama is interspersed in this manner with
song and dance. These are very much part
ofjikey aesthetics and structure, unlike the
mostly incidental songs and dances of
bangsawan. Although termed opera, there-
fore, jikey is also characterized by elements
of dance-theatre. The final scene of an
evening’s story concludes with performers
lining up in a single file across the stage and
seeking, through a song, the audience’s for-
giveness for any mishaps they may have
made during the course of the evening. The
theatre is then closed with theatre-closing
rituals (*futup panggung) containing secret
ritual formulae (mantera).
jinn (Malaysia/Indonesia/Philippines). The
word jinn (English genii) refers to a cat-
egory of invisible beings. In the usage
found in the Malay areas of South-East
Asia, where Islam has introduced both the
term and the concept, jinn are sometimes
JIN AFRIT 104
thought identical to spirits (*hantu), both of the antagonist or evil figure in *bangsa-
malevolent and beneficent, of a variety of wan. He is usually represented as large-built,
categories. This total identification between evil, and coarse (*kasar). The actor playing
the two categories of beings leads to a two- the role of jinn afrit or raja jinn must,
fold division suggesting that some jinn have therefore, be of large build and physically
submitted to Islam, while others have re- impressive, and have a loud voice, so as to
mained infidels. They are thus, respectively, be able to project the qualities associated
described as jinn Islam and jinn kafir. Sanc- with this category of mythical beings. In
tion for the existence ofjinn is provided at performances, however, no matter how
several places in the Holy Koran, and the physically overwhelming and loud a jinn
fusion with the concept of hantu arises from character may be, being a symbol of evil he
syncretism with pre-Islamic systems of be- never wins in a battle against the hero
lief including animism and Hinduism. This (*orang muda), the symbol of the good. The
often allows the terms jinn and hantu to be actor performing the jinn role is usually
used interchangeably. made up to look frightening and awe-
In theatre genres, jinn as spirits or even as inspiring, with a moustache, beard, and
giants or ogres (gergasi or raksasa) are fea- fangs, in addition to a painted face and ruf-
tured as characters in many a tale, par- fled hair. The jinn character is usually fea-
ticularly those derived from romance or tured in a story derived from the Middle
mythology. A tradition from the Prophet East, such as one based upon the *One
Muhammad mentions five orders of jinn: Thousand and One Nights, or an Indian-
Jann, Jinn, Shaitan, Ifrit, and Marid. These Muslim tale such as * Bunga Bakawali.
distinctions are not present in the villages of
South-East Asia as a rule. The commonly jub ling hua kam (Thailand). The episode
used name for a jinn character in such of the white and black monkeys in the Thai
genres as *bangsawan is *jinn afrit, an ob- shadow play using large figures, *nang yai,
vious distortion of Ifrit. which is played following the opening in-
Jinn are usually conceived as being phys-
ically huge as well as ugly and frightening in
appearance. In keeping with Islamic tra-
dition, they are believed to have been
created out of fire and are thus depicted in
theatre as red. Their ferocious appearance is
heightened by providing them with pro-
truding teeth and long hair. Jinn are be-
lieved capable of assuming diverse shapes,
including those of animals and human
beings. In behaviour they are, as a rule,
presented as crude. They live on animals,
insects, and even on human beings. This
does not preclude the possibility of noble
behaviour. There are numerous instances of
kind and generous jinn who come to the
assistance of the heroes in romances. Often,
as in *Bunga Bakawali, the heroine of the
tale 1s the daughter of ajinn, and receives his
blessings to marry the hero. It is worth
noting that the popular image of the jinn in
traditional theatre is very different from that
sustained by Islamic religious teachings.

jinn afrit (Malaysia/Indonesia). The char-

acter of jinn afrit (or king of the genii) is that nang yai
 105
vocations. Figures of the white and black
monkeys are juxtaposed on the screen. The
monkeys then engage in a fight in which
the white monkey defeats the black mon-
key, which then runs off. A similar con-
frontation between two godlings (dewa),
one good and the other evil, is featured in
*wayang kulit siam. See also og ling dum ling
kao.
Jumena (Indonesia), see Warsa Wersi
Junto al Pasig (Philippines). A *zarzuela
written in verse by the Filipino nationalist
JURU DALANG
and martyr, Jose Rizal, who was president
of the Academia de Literatura Castellena
when the play was presented by the Ateneo
de Manila on 8 December 1880. Music for
the play was composed by Blas Echegoyen,
one of the earliest music teachers at the
Ateneo. The performance ofJunto al Pasig
was sponsored by the Academia.
juru dalang (Indonesia). The puppeteer in
the Balinese shadow play (*wayang kulit).
For a detailed account of a puppeteer’s
function, see dalang.
 K
kaba (Indonesia/Malaysia). The word kaba
is used to describe a class of oral or written
literature of the Minangkabau people of
Sumatra which differs from the hikayat or
riwayat variety. These latter terms, both de-
rived from Arabic, are usually though not
exclusively, applied to tales with Islamic
characteristics.
The kaba may be historical didactic ro-
mances, or those providing spiritual educa-
tion. The basic elements, however, seem to
be romance and adventure recited with
flowery language and incorporating into its
style a great many quatrains (*pantun). Is-
lamic elements have found their way into
the kaba but pre-Islamic indigenous elements
predominate. Non-Islamic and non-native
elements, such as the well-known and
widely distributed story of the seven half-
bird half-human sky princesses (*kinnart),
derived from the *Manohra jataka which
appears in the Kaba Malim Deman, are also
evident. The kaba is usually recited by a
tukang kaba, sometimes following prelimin-
ary rituals in conformity with local custom
(adat). In traditional theatre, the kaba fea-
tures prominently in the *randai. Rancak di
Labueh and Angguh Nah Ongga Mageh Ja-
bang are two examples of outstanding kaba.
kaganat sa Darangen (Philippines). An
interpretative solo song and dance perform-
ance based upon the epic *Darangen. Done
always by a female dancer, it re-enacts the
episode in which Prince Lomna, the son of
the hero Bantugen, is sent to Guindalingan
to propose marriage on his father’s behalf.
Among the episodes dramatized from the
epic, kaganat sa Darangen ranks second. It
requires a well-trained and skilful dancer
who can execute the intricate steps with
ease, poise, and finesse. There is a consider-
able amount of body movement as well as
that of the fingers, these movements serving
to interpret the hardships encountered by
Lomna as he climbs mountains, fights beasts,
and exchanges clever words with the wise
Misayaw. Kaganat sa Darangen is usually
preceded by *bayuk singing based upon
passages taken from the Darangen. The dan-
cer, initially seated, holds two open fans.
One of these is held so that it covers her
face. Kaganat means ‘to stand,’ and after
singing some lines, the performer stands to
continue her dance while singing. During a
two-hour kaganat sa Darangen, the dancer
goes around the circle of seated people,
singing and reciting verses. The audience
responds by shouting enthusiastically and
praising the dancer.
Kahapon, Ngayon at Bukas (Philippines).
(Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow). A work
by Aurelio *Tolentino, perhaps the most
famous of the ‘seditious’ *zarzuela plays. Its
premiere night on 14 May 1903 at the Tea-
tro Libertad in Manila resulted in riots
caused by fifteen or twenty Americans. The
title of the play presents a neat division ofits
content into three acts. The summary of
the play, as given by Amelia Lapena-
Bonifacio and based on a censored version,
is as follows:
Act I: Yesterday (Before the Arrival of the
Spaniards)
Due to the bloody occupation of Balin-
tawak by the Chinese, the Filipinos regard
this as a day of mourning. This year, how-
ever, Asal Hayop (symbolizing Treacherous
Filipinos) tries to celebrate the occasion,
feasting on the gravestones of their fallen
countrymen. Inangbayan (Mother Country)
chides him, but to no avail. Then Tagailog
(Tagalog) arrives, inciting his countrymen
to take up arms against Haring Bata (the
Chinese). They are victorious; Haring Bata
is killed. Before long, Dilat-na-Bulag (Spain)
and Matanglawin (Spanish Government)
arrive, promising to assist the Filipinos re-
pair the destruction caused by the battle and
sealing this promise by means of a blood
pact with Tagailog.

Act Ii: Today (The Present)
The citizens are all kneeling before Dilat-
na-Bulag (Spain), Halimaw (Spanish Friars),
and Matanglawin (Spanish Government),
offering to them all their wealth. There is
one exception—Tagailog—who refuses to
kneel or make an offering. When forced to
pay tribute, he throws his money in Diiat-
na-Bulag’s face. He is promptly caught and
imprisoned. Dahunpalay (Treacherous Fili-
pino) bribes Dilat-na-Bulag to kill Tagai-
log. However, an order for Tagailog’s
release is received by Halimaw. Halimaw
conceals the document and does not release
the prisoner. Calling Inangbayan and all her
children before him, he extracts from them
all their jewels and belongings, promising
them that he will work to obtain a pardon
for Tagailog.
In prison, Tagailog, discovering the
treachery of Dahunpalay, kills him at the
first opportunity. Using Dahunpalay’s pass
and clothes, he escapes from prison, first
burning the face of the corpse. Dilat-na-
Bulag and Matanglawin, entering the prison
to take the prisoner to be shot, discover the
corpse and conclude it is Tagailog’s.
The news of Tagailog’s ‘death’ soon
spreads, but together with it there is also the
story that Tagailog’s ghost now leads an
immense army of rebels. Halimaw buries
Inangbayan. The revolution against Ma-
tanglawin is successful. Tagailog, opening
Inangbayan’s grave, discovers that she is
alive and eager to start on the path to a hap-
pier life. Bagong Sibol (America) and Ma-
laynatin (the United States Government)
arrive. They side with Inangbayan and Ta-
gailog in their struggle, pledging friendship
with the natives.
Act IH: Tomorrow (The Future)
The Filipinos are united in saving their
country. Inangbayan and her children are
sewing the flag they will unfurl at the rising
of the new moon. Tagailog pleads with
Malaynatin to extend independence to his
country but he is refused. Tagailog then
prepares to do battle, setting up his guns
with electrified bullets, battleships that fly
through the air, and manoeuvrable shelters.
He indicates the signals: the blue light is to
mark the raising of the flag. If, however,
the blue light is followed by the red, this
KAKAWIN
indicates Malaynatin’s rejection of their
demand for freedom. This will serve as a
signal for the revolution to start. If the blue
ight, on the other hand, is followed by
white light, this indicates that Malaynatin
has agreed to grant independence to the
country.
Bagong Sibol and Malaynatin arrive on
the scene and Inangbayan pleads with them,
pointing in the direction of the combined
rebel forces led by Tagailog, but Bagong
Sibol is adamant. In desperation, she shoves
her children to kneel in front of Bagong
Sibol. Unable to refuse the supplications any
further, he grants freedom to Inangbayan.
kain langit (Malaysia). The sky-cloth, usu-
ally a piece of white or yellow cotton
material about 1 metre by 2 metres in size,
which is stretched and suspended on the
underside of a theatre roof above the heads
of performers in ritual *mak yong, *nora
chatri, *main puteri, and *wayang kulit siam
performances. Mixed offerings, including
flowers, prawn crackers, and betel leaves,
are usually suspended from the kain langit
on which are also drawn various magical
formulae or designs believed to have the
power of keeping away any malicious
influence (badi). The tearing aside of the
kain langit at the conclusion of ritual per-
formances (*pelepas), signifies the opening
of a passage through the theatre roof to
allow the spirits to return to their abodes.
kakan-kakan (Indonesia). The four attend-
ants who accompany the *condong to serve
as Companions or to serve the princess in
the *gambuh dance-theatre form of Bali.
kakawin (Indonesia). Poetic versions of the
Indian epics written in Java and modelled
upon the Indian kavya. The earliest and best
known kakawin (kekawin) is the *Kakawin
Arjuna Wiwaha, dealing with *Arjuna’s
procurement ofa divine weapon to attack a
demon. The other kakawin based upon the
Indian epics are the *Bharata Yuddha and
* Ramayana Kakawin which furnish the bulk
of the material for the classical *wayang ku-
lit purwa repertoire. The fourth kakawin,
* Negarakertagama, is an indigenous literary
composition, a chronicle extolling the
KAKAWIN ARJUNA WIWAHA
achievements of the Majapahit kingdom at
the height ofits power and glorifying Ha-
yam Wuruk, who was reigning at that time.
Kakawin Arjuna Wiwaha (Indonesia). The
contents of the original Arjuna Wiwaha tell
of the marriage of *Arjuna with the nymph
Dewi Suprabha after Arjuna successfully
passes the test of the various temptations
and tribulations during his meditations on
Mount Indrakila. Sometimes, Arjuna Wi-
waha is regarded as an attempt to record for
posterity the marriage of King Airlangga
with Sri Sangramawiyaya Dharmaprasadau-
tungga Dewi. Arjuna Wiwaha is the third
part, vana parva, of the *Mahabharata. It was
written in Old Javanese using the poetic
(tembang) mode by Mpu Kanwa during the
reign of King Airlangga (r. 1019-42). See
also Arjuna Wiwaha.
KALIJAGA, Sunan (Indonesia), see wali
sanga
kalilang-sa-tonong (Philippines). A syncre-
tic ceremony performed by the Maranao
Muslims in the Lake Lanao region of Min-
danao for the appeasement of the water
spirits. Fishing villages attribute the scanty
or bountiful fish harvest to water spirits
(tonong). To ensure a plentiful harvest as well
as general well-being, an appeasement ce-
remony (kalilang) is performed. This in-
volves fluvial parades in gaily decorated
boats to the accompaniment of instrumental
music. This practice continues despite the
fact that orthodox Muslims consider it con-
trary to Islam.
Kalimasada (Indonesia), see Yudhisthira
kambayoka (Philippines), see bayuk
kam pak nang yai (Thailand), see nang yat
kanda. Literally, the word kanda means ‘a
branch’ or ‘twig’, but in the case of the
Indian epic, *Ramayana, it is used in the
sense of apart or section. The epic is usually
divided into seven kanda as follows:
Bala-kanda, Ayodhya-kanda, Aranya-kanda,
Kishkindhya-kanda, Sundara-kanda, Yuddha-
kanda, and Uttara-kanda.
108
karagatan (Philippines). A popular form of
verse-debate with mime qualities performed
in the Pampangan area. Karagatan exists in
several versions, all invariably involving two
participants, one of whom is upstairs, the
other downstairs. These participants are
known, respectively, as ponderante and sup-
plicante. Participants follow a set scenario
despite the attempt to give the perform-
ances an air of spontaneity. In this case, the
supplicante poses as a passer-by seeking ad-
mittance into the house of a dead person
where a wake is being held. The ponderante
instructs the other guests to bar the door
until he has questioned the supplicante. The
supplicante chides the ponderante for requir-
ing so much information but the latter re-
plies that an honourable man would not
hesitate to identify himself. The supplicante
promises to identify himself but repeats his
request to ascend the stairs, on the grounds
that the ponderante cannot expect to see the
latter’s residence certificate (cedula) in the
dark outside the house. The ponderante grants
this request and the supplicante proceeds to
climb the stairs, ascending one step upon
the recitation of one stanza, depending
upon the number of steps (for instance, if
there are seven steps, he may recite stanzas
relating to the seven sacraments). Once he
gains entry into the lounge (sala), he requests
permission to join the game in progress,
usually either a game of riddles (bugtungan)
or a *bulaklakan.
In another version, the supplicante is per-
mitted to ascend the stairway only after sat-
isfactorily answering all the questions and
solving all the problems presented to him
by the ponderante. The questions usually
concern folk-tales or biblical stories. Once
the supplicante gains admission into the sala,
he is permitted to single out any one of the
young ladies present whose favour he
should like to win. He signifies his inten-
tion by throwing a knotted handkerchief
at her. If the lady in question is willing to
entertain his suit, she recites Our Father and
then proceeds to test him by posing a num-
ber of questions all of which the supplicante
must answer to her satisfaction. The entire
dialogue is conducted in verse, some of
which may be extemporaneous but most
of which has been previously memorized.
 109
Karna (Indonesia/Malaysia). A half-brother
of the *Pandawa, Karna is one of the *Ko-
rawa heroes in the *Mahabharata. Though
in every respect Arjuna’s equal in physical
perfection, military skill, and moral sensit-
ivity, Karna dies at the hands of *Arjuna
because the gods willed it so. When still a
new-born baby, he was abandoned by his
mother, Dewi Kunti Nalibrata, who later
gave birth to the Pandawa. A simple chari-
oteer brought him up. Eventually, the Ko-
rawa, looking for a champion against the
Pandawa, took him into service, raised him,
honoured him, and finally made him vice-
roy in Ngawangga. The Pandawa, on the
other hand, while respecting his prowess,
sneered at his low origins and rejected his
company. Later, when it became known to
him that he was really *Yudhisthira’s elder
brother, the Kshatriya sense of honour told
him that ingratitude to the Korawa king
would be more disgraceful then fighting
against his own family. Though he clearly
recognizes that King *Sujudana, his master,
has repeatedly violated the Kshatriya code,
he will not abandon him.
kasar (Malaysia/Indonesia). The term kasar
literally means ‘crude’ or ‘rough’, but in
application it has far-reaching implications.
It refers to all that is crude, impolite, and
encompasses objects, concepts, and beha-
viour patterns. Various dances and even
individual movements may be seen as kasar
(crude) or *halus (refined). Similarly, music,
language, or the physical appearance of a
wayang figure is seen in terms of the halus—
kasar complex. Batik material and the designs
on it can be halus or kasar. A person’s beha-
viour, physical actions, and appearance, too,
can be defined in terms of halus or kasar.
In traditional theatre, the terms are applied
to almost all aspects of performance
characterization, costuming, physical ap-
pearance on stage, language, and so on. In
terms of human characterization, the term
is applicable not only to external features
and behaviour but also to the inner being.
The halus—kasar complex is thus related to
another important concept—that of zahir
(obvious’) and batin (‘hidden/concealed’)—
what is seen and what is hidden, the inter-
nal/spiritual versus the external/physical.
KELANA
This is particularly important in under-
standing the total personality, for instance,
of a shadow play (*wayang kulit) character.
As a general rule, the halus—kasar complex,
as well as the zahir—batin idea, have in
Malaysia the same meanings and applica-
tions as they have in Java. On the whole,
however, Malaysian usage is rather less
complex, less consciously encountered in
everyday situations.
kayon (Indonesia/Malaysia), see gunungan
kebung (Indonesia). An enclosed area away
from the arena or performance space which
serves both as a green-room and dressing-
room for actors in the *dolmuluk theatre
style.
kebyar duduk (Indonesia). One of the newly
created group of kebyar dances developed
on the traditional */egong, so called because
it is performed in a sitting position. The
dancer generally uses one of the ensemble
ofinstruments as a property and while dan-
cing demonstrates his skills in playing it.
The body movements are mostly inter-
pretations of the music. Sometimes, how-
ever, the dance also has its own story, such
as the *Rajapala based upon an ancient
Balinese legend.
kecak (Indonesia), see cak
kekawin (Indonesia), see kakawin
kekayonan (Indonesia), see gunungan
kelana (Indonesia). A dance depicting an
enamoured hero who expresses his affection
and passion. The dance shows him adorn-
ing himselfin preparation for his encounter
with his beloved. The performer of this
dance invariably impersonates a figure of
some well-known story, and when the full
story is performed the kelana or kiprah sec-
tion will appear as a fragment within its
framework. This is also the case with the
Sundanese koncarang and relati, parts taken
from complete dance-drama forms no
longer performed in full.
KELANA SEWANDANA
Kelana Sewandana (Indonesia). An unre-
fined (*kasar) royal character in the *reog
dance-theatre of Indonesia and Malaysia.
He wears a red mask and is a variation of
the *klana figure in *wayang topeng masked
dance-theatre.
kelir (Malaysia/Indonesia). The screen used
to cover the front of ashadow play puppet
theatre (*panggung). Always of white linen
or muslin, the screen is used by the puppet-
eer (*dalang) for the projection of shadows
of his figures. Often the kelir belonging to a
particular group has special designs and
even the name of the dalang’s group clearly
painted on it. Sometimes, it is provided
with black borders as in Bali or red ones as
in Malaysia although the use of colours is
not very precise. The screen serves as a
separating agent between the audience and
the performers, i.e. dalang and musicians. In
both Indonesia and Malaysia, the kelir is
often also given symbolic meaning. In Bali,
according to prominent dalang, | Gusti Ba-
gus Sugriwa, the kelir contains the three
elements of satwa, rajas, and tamas according
to Hindu teaching. Also in Bali, it symbol-
izes the earth or bumi in which the puppets
come alive. In almost identical terms, the
Malaysian *wayang kulit siam dalang sees the
kelir as wall of the world (dinding dunia),
upon which the figures come alive. A wa-
yang kulit group usually has its name written
on the upper central portion of the kelir.
Screen sizes vary from place to place, but
the general layout and functions remain
consistent,
110
Ken Arok (Indonesia). A historical tale ofa
bandit who became a famous Javanese king
of the thirteenth century. It is one of the
classics of Old Javanese (Kaw1) literature. It
is used as a source for plots (lakon) of tradi-
tional theatre. The story goes as follows:
The child of simple peasants of Tumapel,
Ken Arok runs away from home and joins
bandits and gamblers, whom he robs and
deserts after he has learned all he can from
them. He continues in his career of crime,
holding up people and raping women, but
his personality and charm always enable
him to find someone who will shelter him,
until one day he meets the great Brahmin,
Lohgawe, who claims descent from Vishnu.
Lohgawe is so completely won over by
Ken Arok that he ends up adopting him as a
son and introduces him into the private
service of King Tunggul Ametung. The
king’s wife is the beautiful Ken Dedes, said
to be the reincarnation of the goddess Dewi
*Sn because from her womb irradiated a
glowing light. She is the daughter of aBrah-
min and, consequently, of a caste superior
to the king who has stolen her, causing her
affronted father to curse the king to die by a
keris.
Ken Arok immediately falls in love with
Ken Dedes and she with him. His brahmin-
ical friends see the opportunity for ven-
geance and enuce Ken Arok into making
love to her, telling him that he who pos-
sesses her will own the world. They do not
discourage Ken Arok when he decides to
kill the king and marry Ken Dedes. With
this purpose in mind, Ken Arok orders a
magic dagger (keris) from Mpu Gandring,
most famous of blacksmiths, whose keris
have the power of killing at the first thrust.
The blacksmith asks for six months in
which to complete the keris, after which
time Ken Arok comes impatiently to
collect it. In a fit of temper, because the
keris is not ready, Ken Arok stabs the
blacksmith. Before dying, Mpu Gandring
curses Ken Arok to be killed by the same
keris; his children and grandchildren will
also die by it.
Ken Arok sends the keris to Kbo Io, his
best friend, who is so fascinated by it that he
wears it everywhere, boasting that it is his.
One night, Ken Arok takes the keris from
 111
his friend and kills the king, leaving the keris
near the bedy. Kbo Tjo is accused of the
murder and is killed with the keris. Ken
Arok can now marry Ken Dedes. The mar-
riage 1s made possible by a proclamation of
the Brahmins declaring Ken Arok of divine
ancestry. The wedding takes place despite
the fact that Ken Dedes is about to give
birth to a child ofthe dead king.
The child is born and is brought up as
a son by Ken Arok, who names him Anu-
sapati, but the young prince always feels an
instinctive dislike for Ken Arok. Ken Dedes
gives birth to four children by Ken Arok.
Later on, he takes a second wife, Ken
Umang, by whom he has a child, who be-
comes his favourite. Ken Arok grows in
power and proclaims himself Raja of Tu-
mapel, a title nobcdy dares to challenge.
Instigated by Brahmins who have been hu-
muliated by the ruler of the empire of Sin-
gasari, of which Tumapel is a part, Ken
Arok makes war on him, slaying his troops
and causing the king to commit suicide
with his whole retinue. Ken Arok becomes
supreme ruler of Singasari, changing his
name to Raya Rajasa.
But his reign lasts only seven years. Ken
Dedes, who has grown tired of him, one
day tells her son Anusapati of the secret of
his birth and of how Ken Arok murdered
his father, King Tunggul Ametung. Anu-
sapati obtains the famous keris from Ken
Dedes and has Ken Arok stabbed in the
back by one ofhis servants during a meal.
Anusapati then becomes King Anusana-
tha, but his half-brother, Tohjaya, hates him.
One day, in the excitement ofa cock-fight,
Tohjaya grabs his father’s keris from Anusa-
pati and kills hina with it. Tohjaya becomes
king. The feud continues between the sons
of the two wives of Ken Arok. Anusapati’s
sons plot against Tohjaya but they are dis-
covered and killed. A revolt takes place,
and when Tohjaya is fleeing in a sedan
chair, one of the carriers loses his loincloth,
becoming naked. The king laughs, and the
infuriated carrier, seizing the king’s keris,
kills him with it. The story of the keris pro-
ceeds until the full curse of the blacksmith 1s
completed.
kenduri (Malaysia). Literally meaning ‘feast’,
KERAK NASI
the term applies to the offerings, including
food, which are usually included in theatre
consecration rituals. See also buka pang-
gung.
Kenya Kencanawungu (Indonesia). In
*wayang krucil or *wayang klitik, whose rep-
ertoire consists of the *Damarwulan story,
Prabu Kenya Kencanawungu is the name of
the Queen of Majapahit whom Damarwu-
lan, the hero, marries.
keprak (Indonesia/Malaysia). In the *wa-
yang kulit purnva, an instrument made of
strips of wood or iron attached to one side
of the chest (kotak) of puppets. The pup-
peteer (*dalang) strikes the keprak with the
*cempala, a piece of wood he holds between
the big toe and the second toe of his right
foot. The keprak is sounded to indicate
either that music should begin or that it
should end. Alternatively, through the use
of the keprak, a dalang indicates the styles of
music he requires—loud and fast or slow
and soft. The keprak is also struck when an
army is on the move and during battle
scenes.
Kerak Nasi (Malaysia/Indonesia). An im-
portant story performed in the Javanese and
Malay shadow play (*wayang kulit) with
the clown-servants (*punakawan) as central
characters. The title translates as ‘rice crust’.
The story runs as follows in its Javanese
version:
Pegawan Besmi, the king of Menggada,
before going offto practise asceticism,hands
over his kingdom to his son when he comes
of age. Wishing to find a wife, he learns
from his chief minister that the most beau-
tiful maiden is Raden Galoh, daughter of
the king of Deha. So he dispatches the
minister with a letter proposing marnage to
the court of Deha, where he is asked to
wait seven days for the answer.
Raden Galoh is already betrothed to Ra-
den Inu, the son of the king of Kurpan,
who is hastily sent for to claim his bride in
the face of other suitors. Elaborate prepara-
tions are made for the wedding. The king
of Kuripan and his host of warriors, court
attendants, and subjects are received in Deha
with royal honours. His announcement
KERAK NASI
that he has come to give his son in marriage
to Raden Galoh is the signal for dancing,
singing, and all kinds of entertainment,
lasting forty days and nights. *Semar and
*Turas are put in charge of the merry-
making, but they soon start quarrelling with
each other when Semar asks to share the
gleanings from the rice-pot, which he sees
Turas eating off a long-handled scraper.
Turas hands him the scraper, but every time
he dips it into the pot and scoops out some
rice, Turas licks it clean. The noise of their
brawl wakes the whole palace. Raden Inu
angrily chases them both out of the grounds,
brandishing a bow and arrow to speed them
away.
The pair arrive at the foot of Gunung
Wandang. There, Semar leaves Turas under
a tree and ascends to the summit to practise
asceticism for three years. At the end of this
period, he rejoins the waiting Turas and
confides in him that he intends to abduct
Raden Galoh. They go back to Deha, and
when Raden Inu refuses the demands of
Semar (whose real identity is not known to
him), the ensuing fight goes against him.
Raden Inu visits Betara Guru in Heaven to
appeal for help, and Betara Guru advises
that only one man can aid him: his old
follower, Semar. Raden Inu returns to earth
and receives the same advice from the king
of Kuripan. BafHed, he sits down in the
middle of the field and implores Semar to
come to his aid. This greatly touches the
heart of Semar who rejoins Raden Inu. He
then tells Semar that he has been attacked
by a young man possessed of great strength
and supernatural power. When Semar asks
where he 1s, Raden Inu replies that the
young man disappeared when he called for
Semar. At Semar’s suggestion, they all re-
turn to Kuripan with their band of fol-
lowers.
An alternative version of the story, as
used in the Kelantanese *wayang kulit siam,
runs as follows:
One day, as he is feeling unwell, ex-
tremely tred, and sleepy, Seri *Rama, the
king of Siusia Mendarapura, calls his two
attendants, *Pak Dogol and *Wak Long,
before him. He tells them that he is going
to take a nap and that they are to take care
of the palace. He orders them not to disturb
12
him. Not long afterwards, Wak Long begins
to feel hungry. He suggests to Pak Dogol
that they both go into the kitchen to look
for some rice. The rice-pot is empty. There
is, however, some scorched rice sticking to
its bottom. Both Pak Dogol and Wak Long
struggle to get it out of the pot. As a result,
they start quarrelling and screaming, thus
disturbing Seri Rama.
Seri Rama awakens and scolds them,
accusing them of having no breeding or
manners. Wak Long asks for Ser. Rama’s
forgiveness, at the same time jokingly shift-
ing the blame to the elderly Pak Dogol.
The hero is not touched by Wak Long’s
appeal. He indicates that he does not wish
them to stay in his palace any longer. He
will have nothing more to do with them.
Pak Dogol, too, now begs for forgiveness,
saying that he really cannot leave the ser-
vice of Seri Rama. Sen Rama’s anger does
not abate. He scolds and kicks them. Wak
Long goes flying against a wall.
At this, Pak Dogol gets very upset. To-
gether with Wak Long, he leaves the palace
to live in exile in a forest. On arrival at the
forest, the pair decide to take a nap to re-
lieve them of their sorrow and tiredness.
When Wak Long is sound asleep, Pak
Dogol, leaving his body, transforms himself
into a giant, Jinn Gempa Alam. In this new
shape, he heads towards Siusia Mendara-
pura. Arriving at Seri Rama’s palace, and
introducing himself as Jinn Gempa Alam,
Pak Dogol demands that Seri Rama hand
over his wite, *Sita Dewi, to him. In the
event that Seri Rama refuses to do so, warns
Jinn Gempa Alam, he will have no choice
but to use force. The entire country of
Siusia Mendarapura will be destroyed.
Hearing these words, Seri Rama feels in-
sulted and gets extremely angry. He orders
his generals, Anila and Anggada, as well as
his people to capture the giant. A fierce war
breaks out in which Seri Rama’s forces are
defeated. Finally, Seri Rama himself emerges
to meet the challenger in battle. He, too, is
defeated. Seri Rama feels extremely sad at
this. He calls his astrologer, Babusanam, to
seek advice on the matter.
Babusanam, upon consulting his astro-
logical charts, discovers that Jinn Gempa
Alam is, in fact, Pak Dogol. This informa-

tion, however, is hidden from Seri Rama.
Babusanam merely tells the king that Pak
Dogol must be found, for as long as Pak
Dogol is not brought back, Siusia Mendara-
pura cannot expect any peace. Seri Rama
thus orders his minister, Sagariwa, to go in
search of Pak Dogol and to invite him back
into the palace. While this is happening,
Jinn Gempa Alam, too, has mysteriously
disappeared.
Meanwhile, Wak Long awakens from
his sleep. He shakes Pak Dogol to awaken
his companion so that they can both go in
search of food. Pak Dogol’s body is cold
and lifeless. Wak Long, convinced that Pak
Dogol has been killed by a tiger, begins to
cry. He decides to carry Pak Dogol’s ‘body’
and to move on alone. He is amazed that
the body is extremely light. Soon after-
wards, Pak Dogol returns to his body
which thus regains its normal weight. Wak
Long, who can no longer carry it, drops it
to the ground. Pak Dogol wakes up.
Wak Long, amazed at all this, enquires as
to where Pak Dogol has been but Pak
Dogol claims he has been asleep all along.
Wak Long opines that cannot be true, as his
body obviously became very light and then
suddenly it regained its normal weight. Pak
Dogol evades the issue, merely retorting
that no one asked Wak Long to carry him.
ketoprak
KETOPRAK
Continuing their journey in search of food,
the two companions run into Sagariwa, who
persuades them to return home so that Siu-
sia Mendarapura can be saved from Jinn
Gempa Alam.
When, upon arrival at Siusia Mendara-
pura, Pak Dogol asks for the whereabouts
of Jinn Gempa Alam, Seri Rama tells him
that the giant disappeared mysteriously when
Sagariwa was given instructions to go in
search of Pak Dogol. Pak Dogol prepares to
go back into exile, claiming that since the
giant is no longer a threat Seri Rama does
not need him. Seri Rama, however, apolo-
gizes to Pak Dogol and Wak Long for his
previous harsh conduct. He persuades them
to remain in Siusia Mendarapura.
keramat (Malaysia/Indonesia), see wali
Kertala (Indonesia). The younger of the
two brothers, *Punta and Kertala, the pair
of clown-servants (*punakawan) generally
encountered in Balinese traditional theatre
forms such as *ayja, *wayang topeng, and the
*calonarang play. See also parekan.
ketoprak (Indonesia/Malaysia). An oper-
atic form of theatre found in Java and
among Javanese communities elsewhere. It
KETOPRAK
involves the use of spoken text, improvisa-
tional, somewhat stylized acting, stereo-
typed characters, dance, and music—the
last two of these being elements used in-
cidentally in performances, so that generic-
ally ketoprak is related to such well-known
South-East Asian genres as. *bangsawan,
*likay, and *zarzuela.
The development of the genre can be
traced through three stages, all three having
contributed elements that shaped the genre
into its present form. The first, between
1887 and 1925, is known as the period of
ketoprak lesung. This was followed by keto-
prak peralihan, transitional ketoprak, which
lasted from 1925 to 1927, and the fully
developed ketoprak which developed from
1927, and which continues to be per-
formed today. This final form is named
ketoprak gamelan. However, due to the fact
that performances sometimes take place
upon proscenium-type stages, this final
variety is also known as ketoprak pangeung.
Ketoprak gamelan and ketoprak panggung are
seen, alternatively, by some scholars as two
distinct phases in the development of the
genre since 1927, in that, apart from the
shift in performance venue, the ketoprak
panggung also represents an expansion of the
ketoprak repertoire to incorporate material
from a host of diverse non-Javanese sources.
A large paddy pounder (lesung padi),
usually about 2 metres long and 0.5 metre
wide, or a pounder of a smaller variety
(lesung kecil) and a few poles (alu), which
served as beaters, constituted the only re-
quirements, in terms of equipment, for
ketoprak lesung. One or more villagers beat
the pounder in a rhythmic manner, creating
a new beat or using a traditional tune as a
base, and to this music simple dances, per-
formed by other participants, were soon
added, the movements conforming to the
rhythm of the lesumg-pounding. Folk-songs
were later incorporated into this activity.
Thus, a village pastime of playing music to
the rice pounder, with some elaboration,
gave rise to ketoprak lesung. In its initial
stages the form remained somewhat loose,
but through repetition it gradually became
structured,
There was no specific season for the per-
formance of ketoprak lesung although it has
114
been pointed out that whenever there was
an eclipse of the moon the /esung would be
sounded. A tradition also relates the practice
of using the /esung in this manner to create
music to the story of Lara Jonggrang and
her rejection of the overtures of Bandung
Bandawasa. This serves to show the an-
tiquity ofthe practice.
It is said that artistically inclined mem-
bers of the rural community decided, at
some later point, to further develop the
simple form of ketoprak lesung with the in-
clusion of other musical instruments. Thus,
double-headed barrel drums (kendang),
flutes (suling or seluling), and single-faced
hand-held frame drums (terbang or rebana)
were added. Refinement took place in the
accompanying dances, and the singing
technique was borrowed from the highly
popular style of traditional Javanese music.
Important developments took place at
this stage in the comic elements in ketoprak
lesung, both in terms of acting and the
scripts, which were presented in mono-
logue or dialogue in the vernacular (ngoko)
language. Plots and themes used at this point
were simple ones. An example is Warsa
Wersi, in which a brother and sister are
robbed by villains and then helped by a
character named Jumena. Certain popular
stories, including Jaka Bodo and _Jaka Kusnun,
also found their way into ketoprak. Thus,
from a very simple improvisational activity
and the use of uncomplicated episodes in its
early stages, kefoprak lesung moved on to
more structured or, at least, longer plots.
The dance elements remained simple. Aes-
thetically, as in Javanese life as a whole, the
terms *halus and gagah or *kasar distin-
guished, respectively, refined and coarse
characters. Warsa and Pak Lurah, for in-
stance, would be considered refined char-
acters and Jumena a coarse one. No attempt
was made to create special costumes. Keto-
prak lesung, in this simple style, continues to
be active in certain districts. In most in-
stances, however, the genre has developed
beyond this initial stage.
The year 1908 marked an important shift
in ketoprak when a member of the nobility,
R. M. T. Wreksadiningrat, took an interest
in ketoprak lesung. He established a group in
Surakarta to perform the art retaining, with
 KETOPRAK
overall refinement, much of the original
style ketoprak lesung had attained up to that
point. The humorous elements were, how-
ever, enhanced to the extent that the form
began to be described by some as badutan or
*dagelan, a comic skit. A portion of the
dialogue was presented through singing
(tembang) and the rest in normal spoken
style. Ketoprak lesung thus not only became
a recognized theatre style, but also an urban
one. Important performances included a
five-night series reportedly presented in
January 1909 during the wedding of Sri
Paku Alam VII and Retna Puwasa, the
daughter of Sri Susuhunan Paku Buwana X,
and those featured over the period of about
a week to celebrate Prophet Muhammad’s
birthday (Sekaten) in March 1909. Another
troupe was established in 1924 in Madyata-
man village, Surakarta district. This time,
male performers were used to represent
female characters, an innovation later on
picked up by other troupes which de-
veloped in adjoining districts.
During the second phase of ketoprak de-
velopment, beginning in 1925, several in- ketoprak (costumes)
novations and developments took placein
the repertoire, dances, costumes, and mu- retain the characteristic coarseness or refine-
sical accompaniment. One important devel- ment ofindividual characters. Performances
opment was the expansion of the ketoprak were held in the private pavilions (pendapa)
lesung orchestra with the addition to its of noblemen as well as, increasingly, in
previous ensemble of certain *gamelan in- public theatres.
struments, such as the metal xylophones, hit An important new element in ketoprak
with a wooden hammer (saron), the smaller, introduced at this stage was that of charac-
hanging gongs (kenmpul), and other types of ter self-introduction (*memperkenalkan din).
gongs. This stage also saw the use of West- The dialogue was first of all presented
ern instruments, such as the violin and through singing (fembang) and then con-
mandolin, possibly borrowed from *bang- tinued with ordinary dialogue. Throughout
sawan and *stambul. The ketoprak repertoire a performance, singing became a feature of
was expanded with the inclusion of plots ketoprak during scenes of sadness or those
from a host of sources: folk-tales, the *Panji depicting romantic situations. This, essen-
cycle, local histories (*babad), and even ually, is the style prevailing in contempor-
foreign materials. Among the new stories ary ketoprak as well as in most other operatic
featured were Ambar Sekar-Ambar Sari, Lara forms of theatre in the Malay world.
Mendut, Keyong Mas, *Damarwulan, *Aryo The transitional and consolidation stage
Penangsang Gugur, and Ki Ageng Mangir. of ketoprak brought about changes in cos-
Dances, in particular those performed by tume design in keeping with the wider
males, saw some consolidation. Dances ac- range of materials being utilized as the basis
companied entrances and exits of principal of its repertoire. Thus, for instance, local
characters while unnecessary movements histories or legends required appropriate
and comic poses were reduced or elimin- costumes for royalty; similar demands were
ated altogether to achieve greater overall made by stories with foreign settings and
refinement. Care was taken, however, to characters. Ketoprak costume design now
KETOPRAK
began to take cognizance of such require-
ments although strict authenticity was not
the order of the day. Special precautions
were necessary for performances done for
important audiences. It is reported, for in-
stance, that a performance of Lara Mendut,
arranged for nobility in 1936, was staged
with a complete set of costumes modelled
upon those of*stambul.
This period saw a tremendous expansion
of ketoprak, with a considerable variety in
both the sizes of troupes and the degree of
sophistication they attained. The book
Pustaka Jawi, published in 1928, mentions
that there were no less than 300 troupes in
the city of Yogyakarta alone. Many of the
previous elements were still retained, as
noted, with adjustments made according to
the increasingly changing circumstances in
which ketoprak was featured. An opening
comic scene now became a regular feature,
preceding an actual story. This came to be
known as the *dagelan ekstra or *dagelan
Mataram. From about 1927, the usual keto-
prak orchestra gradually gave way to the
gamelan, so that even the lesung disappeared
from the ketoprak staged in urban centres.
Itinerant village troupes (ketoprak barangan
or ketoprak ongkekan), however, retained in
varying degrees some of the traditional
character of ketoprak lesung.
The identity of ketoprak changed signi-
ficantly with the use of the gamelan instead
of the onginal village instruments, a change
characterized, too, by the new patrons of
the genre, who hailed from the middle and
upper classes (priyayl). Ketoprak found a
place in the mainstream of Javanese culture.
In some instances, the amateur character of
the genre gave way to nascent profession-
alism, and the establishment of commercial
troupes such as the Ketoprak Budi Langen
Wanodya, which was established in Yog-
yakarta in 1928. This troupe toured widely
in Central and East Java and was popular
partly due to the use it made of a Western
orchestra. Its influence was considerable and
many “wayang wong troupes, in imitation of
it, began to change their character, now
shifting to ketoprak instead.
The final years of the 1920s saw further
expansion of the gamelan and the use of the
keprak or metal beater to serve as a means of
116
backdrops
giving signals both for beginning perform-
ances and for musical cues. Also introduced
into ketoprak was a singer (waranggana), who
accompanied the gamelan. Proscenium-style
theatres (*panggung or in ketoprak language,
tobong) began to be used for performances.
With this shift from pendapa to pang-
gung performances, there developed some
changes in staging technique, as the pendapa
setting allowed audiences to view a per-
formance from at least three directions
while the new setting in the panggung re-
stricted views so that the audience could
only see performances from one side. This
had implications in terms of the stage set-
ting and the positioning of actors or block-
ing, which had to be considered much
more carefully.
To cover the back panel of a theatre or
Stage, there arose the need to use painted
scenery or backdrops. The practice of using
such backdrops was a regular feature in
*bangsawan, stambul, and tonil bangsawan,
and already some wayang wong troupes had
adopted it. Ketoprak, too, began to make use
of painted backdrops to depict settings such
as palace, garden, or city square (alun-alun)
scenes. Its presentation style thus under-
Went some radical changes.
The shift to the urban theatres meant that
those troupes active in these could no longer
depend upon patronage from members of
the nobility. Money had, therefore, to be
raised through the sale of tickets to support
performers. This new element was already
an established practice in stambul and bang-
sawan companies, these genres being the
first ones to introduce commercialism into
 117
the theatre. In performances, the dagelan
ekstra or dagelan Mataram began to become
more prominent and to develop its own
identity so that occasionally specific requests
would be made for the presentation of the
dagelan Mataram by itself. Another new fea-
ture was the introduction of dances to serve
as preludes to performances in addition to,
or instead of, the dagelan Mataram. These
were called *gambyong dances. In the final
years of the second decade of the present
century, too, began the practice of using
female performers on a more regular basis,
thus reducing the importance of transvest-
ites. The director (sutradara or *dalang) and
various other specialist functionaries became
increasingly important in productions. Thus,
more and more, ketoprak began to assume
the characteristics of stambul and even of
*sandiwara. As if to indicate this changing
character of the genre, several troupes
established in 1937 began to use the term as
part of their names. It was felt that possibly
the increasing mixture of elements from
both these genres would please audiences
loyal to both.
During the Japanese occupation, ketoprak
activities continued on a very low key, and
then, following the war and the nsing
nationalism which Jed to independence in
1946, ketoprak scripts reflected the political
and social concerns ofthe times. New tech-
nological developments also meant that
ketoprak could be featured over radio and
television. More and more, too, govern-
ment departments, such as the Department
of Information, began to use ketoprak as a
means ofpolitical propaganda and informa-
tion dissemination.
As performed today, ketoprak is charac-
terized by the various essential features that
have gradually shaped its character from the
earliest phase of ketoprak lesung to the latest,
ketoprak gamelan. While technical improve-
ments have been consistently taking place in
the genre and elements such as the music
and repertoire have been expanded, the ba-
sic character of the genre remains. Experi-
mental productions of ketoprak have, in
recent years, for instance, used Hamlet
or other tales from Shakespeare, Middle or
Near Eastern plots, Chinese stories, and so
on, some obviously as a result of influences
KHMER DANCE-DRAMA
from bangsawan or stambul. Stories with an
Islamic colouring or message, such as Sunan
Kalijaga, based upon the life of one of the
nine saints (*wali sanga) who reputedly in-
troduced Islam into Java, and Christian
themes, including the birth ofJesus and the
rise of Christianity, have also found their
way into the genre as a result of innovation
and experimentation by individual ketoprak
directors.
ketoprak barangan (Indonesia). Also called
ketoprak ongkekan, a name given to itinerant
village *ketoprak troupes.
ketoprak gamelan (Indonesia), see ketoprak
ketoprak lesung (Indonesia). An early form
of the operatic theatre form, *ketoprak, de-
veloped from a rural pastime. A paddy
pounder (/esung) and several pounding poles
(alu) were used to create a rhythmic beat.
To this, dances and improvisational acting,
mostly of a humorous character, were
added. Ketoprak lesung is believed to have
been developing during 1887-1925, but
may still be found in rural Java.
ketoprak ongkekan (Indonesia), see keto-
prak barangan
ketoprak panggung (Indonesia), see ketoprak
ketoprak peralihan (Indonesia). The name
given to the *ketoprak operatic theatre form
during its transformation or consolidation
period (1925-7) when elements of a ‘theat-
rical’ nature, borrowed from *bangsawan or
*stambul, found their way into the genre.
khalifah (Malaysia). Literally, ‘a caliph’ or
‘successor to the Prophet Muhammad as
leader of the Muslim community. In several
theatre genres in Malaysia, however, the
designation is used for the leader of atroupe
or someone who could be considered its
artistic director. See, for instance, dabus,
hamdolok.
Khmer classical dance-drama (Cambodia).
The classical dance-drama of Cambodia,
while reflecting, textually and choreograph-
ically, a strong Indian influence, attained a
KHMER DANCE-DRAMA
fixed and uniquely Cambodian form by the
middle of the ninth century during the
reign of Jayavarman (r. AD 802-69). This
form, however, underwent drastic change
following the Siamese victory over the
Khmer capital at Angkor in 1431. Unfortu-
nately, any examination of this change
is precluded by the total lack of records in
any form concerning dance-drama between
the fifteenth century and the ‘rebirth of the
Khmer monarchy’ in 1841. At that time,
the new king, Ang Duong, took strong
measures to revitalize what remained of the
dance-dramas within Cambodia and to in-
troduce changes.
In the four centuries between 1431 and
1841, there were undoubtedly changes in
music, choreography, as well as costume
design, with the incorporation of Thai ele-
ments. Nevertheless, while reflecting ancient
Indian and more recent Thai influences, the
art also represents an unbroken indigenous
tradition of dance-drama in Cambodia dat-
ing from the ninth century AD.
One primary source of dramatic material
is the Indian epic, *Ramayana. Episodes de-
rived from it, often greatly altered, are per-
formed, the most popular of these being
*Rawana’s abduction of *Sita Dewi, the
banishment of *Rama, *Hanuman’s seduc-
tion of the siren Suvarna Matsya, Hanu-
man’s visit to the captive Sita, and the final
battle between Rama and Rawana together
with their armies.
Legends, including those of non-
Cambodian origin, are also used. The Javan-
ese story of *Panji, known here as *Eynao
or Enao, as well as the story of Mekhala and
the light which issues from her magic
crystal ball, are frequently performed. Also
used is the story of Prince Preas Sang who,
through his magic power, but masked as an
ugly woodsman, gains the hand in marriage
of the seventh daughter of King Samalreach.
Similarly, a piece known as the Makara bal-
let constitutes one of the most sacred dances
of the whole classical repertoire. Another
piece, the Dance of the Flowers, of un-
known source, is also featured,
A 1911 list mentions several other sub-
jects, mcluding the story of the Prince Sa-
mouth who magically provides a ring that
the Princess Vimana-Chanta had seen in a
118
dream, thereby gaining her love and even-
tually her hand in marriage. A further story
presented in two ‘acts’, concerns an Indian
prince, his wife, sister, and servants who
come from Benares to the Indo-Chinese
peninsula to establish a kingdom. The land
is inhabited by ‘black indigenous people or
devils’. Their king falls in love with the
prince’s sister. Eventually, however, he is
forced to settle for a woman of lower rank.
In the Cambodian dance-drama, as in
India, hand gestures (mudra) used singly or
in combination serve the function of words
but the precise usage is not exactly as in In-
dian dance. While their origin undoubtedly
lies in Indian dance, the number of mudra
seen today is far fewer than the number used
in the classical Indian dance forms such
as Bharata Natyam or Kathakali. This is the
same situation one encounters in other
South-East Asian dance forms in which the
Indian gesture-vocabulary, though utilized,
has been considerably diluted. Seven ges-
tures have been isolated in the Cambodian
dance-drama—pataka, musti, ardha chandra,
brahmara, hamsasya, arala, and candra kala.
An example of a pose in which both hands
are used is the anjali, or sampeas in Cambo-
dian. The hands—both in pataka—are held
palms together. It is a salutation or expres-
sion of respect. The hands, thus joined, are
held directly in front of the face, with the
head shightly inclined.
Dance movements may be performed
both standing and kneeling. Dancers may
also form tableaux with some kneeling and
others standing in a symmetrically balanced
manner. A standard pose has a dancer stand-
ing upon the thigh of another, towering
over him in triumph, a pose also seen in the
Thai *khon dance-theatre.
Eight types ef masculine roles have been
identified in the Cambodian dance-drama.
The first includes the divinities or dewa and
the kings and princes. Their costumes are
composed of tight drawers which end just
below the knee, a jacket of silk brocade
with a silk embroidered collar, two small
ornaments shaped like wings on the shoul-
ders, sampot or loose outer pants of gold or
silver lamé held in place by a belt, a panel of
cloth or a sash hanging in front like a small
apron, two other panels which fall along
 il
the side ofeach leg, a belt with silver thread,
and a golden buckle set with diamonds to
hold the silk sash in place and in which is a
golden stiletto.
This group of characters also wears four
pairs of bracelets—two pairs made of rings,
one pair done in filigree, and a fourth pair
made of forty small beads of gold; two pairs
of ankle bracelets—one pair of solid rings,
one pair in filigree; five chains worn
crosswise over the body; a pendant in the
shape of a banyan leaf; a pair of ear-rings
decorated with diamonds; and, finally, the
crown (mkot) which is reserved for these
roles. Included in this group are the
following characters: Brahma, who wears a
yellow mask surmounted by four faces;
Indra in green; Rama in green; *Laksamana
in gold; and Bharata in red.
The second character grouping, accord-
ing to costume type, is that of the governors
and officers. The sampot of the governors is
simply made of silk, not brocade, and in
place ofthe stiletto is a satin sheath in which
the knife is supposed to be. The most char-
acteristic difference, however, is that they
wear a diadem to which is attached false
hair covering the back of the neck. This is
worn instead of the crown. Four dancers
play the role of governors. The officers,
numbering twelve in the troupe, have the
same costume as the governors but without
the false hair. Their diadems are made of
gilded cardboard encrusted with glittering
fragments. The belt of silver thread is also
replaced by a large satin belt with a gilded
buckle. Jewellery is reduced on the ankles
to one pair of rings; the bracelets have
twenty beads of silver instead of forty; and
three chains are worn crosswise instead of
five.
A third group of characters identified by
costume is the giants or demons, the most
important being Rawana. His costume has
all the elements of one belonging to a king
or prince but he wears, in addition, a mask
all of gold, on top of which are represented
ten heads. The panel on the side of each leg
is not rectangular but cut to a point and
slightly turned up toward the back where
an additional fourth panel also hangs. Ra-
wana, the demon-king of Langka, has three
daggers. The demon-king’s aide-de-camp
KHMER DANCE-DRAMA
wears a similar costume except that silver
gilt replaces the gold, in the jewels, and he
does not have the daggers. His mask, while
still pointed like a crown, has only one face
and is decorated with a rooster tail. The
four officers of the giant army are dressed
like the other officers, but their masks give
them the impression of having very large
heads covered with short, curly hair. There
are also two chief soldiers who wear no
jewellery and almost no accessories; their
jackets and sampot are of red silk; the pants,
also of silk, are a little longer than those of
the others; chains are replaced by a red silk
scarf with a lace border worn as a baldric;
the hair is in a red silk turban with gold
flowers. For the twenty demon soldiers, the
scarf is removed, and a cotton sampot re-
places the silk one.
The fourth group is the monkey army
which has the same hierarchy of officers,
chief soldiers, and soldiers. The components
of the costumes are the same. The mask is
the same colour as the costumes and is de-
termined by that which tradition acribes to
the officer commanding the monkeys:
Hanuman, white; Nippaphat, black; Sugri-
wa, red; Bali, green. These characters have
the costume and the jewellery of officers of
the monkey army; they also add a twisted
silk ribbon which is tightly rolled to rep-
resent a tail.
The fifth group is the birds, the main
character being Garuda, the king of the
birds. His jacket is of silk lamé. The panels
in front and on the side are replaced by a
pair of leggings and knee pads, both of red
embroidered silk. The knee pads are at-
tached to pants by two gold lamé wings
which are stretched on a metal frame nsing
in the air between two wings that rest on
the hips. A brocade skirt replaces the centre
hanging panel. The sleeves of the jacket
are covered by a second pair of sleeves
which are wired to be wider at the elbow
than the wrist. His small collar and the small
wings on the shoulder are slightly different
in shape from those of the princes’ cos-
tumes; the jewellery, however, is similar.
The mask is not described, but it is sug-
gested pictorially that the Garuda holds a
large bead between the two points of his
beak.
KHMER DANCE-DRAMA
Included in this group are the mythical
birdwomen, *kinnari, and the sarika or talk-
ing blackbird. The costumes of the four
dancers playing the kinnari are a mixture
of those of the princes and the Garuda.
The pants, the velvet jacket, and the gold
leather collar encrusted with small pieces of
mirror, and the jewels are similar to those of
the prince in shape if not in material. The
leggings, the knee pads, the small wings on
the legs, the larger wings on the hips, and
the tail are similar to those of the Garuda.
The final elements that characterize the
kinnari costumes are: a pair of armbands of
embossed and gilded leather; a leather plate
similarly decorated covering the stomach; a
silk skirt which narrows as it descends to the
knees; and a breast cover made of two small
cups of gilded brass joined together by
small thin chains. The blackbird, although
belonging to the same group, has a com-
pletely different costume. He is entirely
dressed in black. The jacket, pants, wings,
and tail are ofthick satin; the gloves, socks,
and garters are of thinner silk. All jewel-
lery and accessories are eliminated except
for a blackbird mask.
The Prince Ngos, although sometimes
accorded a separate category, Wears a Cos-
tume incorporating pieces usually found in
that of the prince. In addition, he has a
large, red silk scarf unique to the role. But
more than by this scarf, the role is charac-
terized by an extremely negroid-type mask,
ina horrible grimace. Contrary to the giants’
masks, this one does not rise into a point
suggesting the royal crown. However, at the
end of the play, the dancer does reappear
wearing the more familiar mkot, The prin-
cipal accessory of the role is a large cane.
The role of the recluse is not attached to
any of those preceding. The costume con-
sists only of a long, full, hermit’s robe and a
special mask.
The final masculine roles, the two
clowns—the only roles played by men
have pants and a coat of gold-flowered
silk, and a sampot of cotton. Their function
as clowns permits them to indulge their
imagination 1 what they wear, and their
costumes are frequently modified or aug-
mented by the most surprising accessories.
There are certain important basic differ-
120
ences between the costumes of male char-
acters and those of the female characters.
The sampot, which in the costumes for
males goes between the legs and is gathered
at the back, as is usually worn in real life by
men and women, is, in the female costumes
of the Cambodian ballet, allowed to fall like
a skirt. In the male costume, the jacket has
long, clinging sleeves, but in the jackets
worn by females, the arms are bare and the
small shoulder wings are absent. On the
other hand, the scarf becomes a compulsory
ornament. It covers only one shoulder,
leaving the other bare, and hangs down at
the back to the hem of the skirt. The
lowest-ranking servants generally have both
shoulders wrapped in the scarf, the two
ends of which are gathered in front. The
pants, the embroidered bottom of which is
usually visible under the draped sampot of
the male roles, are replaced in the female
roles by a smaller pair of pants not normally
visible, and by a lace underskirt. Finally, the
crown or mkot is lower for queens and
princesses than for kings and princes. It rests
on a band surrounding the forehead and
lacks the side ornaments which cover the
ears. Masks are never used for the female
roles.
The first group of female roles is that of
queens and princesses. The queens wear a
lace robe, spangled and embroidered with
gilded silver thread, a silk jacket, a silk
collar, a lamé sampot, and a velvet scarf
embroidered with gold and silver. Jewel-
lery includes a gilded silver belt and a gold
buckle set with diamonds, five chains worn
crosswise on the body, a pendant in the
shape of a banyan leaf, a pair of diamond
ear-rings, three pairs of bracelets similar to
those of the princes, an armband encrusted
with precious .stones, two pairs of ankle
bracelets, and the gold crown. The prin-
cesses have exactly the same costumes and
gold jewellery as the queens with the ex-
ception of the crown which is of leather or
gilded cardboard with glittering incrusta-
tions.
The costumes of the four governesses are
similar to those of the queens with some
simplification: the sampot is of silk instead of
lamé; they wear only three chains across the
body and these are of gilded silver; the
 121
bracelets are made of twenty beads ofgilded
silver instead of forty; the ankle bracelets are
eliminated and so are the precious stones in
the armband; finally, a diadem replaces the
mkot. The twenty servants have a less elab-
orate dress; pg have no jewels save the
three pairs of bracelets; the diadem is not as
high and is less ornate than that of the
governesses, but other parts of the costume
are the same.
The third group offemale roles is that of
the female giants who are dressed accord-
ing to the rank they occupy in the play.
Like the other female roles, they are never
masked, and one recognizes them both by
their dance steps—since each category of
characters has specific steps
and by the recited or sung Golnanons
There are no female roles "Bie ERT
to the monkeys. The four female dancers
playing the roles of the kinnari have cos-
tumes identical to those of the male kinnari.
The jacket is yellow and the pants are
purple.
Finally, the costume of the mermaid,
which is somewhat similar to the male
costumes, includes a long-sleeved red silk
jacket, a silk sampot, a belt, a front panel,
and a panel in the back shaped like a fish’s
tail. The mermaid wears a diadem and
jewellery similar to that of the governesses.
Female dancers, no matter what their
role, often wear skin-coloured stockings.
Flowers are worn, sometimes in garlands
forming bracelets and sometimes in small
clusters hanging over the ear from the
crown or diadem. They also add rings and
bracelets. They are, further, also singularly
made up to look flatteringly like unreal
beings: the face is profusely powdered with
white rice powder on top of which (only
for male roles) they are slightly tinted with
saffron; the lips are reddened with Chinese
colouring paper; the eyebrows are black-
ened with lampblack, and the eyes are
darkened with a kind of mascara; arms and
hands are rubbed with saffron.
Stage accessories include, first, a two-
wheeled gilded wooden cart decorated
with ritual ornaments that is not often used.
Its passengers sit on an elevated chair with
two servants, one in front and one behind,
seated at a lower elevation. The cart is man-
KHMER DANCE-DRAMA
oeuvred by three dancers, two in front and
one behind, who wear painted cardboard
horse heads—not as masks but on top of
their heads. Similar horse heads may also be
worn to suggest cavalry officers and soldiers.
A number of weapons are also used as
accessories. There is a bow of decorated
wood rather like a small, pliable tree which
is crowned with a bunch of leaves and is
incapable ofshooting an arrow. The arrows,
which are carried in the belt, are placed in
the bow and pulled back with the giant
hand. There is a wooden sabre, a light
baton about 70 centimetres long in the
form of a club, and another club belonging
to the ogres which, like most of their
Weapons, appears cruder than those of the
mortals or gods. There are other swords and
weapons used by the dancers, for imstance, a
demon’s trident, but none of them are
described.
Fans are among the more gracious ac-
cessories and may be found in the hands of
princesses, servants, or female ogres. There
must also be the wooden ball decorated
with green and blue foil which Mekhala
uses to represent the lightning. Ifa prince
or an ogre is to be tied up on stage, it is
done with a half-width ofred cloth; if it is a
woman being tied, a scarfisused. The only
object used on stage as a standard set piece is
a low table about 50 centimetres high,
2 metres long, and 70 centimetres wide,
which is used as a bed, a throne, a place of
meditation, and so on. Finally, there is a
tradition of uncertain age that wind is
simulated by shaking a piece of cloth, rain
‘comes out of the mouths of two or three
male figures, and fire is represented by silk
paper which someone lights and throws’ on
to the stage.
The music used in the Cambodian dance-
theatre does not exist in written form.
Transcriptions made by Westerners are not
useful, for the themes passed from teacher
to student continually undergo improvisat-
ory development during transmission. The
piphat orchestra which accompanies per-
formances is composed of the following
instruments:
1. The roneat ek, a xylophone-like instru-
ment made of pieces of bamboo sus-
pended by threads within a wooden
KHODAMIN 122
box curved upward on either end like which all the attention of the audience
a boat. The keys, which are struck by must be concentrated.
two small wooden mallets, vary in
length from 15 to 25 centimetres and khodamin (Malaysia). The opening melody
are 5 centimetres wide. Its register is in *hadrah performances which brings in
roughly equivalent to that of an alto the dancers who then execute simple move-
xylophone. ments to begin an evening’s performance.
ie) The roneat thung, basically the same in-
strument, but with keys of hardwood. khon (Thailand). A Thai classical dance-
Its register corresponds to that of the theatre style involving the use of a wide
bass xylophone. variety of masks by performers. Partly as a
3. The roneat dek, with a horizontal key- convention and to some extent due to the
board and iron keys. fact that masks hamper articulation, many
4. The sang-na, a long drum which the of the khon characters do not utter their
kneeling performer holds on his thigh. own lines. The dialogue is, on the other
5. The kong thom or large gong, a set of hand, recited by a narrator. Although in the
sixteen cymbals, each 12-15 centi- case of certain role-types masks have now
metres across, suspended in a semi- been discarded, this traditon of not having
circular frame in the centre of which lines spoken by principal characters has
sits the musician. been retained as a stylistic device. Masks are
6. The kong toch or small gong, which is worn by almost all performers with the
similar to, but smaller than, the kong exception of the clowns, who, thus not
thom and, like it, is played by being hampered by masks, are able to utter their
struck with two mallets. own dialogue. As a general rule, the prin-
7. The khloy, a recorder-like flute. cipal human characters and those of celestial
Se The sralay, a wooden oboe-like instru- beings do not wear masks these days. Per-
ment whose high, clear pitch leads the formers’ steps and poses are generally har-
ensemble. monized with the recitations and songs of
9. The sampho, a small drum beaten on the chorus.
both ends, which rests on a small stand. The chorus, known in khon as the k’on
10. The skor, a set of two large drums which
are beaten with two heavy sticks.
11. The chhing, two bamboo sticks which
members of the orchestra and/or the
singers strike together to mark the
beat.
The role of the chorus is to localize,
explain, and comment upon the actions
performed by the dancers. Available texts
which describe the chorus are ambiguous
concerning its role, but it seems to be made
up of those who read the text that is to be
sung, the singers themselves, and those who
beat the bamboo sticks to keep the rhythm.
It is possible that these roles are not mu-
tually exclusive. The content is a mixture of
dialogue and narration and of song and
declamation with a fairly regular alternation
between two characters. The chorus, al-
though it has an explanatory function and 1s
further intended to reinforce the rhythm of
the orchestra, is at all times considered to be
a simple accompaniment to the dance on khon
 123
pak (i.e. the reciter), to some extent has
functions similar to those of the *dalang in
the Indonesian mask plays, *wayang topeng,
and to a lesser extent to those of the
puppeteer in the South-East Asian region
shadow play. The khon chorus texts consist
of a type of poetry written in the past for
*nang yai, the style of shadow play using
large figures. The khon texts comprise two
linguistic styles: kamp’ak and ceraca. The
former consists of poetry of the kavya (kab
in Thai) variety. The poems of Samudra-
ghosha and Aniruddha, dating from the
Ayutthya period, are included in kamp’ak, a
style which was initially used in the shadow
play. The kamp’ak repertoire is derived
from the *Ramakien, the Thai version of
the *Ramayana. The ceraca consists of dia-
logue in rhythmic prose as well as passages
describing action. The language is identical
with that adopted for formal or official
proclamations, and the reciter has consider-
able liberty to improvise. Fully convers-
ant with his subject and familiar with the
rhythm of the dancer’s movements, he
regulates his texts accordingly. Khon per-
formances are thus based upon the artistic
co-ordination of dancer, reciter, and or-
chestra.
In the past, the khon orchestra consisted
merely of five pieces. With later develop-
ments, the number of instruments has
grown in accordance with the nature and
setting of the dances. Musicians are re-
quired to be proficient not only with the
stock melodies but also with dance move-
ments. The ranad player leads the musicians
on most occasions and the sphon player sets
the pace for the dancers’ movements. Re-
cent years have seen the inclusion in khon of
a great deal of singing in the fashion of the
court lakhon. Thus, present-day khon per-
formances involve four categories of parti-
cipants: the dancers, the reciter who also
executes the ceraca, the singers, and the
orchestra.
The principal khon theme is the story of
*Rama in its Thai version, the Ramakien.
The greater part of the Ramayana story as
performed in khon is concerned with the
war waged upon *Tosakanth (*Rawana),
the demon-king of Langka, by Rama and
his brother *Laksamana. The two brothers,
KHON
with Rama’s wife, Nang Sida (Skt. *Sita
Dewi), go to become hermits for a while in
the depths of a forest when the demon-
king, abducting Sida, brings her to his
pleasure garden near the city of Langka in
the hope ofmarrying her. The brothers start
a pursuit. Hanuman volunteers his services
and, through Rama and Laksamana, wins
two allies—Sukrip (Sugriwa), king of Khit-
khin, and Thao Mahajompu (‘the great
king of Jombu’). Marching with their allied
armies to the southern tip of India, they
acquire as another ally, Pipek (Wibisana), a
brother of Tosakanth who has been ban-
ished by the demon-king. Crossing the
ocean, Rama and Laksamana lay siege to
the city of Langka and following a series of
battles with the demons of Langka and their
allies, the armies of Rama are successful.
Tosakanth, having exhausted all help from
relatives and allies, resolves upon going out
himself to give battle to the enemy. He is
killed. Rama then installs Pipek as king of
Langka and returns with Sida to Ayutthya
where he assumes the throne. The epic goes
on to record some further adventures of
Rama but, save for the single episode of
the adventures of Rama’s sons, these sub-
sequent events are rarely staged in khon.
Khon performers are usually male, al-
though at tmes the roles of human males
and females are taken by women. They are
trained from early childhood. Since the
roles in the story of the Ramakien are of
four categories, the training is divided into
four sections, namely those of the male hu-
man, the female human, the demonic, and
simian parts.
The most distinctive item of costume for
the khon is the mask. In the case of the de-
monic and simian parts, the masks used
conform to stipulated shapes and colours.
The dress of ademon is designed to create a
sense offerocity and strength, whilst that of
a human hero, majesty and grace. Female
costumes exude beauty and gentility, and
the simian ones, restlessness.
Besides sartorial properties, other access-
ories, such as movable daises, war chariots,
weapons, and royal canopies, are used in
khon performances.
The mask 1s perhaps khon’s most import-
ant and characteristic feature, for through it,
KHON
more than any other agency, one distin-
guishes the variety ofroles.
Generally speaking, divine and human
roles no longer wear masks and are repres-
ented naturalistically. Colour, however, 1s
still used. Rama is green of complexion,
whilst the brothers Bhrot (Bharata), Laksa-
mana, and Satrud (Satrughna) are painted
red, yellow, and purple, respectively, in
keeping with the colours used in the past.
Demons, for the most part, still wear
masks, though in modern representations
female demons have demonic features
painted on their faces. Tosakanth has a
green complexion with a ‘crown of victory’
easily identified by two tiers of faces within
it—one of demons symbolically represent-
ing his ten faces, and a top one of a celestial
face. Occasionally, for instance in peace-
time episodes, he wears a golden complex-
ion with his usual crown. Indrajit, his son,
also has a green complexion and a peaked
crown. Khon tradition attributes this role
with certain human qualities not usually
associated with demons. This is shown
through the movements assigned to the
role. *Kumbhakarna, Rawana’s_ brother,
being of an ascetic disposition, wears no
crown but a coronct. He, too, Is given a
green complexion. Pipek, another brother,
also green of complexion, wears a gourd
crown. According to the Ramakien, Rawana
had several other brothers. However, they
were slain by Rama before the campaign in
Langka. Their names are given as Tut, king
of Chank (Skt. Dushana), purple complex-
ion with a crown of flames, Khorn (Skt.
Khara), king of Romakal, green of com-
plexion with a pleated crown, and Trisian
(Skt. Trisira), who remains unidentified
with any character in the Ramayana. This
last character wears a mask of white with a
triple-headed crown. His kingdom is given
as Majavan. Tut, moreover, has a son,
Viruncambang, one of the later leaders of
the demon hosts and, lke his father,
powertul fighter with his ability to assume
invisibility on a battlefield. He, too, wears a
crown of flames and has a blue-black com-
plexion. Khorn has two sons, Mankora-
kanth (Skt. Makaraksha), green with a
crown topped by the head of a makara, and
Sin-Atit, red with a crown of flames. The
124
name signifies sun-rays. Trisian has a son,
Trimegh, with a dark red complexion and a
crown drooping in a tail. A few masks have
individual features in accordance with the
story of their parentage. The two sons of
Tosakanth by elephantine mothers have
miniature trunks attached to their noses.
The sons of the crow-demoness, Svahu
(Skt. Sutahu), dark red in complexion and
Maric (Skt. Marici), white in complexion,
have wings affixed to their crowns. The
other demon relatives and allies in Langka,
as well as the later wars, are given a variety
of highly artistic crowns and complexions.
It is not yet clearly evident by what
principles the various roles are assigned
their individual masks. Most of the principal
demon roles are given a green complexion.
A few demons wear crowns which are
easily traceable to their parentage. The lead-
ing ones wear a ‘crown of victory’. There
are, besides, additional features for distin-
guishing the demon characters, such as the
two types of eyes—bulging or crocodile.
The mouths are also of certain types,
namely, clamping or snarling. In the mask
of Tosakanth, for example, the crown is of
the ‘victory type’ with rows of visages to
signify his ten faces; the mouth is of the
snarling type and the eyes bulge. Matyarab,
however, has clamping mouth and croco-
dile eyes. The mounts they use in battle are
usually chariots but some nde horses or
elephants. The weapon, though usually a
club, is often varied; leading demons, how-
ever, are given bows.
Demons wear coats of mail on top of
their vests. These are usually in colours dif-
ferent from those of the coats. Their bodies
are not seen, though it is to be assumed face
colour matches that of the whole body. On
the other hand, the monkey characters,
even if they are generals, wear coats of a
colour identical with their masks. Designs
of hair on their costumes indicate their
a bodies are bare. On the whole, the simian
masks are simpler than those of the demons.
The simian kings, Pali (green) and Sukrip
(red), as well as the king of Jombu (blue),
wear the yodbat crowns with an insertion at
the top. A similar crown is also worn by
Indrajit. This type of crown seems to indic-
ate a high royal rank. Ongkot, however,
 1125
though heir to the Khitkhin throne as
Indrajit 1s to the throne of Langka, wears a
gourd crown. Three monkey leaders,
though of great eminence, do not wear
crowns but coronets. They are Hanuman
(white), Nilanol (red, being an incarnation
of Agni, the Fire-God), and Nilapat (black,
being an incarnation of the God of Death).
There are other monkey officers who wear
coronets and can only be distinguished by
the colour of their complexion. One or two
have similar colours and they are usually
distinguished by their open or closed
mouths.
Due to the length of the Ramakien,
adaptations into episodes (chud, meaning
‘set’), have been made. This differs from the
term fon, meaning ‘episodes’, in other Thai
traditional theatre genres. The choice ofthe
term chud, or set, for the khon, seems to
derive from the fact that the khon was ori-
ginally inspired by, or even originated
from, the shadow play (*nang). When a
shadow play was to be presented, the
figures to be used were selected out of a
collection consisting of many. These were
arranged in sets for presentation in the
order in which they were to appear on the
screen. Thus, the word set came to be used
for episodes of the khon. Such sets include
The Conquest of the Demon-crow, The Magic of
Maiyarab, The Snake-nose, The Weapon of
Brahma, Hanuman the Volunteer, and The
Fire- Ordeal of Sida.
There have been several forms of repres-
entation for the khon in the past. Now there
are five, namely:
1. khon-klang-pleng, the open air mask play,
in which it is understood that military
reviews and battles are the order
of the day. The accompanying music
would then be appropriate marches
whilst the text would consist of recitat-
ives (khamphak) and dialogues without
singing.
2. khong-rong-nok, also called khong-man-
rao, a variety in which the play 1s per-
formed on the stage with a pole, the
latter serving as setting. The pole is
placed towards the back of the stage,
flanked by a simple curtain on which 1s
painted a scene of amountain or forest.
Like the above variety, there is no sing-
KHON
ing, only recitatives and dialogues are
performed. Two piphat bands are used
one at either end of the stage. A
development of this variety, called the
khong-non-rong, is often adopted, in
which a preliminary performance takes
place on the first day and the main
representation on the second. The
troupe stays the night in between on or
near the stage. The preliminary per-
formance would consist of inaugurative
music (homron), a type of overture but
repeated in every set and episode of a
performance. Then, performers do the
pole-dance, which is, in turn, followed
by the short episode of Pirab, the demon
who, being in the habit of catching for
food any living being straying into his
path, tries to devour Rama and his
brother while wandering in search of
Sida. Pirab is eventually killed. This
demon appears in the Sanskrit Rama-
yana under the name ofViradha.
3. khong-na-jor, or ‘the mask play before
the screen’, is a variety in which the rep-
resentation takes place, like the shadow
play, in front of a screen of white cloth
which acts as the back ofthe stage.
4. khon-nang-nai, the court mask play, is a
variety consisting of singing as well as
recitatives and dialogues. The staging 1s
more elaborate. In these four varieties of
khon, the story presented is not divided
into acts or scenes, nor is there any kind
of mise-en-scéne.
5. khong-chak, the mask play on a modern
stage.
The technique of Thai choreography 1s
an intricate and exacting art, with its own
rigid codes of conduct. No one, for in-
stance, may cross the stage during a per-
formance, except those dressed for their
parts. Thus, even stage-hands are required
to adopt some kind of theatrical dress if
their duties necessitate their appearance on
the stage. Neglect of this formality 1s re-
garded as discourtesy to the traditional Mas-
ter of the Dance or Music.
In keeping with conventions of tradi-
tional theatre in South-East Asia as a whole,
no performance may end in tragedy. Thus,
if Rama or his brother is wounded or kill-
ed in battle, a performance must continue
KHON NA JOR
until he is cured or restored to life.
Similarly, the final defeat and death of
Tosakanth is considered as a taboo and is
never played. Exceptions to this ruling are
only permitted through express royal
command.
Due to its classical conventions, khon has
traditionally been regarded among the Thais
as an art that serves as a key to all other
forms of dramatic manifestation.
khon na jor (Thailand), see mang tid tua
khon
Khun Charng Khun Phaen (Thailand).
One of the most famous of all Thai literary
works. It was written by King Rama II, his
son Rama III, and the court poet *Sun-
thorn Bhoo (1786-1856). It is the story,
highly popular in Thai traditional theatre,
of a bitter fight between two men, Khun
Charng and Khun Phaen, for the same
woman, Nang Pim.
Khun Phaen is handsome but very poor.
His father is ordered to be executed by the
king while he is still a child, and his mother
has to flee with him to live at Kanchana-
bur.
Khun Charng, on the other hand, is ugly
and bald-headed from birth. He is easy-
going and leads a life ofleisure amidst great
wealth. When stull very young, he is pre-
sented by his father to the king.
When he grows up, Khun Phaen be-
comes a novice in a temple (war), later
going to Suparnburi to further his studies at
Wat Lelai with a very learned abbot. From
him, Khun Phaen learns not only the
ordinary arts, but also magical skills to
enable him to render himself invisible and
invulnerable as well. He acquires the power
to change himself into all forms, to make
living soldiers out of leaves, and wasps out
of tamarind seeds, and to perform other
such deeds.
One day, during a religious celebration,
large crowds flock to Wat Lelai to hear the
story of the Buddha’s previous life and to
make offerings. The abbot, who is suddenly
taken ill, is unable to deliver the sermon
and so Khun Phaen, who is still a novice, is
asked by the abbot to do so. The beautiful
Nang Pim and the ugly Khun Charng hap-
126
pen to be among those present at the wat.
Khun Phaen sees Nang Pim and falls in
love with her. Khun Charng also tries to
attract her attention, but she is offended and
leaves the temple. Khun Phaen visits her
house during his usual round to accept food
offerings. Here, he obtains the assistance of
Nang Pim’s nurse, who arranges for the
couple to meet each other. Later on, Khun
Phaen marries Nang Pim.
This, however, does not deter Khun
Charng, who sull desires Nang Pim. His
opportunity comes when a tributary state,
Chiengtung, is invaded by Chiengmai. In
order to get Khun Phaen out of the way,
Khun Charng tells the king that Khun
Phaen, son ofthe king’s old warnor, would
make a good commander of the expedi-
tion. Khun Phaen is dispatched. After some
time, in the absence of any news of Khun
Phaen, Khun Charng tells Nang Pim’s
mother that Khun Phaen has been killed in
the war. He asks to marry Nang Pim. Nang
Pim’s mother, already favournng Khun
Charng because of his wealth, forces Nang
Pim against her wishes to marry Khun
Charng. Nang Pim, however, refuses to
have her marriage consummated.
Meanwhile, Khun Phaen occupies
Chiengtung. The village headman in gratit-
ude presents Khun Phaen with his daugh-
ter, Lao Tong. Khun Phaen advances his
army towards Chiengmai, arrests its prince,
and returns victorious, earning the noble
title of Phun Phaen. The hero now goes to
see Nang Pim, who has changed her name
to Wantong. Wantong becomes jealous of
Lao Tong and the two quarrel. In anger,
Khun Phaen leaves with Lao Tong for Kan-
chanabun. Wantong’s mother forces her
into Khun Charng’s chamber, where by
brutal force he violates her. After some
time, Khun Phaen regrets having left
Wantong at the mercy of Khun Charng.
He returns but it is too late. Wantong
refuses to meet him.
One day, the king summons both Khun
Charng and Khun Phaen to Ayutthya to
serve him as royal pages. Khun Phaen tries
to forget everything and to benice to Khun
Charng who, in turn, pretends to be his
good friend. Having heard that Lao Tong,
his wife, is seriously ill, Khun Phaen leaves
 127
for Kanchanaburi. When the king asks for
Khun Phaen, Khun Charng says that he
has deserted. The king orders that Khun
Phaen be banished to the frontier and Lao
Tong be kept within the palace so that the
two cannot meet each other.
In a forest, Khun Phaen comes across a
bandit chief, Muen Harn, who is about to
be gored to death by a wild bison. Khun
Phaen saves him, and the latter gives Khun
Phaen his daughter, Bua Kli. However,
Khun Phaen and Muen Harn soon quarrel
because Khun Phaen does not assist him in
his acts of plunder. Muen Harn plots to kill
Khun Phaen; the latter escapes. Before get-
ting away, he removes his unborn son from
Bua Khi’s womb, turning him into a magic
child named ‘The Golden Boy’. Reaching
Khun Charng’s house, Khun Phaen next
elopes with Wantong into the jungle. An
attack by Khun Charng and his men is
repulsed. Khun Charng now tries to avenge
his humiliation by accusing Khun Phaen of
high treason and of plotting to overthrow
the king. The king dispatches an army with
three officers to bring Khun Phaen back.
Khun Phaen resists. He beats the soldiers off
and kills the officers. He then moves from
place to place in the jungle until Wantong’s
pregnancy is very advanced. Thinking that
it would cause Wantong great inconveni-
ence and unhappiness to stay on in the
forest, he seeks the help of the governor of
Pichit, who advises Khun Phaen to seek
justice from the king.
The king orders an investigation into the
whole matter, and when he finds out the
truth he orders Khun Charng’s execution.
Khun Phaen, however, persuades the king
to pardon Khun Charng. Khun Phaen then
asks the king for Lao Tong’s return. Think-
ing that Khun Phaen is getting too insolent,
the king imprisons him. Since Wantong is
now left alone, Khun Charng brings her
back to his house. She gives birth to a son,
named Plai-Ngarm. When the child is six
years of age, Khun Charng tries to get nd of
him. He lures him into the forest, and
leaves him there to be devoured by wild
animals. Plai-Ngarm escapes. Wantong
sends him to his grandmother at Kancha-
naburi. When he grows up, his grand-
mother asks for the help of Muensri, Khun
KHUN CHARNG KHUN PHAEN
Phaen’s friend, to present the child to the
king.
Pichai-Chiengin, the king of Chieng-
mai, asks for the hand of Princess Soitong,
daughter of the King of Larncharng, but the
latter refuses as the king of Chiengmai
already has too many wives. In order to
protect himself, the king of Larncharng
presents Soitong to the king of Ayutthya
instead. The king of Chiengmai sends an
army to kidnap her. The king of Ayutthya
plans to punish the king of Chiengmai, but
he 1s in need of agood commander. Muen-
sri suggests Plai-Ngarm. The latter sees in
this a good opportunity to save his father
from imprisonment and asks the king’s per-
mussion to take his father along with him.
The two capture Chiengmai as well as its
king and rescue Soitong. As a reward, the
king completely pardons Khun Phaen and
appoints him Governor of Kanchanaburi.
Plai-Ngarm, who is also made a nobleman,
is given the name Chamuen Waiworanat.
Khun Charng once again accuses Khun
Phaen of sedition. Khun Charng loses the
case and is again imprisoned. Wantong asks
her son, Chamuen Waiworanat, to help
him, and upon the latter’s intercession,
Khun Charng is released.
Chamuen Waiworanat now feels that his
father, Khun Phaen, should rejoin his
mother, Wantong. One night he takes her
back to Khun Phaen in Kanchanaburi.
Khun Charng petitions the king, accusing
Khun Phaen of stealing Wantong away
from him. The king orders Wantong to ap-
pear before him and asks her with whom
she would like to live. Wantong loves Khun
Phaen, but feels that Khun Charng has al-
ways been kind to her. Thus, she is unable
to decide. The king, angry that a woman
can love two men at the same time, orders
her execution.
When Chamuen Waiworanat goes on
an expedition to Chiengmai, he marries
Srimala, daughter of the governor of Pichit.
On his return from a victorious campaign,
the king gives him Soifah, a Chiengmai
princess. Soon his two wives become Jjeal-
ous of each other. Soifah attracts Chamuen
Waiworanat to herself by using a love
philtre. As a consequence, Chamuen Wai-
woranat becomes very cruel to Srimala. He
KIKUMIT
drives her away to live with her father at
Pichit. Khun Phaen has another wife, Keo-
Kina, the daughter of the governor of
Sukhothai who was sold into slavery by her
father and was redeemed by Khun Phaen.
Keo-Kiriya and Khun Phaen have a son
named Plai Chumpon.
Khun Phaen and Plai Chumpon, dis-
guised as Mons, proceed with an army
towards Ayutthya. Chamuen Waiworanat
is sent by the king to fight them. Wantong’s
ghost tries to stop Chamuen Waiworanat
but fails. Beaten back by Khun Phaen and
Plai Chumpon, he reports to the king that
the enemies are, in fact, his father and his
half-brother.
Soifah is banished to Chiengmai as a
result of Plai Chumpon’s accusations. Here,
she gives birth to a child named Ploi Pet.
Thane Kwart, a great magician, who is also
imprisoned with her, escapes from prison
and tries to take revenge on Plai Chumpon.
Disguised as a crocodile, he kills many
people. Soon he is near Ayutthya. The king
sends Plai Chumpon to capture the myster-
ious crocodile. Pla1 Chumpon realizes that
it is not a genuine crocodile but a magician.
After a long struggle, it is caught and
executed, Plai Chumpon is given the ttle
of Luang Nairit and a house. He becomes a
close attendant to the king. Chamuen Wai-
woranat, his parents, and his other relatives
live happily ever after.
kikumit (Philippines), see carillo
kinnara (Malaysia/Indonesia/ Thailand),
see kinnari
kinnari — (Malaysia/Thailand/Cambodhia).
The seven mythical half-bird half-human
characters, all female, who appear in the
*nora chatri dance-theatre of Malaysia and
Thailand, as well as in the Cambodian
court dance-theatre. They are also known
as kinnara and in Thailand are given the
name kinon.
kinon (Thailand), see kinnari
kiprah (Indonesia), see kelana
128
wayang topeng (mask)
klana (Indonesia). The crudest and strong-
est character type, generally an evil king, in
the Sundanese *wayang topeng masked
dance-theatre. The mask used is bnght red
with bulging eyes, a fierce scowl, and large
protruding teeth. Klana characters move
with large open steps and gestures, and are
accompanied by particularly loud drum-
ming.
klatir (Indonesia), see desak
komidi bangsawan (Indonesia), see bangsa-
wan
koncarang (Indonesia), see kelana
kon pak (Thailand). In the Thai *khon
masked dance-theatre, the reciter of a style
of poetry originally written for the shadow
play (*nang) and found in two varieties—
the kamp’ak and the ceraca. The former is
metrical poetry exemplified by the poems
of Samudraghosha and Aniruddha dating
from the Ayutthya period. Such poetry
found its way into *khon dance-theatre
style from the shadow play. It is taken prin-
cipally from the *Ramakien. The ceraca may
include descriptions of action. It is rhyth-
mic prose, known by the technical term rai,
and is identical to the formal prose adopted
for present-day proclamations and law
preambles.
The kon pak, besides being familiar with
the content of recited passages, must also be
 129
conversant with a dancer’s movements, for
his utterances guide them.
Korawa (Indonesia/Malaysia). The general
term used in the Hindu epic, *Mahabharata,
for the descendants of Kuru. The term refers
to the sons and daughter of Dhritarashtra
and Dewi Gendari. Altogether, there are
100 members in the family, ninety-nine
males and one female, Dewi Dursilawati. In
the Mahabharata, the Korawa are in con-
stant rivalry and enmity with their cousins,
the *Pandawa, the five sons of Pandu,
Dhritarashtra’s brother. This rivalry, which
stems from the question as to which side of
the family should legitimately have the
nght to rule Astinapura, gets complicated
by other issues as the story of the Maha-
bharata unfolds, eventually leading to the
great Bharatayuddha war, which serves as
the climax to the epic. The war marks the
demise ofall members of both the families,
following the restoration of the kingdom
of Astinapura to the Pandawa. See also
wayang kulit purwa.
kotak (Indonesia). In the *wayang kulit purwa
shadow play, the wooden chest or box in
which the skin figures (wayang) are stored
when not in use. During performances, the
kotak is placed on stage to the left of a pup-
peteer (*dalang), who strikes it using a
*keprak or *cempala, to cue the musicians.
Kresna (Malaysia/Indonesia). Krishna (or
Kresna as he is known in Indonesia) and his
brother *Baladewa who appear in the
* Mahabharata are first cousins to the *Pan-
dawa. Kresna, who is an incarnation of
Vishnu, is the consummate politician, dip-
lomat, and strategist of war. By far the most
brilliant of all the Pandawa faction, it is
Kresna who makes their final victory poss-
ible, unscrupulously breaking the rules
when he feels it necessary. He is cynical,
humorous and sarcastic, stern and inflex-
ible. In the long struggle between the *Ko-
rawa and Pandawa, both sides use treachery
and cunning. Only Kresna, however, being
divine in origin, wins approval since his
ultimate aims accord with the will of the
gods to destroy the Korawa.
KUDA KEPANG
Krishna, see Kresna
kropak (Indonesia). In the Balinese shadow
play (*wayang kulit), the wooden chest in
which a puppeteer (*dalang) keeps his
leather puppets. The box is also used by the
dalang to provide some of the cues for the
music by knocking it with a toe-hammer.
kuda kepang (Malaysia/Indonesia). Also
known as *kuda lumping, jaran kepang, or
*ebeg, a hobby-horse dance sometimes
staged as a dance-theatre with the incorp-
oration of a story. The genre is reputed to
have developed in Arabia during the time
of Ali, Islam’s fourth caliph. Ali was a noted
soldier who commanded the Muslim forces
and saw to the development of Muslim
cavalry. It is said that music was used as a
means of providing inspiration during
battles.
From all appearances, kuda kepang, which
is active in Java, Bali, in the Banjarmasin
area of Kalimantan, and in the Johore and
Selangor provinces of Malaysia, spread
through South-East Asia from Java, its
probable first point of entry in the region.
An apocryphal tale recounts how a Javanese
visitor to Arabia was awed with the manner
in which the Muslim forces fought, and at
how some of the soldiers entered a state of
trance (naik syaikh). Upon returning to
Java, the old man spent much time medit-
ating and eventually established a kuda
kepang team. As horses had not yet been
introduced in Java at that time, he fash-
ioned artificial ones out of bamboo. The
performance style was named by him jaran
kepang. The word jaran is Javanese for
‘horse’, and kepang indicates something that
has been woven as in basketry. An altern-
ative name given to the genre is eblek.
Another tradition has it that the genre was
invented by someone named Nini Co-
wong. From Java the genre spread to the
Banjarmasin area of Kalimantan, and with
immigrant Javanese and Banjarese commu-
nities it reached Peninsular Malaysia. The
Javanese version is regarded as more au-
thentic for this variety usually includes
states of trance or ecstasy.
Performers use flat hobby-horses made
of goat or buffalo skin stretched over a
KUDA-KUDAAN
cane frame or, alternatively, constructed
entirely from woven bamboo and painted.
A group usually consists of adozen or more
dancers, each equipped with a hobby-horse
and riding stock. A leader (danyang) is
responsible for all changes in the movement
patterns and steps (langkah). The directions
are given by him using a horsewhip (tali
pemecut or cerminet) with which he strikes on
the floor, making a sharp sound. The per-
formers in a team all wear the same costume
with the exception of the danyang. This
could be a military-type uniform, a tradi-
tional Javanese dance costume, or a Malay
martial arts (*silat) outfit. Also present dur-
ing performances are a ritual specialist or
traditional medicine man (*bomoh) and his
assistants who supervise activities connected
with trances. Kuda kepang is, as a rule,
generally performed at public gatherings.
Musical accompaniment is provided by an
orchestra consisting of bamboo pieces of
varying lengths (angklung), a large but shal-
low open-ended hand drum like a tabor
(terbang), and a bronze metal gong approx-
imately 30 centimetres in diameter.
A performance includes elements of
dance, theatre, and music. The first part
consists of adance of mounted soldiers with
some acting. The second part commences
with the entry of dancers into a trance state.
It is believed that movements in this section
are not controlled by the dancers them-
selves, but by some higher power. This sec-
tion 1s called a permainan, literally ‘a game’
or ‘a play’. Kuda kepang performances occur
at public fairs marking important holidays.
In recent times, kuda kepang has also begun
to make its appearance on stages and in
open-air acting areas (gelanggang).
Performances begin with theatre con-
secration rituals (*buka panggung) intended
both to appease and to please the spirits
(makhluk halus).
kuda-kudaan (Indonesia/ Malaysia). Hobby-
horses of various types, made of bamboo or
other materials, used in *kuda kepang, jaran
kepang, *dolmuluk, and other genres.
kuda lumping (Indonesia). Another name
for *kuda kepang or *ebeg, a dance in which
130
artificial horses fashioned out of woven
bamboo or leather are used.
Kuda Narawangsa (Indonesia/ Malaysia),
see Chandra Kirana
kudsagayan (Philippines), see sagayan
kuli kalin (Malaysia). In the early period of
the *boria theatre style of Penang, Malaysia,
during the nineteenth century and early
decades of the present century, the section
performed during the daytime was known
as kuli kalin. The term is believed to derive
from a Tamil language word meaning ‘la-
bourer’ or ‘servant’. Performers wore masks
or painted their faces, and their costumes
consisted of robes modelled upon onginal
sackcloth garments that characterized early
boria, and funny hats.
Kumbhakarna (Indonesia/ Malaysia). One
of the brothers of the demon-king *Ra-
wana (or Prabu Dasamukha) and one of
the principal figures in the *Ramayana.
Although he realizes that Rawana has dis-
honoured his position, he dies to defend his
brother. He knows he is going to die, torn
limb from limb, yet unlike his younger
brother Wibisana, who crosses over to side
with the hero, *Rama, and justice, he
remains with Rawana in his hour of need.
Kumbhakarna is the most colossal of giants
and in shadow play (*wayang kulit) per-
formances is represented by the largest
figure of all.
kumidiya (Philippines), see comedia
Kuningan (Indonesia). The second most
important festival in Bali, after the one-
week *Galungan. It follows almost im-
mediately after Galungan, so that the two
festivals are celebrated together over a
period of two weeks. Homage is paid to the
souls of heroes and ancestors as well as to
the gods enshrined in village temples.
Temple anniversaries (odalan) are also
observed with particular enthusiasm should
they fall within the Galungan—Kuningan
period. This is the case, for instance, at an
important temple in the village of Mas
where a highly regarded hermit (pandita),
 131
Pedanda Wau Rauh, did his meditations
and teaching. The odalan ofthat temple falls
exactly on Kuningan day.
Overall, Kuningan is celebrated with
great enthusiasm. People bathe in holy
springs or in the sea at specific spots con-
sidered particularly sacred, mock battles are
held between the forces of good and those
of evil, and performances of *barong lan-
dung are featured.
KYIN U, U (Burma). A playwright who is
believed to have lived during the reign of
three Burmese kings—Bagyidaw (r. 1819-
37), Tharawaddy (r. 1837-46), and Pagan
(cr. 1846-53). Probably winning early fame
as a writer of songs and speeches for char-
acters on stage, some of which were col-
lected and published during the latter years
of his life, he seems to have been strongly
connected with the theatre. Many of his
KYIN U, U
plays were written in outline only (in the
style of operatic scenarios) to be filled in
when they were staged. Only a few of his
reputedly fairly large number of works
survive. Titles of some others have been
obtained from a list compiled during the
reign of King Mindon (r. 1853-78). Of six
plays commonly attributed to him, four still
exist. These are Waythandaya, Mahaw, Day-
wagonban, and Parpahein. They appear to
have been inspired or influenced by the
*jataka written by a monk, Shin Au Aw-
batha, who lived during the reign of King
Bodawpaya (r. 1782-1819). At least the
first two of his plays are founded or based
on the jataka. Mahaw is regarded as an
important play for it is the only extant play
ofU Kyin U to have been based upon an
extant story, Au Awbatha’s Mahaw-thada
Jataka.
 i
laban (Philippines). The music played for
battle or combat scenes in the staging of
* moro-moro.
lagu bertabik (Malaysia). The salutation song
in which a performer pays respects to either
a god or to his teachers, one ofthe principal
elements in the theatre consecration (*buka
panggung) rituals in most Malay traditional
theatre genres.
lagu bertabuh (Malaysia). The signal piece
which opens a performance and leads on
into a musical prelude (*lagu-lagu permulaan)
in most genres of traditional Malay theatre,
such as *mak yong and *wayang kulit siam.
The piece is played when the leader of a
troupe or a ritualist (*bomoh) completes his
theatre consecration (*buka panggung) rituals
and gives a signal. This is often done in a
highly dramatic manner with a yell and the
throwing down, violently, of a handful of
turmeric rice (nasi kunyit). The instru-
mentation and the actual tune played differ
from genre to genre.
lakhon kbach boran (Cambodia). A dance-
theatre style in which women take the roles
of heroes and demons, as well as forming
both the male and female corps de ballet.
Men play clowns and monkey roles. The
repertoire consists of about thirty stories or
episodes from the *Reamker, the Cambo-
dian *Ramayana, from the *Panji (Inao)
stories, and from local legends such as Phira
Sang Thong (The Prince of the Golden Shell).
Music is provided by a traditional theatre
ensemble, the pin peat, consisting of a string
instrument (pin) and various other instru-
ments, including bowed-string instruments
and wind- and percussion- instruments.
The orchestra is essentially identical with
the Thai piphat ensemble, consisting of a
semicircular bronze gong chime (khong
thom), bamboo xylophones (raneat), two
large barrel drums beaten with sticks (skor
thom), small hand cymbals (ching), and
shawm (sralai). These instruments appear in
variant sizes and shapes. A rebab (spiked fid-
dle) may be added for Inao performances,
indicating the connection of that play with
Java and Malaysia. The musicians are usually
males and sometimes they take on the roles
of clowns. Three to five female performers
sitting with the musicians constitute a
chorus.
lakhon khol (Cambodia). A form of folk
dance-theatre, the repertoire of which con-
sists solely of material derived from the
*Reamker or Ramakerti, the Cambodian
version of the *Ramayana. It requires sub-
stantial recitatives declaimed by skilled re-
citers, accompanied by an orchestra, while
the actors mime details of the narrative,
dance, or perform acrobatics. The per-
formers who play the roles of demons or
monkeys wear masks, hence the designa-
tion ‘masked theatre’ which is sometimes
applied to this genre.
All performers in lakhon khol have tradi-
tionally been men. Performances take place
during festivals, such as the new year celeb-
rations, anniversaries, and funerals of high-
ranking religious or lay personalities.
Lak Kena Wong (Malaysia/Thailand), A
story of Thai origin featured in *nora chatri
performances. Maharaja Perom falls in love
with an ogress and drives out his wife
and seven-yeartold son, named Lak Kena
Wong. While they are in the forest, the
boy’s mother is seized and carried away by
an ogre king named Thau Wicht. The boy
takes refuge in the little house of a hermit
(resi). After studying under him for seven
years and acquiring great skill, the youth
rescues his mother, kills the ogre king, and
rules in his palace. He later returns to his
father’s country, kills the evil ogress, and
brings back his mother. The resi who has
sheltered Lak Kena Wong has an adopted
 LAKON DEWARUCI
daughter, Nang Ket Sow. She goes to live lakon carangan (Indonesia). In the Indo-
with five winged princesses in a cave. Lak nesian “wayang kulit purwa shadow play, a
Kena Wong returns and joins them, and ail story or episode based upon one ofthe two
six become pregnant. The prince takes the important Indian epics, the *Ramayana and
resi's daughter with him, intending to *Mahabharata, but in which the plot has
return home, but she is stolen away while been created by a puppeteer (*dalang) using
they sleep in the forest. After many adven- the events ofthe epics as a base.
tures, Lak Kena Wong reaches his home,
accompanied by his favourite wife (the resi’s Lakon Cupak (Indonesia), see Cupak
adopted daughter) and six sons.
lakon dapur (Indonesia), see lakon pokok
lakon asli (Indonesia). In Indonesian tradi-
tional theatre, a play that is an original Lakon Dewaruci (Indonesia/Malaysia).
creation rather than an established classical One of the most important and spiritually
one. The term also applies to a performance significant stories (lakon) in the classical
based upon such an original script. shadow play ofJava, *wayang kulit purwa. It
attempts to explain certain esoteric con-
cepts and thus serves as a key to understand-
Lakon Banyu Pawitra (Malaysia), see Lakon
ing all other stories in the wayang repertoire.
Dewaruci
In it, *Bima visits his old teacher, *Durna,
who in the course of conversation men-
Lakon Banyu Suci Pawitra Sari (Indo- tions the holy spring Tirtapawitra whose
nesia), see Lakon Dewaruci sacred waters purify man. Bima decides to
go in search of the spring, and following
lakon bassac (Cambodia). Cambodian pop- Durna’s directions, arrives at Mount Gan-
ular and commercial drama named after the damadana in the forest of Tikbrasara, Here
Bassac Rayer and identifying the area, now
in South Vietnam, where the people lived
who first created the genre at the beginning
of the twentieth century. Cambodian and
Vietnamese elements fuse in lakon bassac.
Most troupe leaders are trained in classical
dance and music. Plays are taken from local
legends and from Chinese as well as Viet-
namese stories. Yi i and tro u (Chinese-style
fiddles), the latter related to the hu ch’in,
woodblocks, and crashing cymbals accom-
pany strong action; the fro v and sometimes
a large dulcimer (khumba) or small dulcimer
(ken) accompany songs. Dance sequences
and processional entries or exits are accom-
panied by a small pin peat ensemble. During
intermissions, snare drums, piano, trumpet,
violin, and accordion sometimes attempt
the latest Western music. A play can last
five to six nights, each performance consist-
ing of thirty to forty scenes. Actors and
actresses improvise prose dialogue and
sometimes sing. About twenty processional
troupes used to perform in the major cities
before the country was taken over by the
communist government. The present state
of lakon bassac is not known. wayang kulit purwa
LAKON DEWARUCI
he searches for the Candramukha Grotto,
the reputed location of the spring. The
grotto is guarded by two giants, Rukmaka
and Rukmakala, with whom Bima has to
fight. In the battle, Bima kills the two giants
who miraculously turn into deities. They,
in fact, have been atoning for a crime com-
mitted against Betara Guru |(Siva). Sang
Hyang Bayu and Sang Hyang Endra, now
having regained their true forms, inform
Bima that Durna did not reveal to him the
whole truth regarding Tirtapawitra. They
ask him to revisit Durna for further in-
formation.
Durna explains to Bima that the latter’s
first trip into the Tikbrasara forest was, in
effect, a test ofhis faith and his loyalty to his
old teacher. Bima is now instructed to go to
the centre of the ocean where the spring
Tirtapawitra will be found. Bima reaches
the ocean, where at first the violent waves
discourage him. After gaining a measure of
confidence and remembering to use the
prayer Jalasengara which delivers man from
the power ofwaters, Bima now walks over
the ocean. A sea serpent is created by Betara
Guru to further test Bima. Using his thumb-
nail, kuku pancanaka, to wound the serpent
in the mouth, Bima succeeds in killing it.
The serpent’s blood stains the waters of the
ocean as far as the eye can see.
With the perishing of the serpent, the
ocean once again becomes calm and clear.
Bima, continuing his journey to its centre,
soon finds himself face to face with an un-
known creature who appears mysteriously
out of nowhere. Bima realizes this is a deity
and pays his respects. The deity, Dewaruci,
now asks Bima to enter into him through
his left ear. Thus emplaced, Bima is able
to see the infinite, the indivisible entity.
Dewaruci next proceeds to give Bima in-
struction through several visions. The hero
sees a chequered pattern of black, yellow,
red, and white squares, and a radiance
which disappears before its meaning can be
grasped. According to Dewaruci, the white
light is the divine element in man, called
pancamaya, which speaks to man without a
voice. This should guide all human actions.
The other colours, according to Dewaruci,
symbolize the dangers imminent to life on
earth and which oppose man’s natural con-
134
duct. The black represents the angry mind
which, strong beyond measure, lures the
human heart away from its good intentions.
The red symbolizes carnal desire. It obliter-
ates prudence, making man suspicious and
jealous. The yellow symbolizes the evil
thought which prevents man from meditat-
ing and striving after salvation. It encour-
ages wrongdoing and destruction.
Of all these colours, white is the only
beneficent power. It possesses the qualities
of calmness, purity, and silent acuon. It
does good and avoids wrong. It is the re-
cipient of divine instruction and helps man
to follow the nght path. Its rare victory over
the other colours is gained after great difh-
culties; white, therefore, generally turns out
the loser. But if the white manages to gain
victory over the others, man can live in
harmony with the divine will, attain union
with God. Next appears an eight-coloured
flame. The colours stand for the constitu-
ents of the world, whether it is the external
world or the internal spiritual one matters
little, for essentially there is no difference.
When the colours cease to exist, all indi-
viduality disappears, and the numerous
forms of existence fuse into one—the Ulti-
mate Reality.
An indescent doll which now appears
symbolizes the holy power which, though
invisible, dominates all life. It is the pra-
nama, the energy which, found in all parts
of the body, keeps it functioning. With its
disappearance, the body too disintegrates.
Only the soul, which is eternal and part of
Betara Guru, the creator of all life, con-
tinues to survive after bodily death.
Dewaruci informs Bima that Betara
Guru cannot be comprehended in physical
terms. Yet the hero must strive at all times
to see Betara Garu. Nothing exists without
him. He is everywhere and cannot be sep-
arated from a single thing, including man.
Dewaruci’s instructions go on to cover the
physical and spiritual bodies of man. It pro-
vides guidelines to enable man to subdue
his physical senses. This is necessary, for it
enables man to discover the divine in him-
self, and thus to attain God—to ‘become a
wayang in the hands of Betara Guru’.
His education completed, Bima is advised
to guard his knowledge carefully, to reveal
 135
it only to those deserving of it. Dewaruci
disappears and Bima is now fully trained in
the spiritual teaching and aware that a su-
perior force presides over the fates of men.
Having received the esoteric knowledge
from Tirtapawitra, the hero returns home,
aware ofthe impending great war, * Bharata
‘uddha, which is to determine the fate of
the *Pandawa and *Korawa alike.
Lakon Dewaruci is also known as Lakon
Dewa Suci and as Lakon Banyu Suci Pawitra
Sari, usually shortened to Lakon Banyu Pa-
witra.
Lakon Dewa Suci (Indonesia), see Lakon
Dewaruci
lakon jejer (Indonesia), see lakon pokok
Lakon Ksirarnawa (Indonesia), see Lakon
Mandhara Giri
lakon lajer (Indonesia), see lakon pokok
Lakon Mandhara Giri (Indonesia). Also
known as Lakon Ksirarnawa, a section of the
adiparwa used in *barong kek performances.
The gods and giants (raksasa) try to pull
the serpent (naga) Basuki which encircles
Mount Mandhara Gin, by alternately pull-
ing at the head and tail. In the process, as
the mountain shakes, sacred water (firta
amerta) is released. The water now becomes
the objective of both groups, with the final
victory going to the gods (dewa-dewa).
Lakon Murwakala (indonesia). In the Javan-
ese *wayang kulit purwa, the Murwakala play
is a special daytime story (lakon) performed
to redeem children from the persecution of
the giant Bentara Kala. A myth explains the
birth of Kala, the son of Betara Guru (Siva),
out of a flame that cannot be extinguished
until Betara Guru acknowledges his patern-
ity. Bentara Kala, once thus accepted as the
son of Betara Guru, is married to Betar
Durga. He is also conceded the nght to
prey upon man, with certain restrictions re-
garding the types of people he can eat. The
list of those thus prohibited from becoming
Bentara Kala’s food is extensive. Certain
people, however, cannot escape the danger
of becoming Bentara Kala’s victims, and it
LAKON MURWAKALA
is necessary for these persons to perform the
Murwakala play.
The plot of the Munwvakala play concerns
a young boy who is being pursued by Ben-
tara Kala with the intention of eating him.
Finally, the boy is saved, and the manner in
which this was done differs, according to
two versions ofthe play. In the first version,
the action rests upon a *wayang kulit pup-
peteer (*dalang) who symbolically dupes
Bentara Kala. He stages the wayang of Ben-
tara Kala and feeds it with rice, pretending
that the rice is the intended victim of Ben-
tara Kala. In the second version, the boy
himself outwits Bentara Kala. In both cases,
the boy in the story and the one for whom
the performance is undertaken become one,
so that the salvation of the boy becomes
also the salvation ofthe other person.
In the first version, a wayang kulit purwa
is first performed with any lakon which
concludes before dawn. Thereafter, the pup-
peteer relates the above-mentioned story
about the boy who is being pursued by
Bentara Kala. When Bentara Kala appears, a
handful of rice is crammed into its mouth
and the dalang voices aloud that Bentara
Kala mistakes the rice for the boy. Con-
sequently, since Bentara Kala is supposed to
think that he has eaten the boy, he is also
supposed never to victimize the boy again.
Thus, the person in real life for whose sake
the Munvakala play is staged, is now like-
wise thought to be free from Bentara Kala’s
persecution. The performance closes with
the puppeteer dropping some money into a
bowl full of water and fragrant blossoms.
Most ofthe spectators follow this example.
In the second version, the Munvakala
play has the character of an independent
wayang performance, staging the boy’s story.
Such a play, according to its purpose, 1s
called ngruwat lakon (ngruwat means ‘to free
someone from a spell’). When done to pro-
tect the only son of a family, the perform-
ance begins at eight o’clock in the morning,
usually ending at one o’clock in the after-
noon. The plot is as follows:
Bentara Kala is in need of food. Betara
Guru indicates that the food he requires is a
small boy who is his parents’ only son, and
Betara Guru also tells him where this boy
can be found. Bentara Kala sets out and
LAKON POKOK
meets the boy, but is unable to catch him
no matter how hard he tries. Betara Guru
advises that perhaps the time is not yet mpe
for Bentara Kala to have his food. Bentara
Kala is advised to keep hunting his prey.
The dalang continues enacting instances
of the boy’s skill in escaping from Bentara
Kala. The scenes at this stage are all laid in a
kitchen. In one of them, the boy hides in a
length of bamboo. Bentara Kala thinks that
by this means the boy has trapped himself,
but the boy has already escaped through the
other end.
At about 12 noon, Betara Guru appears
for the third time and Bentara Kala repeats
his complaint. Betara Guru suggests that he
should try once more. Bentara Kala fails
again. Therefore, he is declared to be a loser,
and scenes of danger are no longer enacted.
Now the potential victim of Bentara
Kala is put on the dalang’s lap, while the
dalang takes over the part of the boy in the
story. Bentara Kala is thus unable to harm
the boy who is beyond the demon’s reach.
The dalang then sends the boy to wash him-
self. Symbolically, the boy is believed to be
washing off his past. While he is doing so,
Betara Guru declares that the boy will be
forever safeguarded against disease and bad
luck. See also berjamu sang kaki, berjamu
mambang.
lakon pokok (Indonesia/Malaysia). In the
Javanese *wayang kulit punwva, a story or
episode derived from one of the two great
Indian epics, *Ramayana and *Mahabharata.
In Java, the lakon -pokok is also known as
lakon dapur, lakon jejer, or lakon lajer.
Lakon Rama Nitik (Indonesia). Rama Seeks
His Reincarnation 1s a *lakon carangan used in
the repertoire of the Javanese shadow play,
*wayang kulit purwa, and the Javanese court
dance-theatre style, *wayang wong. Lakon
Rama Nitik combines elements from both
the Hindu epics, “Ramayana and *Maha-
bharata. It deals with King Ramawijaya’s
(*Rama) search for the person in whom he
is to reincarnate, that is, *Kresna. To assist
his search, he proposes to marry Dewi
Draupadi, *Yudhisthira’s wife.
King Kresna knows that King Rama of
Pancawatidhendha will attack the *Pan-
136
dawa because of Rama’s failure to keep
*Semar. Suddenly, the twin brothers Nakula
and Sadewa arrive and ask Kresna to come
to Ngamarta.
King *Baladewa has heard about the
fight over Semar between the Pandawa and
the kingdom of Pancawati. He decides to
go to Ngamarta to help the Pandawa face
Pancawati’s second attempt. Before he
leaves for Ngamarta, Rama’s envoy, Jaya-
hanggada (son of Subali), comes to claim
the crown and the pusaka (heirloom)
weapon, Senjata Naggala, from Baladewa
for Rama. This, of course, makes Baladewa
furious. When he holds his pusaka in his
hand and is ready to attack Jayahanggada,
the latter flies away. Baladewa then goes to
Ngamarta to tell the Pandawa about the in-
cident. In the meantime, King Yudhisthira
discusses the return of Semar with Kresna.
Not long afterward, *Hanuman comes to
request the hand of Draupadi, Yudhisthira’s
wife, for King Rama. On hearing this,
*Bima (Wrekudara) becomes very angry,
although his brother accepts the proposal.
Kresna puts Draupadi in a golden box and
hands it over to Hanuman. But while Ha-
numan is on his way to Pancawat, he is
attacked by Bima, who does not agree with
Rama’s request for the hand of his sister-in-
law. During a fight between Hanuman and
Wrekudara, Kresna takes the golden box
and replaces Draupadi with Gatutkaca.
Jayahanggada arrives at Pancawati to
report to Rama about his unsuccessful mis-
sion. Then Hanuman arrives with the
golden box in his hand and gives it to the
king. On hearing Hanuman’s report that
during the fight between him and Wreku-
dara the former put the box on the ground,
Rama suspects that something may have
happened to the box. He orders King Wi-
bisana to check whether Draupadi is still in
the box. Wibisana puts his ear to the box
and listens to it carefully. He tells Rama that
it must be someone else in the box. Rama
then asks Wibisana to break it at the open
courtyard (alun-alun) against the banyan
tree (waringin). Surrounded by monkey
troops, Wibisana breaks the box. Gatutkaca
jumps out and fights the monkeys. “Lak-
samana_ shoots Guwawijaya—the most
powerful pusaka arrow in the kingdom of
 137
Pancawati—at Gatutkaca. Realizing the
magic power of the arrow, Gatutkaca flies
high in the air, but the arrow still pierces his
body.
Meanwhile, the Pandawa are waiting for
the return of Gatutkaca, when suddenly his
corpse falls to the ground before them.
With the aid of Kresna’s pusaka, Sekar Wija-
yakusuma, the magic flower, Gatutkaca is
brought back to life. The Pandawa, realiz-
ing that there will be a war between them
and Pancawati, make necessary prepara-
tions. Not long afterwards, Baladewa offers
his support to the Pandawa in their fight
against Rama. A violent fight takes place
between the Pandawa and Pancawati. Sud-
denly, Bathara Nurada descends from
heaven, stops the fight and tells them that it
is time for Betara Vishnu, that is Rama, to
incarnate in Kresna, *Sita Dewi (Sinta) in
Sumbadra, and Laksamana in Arjuna.
Before the reincarnation takes place, the
demon troops of King Keswamuka make a
claim for the crown of the demon-king’s
great-grandtather, Dasamukha (*Rawana).
A battle between the demons and the apes
ensues. It is won by the apes. King Keswa-
muka dies at Sugriwa’s hands.
Lakon Rama Nitis (Indonesia). The Rein-
carnation of Rama is a *lakon carangan depict-
ing the reincarnation of *Rama in *Kresna.
It is a continuation of Lakon Rama Nitik,
and is featured in both theJavanese classical
shadow play, *wayang kulit purwa, and the
court dance-theatre style, *wayang wong. In
it, Bharata’s wife, Dewi Antrakawulan, an-
nounces that she will only love a Kshatriya
who can interpret her riddle. Four con-
testants participate in the competition for
her hand (swayamvara), with *Laksamana
winning the contest. His participation in
the contest, however, is apparently in Bha-
rata’s name, so that Dewi Antrakawulan 1s
reunited with her husband. The lakon con-
cludes with the reincarnation of Rama as
Kresna.
The lakon begins in the audience hall of
the kingdom of Astina where Duryodhana
(*Sujudana) is discussing the failure on the
part of the *Korawa to abduct *Semar from
the *Pandawa. His attention now turns to a
beautiful but married princess, Dewi Antra-
LAKON RAMA NITIS
kawulan, Bharata’s consort. To win the
hand ofthe princess, he has to interpret her
riddle. He sends *Karna, Patih Sangkuni,
and *Durna to participate in the swayam-
vara. King Begasura of Bikukung, who has
also fallen in love with Antrakawulan,
orders his prime minister, Patih Prabaku-
suma, to join the contest in his name.
Dewi Antrakawulan’s challenge has, of
course, saddened her husband, Bharata.
Rama tries to help Bharata by asking his
other younger brother, Laksamana, to parti-
cipate in the contest.
Meanwhile, *Yudhisthira discusses *Ar-
juna’s illness with his brothers and relatives.
Arjuna, having met Dewi Antrakawulan,
has fallen in love with her, but he is unable
to interpret her riddle.
Using the name Andakawisaya, Laksa-
mana goes to Dewi Antrakawulan. She is
very surprised when Laksamana succeeds
in interpreting her riddle. Now Dewi
Antrakawulan claims Laksamana as_ her
bridegroom, but he explains that his parti-
cipation in the contest is in the name of his
brother, Bharata. He also tells her of his
vow of celibacy. Dewi Antrakawulan does
not accept Laksamana’s explanation. As
soon as Laksamana leaves, Arjuna, whose
physical appearance resembles that of Lak-
samana, arrives to take his place.
Laksamana and *Hanuman arrive at
Pancawati and report to Rama about the
former’s successful mission. Trugena, an-
other younger brother of Rama, tells the
king that Laksamana cannot be trusted
because he, Trugena, has personally seen
Laksamana making love to Dewi Antraka-
wulan. Trugena insists that Laksamana be
punished. Laksamana does not understand
Trugena’s accusation. Returning to the
Banjarwiduri garden, he finds Arjuna there.
He attacks Arjuna, and there is a duel
between them. Hanuman arrives to help
Laksamana. Arjuna, unable to protect him-
self from his angry opponents, falls to the
ground. Laksamana and Hanuman leave
Banjarwiduri to report to Rama about
Arjuna’s presence at the flower garden,
disguised as Laksamana. Arjuna, realizing
that a great war will break out soon be-
tween the Pandawa and Pancawati, orders
his clown-assistants (*punakawan), *Petruk
LAKON RONG
and *Bagong, to seek Kresna’s assistance.
Meanwhile, Betara Nurada informs Betara
Guru (Siva) that the time has come for
King Rama, Dewi Sinta, and Laksamana to
reincarnate, respectively, in King Kresna,
Sumbadra, and Arjuna. Betara Guru orders
Betara Nurada to inform them accordingly.
Betara Brahma is ordered to banish all the
monkey soldiers of Rama except Hanuman
and Hanggada. While Hanuman is to re-
main as a hermit on Mount Kendalisada,
Hanggada is to reign over the kingdom of
Astina.
Laksamana and Hanuman arrive at Pan-
cawati and report to King Rama that, in
fact, it was Arjuna impersonating Laksa-
mana in the garden with Dewi Antraka-
wulan. They also tell King Rama that
Laksamana has defeated Arjuna in a battle.
Rama, too, now realizes that war
inevitably break out between the Pandawa
and his own country.
When the fight between the monkey
troops and the Pandawa forces breaks out,
Betara Nurada and Betara Brahma descend
from heaven to convey the orders of Betara
Guru. Rama, Sinta, and Laksamana
prepare to reincarnate in Kresna, Sumbadra,
and Arjuna, respectively. In addition, all
monkeys except Hanuman and Hanggada
are to be destroyed by the flames produced
by Betara Brahma. After the reincarnations
have taken place, the wedding ceremony of
Bharata and Dewi Antrakawulan is held,
witnessed by the Pandawa brothers as well
as dignitaries from Dwarawati and Man-
dura.
King Begasura of Bikukung 1s still think-
ing about the nddle of Dewi Antrakawulan.
Suddenly, the bird-king Garudhabrihawan
comes and tells the king that Laksamana has
succeeded in interpreting the riddle in
Bharata’s name, so that Bharata has been
reunited with the princess. Begasura now
decides to obtain Dewi Antrakawulan by
force. A battle ensues between the troops of
Begasura and those of Bharata, who is
assisted by the Pandawa, Dwarawati, and
Mandura. Begasura is defeated.
lakon rong (Thailand). A form of musical
comedy, operatic in character and possibly
inspired by the Malay *bangsawan, which
138
was developed during the final quarter of
the nineteenth century. Reputedly created
by a prince, lakon rong derives its plots from
stories dealing with Thai royalty. Love
themes or those involving court intrigue
predominate.
lakon saduran (Indonesia). Generally, in
Indonesian traditional theatre, a play that
has been adapted from an existing story,
such as the Indian epics, *Ramayana and
* Mahabharata, or the Javanese *Panji cycle.
lakon saw (Thailand). A form of operatic
theatre like *likay or *mohlam luong. It is,
however, less elaborate and less popular than
the two former styles. Lakon saw troupes are
small, sometimes numbering only two
persons.
will
lakon sempalam (Indonesia). In the Indo-
nesian *wayang kulit punwa, a story or epis-
ode which has been completely invented
by the *dalang, usually with the intention of
extending his repertoire. It is traditionally
based upon classical stories derived from the
must *Ramayana and *Mahabharata. The pmn-
cipal characters in lakon sempalam are, as a
rule, still taken from the classical stories.
Lakon Sri Sadana (Indonesia), see Sri,
Dewi
Laksamana. In the Hindu epic, *Rama-
yana, one of the principal sources of dra-
matic repertoire in the traditional theatre of
South-East Asia, Laksamana is a younger
half-brother of the hero, *Rama, having
the same father (*Dasaratha) but a different
mother (Sumitra). He is, however, through-
out the Ramayana, the hero’s constant
companion. During their youth, Rama and
Laksamana are sent to the same teacher to
receive their education, and both are in-
volved in battles against demons. When
Janaka, the king of Mithila, announces the
marriage Competition (swayamvara) for the
hand of his daughter, *Sita Dewi, Laksa-
mana accompanies Rama on the trip and
witnesses (in some versions in South-East
Asia, actually assists in) the winning of the
competition by Rama and _ his brother’s
marriage to Sita Dewi. During their return
 129
journey, through Laksamana’s wisdom, Seri
Rama and Sita Dewi escape several at-
tempts by the demon-king, *Rawana, to
harm them. When Seri Rama is banished
from Ayodhya as a result of the demands of
Dewi Kaikeyi, and Rama’s half-brother,
Bharata, is proclaimed king, Laksamana
decides to follow Rama and Sita Dewi in
their banishment due to his love for Rama.
Several important episodes in the Ramayana
involve the participation of Laksamana. In
the episode where Sita Dewi, tempted
by the golden deer, sends Seri Rama to
catch the animal for her, Laksamana is ap-
pointed her protector. When, upon hearing
the voice of Seri Rama calling for help, she
insists that Laksamana go to save her hus-
band, he at first refuses. However, when
she accuses him of wishing harm upon
Rama, so that he could have her for him-
self, he goes into the forest, leaving her
protected by a magic circle which he draws.
Unfortunately, however, she is captured by
Rawana despite this protection. In the
battles preceding the defeat of Rawana,
Laksamana has several important appear-
ances. He has to face the forces of Surpa-
nakha, Rawana’s sister, who once, in the
guise of a beautiful woman, tried to tempt
him in the forest of Dandaka. In that in-
cident, he had cut off her nose. Here, he
defeats her and her demon forces. In one of
the final battles of the epic, Laksamana 1s
pitched against the Langkapuri general, In-
drajit, the son of Rawana, whom he kills.
In all versions of the epic, Laksamana’s de-
votion, loyalty, and courage are qualities
that stand out. In the northern South-East
Asian versions of the epic, his name 1s
changed to Phra Lak, in keeping with Sen
Rama’s name, which becomes Phra Lam.
See also Phra Lak Phra Lam.
lampah (Indonesia/Malaysia). The impart-
ing of an illusion of movement to the
figures in the *wayang kulit purwa shadow
play. It is influenced by several factors,
including the age, personality, and sex of a
character, as well as the precise mood and
function of the movement. For instance,
*Bima leaps with great strides, Gatutkaca
flies, while gay young female characters
skip lightly. Older female characters move
LANGEN MANDRA WANARA
more quietly, giants bluster, monkeys are
acrobatic, and all the other animals have
their characteristic movements. Scenes in-
volving army expeditions, and thus con-
taining many simultaneous movements,
usually require special techniques including
the use of both hands of a*dalang (budalan).
lampahan (Indonesia). The synopses of
stories used by the puppeteer (*dalang) in
the Balinese shadow play, usually recorded
on palm-leaf (*lontar) manuscripts. They
are not complete play texts, and therefore
contain no dialogue. Lampahan are drawn
from various sources, the most generally
known being modified versions of episodes
from the two Hindu epics, *Ramayana and
*Mahabharata. The lampahan repertoire
includes the Old Javanese (Kawi) poems
*Bharata Yuddha and *Ayuna Wiwaha.
Lampahan based upon indigenous sources
include the Panji cycle (*Panji Malat Resmi)
and the * Calonarong legend.
langen dviya (Indonesia). A composite
name derived from langen which means
‘entertainment’ and driya, which means
‘heart’. It is a dance-opera form with sung
dialogue (tembang). It presents the *Damar-
wulan story, thought to be based upon a
fourteenth-century event which took place
in Majapahit. Langen driya was first created
in 1876 in Yogyakarta by Prince Mangku-
bumi and Raden Tumenggung Purwadi-
ningrat. A second langen driya was composed
in Surakarta by Prince Mangkunagara V
and Raden Mas ‘Tandakusuma soon after-
wards.
Langen Mandva Wanara (Indonesia). A
dance-opera called Langen Mandra Wanara,
meaning ‘many monkeys dancing’, and
based upon the *langen driya, was developed
in 1890 by Dunereja VII, vizier of Yog-
yakarta kingdom. It depicts the episode of
the *Ramayana in which *Rama 1s assisted
by the monkey king Sugriwa, “Hanuman,
and other monkeys to rescue Dewi Sinta
(*Sita Dewi) from *Rawana (Dasamuka),
the demon-king of Langkapun. Onginally
performed in a squatting position exclus-
ively used in court dances, it has, since the
1920s, been performed using *wayang wong
techniques.
LARA JONGGRANG
Lara Jonggrang (Indonesia), see ketoprak
Lara Kidul (Indonesia), see bedaya keta-
wang
Lasem (Indonesia). The name of a king-
dom as well as its king, usually known as
Prabu Lasem, in the Balinese *Panji Malat
Resmi cycle of stories derived from the
Javanese *Panji tales and featured in *gam-
buh and *legong keraton. The episode usually
selected for performances deals with Prabu
Lasem’s intention to marry Princess Rang-
kesari of Gagelang. As a result, he attacks
Gagelang and has to face Panji and Prabu
Melayu. He is defeated and the princess 1s
reunited with Prabu Melayu, whose long-
lost sister she turns out to be.
Layang Bermas (Indonesia), see Dewa Muda
ledek (Indonesia), see tledek
legong (Indonesia). The term was initially a
general one in Bali referring to women’s
dances, later on becoming applied specific-
ally to a particular dance with dramatic ele-
ments derived from the *Panji or Malat
cycle of legends. Several versions of legong,
including kupu-kupu tarum and kuntul, are
today better known by their own names.
Legong’s initial affiliation with the court is
still remembered in a particular style of
legong, known as legong keraton.
The popular legong, however, is encoun-
tered in less formal situations. It is per-
formed by three or four dancers, all young
girls, representing the King of Lasem, Prin-
cess Rangkesari, a female servant-attendant
(condong), and a crow. Generally, the legong
dance opens with the appearance of the
condong whose dance is followed by one
depicting lovemaking between the king of
Lasem and Rangkesari, and a final piece
depicting a fight between the king and a
crow, symbolizing death. Legong dancers
are noted for their highly ornate costumes
and head-dresses, and their elaborate styl-
ized dance movements, said to have been
inspired by the ancient *gambuh dance. All
performances are accompanied by a *gam-
ela orchestra.
140
legong keraton (Indonesia). A court dance
performed by three girls which tells the
story of the abduction of the princess of
Daha, Galuh *Chandra Kirana, by the king
of Lasem although she is engaged to be
married to *Panji Inu Kertapati, the crown
prince of Kuripan. The dance has as a back-
ground the history of Java before and dur-
ing the thirteenth century.
Lenda (Indonesia). Lenda and Lendi are a
pair of roles in the *calonarang dance-theatre
representing two students (siswa) of the
witch Calonarang, also known as Waluna-
teng Dirah.
Lendi (Indonesia), see Lenda
leyak (Indonesia). In Bali, the term refers to
the whole range of malignant spirits, and
various rituals, some of an exorcistic nature,
are used to handle them. In similar fashion,
certain traditional theatre performances, in-
cluding *calonarang, are meant to deal with
the negative effects of the presence of leyak.
In almost every context, Calonarang is re-
garded as the mythic witch and chief of the
leyak, while Bharada or Mpu Bharada is the
mythic exorcistic priest and witch-doctor
par excellence.
likay (Thailand). Thailand’s most popular
theatre form, and like many other sung and
spoken forms of traditional theatre in South-
East Asia, may be described as ‘operatic’ in
character. Performances take place at tem-
ple fairs or urban theatres specially built for
likay. Invitational or sponsored perform-
ances by itinerant troupes grace private oc-
casions, often lasting from about 8.00 p.m.
all dawn. Excerpts from likay are regularly
featured on radio and television.
The ongins of likay remain obscure.
Damrong Rajanubhab and Naritsaranu-
wattiwong (San Somdat (Letter ofthe Princes),
1952) maintain that likay was introduced
from Malaya in 1880, possibly deriving
from the Malay dikay (a corruption of *zikir
or dikir), a form of Islamic incantation in
which two persons respond to each other.
From this developed the likay overture
known as ok-khaek. As it stands today, how-
ever, the ok-khaek part of likay is not
 141
coloured by any religious element. Montri
Tramoj (That Entertainments, 1954), advan-
cing a similar view, believes that dikay was
first recited by Muslims at the court in
1880, following which the Bangkok Malays
adapted the singing in a variety of ways,
thus turning dikay into a kind of enter-
tainment. During King Rama V’s reign, the
performers sat in a circle: the vocalist started
singing first, the drummers beat a one-
ended frame drum (ramana) and followed
suit. This performance was generally known
as likay. Later on, Thai entertainers adopted
dikay: singing khaek songs as a preliminary,
followed by a luk bot in various languages.
When a song was sung ina certain language,
a comedian was dressed in the costume of
that particular nationality. Afterwards, the
elaborate dances were somewhat reduced
and the action became more important.
Montn adds that the songs the per-
formers sang were called ban tun, possibly
derived from the Malay quatrains known as
*pantun, and that there are two types of
likay: handaloh, which is the ongin of
present-day likay, and lakuyoa, which
became likay lamtad or lamtad—a form of
entertainment consisting of two groups of
singers singing impromptu songs in com-
petition. Susira (in Suraporne Virulvak) also
states that there are two germ types oflikay:
likay ban ton, coming from the Malay dikay
handara, in which the singing is transposed
into various regional dialects, and likay luk
bot, which is introduced with a long song
(maebot) following which short songs are
sung.
W. Chayangkul (in Suraporne Virulvak)
draws attention to the existence in Patani of
yeekay, a form of vocal recreation, thus
questioning the supposed Malay—Javanese
origin of the form. Likay costumes, in his
opinion, resemble those found in the
Indian subcontinent, and the likay overture
contains Hindi, Tamil, as well as Malay
words. He quotes Pra Kru Si Mahapotkarat,
who points cut that the Shiite Muslims of
Persia performed a dikon, possibly a corrup-
tion of the Arabic zikrun, which means
‘remembrance’ or the repetition of God’s
names or those of the Prophet Muhammad
as a religious act, and imported this in the
reign of King Rama II.
LIKAY
In Central Thailand, likay is often re-
ferred to as yeekay, even as yakkay, and dikay
survives in Patani as dikay hulu, a poetical
contest involving ad libbing. Montri’s
handaloh and Susira’s handara are probably
corruptions of the Arabic *hadrah, dramatic
performance combined with songs, per-
formed by men in the guise of women at
Malay wedding ceremonies.
While, therefore, there appear to be
echoes and possible connections between
likay and other artistic forms both north and
south of Thailand, there is no firm and
justifiable conclusion about the provenance
in time or place of likay. Its possible origins
in Malaya are borne out by some of its
costumes, by the painted scenery and sets
that resemble those of *bangsawan, by the
device of restating in dialogue the lyrics of
songs sung by the leading characters, some-
thing highly developed in the *mak yong
dance-theatre of Kelantan, and by the exist-
ence of a theatre form known as *jikey in
territories along the Malaysian—Thai border.
Its repertoire of hand gestures is obviously
Indian-derived, something very common
in the dance traditions of South-East Asia
as a whole, and may have been borrowed
through other regional dance forms pre-
viously influenced by Indian dance move-
ments. The actors themselves maintain that
the genre came from India and not Malaya.
This accounts for the ok-khaek, which 1s
both a means of paying respects to the
Indian onginators as well as attracting an
audience. Detailed analysis will also reveal
possible Chinese influences in both setting
and in performance details: the use of the
single bench, the painted backdrop, as well
as the wings and borders. It is thus possible
that all these elements from various cul-
tures, local and imported, came to be fused
together in likay, which, aesthetically, rep-
resents a Thai sensibility.
Even more difficult is the problem of
dating the appearance of likay. The evid-
ence for the date of 1880 quoted by Prince
Damrong and Montri Tramoj, is somewhat
slender.
Likay is performed today on either pro-
scenium stages or thrust stages, depending
upon whether a performance takes place
indoors or out of doors. Permanent likay
LIKAY
likay
stages are built on temple grounds for per-
formances which are commonly featured
during temple fairs. Permanent stages may
also be found in market places. Temporary
stages are sometimes built, usually raised on
empty oil drums or coconut trunks for rural
performances, in particular when a likay
company is on tour.
he stage (rong), whether permanent or
temporary, has a three-part floor plan. The
stage is divided into the front hall (ra rong)
or stage proper, and the inner hall (nai rong)
or the back hall, which is essentially the
backstage area (lang rong). In addition, there
is the area for the musicians, known as the
piphat stage (wethi piphat). The na rong is
usually about 6 metres wide and 5 metres
deep, the painted scenic backdrop (chak)
serving as a partition curtain as well. The
nai rong serves as a dressing-room. On the
rear wall of the nai rong is placed a rishi head,
pho kae, during performances. This serves as
a symbol of the divine spints. The piphat
stage is a small area about 2.5 metres in
width extending from the stage proper to
stage right and on the same level as the
main stage proper. The musicians sit on the
floor facing the stage proper. There may or
may not be a proscenium curtain. Entrances
and exits to the stage proper take place
through openings at both ends of the back
curtain. Neon lights are used for lighting
and a microphone suspended from a
bamboo pole over the stage has become a
prominent feature in likay performances.
The likay scenery consists of standard
wings and drops. A single set can be used
throughout a performance no matter what
the location or setting for a story. Thus, the
painted backcloth serves merely as a back-
ground for actors and as a curtain to conceal
the dressing-area. More elaborate scenery,
however, may be encountered in sophis-
ticated theatres. This consists of one painted
backdrop (chak lang), two wings (Iup), and
a border (rabai). The backdrop typically
consists of a throne room painted in per-
spective. The designs on the wings, usually
painted as if they are columns or in a tra-
ditional design known as laikanok, do not
necessarily coincide with those on the
painted backdrop, thus giving the impres-
sion of incongruity. Where multiple back-
drops are utilized, these may consist typically
of additional throne room scenes, garden
scenes, forest scenes, a street scene, and a
river scene. The use of these various scenes
is, however, not precise. A palace scene, for
instance, may serve as the setting for a com-
moner’s house if a troupe does not have a
 143
backdrop to represent the latter setting.
Overall, the number of backdrops is not
specified by convention. Both their num-
ber and their level of sophistication depend
upon a troupe’s resources.
Likay stage properties include a bed or
bench (tiang), sometimes called tang, and
chairs. The fiang or tang is the only indis-
pensable stage property and can be used for
many purposes. It can represent a throne, a
bed, a city wall. It is placed upstage centre
against the backdrop, and is usually covered
with a mat or rug to prevent the costumes
from being soiled. Chairs are added to the
central couch for scenes such as those set in
court and involving many characters. Lower
characters, such as servants and clowns,
usually sit on the floor or remain standing.
Hand properties usually include a sword
(dap), a slapstick (maitakhap), and a flat
horse (mapheng). The maitakhap 1s a multi-
functional property used by comic charac-
ters. The horse is usually of cardboard and
the ‘rider’ uses it by attaching it to his cos-
tume. In addition, stage properties consist
of whatever is readily available, irrespect-
ive of whether or not they are chronologic-
ally suitable. A fancy modern suitcase may,
for instance, make an unexpected appear-
ance in a scene from an ancient tale. Out-
Jandish stage properties, intended to arouse
laughter, make their occasional appearance
on a likay stage. Likay performers were ori-
ginally all male, but for some fifty years
women have become involved. Even now,
however, one sometimes finds a male play-
ing a female part. Roles are divisible prin-
cipally into five types: phra, the male; pho,
the father; nang, the female; kong, the villain
role; and chok, the comic role. The phra
group is subdivided into three roles: phra-
ek, the major lead role; pho, the role of a
father; and phra rong, the minor lead. The
major male role is that of the hero of a play.
The character is presented in most situations
as a romantic one, with many adventures
and love affairs. The phra-ck is a refined
character and thus does not succumb to
actions considered low or inferior.
Pho, the father role, is itself divisible into
three sub-types: chao, the father who is a
king; phra ek pho, the father who is the hero
of the first part of a play before the story
LIKAY
shifts to the second generation, when his
son generally assumes the role of the hero;
and the simple pho, a father who has a
minor part in a play. The chao and the pho
characters are often presented as tempera-
mental and weak, even clownish. Phra ek
pho is a supporting male role. A character in
this category usually mirrors the hero and
relates to him as a brother, friend, or com-
panion.
Nang, the female group, consists of
several character types: nang ek, the major
female role; mae, the mother; and nang rong,
the minor female role. The nang ek role is
that of the heroine of the play. It is usually
performed as a highly refined romantic
character, the likay heroine usually being
expected to handle love scenes effectively.
Mae is a role divisible into three subgroups
corresponding to those for the father role:
chao, the royal mother; nang ek mae, the
heroine mother; and the simple mae. Nang
rong 1s the female supporting role, parallel to
that of the phra ek po.
Kong, the villain group, includes two
character types: kong, the male villain, and
itcha, the jealous woman. The male villain,
generally the major opponent of the hero,
is usually vulgar and vicious. If, in a play, he
is presented as being very powerful at the
beginning, his cruelty increases as the play
advances. He is, however, invariably beaten
by the hero by the end ofthe play. Itcha, the
jealous woman, is the female villain in likay.
In most instances where she appears, her
principal characteristic is her jealousy, some-
thing indicated in her name. She is wicked
and clownish and the major opponent to
the heroine. Where a play has no specific
comic female role, the ifcha actress fills that
role by making her character clownish.
Chok, the clown role, includes three
character types: chok, the male clown; chok
ying, the female clown; and chok kong, the
villainous clown. The male clown is gen-
erally the hero’s confidant. He may be the
ryero’s brother, friend, servant, or compan-
ion. Despite the appearance ofbeing foolish,
he is full of wisdom and can even be philo-
sophical, possessing the ability to solve many
issues or problems beyond others. His prin-
cipal interests are food and sex, although
death does sometimes occupy his thoughts.
LIKAY
Chok ying, the female clown, is the hero-
ine’s confidante. Her character and role
are similar to that of the male clown. Chok
kong, the villainous clown, whose role and
functions resemble those of the chok, is the
villain’s confidant. He is usually presented
as vicious and stupid.
Other types of characters found in likay
do not fit into any of these specific cat-
egories. These include the dek or child and
the bettalet, a category representing miscel-
laneous characters. The former role may be
played on stage by an actual child or a doll
may be used. The bettalet is a special charac-
ter and may, depending upon a play’s spe-
cific requirements, represent, for instance,
an animal or a ghost.
Likay costumes are highly colourful, at
times reflecting fashions popular in the
genre in the past. Male costumes are di-
visible into those used during the period
following the Second World War, those
said to be in the Somsak Phakdi style, and
those derived from the *likay songkhruang.
Costumes for women and clowns are, on
the whole, less complicated.
The standard male costume includes a
head-dress comprised of two elements—a
thin sash (phaphok) tied around the head
with a large bow above the night ear with a
floral pin attached to the bow and a
jewelled headband (sangiwan phet) worn on
top of the sash. To the bow is attached a
long feather (khon nok). The top of the male
costume consists of a vest-lhke outfit (sua
tang) decorated with jewellery in a
traditional design. A loose shirt (sua kuiheng)
with a round collar and short sleeves is
worn underneath the vest. In addition, the
male likay actor wears a loincloth (phanung)
usually made of satin, Chinese silk, or gold
brocade, a pair of calf-length pants (sanap-
phlao), the hem decorated with jewellery, a
pair of white knee-length socks, a jewelled
belt (khemkhat pet), and a jewelled waist-
band (rat sa-eo), The already flamboyant
costume is made even more elaborate with
a pair of ear-rings, a pair of necklaces, one
short and the other long, with pendant
jewels, and a pair of anklets. There are sev-
eral different styles in which the loincloth
may be wrapped. Each indicates the nation-
ality of the character wearing it although,
144
strictly speaking, there is considerable free-
dom in the manner of tying the loincloth.
The standard costume of the Somsak
Phakdi style resembles that worn by the
character of the Mon king in the late likay
songkhruang period. A Mon head-dress (hua
mon), consisting of a small cone-shaped
crown, is worn in addition to the style al-
ready described above. A Mon-style shirt
(sua mon) 1s also used.
Female costumes vary considerably. Most
likay actresses wear standard Thai costumes
or Western evening gowns in diverse
fashions. Indian-influenced costumes may
also be encountered. A single performance
sometimes reflects a combination of several
styles. Jewellery, consisting of necklaces,
tiaras, ear-rings, and bracelets, is commonly
used. Clown costumes are not specific.
Anything that appears to arouse laughter
through incongruity is included. None of
the characters use shoes. This is partly due
to a view that holds the stage as a sacred
area.
Costume changes take place several times
during a single performance, not necessarily
in consonance with plot requirements.
Every now and then, anachronisms, includ-
ing the latest Japanese watches, make their
appearance.
Heavy make-up is fashionable in likay,
even though most of the characters are
made up in a supposedly ‘naturalistic’ style.
Thus, on the whole, the make-up appears
grotesque at close range. Viewed from a
distance, however, the effect can be quite
pleasing. Eyebrows receive special atten-
tion, and those of male characters are em-
phasized. Clowns paint their faces in order
to accentuate their comic appearance. Masks
are used for non-human characters such as
demons and animals. These may cover the
whole head or part of the head. Yet again,
there may be full-face or half-face masks,
some of these betraying *khon or lakon ram
influence,
Musical accompaniment is provided by a
small orchestra known as piphat likay, a type
of piphat ensemble called piphat khruanghua,
or piphat with five kinds of instruments.
The piphat khruanghua is a small ensemble
which also accompanies khon performances.
The instruments consist of a wooden
 145
xylophone (ranat ek), a circle of large brass
gongs (khong wong yal), an oboe (pi nai or pi
chaiai), a pair of large two-faced vertical
barrel drums (klong khaek), and a two-faced
horizontal barrel drum (taphon) similar to
the Malay gendang. Additional instruments
sometimes included in the ensemble to suit
special needs include, among others, the
Mon oboe (pi mon), the Javanese oboe
(pi chawa), and a pair of cymbals (chap lek).
The large number of likay tunes are
mainly borrowed from other traditional
performance styles, including lakon ram,
country music, and popular Indian tunes.
There exists, however, a small number of
tunes which are specific to likay. Included
in likay musical repertoire is sibsongphasa,
or ‘twelve languages’. These consist of mel-
odies designated as Mon, Lao, Khmer, and
so on, and possibly borrowed from those
cultures. Their significance is, however, no
longer clear. The musicians often improvise
within a set of known variations as they go
along, taking their cue from the actors and
the dramatic moment ofthe plot.
Likay performers sing and speak in a
high, nasalized voice. Songs are used on
three different occasions in a play—at the
beginning, when the characters are intro-
duced; at the end of each section, when
they inform the audience of their oncoming
actions; and during a scene to indicate
heightened emotions.
Dance, as in most South-East Asian
opera, is not an integral element in likay. It
is, however, consistently used to accom-
pany singing, to stylize movements, and to
enrich or provide colour to action. Dance
movements have been derived from lakon
ram, from Indian as well as from Western
styles.
Despite the fact that likay is stylized
theatre, there is in it considerable room for
improvisation (don) in the music, in the
dance, in the acting, as well as in the story.
Performances are based upon brief scen-
arios, one of which is decided upon by a
troupe’s story-teller (khonruang) just prior to
a performance. The scenarios are taken
from a stock collection of plots. The play is
arranged to fit the number of actors and
actresses available as well as their character
types. Relevant changes are made to the
LIKAY
plot in accordance with time available and
the occasion of a performance, and per-
formers are briefed both at the beginning of
the evening and before each appearance on
stage. The khonruang also determines, dur-
ing a performance, if an actor has stayed on
stage for too long and instructions are then
given to speed up the action or to cut it
short. The story-teller sometimes acts as
narrator, linking up sections of a story, par-
ucularly one that is complicated, so as to
enable the audience to better follow its plot.
Should this become necessary, scenes are
invented on the spot by the khonruang to
cover up mistakes made by performers or to
elucidate events.
The majority of likay plots are conven-
tional in character, containing the dramatic
stock-in-trade of lost children or princes
eventually reunited with their parents and
assuming their rightful titles; of crossed
lovers who are allowed to marry by reluc-
tantly consenting parents; of daughters being
carried off against their wishes to distant
parts and eventually being restored to their
homes. They deal with kings and queens,
historical tales, and stories of the wars be-
tween Thailand, Burma, the Mon, and
others. Certain classics and popular legends
or folk-tales have occasionally been reused
in likay. These include *Khun Charng Khun
Phaen and *Chanthakorop. The range of
characters is wide—from kings through
crooks to clowns. Nor are the mythological
beings altogether absent. Thus, likay plots,
like those of much Thai traditional theatre,
are firmly rooted in legends and folk-tales.
They have little regard for contemporary
issues.
In terms ofstaging, likay, despite its flex-
ibility, follows certain well-established con-
ventions. These include the use of the ok
khaek (the appearance of the khaek) at the
beginning of aperformance; specific move-
ment patterns, including entrances and exits,
and the hierarchical arrangement of charac-
ters on stage; standard cues; the use of asides
and pantomime as well as the repetition in
dialogue form of certain lyrics after they
have already been sung.
The ok khaek is an introductory opening
performed in various ways, usually back-
stage. Its intention is to salute or greet the
LIKAY SONGKHRUANG
audience and to invite it to see the ensuing
performance. A song following the ok khaek
presents the summary of the ensuing story
and the moral that can be drawn from it.
Ok khaek may be accompanied or followed
by a dance performed on-stage, or a parade
and introduction of the cast or company. It
usually begins with a troupe leader singing
two traditional tunes, samse and buranyawa,
the lyrics of which betray a mixture oflin-
guistic influences from Malay, Persian,
Hindustani, and possibly Tamul.
A likay actor always emerges on to the
stage from the stage right entrance and exits
from the stage left entrance. This is modi-
fied when two actors have to pass each
other, in which case each of them comes on
stage from one of the two doors. Each
appearance of an actor, between entry and
exit, 1s called a niphat, and all movements
are guided by the position of the central
bench (tiang). The opening niphat of an
actor is elaborate. It incorporates into it a
bow with a salutation gesture (wat) which 1s
executed standing or kneeling, various
dance movements, and a self-introduction
song. Subsequent niphat contain informa-
tion regarding the plot of the play being
performed.
Likay stage conventions determine dir-
ections of entry, seating positions of
performers, and the height at which they
sit or stand in relation to other performers.
Some of these derive from ordinary social
conduct, particularly as observed at court.
An important convention worth noting is
that of speaking certain words or phrases in
prose (cheracha sam khamrong) following
their delivery through song. The repetition
allows the actor to elaborate somewhat on
his lyrics as well as enabling ordinary
members of the audience to more easily
understand the proceedings. A convention
very similar to this is used in *mak yone,
where it is highly developed. The interpreta-
tions of poetical as well as archaic language
are provided for the benefit of the clowns
(*peran) or female servants (*inang), as well
as for an audience unable to appreciate its
finer meanings.
A total likay performance is divisible into
three parts: the piphat musical prelude, the
146
introductory opening (ok khaek), and the
play proper. The musical prelude, usually
beginning about 8.00 p.m., lasts for approx-
imately an hour. It follows an offering made
to the god of music by the ranat ek player
by lighting incense sticks and uttering his
prayers. While the opening piece, satukan,
is going on, the troupe leader places his
offerings of flowers, incense sticks, candles,
and money (usually 6 baht) before the resi
image in the dressing-room. All actors also
pray during this period, and upon the com-
pletion of the prayers utter thrice a cry of
‘glory’ (chaiyo). During the musical prelude,
final discussions are made regarding the
script and its performance if this has not al-
ready been done, so the actors and actresses
are given an indication ofthe story selected.
Once the performers’ preparations are com-
pleted, a signal is given by the troupe leader
and the final tune of the prelude is played.
This then leads on to the ok khaek and, fol-
lowing the ok khaek, into the story selected
for the evening. The closing tme for a
performance is determined by the troupe
leader, and accordingly adjustments are
made from time to time in the style and
detail of the performance.
likay songkhruang (Thailand). The term
means *likay with elaborate costumes,
music, dances, and so on. The genre repres-
ents the next stage in the evolution of the
operatic likay theatre style following *yikay
sipsongphasa. Likay songkhruang was strongly
influenced stylistically by *lakon ram. It was
most popular from about the mid-1890s to
1942.
likw (Indonesia). A princess in the *arja dra-
matic dance whose full name is galuh liku.
Due to her constant desire for wealth and
beauty, she is sometimes described as galuh
buduh (mad galuh).
limbur (Indonesia). A female role in the
*arja dramatic dance used to represent older
royal female characters, such as the mother
of *Chandra Kirana, or a */ikw character
depending upon the story being performed.
The limbur role is alternatively known as
sang nata and prameswari.
 147
linambay (Philippines). The name used in
the Cebu region of the Philippines for the
genre better known as *moro-moro.
ling lon (Thailand). A category of unpeaked
masks used for monkey characters in the
masked dance-theatre, *khon. It is the bald
monkey mask used for uncrowned monkey
characters such as * Hanuman.
ling yod (Thailand). A category of peaked
masks used for monkey characters in the
masked dance-theatre, *khon.
loa (Philippines). A Haitian term for a deity,
but it also includes panegyrics in praise of
saints of the Catholic Church. Loa are men-
tioned as a possible source for *moro-moro,
and in some regions of the Philippines they
have for some time been used as epilogues
to moro-moro plays.
Most performances of the *comedia or
the moro-moro traditionally open with a pro-
LUHANG TAGALO
logue or invitation to the audience. This
section is usually unrelated to the play to be
performed. In it, the local patron saint, as
well as the important town personages, are
complimented and the audience’s patience
with the inadequacies of the upcoming per-
formance is requested.
lontar (Indonesia). Sacred palm-leaf manu-
scripts or books upon which ancient stories
have traditionally been inscribed. In the
case of the Balinese shadow play, lontar also
contain rules on how the shadow play
should be presented. Interpretations, how-
ever, vary from village to village. The lontar
are traditionally handed down from father
to son and studied with great reverence.
Iu byet (Burma), see nibhatkin
Luhang Tagalo (Philippines). Tagalog Tears,
one of the ‘seditious’ *zarzuela plays by
Aurelio *Tolentino.
 M
macun (Indonesia). The role of a prince
(putra) in the *arja dance-theatre of Bali.
The macun is greedy for unlimited wealth
and is mad for the beauty of Nona Ing Tai.
This role is also classified as mantn buduh or
raja gila.
magjinn (Philippines). A spirit-dance from
Sitangkai, Tawi-Tawi, performed by the
Badjaw community on the night of the full
moon to drive away an unfriendly spirit
(*jinn). As the moon comes out, practically
the whole community gathers in an open
porch (pantan) where the central area for
the ritual is usually covered with a rattan
mat painted with designs (boras). A mntual
leader presides before an incense burner
(tugtugan). Male performers usually wear
costumes in the traditional colours worn
daily by Badjaw men: green for the pants
(sawwal kuntau), and white for the loose
shirt (babjub-kulung).
After the opening thanksgiving prayer
(pagdua-a), the ritual dance begins to the
throbbing of musical accompaniment on
percussion instruments. The ritual leader
dances around and anoints each performer.
Thereafter, the ritual performers take turns
dancing until some of them reach a state of
possession. To revive possessed performers,
the ritual leader beats them with his scart
(pis). With that, the first night’s ntual ends.
Early next morning, the ritual leader
recites another pagdua-a, this time before a
miniature boat (lepa) festooned with mini-
ature flags (panji-panji) in white, yellow,
and green. These are believed to be the
symbols of the spirits being invoked. The
miniature lepa, holding offerings of yellow
rice (buas kuning), one live chicken, eggs,
betel-nuts, cakes, and tonics, is then set sail.
The offerings are meant to further appease
and provide for the sea jinn.
magjuwatap (Philippines). A Samal dance
ritual from the Tabawan area, South Ubian,
Tawi-Tawi, to drive away spirits that cause
illness. All performers except the ritual
leader are female. Food offerings in coconut
shells are placed on a tray together with an
incense burner (tugtugan). Towards the cli-
max, the ritual leader symbolically ‘whips’
the entranced patient with a bagaybay (betel-
nut flower cluster).
magleng (Indonesia), see desak
magomboh (Philippines). A pre-Islamic
dance ritual of exorcism from Sisangat,
Siasi, in the Sulu Islands, stll practised
among some Samal communities. Men and
women both participate in it. The male
ritual leader enters a mosquito net set up on
a wooden bed. Placed inside are trays of
offerings including betel-nuts and food.
Directly above the net are placed offerings
of sugar apple (aris) flowers suspended from
the ceiling.
After praying for a while, the ritual spe-
cialist goes into trance and, emerging from
the mosquito net, he grabs a lance (bujak)
previously laid out in position before an
incense burner. The lance is used symbolic-
ally to drive away sickness and to vanquish
the spints (*jinn). The ritual specialist dances
around the mosquito net, intermittently
aiming his lance at something seemingly
concealed within the mosquito net. Every
now and then, he waves his lance at some
other male or female ritual performer, who
is also in a state of trance. The second ritu-
alist, as if hypnotized, rises and moves in the
direction of the lance as it is withdrawn. At
the climax of a performance, the patient is
hit a few times with the ritual leader’s
patchwork handkerchief (pis).
Another version of magomboh from Ba-
naran, Tawi-Tawi, is generally performed
on a Friday eve when the moon is full. It is
used to foretell the future, to drive away ill
luck (busung), or to invoke the help ofspirits
in recovering lost or stolen property.
 149
Indispensable to the ritual is the effigy
(omboh) made by sticking through a basket a
length of wood to serve as its arms. The
effigy is then garbed and made to look like
a scarecrow. Following a briefincantation,
the ritual leader holds the omboh and begins
to dance about, calling upon a spirit to en-
ter the omboh. Other participants remain
seated. When he is certain that a jinn has
entered the omboh, he asks questions in
keeping with the purpose ofthe ritual. The
participants expect the omboh to react in
some manner in response to the questions.
The omboh may sway uncontrollably, re-
main immobile, or even hit the head of a
doubtful participant.
magsalba (Philippines). Literally, ‘to save’.
This dance nitual from Bulikulul, Siasi,
Sulu, is performed by male performers.
One of them, officiating as a ‘medium’,
remains seated before an incense (kaman-
yan) burner while the others dance around
him. Later he rises, dances clockwise and
counter-clockwise—several times each
way—all the while followed by other
performers. The ritual ends when the
kamanyan smoke is exhausted.
magupot (Philippines). A dance ritual from
Musu, Siasi, Sulu, to drive away evil spirits.
The main prop is a square foot of woven
nipa ribs wrapped in yellow cloth with vari-
coloured flags attached to the four corners.
A stick is tied across the top upon which
the ritual leader’s scarf (pis) and special ritual
costumes are hung. Beneath the hanging
props is an incense burner (tugtugan). The
patient lies in front of it, while the ritual
pertormers gather around.
The rite begins when the nitual leader
chants prayers as he raises the tugtugan to-
wards the hanging props. He reaches for the
black pis and ties it around his head. He
dances about and does an impersonation
of several spirits, complete with costume
changes, in rapid succession. All ritual per-
formers imitate the impersonations. In an-
swer to someone’s query, the ritual leader
soon identifies the patient’s affliction. Amid
frenzied dancing and seemingly in a trance,
he unties his black pis and with it hits the
patient three times a symbolic gesture
MAHABHARATA
supposed to drive away evil spirits. The
patient kisses the hand of the ritual leader
and the frenzied dancing slows down, then
ends.
Mahabharata (Malaysia/Indonesia). One of
the two great Hindu epics, the other being
the *Ramayana. Probably the longest of all
epics in the world, it is a vast miscellany of
pre-Aryan and Aryan material. Believed to
have been developed from a short ballad in
prose and verse composed in a Praknit
language, it is now preserved in something
between Vedic and classical Sanskrit. The
Mahabharata relates the story of the descend-
ants of Bharata, the eponymous founder of
the great Indian families of yore, reaching
its climax in the war ofsuccession between
two sets of cousins, the *Korawa (Kaurava)
and the *Pandawa.
The original Prakrit ballad was at some
later date elaborated into a larger work in
Sanskrit consisting of 8,000 verses (sloka),
regarded by some as the original length of
the epic. According to legend, its composer
was Vyasa, who composed it in 24,000
verses, or at least arranged the material,
which was considerably more voluminous,
with the assistance of the sage Paila, who
had previously helped him in compiling the
Veda. Its final form became fixed sometime
around AD 400. At present, the Mahabharata
consists of 110,000 couplets in eighteen
sections plus a supplement, the Harivamsa.
The doctrines and beliefs revealed in the
Mahabharata are inconsistent and often con-
tradictory. In structure and style it is not an
integrated whole, but has been subjected to
extensive revision and modification, receiv-
ing material from various sources. Poets and
editors from different sects and propagators
of new doctrines appear, through the ages,
to have added to the story and tampered
with its fabric. One theory claims that at
some stage in its development the epic may
have been rewritten by a Pandawa partisan,
making the Korawa, who were the original
heroes, into the villains. Sometime between
200 Bc and AD 200 Krishna (*Kresna) was
made the chief deity of the epic.
The story itself occupies only about a
quarter of the poem. The rest is episodic,
comprising cosmology, theogony, ethics,
MAHABHARATA
statecraft, fairy-tales, the science of war,
legendary history, mythology, and several
digressions and philosophical interludes, the
best known of which is the Bhagavadgita.
Much of the material has been revised to
accommodate religious and priestly interest
which often overshadows the heroic, and
the legends narrated are distorted to suit
brahminical bias.
The date of the great battle of Kuruk-
shetra, around which the epic is woven, has
been tentatively fixed between 850 BC and
650 BC. The episode follows the events of
the Ramayana by about two centuries. The
Veda and the Buddhist Tripitaka are silent
about the battle, and amongst Sansknt
works it is mentioned only in later brah-
minical sutra. For the epic itself, there is no
evidence before about 200 Bc. Neither
Patanjali nor Panini knew of it in its de-
veloped form. Several chronological layers
have been identified in the work, some
dating as late as AD 500, when the epic was
still growing with the addition of Puranic
material.
There is no universally recognized stand-
ard text of the Mahabharata. Recensions
existing today vary considerably, and there
are about 1,300 manuscripts of the Maha-
bharata and the Harivamsa preserved in
Devanagan and other Indian scripts. The
earliest extant manuscript belongs to the
fifteenth century AD. The eighteen books
and appendix of the Mahabharata are:
1. Adiparva, or the first section, tells of the
birth of the two sons of Vichitravirya,
Dhritarashtra and Pandu; the birth of
the Pandawa and Korawa; the training
of the princes at Astinapura by Drona
(*Durna); the growing enmity between
the Pandawa and the Korawa; the great
tournament and the quarrel between
*Arjuna and *Karna; the first exile of
the Pandawa and the attempt to kill
them through the agent Purochana;
the slaying of various giants (raksasa) by
*Bima; the sojourn in Draupada’s cap-
ital and the winning of Draupadi; the
return of the Pandawa from exile; the
division of the kingdom, with Indra-
prastha going to the Pandawa; the exile
and return of Arjuna; *Yudhisthira’s
rajasuya sacrifice; the killing of Jara-
150
sandha by Bima; the slaying of Sisupala
by Knshna.
i) Sabha-parva, the ‘assembly section’,
contains the assembly of the princes at
Astinapura; Yudhisthira’s game of dice
with Sakuni and the loss of the king-
dom; the second exile of the Pandawa.
Vana-parva, the “forest section’, deals
with the Pandawa in Kamyaka forest;
the adventures of Arjuna; the capture
of Duryodhana (*Sujudana) by the
heavenly musicians (gandharva) and his
rescue by the Pandawa; the abduction
of Draupadi by Jayadratha and the
latter’s defeat. This section also con-
tains several episodes considered extra-
neous to the epic.
Wirata-parva, which deals with the thir-
teenth year of the Pandawa exile while
they serve King Wirata in disguise.
Udyoga-parva, the ‘effort section’, con-
tains the preparations of the Pandawa
and Korawa for war. Krishna and Ba-
larama decide not to fight; the mus-
tering of the armies at Kurukshetra.
6. Bhisma-parva contains a description
of the battlefield of Kurukshetra; the
doubts of Arjuna; the teaching of the
Bhagavadgita; the battles fought with
Bhisma in command of the Korawa
army unal he falls under Arjuna’s
arrows.
Drona-parva: the war during Drona’s
command of the Korawa forces until
his death.
Karna-parva: Karna’s command of the
Korawa army unul his death at the
hands of Arjuna.
Q.
Salya-parva: Salya’s command; Duryo-
dhana’s mortal wound; and the reduc-
tion of the Korawa to only three men.
10, Sauptika-parva, the ‘nocturnal book’, in
which is discussed the night attack by
the three surviving Korawa on the Pan-
dawa camp; the death of Duryodhana.
Lil. Stri-parva, ‘the section of the women’:
the lament of Queen Ghandhari and
the other women over the slain heroes.
. Santi-parva, ‘peace section’: the corona-
tion of Yudhisthira at Astinapura, fol-
lowed by Bhisma’s long discourse on
politics and kingship.
. Anusasana-parva, the ‘precept book’, in

which Bhisma’s discourse continues,
dealing with the duties of kings, liber-
ality and fasting; the death of Bhisma.
14. Asvamedhika-parva, the ‘asvamedha sec-
tion’: Yudhisthira’s horse sacrifice; the
further adventures of Arjuna.
15. Asrama-parva: the ‘hermitage book’: the
retirement of Dhritarashtra, Ghand-
hari, and Kunti, mother of the Pan-
dawa, to a hermitage in the woods; the
great forest fire in which they are all
burnt to death.
16. Mausala-parva, the ‘club section’, which
contains the death of Krishna and Bala-
rama; the submersion of Dvaraka under
the sea; and the mutual extermina-
tion of the Yadawa in a series of club-
fights.
17. Mahaprasthanika-parva, the ‘great so-
journ section’: Yudhisthira’s renuncia-
tion of the throne; his departure with
his brothers to the Himalayas on the
way to Indra’s heaven on Mount Meru.
18. Svargarohana-parva, the “heaven ascent
book’: admission into heaven of Yud-
histhira, his brothers, and Draupadi.
19. Harivamsa, a poem of 16,375 verses,
which forms an appendix to the Maha-
bharata, but is not strictly a part of the
epic.
The Mahabharata reached South-East
Asia as part of the process of Indianization
which influenced cultures in Burma, Thai-
land, Indo-China, Indonesia, as well as Ma-
laysia. In some ofthese countries, the Rama-
yana gained a stronger foothold, while in
others both the epics subsist side by side. In
at least one case, the Philippines, the Rama-
yana was known but its vestiges have almost
totally vanished, while the Mahabharata
never reached that country.
At an early unknown date, Indian mer-
chants established trade contacts with coun-
tries outside their subcontinent, with routes
extending in various directions. Those to
South-East Asia and Indonesia lay largely
overland, beginning in East Bengal and
Assam and thence to Burma and the Malay
peninsula. Sea routes also existed from the
main Indian ports. Trading posts were es-
tablished by merchants. Here, they were
soon joined by priests and bards who
helped spread Indian culture. Hindu rulers,
MAHABHARATA
taking over the government of these ports,
established dynasties which gradually Hin-
duized the native population. Thus, there
would be a Hindu royal house ruling over a
population of a different stock and culture.
The Hindu and indigenous cultures would
eventually blend and assume a character of
their own. As far as a literary work goes,
there are often two versions of the original
Sanskrit, with or without translation, and a
native adaptation in the local language. The
literature based on, or inspired by, the In-
dian original is usually not in Sanskrit.
In Thailand, Burma, and Indo-China,
references to the Mahabharata are rare. A
sixth-century Thai inscription records that
a Brahmin, Somasarma, had the Ramayana,
Purana, and the Mahabharata performed and
arranged for uninterrupted daily recitations.
On the whole, however, Burma and Thai-
land have found the Ramayana and its char-
acters, as well as its incidents, of greater
appeal than those of the Mahabharata. If in
these countries the Mahabharata was once
known and was the source ofinspiration for
works of art and literature, no trace of such
influences has remained.
In Cambodia and Indonesia, the situation
is quite different. For unknown reasons, the
Mahabharata has been accepted as part ofthe
national cultural stock in these countries,
together with the Ramayana.
Cambodia, known to the Chinese as
early as the first century AD as Funan, when
it included modern Laos as well, had kings
with Sanskrit names from the sixth century.
The kingdom of Champa was also founded
by someone with a Sanskritized name—Sn
Jayadharma. Two Saivite sects, the Pasu-
patas and the Saivites, both mentioned in
the Mahabharata, practised their religion in
the country. From various inscriptions it
becomes apparent that the Purana was pop-
ular in Indo-China. In later times, Saivism
and Vaisnavism fused in Cambodia, as in
Indonesia, into what is called Brahmanism.
While this is not seen in the Mahabharata
proper, in the Harivamsa, Siva and Vishnu
are said to be the same, sometimes mani-
fested or artistically presented in a com-
bined form, Harihara.
More tangible evidence regarding the
Mahabharata in Cambodia is derived from

MAHABHARATA
art. Part of the Angkor complex was con-
structed over a period of about 400 years
from c.AD 800 to c.AD 1200. The temple of
Angkor Wat was built by the Khmer king
Suryavarman II (r. 1113-50) after his return
from a conquest of Champa and the Malay
peninsula. The bas-reliefs of the first-storey
galleries depict several Mahabharata epis-
odes, including the Churning of the Ocean. In
the southern part of the western gallery 1s a
scene depicting the clash of the Pandawa
and the Korawa on the battlefield. The
whole of Angkor Wat portrays incidents
from Vishnu’s incarnations (avatara), and so
it is not surprising to find Krishna as a four-
armed charioteer steering Arjuna’s carriage.
Bhisma, pierced with arrows, lies on the
field of battle. Similarly, many other scenes
from the great battle adorn the temple
walls. Elsewhere, at the entrance to the
south gate of Angkor Thom, is another
representation of the Churning ofthe Ocean.
It was erected by a Buddhist king, Jaya-
varman VII (r. 1181-1220). It is in Cam-
bodia, then, that are to be found the most
magnificent works of art inspired by the
Mahabharata, surpassing even those to be
seen in India.
The Mahabharata has also enjoyed a great
popularity in Java and Bali. Trade relations
between India and Indonesia go back to
unknown times. Ptolemy (first century AD)
possibly knew of Java, but the earliest re-
corded reference to it in Indian literature,
possibly from the third century AD, occurs
in the Ramayana. The first reference to Bali
is found in the Buddhist encyclopaedia
Tantra-Manjusrimulakalpa, possibly a seventh-
century work, where it is mentioned along
with Varusaka (Sumatra) and Yavadvipa
(Java).
The earliest Sanskrit inscription on Java
dates from the fifth century, from a King
Purnavarman, of the town of Taruma. The
next inscription IS from Central Java
(AD 733). Sometime during this period,
Buddhism in its Mahayanic and Tantric
forms was introduced to Java. Brahmanism
and) Buddhism lived side by side. To
Buddhism we owe the magnificent ninth-
century monument, Borobudur, and to it is
also due the copperplate inscription from
Nalanda, a Buddhist university near
5
1 on2
Benares, India, which attests to the active
intercourse between India and Indonesia in
that century.
By the time of King Anantavikrama of
East Java (latter part of the tenth century),
Java was a prosperous, thoroughly Hindu-
ized country with Indian geographical
names, and with temples and shrines to
Hindu deities. The Hindu epics had been
introduced and apparently were well re-
ceived by the Javanese, for the king under-
took to have the Mahabharata translated into
the language now known as Old Javanese.
The earliest surviving Indonesian version
of the epic is in Old Javanese prose—a
highly condensed rendering of eight parva.
They may have been composed at different
times but it is definitely known that three of
them were written sometime around
AD 996 upon order of Dharmawangsa, an
East Javanese king. Some thirty years later,
under King Airlangga, the poet Mpu
Kanwa, inspired by one episode in the
Mahabharata, composed the beautiful *Ka-
kawin Aruna Wiwaha. In AD 1157, under
the celebrated patron of literature, King
Jayabhaya of Kedin, Mpu Sedah began, and
Mpu Panuluh completed, the kakawin
*Bharata Yuddha (The War of the Bharatas),
dealing with the climactic eighteen-day
battle between the Korawa and the Pan-
dawa of the Mahabharata.
The Mahabharata has over the centuries
continued to captivate the minds of the
Javanese and Balinese. It has served as an
unportant source of Inspiration for their
‘ 4
wayang golek
 153
arts and letters. In Java and Bali, the epic is
performed in the classical shadow play,
*wayang kulit purwa, in the classical dance-
theatre, *wayang wong, and in the doll pup-
pet theatre, *wayang golek.
The tragic conflict between two families
of the Kuru clan descended from Bharata—
the Pandawa and the Korawa—is the
theme of this epic. The Korawa, ninety-
nine in number, are the sons of King Das-
tarastra (Dhritarashtra), who was born blind.
The five Pandawa brothers are the sons of
the king’s brother, Pandu. Each of Pandu’s
sons is of semi-divine origin. The eldest,
the nghteous Yudhisthira, is descended from
Dharma, god of virtue; the sanguine and
powerful Bima from Bayu (Vayu), god of
the wind; the noble Arjuna from Indra, god
of the rains; and the twins, Nakula and
Sadewa, from the celestial Aswin twins.
Pandu’s wife, Kunti (Pritha), had given
birth to still another son, Karna, begotten
by the sun-god, Surya. But Karna, regarded
in life as a son ofa charioteer, is ignorant of
his own origin and eventually joins the
camp of the Korawa, becoming a prastha (Ngamarta).
formidable opponent to his half-brother,
Arjuna.
Because Dastarastra is blind his brother,
Pandu, has ruled the kingdom of Astina in
his name. Thus, the cousins have been
raised together and have had the same pre-
ceptors, among them their great-uncle
Bisma and the wise Brahmin, Durna. In the
constant rivalry between the cousins, the
Pandawa have always proved superior and
incurred the Korawa’s jealousy and hatred.
After Pandu’s death, the old blind king
appoints Yudhisthira, his eldest nephew,
heir to the throne. This greatly angers his
own sons, headed by the ruthless Duryo-
dhana. The Korawa then set out to destroy
their cousins. On one occasion, the Pan-
dawa are persuaded to visit a distant town,
where they must stay in a house made of
highly combustible material. At night the
house is set on fire, and the Pandawa
brothers narrowly escape through an un-
derground passage. While they flee through
the forests, the indomitable Bima encoun-
ters an ogress transformed into a beautiful
princess who falls in love with him. She
bears him a son, the prodigious Gatutkaca,
MAHABHARATA
who inherits from his mother the power to
fly and from his father, strength and cour-
age. Following this, the Pandawa live in
Ekacakra, disguised as begging Brahmins.
Later, they are attracted by the announce-
ment of acontest for the hand ofa princess,
and they journey to the kingdom ofPancala
ruled by King Draupada. Arjuna defeats all
his rivals in a great archery contest and wins
the beautiful princess, Draupadi. According
to an ancient custom, Draupadi becomes
the wife of all five brothers, although later
all had other wives as well. Arjuna marries
Sumbadra, sister of Krishna (Kresna), king
of Yadawa at Dwarawati (and an incarna-
tion of the god Vishnu). With her he has a
son, the gentle and brave *Abimanyu.
Thereafter, having found powerful allies in
King Draupada and in Krishna, the Pan-
dawa return to their land. Here, the Korawa
consent to a division of the Astina king-
dom, retaining for themselves the richer
eastern portion and its capital, Astinapura.
The Pandawa receive the western part
where they build their new capital, Indra-
Not abandoning their designs for the
destruction of the Pandawa and the pos-
session of the entire kingdom, the Korawa
renew their schemes. With the aid of Sa-
kuni, an expert at loading dice, Duryodhana
challenges Yudhisthira, who is a passionate
gambler. The outcome is disastrous. Losing
game after game, Yudhisthira forfeits all his
wealth, his kingdom, and finally even
Draupadi and his own and his brothers’
freedom. Through the intercession of the
old blind king, a period of exile is substi-
tuted for slavery. The Pandawa are to live
in hiding for twelve years and then spend
one additional year, undiscovered, among
the common people. After the twelve years
which the Pandawa brothers spend in the
forests have passed, they enter the service of
a king, Wirata, under assumed names. Yud-
histhira becomes a Brahmin courtier expert
in dice, Bima a cook, Arjuna a eunuch
skilled in music and dance, Nakula a stable-
boy, and Sadewa a cowherd. They remain
undiscovered until the end of the year. But
despite fulfilment of their part of the bar-
gain, their demand for the return of their
kingdom is futile. In council with Krishna,
MAHARADIA LAWANA
the Pandawa then decide to recapture their
kingdom by force.
The climax of the epic is the great Bha-
ratayuddha war. For eighteen days the fields
between the two holy rivers, the Ganges
and the Jumna, are the scene of ternble
carnage. The earth trembles from the furi-
ous encounters of warriors mounted on
horses and elephants or riding in swift cha-
riots. The famous Bhagavadgita—which is
Arjuna’ s dialogue with his mentor and cha-
rioteer Krishna, to whom he turns in an-
guish at the prospect of having to kill his
kin—is the prelude to the final battle. The
events of these eighteen days are filled with
tragic incidents in which the cousins’ old
venerated preceptors inexorably meet their
death, as do many young heroes, including
Arjuna’s sons, Irawan and Abimanyu, and
Bima’s son, Gatutkaca. In the final encoun-
ters, Arjuna kills Karna, and Bima slays
Duryodhana. Funerary rites are then held
for all the fallen warriors, the women
lamenting their husbands and sons.
Yudhisthira is crowned king and reigns
in Astina. An epilogue tells of the great
horse sacrifice (asvamedha) held by Yudhis-
thira upon the advice of the sage Vyasa to
expiate the carnage of the war which still
haunts the king. His designated heir is Ar-
juna’s grandson, *Penkesit.
Among the favourite heroes of the Maha-
bharata in Java, Arjuna and Bima are most
prominent—the former for his nobility of
spirit, irresistible charm in love conquests,
and superior power in combat; the latter
for his intrepidity and physical might. Of
Ayjuna’s many wives, Srikandi and Sum-
badra appear most frequently in Javanese
plays (lakon). Bima’s son, Gatutkaca, as im-
petuous as his father, is among the most
admired heroes of the Pandawa’s ‘younger
generation’. The sons and grandsons of the
five brothers are recurrent participants in
the lakon. Krishna is almost always present
as are, of course, the Korawa headed by
Duryodhana, with his adviser, the perfidious
Sakuni (or Sangkuni), The Korawa are
depicted in monstrous shapes.
Many of the heroes in the Indonesian
version of the epic have several names.
Some of these are appellations following
the Indian pattern, and some are Indonesian
154
inventions. The additional names are con-
nected with: (1) a stage in the hero’s life,
e.g. Arjuna is Permadi in his youth and
Janaka when adult; Bima as a youth is Bra-
tasena, as an adult, Wrekudara; (2) a par-
ticular activity, e.g, Arjuna during ascesis is
known as Mintaraga; (3) the name of his
kingdom or tribe, e.g. Krishna is Dwara-
wati; (4) the father’s name, e.g. Karna 1s
Suryaputera, son of Surya; Yudhisthira is
Darmaputera, son of Darma. Also, Duryo-
dhana, eldest of the Korawa, who becomes
king of Astina, is usually called Sujudana.
In the various genres of Javanese tradi-
tional theatre, the Mahabharata incidents are
related extremely freely, with localizations
incorporated into the story. In Malaysia,
the Mahabharata is featured in the Javanese
*wayang kulit punva performed in the state
of Johore, while in Kelantan and Treng-
ganu it is performed alongside the medieval
Javanese *Panji romance in *wayang kulit
melayu, a shadow play style now on the
verge of extinction.
Maharadia Lawana (Philippines). A tale
obviously derived trom the *Ramayana.
While sharing or echoing certain episodes
with the epic, it is, in fact, not a version of
the Ramayana. It is one of the most im-
portant of the many stones belonging to the
oral literature of the Maranao Muslim com-
munity in the province of Lanao del Sur on
Mindanao Island. Juan Francisco, who has
transcribed and translated the story, believes
it was probably introduced into the Philip-
pines sometime between the middle of the
seventeenth and the early part of the nine-
teenth centuries. Briefly, the plot of Maha-
radia Lawana goes as follows:
Maharadia Lawana is the son of the sul-
tan of Pulu Bandiarmasir. He has eight
heads. The people of the village fear him
owing to his vile language and his mischiev-
ous nature, which has caused several deaths.
The wisest amongst the villagers lodges a
complaint with the sultan. The sultan de-
crees that Maharadia Lawana be driven
away to the ocean. Lawana is placed upon a
raft and given some provisions. The raft is
towed away into the ocean and left to drift.
After many days, the raft reaches the
island of Pulu Nagara. Here, preparing a big
 155
fire, Maharadia Lawana then screams that
since the world is a miserable place due to
human desires he wishes to sacrifice himself
for the world. The Archangel Jibrail, who
hears the cries, goes before God (Tuhan)
with the news of Maharadia Lawana’s in-
tention to burn himself. God sends Jibrail to
Lawana to stop the latter from sacrificing
himself. Maharadia Lawana is promised that
as long as he does not burn himself nothing
can kill him. Only a weapon sharpened on
a whetstone in the hearth of his palace will
have the power to cause his death. When
these words are heard by him, Maharadia
Lawana embarks his raft and soon reaches
Bandiarmasir. This time, the sultan refuses
to banish Lawana for fate has brought him
back.
Radia Mangandiri and Radia Manga-
warna are the sons of the sultan and sultana
of Agama Niog. They hear of the incom-
parable beauty of Tuwan Potre Malano
Tihaia, daughter ofthe sultan and sultana of
Pulu Nabandai. Convincing their parents
that they should be allowed to go to Pulu
Nabandai, they leave on a strong ship
especially built for them and luxuriously
furnished. It is provided with food and
many gift items. The princes are accompan-
ied by an entourage of many strong men.
After several years of sailing, they reach
the middle point between Pulu Bandiar-
masir and Pulu Nabandai. Here, giant waves
destroy the ship. All its passengers with the
exception of the two princes are drowned.
Radia Mangawarna and Radia Mangandini
escape death by clinging to the wreckage of
the ship. On a Friday an old lady, Kabaian,
discovers them unconscious on the shore,
and taking them home, revives them. They
tell her who they are, and stay with her.
One day, they hear the announcement
of the sipa ball competition for the hand of
Tuwan Potre Malano Tihaia. Making ad-
equate preparations, they go to the palace
ofthe sultan of Pulu Nabandai. Their good
looks as well as their skill at the game amaze
the other noblemen (datu) present at the
competition. The sultan of Pulu Nabandai
soon asks them to play the sipa. Claiming
they are not good players, they take turns to
play. Radia Mangandiri soon sends the sipa
into the balcony (lamin) from where the
MAHARADIA LAWANA
princess is watching the game. They re-
ceive, in the ball, a ring, a handkerchief,
and a betel-nut case. Satisfied at having
shown their skill, they return home to
Kabaian’s cottage. Following this, there is a
commotion. Many claim to have kicked
the sipa into the princess’s room. The sultan,
however, wants as evidence the princess’s
nng and other gifts before determining
who the winner of the competition is. The
articles are later discovered in the possession
of Radia Mangandiri at the house of
Kabaian.
Preparations are made for the marriage
of Radia Mangandiri and Tuwan Potre
Malano Tihaia. There is, however, another
test before this can happen. The sultana (bai)
has made a vow that no one can marry the
princess until a serpent which inhabits the
mountain in the east is slain. It is so huge
that its bulk obstructs the rays ofthe sun.
The princes, armed with bows and ar-
rows, soon find the serpent sleeping on the
mountain. They climb a tree and wait for it
to scent them. When the serpent reaches up
towards them, it is killed with two arrows
aimed at its eyes. Radia Mangandini is mar-
ried to Tuwan Potre Malano Tihaia.
The princes decide to return to Agama
Niog by land as the sea route is too dan-
gerous. A special carriage is constructed for
them and all other preparations made. On
their way, they decide to settle upon a fertile
piece of land where paddy is grown. Tuwan
Potre Malaila Ganding (her name changes
at this point) one day sees a deer with
golden horns and asks her husband to cap-
ture it for her. Radia Mangandini goes after
the animal, asking Radia Mangawarna to
take care of the princess. He is not to leave
her even if Radia Mangandini cries for help.
After some time, the princess hears her hus-
band’s voice screaming for help. She orders
Radia Mangawarna to go to his assistance.
He leaves after asking her to close her win-
dow and not to open it no matter who
knocks. Soon it becomes dark and the deer
too disappears. Radia Mangandiri returns
home only to find that Tuwan Potre Ma-
laila Ganding has been kidnapped by Maha-
radia Lawana ofthe eight heads. He realizes
that the deer was Maharadia Lawana in dis-
guise. Radia Mangandiri then goes in search
MAHARISHI
of his younger brother who is missing.
While resting, Radia Mangandiri has a
dream in which he fights a buffalo (carabao).
He is gored by the animal and one of his
testicles is thrown to the east where Potre
Langawi, Queen of the East, swallows it
thinking it is a precious stone. She becomes
pregnant as a result and soon gives birth to
a monkey named *Laksamana. Upon
awakening, Maharadia Mangandin discovers
that one of his testicles is really missing. His
dream is, in fact, a true happening.
Laksamana asks his mother the identity
of his father but she cannot tell him. One
day, while hungry, Laksamana tries to catch
the sun to eat it, taking it to be some fruit.
Jumping from tree to tree he falls between
Radia Mangandiri and Radia Mangawarna,
addressing them respectively as father and
uncle. Radia Mangandiri remembers his
dream and realizes that Laksamana 1s his
son. Laksamana agrees to help Radia Man-
gandin. rescue Tuwan Potre Malaila
Ganding with the assistance of his carabao
subjects.
When the forces are gathered, Laksa-
mana tries to jump from a mountain but the
mountain collapses. He then jumps from
Radia Mangandini’s palm, thus reaching
Pulu Bandiarmasir. Using rattan he con-
structs a bridge across the river. The forces
of Radia Mangandiri try to cross over to
Pulu Bandiarmasir where a festival is being
held to console Tuwan Potre Malaila Gan-
ding. The bridge, however, collapses and
Laksamana, who defeats the crocodile king
in a battle, obtains the latter’s assistance so
that a crocodile fleet is used to ferry the
army across while the carabao swim the
channel.
In Pulu Bandiarmasir, whenever Maha-
radia Lawana approaches Tuwan Potre Ma-
laila Ganding, a fire appears between them.
Laksamana tells Maharadia Lawana that this
happens because her parents did not con-
sent to his marrying her. Maharadia Lawana
admits that he has kidnapped her, and Lak-
samana tells him that he has been sent to
fight Maharadia Lawana by Radia Mangan-
diri. Laksamana takes the princess to her
husband. The carabao kill many of Mahara-
dia Lawana’s subjects. Others are chased
into the river where they are eaten by cro-
codiles.
156
The wise men tell Maharadia Lawana
that his subjects are being mercilessly killed.
With his sword (kampilan) he runs after the
carabao, killing some of them. Maharadia
Lawana fights Radia Mangawarna, but the
latter cannot equal the strength of Maha-
radia Lawana. Radia Mangandiri tries but
is also unable to kill or even to wound or
defeat Maharadia Lawana. Laksamana
notices this and he then gets hold of Radia
Mangandiri’s kampilan which he sharpens
on the whetstone set upon a piece of wood
in Maharadia Lawana’s palace. With this
weapon, Maharadia Lawana is wounded
and collapses.
By this time, twenty years have passed
since Radia Mangandiri and Radia Manga-
warna started their wanderings. Laksamana
summons the crocodiles and on their backs
the group rides home to Agama Niog where
they are welcomed with a huge feast. Lak-
samana turns into a very handsome noble-
man.
maharishi (Malaysia/Indonesia). The term,
meaning “great sage’, comes from two Sans-
krit words, maha, meaning ‘great’ and 1si,
commonly spelt rishi, meaning ‘hermit’ or
‘sage’. In general, the term is applicable to
saints or other male persons who have
reached a high level of spiritual training.
The word rsi also appears in Bali in connec-
tion with rsi-yadya, one of the five categor-
ies of homage-connected rituals (*panca
yadnya) performed to pay respects to gods,
the souls of the dead, and the malevolent
forces.
In the Malay *wayang kulit siam and
*“wayang kulit gedek, there appear a host of
maharishi: characters. Two are particularly
important: Maharishi Kala Api, who is the
father of *Siti Dewi, and Maharishi Burung
Jerejit, who features in the opening pro-
logue (bahagian dalang muda) of wayang kulit
siam performances. A background story
explains that a pair of honey birds have built
their nest in this maharishi’s beard while he
is meditating and one day he hears them
talking about his wife’s infidelities. In wa-
yang kulit gedek, the name maharishi appears
as mahasikul, or mahasiko, a probable Thai
variation.
Thai terms for rishi also include resi and
rust.
 157
Maharishi Burung Jerejit (Malaysia), see
maharishi
Maharishi Kala Api, sce maharishi
MAHMUD BIN WAHID (Malaysia), see
awang batil
Mahomet at Constanza (Philippines). A
*comedia written by Francisco Balthazar,
popularly known as *Balagtas. It was based
upon the Greek struggle for emancipation
and due to its ‘seditious’ character it was
never allowed by the author to be staged
during his lifetime.
Mahsuri (Malaysia). The events in this
story, popular m *bangsawan, took place
during the reign of Sultan Ahmat Tajuddin
Almukarram Shah in Kedah. At that time,
Datuk Ser Kemajaya was in charge on
Langkawi Island. Several versions are
known. The following derives from Tunku
Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj, Malaysia’s
first prime minister.
One day, while Datuk Sen Kemajaya is
in his audience hall (balai adat) with his offi-
cials discussing matters of state and condi-
tions on the island of Langkawi, there arrive
before him three well-known warriors of
the island—Kelana, Deramang, and Lela.
They have just returned from a successful
mission against Portuguese forces in the
Straits of Malacca. Each of them tells of his
encounter with the Portuguese, and also
provides details regarding the booty he has
managed to capture. It is obvious they are
all out to impress Mahsuri, whom they
have seen for the first time at the audience
hall.
Datuk Seri Kemajaya, happy at their
present success and also remembering their
previous services to the island, offers, as a
reward, to find suitable brides for all three
of them so that they can settle down. The
heroes, however, indicate that they are not
yet ready for marriage. They have all ob-
viously fallen in love with Mahsuri.
One day, while Mahsuri, seated on her
balcony, is singing lagu bunga tanjung, she is
joined in turn by Deramang and Kelana.
Soon after, Lela also arrives at the scene.
Each of the three, by turn, tries to climb to
the balcony to have a closer look at Mah-
MAHSURI
suri as well as to attract her attention.
At this point, Deramang shrewdly takes
the opportunity of inciting trouble between
Kelana and Lela; the two good friends are
soon fighting against each other. Dera-
mang, hearing the approaching footsteps
of Datuk Aman, Mahsuri’s father, quickly
leaves the scene. Datuk Aman separates the
feuding warriors. He learns from them that
the source of their quarrel is Mahsuri. They
have been fighting for the honour of
obtaining her favour.
Datuk Aman calls Mahsuri and asks her
whom she prefers between Kelana and Lela.
Mahsuri, who does not want to offend any-
one, indicates that she will, from her bal-
cony, drop a flower while the two suitors
walk beneath. Whoever manages to get the
flower will be her chosen one. In the
contest, Kelana emerges the victor. Datuk
Aman promises that he will soon choose a
suitable date for the marriage of Kelana and
Mahsun. The two friends agree that the
incident should not ruin their brotherly
love for each other.
Following the marriage between Kelana
and Mahsuri, Datuk Seri Kemajaya receives
a letter from the sultan of Kedah. He is
ordered to bring with him a force of able
Langkawi warriors to face the Siamese who
have invaded Kedah and to rescue the forts
taken by the enemy.
Datuk Seri Kemajaya, conceding to the
wishes of his wife, Mahsura, appoints his
son, Deramang, as administrator in his place.
Lela is to look after the coastal areas of the
island while Kelana is to accompany Datuk
Seri Kemajaya with his men to the battle-
field. Kelana and Mahsuri are thus separated
soon after their marriage.
As soon as he and Kelana have left,
Deramang falsely accuses Mahsuri of having
an affair with Lela. This he does out of
jealousy and as a means of taking revenge
against Kelana who has succeeded in marry-
ing the beautiful Mahsuri. As Deramang has
the authority to rule Langkawi, the various
noblemen and headmen (penghulu) do not
dare oppose his actions and decrees. Dera-
mang sentences Mahsuri to be killed by the
salang method, i.e. pierced with a dagger
(keris) in the shoulders close to her neck on
both sides. Lela, too, is sentenced to death.
At the appointed time, when Mahsuri is
MAIN PUTERI 158
to be killed, there is a storm and lightning invisible forces on behalf of a patient. The
flashes continuously in the sky. Mahsur idea in thus summoning these forces seems
curses the disloyal people of Langkawi. They to be to reiterate some of the sanctions
will not be safe or happy for seven gen- within which they must operate. Accord-
erations and Pulau Langkawi will turn into ingly, the spirits are obliged to accept the
a barren, unproductive land. When Mah- offerings—token of -what they used to
suri is pierced with the keris by Deramang, extract before the covenant was estab-
white blood spouts from her—a sign that lished—and to depart.
she is innocent and a sacred person (kera- The origins of main puteri, which has
mat). apparent connections with healing mtuals
When Deramang is next on the point of found in Thailand, Cambodia, as well as
stabbing Lela, the forces led by Datuk Seri amongst Malaysian aboriginal (orang asli)
Kemajaya are heard arriving near Padang groups, remain obscure. Certain commen-
Mat Sirat, the place of Mahsuri’s execution. tators link main puteri to Tantric beliefs
Deramang flees. Datuk Sen Kemayaya, possibly introduced into the Malay penin-
Kelana, and others upon arrival discover sula with Hindu and Buddhist cultures
what has happened to Mahsuri. Lela re- during the early centuries of the Chnstian
counts the events leading to her execution. era. Other theories trace the genre to a
Unable to control both his sadness and his twelfth-century Kelantanese princess, Puteri
anger, Kelana goes in search of Deramang. Saadong, who possessed certain magical or
Fierce fighting breaks out between them. spiritual powers and is herself considered a
Kelana succeeds in killing Deramang and sacred being (*keramat). It is certain that
thus avenging the death of his wife main puteri is ancient, and, like the *mak
Datuk Seri Kemajaya, repentant at having yong dance-theatre style with which it
given so much power to Deramang, offers shares many features, possibly pre-Islamic in
Kelana any young lady in Langkawi he origin.
desires in marriage. Kelana rejects the offer Ceremonies of invocation generally take
Swearing that he will never again set foot place at night after the completion of the
on the island, he leaves Pulau Langkawi.

main puteri (Malaysia). A therapeutic dance-

theatre style found principally in the state of
Kelantan on the east coast of the Malay
peninsula. It is based upon an ancient Malay
belief system, derived from animism, which
explains illness as due to the weakening or
loss of a person’s soul (*semangat) or pos-
session by disease-bearing spirits (*hantu or
jembalang). In it, a patient’s syndrome is
translated into the shape and form of su-
pernatural beings who are considered evil.
Despite their malicious nature, however,
such beings can be brought under control
by a main puteri shaman (*bomoh or tok pu-
tert) with the assistance of an interrogator
(tok minduk or minduk) who also acts as the
genre’s principal Musician, playing the
three-stringed viol (rebab). The bomoh or tok
puteri, who may be a man or woman, acts as
a vehicle for placing for such creatures as
are summoned or appear voluntarily, while
tok minduk interrogates the invisible arrivals.
The duo of performers thus confront the main puteri (shaman and patient)
 159
late night (isya) prayers, either in a specially
built rural theatre (*panggung) or in a pa-
tient’s house. They may last through the
greater part of the night, terminating as a
rule before dawn, due to a belief that by
sunrise the spirits must return to their
abodes. Performances lasting several nights
are not uncommon. A performance group
usually consists of the two principal per-
formers, tok bomoh and tok minduk. In ad-
dition, several musicians are used, their
number depending upon the composition
of atroupe’s orchestra.
Main puieri performances done in an
older style made use of either a metal bowl
(batil) as an accompanying instrument or a
single-headed drum (redap). The latter style,
known as main puteri redap, may still at times
be encountered in rural Kelantan. Most
main puteri performances today, however,
use a mak yong orchestra consisting of a
three-stringed spiked fiddle (rebab), a pair of
bossed bronze gongs (tetawak), and a pair
of double-headed barrel drums (gendang).
Additional optional instruments include a
pair of cymbals (kesi) and a pair of inverted
gongs (canang) beaten with a stick. Much of
the musical repertoire of main puteri is de-
rived also from that of mak yong.
As a form of traditional theatre, main
puteri shares certain principal structural ele-
ments with other genres of traditional Ma-
lay theatre. Performances commence with
theatre consecration (*buka panggung) rituals
very similar to those performed in mak yong
and *wayang kulit siam. These consist of
several interrelated ceremonies with three
broad functions: the recitation of invoca-
tions (*mantera or *kenduri) addressed to a
host of invisible beings, the actual consec-
ration (buka panggung) of a theatre, and a
musical prelude. Additional prayers or in-
vocation texts (jampi or mantera) may be re-
cited before the commencement of trance
sessions to ensure that evil spirits are kept at
bay and that there is thus no danger to
performers, the patient, and any observers
present.
The hypnotic sounding of musical in-
struments marks the commencement of a
dance by the bomoh. A series of dances with
little variation is performed to the accom-
paniment of vocal and instrumental music.
MAIN PUTERI
The arrival or descent of a spirit is marked
by sudden changes occurring in the dancer,
both physically and psychologically. The
dancer’s body is often twisted into positions
far from normal. Voice changes are com-
mon. The dance completed, the bomoh
kneels before the rebab player, continuing
his movements of torso and arms some-
times with violent circular movements of
the head. A conversation ensues between
visitant spirit and minduk. The identity of
the spirit is established and the minduk
explains the reason for its summoning. Oc-
casionally, the spirit, having identified itself
or been recognized by the bomoh, asks why
it has been summoned. The discussion con-
cluded, the spirit departs and another dance
takes place for the appearance of the next
spirit.
Each invisible visitor is promised food
offerings and is also told not to cause any
trouble to those involved in the ritual. This
process continues until the spirit responsible
for the patient’s illness has been contacted.
It is then coerced, threatened, or gently
persuaded away with the promise of sacri-
fices and offerings to be given on some fu-
ture date. The patient is assumed to have
recovered and often feels better.
It is, however, accepted that such a
recovery may not be complete; that further
periodic performances of main puteri may be
necessary to boost the cure or upon the re-
turn of illness. Performances often contain
an element ofbargaining between spirit and
interlocutor. Agreement, however, is easily
reached, particularly if the officiating bomoh
is an experienced one who establishes in no
uncertain terms his superiority over the
invisible forces. This is done, inter alia, by
correctly identifying an arriving spirit even
before the latter has a chance to speak, thus
establishing his unquestionable control of
the situation and his superior esoteric learn-
ing (ilmu dalam).
In addition to the basic activities thus far
briefly outlined, a number ofother interest-
ing events take place in main puteri. These
include the entranced dancer’s ‘sucking out’
(siup) of a lodged spirit through the head or
toes of a patient seated on the floor with
legs stretched out or lying down prostrate.
This has to do with the concept ofthe spirit
MAIN PUTERI-MAK YONG
as wind (*angin). Another feature is the use
of wind blandishment (semah angin) or flat-
tery, a component element of such curative
ceremonies. This is coupled with an indica-
tion, presumably for the information of
spirits, of the patient’s identity and status.
The dialogue between the spirits and a
bomoh is often humorous, at times even
charged with obscenities or scatological
references.
In main puteri, the patient does not per-
form as such. This, however, is not the case
in a variant style in which main puteri is per-
formed in combination with mak yong. In
this combination style, known as *main
puteri-mak yong, the patient is generally be-
lieved to be intensely attracted to a charac-
ter from the repertoire of mak yong stories,
often to the extent of completely identify-
ing himself or herself with that character.
The patient then has to assume that charac-
ter’s role despite a lack of previous acting
experience. The patient is assisted by an
experienced mak yong performer whom the
former imitates or accompanies. The as-
sumption of the role by the patient is sym-
bolic. Since there is a greater or lesser degree
idea titiaation between character and
patie n ‘possession’ of the patient by
the rma process of imitation
allows for an emotional release and hence a
recovery on the part ofthe patient. See also
angin.
main puteri-mak yong (Malaysia). The main
puteri-mak yong or puteri--mak yong pertorm-
ance is one in which the *main puteri sham-
amistic dance and *mak yong are performed
in combination. The function of main puteri
is generally diagnostic. The shaman (*bomoh
or tok puteri) ascertains the nature of a pa-
tient’s illness through trance or possession
(lupa). Once the malady-causing spirit has
been idenufied, through one or more nights
of performance, it is chased or persuaded
away, and a cure is thus effected. Partial
cures, which are not uncommon, usually
require main puteri sessions over a period of
several weeks or even months.
When, on the other hand, through dia-
gnostic main puteri it is established that a
patient’s illness is due to emotional identi-
fication between the patient and a mak yong
160
character, such as *Dewa Muda or Puten
*Gerak Jitra, the bomoh may prescribe a mak
yong performance as a means of curing the
malady, described as illness of the soul or
spirit (sakit jiwa or sakit angin). In cases
where such identification between patient
and character reaches the point of com-
pleteness, a patient may have no choice but
to obtain emotional release through assum-
ing the role himself or herself. A lack of
familiarity with performance techniques is
not a serious problem, for a regular *pak
yong or *mak yong performer assists the pa-
tient who merely imitates the former. The
patient is invariably required to assume the
appropriate role of pak yong or mak yong
for a few minutes, particularly during the
opening dance of salutation to the rebab
(three-stringed viol) (*menghadap rebab).
Following the short duration of actually
‘performing’, a patient may sit through the
remainder of an evening gaining from his
indirect participation, his observation of a
performance, and the spintually charged
atmosphere. The resultant emotional re-
lease usually effects a partial or complete
restoration of health or a sense of well-
being. See also angin.
main puteri redap (Malaysia), main
puteri
Mak Hiang (Malaysia/Indonesia), see se-
mangat padi
mak senik (Indonesia). The leading female
role in the *mak yong dance-theatre of the
Ruau islands, particularly that of the queen
(permaisurt).
mak yong 1 (Malaysia). An ancient Malay
dance-theatre form incorporating the ele-
ments of ritual, stylized dance and acting,
vocal and instrumental music, song, story,
and formal as well as improvised spoken
text. It is principally performed in the two
provinces of Patani in southern Thailand
and Kelantan on the east coast of the Malay
peninsula. To a lesser extent, mak yong is
also active in Malaysia’s Kedah state and in
the Riau islands of Indonesia. Malaysian
mak yong troupes are reputed to have at one
time travelled regularly to northern Suma-
 161
mak yong
tra where they received some royal support
in the province of Deli. Today, mak yong is
no longer performed in Sumatra.
Myths ana legends current in Kelantan-
ese villages support a strong belief that mak
yong had divine origins or inspiration. The
ancient Javanese deity, *Semar, and his son,
*Turas, are credited with being its mythical
first performers. Other theories link mak
yong with Mak Hiang, the spint of the rice,
*semangat padi, identified with Dewi *Sni,
the Hindu—Javanese harvest goddess. Mak
yong is thus regarded as a celebration of
nature and natural phenomena, an idea elo-
quently expressed in the lyrics of lagu meng-
hadap rebab, the song accompanying the
semi-nitualistic tarian menghadap rebab, the
dance with which all mak yong performances
commence. Yet again, to give it an Islamic
colouring, mak yong is often described as
having derived directly from Adam (Nabi
Adam), the primeval human progenitor,
through a host of spirits and mythical
heroes. This results in its being interpreted
in symbolic and mystical terms often
couched in Sufi vocabulary.
Mak yong’s roots probably sink deep in
time into animism as well as into shaman-
istic belief and practice. Some ofthe deeper
spiritual meanings attached to the genre and
some of the symbolism operating within it
certainly point in that direction. A mtualistic
style of mak yong, probably performed from
time immemorial in the villages on the east
coast of Peninsular Malaysia, is still seen
today side by side with mak yong intended
for entertainment per se. This is probably a
survival of an earlier manifestation when
ritual and healing were mak yong’s primary
MAK YONG 1
considerations. Ritual mak yong, alone or in
combination with *main puteri, continues to
serve as a vehicle of exorcism or healing
through a patient’s active participation in
a dramatic performance or, alternatively,
through emotional and psychological in-
volvement.
Dunning the early decades of the twentieth
century, mak yong was for a short duration
instituted as a form of court entertainment
in Kelantan. The support thus received en-
abled it to develop into a sophisticated form
principally associated with the palace while
continuing to be active in the rural areas
in its previous capacity as folk and ritual
theatre. The palace period saw the intro-
duction of female performers to play the
principal male role (pak yong). Court sup-
port, however, ended with the demise of
mak yong’s principal patron, Tengku Te-
menggung Ghattar. Performers who briefly
received royal wages soon rejoined their
erstwhile rural companions, once again
continuing to perform in the mainstream.
The early 1970s saw a revitalization of mak
yong and its promotion as commercial
theatre with the establishment of the Seri
Temenggung Group of Kelantan under the
charge of Khatijah binti Awang, herself a
scion of artistic forebears. With the Sen
Temenggung there developed a third com-
mercialized variety of mak yong. Overall,
few active performers remain and the future
of mak yong thus remains uncertain, its sur-
vival dependent upon the energies of a
handful of enthusiasts.
All mak yong performances are guided by
certain basic conventions. The building of a
theatre (panggung or bansal) must conform
to specific principles of design and align-
ment. It is usually built ofthatch (attap) and
bamboo, with a size of about 4 by 5 metres,
and is open on all sides. Traditionally, the
structure must not be raised above the
ground, so that performers are on the mat-
covered floor, and it must be placed so that
the longer dimensions are aligned east-west.
Present-day panggung, often larger, are
usually elevated 1.0-1.5 metres above
eround to allow for maximum visibility.
Traditional bansal continue to be used only
for ritual mak yong or main puteri perform-
ances.
MAK YONG 1 162
The orchestra is so arranged that the
rebab player, its principal musician, sits on
the panggung’s eastern side close to the cen-
tral post (tiang seri). This allows the actresses
to face east during the opening menghadap
rebab dance, thus observing an ancient
custom. Other conventions relate to the
starting-off of the orchestra and precautions
and prohibitions that need to be observed
in handling the instruments, some of
which, regarded as the homes of spirits,
thereby become sacred.
In Kelantan today, female performers
play the leading male (pak yong) role, a prac-
tice begun in the early decades of the pres-
ent century. Men play the comic (*peran)
roles and a host of other supporting ones.
Most of the action takes place at stage-
centre, gelanggang, performers remaining on-
stage throughout the performances. They
are, nevertheless, presumed by convention
to be off-stage when seated in the non-
acting areas on the sides of the stage, often
leaning against bamboo bars for support and
indulging in a host of activities not related
to the action of the play being performed—
smoking, chewing betel quids, or drinking
coffee—and assuming their specific roles or
characters almost instantly when necessary.
In their off-stage positions, all female per-
formers function as members of the chorus
(jung dondang).
Few multifunctional stage or hand prop-
erties are used: for the pak yong, a few strands
of bamboo tied together into a wand (roan
berai) as well as a dagger (keris); and for the
peran actors, wooden swords (golok). Sim-
ilarly, simple properties may be used by
other performers. All basic information
related to time and place regarding action is
enshrined within the dialogue and song
texts. The longer songs are accompanied by
circular dances serving a multitude of pur-
poses, including that of scene-changing. A
formal opening of the theatre (*buka pang-
gung) ceremony and a similar one to close
the theatre (*fitup panggeung) are mandat-
ory. The former, like the poorvaranga in
Indian classical and folk theatre, serves the
function of invoking invisible beings and of
offering sacrifices to them. Invitations are
extended to them to be present during per-
formances with a view to gaining their
goodwill as well as ensuring protection for
performers and audience members. The
tutup panggung serves as a means of ‘release’
or sending-off of the invisible host and of
expressing gratitude to them for their co-
operation in ensuring a successful perform-
ance. Mak yong is thus sacred art, requiring
special care. Actors and actresses are assumed
to be re-enacting the deeds of the gods, the
principal characters in the mak yong reper-
toire of stories.
Although in the past a single story took
several weeks to complete if done in the
most elaborate style, incorporating all the
necessary music and dance pieces, this is no
longer the case. Typical performances to-
day take one to three nights, commencing
at about 8.30 p.m. and ending sometime
after midnight. Performers are able to make
necessary adjustments in their performances
to suit the time available. In exorcistic *main
puteri-mak yong or other healing perform-
ances, however, it is a common practice to
devote the first night to diagnostic *main
puter’ and subsequent nights to mak yong.
Traditionally, the longest of mak yong stor-
ies, “Anak Raja Gondang, took forty nights
to complete, while shorter ones lasted
good twenty mights.
As a matter of practice, all pe rformances
begin with the emplacement of musical
instruments and musicians in specially des-
ignated positions pnor to buka panggung
rituals in conformity with traditional ob-
servances. The alignment allows actresses to
face both the rebab player and the direction
of the rising sun during their opening dance,
which is intended to salute the orchestra
and, in particular, the rebab.
Staging arrangements for spiritual per-
formances, though complicated by numer-
ous additional items of paraphernalia, more
or less conform with the arrangements for
non-ritual mak yong. Spiritual performances
are characterized by a greater measure of
informality and audience involvement,
especially during trance sessions such as
the palm-blossom trance (lupa mayane)
when control becomes wellnigh impossible,
perhaps even unnecessary, so as not to
defeat the very purpose of the perform-
ances. During ritual performances, more-
over, the ‘sacred area’ extends physically to
 163
include some ground around the panggung.
The mak yong repertoire went through
several phases of expansion beginning with
one basic story, *Dewa Muda. This play is
generally regarded as the genre’s most im-
portant story as it explains the origins of
mak yong itself. At the same time, Dewa
Muda is also considered spiritually the most
important story, and it thus has a very spe-
cial status in ritual performances of both
mak yong and main puteri-mak yong. Through
subsequent development from this single
play, the classical repertoire of mak yong
stabilized at twelve plays. Additional tales
have been borrowed from other theatre
genres of the region, such as *wayang kulit
stam, *wayang kulit melayu, *novra chatri, and
*bangsawan. Despite general agreement that
mak yong has twelve ‘authentic’ stories,
however, there is no complete agreement
on the twelve titles which constitute the
classical mak yong repertoire. The use of
several alternative titles for a single tale in
some instances and the use of a single title
to indicate a cycle of stories in other in-
stances complicate the issue.
Based upon extensive consultations with
leading mak yong personalities, the follow-
ing list has been compiled as a possible
complete ‘authentic’ mak yong repertoire:
1. Dewa Muda
2. *Dewa Pechil (with Dewa Samadaru as a
variant title
3. Dewa Sakti (or Raja Sakti)
4. Dewa Indera-Indera Dewa
5. Dewa Panah (or Anak Rajah Panah)
6. Anak Raja Gondang (the trilogy in-
corporating this play, Bongsu Sakti, and
Bijak Laksana)
7. Gading Bertimang
8. Raja Tangkai Hati
9. Raja Muda Lakleng
10. Raja Muda Lembek
11. Raja Besar Dalam Negeri Ho Gading
12. Bedara Muda.
In the Kelantanese mind, all these stories
are associated with gods (dewa). They deal
with the adventures of gods or mythical
princes (themselves the progeny of gods)
and include supernatural events, so that
they may be adequately described as ro-
mances or sagas.
It has not yet been possible to link these
MAK YONG 1
stories with the major South or South-East
Asian story cycles, such as Somadeva’s Ka-
thasaritsagara, the Pancatantra, or the Indo-
nesian *Panji cycle. Attempts at linking
them with, or seeking possible derivatives
from, Middle Eastern and Persian cycles
such as the *One Thousand and One Nights
and the Shah-Namah have also revealed
nothing. There is perhaps only one excep-
tion to all this—Anak Raja Gondang (The
Conch-Shell Prince). Apart from Malaysia,
the story 1s also known in Cambodia, Thai-
land, and Tibet. It is derived from Suvarna-
sangkha Jataka (the Golden Shell Jataka), one
ofthe extra-canonical stories of the Buddha’s
lives (*jataka) probably wntten down for
the first time in Thailand.
Some Kelantanese mak yong performers
postulate Javanese origins for Dewa Muda
and Dewa Pechil. The prince, Dewa Muda,
is often identified with Raden Panji or Ino
Kertapati, the hero of the medieval Javanese
Panji romance.
The mak yong roles are enacted by a cast
of between eight and ten performers in a
ritual or rural performance and by about
twenty to twenty-five performers for a
more sophisticated one. In either case, there
is considerable flexibility and the number of
performers depends upon the story selected.
The numbers mentioned do not include
musicians. The roles are as follows: pak yong,
the male lead; mak yong, the female lead;
peran or pengasuh, the male attendant;
*inang, the female attendant or duenna;
*tok wak, the old man; dewa-dewa, the gods
and spirits; *jian and gergasi, the gen and
ogres; orang darat, the villagers, and burung
and binatang, the birds and animals.
Pak yong, the male lead role, is played by
females in Kelantan. There may be more
than one pak yong in a performance, de-
pending upon the story. He is always the
king (raja) or prince (raja muda). When both
those roles are used, the pak yong role 1s
divided into pak yong tua and pak yong, with
the former, or elder pak yong, playing the
raja and the latter playing the prince. The
pak yong role is central to the genre.
The mak yong is the leading female role,
and is always played by females. Like the
previous role, the mak yong is sometimes
divided into mak yong, playing a queen, and
MAK YONG 1 164
puteri mak yong, playing a princess. There
may be several mak yong roles in a single
performance.
Although generally regarded as a ‘comic’
role, the peran is considerably more than a
mere clown. Two peran roles are used—
peran tua, the older, and peran muda, the
younger. Unlike the clowns in bangsawan or
*sandiwara, the peran have the stature and
importance of Shakespeare’s ‘wise fools’ or
of the vidushaka in Sanskrit drama. Of the
two, the peran tua is infinitely more import-
ant than the peran muda, particularly in spir-
itual performances. The peran are addressed
as Awang Pengasuh, a name indicating their
roles as a raja’s attendants, guardians, pro-
tectors, and companions.
In more ways than one, the inmang’s func-
tions parallel those of the peran. She serves
as the attendant to a queen or a companion
to a princess. The role is divisible into sev-
eral subcategories. Of all these, the youngest
inang (inang bongsu) 1s the most important.
The old man (tok wak) role is an
teresting one encompassing several very
important characters, such as the royal as-
trologer or fortune-teller, the royal execu-
tioner, and a whole range of royal craftsmen.
Of this fairly wide group of functionanes,
the tok wak nujum (royal astrologer) is the
most important.
To the next group, dewa-dewa or dewi-
dewi, belong all benevolent gods, goddesses,
and spirits. These roles are generally hand-
led by men. The dewa-dewa play the import-
ant role of the Fates, intervening in human
affairs or human destiny to bring about a
balance when human judgement has erred
or when the malicious influence of ogres or
genil threatens human characters. The jinn
and ogres are clearly portrayed as evil,
though once in a while one encounters an
exception, Evil is ever present in mak yong,
as in most South-East Asian traditional
theatre. It devolves upon the hero to sub-
due or destroy it, if necessary with the help
of benevolent supernatural forces. In the
symbolic presentation of good as well as evil
supernatural beings, there are clearly marked
Javanese as well as Islamic elements. Most
mak yong ogres bear close resemblance to
the coarse (*kasar) figures in the Javanese
shadow play.
The final two categories of mak yong
characters need little explanation.
The mak yong orchestra consists of three
instruments: the three-stringed rebab or spike
fiddle, a pair of double-headed barrel drums
(gendang), and a pair of hanging gongs
(tawak-tawak or tetawak). Of these, the rebab
is the most important, and the rebab player is
normally considered the leader of a mak
yong orchestra. Part of the instrument's
prestige derives also from its supernatural
importance, something universally accepted
in mak yong. Customarily, the tetawak are
hung in the north-eastern corner of a pang-
gung, their knobs facing each other, and the
larger gong ibu, with its offerings hanging
inside, pointed centre-stage. Apart from
these standard instruments, the serunai
(double-reed oboe) and the canang (inverted
gongs) are sometimes used, particularly in
tari ragam and lagu berjalan, both relatively
munor pieces which have apparently been
borrow ed from nora chatn.
in- The longer pieces of the mak yong mu-
sical repertoire, according to contextual
usage, may be classified as follows:
1. Lagu menghadap rebab, the semi-nitualistic
opening piece
2. Pieces intended for giving instructions
or conveying messages
3. Pieces for walking or travel situations
4. The mengulit or lullaby tunes
5. Pieces for lamentation situations
6. Pieces accompanying special activites
such as those undertaken by specialized
craftsmen
Lagu sedayong pak yong, a special piece
with specific functions, including ma-
gical transformations.
mak yong (drums)

All thirty-five or so mak yong pieces,
many of which are no longer performed, fit
into these categories.
Dances in mak yong, apart from meng-
hadap rebab, show little variety. They are,
for female dancers, basically slow and circu-
lar, with musical and choric vocal accom-
paniment. The male performers, such as tok
wak and peran, on the other hand, have
more complicated stylized dances incorpor-
ating various steps (tapak), turns (kirat), and
langkah which represent complete move-
ment sequences ending up in specific poses.
In certain situations, langkah lead directly
into the action without intermediary poses.
Hand gestures known as ibu tari, are impre-
cisely used. Some bear close resemblance to
Indian mudra but do not possess the same
symbolic value as their Indian counterparts.
The pataka gesture for instance, is profusely
used, often embellished with the fluttering
of fingers. The only clearly defined mudra-
like gesture is the salutation gesture (anjali)
known in mak yong as *sembah. It is con-
stantly featured in Malay dances and in
ceremonial usage. As a rule, hand gestures
and the movements of arms, feet, and body
combine inte complete sets or sequences
identifying character- or role-types and
providing character-related or character-
distinguishing movements. One way in
which characters are traditionally classified
is by regarding them as refined (*halus) or
coarse (kasar), their refinement or coarse-
ness emanating, apart from movements and
physical poses, through a host of other char-
acteristics including dialogue style, make-
up, and overall conduct.
The finest elaboration in mak yong dance
is to be seen in menghadap rebab, which
combines ibu tari, kirat, and tapak with
subtle swaying of the torso enabling the
dancers to weave a fantasy of movement.
The individual elements are not identified
as such, for it is the totality of pattern that
constitutes the essence of this dance, a sym-
bolic mimesis of nature and natural phe-
nomena replete with bird, animal, and plant
imagery overlaid with adat, the age-old
code of courtly manners.
As in most indigenous traditional genres
of theatre in Kelantan, mak yong perform-
ances are preceded by a series of elaborate
165 MAK YONG 1
rituals known collectively as buka pangeung.
These follow the preparation of the stage
(bansal), the placing of the instruments in
their respective positions, the stationing of
the musicians, and the preparation of the
offerings (bahan-bahan kenduri). A bomoh or
pawang, who could be a senior member ofa
troupe, conducts the rituals which, in effect,
consist of several interlinked ceremonies:
the *baca kenduri or reading of appropriate
incantations; the *buka alat-alat muzik or
starting-off of musical instruments; and the
buka panggung as such in which the theatre
is ritually opened. The prelude (lagu-lagu
permulaan) and an entry piece (lagu sang pak
yong turun) follow. The final one brings the
actresses on to the stage for the menghadap
rebab. The menghadap rebab leads on into
several other musical pieces sung to the
accompaniment of dances performed either
in groups or solo. The upshot of the entire
sequence is that the raja (pak yong), having
bid farewell to his wives (if any) and other
ladies of the palace, sets out to seek his
companion, peran tua. Peran tua then, upon
instructions from his master, visits peran
muda so that both of them can appear be-
fore the raja. When they finally arrive at
court and kneel before the raja in humble
salutation, the raja introduces himself, es-
tablishing his true identity for, as a matter of
tradition, up to this point the story has not
begun and thus the pak yong has not been
identified in terms of his name or his coun-
try. The preceding activities are part of an
elaborate introduction to the dramatic se-
quence that is to follow.
At this point, the story begins to unfold,
with the raja, now given a name, indicating
the reason for his invitation to the two
a peran. Often the raja wishes to have a dream
interpreted, as in Dewa Muda, or wishes to
go on a journey, as in Raja Tangkai Hati, or
to go hunting, as in Anak Raja Gondang.
The plot then begins to unravel. The sec-
ond and subsequent nights continue the
story, starting off each time from the point
where the previous night’s events stopped.
On the final night, having concluded the
story, the pangeung is ritually closed. The
spirits, presumably present during the per-
formance, are thanked for their benevol-
ence and for not having caused harm to
MAK YONG 2 166
audience members and performers.
Thus concludes a mak yong performance,
executed much in the manner in which it
has been for countless centuries on the east
coast of the Malay peninsula, for mak yong,
according to present evidence, is probably
the oldest and purest of all traditional Malay
theatre forms, a fascinating arabesque of
music, dance, and theatre.
mak yong 2 (Malaysia/Indonesia/T hailand).
The leading female role in the *mak yong
dance-theatre, always played by female per-
formers. It is the role of a queen or princess,
and for this reason is sometimes divided
into two categories to represent two gen-
erations: mak yong for the queen and puteri
mak yong for a princess. The qualities re-
quired of agood mak yong actress are iden-
tical to those required by one handling the
*pak yong role. As such, actresses often
interchange roles, with the pak yong playing
mak yong and vice versa.
Malat cycle, see Panji Malat Resmi
Malen (Indonesia). One ofthe comic char-
acters (*parekan) in the Balinese *wayang
kulit as well as in *wayang wong. He is the
son of Sang Hyang Tunggal and works to
assist the *Pandawa. Also known as Twalen,
he is patient and loving. However, when
he gets angry no one, not even the gods,
dares to face him. See also parekan.
Malingmaguna (Indonesia). The name of
a patih or minister in Airlangga’s kingdom
who is ordered to kill Calonarang (Waluna-
teng Girah) in the *calonarang play of Bali.
Path Malingmaguna manages to get into
Walunateng Girah’s quarters with the in-
tention of killing her, but because of the
black spiritual powers (kesaktian ilmu hitam)
possessed by Walunateng Girah, it is Path
Malingmaguna who dies, burnt to death by
his intended victim’s magical powers
(sakti).
MAMAK PUSHI (Malaysia). One of the
pioneers of early *bangsawan, having re-
putedly set up a bangsawan company in
Penang in 1885. The troupe, known as
Wayang Mamak Pushi, performed at vari-
ous places in Peninsular Malaysia and Singa-
pore, and even visited Batavia (Jakarta).
The paraphernalia belonging to the Mamak
Pushi troupe was eventually sold to one
Jaafar the Turk (*Jaafar Turki) who set up a
new company known as Wayang Stambul,
this word being derived from the name
Istanbul, in view ofJaafar Turk1’s preference
for Middle Eastern tales. This troupe gained
some measure offame in Indonesia.
mamanda (Indonesia). A form of operatic
theatre in southern Kalimantan which is
based upon the story of *Syair Abdul Muluk
(also known as Badamuluk and Ba Abdul
Muluk). It is believed to have developed at
about the same time as, or soon after, the
development of two other operatic forms,
*bangsawan and *mendu, in various parts of
the Malay world, principally in Malaysia
and Indonesia, and shares many elements
with these forms. The name derives from
the fact that the character playing the king
usually uses the term mamanda (meaning
‘uncle’) to address his two ministers, wazir
and mangkubumi. In performance, mamanda
incorporates improvised acung, stylized
movement, dance, and singing.
Mamanda began at Margasari in the dis-
trict of Tapin early in the twentieth cen-
tury. About the year 1937 there developed
an offshoot in Tabau in the district of Hulu
Sungei Tengah. The Margasari style of ma-
manda is to this day ted to the traditional
plot, while the Tabau variety makes use of
greater improvisation and has allowed for
the inclusion of contemporary elements.
Performances usually take place in the
open, A temporary dressing-room is built,
and the space just outside the dressing-
room is the acting area. Performers and
musicians, performing on violins, drums,
and suspended gongs, are arranged in this
space on the floor, and members of the
audience sit or stand on three sides.
MAMAT MASHHOR (Malaysia/Indo-
nesia). Full name: Syed Muhammad bin
Abdul Rahman al-Mashhor. One of the
pioneers in the development-of the *bangsa-
wan theatre style from the original Indian
Parsi theatre (*wayang parsi). It is believed
that his small troupe of performers used

bangsawan-style Hindustani songs but with
poems (syair) in Malay. His early ele-
mentary performances, consisting of songs,
dances, and skits, took place at weddings.
Further developments in the genre saw the
use of stories and some acting. Indra Sabha,
a popular tale from the Parsi theatre, was
featured. All performers were males. Mamat
Mashhor and his troupe were invited to
perform at the palace ofthe sultan of Deli in
Sumatra, and this represented the first ever
performance of that genre outside Penang.
An interesting development was that for
the first time, for the Deli tour, women
were featured in bangsawan, the two female
participants being Siti Hawa and Chik
Hitam Keresau. Following his return to
Penang from Sumatra, Mamat Mashhor set
up the first local bangsawan company on the
island with the assistance of one Kapitan
Ali, also known as Syed Ah.
mantis (Indonesia). The term manis (literally,
‘sweet’) indicates refinement in perform-
ance techniques and characters in Balinese
performing arts. Among the refined
characters are *Panji in *gambuh and Arsa-
wiyaya in *wayang topeng. Similarly, there
are several important refined princesses, in-
cluding Galuh *Chandra Kirana. For an
overall indication of qualities associated
with manis, see also halus.
Manohra (Thailand/Malaysia). A well-
known “*jataka tale which serves as the basis
of several different dance-theatre styles. The
version presented here is from the School
of Fine Arts, Bangkok.
Manohra (Skt. Manohara), a birdmaiden
(*kinnari), is the youngest daughter of T’u-
wayang topeng (manis)
MANOHRA
maraj, king of the mythical race of birdfolk
living at his capital of Suwannakon (Skt.
Suvarna-nagara)—the City of Gold, situ-
ated on Mount Kailas. He has seven lovely
daughters and for diversion they fly through
the air to the Lake of Bokkharani (Pushka-
rini) in the thick forest near the hermitage
of the old seer Kassop (Kashyapa) every
full-moon night and disport themselves in
its waters. Some distance away from this
lake is the state of Pancala, where King Ati-
tyawongs (Adityavamsa) reigns. His queen
is named Canda and they have a son named
Sut’on (Sudhana). The prince has in his
employ a young and gifted Brahmin who is
well versed in all branches of knowledge,
including the Veda. He serves his master
with great fidelity and thus endears himself
to Prince Sut’on. The latter is so struck
with his devotion that he asks the Brahmin
the reason for it. He is told that he, the
Brahmin, hopes to be given the post of
royal jurisconsult when his master ascends
the throne. The old jurisconsult, on hearing
of this, becomes extremely jealous and
looks for a chance to bring about the young
prince’s downfall.
There is, at this time, a forester named
Bun, or Buntarik (Pundarika), living in the
city, who from time to time goes hunting
in the forest for his livelihood. During one
of these expeditions, he saves the life of the
king ofserpents, named Jompucit, by killing
a Brahmin intent on harming the serpent-
king. In gratitude, the serpent-king invites
the forester to his home in the nether world,
there entertaining him for a week. At the
end ofthe period, he bestows upon Bun his
help at any time should this be necessary.
One day, Bun the forester goes out on
his accustomed hunt. Arriving at the her-
mitage of Kassop in the thick of the forest,
he goes in to pay his respects to the seer. As
it happens to be a full-moon night, there
arrives the usual flock of kinnari from the
sky at the nearby lake. They disport them-
selves in the water. The forester is struck
with their beauty and duly learns from the
seer that the only means of catching them is
the serpent noose in the keeping of the
serpent-king in the nether world. Recol-
lecting his friend’s promise of any help he
desires, he goes and obtains the noose. With
MANOHRA
this, he awaits his opportunity of catching
one of these beautiful girls to present as a
gift to Prince Sut’on. The seven kinnari
princesses arrive with their retinue of bird-
maidens. Doffing their wings and tails, they
jump into the water and disport themselves
with noise and merriment. Bun is aroused
from his slumber. He throws his noose and
catches Manohra, the youngest princess,
who screams with fright. The other bird-
folk, putting on their wings and tails, speed
away.
Bun, collecting the wings and tail of his
kinnari, utters incantations to release his
prey from the serpent-noose. Calling her
up from the water, he binds her and drags
her along to Pancala.
Manohra is married to Prince Sut’on.
One evening, she is seen weeping in her
room because she misses her parents and
family. Her handmaidens summon dancers
to perform for her diversion.
The prince enters, having come from an
audience with the king, his father, and tres
to comfort his wife. He tells her that he has
been given a commission to go to the
frontier where an enemy is attacking. He
will ask his parents to take good care of her
while he is away. They fall asleep after ex-
pressions of grief at their imminent parting.
In the morning, Sut’on takes his leave from
Manohra. He comes out of the palace to
review his troops before departing.
King Atityawongs has had a bad dream,
which is interpreted by the wicked juris-
consult as foretelling the death of the king.
The king is advised that a gigantic sacrifice
must take place in which all kinds of an-
imals are to be sacrificed. The birdmaiden,
his daughter-in-law, must also be slain and
offered to the gods. The old king, con-
vinced, orders the preparations to be made.
Work begins to raise a royal pavilion
where the king of Pancala plans to carry out
the sacrifice. Manohra will be the main
offering. The king now enters with his
jurisconsult. The queen makes her inter-
cession on behalf of the kinnari. The juris-
consult reminds his master that Manohra
must be sacrificed by noon. The king, fluc-
tuating between pity for the helpless girl
and fear of his own calamity, gives orders
for the sacrifice. Manohra is brought out.
168
She appeals to the king’s benevolence with-
out avail. She then expresses the desire to
dance a kinnari dance before she dies. Her
wings and tail are brought to her and Ma-
nohra dances. Suddenly, taking to the air,
she flies away to her abode in the Hima-
layas.
Prince Sut’on arrives at the hermitage in
the course of his search for Manohra and he
is greeted by the animals. In reply to Sut’on’s
enquiry regarding the whereabouts of his
beloved, a seer tells him that his consort has
left a shaw] and a ring with a message. In it,
Manohra tells the prince that he 1s not to try
to find her, for the way to her abode is
beset with danger from wild animals. It is
also quite impossible for human beings to
penetrate. The prince, however, insists on
making the attempt. The seer tells him the
way, with instructions that he should take
with him a monkey as his guide. As forest
fruits are not always edible and are in many
cases poisonous, he should avoid those that
the monkey does not eat. The journey is so
long that it will take him a period of seven
years, seven months, and seven days to
reach his destination. The day on which he
arrives will be the final day of the rite of
purification which King T’umaraj is hold-
ing for his daughter, Manohra, to cleanse
her of contact with human beings. He will
find kinnari maidens fetching water for the
purification, and he should drop his ring
into one of the water jars. When the prin-
cess has bathed in the water in which the
ring has been immersed, she will know that
her husband is at hand. Armed with this
information, Sut’on takes leave of the seer
and departs with a monkey. His bravery
and determination lead him on till the
seven years, seven months, and seven days
have passed.
The king of the kinnara-folk is seated on
his throne with his queen, surrounded by
his six daughters and his courtiers. He
awaits his long-lost daughter who cannot
be summoned until she has been properly
purified. At this stage, Manohra, duly puri-
fied, comes into the hall.
King T’umaraj and his queen, over-
whelmed with joy, rush to embrace their
long-lost daughter. She relates the whole
story of her adventure, and the devotion
 169 MARIONES
and goodness of her husband, Sut’on. The MARIANO, Patricio (Philippines)
king says that if the prince is really noble he (1877-1935). A prolific dramatist, novelist,
will succeed in reaching Manohra’s moun- and poet best remembered for his Tagalog
tain abode. To an enquiry as to whether he translations of Jose Rizal’s novels, Noli Me
will allow her to marry Sut’on if he suc- Tangere and Il Filibusterismo. He wrote a
ceeds in getting to Mount Kailas, the king substantial number of *zarzuela plays, in-
answers affirmatively. She tells him that cluding Pangakong Hindi Natupad and Ang
Sut’on is on the mountain already. The Anak ng Dagat, both in three acts.
king still wishes to impose a final test of
the prince’s constancy. Sut’on is therefore mariones (Philippines). One of the most
summoned to the court where he is animated of all performances done during
confronted by the seven sisters who are all Lent in the Philippines, it is a mime where-
equally beautiful and so alike in appearance in the townsfolk of Mogpog, Boac, and
as to be indistinguishable. He recognizes his Gasonon on Marinduque Island re-enact
beloved by the magic ring on her finger. the legend of the martyr Longinus based
Taking her by the hand, he goes before the upon the Gospel of St John.
king whom they both salute together. The Mariones was introduced into the Philip-
king invites all denizens of the sacred pines from Mexico sometime after 1859 by
Mount Kailas to jom in the marriage a Jesuit who had been to Guernavaca. Sev-
festivities. eral theories are given to explain the origin
of its name, and many myths, some ex-
manora (Malaysia/ Thailand), see nora chatri tremely interesting and well known in
European literature, have probably been in-
mantera (Malaysia/Indonesia). A localized spired by Longinus. In the Marinduque
version of the Sanskrit mantra, meaning version of the myth, Longinus is a centurion
‘invocations’ or ‘prayers’. Another term blind in one eye. When his spear pierces
sometimes used with identical meaning is the side of Jesus Christ, Christ’s blood,
jampi. See baca kenduri, buka panggung. spurting from his side, restores Longinus’s
sight. Longinus immediately proclaims the
mantri (Indonesia). A role in the *arja dra- divinity of Christ. His own men turn against
matic dance representing a prince or king him, arrest him, and sentence him to die by
(raja). In the *Panji stories, Panji Inu Ker- decapitation. He thus becomes a proto-
tapati is described as Mantri Kunpan or martyr for Christians. For mariones perform-
Raja Kuripan. Essentially, the term mantri ances, the towns of Marinduque are turned
suggests someone who has mastered various into open stages. There is massive com-
incantations and charms (mantera), but Bali- munity participation, for traditionally the
nese theatre also uses the term in the sense festival was seen as an act of thanksgiving.
earlier indicated. In *arja there are three Persons who had favours granted to them
mantri roles: mantri manis, mantri cenik, and through prayers would take a vow to parti-
mantri buduh. cipate in this Lenten festival for a given
number of years. Participants depict Ro-
mantri buduh (Indonesia), see mantri man. soldiers by wearing masks and uni-
forms. A typical mask, made of coral wood,
mantri cenik (Indonesia), see mantri is painted red or pink, is wide-eyed, Ro-
man-nosed, with ears, an open fish-like
mantri manis (Indonesia), see mantri mouth, and full beard. The mask 1s topped
by a colourful head-dress (turbante) ted to
manusa yadnya (Indonesia), see panca yad- it. The uniform consists of the popular con-
nya cept of what a well-dressed Roman legion-
naire wore. Recent years, however, have
marcha (Philippines). Music played in a seen the introduction into mariones per-
slow tempo for entrances and exits in the formances of many fanciful masks and a
staging of *moro-moro. large variety of costumes, often highly
MARTINEZ, MARIANO 170
incongruous with the tradition. ments incorporated into a performance are
During the festival, the participants in the music, singing, and dialogue. The name mek
mariones can be seen wandering about town mulong appears to come from two words,
by Wednesday of Holy Weck beating two mek, meaning ‘girl’ or ‘lady’ and mulong, be-
sticks (kalutang). Longinus is easily recog- lieved to be the name of a forest in which
nizable by his blind eye. On Easter Sunday, the genre first started.
with the intoning of the Gloria, he dashes Tradition maintains that once upon a
out of church, heralding the resurrection of time the raja (king) of Ligor, now a prov-
Christ, his vision now restored. ince in southern Thailand, had a daughter.
Every other morion (participant) goes As was usual in traditional courts, he invited
after him, chasing him through the streets, soothsayers to ascertain the child’s future.
coconut groves, rice-fields, and along river The fortune-tellers predicted that the child
banks. Thrice he is caught and thrice he would be a source of disaster to Ligor. She
escapes. The fourth time, preceded by a must, therefore, be destroyed, or sent away
brass band, he is marched to the ‘scaffold’. far beyond the borders of the province. The
Here he is ‘beheaded’ but not before he has princess and many servants who volun-
reiterated his complete faith in Jesus Christ. teered to go into exile with her were then
His ‘body’ is placed on a stretcher, paraded sent off far into a forest. When the child
around town, and taken to church where cried, the servants tried unsuccessfully by
crowds gather to give him a welcome various means to stop it. Finally, they made
deserving of a martyr. a very simple drum (gendang). Upon hear-
ing its sound, the princess stopped crying.
MARTINEZ, Mariano, see Pulong Pi- As time went on, many more drums were
naglahuan made. Dance movements and stories were
added. The form was then named nyanyi
matahgede (Indonesia). An old woman’s mek mulong or lakunan mek mulong.
role in *calonarang, usually given the name When the princess grew up, she herself
I Girah or Walunateng. Before Walunateng participated in performances of mek mulong.
completes her training in black magic (ilmu Leaving their forest dwelling, the troupe
hitam), she is revealed as a terrifying old toured widely, eventually reaching Kam-
woman. The role is usually played by a male pung Perk, a village in Kedah, where they
performer wearing a long gown (jubbah), decided to stay. Unfavourable reception at
the head covered with a white sheet of Perik, however, drove them further on.
cloth and with terrifying make-up. As a They found hospitality in the neighbouring
practitioner of black magic, matahgede is village of Wang Tepus. Believed to have
powerful. She has a number of students or been performed in Wang Tepus for about a
disciples (siswa) who learn from her the art century, mek mulong is handed down from
of black magic. one generation to another within the same
family. According to Pak Taib, the octo-
mega (Indonesia). Meaning ‘cloud’, the genarian leader of the troupe, who passed
name given to the black *wanda of *Semar away recently, anyone desiring to be a per-
in traditional Javanese theatre, and in former must have the night character and a
particular the classical shadow play (*wayang penchant (*angin) for the genre, much as is
kulit purwa), This colour indicates that the case in other Malay traditional perform-
Semar is in an angry mood. ing arts.
megunem (Indonesia). The Balinese term Other origin stories, in different ver-
for *antawacana. sions, have it that mek mulong was started by
a family of three—a father, a mother, and a
mek mulong (Malaysia). A dance-theatre child. The father, named Pak Mohor, made
form active only in the village of Wang a stick drum (geduk), the mother made a
Tepus in Kedah where a single group has double-headed barrel drum (gendang), while
been in existence since the genre’s very their daughter, Mek Julong, created a
beginning. In addition to dance, other ele- single-headed frame drum (rebana). Each
 171
played their respective drums in different
styles, the first as in *nora chatri, the second
in *mak yong fashion, and the third in the
style of itinerant village announcers. One
day, while Mek Julong played her drum she
lost consciousness of what she was doing,
and thus reached the middle of a forest.
Here she met Cahaya Bulan, a prince who
had been banished due to a prediction that
he would bring disaster to his father’s king-
dom. Cahaya Bulan was attracted to Mek
Julong’s drumming. He and his entourage
joined Mek julong and her parents in the
performance which was subsequently named
mek mulong, in honour of MekJulong.
Mek mulong is said by its performers to be
related to nora chatri, a dance-theatre style
with strong Buddhist elements active in
both southern Thailand and Malaysian
provinces bordering Thailand. Both nora
chatri and mek mulong are said to derive from
common sources and to be performed with
help from supernatural forces. Common
spirits are invoked in performances. Al-
though mek mulong shares certain features
with mak yong, once also active in Kedah
districts close to where mek mulong is active,
there is an apparent antagonism between
the two. Mek mulong performers believe
that if by any chance, as a result of their
invocations, a spirit sacred to mak yong per-
formers possesses the body of a mek mulong
performer, this could spell disaster to a
troupe and its performers.
Mek mulong performances are done with-
out a stage or backdrops. A temporary wood
and thatch structure (bangsal) constructed on
the ground and open on three sides serves
as a theatre. There are certain restrictions
and taboos with regard to its construction.
It must, for instance, face east, and upon a
platform (para) in the eastern section of the
theatre are placed offerings intended for the
spirits during ritual performances, such as
are featured annually for the salutation of
teachers (*upacara sembah guru). The offer-
ings include seven pots of water, roasted
chicken (ayam bakar), yellow glutinous rice
(pulut kuning), candles (lilin), coconut oil
(minyak kelapa), betel leaves and betel-nuts
(sirih pinang), benzoin (kemenyan), and cakes
(kuih-muih). In the centre, the principal per-
formance area, mats are spread.
MEK MULONG
The traditional mek mulong repertoire
consisted of twelve stories, most of them
mythical or legendary in character with
divine or superhuman heroes. The majority
of these, however, have remained unutil-
ized for so long that even their titles have
been forgotten by contemporary performers.
The presently known repertoire consists of
the following stories: Lakun Afrit or Puteri
Dua Belas, Batak Putih, *Cahaya Bulan, Ma-
lim Bongsu, Dewa Kaca, and *Dewa Muda.
Two other titles are remembered, but with-
out their plots. It is, therefore, impossible to
determine whether they are alternative titles
to any of the five referred to above, or in
fact other stories. One of these, Tok Raja
Besar, appears suspiciously like the name of
one standard character in Malay legends as
well as in mak yong tales. Another, Memburu
Rusa, may be an alternative title for Dewa
Muda, as a central motif in this most im-
portant ofall mak yong tales is a deer hunt. It
is also possible that a motif has been bor-
rowed from the *Ramayana story featured
in the shadow play (*wayang kulit). Cahaya
Bulan and Malim Bongsu are the stories
currently often featured. Cahaya Bulan is
regarded as the genre’s origin story, while
Dewa Muda, one of its most important,
connects the genre with mak yong.
The principal roles in mek mulong consist
of the following: pak mulong, the principal
male role, representing the hero (wira) of a
story; mek mulong, the principal female role,
representing the heroine (wirawati); *“peran
or pengasuh, the male comic attendants of
whom there are generally four in a per-
formance; and, finally, the *inang or inang
pengasuh, female attendants serving the
queen or princess. Several secondary roles,
such as opponents (musuh) of the hero, may
also be used, depending upon the story
performed. They may be human enemies
or supernatural beings such as giants (gergas!).
The hero is usually a human or mythical
king or prince, in keeping with the settings
of mek mulong stories. The peran or awang
pengasuh usually serve as more than mere
court servants. They are trusted advisers to
the raja and his constant companions. This
is in keeping with the roles of similar
clown—adviser figures in wayang kulit and
mak yong. In mek mulong, all the roles,
MEK MULONG
including those of puteri and inang pengasuh,
have traditionally been played by male per-
formers. Although some change is being
introduced into mek mulong in this respect,
on the whole the custom of using male per-
formers continues.
Only the bare minimum equipment is
required for a mek mulong performance.
The orchestra consists of a double-reed
oboe (serunai), four frame drums (rebana) in
two pairs of different sizes, a gong, a pair of
cymbals (mong), and five bamboo clappers
(cerek). The raja character uses a prop con-
sisting of bamboo split into seven strands
(rotan tujuh) or a carved stick (kayu lorek)
approximately 0.5 metre in length. This
serves as a weapon as well as a sort of
sceptre. In fact, sometimes the kayu lorek
consists of a bundle of seven coconut leaf
stems. The clown (awang pengasuh) charac-
ters use wooden knives (parang) believed to
possess magical power (sakfi).
Costumes in mek mulong are basic, except
for that of the raja. He wears a traditional
long-sleeved Malay-style shirt (baju melayu),
a pair of pants, and over them a short sarong
(sampin) reaching down to the knees. A
head-dress (tanjak) completes his costume.
The principal female characters (puter)
wear normal village clothes, usually a sarong
and long blouse. The clown actors (peran)
are also dressed in everyday clothing, con-
sisting of a shirt and a sarong. They are
sometimes barechested. The most interest-
ing and important feature of the clown
costumes is the wooden masks, carved and
painted in keeping with their roles. The
principal clown (ketiia peran) wears a black
mask whereas the others use red ones, It is
interesting to note that the masks of mek
mulong are identical to, or closely resemble,
those used in nora chatri, in *awang batil, as
well as in the Riau islands and Patani
mak yong. They are representative of the
southern Thai-northern Malaysian cultural
complex shared, as they are, by the most
significant dance-theatre styles of that re-
gion. Typically, as in most traditional theatre
genres of South-East Asia, mek mulong per-
formances begin with a theatre-opening
ritual (*buka panggung). This is aimed at
protecting both performers and audience
from possible spirit attack, as well as to
172
ensure that a performance proceeds with-
out mishap. One of its principal aims,
however, is to pay respects to the invisible
forces in the environment, to acknowledge
their presence. For this ritual, the following
articles are first prepared: betel leaves (sirih),
benzoin (kemenyan), and coconut oil (mi-
nyak kelapa). Following the reading of
appropriate invocations, the betel leaves are
given to the performers, principally those
playing the puter role, to be chewed. The
benzoin, placed in embers, is used to fumig-
ate musical instruments, stage properties, and
the theatre itself, while the coconut oil is
applied to the drums.
The buka panggung ceremony precedes
every performance, but in the case of one
lasting several nights it takes place only on
the opening night. Although convention
allows it to be shortened, if necessary, the
ceremony may in no event be omitted. An
additional ritual is sometimes performed
in the house of the troupe leader before a
group leaves for the performance site. This
serves as a means of protecung members of
the troupe from any mishap during their
journey to the theatre.
Mek mulong performances are divided
into two categories: normal ones and those
intended to salute the ancestors or teachers
(upacara sembah guru). The latter type, done
once every year, is spiritually more signific-
ant and elaborate. Both types must begin
with buka panggung although certain pre-
ceding activities, such as a feast (Renduri) and
a bnet sembah guri ceremony, take place
only during performances marking spir-
itually significant occasions.
All performances, as a general rule, begin
at about 8.30 p.m. after the completion of
the late evening (isya) prayers. An opening
piece of music (bertabuh) is played by the
orchestra once the performers have taken
their places in readiness on stage. It prepares
the performers, sets the mood for the
evening, and informs potential audience
members within hearing distance that the
performance is about to begin. Several other
pieces follow, serving as a musical prelude.
Following the bertabuh comes the saluta-
tion (bertabik) piece, sung to musical accom-
paniment, It contains lyrics that indicate the
troupe Is paying respects, or sending greet-
 9)
ings, to spirits (*semangat, *jinn, or *hantu)
requesting their favour to ensure the success
of the ensuing performance. The bertabik
piece also salutes members of the audience.
The invisible hosts invoked are not derived
from the world ofIslam, but environmental
spirits inherited from the days of animism.
The souls of dead teachers (guru) or an-
cestors (nenek moyang), as well as the peran,
are also invoked. Amongst these are the
elder guru (guru tua), younger guru (guru
muda), the elder clown (peran tua), and the
younger clown (peran muda). The peran
characters are included as a result ofa belief
that they are disguised gods, a view com-
monly encountered in other traditional
theatre genres in the Malay world.
The next section involves the activation
of the leading putert character (nyanyi puteri
bangkit or nyanyi gerak timpuh). This in-
volves the self-introduction of the principal
puter’ character through song and dance.
The actor playing the role sings while sim-
ultaneously executing a dance which begins
in a sitting or squatting position from which
the performer rises after a while to make
circular formations. The lyrics of this section
contain information indicating that the
princess, having made her preparations, has
now emerged from her palace. The dance
concludes with the puteri character once
again sitting down indicating that she has
gone off-stage, or waiting at stage centre for
the emergence ofpak mien In either case,
if she has gone off, she returns to join the
male lead in his dance, which is very similar
to the one executed by her. Pak mulong leads
and she follows in this dance. The accom-
panying lyrics sung by pak mulong serve the
purpose of introducing him. He is backed
up by other members of the troupe who
collectively function as a chorus. The dance
is performed in three sections. The lyrics of
the final section indicate that the raja has
been travelling towards the quarters of his
servants, the peran. At the close of this sec-
tion, he has arrived at the servants’ quarters.
The arrival is marked by a section in
which he calls for them (pak mulong me-
manggil awang pengasuh), first through song
and then through spoken text. After some
time, the elder clown, who has apparently
been sleeping until awakened by the raja,
MEK MULONG
emerges in response to the raja’s order. It is
in this section that the identity of the king
and the name ofhis kingdom are established
in preparation for the story which is about
to begin. Thus, at this point, towards the
end of the introductory section, the audi-
ence becomes aware of the story selected
for performance. The actors become trans-
formed into characters, and the story begins.
For instance, in the case of Cahaya Bulan,
the raja asks the peran to go and look for the
astrologer (wak nujum) so that a dream ofhis
queen, Puteri Namara, can be interpreted.
The raja gives details of the dream to the
peran. Having given the necessary instruc-
tions and information to the peran, the raja
leaves. The peran then, through dance and
song, goes in the direction of the astrolo-
ger’s house. Here, some comic action may
take place before the two of them proceed
to the palace, coming in audience before
the raja, again through song and dance.
Thus, the story, opened by the standard
character-introduction scene, proceeds to
its end. This standard pattern operates in all
performances, no matter which story has
been selected. Typically, a story is com-
pleted in three or four performance nights
with a section known as nyanyi tutup or the
closing song. In this, all performers and mu-
sicians in a troupe take part. The song in-
volves the use of traditional Malay quatrains
(*pantun) sung in turn by several leading
singers. These pantun also contain words
requesting the audience’s permission to
conclude the performance. The nyanyi tutup
is followed by a final instrumental piece,
the closing tune (fabuh penutup).
This is the basic pattern of a typical mek
mulong performance. In the case of upacara
sembah guru or ritual performances, there are
some additional activities. These include a
feast (kenduri) before the opening of a
performance on the first night, and several
trance sessions on the completion of a story
on the same night. These sessions, at which
entranced dancers also serve as shamans
(bomoh), attract many who wish for cures.
The ritual activities begin at about mid-
night upon the completion of the regular
story, coming to a close just before dawn
(subuh) prayers. In content, conventions, as
well as in performance structure, despite
MELEK
the claimed antagonism between the two,
there are many parallels between mak yong
and mek mulong. Both these genres also
share many elements with other forms of
traditional Malay theatre. It is obvious that
in these forms is reflected a common ethos;
they are founded upon a common spiritual
base. The precise relationships between the
genres, however, remain to be firmly estab-
lished.
Melek (Indonesia), see reog
memadah (Malaysia). In ritual (*berjamu)
performances of the Malay shadow
(*wayang kulit siam) and *mak yong dance-
theatre, one of the most important activities
is that of inviting spirits to participate in the
proceedings and, in particular, to receive
the offerings (*kenduri) prepared for them.
This process of invitation is known
memadah. On the first and final nights
during a three-might ritual performance,
spirits from as many groups as possible are
contacted, welcomed, and sent off by a
main puteri bomoh with the assurance
pohon beringin
174
oblations. The spirits, satisfied with the
offerings which include the performance
itself, promise in return to make no un-
reasonable demands thereafter and to refrain
from disturbing the performance.
In wayang kulit siam, memadah is per-
formed by a puppeteer (*dalang) himself,
sometimes without going into trance, at the
initial stages of a performance following
*buka panggung and again on a more
dramatic scale during the final night. On
the first occasion, the dalang, moving his
leaf-shaped puppet, *pohon beringin, from
side to side, effects the invitation through a
play song to the tune of lagu guru. In the more
elaborate final night memadah, the dalang
himself, becoming by turn a placing for
various spirits or figures from the *Rama-
yana, goes directly to contact the gods and
spirits, inviting them to the berjamu. When
as they arrive, there is a quick change of
identity as the dalang, now becoming the
guest spint, consumes the food-offerings.
Chis involves the actual consumption of the
offerings for the invisible host. In this
of process, he is assisted by another dalang or
by an experienced bomoh.
Similarly, a mak yong berjamu per-
formance incorporates memadah activities
designed to inform the spints of the on-
coming ritual performance, to give them
details regarding its purpose and the name
of the principal participant or sponsor (twan
kerja), as well as to invite them. A pair of
bomoh officiate from the very beginning,
alternately playing the roles of placing and
interrogator (*minduk).
memperkenalkan diri (Malaysia). Fixed
mode of self-introduction utilized by *mak
yong characters at each new entry, particu-
larly when scene changes have taken place.
Selfintroduction passages, at times con-
taining an expression of intention as well as
an indication of locale, may be in poetic
form or in rhythmic prose.
MENAK (Indonesia), see AMIR HAM-
ZAH
mendu (Indonesia). A form of operatic folk
theatre, active in the Riau district of Suma-
tra and particularly on the Natuna—Anambas
 175
group ofislands. Its origins remain obscure,
but it appears that the genre was already
known in the Palembang area of Sumatra.
in the Riau islands, and possibly elsewhere
in the Malay territories towards the end of
the nineteenth century. There is a view that
mendu originated from *bangsawan when
a group known as Bangsawan Langlang
Buana was developed in the islands by one
Mahmud, who had previously been in bang-
sawan in Singapore. A. H. Edrus (Persuratan
Melayu: Drama dan Perkembangan Bahasa
Melayu, 1960) also mentions the possibility
that mendu developed as a result of inspira-
tion from Chinese opera since at least some
of the stories in its repertoire derived from
Chinese sources, and mendu as observed
during its early days also reflected some
Chinese influence in its costuming and
staging techniques. The intriguing factor,
however, is that mendu has been mentioned
as existing in Peninsular Malaysia before the
development of bangsawan, although it no
longer exists in Malaysia today. In recent
decades, the genre has been noted princip-
ally amongst fishing and farming com-
munities on the Natuna—Anambas island
complex.
Mendu performances constitute a com-
bination of dances, songs, and dialogue
done to the accompaniment of a simple
orchestra consisting of a violin, a gong, a
large drum (beduk), and a long drum (gen-
dang panjang) in addition to empty cans.
The genre is characterized by spontaneity
and simplicity. The actors are drawn from
amongst the villagers themselves.
Traditionally, mendu has been handed
down from generation to generation. In
performances, a senior member of a com-
munity acts as leader (*khalifah). He is, in a
sense, the director of a performance. No
scripts are used. A performance thus depends
upon the improvisational skills of its actors,
and the ability to make use of everyday
events. Moral and philosophical observa-
tions are an integral element of mendu per-
formances in addition to comedy, which
tends to become crude, even immoral. This
element possibly accounts for the genre’s
continuing popularity.
The mendu roles are stereotyped, and so
too are many ofits themes, which deal in-
MENDU
evitably with the eternal conflict between
good and evil.
Performances take place during the night,
ending very late, and a selected story may
continue for several nights before comple-
tion. No sophisticated theatre building is
used. A selected rectangular area is partly
covered with a thatched palm-leaf (attap)
roof and partly left open. The covered area
is divided into two parts, the upstage area
serving as a dressing-room, and the rest con-
stituting the main acting area. The dressing-
room is separated from the main acting area
by means of a painted scenic curtain (tabir)
as well as decorations made from young
coconut leaves. Two doors, one on each
side of the curtain, serve as the means of
entry and exit for performers from the
dressing-room to the acting area. A typical
scene would represent a palace (istana), and
for this the area is furnished with simple
furniture consisting of a table and several
chairs.
Beyond the covered acting area, at the
fore-stage, is an unroofed performance area.
Here, the musicians are positioned, usually
on a platform of their own, at left stage. A
symbolic pulai tree or a branch derived from
it is planted at mid-point along the front
edge of the stage, so that the actors face it
while performing. The practice of planting
a tree or branch is derived from traditional
beliefs, now no longer clear, connected with
the genre. Thus, overall, a simple, even
crude proscenium-type arrangement is
created with the stage virtually closed on
three sides and on-stage action accessible to
audiences from only one side. The repeated
sounding of a gong signals that a perform-
ance is about to commence. Following this,
a traditional ritualist or shaman (pawang)
performs opening rituals (pemujaan), seek-
ing, in his invocations, permission from the
god Dewa Muda to begin the performance
as well as to obtain protection and guidance
for the members of the troupe. This cere-
mony is followed by a musical prelude
(paranta) played by the full mendu orchestra.
The completion of the paranta leads
on into a dance executed to the accom-
paniment of the orchestra. This brings the
performers, in pairs, to the stage for an
introduction. They emerge in full costume
MENGHADAP REBAB
simultaneously, one person from each of
the upstage doors, thus entering in pairs.
Immediately upon emerging from the
doors, they begin their dance movements,
continuing to dance until they reach the
uncovered fore-stage area. Forming a circle,
they dance and sing. This character self-
introduction section of a mendu performance
is known as upacara berladun. Its completion
marks the entry of the actors and actresses as
characters into the acting area, which, for
an opening scene, typically represents a
palace. The performers are led by the king
(raja) and his ministers (wazir). The assem-
bly of the characters in the palace leads on
to the beginning of a story or selected
episode. This is the standard opening scene
in mendu performances. It is known as
*hilang wajat, a term interestingly echoed in
*mak yong’s hilang royat. In the opening
court scene, the raja, the wazir, the warriors
(pahlawan pestangkas), and the soldiers (hulu-
balang) are present. They introduce them-
selves, giving their names and ranks or
positions. Some indication of the locale of
the oncoming story is also provided. Fol-
lowing this, the situation in the country is
reported upon for the benefit of the raja.
This information serves as an introduction
to the ensuing story, and establishes its set-
ting. From this point on, the mendu story
develops with music, dances, and songs
interspersed with the dialogue. The open-
ing section has much in common with
bangsawan openings.
Mendu, traditionally, had only one story
(lakon), entitled Dewa Mendu. Recent de-
velopments have, however, served to en-
large its repertoire with borrowings from
bangsawan. In addition, elements from the
*Panji stories, the *Ramayana, as well as
from local folklore have served to colour
the mendu repertoire. The dominant themes
are those derived from bangsawan and genres
related to it.
In structure, the performances are epis-
odie and discursive. Thus, every lakon be-
comes quite elastic, stretchable for periods
of up to forty-four nights. Normal time
spans for performances are seven or four-
teen nights. Shortened versions can be
completed in three nights or even in one,
should circumstances so demand. This flex-
176
ibility applies to whole plays as well as to
individual episodes. For instance, a simple
scene showing the heroine, Siti Mahadewi,
relaxing in her garden can be shown briefly
or developed into a half-hour sequence
with the inclusion of songs and dances by
her companions or attendants. To lengthen
the episode even further, comedy can be
introduced.
As in bangsawan, mendu performers wear
elaborately decorated and colourful cos-
tumes. The raja is given a short shirt (baju),
embellished with gold-thread embroidery,
beads, stars, and other decorative features.
His pants are similarly timmed with lace
and gold thread, and he wears a crown. The
ministers (wazir) are dressed in similar fash-
ion but less elaborately. The princesses and
female attendants (inang and dayang) wear
colourful long blouses and sarongs (baju
kebaya), the royal ladies completing their
costumes with scarves, crowns or coronets,
jewellery, and gold flowers. In the past,
male performers enacted female roles but
this has increasingly changed with more
women now willing to appear on stage.
menghadap rebab — (Malaysia/Indonesia/
Thailand). Salutation to the rebab (a three-
stringed bowed viol) in the *mak yong
dance-theatre, which takes place just after
the theatre consecration rituals (*buka pang-
gung) and the ensuing musical interlude
(lagu-lagu permulaan). Although considered
highly important in mak yong performances,
the menghadap rebab song and dance are
today artistically developed only in the Ke-
lantan mak yong. Entering the acting area
(gelanggang), the actresses take their positions,
sitting cross-legged, before the rebab player
and consequently facing east, with the lead-
ing actress, who plays the male lead role
(“pak yong), seated directly in front of the
rebab and the others slightly behind her in
one or more rows. Menghadap rebab begins
with the salutation (*sembah) gesture.
Although a group dance, the menghadap
rebab really centres on the principal per-
former, the pak yong.
Witnessed by the all-important rebab, she
begins, through dance, her ceremonial pre-
paration for the assumption of the role of
god or king. This is indicated very clearly in

the menghadap rebab’s lyrics. Once this new
role has been assumed with the wearing of
the regalia of office, the pak yong loses her
natural identity. The menghadap rebab begins
with the actresses seated and the whole
elaborate sequence of movements ends with
them standing in a circle, ready to move on
into a series ofcircular dances.
Although its original function is no
longer clear, much of the spiritual aura sur-
rounding menghadap rebab still remains. The
ritual can be seen as serving the dual func-
tion of saluting the rebab, and by extension,
honouring the orchestra and the spirit
guardians of the instruments (penunggu and
penggawa), as well as enabling the actresses
to make their own spiritual preparations
prior to the ape of the subsequent plot.
Menghadap rebab also reflects the wider sig-
nificance of ritual purification of both per-
son and environment. In terms of dance
patterns, as well as vocal and instrumental
music, it is the single most elaborate event
in a mak yong performance.
menora (Malaysia), see nora chatri
menteri (Malaysia/Indonesia). The role of
the minister or court official in *bangsawan
and other traditional theatre genres. In
bangsawan, the menteri role has rather limited
functions, principally to bring news or to
react to some royal announcement. In gen-
eral, the menteri is the most important court
functionary. Such a role, though important,
is seldom a major one.
Merdah (Indonesia). A comic character,
*parekan, in various traditional theatre
forms of Bali, including *wayang kulit and
*wayang wong. He is the son of *Malen
(Twalen). Merdah is extremely clever, and
the source of much sound advice.
mergapati (Indonesia). One of a newly
created group of kebyar dances based upon
the style of the classical */legong, mergapati
represents various movements of a young
hunter stalking wild animals in the forest.
Mesi Mala (Thailand/Malaysia). The name
traditionally given to the mythical female
founder of the *nora chatri dance-theatre.
MORO-MORO
She is believed to be a shaman, who as a
child was set afloat on the sea due to pre-
dictions that she would bring disaster to her
royal family and the citizens of her country
if she stayed there. Later on, she and a
group of other girls similarly banished got
together to establish the dance-theatre form
that eventually came to be known as nora
chatri or menora. As an adult, she was re-
called to her land to cure an epidemic of
some sort, and thence both she and the art
of menora became recognized as sacred.
metit (Indonesia), see bedolan
minduk (Malaysia). A spirit medium in the
*main puteri shaman ritual.
mohlam luong (Thailand). An operatic form
of theatre found in the north-eastern Lao-
speaking territories of Thailand, and using
the Lao language. Believed to have been
developed from a story-telling form, it uses
fairly elaborate costumes and dances which
resemble those of *likay. On the whole,
mohlam luong is still very popular; there are
indications that in 1975 there were about
3,000 troupes active in the genre. Their
number today is not known.
moro-moro (Philippines). Sometimes called
*comedia or kumidtya, it is a form ofstylized
folk drama with music accompanying en-
trances, exits, duels, and fight scenes: a
combination of opera, drama, and comedy.
It has been described as a melodrama in
which the actors, clad in all the glittering
finery of Muslim nobility and Christian
chivalry, assemble in battle array ‘to settle
their disputes under the combined inspira-
tion of love and religious persuasion’.
The word moro, originally coined by the
Spaniards to refer to the Muslim Moors
from Africa, was later extended to include
Filipino Muslims when the Spanish came
into contact with them. The duplication of
the word in moro-moro suggests the practice
of imitation or a game.
Several performing traditions native to
the Philippine islands and existing prior to
the Spanish arrival have been cited as poss-
ibly having contributed towards the devel-
opment of moro-moro. The movements of
MORO-MORO
moro-moro combatants, for instance, are said
to be reminiscent of cocks fighting—an
ancient and still highly popular entertain-
ment in the Philippines and possibly in the
past connected with hunting rituals. One
of the words used for moro-moro stylistic
movements, labay, is a name given by the
ancient Filipinos to a songbird. In addition,
there was a vast corpus of pre-Spanish oral
literature amongst the Filipinos. Some of
this almost certainly found its way into
moro-moro.
Several possible origins have been ad-
vanced for moro-moro: (i) the 1637 incident
that occurred during Governor-General
Corcuera’s triumphant return; (11) the Mus-
lim Moro raids in the Visayas and Luzon;
(iii) corrido and awit; (iv) the *loa; and (v) the
1750. celebration for Ali-Mudin or Ah-
mudin.
In 1637, Governor-General Corcuera
was given a rousing welcome for his suc-
cessful siege of the fortress of the brave
Muslim (Moro) leader, Cochil Corralat. A
group of boys who watched the marual
display staged a ‘mock’ war in imitation of
the encounter between Corcuera and Cor-
ralat, with some boys playing Christians
while others pretended to be Muslims.
Padre Juan de Salazar, who witnessed the
game, was inspired to write the Gran
Comedia de la Toma del Pueblo de Corralat y
Conquista de Cerro. Possibly with the same
religious motive in mind, Padre Geronimo
Perez wrote Guerras Piraticas, which was
staged on 15 July 1637 in the Church of
Manila for an audience which included the
Archbishop.
Although these comedia were the first that
revolved around the theme of the Moro=
Christian wars, they were not the first pre-
sented in the Philippines. The comedia
seems to have been one of the popular
features of celebrations for saints, important
persons, and commemorative affairs. In
1610, for instance, Manila celebrated Pope
Urban VIIV’s order declaring the dogma of
the Immaculate Conception. Together
with fireworks, music, and processions,
three comedia were presented. Other
possible origins of the comedia are the corrido
and awit, Filipino metrical romances dealing
with tales of kings and queens of distant
178
lands, as well as the mysteries of saints. Sung
to guitar accompaniment, these often focus
on the conflicts between Christianity and
paganism. In their restructured form as
versified plays, they become comedia.
Loa, a Haitian term for a deity, by exten-
sion often includes panegyrics in praise of
Catholic saints. Loa are mentioned as an-
other possible source of the comedia form.
Loa intended to shower a celebrant saint
with praise or to extol the benevolence of
public officials probably once featured as an
epilogue to a moro-moro play. In some re-
gions of the Philippines they are sull an
essential part of amoro-moro performance.
An opinion has been expressed that real
Muslim raids and the ensuing efforts of the
Spaniards to punish the marauding Moro
adventurers during the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries are the actual ongins of
moro-moro. Thus, moro-moro performances
are said to be mere re-enactments of actual
events.
Despite the possible beginnings of the
comedia in 1637, there is no positive record
of their existence for the following century
or so. It has been suggested that this period
of oblivion reflects economic decadence
and ensuing turmoil in Spain during the
reign of Philip IV.
The moro-moro re-emerged in the middle
of the eighteenth century, when Ah-
Mudin was converted and baptized Fer-
nando de Alimud I in honour of the
Spanish king, Ferdinand VI. During the
celebration for Alimud | held in Paniqui
town, some Moro who were with the sultan
started to dance, taking turns in displaying
their dexterity with swords and spears. This
greatly impressed the Filipinos who
watched the enthralling dance. Following
that event, which served as a source of in-
spiration, many scripts were written. These
plays, however, commemorate deeds of the
Spanish Moors rather than of their Filipino
counterparts,
Nevertheless, the popularity of moro-moro
was assured. Unfortunately, many of the
playwrights of this early period remained
anonymous. Few early performances have
been mentioned in existing records—only
those held for big occasions and important
persons. One such performance highlighted

a celebration for Charles IV’s accession to
the throne. When Governor Rafael Maria
Aguilar arrived together with his wife and
son, a comedia was one of the main
tractions in the welcome festivities. The
capture of Balanguigui islands in 1849 was
again a big occasion for rejoicing and a
comedia was featured.
Filipino writers in the nineteenth cen-
tury, bent upon manifesting their oriental
fervour, used moro-moro as a device to pro-
ject nationalistic ideals. Thus, the genre,
apart from its traditional role of drawing
people to God, served to further patriotic
aims.
Several theatres in Manila catered to the
moro-moro audience. The first was con-
structed in 1790. Teatro Lirico de Tondo,
built in 1841, mainly presented Tagalog
plays as did Teatro Arroceros, built in Bi-
nondo in 1846. Other theatres included the
Promitiro and Teatro Ruzal. These theatres
catered to the entertainment needs of the
élite, mainly the Spaniards and mestizos of
Intramuros, the Walled City. Outside Ma-
nila, the missionaries used the moro-moro as a
means of imparting religious instruction,
the priests having discovered that the art
form was an effective means of drawing
crowds. By prolonging the showing of
moro-moro for weeks and even months, the
crowds were kept captive. And to lighten
the task of congregating the flock, the village
(barrio) fiesta was given religious approval.
At the peak ofits popularity near the end
of the nineteenth century, Severino *Reyes,
a noted playwright, spearheaded a move-
ment to drive moro-moro off the stage. He
severely criticized the genre in his first *zar-
zuela, *R.I.P., written in 1902. The
ridiculed the moro-moro, depicting it as a
decayed corpse fit to be buried. Included in
the play was a symbolic scene where the
actors buried a pile of moro-moro costumes
and trappings. But the performers, as well as
the avid fans of moro-moro, showed
indignation by staging a protest rally, ch-
maxed by the hurling of stones at the play-
wright’s house and at every theatre where
Reyes’ play was shown. This, however, did
not stop Severino Reyes from further
attacking the genre. In defence of moro-
moro, Juan Bartolome, the leader of a moro-
179 MORO-MORO
moro troupe, wrote and presented Kalian
ma’y Buhay (We Will Never Die!). The play
pictured the fighting spirit and loyalty of
at- the moro-moro supporters to that genre of
theatre. Despite the upheaval and the inter-
est that began to develop in zarzuela, a new
art form, moro-moro continued to be active.
It may still be seen in certain villages during
local fiestas.
The stereotyped moro-moro plot revolves
around Muslim and Christian kingdoms,
where princes and princesses fall in love,
but religious differences pose serious obs-
tacles to marriage. Tournaments (torneos)
are held when the princess is of mar-
nageable age, with contenders from all over
the world vying for the right to claim her
hand. Because religious difference is an
impediment to marriage, the hero-prince
comes in disguise, and more often than
not, emerges victorious. Once recognized,
however, he forfeits his hard-earned prize.
If he is a Muslim prince in a Christian land,
he has to be baptized and embrace his lady
love’s Christian faith. If the victor is a
Christian in a Muslim kingdom, he is
denied the prize and gets thrown into
prison. But the lovestruck princess helps
him escape, and together they journey to
the Christian domain. Naturally, this
arouses the wrath of the Moro king.
Ambassadors are dispatched to hurl chal-
lenges and counter-challenges. The conflict
is then resolved in battle, where the Muslims
are inevitably vanquished. Baptism and
conversion to Christianity serve as the only
means ofsaving their lives.
Frequently, to prolong the already
lengthy scripts, variations are introduced.
play A member of the royal family may get
kidnapped so that an army has to come to
his rescue. Or an escaping prince may get
lost in the forest, where he is pitted against
enchanted powers, ferocious lions, tigers,
and serpents, and where he prevails by
their virtue of his Christian faith or by a
miraculous cross.
Kings, sultans, queens, princes, princesses,
ambassadors, clowns, and soldiers make up
the characters in moro-moro. The prince,
usually the hero, must be physically fit to
endure the many duels and combats he en-
gages in and handsome enough to make the
MORO-MORO
ladies in his audience swoon. The princess,
usually the town belle, should be captivat-
ing and desirable. In the plays, she is usually
compared to fabulous beauties, goddesses,
and heavenly bodies. She must have the
strength and ability of aman, for now and
then she puts on male attire and combats
foes, human and non-human. A queen’s
foremost requirement is her capacity to
evoke tears in the audience by her laments
and mournful histrionics. A king must be
tall and heavily built, and must possess a
resounding, powerful voice, for he gives all
the commands and orders. Clowns are the
foil in tense and mournful scenes. They are
the only characters privileged to satinze
public officials, make unorthodox entrances
and exits, or insert the latest dance fashions
in their movements. Ambassadors convey
challenges and threats; hence, they are
allowed to hurl things or kick at stools con-
veniently placed on stage for this purpose,
and to project their wrath in loud voices.
There are two ‘armies’ in the cast. An
‘army’ consists of six to ten soldiers for each
kingdom. Their main function is to march
up and down with the royalty, recite lines
in unison, and fight in battles.
In early versions of moro-moro, verses
were sung in a lullaby-like tone called tagu-
laylay, similar to that of the religious pasyon.
Later, lines were recited in a high-pitched
declamatory style. The lamentations were
especially shrill and sharp. To project anger,
speakers affected a low voice. One criterion,
therefore, for the choice of participants in a
moro-moro company 1s a high-pitched voice,
so that even male participants have a char-
acteristically stilted delivery.
Verses are in a dodecasyllabic pattern
with a caesura on the sixth. The number of
verse lines vary. Some authors write in quat-
rains, but occasionally resort to two-, five-,
and even six-line stanzas. There are verses,
particularly in love scenes, which are loaded
with metaphors and allegories, where the
writers compare a beautiful heroine to the
mellow moon, the brilliance of the stars,
and the supremely beautiful Diana, Phoebe,
and Minerva. The heroes, in turn, are de-
scribed as Adonis, Apollo, and Narcissus.
The moro-moro audience is often en-
thralled by fight, love, and farewell scenes.
180
The clown steals the show with his antics.
The older folk are partial to farewells and
lamentations, commiserate with the heroines
and identify with them, particularly when
the background music provided by the
band is a funeral march (punebre).
Moro-moro has an, extensive repertoire.
The following is a selected list of plays that
have been produced at various places in the
Philippines: Auredato at Atrone, Abdal at Mi-
serena, Bayacato y Dorlisca, Bernardo Carpio,
Claudia y Segismundo, Carmelina, Clodovee,
Comedia Famosa de Doce Pares de Francia,
Comedia ni Garibel at Argentina, Comedia
Famosa de Conde Ernesto, Comedia Famosa de
Principe Don Felismena, Comedia Famosa
de Un Villano Floserpino, Dona Ines Cuello de
Garza y Principe Nicanor, Dona Beatriz y La-
dislao, Don Juan Tenorio, Don Gonzalo de
Cordoba, Don Rodrigo Vivar, El Cid, *Flo-
rante at Laura, Felipo, Gallardo, Hernandez at
Galisandas, Ing Sultana, La Wenganza de
Conde Robdell, Minda Mora, Miramar, Mem-
phor, Mahomet at Constancia, Obermino, Oran-
tis Orantas, Orasmon y Zafra, Panaginip ng
Pagibig, Perla, Zafiro at Rubi, Principe Alfredo
y Dona Mana, Pantinople and Adriano, Prin-
cipe Egmidio, Princesa Perlita, Principe Rey-
naldo, Principe Rodante, Princesa Florentina,
Principe Vilarba, Principe Ludovico, Principe
Emolindo, Principe Lardizabal, Principe Ray-
mundo at Pastora, Principe Lardizabal Trou-
bador, Rodolfo at Rosaminda, Reyna Encantada
y Casamiento Por Fuerza, Primer Rey Catolic
de Espana, Roger de For, Rodolfo, Siete In-
fantes de Lara, Sihalis, Vida Principe Floresta y
Pastura Rosa Blanca, Vida Con Mag-Amang
Pobre, Vida de Don Grimaldo, Ciudad de Ber-
gonia, and Weneeslao. Don Juan, Florante at
Laura, Minda Mora, Don Rodrigo, Gonzalo de
Cordoba, and Reyna Elena at Principe Con-
stantino are directors’ favourites.
Stylized and ornate movements are con-
ventional in moro-moro. Entrances and exits
are done either in a slow tempo called
marcha or at a livelier pace called paso doble.
Muslims at times enter to the paso doble,
while Christians enter regally and with dig-
nity to the marcha. In some regions, par-
ticularly in Tagalog barrio, both kingdoms
make use of the two tunes, depending on
the character making the entry and the situ-
ation. Kings and queens are accompanied
 181
by the marcha, while princes and princesses,
who need to hurry on a mission, do so in a
brisk paso doble.
Loban (literally, ‘fight’), the duel or com-
bat music, has a much faster beat than the
paso doble. The standard style for fights is the
arnis Or some modification of it. Innova-
tions may be seen in certain regions.
Into the stylized acting of moro-moro are
incorporated definite techniques and stand-
ard patterns for walking, standing, sitting,
holding and kissing hands, and fainting and
rescuing the fainting one, and a characteris-
tic haughty and pompous pose ofputting a
hand on the hip. There is the ‘lament’ for
widows who walk after the body of their
dead husbands, carried around the stage, by
the soldiers in a cortége. When someone
dies on the moro-moro stage, a piece of white
cloth or a blanket is spread on the spot
where the dying person will fall, to prevent
costumes being soiled.
A committee of town elders is formed
before a moro-moro presentation. Appoint-
ment to this committee is considered an
honour. This is especially so in the case of
those who have made vows to involve
themselves in a moro-moro production. The
principal function of this committee is to
determine the participants for the year’s
show. Having done so, they proceed as a
group to the residence of the ‘chosen’ to
obtain the parents’ consent. Where those
selected are reluctant to accept, their co-
operation is obtained by reminding them
that their unwillingness might be a source
of displeasure to the local patron saint. Par-
ents usually accompany their daughters to
rehearsals which may last until early morn-
ing.
The richness of the costumes depends on
the community’s wealth and the parents’
ability to pay. A princesa wears no fewer than
three costumes. Thus, it is not uncommon
for moro-moro performances to turn into
elittering fashion shows. The procurement
of costumes often becomes a community
endeavour. In some towns, a street block is
assigned to take care of the costumes of
one participant, while a group of families
shoulders the expense of one costume. The
range of costumes is quite diverse. Barrio
with limited funds make use of simple ma-
MORO-MORO
terials, while others utilize velvets, satins,
plumes, and furs. Costumes are painstak-
ingly covered with sequins and beads, while
footwear and boots are made of fine leather.
In the Visayas, the Muslims wear short skirts
resembling those worn by early Romans
and Greeks. In the Ilocos region, pants are
knee-length except for the king’s, which
are long. For Christians, the conventional
colours are black, white, blue, and grey.
Coats come in numerous designs. Sequinned
sashes and bands are worn by nobles and
kings. Braided cord, shoulder epaulettes,
medals, and medallions convey rank. Actors
wear turbans or decorated hats of different
patterns, which range from the Napoleonic
style to the wide-brimmed cowboy hat.
Kings and queens have sceptres and crowns,
and wear ankle-length capes. Princes wear
capes of half-body length. These capes are
designed with insignias and emblems of
royalty. Princesses and queens wear gowns
ofblue, green, black, or white velvet, satin,
or silk, whose preparation is kept a secret to
keep the audience and competing designers
in suspense. Crowns (usually rented from
jewellery shops), fans, and capes, some of
which trail on the floor, are conventional
wear for royal ladies. Red and pink are the
dominant colours for the Muslims in the
play. In some regions where Muslims and
Christians wear clothes in the same style,
colour and head-dress set the two groups
apart. Muslim hats are characterized by
narrow brims, flowers, and plumes. To add
to the dazzling effect, a small mirror is
attached to the front of the hat. Capes are
another distinct accessory for the Muslims.
These come in bright colours, and are
decorated with ribbons and sequins. Closely
resembling Harlequin, the clown has poly-
chromatic, outsized patches, uneven sleeves,
and unmatched shoes worn on the wrong
feet.
The standard moro-moro weapons are
daggers, swords, and spears. Some regions,
such as the Cagayan Valley, make use of
javelins and shields. The swords are usually
made of metal. These are blunted at the
cutting edge, producing the sound of the
clash of steel and sometimes emitting sparks
that add to the realism of the spectacle.
Muslims use the keris while Christian swords
MURWAKALA
are sabre-shaped. In some barrio in Ruzal,
foils and swords are also employed. In Pam-
panga, Caloban sheaths or scabbards are used;
in other regions, protagonists hold both
dagger and sword with the left hand when
not fighting. Spears are important weapons,
often used in tournaments (torneo), decor-
ated with strips of colour (plastic or paint).
The clown brandishes a miniature sword or
broken blade while he mimics the fighting
stance ofhis master.
The stage is either makeshift or a per-
manent construction. In barrio and towns
where the moro-moro is a yearly climax to
the town fiesta, permanent concrete struc-
tures are situated in the town plazas. These
are usually built near the church or the
chapel with labour and material donated by
the residents. Poor barrio generally content
themselves with makeshift stages.
Sets are usually as simple as the stage.
Backdrops (telones) representing mountains,
forests, oceans, and garden views are painted.
The first of the backdrops is propped at the
rear end of the stage, leaving behind it suf-
ficient room for an improvised dressing-
room for men. Women use nearby houses.
Scene changes are effected by rolling up the
telones or drawing them to the sides.
More lavish stages, as may be seen in
some towns in Bicol, Laguna, and Rizal,
consist of strongly built three-tiered struc-
tures. The first level is the stage itself. This
is raised 2 metres from the ground, On the
second level, approximately 2-3 metres
from the first level, are built the balcony
and the fagade with doors on each side.
One door is for Muslims and the other tor
Christians. One half of the facade is thus
painted with an Islamic motif, while the
other half is of Christian design. The third
level is the tower, and a yet higher level
may represent mountains and hills. The
third level is reached by bamboo ladders
182
strategically set in several places. It can also
be utilized for fight scenes. A flowering
plant or a vine on stage suggests a garden, a
forest, or a plaza.
Lighting in the conventional moro-moro
presentation is provided by white bulbs
which are lit throughout a performance. In
the absence of electricity, bamboo torches
(sulo) or kerosene lamps may be used.
Music is essential to moro-moro. Wealth-
ier towns hire brass bands, a recent innova-
tion to the traditional guitar accompaniment
and percussion instruments. The prompter-
director holds a whistle with which he cues
the band. One blow of the whistle signals
the marcha; two blows, the paso doble; three
blows, the fights; two blasts followed by a
short blow, stops the music. Trumpets
announce arrivals of ambassadors or persons
of rank. Brass and kettle drums and cymbals
are used for lightning and thunder effects.
The funeral march, punebre, accompanies
the mournful wailings of awidowed queen
or a princess in anguish.
One indispensable feature of moro-moro is
the tournament (fomeo). It is preceded by a
paseo in parade dress or a series of forma-
tions. The tempo of the musical background
ranges from the marcha to the paso doble.
The escaramosa, an interesting moro-moro
feature, is probably derived from the word
scaramouche. In Italian comedy, the scara-
mouche is a braggart. In the escaramosa, actors
using movements similar to those seen in
folk dancing display their skill in twirling
Weapons as they sway. The combatants
dance in pairs at stage-centre. They bow to
the royal personages on the stage and dance
to the tune of the fandango, the balitaw, or
other folk dances with similar tempo.
Murwakala (Indonesia), see Lakon Murwa-
kala
 N
Nalagareng (indonesia), see Gareng, pu-
nakawan
nan dwin zat (Burma). A term, literally
meaning “palace story’, invented in the
Burmese court in the year 1785 to describe
a new form of theatre style, using non-
religious themes, that came about with the
performance in the Burmese court of the
play Aindanwuntha from Thailand as a com-
panion performance to the *Ramayana that
also came from Cambodia to Burma. See
also Eenaung.
nang (Thailand). The term used for the
Thai shadow-puppet theatre as a whole, as
well as for the individual puppets. Several
different styles of mang are active in Thai-
land. These include *nang yai, which uses
large composite puppets, *nang talung, which
uses smaller single-character puppets, and
nang rabam or *nang ram, which is nang yat
with the addition ofdance.
nang bed-ta-led (Thailand). A class offigures
in the *nang yai shadow play, representing
miscellaneous actions such as escape or pur-
suit, or those which do not fit into any
other specific category.
nang doern (Thailand), see nang kanehjorn
nang fow (Thailand). Single figures in the
*nang yai shadow play, with three-quarter
face and hands clasped together in a wor-
shipping gesture. The figures sometimes
hold weapons.
nang jub (Thailand). A category of puppets
in the *nang yai shadow play, in which two
or more figures are represented as engaged
in a fight. Examples are those depicting
Hanuman in conflict with Maiyarab and
the White Monkey capturing the Black
Monkey.
nang kaloun (Cambodia), see ayang
nang kalung (Cambodia), see ayang
nang kanehjorn (Thailand). In the *nang yai
shadow play, nang kanehjorn or nang doern
are puppets representing a single character
presented in three-quarter face and in a
walking pose.
nang klang kuen (Thailand). The *nang yai
shadow play when performed during the
night.
nang klang wen (Thailand). The *nang yai
shadow play when performed during the
daytime. More colourful figures are used
for such performances.
nang muang (Thailand). Puppets represent-
ing one or more characters in a palace
setting in the *nang yai shadow play. This
category of figures is further divisible into
nang plubpla, with *Rama’s pavilion as a
background, nang prasart pood, with the
characters involved in conversation, or nang
prasart lom, depicting love scenes.
nang nai (Thailand), see nang talung
nang nga (Thailand). *Nang yai shadow
play puppets representing a single character
in three-quarter profile, in a flying position.
nang plubpla (Thailand), see nang muang
nang prasart lom (Thailand), see nang
muang
nang prasart pood (Thailand), see nang
muang
nang ram (Thailand). Also known as nang
rabam, the Thai shadow-puppet theatre
using large composite puppets. See also
nang yai.
NANG SBEK LUONG
nang sbek Iuong (Cambodia), see nang sbek
thom
nang sbek thom (Cambodia). Also known
as nang sbek luong, the Cambodian shadow
play which uses large figures, is usually con-
sidered a variant of */akhon khol using a
different medium. The same *Reamker or
Cambodian *Ramayana episodes are staged
with two narrators who have the same
functions, and with identical musical ac-
companiment. Puppet figures replace the
dancers of lakhon khol. Each large puppet is
carried by one dancer-puppeteer, first from
behind the screen where it casts a shadow,
and then in front of the screen where it is
seen by the audience as a silhouette.
Six or more puppets and puppeteers
move simultaneously. The puppets used are
of different sizes and types. The smallest
figures represent clowns, rustic characters,
and monkeys shown in simple bodily pro-
file. They have one movable arm. The skin
is darkened and made opaque to cast a solid
black shadow. The medium-sized figures,
which include *Rama and *Sita Dewi,
famous monkey figures, and the seer (*ma-
harishi), are shown in profile. Details show
through incisions in the leather, and the
figures are set within frames so that there
are no movable parts. The largest and most
impressive puppets are intricately designed
skin versions of bas-reliefs at Angkor Wat
showing entire scenes from the Reamker. A
single cut-out contains two, three, or more
characters placed in a specific locality—
palace, battlefield, or forest.
With a succession of puppets, the dancers
perform scenes which portray the story
visually as the narrators tell it orally. The
large figures are 1.5—2.0 metres in height
and 1,0—1.5 metres in width. The translu-
cent skin is left clear or dyed tan and black
so that the shadow or silhouette is seen in
varying warm shades of yellow, brown, and
pure white where the leather is incised.
They are supported by two sticks, the dan-
cer holding one in each hand. The screen
on which the images fall is 9.0—12.0 metres
wide and up to 4.5 metres high. Overall,
nang sbek thom represents essentially the
same puppet theatre style as the Thai *nang
yai. The precise relationship between these
184
two forms, however, remains to be ad-
equately established.
nang sbek touch (Cambodia), see ayang
nang siam (Thailand). The name given in
the southern Thai provinces of Narathiwat,
Nakhon Si Thammarat, and Patam to
the genre of shadow play known in the
Malaysian state of Kelantan as wayang kulit
siam. Although active on both sides of the
Malaysian—Thai border, and _ performed
principally in the Kelantan—Patani dialect of
the Malay language, the precise origins of
this style of shadow play remain unclear.
For a detailed account of the genre, refer to
wayang kulit siam.
nang talung (Thailand). The southern Thai
form of the shadow-puppet theatre in
which elaborately designed single-character
skin figures are used. Historical evidence to
indicate the age or origin of the form is
lacking. It is commonly believed, however,
that nang talung originated in southern Thai-
land and that its name is possibly a short-
ened version of the word Pattalung, a prov-
ince from where it originated. Its principal
home today, however, is the province of
Nakhon Si Thammarat, also in the south.
On the west coast of the Malay peninsula,
performances of this style of shadow play
apparently travelled across the border into
the Malay provinces of Kedah and Perlis in
the present century as well as possibly in the
last.
A nang talung theatre is usually a tem-
porary wood and thatch structure standing
approximately 2 metres above the ground
on four legs, and with a sloping roof tilted
downwards at the back. Two sides of the
structure are ¢overed with coconut leaves
and the half-covered back wall allows entry
into the theatre’s interior. The front por-
tion of the theatre is covered with a white
muslin screen usually 1.5-2.0 metres in
height and 2.5—3.0 metres long. The puppet
shadows are cast on this screen by means of
the light source. Traditionally, a kerosene
lamp was used, but these days a single elec-
tric bulb or even a series of bulbs of differ-
ent colours are commonly used, the latter
for greater dramatic effect. At the bottom of

the screen on the inside of the theatre is
placed a banana tree-trunk into which the
figures are pierced and thus caused to stand
when performing or when inactive.
Nang talung figures are cut out en face or
in profile, elaborately decorated with per-
forations and then painted. Nobler figures,
such as kings and queens, princes, and
heroes, are well decorated with jewellery
and fashionable clothes. This is also the case
with demon (yaksha) figures due to the im-
portant roles they play in most nang talung
stories. Simpler characters, including the
host of clowns, are often dressed only in
loincloths. Most of the puppets in a nang
talung set are so designed that only one arm
is articulated. It is jointed at the shoulder,
the elbow, and the wrist and is manipulated
by a piece of bamboo attached at the fingers.
The fixed arm usually wields a weapon. In
the case of comic figures, both arms, the
jaws, and genitals are designed to be mov-
able. An average puppeteer has 150-200
figures in his collection, kept in a plaited
bamboo folio. Of these, however, only
forty to fifty are used in any single per-
formance, the choice of figures depending
upon the episode selected.
The chief performer in nang talung is the
master puppeteer (nang nai) who moves the
various figures, provides them with voices,
supplies the necessary commentary and
songs, as well as serves as a conductor of the
orchestra. He sits near the lamp so that he is
able to pass his figures between it and the
screen, thus causing their shadows to fall on
the screen. The nang nai is usually a literate
person who begins training in the shadow
play at an early age. He learns his art from a
master puppeteer by becoming the latter’s
assistant and making himself familiar with
every aspect ofthe art, including the stones,
the techniques of manipulation and devel-
oping the characters, and the musical aspects
of aperformance.
A nang talung troupe consists, besides the
nang nai, of several musicians who play the
following instruments: the ching (cymbals),
the gong, the pee (flute), and the klong
(drum). Additional instruments sometimes
incorporated into the ensemble, particularly
by younger puppeteers, include the fiddles,
saw oo and saw duang.
NANG TALUNG
Nang talung performances are held on
various Occasions: a tonsure ceremony (to#-
boon), a house-warming, an ordination (tam
kwan nag), a wedding, or a funeral. Per-
formances are also featured during special
public holidays or at temple fairs. It was
until recent times fashionable to have nang
talung contests so that several groups would
be active at the same time in a single
place—any empty space or the grounds of a
temple.
Performances take place during the day
or at night; night performances, however,
are commoner and attract larger audiences.
Daytime performances do not make use of
a screen and the figures utilized are so
painted that their colours are clearly visible.
The skin used for such figures is usually
much thicker. Night performances begin
soon after dark, generally at about 8.00 p.m.,
and last until midnight. In some instances,
performances continue until dawn with a
break at midnight. The popular nang talung
months are April to July, before the Bud-
dhist Lent (law pansaa). During the rainy
season and during Lent, performances be-
come less frequent.
The nang talung repertoire consists of the
highly popular *Ramayana in its Thai ver-
sion, known as *Ramakien. As a rule, only
episodes are selected. Similarly, episodes
may be selected from popular Thai literary
works, such as Suwannasang or * Phra Abhai
Manee. Altogether, there are several hun-
dred possible episodes from which a nang
nat selects. Well-known nang nai compose
their own tales based upon the classical
sources already mentioned and thus the
repertoire is continuously expanding. Tra-
ditional as well as newly created stories are
utilized as a means of providing instruction
as well as entertainment. Occasionally, nang
talung, as is the case with traditional theatre
elsewhere in South-East Asia, is utilized as a
means ofdisseminating propaganda. Before
the story proper, three figures appear on the
screen in succession in a sort of ritual salu-
tation (wai kru) cum prologue. First comes
the hermit (rusi) who prays that the pup-
peteer, his musicians, and the audience will
be protected. Then appears Pra *Isuan
(Siva). He is followed by a prince without a
crown who pays respects to the gods, the
NANG TID TUA KHON
angels, the spirits of the house where
performance is to take place, and the local
authonities. He offers his thanks to the audi-
ence. In some performances, a fourth, op-
tional figure, either a comedian or a second
hermit, comes on to the screen to supply
the title of the oncoming story. With that,
the performance proper begins.
Nang talung shares many features with
the most complex of single-character South-
East Asian shadow play forms. It also has
certain affinities with the Indian shadow play
styles to which some scholars trace the
origin of the South-East Asian shadow play.
Precise relationships, however, are as yet
unclear except, perhaps, between nang talung
and the north Malaysian *wayang kulit gedek,
to which nang talung is historically and
stylistically related.
nang tid tua khon (Thailand). A com-
bination *nang yai and *khon performance;
once popular in Thailand, it was called nang
tid tua khon, or shadow play with khon
dancers. Eventually, the two styles went
their separate ways, although the khon con-
tinued for a while to be performed before
the nang screen, and was known as khon na
Jor (‘khon before the screen’).
nang wai (Thailand), see nang yai
nang yai (Thailand). The classical
shadow play which uses large,
character figures and is performed
troupe of dancers following classical con-
ventions. In respect to conception and per-
formance techniques, it resembles the
Cambodian *nang sbek thom, to which it is
stylistically and perhaps historically related.
Nang yai 1s very different from the other
form of shadow play found in Thailand, the
southern *nang talung, which uses small
single-character figures.
In Thai, the shadow play is termed nang,
translatable as ‘skin-figures’. As in the case of
the Malay—Indonesian term, *wayang kulit,
the name thus derives from the material
used to make the puppets. Nang yai is the
shadow play form using large figures which
are between 1 and 2 metres in height. Due
to the incorporation of dance movements,
186
the the terms nang ram or nang rabam are also at
times utilized for the genre.
The origins of both nang yai and nang
talung remain unclear. Similarly, the precise
relationship between the Thai shadow play
and that of neighbouring Malaysia and
Indonesia remains to be further investig-
ated. Rene Nicolas (‘Le Theatre d’ombres
au Siam’, 1927) believes that the Siamese
shadow play had its ongin in India. Recent
research has served to strengthen his view.
It is now thought likely that the genre
reached Thailand from the Snvijaya empire
through the Malay peninsula, having been
previously introduced into Srniviaya from
India. As is the case with other traditional
performing arts, the shadow play, too,
underwent localization and adaptation in
response to local sensibilities.
The precise date for the establishment of
the shadow play in Thailand remains un-
certain. The earliest historical reference to
nang occurs in the 1458 Palace Law of King
Boromatrailokanath of Ayutthya. It is be-
heved to have been an essential form of
entertainment to celebrate important occa-
sions. The Memoirs of Lady Nophamas, an
eighteenth-century work depicting court
life during the thirteenth-century Sukho-
thai period, mentions nang ram or shadow
Thai
mult-
by a
nang yai
 187
dance among other entertainments during
festivals. However, this and other such ref-
erences to dance do not provide any con-
firmation of the existence of the shadow
play at any date prior to 1458. More recent
European accounts on Thailand, such as
those of Simon de La Loubere (A New
Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam,
1693) and J. Bowring (The Kingdom and
People of Siam, with a Narrative ofthe Mission
to that Country in 1855, 1857) attest to the
continuing existence of nang yai. It can also
be established that the dramatic texts for the
performance, kam pak nang yai, were mostly
written in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries during the reigns of King Narai
and King Boromakos. The best known of
these are the *Ramakien, Samudaghosa, and
Aniruddha.
There has been some interesting specula-
tion regarding the relationship between
nang yai and the *khen masked dance-
theatre form still active in the Thai court.
Many scholars feel that nang yai, in all like-
lihood, preceded khon, and even gave rise
to it. This view has developed due to the
fact that historical references to nang yai
occur prior to those for khon. Similarities in
the dance movements of both genres have
served to strengthen this view. The only
major differences are that nang yai per-
formers hold up the skin figures while dan-
cing and that they perform without masks
while the khon dancers are masked.
In the past, khon was occasionally featured
alternately with nang in a performance called
nang tid tua khon (the large shadow play
with khon dancers) with the pure nang yai
thereby suffering decline. Following this,
khon was danced for a while in front of the
nang screen, this variety performance being
named khon na jor (khon before the screen).
Nang yai, like most shadow-puppet
theatre in the region, is performed after
dark. In this style, it is known as nang klang
kuen, while a daytime performance, using
colourful figures, is called nang klang wan.
The principal nang accessory 1s a set of
skin puppets produced from cowhide which
is first immersed in water until it becomes
tender. The skin is then dried and the re-
quired designs are drawn and cut out.
Figures may be coloured or left untouched.
NANG YAI
Traditionally, natural dyes were used. A
carved nang yai figure is finally framed.
Ideally, figures of gods such as Pra *Isuan
(Siva) and Pra Narai (Vishnu), considered
sacred, and used in invocation ceremonies
preceding the performance of a story, are
made of the hide of acow which died in
labour or was struck by lightning. Similarly,
the figure of the sage (rishi) is made of tiger
skin. These special skins are believed to
possess magical power.
Nang yai puppets differ considerably
from those utilized in *wayang kulit purwa,
*wayang kulit siam, or *nang talung. Size is
not the only difference. The images depicted
represent frozen actions, in most instances
involving two or more characters, although
single-character puppets may also be found.
Puppets are usually designed with charac-
ters in fixed poses, and groups are carved
with backgrounds such as mansions, forests,
mountains, or seas. The process of creating
the puppets involves many formalities. Of
ferings of food are made by way of propi-
tiation of the master of the nang. The artist
who draws the patterns for sacred figures
wears ceremonial garb of white. Conven-
tion also requires that work on a figure be
completed within a day.
Nang yai figures are divided into six basic
slieeas follows:
Nang fow or nang wai, those depicting
single characters in three-quarter pro-
file with hands clasped in a worship-
ping (panom mue) gesture or holding a
weapon.
2. Nang kanehjorn or nang doern, single-
character figures in three-quarter pro-
file in a walking pose.
3. Nang nga, those depicting a single char-
acter in three-quarter profile in a flying
pose.
4. Nang muang, one or more figures placed
in a palace setting. This group is some-
times further subdivided into (a) nang
plubpla, those with *Rama’s pavilion as
a background, (b) nang prasart pood,
those in conversation, and (c) nang pra-
sart lom, those depicting love scenes.
5. Nang jub, puppets depicting two or
more characters engaged in a fight.
Examples of such figures are those in
which *Hanuman and Maiyarab, or
NANG YAI
the White Monkey and the Black
Monkey, appear.
6. Nang bed-ta-led, a group of puppets
which may be called ‘miscellaneous’, as
it includes those depicting characters in
special poses, such as in escape or in
pursuit, and those which do not
into any ofthe above five categories.
Nang yai is usually performed in the
open air using a screen made of fine white
muslin. A border is sometimes provided
and the screen’s edges are decorated with
coloured cloth. The screen is mounted
on several bamboo posts and is secured to
its position by means of ropes. Optional
decorations, such as bunting or peacock
feathers, are sometimes added and platforms
placed in front ofthe screen for the dancer-
puppeteers. A torch fire is lit behind the
screen to project the shadows of the figures
as they are moved across the screen. Pup-
peteers, going ina single file, dance on both
sides of the screen so that nang yai figures
are alternately seen as shadows and in their
natural form as silhouettes.
When all preparations have been made as
far as the positioning of the screen is con-
cerned, the figures are brought out and laid
down in sets. Musicians and manipulators
assemble before dusk. The sponsor ofa per-
formance hands three candles and the cere-
monial fee to the leader of a troupe or his
representative. The troupe leader then hands
one of the three candles to the leader of the
orchestra, who lights it and fixes it to his
sphon, a drumlike instrument with which
he sets the pace of the music, and generally
keeps time for the whole orchestra, The
latter then commences a salutation to the
impersonal ‘master of music’, consisting of
six fixed airs. This done, the other two can-
dles are lit by manipulators in honour,
respectively, of Vishnu and Siva, and again
the offering of candles is accompanied by
stipulated tunes reserved for these gods.
Invocations are now made by way of
propitiation of the master of the nang by
reciters. The oldest form of these invoca-
tions, known as the *phak samtra, is divided
into three cantos (thuay). The first com-
mences with a salutation to King *Dasara-
tha and the hero Rama. It then goes on to a
188
quaint, quasi-humorous passage describing
the process of carving out a nang figure
from cowhide.
The second canto salutes the rishi, fol-
lowing which the Buddha’s virtues are
invoked, then those of Anirudh the ‘initi-
fit ator’, and the genii of the forests, the
streams, and the mountains, and_ lastly
of the ‘old master’, presumably the nang. At
the end of these salutations, the canto goes
on to announce the Ramakien story that is
to be performed.
The third canto dwells on the spirit in
which the nang is staged. It is now the turn
ofthe ‘master of the torch’ to set fire to the
faggots. As the flames spring up, the orches-
tra strikes up a march, and the manipulators
and the reciters at once commence their
respective roles. In the past, palace perform-
ances, omitting some of these formalities,
started directly with a section called ‘usher-
ing in the early evening monkeys’. This was
a duel between a white monkey and a black
one. The actual story would take place
following this symbolic conflict between
the good and evil forces.
Each nang yai figure is held up by means
of its two poles. As the figure is manip-
ulated, the performer also bends and sways,
keeping tme with his foot movements.
Performances are accompanied by recita-
tion which may now and then pause for
action without words. For instance, a march
with appropriate music allows the dancer-
puppeteer to adopt certain steps of his own
choice in consonance with it. He practic-
ally dances.
A favourite nang yai theme in the past
was the campaigns of Tut, Khorn, and Tri-
sian. Two of these names come from Val-
nuki’s *“Ramayana—Dushana and Khara.
The third, Trisian, is an additional role,
possibly invented locally. They are relatives
of *Rawana’s sister, Samanakkha (Surpana-
kha) who, coming out to seduce Rama and
*Laksamana, is rebutted by them both. It is
believed that starting at dusk, a performance
usually reached the fall of Khorn at about
midnight when performances usually stop-
ped. Hence, the phrase lomkhorn, ‘the fall of
Khorn’, came to be used in popular par-
lance for the ‘conclusion’ of anything. Such
 189
episodes as The Weapon of Brahma and
Maiyarab the Magician gained popularity at a
later date.
Samudaghosa, a poem written by the
jurisconsult of King Narai during the
eighteenth century, mentions another story
which echoes the Ramayana plot. The hero
here is Ramadhipat, and the princess he
wins In a competition is named Bindumati.
Towards the middle of the eighteenth
century, the romance of*Panji, the hero of
medieval Javanese history, became popular
in the regime of Ayutthya. One or perhaps
two versions are said to have been written
in Thai dramatic verse. These have not sur-
vived. A version of this romance, believed
to have been composed in the reign of King
Rama I of the Chakri Dynasty, was prob-
ably the source ofinspiration for the well-
known Inao of King Rama II. This latter
work contains an episode in which puppets
were made to screen the story of Panji.
Nang ram, often called nang rabam, was
performed during the daytime with col-
oured figures. The manipulators were more
ornately dressed as befitting a daylight per-
formance in the open. They appeared on
the stage to the accompaniment of song and
music, depicting a celestial dance from the
well-known episode in which the goddess
Mekhala tantalizes the demon Ramasun
with her jewel oflightning.
Nang rabam, usually performed in the late
afternoon till dusk, retained the screen but
not the fire. It formed a prelude to nang yal.
The possibility has been mentioned that
nang rabam may serve as a means of estab-
lishing the link between nang yai and khon.
Much, however, remains unclear with re-
gard to connections between the two genre.
nan tongga (Indonesia). The name used for
the *randai dance-theatre in Payakumbuh
of the Lima Puluh Koto district of Sumatra.
nat (Burma). Among the Burmese may be
observed the operation ofat least two reli-
gious systems—the official Buddhism and a
sort of folk religion with possible roots in
animism. In popular worship, the two sys-
tems often merge. Burmese folk religion
postulates the existence of supernatural
NAT
beings and includes a set of rituals relating
to them. These beings, some of them con-
nected with animism, are believed to come
in a variety of forms—ghosts, demons,
witches, and spirits—this last category
being called nat.
The nat is the most important of these
four groups. Around the nat, whose num-
bers are myriad, as is to be expected in any
system of animism, and who are considered
on the whole harmful or potentially so, has
developed a whole system ofbeliefs, rituals,
and practitioners. The cult of the nat rivals
that of the Buddha. Although, as is to be
expected, the spirits that inhabit the in-
visible world of the Burmese are numerous,
principal attention is often devoted to the
so-called ‘thirty-seven nat’.
Generally, the term nat refers to a class of
supernatural beings who are more powerful
than man and who therefore can affect him
either for good or evil. The average Burm-
ese can distinguish three types of nat,
though neither the classification system nor
his understanding of the nat is always per-
fect or even clear. The three types are the
following: (i) nature spirits of various kinds
associated with trees, waterfalls, hills, paddy
fields, streams, rivers, and so on; (ii) deva,
those that reside in the Buddhist heavens
and are regarded as guardians or protectors
of the Buddhist religion; (ii) the so-called
‘thirty-seven naf, officially sanctioned by
several Burmese kings in the past; each of
these nat possesses a historically or mytho-
logically identifiable biography. In addition
to these three fairly well-delineated categor-
ies of nat, there is a fourth, mixed group.
Nature nat consist of a variety of spirits
classifiable in different ways. The average
Burmese regards the natural world as poten-
tially dangerous and unpredictable. While
certain events that take place, in particular
those that affect an individual, are explained
as due to karma, it is believed that others
are the result of instigation by one of the
spirits offended by trespassers or by neglect
in recognizing it through the making of
offerings. While the nature nat, therefore, is
a potentially harmful one, it 1s also regarded
as a protector or guardian, in particular of
the locality with which it is associated. The
NAT
important nature nat are those that control
or are guardians of the hills, the fields, the
lakes, rivers and streams, the forest, and so
on, and may be propitiated when necessary.
The forest nat, for instance, 1s propitiated
when a villager ventures into the woods
and especially when a tree is about to be
felled. Appropriate offerings are given to
ensure it causes no harm, and its assistance
or continuing protection may, at the same
time, be ensured.
The deva, Hindu-derived gods, are
generally considered good, and in fact are
sometimes considered as not being nat at all.
The word deva etymologically comes from
the Sanskrit word for deity, and thus,
obviously, this class is different from purely
nature spirits such as those considered
above. Deva are considered good nat, who
protect the people and accede to their re-
quests for assistance. They alleviate suffer-
ing and they are moral. Conceptually part
of Buddhism, the deva are said to live in the
twenty-six deva abodes or heavens of Bud-
dhist cosmology. Although no specific
temples or shrines have been dedicated to
them in Burma, prayers may be addressed
to them or offerings given in gratitude for
some reward or assistance obtained, or for
their continued benevolent protection.
The most important group, that of the
thirty-seven nat, is again distinguished from
the first category of nat in that they are not
purely nature spirits, and from deva for,
unlike deva, they are conceived as spirits of
deceased human beings who, because of
their violent deaths, became nat. There is
some difference of opinion as regards the
number thirty-seven. There is a view, for
instance, that the number is not to be taken
literally but rather symbolically, perhaps
representing categories or groups of spirits.
On the other hand, another opinion holds
that there are thirty-seven beings in this
category, and their names have been known
for generations. The original number was
thirty-three, contained in the first royal list
of nat whose images were placed in the
Shwezigon pagoda in Pagan by King Anaw-
rahta in 1059. This event marked the
beginning of ‘official’ recognition. The last
list, issued during the reign of King Bo-
dawpaya (1782-1819), listed thirty-seven.
190
As to their origins, William Ridgeway
(Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-
European Races, 1964) mentions that all
thirty-seven represent the spirits of departed
heroes and heroines except one, Thagya
Nat, who is the god Indra, his name
Thagya being a variation of the Sansknit
Sakra. He stands at the head of the thirty-
seven. Of the remaining thirty-six, all but
one claim to have been members of royalty
or to be indirectly connected with royalty,
so that in the final count, there is Indra,
nineteen with royal connections, sixteen
officials, and one merchant. The majority
of them were alive between the thirteenth
and seventeenth centuries, and some less
than 200 years ago.
What is important is to realize that all of
the nat are evil, and therefore have to be
placated and cannot be ignored, as any
negligence or non-propitiation could result
in evil. Numerous explanations are given to
explain their evil nature, including the fact
that at least some of them died violent
deaths. According to Melford Spiro (Burmese
Supernaturalisim, 1967), the thirty-seven nat
are classified into at least three categories or
sub-types: (i) the household nar, (11) the
village or town nat, and (i) hereditary nat,
also known as ‘mother’s side—-father’s side
nat. In some places, a fourth category, de-
scribed by Spiro as ‘public works nat’, is also
mentioned. Then there are also personal nat
for individual beings and so on, but possibly
these do not come from the category of the
thirty-seven nat.
The importance of the cult of these
thirty-seven rat may be seen in all facets of
private and public life. They are propitiated
at birth, at a boy’s initiation as a monk, at
marriage, and at death. They are propitiated
both to prevent and to cure illness. They
are propitiated at various stages in the agri-
cultural cycle, especially during the planting
and harvesting seasons. Most of these cere-
monies are simple, private ones, performed
with the intention of evoking the assistance
of some nat or ofavoiding its anger. On the
other hand, there are public nat ceremonies
or festivals in which the nat is both pro-
pitiated and its presence evoked. These
elaborate festivals or ceremonies are known
as “nat pwe.

nat kadaw (Burma). Literally translatable as
nat or ‘spirit wife’. In performances of*nat
pwe spirit dances, the nat kadaw is a profes-
sional dancer who, through her dance, calls
down into herself a spirit (nat) for the
purpose of seeing the future or of fortune-
telling.
nat pwe (Burma). A spirit invocation dance
related to animistic beliefs and performed
by a female medium (nat kadaw or ‘spirit
wife’).
nat votress (Burma). One of the most im-
portant puppets in the *yokthe pve set, serv-
ing as a medium between this world and
the world of spirits (*nat). In performances
of the Burmese marionette theatre, yokthe
pwe, the nat votress, is featured in an import-
ant Opening sequence in which, through
her, invocations are addressed to Indra, the
king of the nat, as well as to the nat them-
selves to obtain their blessings and protec-
tion.
Nayagenggong (Indonesia), see Pentul
Negarakertagama (indonesia). Written by
Prapanca, a court poet who later became a
hermit (pandita), an extremely important
work that contains material about the
glories of the kingdom of Majapahit during
the reign of King Hayam Wuruk. The
semi-legendary work was completed in
1365 in the form of apoem (kakawin), and
was originally entitled Desyawarnana. Nega-
rakertagama was first published in 1902 by
Brandes, and then translated into Dutch in
1903-14 by Kern, and again by Krom in
1919. It is believed that this work became
the prototype for another important semi-
legendary work, *Pararaton.
nelayan (Indonesia). The Fisherman is a
newly created dance from north Bali be-
longing to the kebyar group, derived from
the traditional */egong. It depicts a fishing
expedition during which the fishermen
throw their nets into the water and one 1s
attacked by a huge fish. Before his com-
panions rescue him, the dancer imitates the
movements of someone in great pain.
NOGE
nglukat (Indonesia). Balinese term for
*noruwat.
ngruwat (Indonesia). The term ngruwat, also
appearing in some instances as Iukat or
ruwat, means ‘to heal’, ‘cure’. or ‘exorcize’.
A large variety of exorcistic rites are used in
traditional Balinese and Javanese society.
The possibility of averting evil influences
and prohibiting bad spirits from doing
harm, known in Bali as */eyak and elsewhere
by other names such as *haniu, is generally
accepted in the Malay—Indonesian commu-
nities as well as in other communities of
South-East Asia. Specific varieties of ritual
theatrical performances also serve the pur-
pose of exorcizing malicious beings from
individuals who have been possessed by such
beings as well as from the village environ-
ment itself. As a rule, exorcistic rites are sup-
posed to have the positive effect of driving
away the negative influences, partly by dis-
closing the mythic origins of the demons or
spirits who are the source of the trouble in
the first instance, while concurrently de-
monstrating the power ofthe officiant sha-
man or puppeteer over the invisible forces.
In Java and Bali, the terms /uwat, ruwat, and
lukat are applied to ritual performances with
such a function. See also lakon murwakala,
wayang kulit suddhamala, and sapuh leger.
ngruwat lakon (Indonesia), see lakon mur-
wakala
nibhatkin (Burma). A form of early spirit or
miracle play performed by _ professional
entertainers or ‘spirit dancers’. It is believed
that some of these wandering nibhatkin per-
formers were vagabond entertainers who
used religion as a convenient cover for their
secular activities. There is a possibility that
the still-active *nat pwe—‘spinit plays’ or
‘spirit festivals—have their roots in the
nibhatkin. A clown, known as Iu byet (liter-
ally, ‘the non-serious man’) was the prin-
cipal character in most ofthe nibhatkin.
noge (Malaysia). Also known as hadrah ekor,
a variant form of *hadrah which includes
dances and a play. It is found principally in
the states of Kedah and Perlis.
NORA CHATRI
nora chatri (Malaysia/Thailand). A folk
dance-theatre form also known as manora,
menora, or simply nora, performed by some
twenty or so groups consisting principally
of Thai immigrants in the Malaysian state of
Kedah as well as in various provinces of
southern Thailand. A few groups also oper-
ate in the states of Penang and Kelantan.
The groups are, in some cases, attached to
Thai Buddhist temples (wat). The
manora derives from the name of the
heroine in the *Manohra tale as found in the
*jataka. It has been here extended to refer
to the genre, even to a performer.
The origins and history of nora chatn
remain hidden in the mists of tme.
very likely that it started somewhere in
southern Thailand, and then spread into the
Malay peninsula during days of strong Thai
political and cultural influence, coming
south with immigrant Thai communities
who still live in villages along the
Malaysian—Thai border. An __ interesting
legend known in Kedah, as well as Penang,
claims that nora chatri came from a princess,
*Mesi Mala, and places the origins of the
genre in undefined Thai territory. Tradi-
tion also links it with India, due to both its
strong Buddhist colouring and the Manohra
story. It is possible, further, to discern in the
Mesi Mala myth, in some of nora chatri’s
192
charactenstic features, and in beliefs strongly
connected with the genre an animistic or
shamanistic base upon which the Manohra
story has been planted. The Malaysian folk
manora betrays many similarities with its
southern Thai cousin and to this day re-
mains strongly connected with rituals.
Basically, nora chatn' performances are di-
visible into two varieties: those serving a
word specific ritual purpose, and those sponsored
purely for entertainment or fund-raising.
In Malaysia, ritual nora chatri is normally
performed for the release of a vow (*pelepas
niat or membayar nazar) and to celebrate the
attainment of maturity, usually at the age of
It is twenty-one, by a nora dancer or even by
someone not necessarily connected with
the tradition. A mtual performance marks
an important milestone in the life of adan-
cer for it allows an initiate to become a guru.
Such a performance includes the crowning
of a dancer with a tiered crown (chada or
prachada) after the ceremonious cutting of
a forelock. In performances arranged to
express thanks to the spirits upon the attain-
ment of specific desires, a previously ex-
pressed vow is essential. Ritual nora chatri is
also featured in temple or shrine ceremonies,
often in quite isolated locations, to mark
the Buddha’s birthday or at the demise of a
particularly venerated Buddhist monk.
nora chatri
 193
Non-ritual performances typically take
place at Thai weddings, at Buddhist temple
festivals, or at larger public fairs (pesta) held
in conjunction with public holidays or
celebratrons such as those marking a cor-
onation.
Performances generally take place in
palm leaf (attap) and bamboo shelters known
as *“panggung or bangsal, built on level
ground and open on all sides. Members of
the audience either sit inside, along the
edges, or outside, around the bangsal. Such
structures at times gain a measure of per-
manency, remaining in place after each per-
formance.
The musical accompaniment to a nora
chatri performance is provided by a fairly
|
sumple set of instruments also used to ac-
company the Thai shadow play (*nang
talung) and *wayang kulit gedek, a form of
shadow theatre co-regional with nora chatri.
This consists of a double-reed oboe (seru-
nai), a pair of single-headed stick drums
(gedug), a pair of single-headed hour-glass
shaped drums (gedumbak), a pair of small
hand cymbals (kesi or ching), and several
pairs of bamboo or wooden slabs serving
as clappers. The serunai 1s the melodic
| instrument. In addition, several pairs of
inverted gongs (mong or canang) may be
used. Variations of tone and intensity
manora (clowns)
NORA CHATRI
appear throughout dance sequences.
Generally, however, the orchestra remains
silent during a story (lakon) except to
punctuate an occasional dramatic moment.
It plays during the trance-induction cere-
monies and the final closing songs (sip song
bot) when music is used in between sung
stanzas.
Most performers of folk manora dress in
everyday Thai or Malay clothing. The two
comic characters, *Phran Bun and Phran
Thep, however, wear, in addition, red
wooden half-masks. The lead dancers’ cos-
tumes are, on the other hand, quite distinct
and elaborate. The main parts consist of the
tiered crown, a beaded loose-fitting over-
shirt sometimes replaced by a_ tasselled
shawl, also beaded, a pair of tight-fitting
pants with pendants of cloth hanging from
the waist, a tailpiece structured like the back
or tail of abird (hang hoong), and long, gold-
coloured, backward-bending _ fingernails
(changgai). Dressed in this manner, the dan-
cers are said to imitate the movements of a
mythical bird (nok insi). Significantly, the
chada is worn only by initiated performers.
An initiation ceremony includes a ritual
crowning.
Both ritual and non-ritual performances
are preceded by a musical prelude. Lasting
between thirty minutes and an hour, it 1s
intended to attract an audience. During this
time, the performers prepare themselves
physically and spiritually for their 1mpend-
ing stage entries.
The performance proper begins with a
salutation to the teacher (kat kru or wai kn),
a ceremony intended to simultancously
consecrate the performance area. Wai kru
offerings include flowers, sweets, rice, betel
leaves, betel-nuts, and cooked fowl. Addi-
tional objects serving as part of ritual para-
phernalia include candles, pillows, and mats.
These items, except for the last three, are
placed in containers arranged either on
the stage floor or on a shelf-altar just be-
low the theatre roof alongside one of its
wall. The peaked crown is also normally
placed at this elevated position.
Wai kru incorporates invocations to Mesi
Mala and to others, including Phran Bun,
Phran Thep, Phran Nuan, and Sin Hong.
Phran Bun and Phran Thep are intimately
NORA CHATRI
connected with the Mesi Mala myth and
the former also features as the third char-
acter, the hunter, in the Manohra tale. In-
vocations, whose length and details vary
according to the reciter, are also addressed
to Hindu divinities, including *Hanuman,
*Ganesha, and *Maharishi, who is identi-
fied with Siva. Typical invocation texts
contain a brief account of the origin of nora
chatri. The intoning of these texts by the
leader is echoed by the musicians doubling
as members of a chorus.
The completion of kat kru marks the
beginning of trance sessions in which per-
formers, as well as observers, participate, the
latter often achieving involuntary trance. It
is possible to nominate proxies to go into
trance. Potential trancers place themselves
cross-legged facing the hghted candles and
other offerings, hands joined in a salutation
(anjali) gesture. The guru or group leader
leads the chorus-chanters in their music-
accompanied intonations. The sounds of
the orchestra get progressively louder as
well as deliberately rhythmic as trance or
possession nears. For those consciously de-
siring to go into trance, there is only one
precondition—a vow (niat)., There is no
guarantee, however, that every supplicant
will attain the trance state.
The song-ofterings are addressed to a
host of invisible beings in the hope that one
of them will possess a supplicant’s body.
Although the names of many deities, spirits,
or ancestors are known to performers, it is
impossible to determine before an actual
trance which of these is likely to descend.
The moment of possession, however, 1s
marked by clear changes in the trancer’s
behaviour. He begins to shiver, his body
shaking at an increasing speed. He is then
covered with a white sheet and calmed.
Upon being questioned by the guru, the
trancer reveals the name of the possessing
being. For all intents and purposes, from
this point on the trancer loses his own
identty. The duration of trance and_ its
specific manifestation vary from case to
case. The ‘placing? may remain relatively
passive or induce violent circular dancing,
sometimes with the trancer deftly handling
weapons. One other noteworthy feature is
that the sex of the trancer and that of the
194
manora
‘emplaced’ spirit must comcide. Mesi Mala,
consequently, can only emplace herselfin a
female vehicle, while Phran Bun and other
male spirits only enter males. During trance,
the dancers reveal considerable poise, con-
fidence, and energy.
While awaiting the dances, performers
make their psychological and physical pre-
parations, say their prayers, and assure the
deities and spirits of their physical and spir-
itual purity. Meanwhile, the orchestra plays
a musical prelude, Entries, particularly of a
troupe’s leading dancer, who invanably
plays the role of Prince Sudhana (Phra
Suton), are made from behind a curtain or
crude cloth enclosure improvised on stage.
The curtain, when used in this manner, is
held up by two assistants who drop it and
pull it aside immediately upon the emer-
gence of each dancer. The dancers emerge,
salute the crowns, and place them on their
heads. At this crucial point, they also seek
divine forgiveness and protection from evil.
The tiered crown is the most visible symbol
of such protection for it is believed to pos-
sess magical power. A song, rai na man (also
known colloquially as pha tha man), is sang
by the chorus of musicians. This entire rit-
ual marking the emergence of Phra Sut’on
and the dancers is known as klon sot. It may
take place during the day or at night.
The manora dance, which, in effect, is a
 195
series of virtually identical dances per-
formed either solo or in groups by dancers
depicting the mythical birdmaidens (kin-
nari), culminates with the entry of the lead-
ing dancer in the role of Phra Sut’on and
his courting dance executed with the kin-
nari, Manohra’s heavenly sisters and with
Manohra herself. Most of the floor patterns
described by it are circular or formed in a
figure of eight. Some footwork is apparent,
and the outstretched arms, with fingers ex-
tended upwards and shghtly backwards, are
a constant feature. A number of repeated
finger poses possibly possess meaning or
symbolic value but are not as precise as
Indian hand gestures (imudra). For greater
dramatic effect, the leading dancer usually
emerges after several solo and group dances
executed, often highly inartistically, by
children or less experienced members of
a troupe. Thus, Phra Sut’on’s appearance
marks the high point. His dance, which
begins from a seated position on a stool, is
characterized by stylized crisp movements
of torso, head, arms, and fingers. It is quite
normal for the manora dance to last several
hours before a story (lakon) is unfolded.
It is possible that the manora dance which
lends its name to the genre as a whole was
at one time performed in an extended ver-
sion just by itself, and that plays quite alien
to the Manohra myth were a later addition
which reduced the dance to merely one of
several important elements in a total nora
chatri performance. Today, such plays, which
follow the manora dance as a matter of
course, last several hours each night. A new
story is selected each night for a typical
three-night performance, or a single story,
started on the first night, is continued
during the remaining two.
Local tradition maintains that the nora
chatri repertoire at one time consisted of
twelve stories. It is no longer possible to
precisely identify these as many other tales
have found their way into the repertoire
and their constant use over a long period of
time has lent some of these the same sanc-
tity as belongs to the original twelve. As
constantly happens in folk theatre, possibly
the repertoire’s expansion into twelve stories
and beyond took place in stages over a long
period of time, beginning with just one
NORA CHATRI
lakon, in this case the Manohra tale. Nora
chatri no longer features this story in a dra-
matic form. As already noted, it forms the
fundamental element in the dance preced-
ing the lakon. The following are among the
lakon known and performed today: *Phra
Su Thon, Phra Law, Hai Thong, Chit Na
Rong, Laksana Wong, Woh Seng, Phai Na
Ma Ha Wong, Dara Wong, *Khun Charng
Khun Phaen, Chao Krai Thong, *Sang Thong,
*Phra Abhai Manee, Chan Tha Korop, Ai
Them, Wan Sin, Teng On, Chao On, Pram,
and Sinu Rat. Most of these derive from
Thai folk literature or Thai literary ante-
cedents. In addition, episodes or complete
plots are borrowed from other theatre forms
of the region. Stories are handed down
through oral transmission.
In lakon performances, comic and heroic
elements are invariably highlighted. The
dialogue is presented in a mixture of south-
ern Thai and, in the case of performances in
Malay villages, with some use made oflocal
dialects of Malay. Performers are of both
sexes and are racially mixed, both Thais and
Malays taking part. The clowns, Phran Bun
and Phran Thep, feature prominently and
dancers assume certain ‘acting’ roles. The
cast is generally small—about half a dozen
people including the two clowns. However,
as in *mak yong or *bangsawan, everyone
present, including musicians and members
of the audience, participate. The former
double as chorus members and the latter as
informal prompters. This remarkable de-
eree of audience—actor rapport serves to
greatly enliven performances.
The final stage of a performance consists
ofrecitation or singing to orchestral accom-
paniment. This sequence is known as the
‘twelve melodies’ or ‘twelve songs’ (sip song
bot or sip song kam phrat), done in sitting
(nang khrap) positions. One of these is sung
each night following a lakon while all
twelve, in abridged form, mark the conclu-
sion of performance on the final night. The
lyrics contain summaries of the twelve on-
ginal nora chatri lakon. These are said to be:
Nang Manora, Phra Rot, Thip Ke_ Son,
Lakhana Wong, Kho But, Thasa Bun, Dara
Wong, Si Suan, Nang Mora, Sinurat, Nang
Boon Tha, and Chau Krai, also known as
Nai Krai. One explanation for the recitation
NYAGAK
is the impossibility of presenting the entire
nora chatri repertoire in three nights. A gist
of the twelve stories is therefore presented.
It may, however, have other religious or
mystical significance, now no longer clear.
The sip song bot is sung by the guru who
leads the choir ofsinger-musicians.
Sip song bot is followed by a final wai kru
which, in elaboration, falls far short of that
which marks the opening of performances.
It is intended as a means of expressing
thanks to the spirits for a performance with-
out any mishaps and as a final salutation to
Mesi Mala, nora chatri’s mythical founder.
Performances occasionally close with an
abridged manora dance. Circumstances per-
mitting, however, the dance, regarded as
optional, may be extended to fill all avail-
able time before the final close.
The structure outlined above is charac-
teristic of both ritual and non-ritual per-
formances. The latter, however, do not
involve trance sessions, while other ritual
elements, such as wai kru, are considerably
reduced. Non-nitual nora chatri, however, is
rarely encountered as in the villages the
genre is still steeped in an aura ofthe sacred.
In urban centres of southern Thailand,
however, slightly fancier and more sys-
196
tematic performances may be seen these
days. In these, the ritual elements are con-
siderably reduced. The focus, moreover, 1s
essentially upon the dance of Phra Sut’on
and the kinnari, additional lakon, or plots of
plays are omitted altogether, so that per-
formance duration is drastically reduced. In
the case of urban performances seen in Pe-
nang, these have also in recent years devel-
oped the tendency to use a combination of
Thai, Malay, and Hokkien languages, with
Malay and Hokkien being used in the
comic sections. Thus, on the whole, nora
chatri displays considerable variety in per-
formance styles in the areas where it is still
active.
nung daloong (Thailand/Laos). A variant
of the southern Thai shadow play, *nang
talung, performed by several troupes in the
Ubon province on the Thai—Laos border
since about 1926. The principal story per-
formed is the Thai version of the Hindu
epic, *Ramayana, known in Thailand as
*Ramakien. In addition, nung daloong per-
forms Lao stories as well as incorporates
other Lao elements such as music.
nyagak (Indonesia), see bedolan
 @
og ko (Thailand), see og roop pra isuan song
ko usuparaj
og ling dum ling kao (Thailand). One ofthe
preliminary activities performed prior to
the actual story in the southern Thai shadow
play, *nang talung. It involves a fight between
a white monkey and a black one, reflect-
ing the conflict between ‘good’ and ‘evil’.
Inevitably, in the performance of this sec-
tion, the good triumphs over the evil, as in
the traditional Thai and South-East Asian
theatre as a whole. A similar episode, rep-
resenting a conflict between two minor
deities with arrows (*dewa panah), opens the
*wayang kulit siam shadow play in the Malay
province of Kelantan.
0g roop apiprai na bot (Thailand). A section
in the preliminaries of the southern Thai
shadow play (*nang talung) which marks the
entrance of a male figure holding a lotus.
His function is to invoke and make obeis-
ance to the Buddha, to the kings, teachers,
parents, gods, and a host of other persons
prior to the beginning of a performance.
The figure, Apiprai, makes his salutation
gesture three times. This section of the pre-
liminaries is also known as prai na bot.
og roop bok ruang (Thailand). A section in
the preliminaries of a southern Thai shadow
play (*nang talung) performance. In it, a
comic character appears on the screen to
provide the audience with a synopsis of the
story to be performed.
og roop chao muang (Thailand). A section
which marks the beginning of a story in the
southern Thai shadow play, *nang talung. It
brings the first set of king and queen on to
the screen following a series of preliminary
activities.
og roop pha isuan song ko usuparaj (Thai-
land). A section in the preliminary rituals of
the southern Thai shadow play, *nang
talung, also called og ko. It marks the en-
trance ofthe god Siva (Pra *Isuan) on an ox
(usuparaj).
og roop ruesi (Thailand). In the southern
Thai shadow play, *nang talung, the entrance
of a sage figure (rusi or rishi) generally re-
garded as the master of the white monkey
and the black monkey appearing in the *og
ling dum ling kao, a section of the prelimin-
ary rituals. Upon the defeat of the black
monkey, rishi gives moral lessons to the
black monkey before releasing it.
omang (Indonesia). A demon follower of
Barong, the mythical lion-like creature in
the Balinese *barong play.
ondel-ondel (Indonesia). A variety of pup-
pet made from strips of bamboo and dressed,
as well as decorated, in the manner of a
bride or bridegroom (pengantin). The size
of such a figure may be large or medium.
As a common practice, ondel-ondel appear in
pairs, one male and the other female. The
making and performances of ondel-ondel
have been in existence for the past five to
six generations, principally in the greater
Jakarta area on the island of Java. The tra-
dition, however, is spreading to other parts
of the island.
There is a persistent belief that the ondel-
ondel possesses magical power and is able
thereby to dispel evil spirits as well as to
serve as an agent of healing. For this reason,
on certain days ondel-ondel figures are given
offerings (sesajen). Performances take place
during circumcisions, weddings, or public
fairs.
Ondel-ondel performances usually begin
with the preparation of two sets of figures,
the first consisting of a large male and fe-
male and the second of a pair of smaller but
identical figures. In addition, two or more
pairs of masked (*topeng or kedok) dancers
ONE THOUSAND ONE NIGHTS
may be incorporated to perform a variety of
conventional as well as improvised dances.
Musical accompaniment to the dances is
provided by a tanjidor, gambang kromong, and
gendang pencak (pencak martial arts drums).
Religious singing (qasidah) accompaniment
may also be incorporated.
One Thousand and One Nights (Indonesia/
Malaysia). A collection of stories written
in Arabic, also called Arabian Nights. The
source of the tales is uncertain. The frame-
work (that is, the story of the king who
killed his wives successively on the morn-
ing following the consummation of their
marriage until he married the clever Sche-
herazade, who saved her life by telling him
tales) is of Persian origin. It is mentioned by
Mas’udi (AD 944) and in the Fihrist
(AD 987) as occurring in a book entitled the
Hazar Afsane or Thousand Tales, attributed
to a Princess Homai, the daughter, accord-
ing to tradition, of Artaxerxes I. But the
stories told by Scheherazade are, for the
most part, Arabian in character. They were
probably collected in Egypt by a profes-
sional story-teller at some time in the four-
teenth to sixteenth centuries.
As far as the traditional theatre of South-
East Asia goes, the tales probably came to
the operatic forms, including *bangsawan,
through the medium of the Indian Parsi
theatre (*wayang parsi) in the last quarter of
the nineteenth century. The popular ones
in bangsawan and the related genre,
*stambul, include Ali Baba and the Forty
Thieves and * Sharifah al-Banun.
onor (Philippines). A female singer well-
versed in singing or chanting, who particip-
ates in performances of *bayuk.
orang muda (Malaysia/Indonesia). Literally,
‘young person’. The hero role in the oper-
atic *bangsawan. Selection for this role is
based upon certain criteria, including good
looks, a good singing voice, and some
acting ability. In general, the behaviour of
the orang muda is expected to be refined
(*halus). In performance, the orang muda
actor generally plays the part of a prince
(anak raja) or of some important court offi-
cial, for instance, the admiral of the raja’s
198
navy (laksamana), or even a disguised poor
man who later on turns out to be a prince
or nobleman (orang bangsawan), who has
either been lost or had to deliberately dis-
guise himself to achieve some important
mission. A group of bangsawan performers
may have several orang muda actors, depend-
ing upon its financial status and its reper-
toire.
orang pertapaan (Malaysia/Indonesia). The
role of the sage or hermit who is meditating
sometimes appears in *bangsawan stories in
Indian-derived or indigenous Malay tales.
The hermit is generally portrayed as an old
man, with a moustache and beard, usually
grey in colour, and with a walking-stick
(tongkat).
osana (Philippines). A liturgical folk play,
also called osanahan, which dramatizes Jesus
Chnist’s entry into Jerusalem on Palm Sun-
day. It consists of two essential parts: (i) the
Roman liturgy of the blessing and the pro-
cession of palms, performed inside a church,
and (ii) a longer procession and four songs
performed outside. In Spanish times, sets,
including castles (castillo), were constructed
at the four corners of a church patio or on
streets adjacent to the church. These struc-
tures were fashioned from bamboo and
covered with paper and cardboard painted
with stone designs to recapture the sem-
blance of medieval castles. They were
adorned at the top with coconut fronds
(palaspas) and arches. Access to the interior
of a castillo was from the back by means of a
bamboo ladder.
In present-day performances, such castillo
have given way to structures (kubol) fash-
ioned out of bamboo covered with cloth
decorated with embroidery of cherubs,
wreaths, and flowers, as well as paper flags
and images of patron saints and of Christ.
Early Palm Sunday morning, the crowd
gathers in the church. The priest, represent-
ing Christ, and twelve men, representing
the twelve disciples, are greeted with exult-
ant waving of the palaspas. After the Latin
prayer, the priest blesses and swings the
censer at the palms which react to these
graces with frenzied movements of near
ecstasy. Taking the biggest of the palaspas,

the priest then leads the apostles through
the main aisle out of the church, stepping
on shawls (tapis) laid by women for him to
step on.
Meanwhile, at the first Rubol, four little
girls, appropriately rehearsed by the master
of ceremonies, await their moment, fidget-
ing with their baskets. Amidst a peal ofbells,
the priest leads the procession out of the
church. The familiar six-man band begins
to play a slow introduction (pasakalye), and
little angels (angelitas) embark upon their
first ‘Hosanna Filio David’, simultaneously
taking pieces of paper and petals from their
baskets to throw, in time to the music, on
the priest below. These petals are allowed
to touch neither priest nor ground for they
are gathered by a patchwork of handker-
chiefs and belanggot hats held up by farmers
and their wives who believe that the petals,
if planted in rice-fields with rice seedlings,
ensure a plentiful harvest.
At the first ‘Hosanna’, the procession
proceeds on to the second kubol where the
OTTON WAYANG
second ‘choir of angels’ awaits the priest at
the end of a tapis-covered walk. There, the
second ‘Hosanna’ is sung while the first
choir, climbing down the bamboo ladder,
scurries over to the third kubol before the
procession arrives there. Similarly, the sec-
ond choir rushes to the fourth kubol.
From the last kubol, the priest leads his
procession towards the front gate of the
church which by this time has been closed
to signify the Pharisees’ rejection of the
Messiah. The priest intones the first lines of
the antiphon Gloria, Laus et Honor, the
choir inside answering with the succeeding
stanzas until the priest taps the door three
times with the bottom of his palaspas. The
door then opens ‘miraculously’ allowing
priest, apostles, and laity to enter for the
mass on Palm Sunday.
osanahan (Philippines), see osana
otton wayang (Indonesia), see wuku wayang

PABALAN, Mariono Procesco (Philip-
pines) (1862-1904). The Filipino writer
who attempted to create vernacular scripts
for *zarzuela. The first of these, *Ing Mag-
nape (The Patcher), was performed in 1900.
Besides Ing Magnape, Pabalan wrote about a
dozen original plays and translated two into
Spanish. Most of his plays are about con-
temporary life, the sole exception being
Apat ya ing Junio, which was inspired by an
event in local history, the attack on a Span-
ish garrison by the people of Bocolor, an
event which marked Pampanga’s participa-
tion in the Philippines Revolution. Pabalan
is generally regarded as the pioneer in the
field of Capampangan drama.
padalangan (Indonesia/Malaysia). A general
term referring to *wayang kulit or shadow
play lore, including a knowledge of the
stories, rituals, language, and the art of
manipulating and placing the figures. The
Malaysian term is perdalangan. It presup-
poses, too, a certain ability on the part of
the *dalang or puppeteer to understand the
wayang kulit’s spiritual or mystical meaning.
Pak Dogol (Malaysia). The more import-
ant and senior of the two comic characters
in the Malay *wayang kulit siam shadow
play, his companion being *Wak Long.
These characters do not belong to the
* Ramayana, the Indian epic which serves as
the principal source of dramatic material in
the wayang kulit siam. The genre makes use
of plots from the classical versions, Hikayat
Seri Rama and *Hikayat Maharaja Wana, as
well as from the branch stories (*cerita ran-
ting)—extensions of the epic invented by
the puppeteers (*dalang) themselves. In
wayang kulit siam, Pak Dogol and Wak
Long serve as servants and companions to
Ser) *Rama. There are no equivalent
characters on the side of the demon-king,
*Rawana. There are, however, several
te
important episodes in which they become
the central characters.
Like the *punakawan of the classical
Javanese shadow play, *Semar and *Turas,
these two characters are misshapen and ugly
in appearance. Indeed, they are often re-
garded as Kelantanese versions of Semar
and Turas. Pak Dogol has a large, protrud-
ing belly with an outsized navel. His but-
tocks are too large for his body. His nose,
shaped like the beak of a bird, is large and
his eyes, as well as his mouth, are movable.
The Pak Dogol puppet has a pair of mov-
able arms, and with one ofthese he wields a
large knife (golok). The puppet representing
Pak Dogol is always painted black. He does
not wear a shirt and is usually given a pair of
red pants.
Like Semar, Pak Dogol is believed to be
of divine origin, and again like Semar he is
regarded as an earthly manifestation of the
god Dewa Sang Hyang Tunggal, a brother
of Betara Guru (Siva). These divine origins
of Pak Dogol become manifest in several
wayang kulit siam plays, in particular those
which, like *Kerak Nasi (Rice Crust), in-
volve him in battles against Seri Rama and
in which he has to visit the sky country
(kayangan) to ask for favours or demand ac-
tion on the part of the gods. In some ver-
sions of origin stories, he is given an Islamic
character and mystical meanings. In yet
others, there persists a view that Seri Rama,
the hero of the Ramayana, himself emerged
from the sweat of Pak Dogol.
Pak Dogol’s ugliness is a deliberate dis-
guise, both in keeping with his humble po-
sition in the stories and to cover his true
appearance. No human eye can stand the
true effulgence of Dewa Sang Hyang Tung-
gal. Thus, it was necessary when Dewa
Sang Hyang Tunggal left the sky country to
roam the earth for him to smear his body
with mud and take on an ugly appearance.
Pak Dogol retains the powers to change
himself back into his true form, or indeed

into any shape necessary to achieve specific
aims. This power is often manifested in the
wayang stories.
pakem (Indonesia/Malaysia). In *wayang
kulit purwa, the various stories were written
down in the form of ‘guides’ known as
pakem. The earliest known pakem are only a
few hundred years old, and in recent years
some of these have been published. Pakem,
on the whole, are divisible into
types, depending upon their length.
Pakem balungan, meaning ‘bone guides’,
the briefest of all pakem, contain only the
barest plot or outline of astory. A complete
nine-hour wayang kulit punwva performance
may take up only a page or two in a pakem
balungan book, with each scene covered in
two or three lines.
Pakem gancaran, or ‘prose guides’, con-
taining the important plot and action of a
play, run to perhaps ten or fifteen pages.
Pakem padalangan, literally, ‘guides for
the *dalang, the most complete vanety of
pakem, contain most of a dalang’s narration
and some dialogue. Action, music, and
sound effects are also indicated. Despite its
designation, however, a pakem padalangan is
nota ‘script’ to be used in performances.
During his performance, a dalang works
from one of the shorter varieties of pakem,
possibly in handwritten or transcribed ver-
sions handed down from teacher to pupil.
A skilled dalang is able to refresh his mem-
ory as regards the sequence of events or
scenes for a particular story (lakon) by using
the pakem.
pakem balungen (Indonesia/Malaysia),
pakem
_pakem gancaran (Indonesia/Malaysia),
pakem
pakem padalangan (Indonesia/Malaysia),
see pakem
pak mulong (Malaysia). In the *mek mulong
dance-theatre form of Kedah, pak mulong is
the leading male role, usually that
prince or raja. It is always played by men.
201 PAK YONG
Additionally, pak mulong also functions as a
narrator (pencerita) in the genre, telling the
main outline ofthe story.
pak pacak (Malaysia). A term used to de-
scribe absolute beginners in the art of *bang-
sawan. Such actors, usually extras (pelakon
tambahan), are assigned relatively minor,
non-speaking parts, such as guards.
various Pak Si Ton (Malaysia/Thailand), see Phra
Su Thon
pak yong (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand).
The lead male role in *mak yong. The role is
nowadays played by females although in the
past it was often handled by males. It
represents the apex of a mak yong actress’s
training; an actress may not be considered
proficient in her art until she can handle
this role comfortably. Generally speaking,
the mak yong performer is the most attract-
ive and talented actress of her group. Other
skills, such as an ability to sing, dance, and
act, as well as a grasp of both the mak yong
repertoire and the genre’s spiritual mean-
ings, are also demanded.
In a mak yong play, there may be one or
more pak yong roles. The pak yong is always
the king (raja) or prince (raja muda) in a
given kingdom. The raja is sometimes
played by an actress designated an elder pak
see
see
of a
mak yong
PAK YONG MUDA
yong (pak yong tua) while a prince may be
played by a younger pak yong (pak yong
muda). This differentiation, however, need
not be based entirely upon the respective
ages of the performers concerned.
pak yong muda (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thai-
land), see pak yong
pak yong tua (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thai-
land), see pak yong
Palet (Indonesia), see Tembem
pamido (Indonesia). The second refined
character type after the *panji group, which
represents the good characters in the *wa-
yang topeng masked dance-theatre of Sunda.
The pamido character wears a light blue
mask, which is less refined than that used by
panji characters. It has a longer nose and a
larger mouth. The dances of the pamido
group are also of a faster tempo and thus less
graceful than those of the panji group of
characters.
pamuritan (Indonesia). In Balinese Hin-
duism, the deities and their incarnations,
when angry or enraged, can take on the
shapes of giants or many-headed demons
with weapons in their muluple hands,
pointing in the direction of the cardinal
points. It is in this form, known as pamu-
ritan, that they appear in the battle scenes in
the shadow play (*wwayang kulit), The pup-
peteer (*dalang) places a smaller and a larger
pamuritan figure on the right and left end,
respectively, of his banana tree-trunk at the
commencement of a performance to pro-
tect himself, his assistants, the audience, as
well as his performance from all potential
dangers.
panakawan (Indonesia/Malaysia), see pu-
nakawan
panca yadnya (Indonesia). The five Bali-
nese Hindu sacred feasts or holidays involv-
ing sacrifices (korban suci). These are: (i)
dewa yadnya, those in honour or commem-
oration of deities (dewa); (ii) pitra yadnya,
those in honour of ancestors; (iti) bhuta
202
yadnya, those in honour of demons (bhuta);
(iv) manusa yadnya, those involving indi-
vidual human beings; and (v) rsi yadnya,
those celebrated in honour of the sages and
teachers (rest).
Each of these festivals involves temple
ceremonies, sacrifices, as well as perform-
ances of shadow play (*wayang kulit) or
dance-theatre.
Pandawa (Indonesia/Malaysia). The term
refers to the five sons of Pandu in the Hindu
epic, *Mahabharata. The five brothers are
*Yudhisthira, *Bima, *Aguna, whose
mother is Dewi Kunu, and the twins, Na-
kula and Sadewa, whose mother is Putri
Madrim. Only Yudhisthira, Aquna, and
Bima have important roles in most of the
events narrated in the stories used in tradi-
tional theatre in South-East Asia. Arjuna is
the undoubted hero amongst the Pandawa,
and is the principal character in the Maha-
bharata stories (lakon) used in traditional
theatre. The Pandawa, the heroes in the
epic, are in constant enmity and nvalry with
their cousins, the one hundred *Korawa,
sons of Dhritarashtra, Pandu’s brother. The
source of the enmity between the two sides
of the family is the question of who has the
right to rule the kingdom of Astinapura.
Following the death of Abiyasa, the king-
dom should have gone to Dhritarashtra
since he was the elder. But his blindness dis-
qualified him, and Pandu became ruler. It
was the contention of the Korawa that,
following the death of Pandu, the kingdom
should have reverted back to the eldest of
the Korawa, Duryodhana (*Sujudana), in-
stead of remaining in the hands of the
Pandawa.
The Korawa’s one desire is to get rid of
the Pandawa and, to this end, they plan
various schemes, including an attempt to
burn them alive. In a gambling match, in
which the Korawa undoubtedly cheated,
the Pandawa lose everything, including
their kingdom, and even their wives. As a
result of this loss, they suffer a thirteen-year
banishment, going through considerable
suffering and hardship, and during the final
year being forced to serve incognito in the
Kingdom of Wirata. Their final attempts to
come to some sort of reconciliation with
 203
their cousins through the efforts of Krishna
(*Kresna), the king of neighbouring Dwa-
rawati, fail. Ultimately, they are thrown
into the great Bharatayuddha war in which
both sides of the family are totally des-
troyed. The Pandawa, who manage to
obtain Astinapura, rule it only for a short
while before their end. Astinapura is then
taken over by *Perikesit, Arjuna’s grand-
son. See also Abimanyu.
| pangangaluluwa (Philippines). On 1 No-
vember, Christian tradition observes the
feast not only of canonized saints but also,
and more especially, of saints who for lack
of earthy patrons, Vatican fiat, or ‘miracles’
have failed to be included in the liturgical
calendar. In the Philippines, the same day is
reserved for the veneration of dead relat-
ives, although officially the church has set
aside 2 November as All Souls’ Day. The
day begins with high mass following which
the graves of the departed are cleaned. In
addition to these normal events associated
with the day, the Filipinos have added a
further indigenous element to the occasion.
This is a simple dramatization, known as
| pangangaluluwa, whose origins lie in the
belief that souls in purgatory need from the
living not only prayers but also material
help.
From about 10 p.m. to the small hours of
dawn, young and old, male and female, go
from one village or district to another
impersonating souls in purgatory. In a
mournful, slow chant they ask the owner of
the house they visit for alms. Asking for
forgiveness for disturbing them, they
identify themselves as souls who have come
from purgatory. The song ends with a
request to the household owner to hurry if
at all he is to give them alms for “‘heaven’s
gate might close on us’. It appears that with
the shedding of religious fervour, the pan-
_ gangaluluwa attained a greater ‘social’
function, and when the response to such
alms-seeking proved deficient, the chanters
started resorting to stealing fruits or chickens.
These items then served as appetizers at
drunken gatherings of these ‘souls from
purgatory’, to which the owners of the
stolen goods were also invited, all in good
fun. With modernization, the tradition of
PANJI
observing pangangaluluwa has declined con-
siderably.
panggung (Malaysia/Indonesia). A general
term used for a physical theatre building of
any kind and also, in Malaysia, for the
cinema theatre. The typical theatre used
in traditional performances is usually a
temporary shed constructed of wood and
thatched with palm-leaf roofing (attap).
Many such stages are only used for the dura-
tion of a single or series of performances.
Some village theatres, however, remain
standing until the need arises to rebuild
them. For specific designs of theatres, see
individual genres.
Panji (Indonesia/Malaysia). The hero of an
extensive cycle of stories known in differ-
ent written versions and oral traditions,
Panji is in many ways the East Javanese
*Arjuna, the ideal noble prince, uncon-
querable in battle and irresistible in love.
But whereas Arjuna’s strivings are linked
with the welfare of the *Pandawa clan and
their kingdom or the preservation of the
divine order, Panji’s goals are narrowly
focused on reunion with his elusive bride,
the beautiful *Chandra Kirana (Radiant
Ray of the Moon), a princess of Daha (Ke-
diri). The Panji stories are full of mysterious
disappearances, transformations, disguises,
and resurrections. It has been conjectured,
as a consequence, that the adventures of
Panji in search of Chandra Kirana reflect an
ancient sun and moon myth. On the other
hand, the names of certain personages, of
the principal kingdoms, and of some of the
events evoke associations with historical
East Java. It is thought that the cycle of
Panji romances originated there sometime
in the fifteenth century. From East Java it
spread to Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambo-
dia where the stories and their heroes,
known under many different names, as in
Java and Bali, enjoy great popularity.
In Java, Panji stories serve as themes for
mask plays, *wayang topeng, and for the now
rare shadow puppet plays known as *wa-
yang kulit gedog. In Bali, where Panji 1s
known as Malat, these stories are performed
in *gambuh and *arja.
The following synopsis is based on one
PANJI
of the innumerable versions of the Panji
tales:
Panji, prince of Kuripan, is in despair
when, on the eve of his wedding, his beau-
tiful bride Chandra Kirana, the princess of
Daha (Kediri), vanishes suddenly from their
bridal chamber. Insane with sorrow, he is
consoled by the appearance of a princess
who claims to be Chandra Kirana, although
outwardly she looks totally different. This
princess is, in reality, an evil demon-
princess who wants Panji for herself. She
alleges that she had been carried off by the
terrible Durga, the goddess of death, and
that she will regain her orginal shape as
soon as she and Panji are married. With
new hope, Panji orders preparations for the
wedding to be resumed.
Meanwhile, the true Chandra Kirana
finds herself alone in a forest. Her despair-
ing laments are heard by the gods who
advise her that in order to be reunited with
Panji she must go to his palace disguised as a
man. Chandra Kirana assumes a male dis-
guise and returns to the palace, where the
preparations for Panji’s marriage to the im-
postor are progressing rapidly. Chandra Ki-
rana, unable to bear Panji’s attentions to the
false bride, writes a letter to the prince in
which she reveals the situation. She then
vanishes. Panji, greatly shocked, rushes to
search for his true love while his courtiers
kill the demonic impostor.
Panji’s long wanderings in search of
Chandra Kirana are filled with adventures
in battle as well as in love. He stays in
forests with hermits, and works at different
palaces as a servant, always and untiringly
seeking traces of his lost bride. Chandra
Kirana, meanwhile, keeps her male disguise,
going through her own series of adven-
tures, and eventually becomes the king of
Bali—a monarch renowned for his courage
as well as for some distinctly feminine skills
such as embroidery and lacework. The
climax of the story is reached as Panji and
Chandra Kirana oppose each other on a
battlefield, All witnesses are ordered to
leave, whereupon the princess, ignorant of
Panji’s identity, confides to him that she is
the bride of Panji, that her male disguise
was assumed because of a command by the
gods who said she could win back her be-
204
loved prince only in a face to face combat
in which his blood would flow. Then they
fight, first with swords and later with
arrows. Chandra Kirana cannot harm her
opponent, however, until finally she slyly
resorts to her hairpin as a weapon. Panji is
wounded. He reveals his identity and the
two are happily reunited.
The hero of the Panji romances appears
in the different Javanese and Malay versions
under various names, including Raden
Panji, Raden Inu, Inu (of) Kunpan, Ino (or
Hino) Kertapati, Chekel Wanengpati, or
Kuda Wanengpati. Chandra Kirana’s other
name is Sekar Taji; when she is disguised as
aman, she is known in some stories as Kuda
Narawangsa.
Other prominent personages in Panji
stories and plays are: *klana, ferocious king
‘from overseas’ who desires Chandra Kirana
and tries to gain possession of her by threat-
ening the Daha Kingdom with destruction;
Gunung San, Chandra Kirana’s brother;
Ragil Kuning, Panji’s sister marned to
Gunung San; Wirun, Kertala, and Andaga,
young relatives and companions of Panji.
See also Panji Malat Resmi.
panji (Indonesia). In the Sundanese *wa-
yang topeng masked dance-theatre, paniji is a
term used to designate the most refined
characters. Their masks are always white,
with delicate thin eyes, and their lips are set
in wistful smiles. Such characters have slow
and graceful movements distinguished by a
gentle rolling of the head from side to side.
Panji Malat Resmi (Indonesia). The title of
a series of Balinese stories dealing with the
adventures of Raden Panji, the prince of
Jenggala. The prince, when young, was
known as Anusapati, and adopted the name
Panji Malat Resmi when he grew up. The
Balinese collection of stories dealing with
*Panji and *Chandra Kirana is known
popularly as the Malat cycle.
panji semirang (Indonesia). A newly created
dance of the kebyar group developed on the
traditional */egong, based upon an episode
from the *Panji cycle of stories dealing with
events which supposedly took place during
the eleventh-century reign of King Air-
 205
langga in East Java. Panji Semirang searches
the country for his sweetheart who is dis-
guised as a prince. When they finally meet,
he is able to recognize her by her feminine
movements and lovely face.
pantun (Malaysia/Indonesia). A medieval
Malay verse form arranged in quatrains. It
has remained remarkably popular over the
centuries and today is still as alive as ever.
Invariably, the first pair of lines contains
riddles or even nonsensical phrases with
little apparent relevance to the second coup-
let. On the other hand, the first couplet
can serve as an introduction to the second
which contains the real message. Even in
this latter instance, however, the connection
may be indirect, even cryptic. Linguistic-
ally, pantun makes use of internal rhymes,
assonance, and generally alternate end-
rhymes. Much of the pantun’s imagery is
derived from nature, and incidents from
daily life are often presented with an ima-
ginary colouring, so that even the most
ordinary reference attains a deeper meaning
through association of ideas. In the theatre,
pantun, usually improvised, is used fairly
regularly in romantic or martial art (silat)
situations in *bangsawan and related genres,
such as *sandiwara and *stambul, in addition
to spoken text, songs, as well as other
panunuluyan
PANUNULUYAN
literary modes, such as syair. Pantun debates,
common until fairly recent times, however,
seem to have lost popularity.
panunuluyan (Philippines). A Catholic h-
turgical play traditionally performed on
Christmas Eve. It re-enacts the search for
an inn by the Virgin Mary and Joseph on
24 December, Christmas Eve, as it is
believed that Jesus Christ was born on
25 December. In panunuluyan, pageant carts
move in procession, stopping at designated
points. Possibly an introduction of the
Spanish regime, panunuluyan is a profoundly
religious event, reminiscent of the many
medieval European processional plays in-
volving community participation. It is
found principally in the Tagalog areas of
the Philippines, with the strongest concen-
tration in the Cavite region. Other locations
include the Bulacan and Bicol provinces.
Generally, panunuluyan performances make
use oflive actors and actresses who assume
the roles of Mary and Joseph. The various
routes and locations at which the proces-
sion is to stop are designated and prepared
by committees. Performances terminate in
a church, where the holy family eventually
find a ‘cave’ to serve as their accommoda-
tion, and where the actual birth of Christ
takes place at precisely midnight.
PARANTA
Panunuluyan is done in many versions.
At times, the two principal figures, Mary
and Joseph, are represented by images in-
stead of live actors, with people singing for
them. At other times, as in Bicol, the Virgin
Mary rides a horse (instead ofthe traditional
donkey), and goes from place to place. In
certain performances, the final section of
panunuluyan, the scene in church, is de-
picted using images representing Mary and
Joseph, as well as an angel who announces
the birth of Christ and sings Gloria Deus.
The panunuluyan text traditionally consisted
of sung or chanted lines. This gave way to
lines that were spoken. Finally it evolved
into a style in which these lines were put to
music and sung, with music provided by a
simple band. Contemporary performances
are accompanied by such a band, whose
instrumentation remains flexible.
A recently discovered panunuluyan ma-
nuscript specifies the use of four houses
along the street leading to the Catholic
church. The first house should refuse the
holy couple as pasikip lamang or, literally,
‘one who would only take up space’; the
second should refuse them accommodation
because the couple is unable to pay like all
the other guests sleeping on the upper
floor; the third house should reject Mary
and Joseph because they only accept aris-
tocrats; and the owner of the fourth house
should reject them because his 1s a private
house. He is required to show anger at the
knocking and the fact that the couple has
disturbed him.
The manuscript then requires Mary and
Joseph to walk on, catching sight of a cave
(a church is used for this). They should
enter the church, walk to the altar where
Mary should then invite Joseph to kneel,
and together they should express their grat-
itude to God for finding them shelter for
the night. Meanwhile, all other persons, the
‘observers’ or members of the ‘audience’,
should also join the two principal per-
formers in a prayer of thanksgiving.
paranta (Indonesia). A musical prelude to
performances of the *mendu operatic theatre
style, active in the Riau islands. It comes
immediately following the theatre consec-
ration rituals (pemujaan).
206
Pararaton (Indonesia). The name of a poem
(kidung) as well as a prose story, originally
from Central Java but completed in its pres-
ent form in Bali between 1481 and 1650. It
was first published by J. L. A. Brandes in
1896. The contents of the work are highly
complex. In it are included several sagas and
romances, including those of *Ken Arok,
Raden Wijaya, *Rangga Lawe, and Gaja-
mada, as well as information regarding the
earliest royal dynasties of Majapahit. The
work in its reworking was probably influ-
enced by Prapanca, the court poet who
wrote the * Negarakertagama, and also by the
compiler of the Chronicles of Java (Babad
Tanah _Jawt).
parekan (Indonesia). The servants or attend-
ants to the principal character, and also a
source of humour, in the Balinese *wayang
kulit and *wayang wong. There are generally
four parekan in a performance. On the side
of truth and righteousness, ‘the nght’, are
*Twalen and his son, *Merdah, while De-
lam and Sangut are the retainers of‘the left’.
Twalen is a ponderous black monster with
a pot-belly, a great wit, and a magic air
about him. He is the really intelligent char-
acter of the wayang. By his resourcefulness
and his knowledge of the occult he saves
every situation and makes the hero appear
as the conqueror in every combat. His rival
is the wild-eyed and moustached red mon-
ster, Delam, with little legs and an enormous
mouth—a well-matched foe for Twalen.
Delam is assisted by Sangut. Twalen and
Delam fight constantly by means of magic,
by words, or by actions in bawdy and slap-
stick clowning. In the end, Twalen always
wins, the triumph of the magic of ‘the
right’ over that of ‘the left’.
Twalen and Delam, as well as their
counterparts in other South-East Asian
shadow play forms, are unknown in the
Hindu epics, *Ramayana and * Mahabharata,
upon which the bulk of the wayang reper-
toire is based. They are indubitably native
characters, as is believed in the case of the
Javanese *punakawan, *Semar and his three
sons, *Gareng, *Petruk, and *Bagong,
ancient deities degraded to the ranks of re-
tainers of the Hindu hero-gods, reshaped
into ridiculous, clumsy monsters of ill

manners, in keeping with their new
and function.
Of the parekan, Twalen is by far the most
important. Certain legends mention him as
having divine origin. The Balinese say he is
a son ofTintiya, the original god, and con-
sequently a brother of Siva. But being given
to worldly pleasures and forbidden foods,
he did not care to become one of the high
gods, preferring to remain a servant so that
he could eat and drink all he wanted. In
exchange for this renunciation, he was given
the power of always coming out victorious
over his enemies. Because of his exorcizing
powers, Twalen can purify the country of
evil. In this role as vanquisher ofevil forces,
he probably represents the old Indonesian
magician, his role now modified to assist
noble wayang heroes in their confrontation
against evil.
Parsi theatve (Malaysia/Indonesia), see wa-
yang parsi
paseban jawi (Indonesia). One of the early
scenes in the first part (*patet nem) of a
*wayang kulit purwa performance. In it, a
king’s son or minister enters the outer audi-
ence hall to pass on the king’s command to
officials and warriors that the army is to
march. Preparations are made, the army as-
sembled, and a review takes place,
figures passing across the screen (kelir).
Pasiton (Malaysia), see Phra Su Thon
paso doble (Philippines). Music played in a
lively tempo for entrances and exits
* moro-moro.
pastores (Philippines). Performances gen-
erally done by three persons (male, female,
or mixed groups) in shepherd’s costumes,
who sing and bring gifts to be given to the
new-born Jesus Christ. At times, they in-
corporate the roles of Christ and the Virgin
Mary, while a replica is used to represent
the child Christ. Performances take place in
the streets with a group of‘shepherds’ mov-
ing from house to house seeking donations.
Sometimes, however, pastores is performed
at the altar in a church, at a house, or in a
stable, should such a facility be available.
207 PATET
status The processional element, however, is
characteristic of the pastores, and such pro-
cessions are normally done to the accompa-
niment ofsimple music provided by a band
or instruments devised from bottle covers.
The season for pastores performances is be-
tween the first week of December and
Twelfth Night (8 January). Pastores figures
at times include, or become, three kings
(*tatlong hari). These are then appropriately
costumed as kings rather than as shepherds.
patet (Indonesia). This term refers to a
‘mode’ or ‘key’ in which *gamelan music is
played. It is applied by extension also to a
part of a classical *wayang kulit purwa per-
formance in which music in a particular
patet 1s played. Performances are generally
divided into three parts on the basis of
patet—patet nem, patet sanga, and patet man-
yura.
Patet nem is the first third, usually lasting
from 9.00 p.m. till midnight, to the accom-
paniment of a gamelan in slendro tuning
(slendro patet nem). In this part of a story
(lakon) is usually revealed the conflict be-
tween two forces, perhaps two kingdoms.
The source of the conflict is usually a prin-
cess or something sacred (keramat or wahyu).
At the end of patet nem, there is normally a
*perang gagal, a war in which neither side
the wins.
The second part of anight’s performance,
patet sanga, starts about midnight with the
*oara-gara, which represents a disturbance in
the world. It goes on until about 3.00 a.m.
with musical accompaniment provided by a
in gamelan in slendro tuning (slendro patet sanga).
At the time ofgara-gara, the comic charac-
ters (*punakawan) emerge. They are *Semar
and his three sons, *Gareng, *Petruk, and
*Bagong. Following this, there appears a
scene in which the noble Kshatriya warnors
are seen in search oftheir mission. They are
in difficulties and the punakawan entertain
them. This part of a performance ends with
a *perang kembang, the war which breaks
out between the noble Kshatriya and the
demons or ogres (raksasa), usually led by
Cakil.
Patet manyura, the final section, lasts from
3.00 a.m. till the conclusion of a perform-
ance at about 6.00 a.m. The noble forces
PATETAN
manage to defeat the evil ones. The final
great war, known as perang lakon, usually
ends with *Bima’s victory dance (tayungan).
patetan (Indonesia), see suluk
patet manyura (Indonesia), see patet
patet nem (Indonesia), see patet
patet sanga (Indonesia), see patet
pawang (Malaysia/Indonesia), see bomoh
pelepas (Malaysia). In the traditional per-
forming arts genres of Kelantan, such as
*mak yong, *nora chatri, *main puteri, and
*wayang kulit siam, the pelepas or release
ceremony takes place at the conclusion of
ritual (*berjamu) performances to release
those spirits who have participated in cere-
monies connected with the berjamu as a
whole. The details of performance vary from
genre to genre, but in all styles the magical
formula, ‘1, 3, 5, 7 lepas, lepas, lepas’, is
uttered, and either the sky-cloth (*kain
langit) is torn aside or a hole is punched in
the roof thatch to create a passage for the
spirits. The performance of pelepas implies
that the spirits present during the several
nights of performance were there as cap-
tives of the officiant shaman or puppeteer
(*dalang). Only upon thus being released
can they leave. The pelepas also symbolically
marks the closing of the theatre. Thus,
when it is performed, no theatre-closing
(*tutup panggung) ceremony need be done.
pelepas niat (Malaysia). The act of fulfilling
a vow. In traditional Malay theatre, ritual
performances of such genres as *mak yong,
*wayang kulit siam, *wayang kulit gedek, and
*nora chatri are presented to mark the ful-
filment of a vow or the completion of
training in the genre. In such ritual perform-
ances, the offerings (*kenduri) and other
special paraphernalia are elaborate. The
activities included are also more complex
than in ordinary performances.
pelita (Malaysia/Indonesia). In the shadow
play (*wayang kulit), the lamp used to cast
shadows of the figures upon a white muslin
208
screen (*kelir) is known as pelita, although
by extension the word also means any kind
of lamp. In wayang kulit, traditionally, only
an oil lamp was used. Nowadays, however,
the electric bulb has begun to take its place
in many of the more developed villages.
pemangku dalang (Indonesia). The Balinese
term for a dalang or puppeteer, which in
effect regards him as an equivalent of a
priest (pemangku). For a detailed discussion
of a*wayang kulit puppeteer’s functions, see
dalang.
pemujaan (Indonesia). A term used for the
theatre-opening or consecration nituals in
*mendu, a form of operatic theatre active in
the Riau islands. Literally, the word, which
derives ultimately from Sanskrit puja, means,
in the Malay and Indonesian languages, ‘to
worship’. See also buka panggung.
pemujaan batang pisang (Malaysia). Liter-
ally, ‘the worship of the banana tree-trunk’.
It is the last in a series of ntuals performed
by a puppeteer (*dalang) as part of the
theatre-consecration ceremonies (*buka
panggung) in the *wayang kulit gedek shadow
play. Extending his arms as far as they will
go, and first placing his hand on the banana
tree-trunk, he gradually draws them to-
wards each other at the centre of the banana
tree-trunk, As soon as his hands reach the
centre position, he recites a prayer and
removes his hands in a sudden jerk, uttering
a cry which signals the musicians to play
their opening piece (lagu bertabuh), This
indicates that the theatre has been readied
for the performance of the shadow play to
begin.
pemujaan diri dalang sendiri (Malaysia). A
self-preparation ritual done by the pup-
peteer (*dalang) in the *wayang— kulit
gedek shadow play as part of the theatre-
consecration (*buka panggung) ceremonies.
The dalang recites a charm after which, in a
sitting position, he wipes his body, begin-
ning with his toes and feet and nising
upwards to his knees, constantly warming
his hands at a candle flame. Similarly, he
wipes his hands, arms, face, and, finally, his
head several times. Thus, his whole body is

ritually cleansed by fire. Touching the roof
of his mouth with his right thumb,
repeats the process of wiping his face and
head. This ritual is intended both to
strengthen the puppeteer’s spirit (*semangat)
and to enhance his performance.
Pemutaran Mandhara Giri (Indonesia), see
Samudra Mantana
penasar (Indonesia). The two servants or
clowns used in various forms of Balinese
theatre, such as *arja, *wayang topeng, *calo-
narang, and *prembon. The elder ofthe pena-
saris known as *Punta while the younger is
*Kertala. The name Kertala was first found
in the Malat (*Panji Malat Resmi) or *Panji
cycle of stomes where it is stated that
Kertala, together with Punta and Prasanta,
became the followers of Anusapati, a crown
prince from the kingdom ofJenggala. Later
on, the four disguised themselves
changed identities as well as names. Anu-
sapati used the name Panji Amaltrasmi,
Prasanta became Kebo Tanmundui, Punta
became Kebo Angun-Angun, while Kertala
changed his name to Kebo Prakasa.
pencaja parwa (Indonesia). The technique
of narration in the Balinese *wayang kulit
or shadow play. See also jaturan.
pencevita (Malaysia). Narrator or
teller.
pendet (Indonesia). A Balinese dance done
by six, eight, or more dancers functioning
as an offering to the gods. According to
customary practice, pendet dancers
be unmarried women by virtue of the fact
that they serve as offerings to the gods. The
performers are called mendet. The *gamelan
orchestra accompanying the dance is the
gamelan pelegongan, gamelan semar pegulingan,
or gamelan gong kebyar.
pengalang (Indonesia). The songs sung by a
puppeteer (*dalang) in the Balinese shadow
play (*wayang kulit). See also suluk.
pengasuh (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand),
see peran
209 PERAJURITAN
penghantar (Malaysia). In ritual (*berjamu)
he performances of *mak yong, *wayang kulit
siam, or *main puteri-mak yong, the peng-
hantar or upacara penghantar (sending-off
ceremony) involves the carrying away for
disposal of various ritual objects and items
of paraphernalia, including offering trays.
The activity is accompanied by music and
the items are placed at appropriate locations.
Thus, for instance, a model boat containing
offerings for the sea spirits or gods (jinn laut)
is set afloat in a river or ocean. Where there
is no possibility of doing so, all the offering
containers are placed together in some se-
cluded spot away from human movement
or habitation. This is to prevent any desec-
ration of the offerings and consequent spirit
attack.
pensiden (Indonesia). The female singer who
accompanies the *gamelan orchestra in the
and Javanese *wayang kulit purwa shadow play.
pentas (Malaysia/Indonesia). A general term
for any kind of stage or platform used for
performances. See also panggung.
Pentul (Indonesia/Malaysia). One of the
two clown-servant figures, *punakawan, to
Raden Panji Asmarabangun in the *reog
dance-theatre, the other being *Tembem.
Pentul wears a white mask devoid of chin
and lower lip, so that only the upper half of
story-
the face is covered. Below his upper lip
protrude two teeth. His nose is a round
knob, and his eyes are curved and slanting.
He wears a head-dress, is shirtless, and
drapes a batik sarong over his pants. His belt
is made from black leather. Pentul is also
should known in Indonesian traditional theatre as
*Semar, Bancak, Sebul, Jerudeh, or
Nayagenggong.
perajuritan (Indonesia). A recently devel-
oped trance dance performed in Central
Java, based upon the Majapahit Chronicle
(Babad Majapahit) or the well-known *Da-
marwulan story which deals with battles
between the Javanese kingdoms of Majapa-
hit and Blambangan. Ac “cording to Javanese
mythology, these events took place during
the latter half of the fifteenth century before
the fall of Majapahit which is stated to have
PERAN
taken place between 1478 and 1520. Per-
djuritan is a term derived from the word
perajurit, meaning “soldier’, and in perform-
ance the genre betrays certain obviously
military elements.
Performances usually involve sixteen
actor-dancers and five musicians playing
four small gongs (bende) and a small single-
headed drum (derengeng). The principal
characters in the plot are Rangga Lawe,
who was prime minister and military leader
under Damarwulan of the Majapahit side,
and Menakjingga, a royal leader of the
Blambangan side. Each leader is accompan-
ied by a clown and by six soldiers nding
bamboo horses, such as those used in *ebeg
or *kuda kepang, with metal rattles attached.
Costumes are military-inspired and dark
glasses are used, presumably as an aid to
trance.
Certain traditional Javanese notions of
refinement or coarseness are invariably re-
flected in costuming, make-up, as well as in
performance style. Menakjingga, for in-
stance, is portrayed as a rough (kasar) char-
acter, with a red face, something seen too
in the *wayang topeng masked dance where
the coarse king (*klana) is given a red mask.
peran (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand). The
role of the male attendants or comedians in
*mak yong. Generally, two roles, the elder
peran (peran tua) and the younger (peran
muda), are featured. They serve as compan-
ions, protectors, as well as advisers to a king
or prince. Hence, they are persons upon
whom their master relies at all times in
matters of state or of the heart.
Although commonly regarded as a
comic role, the peran is considerably more
important than that. The peran often have
the stature and importance of Shakespeare’s
‘wise fools’ or the vidushaka of the classical
Sanskrit theatre, and the peran tua com-
mands the respect accorded to *Semar in
Javanese traditional theatre. In keeping with
his inherent wisdom and spiritual learning,
the peran tua uses, where necessary, the
appropriate magical formulae (mantera) for
the invocation or appeasement of environ-
mental and other spirits. He understands
their world and the charms most likely to
be efficacious in neutralizing any malicious
210
influence (badi) likely to harm his master’s
person.
Within the court, various responsibilities
carried out by the peran place them amongst
the most important members of the royal
household. A standard. mak yong scene de-
picts a consultation sequence at the begin-
ning of any story between the *pak yong
and the peran. This establishes the hero’s
identity, determines his course of action,
and initiates a performance.
A peran tua actor usually serves as adviser
and director of amak yong troupe, and often
officiates at theatre-consecration rituals in
the absence of ashaman (bomoh). In cases of
serious illness or spirit possession, he is
likely to be called upon to perform
exorcism or any other necessary healing
rituals. He is thus a person of considerable
importance in a troupe.
In Indonesian mak yong, the peran role is
known also as pengasuh or awang pengasuh,
the latter sometimes utilized as a term of
familiar address for the peran in Malaysian
mak yong.
perang ageng (Indonesia), see perang sam-
pak
perang ampyak (Indonesia/Malaysia). A
scene of battle or great activity in the *wa-
yang kulit punwa shadow play. It takes place
after the army, having left camp, encoun-
ters an obstacle which has to be cleared.
To symbolize the obstacle, the leaf-shaped
*gunungan figure is placed at screen left.
Once the *dalang has explained the situ-
ation, the army symbolically beats against
the gunungan to show that the obstacle is
being cleared or surmounted. Thus, the
scene represents communal effort in the
overcoming of difficulties. The army moves
from right to left. Its struggle with the
gunungan indicates the building of a road,
the bridging of a river, or the scaling ofa
mountain pass. Following the conclusion of
the scene, the dalang once again takes up
the story.
perang amuk-amukan (Indonesia/Malay-
sla), see perang sampak
perang begal (Indonesia/Malaysia). A battle
 211
which takes place in the second part (*patet
sanga) of a*wayang kulit purwa performance.
It involves a refined hero and forest giants
or animal spirits. A perang begal is presented
as an alternative to a *perang kembang.
perang gagal (Indonesia/Malaysia). A war
in the *wayang kulit purwa shadow play in
which no one is victorious. It takes place
when an army encounters the guards of
another kingdom that it is entering. In such
a battle, no bloodshed takes place as the
fighting is with fists. Finally, the noble
heroes use their magical powers to summon
up a great wind or mist to confuse and
disperse the enemy.
perang gendiran (Indonesia). The name
used in Yogyakarta for *perang kembang.
perang kembang (Indonesia/Malaysia). In
*wayang kulit purwa, the perang kembang is
technically one of the most exacting tests
of a puppeteer’s (*dalang) skill in puppet
manipulation, and as a highlight in a per-
formance it is eagerly awaited by the audi-
ence. It commonly takes place at about
1.00 or 2.00 a.m. The fight involves a
noble hero or princess and a group ofgiants
who menace and attack the hero or heroine
on a journey. Before the fight, there is
usually a scene in which the hero or prin-
cess is in a wood exchanging banter with
clowns. Such a scene of delightful comedy
is interrupted with the arrival of the giants.
A dalang is usually at the height of his powers
‘in this scene, handling delicate movements
while singing songs and delivering the
quick-fire dialogue of the clowns. The
perang kembang technique needs meticulous
practice. The soldier or the princess prevails
against the intruding giants, not by brute
force but by skill in ducking, weaving, and
parrying their furious blows. All this the
dalang conveys through subtle wrist and
finger movements.
perang kewan (Indonesia/Malaysia). A battle
in the *wayang kulit purwa shadow play in
which the movements depict different
weapons and various animals. Thus, a great
snake tries to swallow its victim; a garuda
PERAN TUA
bird fights with its talons and beak; an ele-
phant uses its trunk and tramples its oppon-
ent; while monkeys bite and throw stones
or other missiles.
perang§ Kshatriya (Indenesia/Malaysia).
Literally, ‘the battle of the heroes’ in
*wayang kulit purwa. Use is made ofthe keris
and ofarrows. The warriors’ power hes not
in physical strength but in magical power.
Most of them cannot be wounded by steel
weapons. Magical arrows, shot from the
bow, multiply into thousands ofdarts. They
may turn into balls of fire, a rainstorm, or a
sudden tempest. Sometimes visible weapons
are not used at all, the conflict being waged
by means ofspells and magical incantations.
These give rise to whole armies of immor-
tal spirits. A warrior can himself assume the
shape ofa giant, a garuda bird, a lion, a tiger,
a great snake, wind, or fire. Female charac-
ters also fight with daggers and arrows. On
the death of her lover, a princess generally
commits suicide with her keris rather than
fall into the hands ofher lover’s opponent.
perang manyura (Indonesia/Malaysia), see
perang sampak
perang sampak (Indonesia/Malaysia). A
battle in the *wayang kulit purwa shadow
play which, in technique, is similar to
*perang gagal in that it also involves fist
fights. It is sometimes also called perang
amuk-amukan or perang manyura. *Bima
fights and defeats the giant king and all his
army when the *Pandawa are attacked. In
the middle ofthis fight occurs a symbolical
dance (tayungan) presaging victory.
perang tandak (Indonesia). The Yogyakarta
name for *perang sampak.
perang tandang (Indonesia). Another name
for *perang sampak.
peran muda (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand),
see peran
peran tua (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand),
see peran
PERDALANGAN
perdalangan (Malaysia/Indonesia), see pa-
dalangan
peretitala (Indonesia). Fixed stanzas or pas-
sages in the Balinese shadow play recited by
a puppeteer (*dalang) in addition to his
improvised text. They are short poems in
Old Javanese (Kawi) illustrating a situation
by establishing a mood through poetic
imagery. Fragmentary and often with little
logical sequence, the greater part of them
are sung or chanted to musical accompani-
ment, while an occasional one is delivered
by the voice alone.
Perikesit (Indonesia/Malaysia). The son of
*Abimanyu and grandson of *Arjuna in the
* Mahabharata. Following the final great
Bharatayuddha war that leads to the destruc-
tion of the *Korawa forces and the final
demise of the five *Pandawa_ brothers,
*Yudhisthira, *Bima, Arjuna, and the twins
Nakula and Sadewa, and even that of Abi-
manyu, Perikesit is the only one left to
assume kingship of Astinapura. It is from
Perikesit that Javanese legend derives the
line of Javanese kings.
pesinden
242
Permadi (Indonesia). In the *wayang kulit
versions of *Mahabharata stories, Permadi 1s
the name given to *Arjuna, the third of the
*Pandawa brothers, when he is young.
permainan dol muluk (Indonesia), see dol-
muluk
pesiat (Indonesia). The battle scene found
in most Balinese dance-theatre forms.
Usually, a pesiat marks the climax of a per-
formance, representing the confrontation
between good and evil forces. It invariably
ends with the defeat of the evil forces.
pesinden (Indonesia/Malaysia). |Female
singers who usually accompany a *gamelan
orchestra in performances of the classical
forms of theatre, such as *wayang kulit punwa
and *wayang wong in Indonesia, as well as in
Malaysia where these forms are active,
having been derived from Indonesia. The
songs are sung at crucial points during the
development of the plot, and stanzas of Old
Javanese verse poems (kakawin), such as the
*Bharata Yuddha or *Arjuna Wiwaha, are
used. Male singers assigned similar roles are
known as pesinden kakun,
 ANS,
pesinden kakun (Indonesia), see pesinden
Petruk (Indonesia). One of the clown fig-
ures (*“punakawan) in Javanese traditional
theatre, the second of *Semar’s ten sons.
Like *Gareng, his elder brother, he was
once a king. Although of divine origin,
however, he betrays his human weaknesses.
He 1s thus nothing more than a clown, a
direct contrast to his venerable father. His
trinket 1s a bell.
phak samtra (Thailand). The oldest form of
the opening invocation in the *nang yai
shadow play, containing a salutation to
Phra Ram, the hero of the *Ramayana,
locally known as *Ramakien. Following the
salutation, the invocation goes on to de-
scribe the method of carving the shadow
puppet (nang). Then comes a salutation to
the seer (rishi). The Buddha’s virtues are
then extolled and various spirits of the en-
vironment invoked. An invocation is next
addressed to the ‘old master’ of the nang.
The final part of the phak samtra prepares
the audience for the performance of Rama-
kien episodes. Upon its completion, the fag-
gots are lit and the orchestra starts to play so
that puppeteers and reciters can begin their
performance. In palace performances, these
preliminaries are replaced by a special scene,
‘ushering in the early evening monkeys’.
Phommachak (Laos). One of the most im-
portant folk versions of the Hindu epic,
*Ramayana, probably the Lao version of
Brahmachakra. This story treats “Rama as
Lord Buddha. *Rawana becomes Deva-
datta, and *Sita Dewi is transformed into
Yasodhara. Compared to *Phra Lak Phra
Lam, the most important Lao version of the
Ramayana, this tale remains relatively un-
popular, possibly due to the lack of its use
in the visual and performing arts.
Phra Abhai Mani (Thailand). One of the
masterpieces of Thai literature, written by
*Sunthorn Bhoo (1786-1856). It is used as
a theme in several traditions of theatre,
including *nang talung and *likay. The story
runs as follows:
Abhai Mani and Sn Suwan are two
princes, sons of King Sutat and Queen
PHRA ABHAI MANI
Patumkesorn of Ratna. When they grow
up, they are sent out to obtain knowledge
from learned teachers. Prince Abhai Mani,
finding a teacher of music, learns to play the
flute. His brother learns the art of sword
fighting. The king, their father, feeling they
have learnt nothing worthy of princes,
chases them away from his kingdom.
The princes meet three learned Brah-
mins near the sea coast: Mora, Sanon, and
Vichian. Mora can turn a stack ofhay into a
flying boat. Sanon is able to conjure winds
and storms, and precisely foretell the future.
Vichian is a good shot with his bow and
arrows. They laugh at Abhai Mani when
they hear that he knows nothing except
how to play a flute. Prince Abhai Mani tells
them that his flute songs have a magical
quality—they have the power to send any-
one to sleep. He starts to play on his flute
and soon everybody is sound asleep. The
music reaches the ears of a sea ogress, who
is attracted to Prince Abhai Mani. Fearing
that Prince Abhai Mani would be fright-
ened of her hideous looks, she transforms
herself into a beautiful lady. Abhai Mani
marries her.
The three Brahmins and Prince Sri Su-
wan, upon awakening, discover that Prince
Abhai Mani is missing. They wander in a
boat Mora creates out of hay until they
arrive at the city of Romachak, ruled by
King Totsawongse, who has a_ beautiful
daughter named Princess Ketsara. King
Uten wishes to marry her but she rejects
him. Uten then uses his army in order to
take her by force. Sn Suwan fights and
defeats Uten. Marrying the princess, Sn
Suwan stays on in Romachak.
Prince Abhai Mani lives with the ogress
in her cave until a son, Sin Samut, is born.
The boy soon grows up to be very strong.
One day, when his mother is away, he
comes across an old merman, who tells the
boy that his father is imprisoned in a cave.
He rescues Prince Abhai Mani. The mer-
man, his wife, and daughter take turns to
carry Abhai Mani across to Wonder Island,
which is inhabited by a powerful hermit.
The island is protected and so they cannot
get anywhere near it. The ogress, upon dis-
covering what has happened, gives chase.
She catches the merman and his wife and
PHRA LAK PHRA LAM
eats both of them, leaving the daughter just
enough time to carry Prince Abhai Mani
and Sin Samut safely to the island. Prince
Abhai Mani takes the mermaid as his wife.
The king ofPhluk has a beautiful daugh-
ter, Suwannamalee, who is betrothed to
Usren, a prince of Lanka. She has longed
for a journey and goes on a sea voyage with
her father, but they lose their way and the
ship reaches Wonder Island. Prince Abhai
Mani receives them well. He still entertains
the hope of taking Sin Samut back to his
homeland and thus decides to travel with
the king of Phluk. This does not escape the
notice of the ogress, who raises a storm to
wreck the ship. Abhai Mani, Sin Samut, the
king of Phluk, and Princess Suwannamalee
reach the island safely. As the ogress refuses
to leave, Abhai Mani blows his magic flute,
asking all others to block their ears, for the
music he plans to play may kill anyone
listening to it. The ogress is thus killed.
Later on, Princess Suwannamalee
Sin Samut, who lose their way, are picked
up by a pirate, Surang. When Surang tries
to make Suwannamalee his wife, Sin Samut
kills him and takes over the ship. They
arrive at Romachak. Since he does not
know his uncle, Sin Samut attacks the city
and captures his uncle, Prince Sn Suwan.
The prince recognizes Sin Samut by the
ring that he wears as Abhai Mani’s son. A
reconcihation takes place.
Usren, Suwannamalee’s fiancé, who
searching for her, meets Abhai Mani
stranded on the island. Together, Usren and
Abhai Mani go on to look for Princess Su-
wannamalee. Sin Samut does not wish to
give her up and a fight takes place between
Sin Samut and Usren. Usren, beaten by Sin
Samut, returns to Lanka. Phra Abhai Mani
goes back to Phluk, where he marries Prin-
cess Suwannamalee.
Meanwhile, the mermaid lives under the
care of the hermit on the shores of Wonder
Island. She gives birth to a son, Sut Sakorn.
Being born of a mermaid, he has super-
human strength and the ability to live
equally well in water and on land. One day,
while playing about in the waves, he finds a
queer animal, half-dragon and _half-horse,
which he is unable to overpower in spite of
his superhuman strength. The hermit tames
214
the dragon-horse by magic and it becomes
Sut Sakorn’s companion. Sut Sakorn now
leaves in search of his father in Phluk. A
naked hermit lures him to the top of a
mountain, and pushing him down the cliff
takes away his magic wand and the dragon-
horse. The hermit goes with the dragon-
horse, now overpowered by magic, into
the town of Karawek. Sut Sukorn is saved
by the hermit of Wonder Island. He regains
his magic wand and dragon-horse while the
hermit is asleep. Sut Sakorn stays on awhile
in Karawek.
Because Abhai Mani has marmried
Princess Suwannamalee, Usren’s fiancée,
Usren returns with a huge fleet to fight the
people of Phluk. He is shot dead by Walee,
a female fighter in the service of Abhai
Mani. The people of Lanka then appoint
Usren’s daughter, Laveng, to the throne.
Although only sixteen years of age, Laveng
is a brave warnor. She possesses a magical
and weapon, the ‘Seal of Rahu’, which protects
her against all dangers and makes her
invulnerable. Laveng raises an army to fight
Abhai Mani and also proclaims that she will
marry any prince who helps her to conquer
him. She sends the message with her por-
trait to all countries. She is so beautiful that
many princes come to her assistance. Prince
Abhai Mani is surrounded by the fleets of
nine princes but they are all beaten off and
killed. Abhai Mani then marches his army
is on to take Lanka itself. Laveng is now left
alone to fight Abhai Mani, but the latter
falls in love with her when he sees her. He
wishes to win her love. Unable to resist the
advances of Prince Abhai Mani, Laveng
finally becomes his wife. Laveng and Abhai
Mani have a son named Mangkala. Dis-
pleased with Laveng’s decision, the people
of Lanka try to incite Mangkala to take
revenge on behalf of his grandfather, Usren.
Mangkala invades Phluk without the know-
ledge of his mother. Prince Abhai Mani,
returning from Ratna, tries unsuccessfully
to stop Mangkala. Mangkala’s attempt to
take Lanka is foiled and the renegade son is
driven away. Tired of all these quarrels,
Abhai Mani decides to enter the priesthood.
Phra Lak Phra Lam (Laos). Laos received
the *Ramayana in waves through Thailand

and Cambodia up to the thirteenth century
and possibly beyond that century, and based
upon these sources local versions and adapta-
tions in verse form were created. Some of
these were later dramatized to be staged as
court dance-dramas similar to those in
Thailand and Cambodia. Today, in Laos,
there are two principal versions ofthe epic,
Phra Lak Phra Lam and Khvay Thurapi. The
first of these is the more important. How-
ever, although the Phra Lak Phra
written in the first half of the nineteenth
century, is loosely based upon the events of
the Ramayana, it is not a mere translation
but in many respects an original literary
composition. Its author 1s a certain Hutta-
phochan, beheved to have been a court
poet.
Phra Lak Phra Lam contains the basic
elements familiar to Ramayana readers. The
names of the characters have been changed
but they are still recognizable. *Rawana,
renamed Raphanasuan, is a more dominant
character than *Rama (Phra Lam) or *Lak-
samana (Phra Lak). *Hanuman (Hullaman)
assumes a human form at the end. As far as
the events are concerned, the marrage of
*Sita Dewi (Nang Sida) and Phra Lam after
the challenge of the bow-lifting, the epis-
ode of the golden deer, the kidnapping of
Nang Sida, and her final rescue are all there.
These events, however, have been given a
local setting geographically and infused
with local customs and manners, and over-
all the story has been conceived in the
pattern of aBuddhist *jataka.
Phran Bun (Malaysia/Thailand). One of
the two comic characters in the *nora chatri
dance-theatre form of Malaysia and south-
ern Thailand. The other is Phran Thep. In
a legend associated with the origins of nora
chatri, the two characters are believed
have been sent by Lord Buddha to join the
mythical founder ofthe genre, *Mesi Mala,
probably a legendary shamaness, to start
nora chatri, or at least to give it a comic
dimension.
Phran Thep (Malaysia/Thailand),
Phran Bun
Phra Su Thon (Malaysia/Thailand). One of
PANS) PITI TANG KRUENG
the most important stories in the “nora chatri
repertoire in Kedah, Kelantan, and south-
ern Thailand. It is a version of the *Manohra
tale derived from the *jataka. Phra Su Thon
is the central character in the story as well as
in nora chatri’s introductory section, basically
a dance of flirtation involving this prince
and seven birdmaidens, *kinnari, of whom
Manohra is the youngest. The story goes as
follows:
Lam, A king and his son are both known by
the same name—Phra Su Thon. The father
arranges for his son to marry the daughter
of an astrologer. In another country, a raja
has seven daughters. He gives each of them
a pair of wings and a tail and teaches them
to fly. They fly to a forest pool to bathe,
where one of Phra Su Thon’s trusted offi-
cials sees them. He steals the wings and tail
of the youngest princess, Nang Nora, and
takes her to prince Su Thon. She is married
to the prince as his second wife.
The court astrologer, fearing that his
daughter will fall out of favour, plots to kill
Nang Nora. While the prince is away lead-
ing an army, the astrologer persuades the
raja to have her burnt alive. Nang Nora
obtains permission to perform a farewell
dance, requesting the use of her wings and
tail, so that she may dance gracefully. She
begins to dance, and then escapes, flying
through a space in the palace roof. The
prince returns home, drives out his father-
in-law, mother-in-law, and his first wife
and goes in search of Nang Nora. He
reaches the kingdom of Kerai Lat, where
the seven princesses live, and is ordered to
identify the hand of his wife from those of
her six sisters, while their bodies are hidden.
He is helped by a golden fly, which perches
on his wife’s finger. The prince remarries
Nang Nora, and remains in Kerai Lat as the
to heir to the throne.
Phra Su Thon (Malaysia/Thailand). The
leading male character in the *nora chatri
dance-theatre form of Malaysia and Thai-
land. The character is also known in Ma-
laysia as Pasiton or Pak Si Ton.
see
piti tang krueng (Thailand). A ceremony in
the southern Thai shadow play, *nang talung,
which accompanies the setting up of a
PITRA YADNYA
theatre and various preparations leading to
the opening of the theatre prior to a per-
formance.
pitra yadnya (Indonesia), see panca yadnya
plaeng home rong (Thailand). An overture
in the southern Thai shadow play, *nang
talung, traditionally of twelve tunes based
upon variant drum beats (plaeng tub). Its in-
tention is to draw an audience to the theatre
before the commencement of a story.
plaeng tang rong (Thailand). In the *nang
talung shadow-puppet theatre of Thailand,
the first tune to be played in a musical over-
ture following the beating of drums mark-
ing the opening of a theatre in readiness for
a performance.
pocapan (Indonesia), see antawacana
pohon beringin (Malaysia). Literally, ‘the
waringin tree’. It is the leaf- or tree-shaped
puppet which opens and closes all perform-
ances ofthe *wayang kulit siam shadow play,
and which is sometimes also utilized as a
stage property to represent a tree, a forest,
or a mountain. Although related to the
Javanese and the Balinese *gunungan and
kayon, and possibly derived from the former,
the pohon beringin is used in a much less
complex manner. In design, too, today’s
pohon beringin has, on the whole, become
simplified into a purely floral or tree repres-
entation. There is evidence, however, the
pohon beringin did in the past have images of
pohon beringin
216
animals, reptiles, and birds carved into it, so
that in both design, function, as well as
symbolical meaning, it was very much
closer to the Javanese gunungan.
PON NYA, U (Burma), see Waythandaya
potei (Philippines), see carillo
prada (Philippines). A procession of charac-
ters in colourful costumes featured in a
*comedia or *moro-moro performance. This
takes place following the opening prologue
(*loa) and before the actual opening of a
story. The prada provides the opportunity
for the actors to display their best costumes
and it is often easy, through them, to recog-
nize the Chnistians, on the one hand, and
the Muslims, on the other, as well as to pick
out the most important characters in any
given play.
prai na bot (Thailand), see og roop apiprai
na bot
Pra Law (Thailand). A story popular in the
*likay operatic theatre of Thailand. The
synopsis goes as follows:
Muong Suong and Muong Sorng are
two independent countries hostile towards
each other. The prince of Muong Suong
wants to annex the latter terntory, and to
this end Muong Suong raises an army,
attacks Muong Sorng, and manages to kill
the prince of Muong Sorng. He is, how-
ever, unable to take the country. The em-
bittered widow of the prince of Muong
Sorng swears vengeance.
Time passes. The late prince of Muong
Suong is succeeded by his son, named Pra
Law. He is known far and wide by virtue of
his good looks.
A cousin of the prince of Muong Sorng,
Thao Pichai, is now the ruler of Muong
Sorng. He marries a_ beautiful princess
named Daravadi and has two daughters, Pra
Puan and Pra Paeng. Hearing of their
handsome neighbour, Pra Law, they fall in
love with him and wish to marry him. The
two princesses take their governesses, Nang
Ruen and Nang Roy, into their confidence.
The governesses send singers to Muong
 PA,
Suong. The minstrels wander about the city
singing of the two Muong Sorng princesses’
unsurpassed beauty. Pra Law has the singers
brought to his palace. He wishes to obtain
more information regarding the two prin-
cesses. Pra Law now wishes very much to
marry the two sisters. The two governesses
then seek a way in which Pra Law’s heart
can be bound by means ofapowerful spell.
Poochao, the great magician of Muong
Somg, who is known for his great powers,
practises sacred mites deep in a great forest
surrounded by wild beasts and evil spirits.
Nang Ruen and Nang Roy seek him out.
Seeing his princesses’ predicament, the holy
man is willing to help. He makes a love
philtre, at the same time invoking a spirit to
take the philtre to the court of Pra Law and
to place it in the prince’s food. Pra Law
takes the philtre with his food and an irres-
istible force then draws him towards the
two princesses. He dreams of them, pines
for their love, and can no longer eat. His
mother is distressed to see his condition but
when Pra Law says that he must go to
Muong Sorng, she tries, unsuccessfully, to
dissuade him for he would be risking his life
by going to an enemy country.
The prince goes with an army and his
two trusted men, Nai Kaeo and Nai Kwan.
At Kalong River, the boundary between
the two countries, they leave the army be-
hind and cross the river disguised as mer-
chants. When Poochao hears that Pra Law
and his two companions have arrived at
Muong Sorng’s frontier, he sends a magic
rooster to meet Pra Law. The rooster is so
beautiful that Pra Law wants to capture it,
but the rooster runs further and further
towards the capital of Muong Sorng with
the three men following it. When they
reach a village near Muong Sorng, the
rooster disappears from sight. They spend
the night in the village. Entering the city
the next day, they go into the palace garden,
obtaining permission from the keeper to
stay the night in a small pavilion. Nang
Ruen and Nang Roy, hearing that Pra Law
has arrived, come into the garden to take a
bath in the lotus pond so as to give Pra Law
an opportunity to approach them. Nai Kaeo
and Nai Kwan happen to take a dip in the
pond at the same time. When they see the
PRA LAW
two beautiful attendants of the princesses,
they begin to court them. The two women
were merely awaiting such an opportunity
to obtain news of Pra Law. So they do not
hesitate to respond. First, they pretend to
be angry. They tell Pra Law’s companions
that as intruders into the royal domain they
will be captured and put to death. Nai Kaeo
and Nai Kwan ask for mercy saying that
they are merely simple merchants who have
come a long way in order to seek the op-
portunity of making money.
They claim complete ignorance of local
customs and practices. After some ques-
tioning, Nai Kaeo and Nai Kwan confess
that they came with the prince of Muong
Suong and that their master would like an
opportunity of seeing the two princesses.
The two women then ask to be allowed to
pay their respects to Pra Law. They set to
work on a scheme by which the two prin-
cesses and Pra Law can be brought together.
When the princesses hear that Pra Law is
already in the garden, they long to come
out, but they are under the strict surveil-
lance of their grand-aunt, the dowager
princess of Muong Sorng, whose husband
was killed in a battle by Pra Law’s father.
The princesses visit their grand-aunt, and
while massaging her, obtain her permission
to go for a walk in the royal garden on the
pretext of wanting fresh air. The princesses
reach the pavilion not knowing that Pra
Law is watching them from behind a cur-
tain. While the two princesses discuss how
they should act at a meeting with Pra Law,
the latter enters, to their complete surprise.
They are very much abashed, but at the
same time are struck by his handsomeness.
Pra Law is also dazed by their loveliness.
Not very long afterwards, Pra Law takes the
two princesses as wives. Nang Ruen and
Nang Roy become the wives of Nai Kaeo
and Nai Kwan. Following their marriage to
Pra Law, the princesses never leave their
room. They have food and all other needs
sent to their chamber. Soon both princesses
conceive. Noticing the princesses’ complete
seclusion, the attendants go to Prince Pichai
and Princess Daravadi. Something must be
wrong, they say, for the princesses do not
come out of their rooms and they eat a
lot more than usual. One night, the royal
PRAMESWARI
parents, going into the princesses’ bed-
chamber, discover them asleep on either
side of Pra Law. They wonder who the
handsome and dignified man can be. The
princesses, awakening suddenly, fall at their
parents’ feet. Pra Law, too, does the same,
begging for forgiveness. Realizing that Pra
Law is of royal blood, the king and queen
give them their blessings and the wedding
ceremony is set for the next day.
As misfortune will have it, another group
of maids informs the grand-aunt of these
events. The latter is quite enraged when she
hears that an enemy’s son is in her palace.
She orders the royal guards to take Pra Law
dead or alive. The palace is surrounded.
The royal guards enter and advance towards
the small group of seven people inside.
Severe fighting takes place. Pra Law’s two
companions, as well as Nang Ruen and
Nang Roy, are killed. Now it is the turn of
Pra Law and his two wives. Arrows fly
towards them until they are pinned to each
other, dead but still standing. The parents,
hearing the scuffle, hurry to the scene with
their men, but they arrive too late. In great
wrath, they order all the men who killed
their children to be executed. The grand-
aunt is dragged to the scene and put to
death. The cremation ceremony for Pra
Law and his two wives takes place. In their
common grief over their children’s fate, the
two feuding families are reunited in friend-
ship.
prameswari (Indonesia), see limbur
Prasanta (Indonesia), see Tembem
prembon (Indonesia). A Balinese dance-
theatre form inspired by *gambuh and
created in the 1940s. Through a process of
modernization, prembon has been able to use
as its theme almost any story (/akon), ranging
from the *Panji theme central to gambuh to
the relatively new Lakon Layonsari.
Pulong Pinaglahuan (Philippines). The
Eclipsed Island by Mariano Martinez, staged
in 1904, is one of the ‘seditious’ *zarznela
plays.
punakawan (Indonesia). The term punaka-
218
wan (or panakawan), sometimes interpreted
as ‘loyal friends’, is applied to a number of
clown-servant characters who appear in the
various forms of Javanese and Balinese tra-
ditional theatre, principally the shadow play
(*wayang kulit purwa) and *wayang wong.
The principal punakawan characters include
*Semar and *Togog, his brother, as well as
Semar’s three sons, *Gareng, *Petruk, and
*Bagong. These characters, at umes, have
variant forms as well as alternative names in
different regions of Java as well as in Bali.
*Twalen, who is featured in traditional
Balinese theatre, is, for instance, identified
with Semar, and his constant companion is
*Merdah. Lesser clowns in Java include
Sarahita, said to be Togog’s brother, *Punta
and *Kertala, as well as Kertiraga and his
two sons, Kertisentlop and Kerticemuris.
Invariably, the clowns are misshapen, this
feature being sometumes considered a ne-
cessary disguise, particularly when it applies
to Semar, and at other umes explained as
due to other causes. Various origin stories
current in Indonesia, as well as in Malaysia,
advance the idea that Semar is actually a
god who descended to earth to assist the
good forces (*Rama in the *Ramayana and
the *Pandawa brothers in the *Mahabha-
rata) in their eternal conflict against the
forces of evil (*Rawana in the Ramayana
and the *Korawa in the Mahabharata).
Hence the need for the physical deformities
and ugliness which serve to cover the in-
trinsic effulgent nature of the god, as a
means of disguise, and also as a symbol of
Semar’s humility in the new situation in
which he is placed. In the case of the Javan-
ese wayang kulit purwa, alternative mani-
festations or appearances (*wanda) of Semar
are shown by means of different puppets, a
golden puppet being used when Semar re-
assumes his orginal divine form, while the
standard puppet is usually black in colour.
The origin story, as presented in the Serat
Purwacarita, has it that the god Sangyang
Tunggal and his wife, Dewi Rekatawati,
produced an egg and from this egg were
born three sons named Sanghyang Antaga,
Sanghyang Ismaya, and Sanghyang Manik-
maya. All three of them had the same
ambition—to become king. While norm-
ally the eldest would become the king of
 219
the triple kingdom, Tribuwana, a dispute
arose in this case for each of the three
considered himself the eldest. As a result, a
test was devised. Whoever could swallow
and then regurgitate a mountain would
establish his seniority and thus obtain the
right to become ruler of Tribuwana.
Sanghyang Antaga made the attempt first
and the mountain got stuck in his mouth.
He was neither able to swallow it nor to
bring it up again. The mountain that
Sanghyang Ismaya swallowed got stuck in
his belly. Sanghyang Tunggal, upset with
the behaviour of his sons, came in time to
stop the contest from proceeding. He or-
dered both Sanghyang Antaga and Sangh-
yang Ismaya to descend to the earth, now
in their distorted and ugly forms, assuming,
respectively, the names Togog and Semar.
Sanghyang Manikmaya was appointed king
of Trnbuwana. In Indonesia, there are sev-
eral versions of this myth.
In several wayang kulit purwa episodes,
particularly in the branch stories (*lakon
carangan) developed trom the Ramayana and
Mahabharata, the punakawan assume leading
roles.
The Javanese punakawan, in all likeli-
hood, inspired the development of the
clowns in the Malay *wayang kulit siam.
This accounts for the many obvious paral-
lels between its clowns, *Pak Dogol and
*Wak Long, and those of wayang kulit
purwa. Certain stories (lakon) have similarly
been borrowed by wayang kulit siam from
the Javanese shadow play. Petruk Dados Ratu,
for instance, has given rise to Wak Long
Menjadi Raja.
punebre (Philippines). The funeral march
played by the orchestra and used in lamen-
tation or funeral scenes in *moro-moro.
Punta (Indonesia). The elder of the two
brothers, Punta and *Kertala, the pair of
*punakawan generally encountered in Bali-
nese theatre forms, such as *arja, *wayang
topeng, and *calonarang. See also parekan,
penasar.
purbawara (Malaysia). A relatively new
term coined specially to refer to plays done
PUTREN
in the traditional manner of *bangsawan or
*sandiwara, with stories set in the past, and
themes taken from Malay history or legends.
In fact, purbawara may be regarded an alter-
native name for sanditwara, the sole difference
being that while historically sandiwara was
active in the period just before the 1950s
and the nse of modern naturalistic drama in
Malaysia, plays described as purbawara pieces
continue to be written and performed up to
the present, both on stage and for television.
Pustaka Raja Madya (Indonesia). A history
of the Javanese kings, written by Rangga-
warsita in the nineteenth century, which
serves as the basis of the *wayang kulit madya
repertoire.
puteje (Philippines). The name given by the
Filipinos to the Chinese doll puppet theatre,
po te hee, which was commonly presented
in the Philippines by Chinese labourers dur-
ing the Spanish period and in the early
American years, beginning perhaps in 1886.
Chinese opera, however, is believed to
have preceded it, having been first per-
formed in the Tondo Theatre in Manila on
16 January 1872.
puteri (Malaysia/Indonesia). Literally, ‘prin-
cess’. It is acommon designation for roles of
princesses in many traditional theatre forms.
Sometimes, the term is made more specific
by clarificatory terms indicating genre, e.g.
puteri mak yong.
Puteri Bakawali (Malaysia), see Bunga Ba-
kawali
puteri mak yong (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thai-
land), see mak yong 2
Putra Lokan (Indonesia). The Conch Shell
Prince, one of the principal stories of *mak
yong, is known in the Riau province of Su-
matra as Putra Lokan or The Shell Prince. For
a synopsis of the story, see Anak Raja Gon-
dang, this being its title in the Malaysian
mak yong.
putren (Indonesia), see wayang kulit prana-
kan
 BS
Raden Mas (Indonesia/Malaysia). One of
the most important Javanese stories featured
in the variegated repertoire of *bangsawan
and other related genres. The story runs as
follows:
Kediri, a kingdom in Java, is ruled by
a queen, Ratu Kediri. Her only brother,
Pengiran Agung, marries a court dancer,
Megawati, who now assumes the name
Ratu Ayu or Mas Ayu. The result of this
marriage is a princess, named Raden Mas.
Ratu Kediri does not wish to see Raden
Mas become ruler of Kedin, a likelihood
since she herself has no children. So the
queen seeks a means of destroying both
Mas Ayu and Raden Mas. A court official,
Patih Wanosogoro, is prepared to assist.
One day, when Pengiran Agung is out
hunting, Wanosogoro kills Mas Ayu.
Pengiran Agung, sensing something un-
toward, returns only to find that Mas Ayu
has been slain and that his palace is in
flames. Dandiar, his loyal warrior, manages
to save Raden Mas. Soon, Dandiar
attacked by the followers of Wanosogoro,
and in the ensuing fight Wanosogoro’s men
flee. Ratu Kediri orders Dandiar to look tor
Pengiran Agung, who has fled to Kerimun,
a kingdom in Sumatra. Unknown to any-
one in Kerimun, Pengiran Agung lives as a
simple fisherman.
One day, Tengku Haliah, the daughter
of the sultan of Kerimun, and her compan-
ions, while playing in her pleasure garden,
meet Raden Mas, now six years old. Raden
Mas advises Tengku Halyah regarding reli-
gious matters. Offended, Tengku Halijah
orders her soldiers to drag Raden Mas to
the forest and to beat her to death.
Meanwhile, Dandiar, who has for some
time now been looking for Pengiran Agung
in Kerimun, comes across the soldiers beat-
ing Raden Mas, whom he does not recog-
nize. He tries to stop them. In the process, a
fight breaks out between the Malay soldiers
of Kerimun and Dandiar’s men. The men
of Kerimun are chased away. Dandiar soon
learns both the identity of the child and the
reason why she was being beaten. As soon
as Dandiar hears that the child is Raden
Mas, daughter of Pengiran Agung, he and
his men run amok.
In the Kerimun palace, the sultan is hold-
ing court. The fight between the Javanese
soldiers and those of Kerimun spills over
into the audience hall. The sultan orders
Dandiar to stop fighting, but Dandiar re-
fuses to do so unul an order is given by
Pengiran Agung who, having heard of the
conflict between the Javanese and the Ma-
lay soldiers, soon arrives. As compensation
for the beating of Raden Mas, the sultan
wishes to marry his daughter, Tengku Hali-
jah, to Pengiran Agung, whose true iden-
uty is now established. The dowry is to
consist only of the spilt blood of Raden
Mas.
Following the wedding, Dandiar urges
Pengiran Agung to return to Kedin, but
1s Pengiran Agung 1s unwilling to do so. He
has taken an oath never to return to Kediri
until he knows the reason for Mas Ayu’s
death. Dandiar returns to Kedin, and in-
forms the queen of Kedir of Pengiran
Agung’s whereabouts. Ratu Kediri orders
that forty-four carts loaded with the per-
sonal treasures of Pengiran Agung be
delivered to him by Dandiar.
In Kerimun, Pengiran Agung and
Tengku Halijah now have a son named
Tengku Cik. They have also adopted a girl
named Cik Nong who is now five years
old. The royal family of Kerimun leaves for
Tumasik (Singapore) with the intention of
educating the royal children in that island.
Raden Mas is also included in the group.
While in Tumasik, Tengku Halijah in-
variably treats Raden Mas badly. One day,
Pengiran Agung, unable to stand Tengku
Halijah’s treatment of his daughter, draws
his dagger (keris) to kill Tengku Halijah.
Tengku Cik, however, comes between his
 221
parents and is badly hurt. Instigated by
Tengku Haliyjah and the minister (raja
temenggung), Pengiran Agung is now sen-
tenced to be thrown into a disused well.
The raja temenggung requests that Raden
Mas be married to his son, Tengku Bagus.
On the day of the wedding, Dandiar, too,
arnves with the forty-four carts of Pengiran
Agung’s treasure. He, however, is told that
Pengiran Agung has gone overseas to con-
duct some business. When the religious
official (adi) is about to perform the wed-
ding ceremony (nikah) to solemnize the
marriage of Raden Mas and Tengku Bagus,
Tengku Cik informs him that his father,
Pengiran Agung, who is presuined dead, is,
in fact, alive. He runs out of the palace fol-
lowed by Dandiar. The much-weakened
and seriously ill Pengiran Agung is brought
in, having been rescued from the well.
Raden Mas descends from the wedding dais
and asks for forgiveness from Pengiran
Agung. She requests Tengku Halijah to do
the same, as it is obvious that Pengiran
Agung will not live much longer. Tengku
Halyah refuses to seek pardon from Pengi-
ran Agung. Pengiran Agung passes away.
Raden Mas prays to god to take her
soul as well. She dies and then, suddenly,
Tengku Halijah is struck dead by lightning.
Dandiar now tells the sultan of Kerimun
that he must, when the time comes, marry
Tengku Cik to Cik Nong and enthrone
them as the sultan and sultana of Kenmun.
He demands, too, that a shrine be built for
Raden Mas and Pengiran Agung in Teluk
Belanga, Tumasik. Dandiar threatens to
destroy Kerimun if these demands are not
met. The sultan agrees to the demands and
everyone prays for the soul of Raden Mas.
The shrine to Raden Mas still stands in
Singapore, and is regarded as a sacred place,
a keramat.
raja (Indonesia/Malaysia). The role of the
raja or king is a standard *bangsawan role,
although, of course, such roles are also en-
countered in other genres in which the rep-
ertoire is based upon stories about nobility.
In a bangsawan troupe, there is, as a rule,
only one actor who performs the raja role.
In the more established troupes, such a role
is given to an experienced actor, and he
RAKET
often specializes in it.
The dignity and well-mannered conduct
of a raja are shown by his costume and his
acting style. Even in the scenes charac-
terized by a great deal of laughter or sad-
ness, for instance, the raja actor is expected
to maintain dignified behaviour, neither
weeping openly nor laughing without con-
trol. Such an actor, more than others, has to
understand court etiquette and use his
knowledge on stage to project the person-
ality of the royal characters he portrays.
Depending upon the origin of the story, a
raja actor may be cast as a Malay, Middle
Eastern, Indian, Javanese, or even a West-
ern king. Some understanding of the tra-
dition to which the character he represents
is supposed to belong undoubtedly helps in
his interpretation and portrayal of a specific
role.
Rajapala (Indonesia). A story based upon
an ancient Balinese legend, and one of the
themes of *kebyar duduk, this story is an
interesting variation of the well-known
birdmaiden motif quite widely distributed
in South-East Asia and beyond. A group of
celestial nymphs descend from heaven to
bathe in a forest pool near which Rajapala,
a handsome young man, happens to be
standing. He conceals himself, but from his
hiding place manages to steal one of the
nymph’s garments. When the maidens are
about to fly back to heaven, the last two
quarrel over the only remaining garment,
each claiming it as hers. Finally, one of
them, Suprabha, gives up her claim to it
and so is unable to return home. Rajapala
emerges with the garment, saying that he
will not return it unless she is willing to
marry him. They become engaged. A few
years later, after they have had a son named
Durma, Suprabha is released from her
earthly ties and returns to her heavenly
abode. See also Manohra.
vaket (Indonesia). The term raket, which 1s
believed to be the name for an early form of
Javanese masked dance-theatre, was first
used in the West Javanese court of Banten,
whereas in other districts the terms *wayang
wong or wayang orang appear to have been
used for similar performances. During the

RAMA
wayang wong
Majapahit period, the term appears in the
famous fourteenth-century work, *Negara-
kertagama. Raket seems to have used the
*Panji story. Although this style of dance
appears to have been popular in the four-
teenth century, the term raket went out of
use; instead, the term *wayang topeng was
used to describe the masked variety of
dance-theatre. This same name is today ap-
plied to a variety of masked dance-theatre
styles, mostly done without dialogue. On
the other hand, the term wayang wong con-
tinued into modern times. Today,
exist two forms of wayang wong, the Bali-
nese, in which the coarser characters weat
masks, and the more refined Javanese style
which has altogether discarded masks, using
instead, mask-like make-up for the coarser
characters, while the refined characters are
made up in naturalistic style. Other terms
used for raket included atapukan, sori-tekes,
and patapelan, this last derived from ftapel,
which means ‘mask’
Rama. Kamachandra, popularly known as
Rama or Seri Rama, is the hero and prin-
cipal character in the Hindu epic, “Rama
yana, one of the principal sources of dra-
matic repertoire in the traditional theatre of
South-East Asia
In Hindu mythology, Rama is regarded
as the seventh incarnation of Vishnu, that
incarnation being achieved even while
the sixth was still on earth, and its principal
purpose was to quell the most dangerous
and powerful demon-king who had ever
appeared. This was *Rawana, the ten-
headed giant (raksasa) king of Langka,
999)
whose strength was overcome only after
the epic struggles related in the Ramayana.
Vishnu was born on earth as the son of
King *Dasaratha of Ayodhya, who after
many years without an heir performed the
horse sacrifice. Four sons were born to him
as a result. The oldest, called Ramachandra
(Rama), was born to Kausalya; the second,
Bharata, to another wife, Kaikeyi; and two
more sons, *Laksamana and Satrughna, to a
third wife, Sumitra. Rama and Laksamana
are particularly close to each other, and
even as boys killed many raksasa who were
persecuting poor hermits.
When the tme comes for the marnage
of *Sita Dewi, the daughter of King Janaka
of Mithila, Seri Rama is invited to go to
that country for the marriage competition
(swayamvara), which involves the bending
of Vishnu’s bow, which has been inherited
by King Janaka, and shooting an arrow
from it. Rama not only bends the bow of
Vishnu, he actually breaks it, and thus wins
the competition, receiving Sita Dewi in
marriage
The adventures of Rama are related in
the Ramayana, which literally means ‘the
there wanderings of Rama’ These include, fol-
lowing the marrage of Rama and Sita
Dewi, the banishment of Rama, when Kai-
keyi demands that her son Bharata be
crowned king and Rama be banished for
fourteen years in fulfilment of two boons
earlier granted to her by Dasaratha; the kid-
napping of Sita Dewi by Rawana; her final
rescue by Seri Rama; and the coronation of
Rama as the king of Ayodhya following the
completion of the period of banishment.
lhe final chapters of the epic lead on to the
banishment of Sita Dewi, the birth of
Rama’s two sons, Lawa and Kusha, their
reconciliation with Rama, the death of Sita
Dewi, and the return of Rama into the
‘glory of Vishnu’.
In Indian versions of the Ramayana, the
principal moufs are that of the reincarna-
tion of Vishnu as Rama, Rama’s heroism,
and the image of Rama as an ideal king
who established the ideal kingdom (Rama-
rajya) in Ayodhya. Rama is not only the
ideal king but also the perfect husband.
In its move to South-East Asian coun-
tries, the epic underwent many transforma-

tions, absorbing local colouring. Apart from
devaluing some of its Hindu teachings,
including the important theme of the rein-
carnation in Rama of Vishnu, these versions
bring about transformations in the character
of Rama. This is particularly true in the case
of the Ramayana in Thailand, as well
Laos, where, in conformity with Buddhism,
Rama is considered as a future Buddha
(Bodhisattva). In Malaysia, although the
Rama story did not become completely
Islamicized, some of its principal Hindu
elements, including the theme of the re-
incarnation of Vishnu in Rama, are
emphasized. Rama himself does not appear
as the ideal hero and Laksamana often over-
shadows him. In addition, a whole corpus of
extensions or branch stories (*cerita ranting)
of the Ramayana, specially created to serve
as dramatic source material, provide an
altogether unorthodox view of Rama. He
is not only a weakling, but also has a clear
fondness for women, something which
leads to his constant pursuit of princesses,
even those betrothed to others.
Rama Jataka (Laos). A Laotian version of
the Hindu epic, *Ramayana, with strong
Buddhist elements. The story is divided
into two parts. The first, after the usual for-
mula of aBuddhist jataka or Buddha birth
story, purports to give the history of the
common ancestors of the story’s hero and
villain.
Tapparames, a descendant of Brahma,
has two sons, Thotaroth and Wirulhok.
Because the elder son is deficient in arms,
Tapparames appoints the younger to be his
successor. Thotaroth, aggrieved at being
passed over, leaves home and eventually
reaches the valley of the Thon River where
he builds his capital, named Mahanathi
Phanphao, on the mght bank. A serpent
king, however, advises him to cross
river and build a new capital, which 1s
named Chanthaburi Sri Sattang. In due
course, Raphanasuan, i.e. *Rawana, son of
Wirulhok of Inthaphat, comes to Chantha-
buri and forcibly leads away King Thota-
roth’s daughter, Cantha. King Thotaroth
has two other children, *Rama and *Laksa-
mana. They volunteer to avenge the wrong
done to their house by their cousin, Ra-
RAMAKIEN
wana. Rawana is subdued by the two
princes. During their journeys to Inthaphat
and back, they contract several matrimonial
alliances with daughters of local chiefs and
kings as well as with celestial nymphs. The
parties are finally reconciled and Cantha’s
as hand is given to Rawana with her father’s
blessings.
Rawana reverts to his unprincipled na-
ture and, being dissatisfied with his sur-
roundings, moves south to found a new
seat of government which he names Lanka.
He abducts Sida, the wife of Rama, who
de- wages war against him to recover her.
A number of interesting details in the
Rama Jataka differ from those in the * Rama-
kien, the Thai version of the epic, and from
other South Asian as well as South-East
Asian versions. These represent attempts at
localization or embellishment, particularly
in non-literary folk versions, or the free
usage of the epic material in traditional
theatre performances.
Ramakien (Thailand). The Thai version
of the Indian epic, *Ramayana, which de-
veloped as a result of the Hindu influence
in that country. There is no evidence ofthe
epic’s existence in Thailand before the
Ayutthya period (1409-1767). During this
period, the epic became very popular and
Thai kings were named Rama after its hero,
and even the capital city of Thailand came
to be known as Ayutthya or Ayodhya. The
Ramakien has seven kanda or chapters as in
Valmiki’s Sanskrit version ofthe epic.
During the reign of King Rama I, a Thai
version of the Ramayana was produced in
50,286 verses. This version forms the basis
for the frescos in the Temple of the Em-
erald Buddha in the Grand Palace at Bang-
Sn kok. But for stage use, the epic was reduced
to 14,300 verses. Further reductions in
the length took place as time passed. In terms of
content, too, localization and adaptations
took place. The epic was given a Buddhist
character, and *Rama himselfisregarded in
it as a potential Buddha (Bodhisattva).
The Ramakien is used today in perhaps
the most visually interesting form in *nang
yai, the classical shadow play which uses
large, cut-out skin figures, and in the *khon
masked dance-theatre. Folk versions of the
RAMA YAGAN
epic are also seen in the southern Thai
shadow play, *nang talung.
Rama Yagan (Burma). The most famous of
the compositions of the poet U Toe, who
was particularly noted for his use of the
*yagan form. The yagan is.a romance in
verse. In the Rama Yagan, U Toe does not
treat the *Ramayana as an epic but as a ro-
mance. For the principal events, the poet
went back to the Siamese versions of the
*Rama story. The settings for the events,
the spirit of the work, as well as the charac-
ters have been completely localized so that
the yagan has a Burmese flavour to it. Even
the principal characters are developed as if
they hail from the midst of Burmese so-
ciety. The poet’s task has been made easier
by his use of colloquialisms and an overall
familiar style, while not altogether aban-
doning clarity, beauty of language, or rich-
ness of imagery. As a result of these qualities,
the Rama Yagan became extremely popular
throughout Burma. The work enjoys a very
important place in the history of Burmese
poetry. At the same time, it is believed to
have contributed to a better appreciation
of the Rama story when it was presented
in a dramatized version in court soon
Ramayana (court performance)
after the Burmese conquest of Thailand in
1767.
Ramayana (Malaysia/Indonesia/ Thailand).
Literally, ‘the wanderings of Rama’. It is
one of the two great epics of India, the
other being the *Mahabharata. It is said to
have been composed by the sage Valmiki
shortly before the Chnstian era. The events
related in it precede those recounted in the
Mahabharata by about 150 years, but the
epic was compiled after the Mahabharata.
The Ramayana has been preserved in
several recensions in India. Of these, the
northern recension 1s regarded as being the
purest. The recensions differ from each
other considerably in length and in some of
the details. The epic, as it stands today, is
divided into seven books called kanda, and
the whole consists of 24,000 stanzas or
96,000 lines.
The seven kanda of the Ramayana are:
(1) Bala-kanda, relaung to the boyhood of
*Rama of the line of Raghu; (ii) Ayodhya-
kanda, the incidents in Ayodhya, the mar-
riage of Rama to *Sita Dewi, daughter of
Janaka, and the banishment; (iii) Aranya-
kanda, the ‘forest section’, describing Rama’s
lite in the forest with Sita Dewi and his

brother *Laksamana, and the abduction of
Sita Dewi by *Rawana; (iv) Kishkindhya-
kanda, Rama’s stay at Kishkindhya, resid-
ence of Sugriwa, the monkey (vanara) king;
(v) Sundara-kanda, “beautiful section’, which
describes the passage of Rama to Langka
across the bridge constructed by the vanara
armies; (vi) Yuddha-kanda, ‘battle section’,
also known as Lanka-kanda, which describes
the war with Rawana and his death, the
recovery of Sita Dewi, the return to
Ayodhya, and the coronation of Rama;
(vit) Uttara-kanda, the ‘later section’, which
contains the banishment of Sita Dewi, the
birth of her two sons, Rama’s recognition
of them, his reunion with Sita Dewi, Sita’s
death and transition to heaven.
There has been considerable speculation
about the origin and meaning of the epic.
The more fanciful theories trace it to
ancient Egypt, taking as a starting-point
the similarities in the names of Rama and
the Egyptian god, Ra or Ramses. Some
interpretations make Sita Dewi the goddess
of agriculture, Rama a form of Indra,
*Hanuman and his companions the Maruts,
and interpret the whole story as an atmos-
pheric allegory. Yet other interpretations
consider the epic as a recalling of the first
attempt by the Aryans to conquer South
India. Similarities between the events in the
epic and those in Homer’s Iliad—in par-
ticular, the kidnapping and war themes
have prompted the suggestion of Greek
influence upon the Ramayana.
The general consensus, however, is that
the epic is of indigenous origin, existing 1n
ballad form in more than one version, and
possibly first put into literary shape by
Buddhists in a Prakrit tongue. The whole
composition probably consisted of 12,000
verses. A. Weber (Uber Das Ramayana
Abhandlungen der Konigliche, 1873) suggests
that the epic was based on an ancient
Buddhist legend of Prince Rama, who is
depicted as an ideal of Buddhist equan-
imity. One Buddhist birth story (*jataka),
the *Dasaratha Jataka, relates the story with
Rama and Sita as brother and sister.
By the first or second century AD, the
plot was rewritten in Sanskrit with the
addition of many pious stanza (sloka) and
given a brahminical tone. The episodic
RAMAYANA
arrangement of the books preserves frag-
ments of its original shape, but their num-
ber has been increased and some of the
material changed. Rama’s search for Sita is
shown as a triumphal crusade of Aryan
civilization; the mighty indigenous mon-
arch, Rawana, is transformed into a monster.
Of its seven books, the last and parts of the
first are interpolated. In these, Rama is
spoken of as divine, while the others treat
him as a human hero. Evidence places the
oldest parts of the Ramayana before 350 Be,
and the epic may have acquired its final
shape by about AD 250.
Like the Mahabharata, the Ramayana
spread into South-East Asia as a result of the
expansion of Indian influence, and in vari-
ous countries of the region local versions,
literary as well as folk, developed.
In Indonesia, the story of Rama was first
set down in literary form by a poet named
Yogiswara who composed the *Ramayana
Kakawin, probably the oldest Old Javanese
(Kawi) literary work. The time and place of
Y ogiswara’s work is still a matter of schol-
arly conjecture, but there are strong argu-
ments for assuming that it was done in
tenth-century Central Java. Comparison of
Yogiswara’s poem with different Indian
versions of the Ramayana reveals that the
poet did not follow the so-called Valmiki
version, but had, as a model and inspiration,
a version from the seventh century AD
known as Bhattikavya (Bhatti’s Poem), which
has only 1,625 stanzas. Yogiswara’s poem is
far from a mere translation. He has moved
away considerably from the Indian proto-
type, possibly using other sources as well as
his own imagination, and composed 2,774
stanzas in elaborate kakawin form. It 1s thus
not only the oldest, but also the longest,
poem in OldJavanese literature.
The magnificent Ramayana reliefs on
tenth-century Candi Prambanan, the ‘wa-
yang’-style series on Majapahit’s Candi Pa-
nataran, and innumerable figures and reliefs
with Ramayana themes in Bali testify to the
uninterrupted popularity of the epic in
these two Indonesian islands. Episodes from
it continue to be performed in Javanese,
Balinese, and Malay shadow play (*wayang
kulit) styles, in classical dance-drama (*wa-
yang wong), and also in West Java in the doll
RAMAYANA
puppet theatre (*wayang golek). Wayang
wong performances of truly grandiose pro-
portions using the Ramayana theme are
featured at a large amphitheatre in the
grounds of the Central Javanese Prambanan
temples during the dry season under the full
moon for seven nights in. succession. The
outline of the Indonesian Ramayana goes as
follows:
Wisnu (Vishnu) is incarnated in the
new-born son of *Dasaratha, king
Ayodhya. In the shape of Rama, the first-
born of Dasaratha and his wife, Kausalya,
Wisnu is destined to fight and conquer
the king of demons, Rawana, who rules
Alengka (Langka). While still a youth,
Rama displays amazing prowess and skill in
archery. Once, he is sent to the hermitage
of Wiswamitra to kill the demons who
daily despoil the holy man’s offerings. The
hermit takes the young prince to the court
of King Janaka of the Widehas, where
Rama surpasses all his rivals in an archery
contest. Thus, he wins the beauuful prin-
cess Sita for his bride.
In consultation with his people, the aged
King Dasaratha has appointed Rama _ his
heir. While preparations for Rama’s cor-
onation are under way, however, Kaikeyi,
another of the king’s wives, reminds him of
a vow once made to her by the king.
Dasaratha, at that ume, had promised to
fulfil any of her wishes. Kaikeyi now
demands the banishment of Rama and the
coronation of her own son, Bharata. Heart-
broken, the king is forced to keep his vow
but dies soon afterwards. Rama honours his
father’s obligation and goes into exile, fol-
lowed by Sita and his devoted brother,
Laksamana. They wander through the for-
ests and settle at a place called Citrakuta.
Bharata, Rama’s half-brother, who seeks
them out and finally meets the trio in the
forest, implores Rama to return to assume
the kingship of Ayodhya. Rama refuses, but
gives Bharata his sandals to take back to
Ayodhya, legitimizing Bharata’s rule in
Rama’s name.
Thereafter, Rama leaves his abode to go
deeper into the woods, beyond the reach of
his relations and other people. With Sita
and Laksamana, he finds asylum with her-
mits and saints, including Agastya,
226
gives him a magic bow. He then settles in
the forest of Pancawati where, with Laksa-
mana’s help, a cottage is built. Sarpakenaka
(Surpanakha), the sister of the demon-king,
Rawana, while wandering in the wood,
happens to see Rama. She falls in love with
him and tries to win him for herself. Rama
repulses her, and when she turns to Laksa-
mana, he mutilates her nose and ears. Seek-
ing vengeance, Sarpakenaka flies to her
of brother, Rawana, who orders his servant
Marica to assume the shape of amarvellous
golden deer and to go to the abode of
Rama. Sita, enraptured by the sight of the
golden deer, begs Rama to capture it for
her despite Laksamana’s warnings. Rama
disappears in pursuit of the deer, leaving
Sita in Laksamana’s care. Soon, however,
they hear Rama’s voice calling for help.
The voice is actually Marica’s last cry before
he dies, pierced by Rama’s arrow. Over-
coming Laksamana’s protests by unjust
accusations, Sita forces him to go to what
she believes is Rama’s rescue. Rawana him-
self then appears in the disguise of abegging
Brahmin. After much flattery and an at-
tempt to persuade her to abandon Rama,
he grasps Sita and carries her off, soaring
into the air as he assumes his own terrible
shape of many heads and arms. A brave
garuda bird, Jatayu, tmes in vain to rescue
Sita by attacking Rawana in flight, but is
mortally wounded. Jataya manages, before
dying, to tell Rama of Sita’s abduction
when the hero, in search of his wife, comes
across the wounded bird.
Wandering with Laksamana through the
dense and dangerous woods and in the Nil-
girl mountains, Rama in vain seeks traces of
Sita. Then, a white monkey, Hanuman,
appears and leads Rama to the king of the
monkeys, Sugriwa, who has been deprived
of his throne by his brother Subali (Walin,
Bah). Rama helps Sugriwa regain his
throne by killing Subali with an arrow shot
while the monkey brothers are fighting.
Out of gratitude, Sugriwa offers Rama his
assistance. He orders his monkey armies to
search the world for Sita in all four dir-
ections. The armies going south are com-
manded by Hanuman. Rama and Laksa-
mana join them.
who After many adventures and clues ob-
 CP
tained from a brother of the bird Jatayu,
named Sempati (who lost all his feathers
trying to fly to the sun), they reach the
shore opposite Alengka. In a daring leap
across the sea, Hanuman lands in Alengka
for preliminary explorations. He eventually
comes to a garden of Rawana’s palace,
where he discovers Sita. Hidden in the
foliage ofa tree, he witnesses Sita refusing
to yield to Rawana and threatening to
commit suicide. After the frustrated king of
demons retires, Hanuman sings of Rama
and of Rama’s coming to Sita’s rescue. He
is sought out by the captive princess. He
gives her a token from Rama, and in return
receives from her a ring for her husband.
Before leaping back to India’s coast, Hanu-
man manages to wreck havoc in Rawana’s
capital. The demons capture him and set
fire to his tail in an attempt to burn him.
But Hanuman, freeing himself, jumps from
roof to roof and sets houses on fire. His
capital aflame, Rawana is alarmed and de-
cides on war. Hanuman then rushes to the
sea and leaps back to the mainland.
The monkey armies are ordered to
| gather large boulders and rocks which are
thrown into the sea in order to build a
causeway. The armies cross to Alengka, and
violent battles ensue. In the end, Rawana is
slain by Rama with an arrow received from
the saint, Agastya. Rama and Sita are re-
united. However, suspicion that she may
not have resisted her captor poisons Rama’s
mind, and Sita is subjected to an ordeal by
fire which proves her virtue. Thereupon,
Rama, Sita, and Laksamana return to
Ayodhya in an aerial car originally in Ra-
wana’s possession.
The triumphant return to Ayodhya and
Rama’s consecration as king have a melan-
choly sequel. Sita’s captivity in Rawana’s
palace continues to cast shadows upon her
reputation, the previous ordeal notwith-
standing. Yielding to public pressure, Rama
banishes his devoted wife. She finds shelter
in the forest-hermitage of the sage, Valmiki.
There, she gives birth to twins, Lawa and
Kusha. The boys grow up under the her-
mit’s care and become his disciples. When,
years later, Rama performs the great horse
sacrifice, Valmiki comes to the capital with
his two apprentices who, day after day,
RAMAYANA KAKAWIN
chant portions of the Ramayana which de-
scribe Rama’s deeds. Rama recognizes the
youths as his sons and, repentant, he asks
Sita to return. But she, having endured too
much already, refuses. She appeals to the
goddess of the earth to receive her and dis-
appears into a cleft in the opening earth.
Rama eventually regains heaven in_ his
original shape of Wisnu. See also Rama-
kien, Ramayana Kakawin, Rama Jataka,
cerita pokok, and cerita ranting.
Ramayana Kakawin (Indonesia). A version
of the * Ramayana which was first written in
Indonesia by a poet. It dates from the tenth
century and is the oldest of Old Javanese
literary works. The kakawin is not, how-
ever, merely a translation of the Indian
epic, as the Indonesian version appears to
have drawn on other sources as well. The
Ramayana Kakawin poet also seems to have
drawn upon his own imagination.
The Ramayana Kakawin is not only the
oldest, but also the longest poem in Old
Javanese literature, consisting of 2,774
stanzas. Working with the Ramayana Kaka-
win, the sixteenth-century Javanese poet,
Yasadipura 1, composed a new version of
the Javanese Ramayana, the *Serat Kanda.
This version provides a great deal of the
source material for present-day classical
shadow play (*wayang kulit purnva) per-
formances as well as performances of the
Ramayana-based dance-theatre. The stories
thus used include the following: *Lakon
Rama Nitis (The Reincarnation of Rama), Rama
Gandrung (Rama Madly in Love), and Rama
Tambak (Rama Builds the Bridge to Langka).
There are three other Indonesian ver-
sions of the Ramayana, apart from the
Ramayana Kakawin: the Serat Kanda, Rama
Keling, and Hikayat Seri Rama. Altogether,
there are about 200 stories of *Rama taken
originally from the Sanskrit and Praknt
versions.
In addition, the Javanese have created
their own stories, combining material from
the Ramayana and the “Mahabharata, the
second important Indian epic. For example,
in Lakon Rama Nitis, Rama incarnates in
*Kresna, adviser and helper of the *Pan-
dawa, while *Laksamana incarnates in *Ar-
juna, the greatest hero of the Mahabharata.
RANDAI
In the Javanese theatre, the stories of the
Mahabharata have always been more pop-
ular than those from the Ramayana. Since
independence, however, the Ramayana has
gained increasing popularity culminating in
the 1960s in the dance-pantomime at the
new amphitheatre located in the ninth-
century Prambanan temple complex in
Central Java.
vandai (Malaysia/Indonesia). A form of
theatre active in West Sumatra, North
Sumatra, the Riau islands, West Java, and
Negri Sembilan in Malaysia, originally de-
veloped from story-telling, with the in-
corporation of dances, songs, and music. In
traditional Minangkabau culture, story-
telling was a popular form ofentertainment,
serving as a means of handing down folk-
lore as well as other folk traditions. The oral
narrative style is known as_ berkaba, this
being further divisible into batalerek, refer-
ring to the transmission of love stories and
romances, and *basijobang or basitongga, the
term used for the berkaba style in which the
deeds of the Minangkabau legendary hero,
Si Tongga Maget Jabang, were narrated
through song or poetry to the accompani-
ment of athree-stringed spiked fiddle (rebab)
or a half-full box of matches. In the latter
instance, the box of matches would be
tapped in a rhythmic manner. The rebab as
an instrument accompanying story-telling is
featured only on the north-western coast of
Sumatra, this activity sometimes being
termed *barabab. In similar fashion, the rebab
accompanies story-telling in the *rarik se-
lampit seen in the Kelantan province of
Malaysia. In the further development of
randai from mere story-telling into a devel-
oped theatre form, various other traditional
elements have been incorporated. These
include dance elements, hand gestures (mu-
dra), religious chants of the Shiite Muslims,
as well as ancient Malay martial art forms
(*silat).
The term randai implies a circle or cireu-
lar formation around a particular location.
Randai is also taken as a word for the name
of the dance reputed to have developed
from the tradition of story-telling and Ma-
lay martial arts, such as pencak silat. By the
mid-1930s, randai dance began to change as
228
a result of influence from various forms of
Malay opera, including *bangsawan and
*stambul. Randai is also known as nan tongga
in certain districts, a name derived from the
principal story, Si Tongga Maget Jabang.
Other names, indicative of specific localities
or variant styles, include Iu ambek, randai
silat, and dampaeng.
Inspired by the popular commercial trav-
elling troupes of Malay operettas, stambul
and bangsawan, the West Sumatran randai
performers introduced drama into their
performances beginning in the 1930s. The
ritualistic leitmotif of randai—the circle—
was retained as were the silat dance, song
elements, and the characteristic Minangka-
bau taklimpong musical ensemble, consisting
of inverted gongs (canang), kettle drums,
regular drums, and wind instruments. Dra-
matic episodes based on the lives of tradi-
tional heroes began to be performed in
addition to these basic randai elements, thus
transforming what was purely a dance form
with martial arts elements into a more
developed theatre style. Traditionally, all
performers in randai were men. Thus, the
female roles were played by female imper-
sonators. Recent decades have seen the
appearance in randai of female performers,
so that, on the whole, randai groups have
mixed male and female membership. All-
male groups, however, stall continue to
exist in Sumatra. In Malaysia, the members
of a randai company are known as anak
randai, while the leader of a troupe, who
also acts as its artistic director, is known as
induk randai.
In terms of performance structure, randai
today comprises five (or possibly six) basic,
interdependent elements, all of which are
equally important. These are: (i) a musical
procession which introduces the entire cast
of performers into the arena, (ii) dances,
(111) songs, (iv) a repertoire of stories from
dramatic texts, (v) acting, (vi) a final pro-
cession.
A complete randai performance consists
today of songs, dance movements, drama
based upon a chosen story, and movements
derived from the pencak silat.
The randai has certain distinctive qual-
ities developed from early traditions—social
and military—of the Minangkabau, includ-
 229
ing that oftravelling away from one’s native
village for some time (merantau), and pencak
silat which also developed out of this
earlier-mentioned tradition.
Traditional occasions for randai perform-
ances are usually associated with the adat
ceremonies, those occasions sanctioned by
ritual and custom. A randai troupe is spon-
sored by the village community (kaum) ina
settlement and performances are usually
held in the open spaces in front of the
rumah gadang (ceremonial house). Perform-
ances traditionally lasted from evening to
dawn, depending upon the repertoire se-
lected for the particular occasion. Randai is
most frequently performed during marriage
ceremonies, on evenings when people relax
in an entertaining atmosphere (show of
affluence), and also during circumcisions, as
an indication ofthanksgiving for the success-
ful initiation into manhood. Randai may
also be performed at the installation of a
new village headman (penghulu). To a lesser
extent, randai is also performed on occa-
sions not related to adat, and also in the
harvest season, together with other enter-
tainments, including silat and the playing of
traditional music. The performers in the
traditional setting are non-professionals.
Contemporary performances of randai,
however, are performed on much less cul-
turally based occasions, such as public gath-
erings involving VIPs, often by randai clubs
or societies, and the performances present
many new elements, including the need to
praise these dignitaries, as is the case in * dikir
barat or *boria. Religious elements may or
may not be featured, and if they are, then
they are in addition to previously men-
tioned social occasions. Randai competi-
tions are also commonly held at various
levels. Randai festivals are also organized.
vandai silat (Indonesia). Another name for
the *randai dance-theatre. It is performed in
the north-western coastal (pesisir) region of
Sumatra.
Rangda (Indonesia). Perhaps the most
interesting theatre character of Bali is
Rangda, the witch, widow, mistress of
black magic, and queen of the spirits
(*leyak) named Calonarang (Walunateng
RANGDA
Girah). She appears time and again in
various magical plays invariably represented
as a monstrous old woman, her naked
white body striped with black. Rings of
black fur circle her long, hanging breasts.
She is entirely covered by her white hair,
which reaches to her feet, so that only the
bulging eyes and twisted fangs of her mask
are seen. Her tongue hangs out, a strip of
leather paited red and ending in golden
flames. A row offlames issues from the top
of her head. She wears white gloves with
immense claws, and in her right hand she
holds a white cloth with which she hides
her horrible face to approach unsuspecting
victims. This cloth becomes a deadly
weapon if it is struck.
The character of Rangda is believed to
have had its origins in historical facts, now
interwoven with fantastic myth. At the be-
ginning of the eleventh century, a Balinese
prince, the great Airlangga, became the
king of Java. His mother, Mahendradatta,
was a Javanese princess who ruled Bali with
her Balinese husband, Dhamodayana, until
the husband, suspecting her of practising
evil magic, exiled her to the forest. When
Airlangga’s father died, leaving Mahendra-
datta a widow (rangda), she conspired to use
her band of pupils trained in the black arts
to destroy Airlangga’s kingdom. According
RANGGA LAWE
to W. Stutterheim (Oudheden van Bali,
1926), her chief grudge against Airlangga
was that he had failed to bring pressure
upon his father not to take another wife.
Moreover, none of the nobility would
marry Rangda’s beautiful daughter, Ratna
Menggali, out of fear of the old witch. Her
caste as a Javanese princess required a noble
marriage or none at all. Before Rangda was
vanquished by the superior magic of Mpu
Bharada, Airlangga’s teacher, she had killed
nearly half of Airlangga’s subjects by plagues
brought about by her /eyak.
The following is an extract of the current
Balinese version of the story of Rangda
(translated from the Kawi by R. Ng. Poer-
batjaraka, in De Calon Arang, 1926):
‘The old witch Rangda Calon Arang
had sworn to destroy the happy and pros-
perous Daha, Airlangga’s kingdom, because
of fancied insults to her beautiful daughter
Ratna Menggali—the noblemen of Daha
had refused her in marrage for fear of her
mother’s evil reputation. Calon Arang went
with her pupils to the cemetery and they
prayed and danced in honour of Begawati,
the deity of black magic, to help them
destroy Daha. The goddess appeared and
danced with them, granting her permission,
warning the witch, however, to preserve
the centre of the kingdom untouched. The
witches danced at the crossroads and soon
people fell ill in great numbers.
Once discovering the cause of the epi-
demic, Airlangga ordered his soldiers to go
and kill the witch. They stole into her
house while she slept and stabbed her in the
heart, but Calon Arang awoke unhurt and
consumed the daring soldiers with her own
fire. The witch went once more into the
cemetery and danced with her pupils, dug
out corpses, cutting them to pieces, eating
the members, drinking their blood, and
wearing their entrails as necklaces. Bega-
wati appeared again and joined in the
bloody banquet, but warned Calon Arang
to be careful. The witches danced once
more at the crossroads and the dreadful epi-
demic ravaged the land; the vassals of Air-
langga died before they could even bury
the corpses they bore to the cemeteries.
The desperate king sent for Mpu Bha-
rada from Lemah Tulis, the only living
230
being who could vanquish the witch.
Mpu Bharada planned his campaign
carefully. He sent Brahula, his young assist-
ant, to ask for the witch’s daughter in mar-
riage. Highly flattered, the mother gave her
consent and after:a happy and passionate
honeymoon Brahula learned from his wife
the secret of Calon Arang’s power, the pos-
session of a little magic book, which he
stole and turned over to his master. The
holy man copied it and had it returned
before the disappearance could be noticed.
The book was a manual of righteousness
and had to be read backwards. The holy
man was then able to restore life to those
vicums whose bodies had not yet decayed.
Armed with the new knowledge, he ac-
cused the witch of her crimes, but she chal-
lenged him by setting an enormous banyan
tree on fire by a single look of her fiery
eyes. Bharada foiled the enraged witch by
restoring the tree, and she turned her fire
against the holy man. Unmoved, he killed
her with one of her own *mantera; but she
died in her monstrous rargda form and Bha-
rada, to absolve her crimes and enable her
to atone for them, revived her, gave her a
human appearance, and then killed her
again.’ See also Calonarang, barong.
Rangga Lawe (Indonesia). A Majapahit
story which serves as a theme in *wayang
topeng and *gambuh performances. It is the
tragic tale of disappointed ambition and
nulitary uprising under King Jayanagara in
the early part of the fourteenth century,
headed by the very man who had fought all
his father’s battles and placed him on the
throne. Piqued at not receiving the post of
munister which had been promised him,
Rangga Lawe retires to his province where
he is joined by several of the young king’s
vassals. An intriguing courtier foments the
quarrel into a serious rebellion. Rangga
Lawe and all his supporters are killed.
RANGGAWARSITA, see Pustaka Raja
Madya, wayang kulit madya
rasuk (Malaysia), see hadrah
Ratna Mas (Indonesia/Malaysia/Thailand).
The mother of the hero in *Dewa Muda,
 2S
the principal *mak yong story. In mak yong
as performed in the Riau province of Su-
matra, however, the story is entitled Layang
Bermas.
Rawana. The protagonist in the Hindu
epic, *Ramayana. He is the ten-headed
demon-king (raksasa) of Langka, whose
strength was overcome only after the epic
struggles related in the Ramayana. Rawana
had practised austerities in order to pro-
pitiate Brahma, who had granted him
immunity from being killed by the gods,
heavenly musicians (gandharva), or demons.
Under cover of this immunity and the
benevolence of Siva, whom he carefully
propitiated, Rawana persecuted gods and
men. The gods consulted on how they
could be rid of Rawana, and decided that
the only way was for one of them to take a
human form, for Rawana had been too
proud to ask for immunity from men.
Vishnu agreed to be that god, and all the
others said that they would lend their
powers to men and animals. Vishnu was
accordingly born on earth to a certain king,
*Dasaratha, in the form of *Rama. Follow-
ing the various adventures related in the
Ramayana, Rama was eventually able to kill
Rawana in a deadly battle, using a magic
weapon infused with the energy of many
gods, given to him by Agastya, a renowned
sage and noted enemy of the raksasa.
Reamker (Cambodia). The Cambodian ver-
sion of the Indian epic, *Ramayana. Like
the Thai *Ramakien and other South-East
Asian versions of the epic, the Reamker has
been localized and used in the classical
shadow play, *nang sbek thom, which uses
large figures, as well as in the court dance-
theatre.
relati (Indonesia), see kelana
reog (Indonesia/Malaysia). The origin of
the reog dance-theatre, which uses the
*barong rimau-merak or reog, a half-tiger half-
peacock mask, is usually traced back to the
final years of the Majapahit empire in Java
when Brawijaya V, who came to the
throne in 1468, was ruling. The credit for
having invented the genre is given to Ki
REOG
Ageng Surya Alam, one of the court
officials of Brawijaya V, who left the court
as a result of disenchantment with the king’s
manner of running affairs. He invented reog
with the intention ofsatirizing the adminis-
tration of the Majapahit kingdom and of
teaching a political ideology which, at the
same time, contained elements of martial
character. There is an interpretation of the
genre which sees in Singabarong, the
masked animal which is reog’s central
character, the figure of King Brawijaya V,
while in the character of Bujangganong,
who defeats Singabarong, is seen a self
portrait ofKiAgeng Surya Alam.
The original reog contained only the ba-
sic characters—Singabarong, with its tiger-
peacock mask, Bujangganong or Ganong,
and two dancers (jatil) performing the *kuda
kepang dance using artificial horses. Music
was provided by a simple orchestra con-
taining some of the instruments, such as the
double-headed barrel drum (gendang), bam-
boo strips of various lengths (angklung),
gongs, and trumpets (selompret), stall seen in
the present-day reog orchestra. Reog has
been associated with the Panarogo district
of Java since its inception and so is known
in most places beyond the district as reog
panarogo. It should be noted, too, that at
some time the use of the *Panji romance
became fashionable in reog. Performances as
seen these days are done both with and
without Panji episodes. Performances of
reog take place, as 1s the case with other
traditional genres, to celebrate private and
public occasions.
The number of participants in a reog
performance is not fixed. The following,
however, are the essential roles:
1. The barong or Singabarong
. *Bujangganong or Ganong
. *Jatilan or the riders of the woven bam-
Wh
boo horses, kuda kepang.
These are the characters who, as has
been seen, were used from the very begin-
nings of the genre, and whose involvement
is absolutely essential in a minimal reog per-
formance. Where the Panji story 1s incorp-
orated into performances, however, the
number of participants increases, the exact
number depending upon the version ofthe
story or the episode selected. The principal
REOG
characters in such a modified reog would, in
addition to the above three, be the follow-
ing:
1. *Kelana Sewandana
2. *Pentul and *Tembem (or Bancak and
Doyok), the pair of comic interpreters
(*punakawan)
3. Panji, who, as in *wayang topeng masked
dance, usually has a number of disguises
including Jaka Bulowo, Jaka Bodho, or
Jaka Lodra
4. Tetek and Melek, a giant and a giantess
5. Tledek Jepre, a dumb dancer.
The barong or Singabarong is the most
important of the characters in reog panarogo.
It represents a creature with the head of a
tiger wearing a crown (malkota) of peacock
(merak) feathers arranged in the form of a
huge fan reaching 2 metres or more in
height. The performer puts his head into
the barong mask, tying it securely at the back
of his head by means of a piece of cloth. To
keep it stable and prevent it from falling to
the ground, the mask is held by biting upon
a piece of wood attached to its interior. It
is supported on the inside by means of
cushions which serve also to protect the
wearer’s head. The barong mask is usually
made of wood while its outer layer may be
wrapped in real tiger skin,
The costume of the barong dancer con-
sists of a pair of black pants and a piece of
cloth with large black and red panels wrap-
ped over them. The pants are, in turn, dec-
orated with stripes or red and yellow tassels,
and over the pants is draped a piece of black
velvet bearing embroidered decorations, its
edges also trimmed with tassels. A black
leather belt, approximately 10 centimetres
in width, completes the costume. The reog
mask generally weighs between 30 and
60 kilograms.
The usual name given to the barong char-
acter 1s Singabarong, where singa means
‘hon’, and barong, or more accurately
barongan, implies a mask animated by some-
one going inside it. At other times, it is
known as dhadhak merak, because of the use
of the crown of peacock (merak) feathers. In
the Malaysian state of Johore, where reog
panarogo 1s also performed by Javanese im-
migrants, it is known as barong merak-rimau
(literally, ‘a peacock-tiger mask’). The
2Be
name of the character animating the barong
mask is sometimes given as Rajanawa (poss-
ibly a corruption of Rajawana, the king of
the forest). This occasionally becomes Rah-
wanaraja or Rawana, the demon-king of
Langkapur, as is the antagonist in the
Hindu epic, *Ramayana, although there is
no connection whatsoever between reog
and the epic.
In solo performances or when the mask
is worn during a procession, the barong acts
as an elegant and proud creature capable of
moving in a highly refined manner. At other
times, particularly when performing battle
dances, it can become fierce. In the battles
against the jatilan or against Bujangganong
and Kelana Sewandana, its character changes
into that of awild tiger. Overall, the dances
of the barong are acrobatic in character.
As far as the connection of Singabarong
with the Panji romance goes, there are a
number of diverse theones. The barong is
seen, for instance, as a manifestation of the
spirit of Prabu Wiaya, the king of Weng-
ker, who was an enemy of Airlangga, king
of Kuripan (Kediri). Alternatively, it is seen
as a metamorphosis of Bujanggalana, whose
proposal was rejected by Ratu Kilisuci,
queen of Kediri. Because of the curse ofhis
father, Path Bujanggaleng, Bujanggalana
was transformed into Singabarong. There
are yet other equally fascinating explana-
tions for Singabarong, many of them at-
tempting to explain its existence as well as
to relate its character to actual historical or
legendary events, as is the case with the
Balinese *Calonarang story.
Bujangganong wears a red mask with a
pair of bulging eyes, a long nose, a mous-
tache, and long hair only partially visible as
his head is covered with a piece of red
cloth. His costume consists of a full-sleeved
shirt, a pair of black pants reaching to below
his knees, with red and yellow tassels along
the sides and at the bottom. In addition, he
wears over his pants a black velvet top, em-
broidered in gold and silver, reaching from
his waist to his thighs and again trimmed
with red and yellow tassels.
Bujangganong’s appearance is supposed
to be fearsome while being simultaneously
comic due to his behaviour and movements.
His movements, which are acrobatic and
 2
a.
pantomumic in character, are usually timed
to coincide with the beating of the drum.
His real name or title is bujangga anom (‘the
young poet’ or ‘scholar’). This has been
changed to Bujangganong and is occasion-
ally shortened to Ganong or Ganung.
Jatilan, or the dancers riding artificial
horses, kuda kepang, usually numbering two
or four in a reog performance, generally
have soft, feminine appearances and grace-
ful movements. Their make-up and cos-
tumes resemble those ofthe female warriors
in *wayang wong. In reog performances
outside the district of Panarogo itself, where
there is no restriction regarding the sex of
dancers, female performers are often used.
In kuda kepang or *kuda lumping perform-
ances done outside the context of reog,
known as jaranan, on the other hand, the
performers are usually males dressed in
*ketoprak style, albeit somewhat simpler.
With recent changes in style, however,
kuda kepang is often performed by female
dancers dressed and made up as males.
The principal property for the jatilan is
the kuda kepang or artificial horse fashioned
out of woven bamboo. This is painted
white or black, although individual taste
sometimes allows for the use of other col-
ours. The kuda kepang used in reog panarogo
are small in size, with the proportions ofthe
head and body almost equal, while those in
jaranan are bigger, with the head much
larger than the body. This is due to the dif-
fering functions of the two types of horses.
Jaranan emphasizes the horse, and in trance
the dancers are possessed by the spirit ofthe
horse, their movements are those of wild
horses, and entranced dancers eat grass like
living horses, with their mouths rather than
with their hands. This is not the case with
the jatilan, in which trance is not a feature.
Kelana Sewandana wears a red mask of
an unrefined (*kasar) character, with a
moustache and rounded eyes. His crown is
made from buffalo skin and his head is
covered with a piece of red cloth. He wears
a red full-sleeved shirt. In keeping with the
*wanda or basic character of his mask, Ke-
lana Sewandana is a rough or strong (gagah)
character. He is hard-hearted, leaning to-
wards mischief.
Pentul and Tembem, two brothers, are
333) REOG
clown figures and comedians, (*punakawan),
to Raden Panji Asmarabangun from Jeng-
galamanik. Pentul wears a white half-mask,
without a chin and lower lip. Below his
upper lip protrude two teeth. His nose is a
round knob and his eyes are curved and
slanting. He wears a head cloth, is shirtless,
and drapes a batik sarong over his pants. His
belt is made from black leather.
Tembem has a black mask, also without
the chin and lower lips. He is flat-nosed,
and his eyes, like those of Pentul, are
curved and slanting. He appears with or
without a shirt and a batik sarong. His belt
is of the same style as Pentul’s.
In reog performances, Pentul and Tem-
bem have little acting. They merely serve as
the companions of Panji or as comedians.
Both of them have several other names.
Pentul, who is considered to be another
form of *Semar, is also known as Bancak,
*Turas, Sebul, Jerudeh, or Nayagenggong.
The aliases of Tembem are Doyok, *Ba-
gong, Benco, Palet, Prasanta, and Sabda-
palon.
In Javanese theatre, they always appear as
a pair, their names changing in different
districts as well as from one genre to another.
In the classical shadow play (*wayang kulit
purwa) as performed in East Java, for in-
stance, they appear as Semar and Bagong; in
the wayang topeng masked play, they come
as Pentul and Tembem; in *wayang golek
gedog, as Bancak and Doyok orJerudeh and
Prasanta; in *wayang krucil, which uses the
*Damarwulan story, their names change to
Nayagenggong and Sabdapalon; and in reog,
this pair assumes the names Pentul and
Tembem or Bancak and Doyok. Panji, the
leading character of the Central Javanese
Panji romance, is also known by many other
names, including Asmarabangun, Ino Ker-
tapati, Kuda Wanengpati, Kuda Rawis-
rengga, and Kayakusuma. For convenience,
the name is, in most instances, stated as
Panji or Raden Panji. In reog, Panji wears
the wayang topeng refined male mask, green
in colour, with a mild smile revealing a fine
line of black or white upper teeth, slit eyes,
and small pointed nose. On the other hand,
there are times when the Panji character
does not wear any mask. In many of the
scenes in which he appears, Panji 1s in
REOG PANAROGO
disguise, in which case, in keeping with wa-
yang topeng conventions, alternative masks
are used.
Tetek and Melek are a pair ofgiants with
relatively minor roles in reog. They appear
together with Singabarong and are a source
of humour. With the defeat of Singaba-
rong, they disappear altogether from the
scene. Tetek and Melek use black and white
masks, respectively, and the male ofthe pair
is dressed in a pair of black pants, with a
batik sarong wrapped around him. The
female, played by a male performer, wears a
blouse, batik sarong, and a shawl.
Musical accompaniment to the reog is
provided by the following instruments:
a double-headed barrel drum (gendang), a
small drum (ketipung), a variety of gongs, a
pair of angklung, and a selompret. The reog
orchestra 1s unique in that it has a combined
tuning system. While the ketuk, kenong, and
kempul are tuned according to the slendro
scale, the selompret is tuned according to the
pelog scale. The instruments are played by
six musicians. The reog’s repertoire of mu-
sical pieces (lagu) consists of a combination
of classical and modern tunes. Some are
borrowed from other traditional genres
while others come from popular music.
Every reog performance is structured ap-
proximately in the following sequence:
1. The horse dance, tarian jaranan or kuda
kepang, in which Pentul and Tembem
are sometimes included to perform their
comic business. The horse dancers have
their ‘battles’ in pairs.
to Singabarong’s dance, in which it shows
its movements through pantomime in
imitation of the behaviour of a tiger.
This is followed by the fight between
the soldiers and Singabarong. This scene
is often called rampongan. Singabarong
shows its strength, lifting a soldier or
two to its head, lifting one or more of
the musicians by turn, crossing a bridge
of ropes, jumping on to the top of a
table, or even on to the roof of a hut,
and so on. Tetek and Melek approach
Singabarong and drive away audience
members encroaching upon the arena.
The soldiers mount their horses and
enter into a fray with Singabarong, but
are defeated.
234
3. Bujangganong comes into the arena,
dancing and showing off his acrobatic
skills. He, too, fights with Singabarong.
Singabarong is defeated and becomes a
follower of Bujangganong.
4. Kelana Sewandana dances by himself.
Bujangganong brings in Singabarong.
Tledek Jepre comes in to do the final act
and with that the performance ends.
Reog performances depicting the Panyji
story adopt the following structure:
1. A dance is executed by the horsemen,
and this is followed by the emergence of
Kelana Sewandana.
bo . Singabarong dances, and then gets in-
volved in a fight with Kelana Sewan-
dana and his soldiers. Kelana Sewandana
is defeated. In some districts, such as
Banyuwangi, two Singabarong may be
featured together at this point.
3. Panji, Pentul, and Tembem obtain
Kelana’s assistance to defeat Singaba-
rong. Panji succeeds in this mission.
4. A battle takes place between Panji and
Kelana Sewandana. Kelana is defeated.
This final battle between Kelana and
Panji ensues because Kelana, who wishes to
marry “Chandra Kirana, comes to know
that Panji is engaged to her. See also bang-
berokan, barong, kuda kepang, ebeg, and
sanghyang jaran.
reog panarogo (Indonesia/ Malaysia), see reog
REYES, Severino (1861-1942) (Philip-
pines). One of the early vernacular dramat-
ists in the Philippines whose works usually
embodied his countrymen’s nationalistic
sentiments. He founded and directed the
Grand Compania de Zarzuela in 1902 and
with this company toured the provinces.
His well-known *zarzuela, * Walang Sugat
(Without a Wound), was staged in 1902. Al-
together, Reyes has an impressive number
of works to his name. These include novels
and plays of between one and four acts,
both in the form of straight drama and in
the zarzuela style. Among his famous one-
act plays is *R.I.P., a comic satire against
the *moro-moro, a work usually regarded as
the initiator of that genre’s decline. His
most important zarzuela plays, apart from
Walang Sugat, are the two-act Filipinas para
 235
los Filipinos (The Philippines
for the Filipinos)
and Puso ng Isang Pilipina (The Heart of a
Filipino Woman).
R.I.P. (Philippines). The title of a comic
satire written by Severino *Reyes in 1902
in condemnation of *moro-moro. Reyes saw
moro-moro as a decayed corpse fit to be
buried. During that period, the moro-moro
faced severe competition from *zarzuela, a
form of urban operatic theatre that had re-
cently been introduced from Spain. The
performance of R.J.P. aroused protests
from moro-moro admirers and prompted
another playwright, Juan Bartolome, to
write a play entitled Kalian ma’y Buhay,
usually translated as We Will Never Die.
RIZAL, Jose, see Junto al Pasig
ronggeng (Malaysia/Indonesia). In Java, the
term ronggeng originally referred to a paid
woman dancer whose duty was to entertain
RSI YADNYA
nobility. It also referred to a dance per-
formed by women, one initially available
only to the nobility, but which later on was
open to ordinary folk. In Javanese courts,
ronggeng became refined to produce the
golek and *gambyong dances.
In contemporary usage, the word rong-
geng contains both the above connotations,
although it is the dance that the term prin-
cipally refers to. A fairly recent variation of
the ronggeng dance, both in Indonesia and
Malaysia, is one in which the ronggeng dan-
cer awaits to dance with customers who
buy tickets. In such circumstances, the dan-
cers have sometimes been called ‘taxi dan-
cers’. See also tledek.
Royai Zanzibar Theatrical Company
of Singapore (Malaysia), see BAI KAS-
SIM
rsi yadnya (Indonesia), see panca yadnya

Sabdapalon (Indonesia), see Tembem
sabetan (Indonesia). In the Indonesian *wa-
yang kulit punwa, the collective term for the
five aspects of puppet manipulation:
(i) holding the puppets (penjepengin),
(ui) lifting the puppets from the *gedebog or
banana tree-trunk (*bedolan), (ui) placing the
puppets in the banana tree-trunk (*tanceban),
(iv) basic movements (*lampah), and
(v) battles (perang).
sagayan (Philippines). A war dance, also
known as kudsagayan, based upon the epic,
* Darangen. Done by a solo male performer
dressed in battle gear consisting of awooden
sword with a handkerchief tied to its handle,
a wooden shield with bells, and a head-
dress, it is a re-enactment of an episode in
the chapter, Kalid a Dempas, in which the
hero, Bantugen, demonstrates war tech-
niques as well as prepares himself for battle
against his enemies in the kingdom of
Ikadaraanen who have kidnapped __ his
sweetheart, Miyol Sa Dameao. The hero’s
preparations go through the following
stages: (i) the wearing of his mirror-
embedded head-dress (kapasti); (11) the
donning of his costume that has all the
colours of the rainbow; (iii) the taking of
his shield (klong) made from the hardest
wood and from which litde bells hang; and
(iv) the wielding of his shining sword
(kampilan) which glitters bright as the sun.
Thus attired, Bantugen moves to the left
and then to the right, and finally turns
around gracefully to start the sagayan. The
dance depicts the manner of holding the
kampilan and various other logistics of
warfare. The sagayan, not in itself a
complete story, resembles the introductory
glorification of the hero in several well-
known traditions of South-East Asian oral
literature as well as theatre.
saibing (Malaysia/Indonesia). In *bangsawan
‘
and other related theatre forms using pro-
scenium staging, the saibing are painted and
framed side wings used in combination
with painted backdrops known as *firai.
Designs painted on the saibing usually cor-
respond with those on the backdrops (tirai)
and also with borders (jalar) stretched across
the stage between rows of lights. The word
saibing appears to be a corruption of ‘side
wing’.
sainete (Philippines). A brief comedy or
farce depicting lower- or middle-class life,
which is someumes traced back to the Ro-
man mimus, regarded as one of the origins
of the Spanish *zarzuela, from which the
Filipino variety evolved towards the end of
the nineteenth century.
SALAZAR, Juan de, see Gran Comedia
de la Toma del Pueblo de Corralat y Con-
quista de Cerro
salubong (Philippines). A folk religious play,
processional in character and resembling
similar European examples, in which the
entire community participates and the
whole city is turned into a vast auditorium
with several different locales for the action.
As in *panunuluyan, pageant cars move in
procession, stopping at designated points in
a city. Salubong is an Easter play and re-
enacts the meeting of the Virgin Mary and
the ‘risen’ Christ on Easter Sunday, making
use of images to represent both Mary and
Christ. These images are placed in flower-
decked wagons (carroza). Community parti-
cipation is seen both in the organizing and
the presenting of salubong. A number of
structures built along the streets represent
locales, such as Galilee. Thus, the idea of
the medieval ‘mansions’ seems to have been
perpetuated.
The two images of Christ and the Virgin
Mary, placed on separate wagons, begin
their journeys from the same point. Con-

vention, however, accepts that the Virgin
Mary and the risen Christ do not see each
other, since Mary is still unaware that Christ
has ‘risen’. The processions proceed in dif-
ferent directions. The Virgin Mary is ac-
companied by the three Marys and by
St John, as well as by the band. She is pre-
ceded by a procession of women, veiled
like her in black, to indicate they are
mourning the death of Christ. The women
carry the Lamb of God. It used to be a
practice in the past, no longer rigidly
observed, to segregate the sexes. The two
processions come to a previously designated
church. The flag and banner bearers, upon
meeting each other, burst into dance, one
group imitating the other, to the accom-
paniment of heckling. The encounter is
usually an occasion for gaiety, fun, frolic,
and teasing. The dance, known as bati, re-
enacts the meeting of the Virgin Mary and
the risen Christ. The image of the Virgin
Mary is then taken in procession under a
heart-shaped structure, and angels remove
the Virgin’s veil, while an angelic choir
sings the Song for Easter. Finally, both pro-
cessions enter the church.
This basic performance pattern 1s fol-
lowed, with minor. variations, in different
communities. In some performances, for
instance, the Virgin Mary’s veil is removed
by doves instead of angels. Although, essen-
tially, the principal salubong ‘performers’ are
the two holy images, there is much wider
community participation in terms of emo-
tional involvement in the unfolding reli-
gious drama.
A salubong performance is enhanced by
other elements of theatre, such as costum-
ing and the use of elaborate stage ma-
chinery. The images of Christ and the Virgin
Mary, copies of those found in church,
often reflect medieval Catholic iconography.
The human participants do not have any
special costumes, but are dressed in
manner suited to the salubong spinit.
Samudra Mantana (Indonesia). Also known
as Pemutaran Mandhara Girl, one of the
stories (lakon) in the Balinese shadow play.
It is usually featured on ritual occasions,
such as dewa yadnya (*panca yadnya). The
story deals with the attempts of the gods
i) SANDIWARA
(dewa) and the demons (detya) to obtain the
nectar of immortality (tirta amerta) by
churning the Ocean of Milk. The gods and
demons fight for the elixir oflife hidden in
the ocean, which can only be obtained by
churning. The mountain Mandhara is used
as a stirrer, supported by the god Vishnu in
the shape of a tortoise, while the holy ser-
pent Basuki serves as a horizontal pulling
rope. The demons are ready to pull the
serpent’s head while the gods are at the tail
ofthe serpent. The god Indra, sitting on the
summit of the mountain, keeps a watch to
ensure that everything remains in balance.
The quick stirring hurls into the air every-
thing living on the mountain, while the fish
and other creatures from the ocean jump
out of it to be burnt in the hot breath ofthe
world snake. Indra moderates the unbear-
able heat by producing storms and rain.
After long churning, various symbolic
objects, the goddesses Dewi *Sri and Lak-
shmi, and a white horse appear at the sur-
face of the Ocean of Milk, and then, finally,
the much-desired nectar of immortality.
The nectar is immediately usurped by the
demons. Vishnu, turning himself into a
beautiful girl, is able to entice it away from
the demons. When the demons discover
the deception, a terrible fight breaks out
between them and the gods. Vishnu, using
his wheel-shaped weapon (chakra), is able to
decide the war in the gods’ favour.
sandiwara (Malaysia/Indonesia). A form of
Malay—Indonesian theatre which developed
in the 1950s following the decline of *bang-
sawan. It is generally considered the first
important style in the development of
modern drama in the two countries due to
the fact that, in most instances, sandiwara
utilized complete scripts, compared to bang-
sawan whose performances were developed
out of sketchy scenarios. A number of
a important playwrights began to write scripts
for the stage; sandiwara scripts were thus
considered ‘literary products’. Certain de-
velopments in sandiwara staging also intro-
duced elements relatively nearer to modern
theatre. The painted backdrops used in
bangsawan were replaced by sets; extra-
turns—the comic sketches, songs, and in-
strumental music appearing between scenes
SANGHYANG
to allow for scene
ated; and the acting techniques, though still
romantic or melodramatic, tended away
from the stereotypical towards naturalism.
Perhaps most important of all the develop-
ments in sandiwara was the emergence of
the modern director. The so-called sandi-
wara period in both Malaysia and Indonesia
coincided with the development of the first
naturalistic plays in local languages. Sandi-
wara plays continue to be staged.
sanghyang (Indonesia). The Balinese trance
dance, intended to protect people from evil
forces invoked by practitioners of black
magic, and to produce countercharms in
cases of village epidemics. Several styles of
sanghyang which previously existed in Bali
have gone out of use. Currently, four vari-
eties are performed in different parts of the
island: *sanghyang dedari, *sanghyang deling,
*sanghyang bungbung, and *sanghyang jaran.
The last of these is performed by boys using
hobby-horses, while young girls execute
the others.
For the induction of trance, performers
hold their heads over incense smoke,
prayers are recited, and a choir chants. Start-
ing from a slow tempo, the rhythm be-
comes increasingly faster as the moment of
possession approaches. In the case of young
female dancers, more and more violent
swaying of the body may be seen as trance
approaches and the dancer is often thrown
backwards. Trance 1s induced to vocal ac-
companiment. A “gamelan orchestra, how-
ever, begins to play once trance has been
achieved.
The song of the female choir invites the
heavenly nymph, Suparba, to be present,
while also evoking the beauty of the celes-
tial palace garden in which she lives with
her sisters. Offerings of thanks are made to
the temple goddess and her protection is
sought for the villagers against demons and
evil spirits who may try to disrupt the cere-
mony. Once the sanghyang are in their
dance costumes and crowns, their head-
dresses are praised and offerings are made to
those deities who may come down to
inhabit the dancers’ bodies. At this point,
the identification of the sanghyang with the
god or goddess is complete. The dancers
238
are addressed as divinities and the charms
they utter are believed to possess powers to
heal as well as to expel evil influences.
Members of the community who are ill ask
for medicine from the sanghyang through
the priest (pemangku). In each instance, the
sanghyang names the herbs to be used. Dur-
ing an epidemic, the sanghyang is carried
through the village streets, attended by the
villagers, to drive away evil spirits. Alternat-
ively, she may be carried to a temple court-
yard or open space where she performs her
dance.
Those chosen as sanghyang are required
to live chastely, observing many restrictions.
It is noteworthy that, as a general rule,
sanghyang have no previous dance training.
They dance spontaneously only when in
trance, doing so naturally and effortlessly,
thus giving the impression that they have
been dancing all their lives.
sanghyang bungbung (Indonesia). A variety
of the *sanghyang trance dances performed
only in the Pura Dalem of Sindu in Bali,
and only on full moons and new moons
during the fifth to tenth months of the
Balinese calendar. It is danced with twelve
puppets, six male and six female, called dewa
alit (‘little gods’). The puppets, which are
made of bamboo, have wooden faces
painted in a golden colour, and head-
dresses of palmyra leaves. The figures, gen-
erally dressed in red and white, are
mounted on bamboo rods; these are held
during performances by young female dan-
cers in trance. One of the two shrines in the
Pura Dalem contains a mask of the witch
*Rangda, while in the other are kept the
puppets and offerings.
Before the, commencement of the dance
of the sanghyang, an oftering dance (mendef)
is performed by young women. Some of
these eventually go into trance, in that state
dancing in procession, placing the puppets
before their faces. Included in sanghyang
bungbung are entranced dancers with dag-
gers (keris). Occasionally, Rangda, too,
makes her appearance, possessing the body
of one of the dancers, who then is given her
mask to wear. The entire sanghyang bung-
bung performance is accompanied by a
*gamelan orchestra. As in all Balinese sacred

dances, the completion of the performance
sees the return of the Rangda mask and the
puppets to the temple premises.
sanghyang dedari (Indonesia). One variety
of the *sanghyang trance dance of Bali, per-
formed by young girls who, due to their
purity, are believed to be best suited as
mediums between the human world and
that of the ancestors. Sanghyang dedari is
found in the villages of Bona, Peliatan, and
Cemenggoan (all in Gianyar district), in
Kintamani (Bangli district), and elsewhere.
sanghyang deling (Indonesia). A form ofthe
*sanghyang trance dance of Bali, performed
by a pair of girls usually between eight and
ten years of age. Trance is achieved through
*shadow play figures or puppets (wayang)
cut out of palmyra leaf (lontar) suspended
between two posts by means of strands of
thread. The two young performers tug at
the threads so as to cause the figures to
dance. As the sanghyang tune is played and
the figures fumigated, they “come alive’. At
the same time, the two dancers enter a state
of trance through the agency of one of the
figures. Once trance is thus attained,
performers dance on live coals or on the
shoulders of observers. Sanghyang deling is
only performed on very special religious or
ceremonial occasions, for instance, when
there is an epidemic or pestilence in a
village.
sanghyang jaran (Indonesia). The word
Javan means ‘horse’ in several Indonesian
languages. Sanghyang jaran is a trance dance
in Bali, usually performed by a priest or one
or more boys, in which hobby-horses are
used as in the Malay—Javanese *kuda kepang.
Typically, the horse used may be of solid
wood, or it may consist merely ofa horse’s
head attached to the dancer’s body by
means of a belt. Most often, however,
horse’s head and tail are joined by means of
a length of bamboo on which the dancer
sits. Sanghyang jaran is, in some instances,
accompanied by several circles of *cak per-
formers. The dancers are considered taboo
during states oftrance. See also reog.
Sang Kancil (Malaysia/Indonesia).
239 SANG KANCIL
‘hero’ ofa series of mouse deer tales, which,
as a whole, constitute the most important of
all the beast fables of Malaysia and Indo-
nesia. Many other animals, however, inevit-
ably feature in Sang Kancil tales. Richard
Winstedt (A History of Classical Malay
Literature, 1969) has noted Sang Kancil’s
development through two possible phases.
During the first, the mouse deer is a pagan
knave who pits his wits against brute
strength in the struggle for existence. In the
second phase, however, he acquires an ideal
for justice and exercises his wits for
unselfish purposes. In tales from the second
phase, he is often described as a servant of
the Prophet Solomon (Raja Sulaiman),
who, according to Muslim belief, is lord of
the animal world. Motifs or themes from
many of the Sang Kancil tales have been
traced back to various sources, including
the Indian The Tales ofaParrot (Sukhsaptati),
Pancatantra, the *jataka, as well as Soma-
deva’s famous collection, The Ocean of Story
(Kathasaritsagara). Two Malay versions of
the stories, entitled Hikayat Pelanduk Janaka
and Hikayat Sang Kancil, exist. The first,
known to scholars since 1736, has been
the published several times in prose as well as
verse. Hikayat Sang Kancil was transcribed
in the present century. Recent years have
seen increasing interest in the tales, with the
result that many new collections have made
their appearance.
The Sang Kancil stories provided the
inspiration for the development of a variety
of shadow play for children, *wayang kulit
kancil, in Indonesia in 1925. A similar form
of wayang kulit, using the Sang Kancil story,
was also developed in Malaysia recently.
The following story, Raja Sulaiman
Praises Sang Kancil, featured in the Malay-
sian wayang kulit kancil, is typical of the
second group oftales referred to above:
One day, a merchant comes before Raja
a Sulaiman to report that some time in the
past two little orphan boys, having nowhere
to go, took shelter in his kitchen. The older
boy is now twelve years old while the
younger is eight. They were never given
any proper food while with him. However,
since they were able to smell all the good
food being prepared by his cooks, they look
The well fed and are healthy. Now, adds the
SANG MPU LEGER
merchant, the boys intend to move else-
where. He therefore appeals to Raja Sulai-
man to make the orphans pay for the smell
of the food which has not only kept them
alive for so long, but has even made them
fat.
Raja Sulaiman, upon hearing the peti-
tion, remains silent for some time, thinking.
He is unable to reach a decision on the case.
He then consults his courtiers but no one
from amongst all the highly learned officials
is able to provide a solution in spite of the
high reward the king offers. Raja Sulaiman
then orders that Sang Kancil, the wise judge
ofthe forest, be invited to court.
When Sang Kancil arrives, Raja Sulai-
man gives him a place of honour next to
himself on the throne. Sang Kancil is now
presented with the problem. The mouse
deer laughs when he hears the merchant's
petition. He tells Raja Sulaiman that if the
king is willing to lend him, Sang Kancil,
the amount of money being asked for by
the merchant as compensation, the problem
can be immediately solved. Sang Kancil
promises to return Raja Sulaiman’s money
immediately upon the settlement of the
case. The merchant asks for 1,000 rial. Raja
Sulaiman lends the money to Sang Kancil.
The wise judge of the forest goes behind
a partition with both the bag of money and
the merchant. He asks the merchant to
count the coins, dropping them one by one
upon a metal tray so that the dropping of
every coin and the counting by the mer-
chant can be heard clearly by everyone in
the court. When the counting is com-
pleted, Sang Kancil, placing the coins in the
bag, approaches Raja Sulaiman. The matter
between the merchant and the orphans, he
says, has been settled. The orphans do not
owe anything any more, and the merchant
has become richer by the 1,000 rial he has
seen, heard dropping into the metal tray,
and counted for himself.
Raja Sulaiman wishes to know, however,
why the money is being returned to him,
instead of being given to the merchant.
Sang Kancil says that all the merchant is
entitled to is the sound of the coins and
their being counted up to the value of
1,000 mal. This is enough compensation
from the orphans for they did not actually
240,
eat the merchant’s food. They only smelt
1.
After considering the decision for a
while, Raja Sulaiman agrees that it is a good
judgment. This is also the opinion of others
present at court. Raja Sulaiman is highly
pleased with Sang Kancil’s wisdom and
sense of justice. He both praises and rewards
Sang Kancil. The merchant, meanwhile,
hearing the judgment, goes off in shame.
With that, the wisdom of Sang Kancil
spreads to the whole world.
It is possible, from this tale of the wily
mouse deer, to draw the lesson that a per-
son’s wisdom does not depend upon his
size or lineage but upon the degree of his
intelligence.
sang mpu leger (Indonesia). The pmiest-
puppeteer or *dalang who specializes in the
performance of the *sapuh leger, the exor-
cistic shadow play intended to protect a
Balinese boy or girl bom during wayang
week (*wuku wayang) from the clutches of
the man-eating demon, Betara Kala.
sang nata (Indonesia), see limbur
Sang Thong (Malaysia/Thailand). A well-
known story denved from the extra-
canonical Suvarnasangkha_Jataka (The Golden
Shell Jataka) and popular in various Thai
performing arts. Under the title of *Anak
Raja Gondang, it is also very popular in a
Malay version in the Kelantanese *mak yong
dance-theatre. The following synopsis of
the story comes from the *nora chatri dance-
theatre style:
Sang Thong, the son of an ogre and
ogress, 1s born, with black skin and with a
tiny black wand in his hand. Orphaned at
the age of ten when both his parents die, he
goes away to live alone in the forest.
One day, he sees six young princesses
who come to bathe in a forest lake, and
Sang Thong falls in love with the youngest.
When his mother appears to him in a
dream, he asks her to help him marry the
youngest princess. She promises to do so.
She also teaches him how to use his magic
wand. Not long afterwards, his mother,
taking the form of a large and very fierce
 241
mak yong
tiger, attacks and kills many of the king’s
subjects who are clearing the forest to plant
hill rice.
Each day, the tiger becomes increasingly
aggressive and kills people closer to the pal-
ace, but no one can destroy it. The king
issues a proclamation promising that he will
give his youngest daughter and _ half his
kingdom to any person who kills the tiger.
No one has the courage to take up the chal-
lenge. One day, a palace servant, meeting
Sang Thong on the edge of the forest, asks
him if he can kill the tiger. When Sang
Thong agrees to try, he is taken to the pal-
ace. The youth is extremely ugly and black-
inned, but since the king is desperate, he
is prepared to allow Sang Thong the oppor-
tunity to kill the tiger. He is directed by a
palace servant to the place where the tiger
was last seen. The tiger immediately attacks,
but Sang Thong points one end of his wand
at the beast, and it falls dead. He then points
the other end of his wand at those who
have been maimed or wounded by the tiger
and they recover. According to his promise,
the king arranges for the hero’s marriage
with his youngest daughter. After the mar-
SAN MIGUEL FIESTA
riage, they are given a separate palace to live
in. By day, Sang Thong remains ugly and
black-skinned. Each night, however, he
turns into a handsome young man with fair
skin that glistens like gold.
Sangut (Indonesia), see parekan
San Miguel Fiesta (Philippines). A fiesta
held annually on 29 September in Iligan
City, Philippines, honouring the patron
saint of that city, St Michael. The choice of
St Michael as the patron saint of the city 1s
explained by several myths that centre
around him. These have become part of the
oral tradition of the city. The rituals consti-
tuting the fiesta consist of the pagkanaog, the
traditional sinulog, which includes a street
drama performance, the diyandi, and the
traditional drama (*comedia) of San Miguel,
a full-Aledged performance which is held in
the evening.
The pagkanaog, the transfer of the statue
of San Miguel from the main altar in the
Cathedral of St Michael to the left-side
altar, takes place nine days before the fiesta
ofSt Michael in preparation for the other
SAN MIGUEL FIESTA
events of the fiesta. This event, called the
pagkanaog, which also marks a change of
apparel for the image, is characterized by a
strong manifestation of emotion. Dances
are seen and cries of adulation heard.
Interestingly, throughout the year, apart
from this occasion ofthe fiesta, the statue of
St Michael is placed on the cathedral’s main
altar, while that of Christ stands on a lower
one. This indicates that perhaps the de-
votees and admirers of St Michael regard
him as more than a saint, perhaps even as a
manifestation of God.
The pagkanaog serves as an opportune
time for the people ofIligan to renew their
faith in St Michael. The occasion also pro-
vides them with an opportunity to touch or
kiss the statue of the saint as it is both,
literally and metaphorically, brought closer
to them. Throughout the time taken for
the transfer of the statue, done by dismant-
ling its arms and wings and then fixing
these limbs back, the cathedral resounds
with chants of ‘Viva, Viva San Miguel’.
Martial tunes and laudatory songs grace the
occasion.
The sinulog (literally meaning ‘celebra-
tion’, but for the convenience of under-
standing perhaps best described as a
colourful procession) is the veritable soul of
the fiesta—a ritualistic dance, an elaborate
display of costumes, the recitation of chants,
dance, rites, and the participation of fully
costumed actors (who will later in the day
enact on stage the comedia of San Miguel)—
a colourful and emotionally charged mani-
festation of frenzy that re-enacts the conflict
between St Michael and Lucifer,
Preparations for the sinulog begin early in
the afternoon, with the crowd, including
the costumed actors and actresses, gathering
at the Cathedral of St Michael—men
dressed as Roman soldiers, their faces
masked or painted in a grotesque fashion
resembling those appearing in the mariones
performance or as agtas, the mountain
inhabitants, as well as tribal people dressed
in their traditional clothes, and the women
in a whole range of imaginative styles.
Inside the cathedral, people lne up
before a pedestal on which stands the statue
ofStMichael. They rub their handkerchiefs
and pieces of cloth on the statue, kissing
242
these or kissing the image, genuflecting and
making the sign of the cross. Children are
held up to the image and dances take place
before it. There may even be mock battles
between the ‘angels’ and “Lucifer’s devils’,
wooden swords waving and knocking
against ornamental shields. As preparations
are being made to mount the statue on the
carriage (carrosa) for the procession, women
perform diyandi (ritual) dances in front of
the cathedral.
The carved wooden statue of St Michael
is taken down from its altar and placed upon
an elaborately decorated carnage, painted
with blue clouds and angels’ faces. The
statue is adorned in flowing robes glittering
with intricate embroidery of sequins and a
maroon, yellow-orange, yellow, and green
coat decorated with patterns of silver se-
quins and a head-dress of oversize green
and grey feathers. It carries a flag and a
shield, and its round eyes are immobile in
the brown, childlike features. Devotees
attempt to kiss San Miguel’s feet, or wipe
them with their handkerchiefs and cloths,
as it is transferred from its pedestal to the
carnage.
The crowds gather and line the streets as
the statue moves along. A brass band plays,
its march rhythm contrasting with the
pounding of traditional bronze gongs. The
‘street drama’ re-enacts the fall of Lucifer
and the evil or fallen angels in a battle
against San Miguel and the faithful angels.
San Miguel has an army that looks like
Roman soldiers, a band of angels, and arch-
angels replete with wings, swords, and
shields. Shouts of “Viva, Viva San Miguel’
are heard in between, and the women
dance and shout praises to the saint, the
crowd responding enthusiastically. Included
among the participants in the procession are
the Higaonons, thought to be the original
inhabitants of Iligan city. Although non-
Christians, they are devoted followers of
San Miguel. To heighten the effect, music
is improvised by clapping the swords against
wooden shields. Frenzied dances around
the statue are performed at certain points
along the route of the procession, where it
slows down or comes momentarily to a
total stop. Here and there during the pro-
cession a performance of the yawa-yawa
 243
takes place. The term is literally translated as
‘devils’ (or devil-devil). This depicts the
battle between San Miguel and Lucifer.
The soldiers and the angels side with the
actor playing San Miguel, while the black-
faced participants side with those represent-
ing devils. Lucifer’s defeat and his fall from
heaven are all re-enacted in this section,
establishing conclusively the triumph of
good over evil.
In this manner, the entire procession, re-
enacting selected events of the story of the
conflict between the good and bad angels,
travels along Iligan streets, once again
reaching the Cathedral of St Michael. It
lasts the greater part of the afternoon.
The diyandi, a ritual dance, besides being
performed in the sinulog, also traditionally
opens the annual *comedia of St Michael
performed on the eve of the fiesta and on
the fiesta night itself. It involves sixteen
female dancers, representing different local-
ities in the two provinces of Lanao del Sur
and Lanao del Norte. Each of them simul-
taneously exalts San Miguel in verse.
The sinulog, a glorious display of the col-
lective communal expression in dance, mu-
sic, drama, and in a host of visual arts,
involves total participation from members
of the community. It exhibits both prmuit-
ive animistic values as well as those derived
from what may adequately be described as
folk Catholicism. Performers take part with
the aim of expressing thanks for favours
granted by the patron saint, in fulfilment of
vows, or in the hope of some future bene-
fit. The vow (pannad) may be fulfilled
through participation in the street drama, in
the San Miguel comedia, or in the form of
some severe penance, like walking on their
knees towards the statue of the patron saint
of Iligan City.
The pagkanaog, sinulog, diyandi, and other
rituals of the San Miguel fiesta are the ma-
gic or technique to control the relationship
of the people of Iligan with the supernat-
ural. These folk art forms depict their fear
of the unknown as well as their quest for
blessings (panalangin) from God. The fear of
‘hurting’ the feelings of the patron saint
dictates their attitudes of reverence and
surrender. They feel secure in his presence.
SAPUH LEGER
santiguar (Philippines). The diagnostic as-
pect ofthe Ilocano curing ritual. It varies in
form and style according to the individual
medicine man. One common feature in
santiguar performances is the use of a candle
and an egg. The medicine man asks his as-
sistant (or a volunteer) to bring him a plate,
a glass of water, an egg, and a candle. The
candle is lit and the medicine man utters an
invocation while also making certain ges-
tures over the water and the egg. He breaks
the egg into the glass of water, and after
certain further business of this sort, tells
from what he sees therein the cause of the
patient’s malady. It could be that some
spirit is responsible, in which case the
shaman reveals the identity of the spirit or
spirits who have been offended and how to
go about effecting a cure. It could also be
that some of the patient’s enemies have
caused him illness, either through practi-
tioners of witchcraft or by doing it them-
selves. The cure is then effected. In cases
where jealousy is the motive behind the use
of black magic, it is important to proceed
fast to prevent revenge and bloodshed.
Some medicine men even claim the ability
to transfer the malady from the patient to
the person responsible for causing it.
Where the illness has come about as a
result of some offence committed by the
patient against spirits, the medicine man
will prescribe the performance of an *atang
for less serious offences or a lengthier per-
formance (panyang) for graver ones.
sapuh leger (Indonesia). The most import-
ant of several ritual shadow play (*wayang
kulit) forms of Bali. It is performed for
exorcistic purposes to protect, once and for
all, a Balinese boy or girl born during
wayang week (*wuku wayang) from the
clutches of the man-eating demon, Bentara
Kala. The priest-puppeteer (*dalang), known
as “sang mpu leger, performs wayang kulit leger
during major sacrificial rites in the evening
in the compound of the sponsor or child
concerned. The subject of the performance
is the pursuing of Sang Hyang Rare Ku-
mara by his elder demonic brother, Bentara
Kala. Upon the conclusion ofthe play, the
dalang produces purifying water (*toya
panglukatan) by dipping the handles of the
SEBING 244
most important puppets, including the addition, the ntual serves to ensure harmony
*gunungan, Cintya, Siva, and *Twalen, into and to prevent any negative intrusion by
pure water to the accompaniment of denizens ofthe invisible world.
chanted verses (*mantera). The water is then In addition to buka panggung, performers
used to exorcize the endangered child. See sometimes include a salutation song (*lagu
also lakon murwakala bertabik). In this, the audience, including
denizens of the spirit world, are addressed.
sebing (Malaysia/Indonesia), see saibing The performer both welcomes the audience
and apologizes in advance for any potential
Sebul (Indonesia), see Pentul
mistakes.

Sekar Taji (Indonesia/Malaysia), see Selampit performances incorporate the

Chandra Kirana development of a plot through rhythmic
narration, declamation, chanting, or singing
selampit (Malaysia). A form of Malay story- techniques. The stories denve from a rep-
telling with theatrical elements active in the ertoire existing principally in the oral tradi-
state of Perlis, as well as on the island of tion. Many of the more famous of selampit
Langkawi off the Kedah coastline. (Both stories, such as Selindong Bulan Kedah Tua,
Perlis and Kedah are on the west coast of also known as Terung Pipit, Malim Deman,
the Malay peninsula to the south of the Thai and Si Suton, which is similar to a story
border). Selampit performances are done by known also in the *nora chatri, have become
a single performer who does not make use classics of Malay traditional literature.
of any stage properties or musical instru- The theatrical element in selampit con-
ments. Should it, however, be necessary to sists of the constant transformation of the
indicate the use of an instrument within a performer into one or more characters and
story being both narrated and performed, the use in such transformations of spoken
the effect is created by means of vocal dramatic text. Thus, through an evening's
sounds or by using the body. performance, lasting perhaps several hours,
Selampit has traditionally been handed
down from teacher to pupil, although at least
one performer who recently passed away
claimed that the power to perform was
granted to him by an old man who visited
him in a dream, suggesting some sort of ini-
tiation or election to the office of selampit
performer. This idea of something being
handed down seems to be a commonly ex-
pressed belief in the realm of traditional
Malay story-telling, which includes *tarik
selampit found in the state of Kelantan and
*awang batil which is performed in Perlis.
Performances of selampit begin, as do
those of many traditional theatre genres,
with theatre opening rituals (*buka pang-
gung). In this case, they are not as elaborate
as those found in *mak yong or the shadow
play (“wayang kulit). These rituals involve
offerings (*kendurl) and the reciting of ritual
formulae (*mantera). There is a commonly
held belief that without them the perform-
ance of selampit will somehow fail. The in-
cense or benzoin (kemenyan) in at least some
cases seems to enhance a sense of ecstasy

and serves, too, as an aid to memory. In selampit

 245
the single performer assumes, by turn, the
many roles that any selected episode re-
quires. Costume changes or masks do not
feature in selampit as they do in *awang batil.
semah angin, see angin, berjamu
semangat (Malaysia). The concept of soul
(semangat) is central to the Malay belief sys-
tem that, founded upon ancient faiths, still
continues to play an important role in
everyday life. It is central to the healing pro-
cesses in Malay shamanism and the opera-
tion of magic closely linked with traditional
performing arts such as *main puteri, *mak
yong, *ulik mayang, and *wayang kulit siam.
The Maiay conception of soul, like
much of traditional Malay culture and
mythology, reflects an amalgam of several
folk belief systems and religions—animism,
Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam—all of
which have left their indelible mark.
R. J. Wilkinson (‘Some Malay Studies’,
1932) mentions seven words used by the
Malays to define the soul. They are nyawa,
jiwa, roh, arwah, malaikat, sokma, and
semangat. These represent the sum total of
terms meaning ‘soul’ from the Malay’s vari-
ous levels of religious experience between
primitive animism and Islam. Some of these
overlap with others or are used erroneously.
For instance, roh (more appropmiately ruh, as
in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu) and arwah de-
note the same concept, the latter being the
plural form of ruh in the Arabic language
whence the word originates. It is generally
translated as ‘spirit’, ‘soul’, or ‘life’. Overall,
ruh is principally conceived of as the soul
bequeathed to Adam at the time of Genesis,
and through Adam to all Muslims and other
‘people of the Books’ (i.e. Jews and Chris-
tians, who, like the Muslims, were recipients
of‘revealed’ scriptures). Ruh is the essence
of life lost when a person dies, and which
finds its way into heaven or hell, there to
await the Day of Judgement, al-qiamat.
Malaikat, another Arabic word, is the
plural of malaik or malak, meaning ‘angel’.
The pious Muslim is required to believe in
the existence of a host of angels and genni
(*jinn) whose numbers are known only to
God. Certain malaikat have important func-
tions as far as the human being is concerned.
These include Jibrail, the Angel of Revela-
SEMANGAT
tions, who brought the Holy Koran to the
Prophet Muhammad; Mikail or Mikal, who
provides rain and sustenance; Israfil, who is
assigned to sound the trumpet heralding the
end of the world and awakening the dead
for the Day of Judgement; Izarail, the Angel
of Death; Ragib and Atid, who are the
kiramul katibin, who write down both good
and bad deeds of every individual; Munkar
and Nakir, who examine the dead in their
graves as to their faith in the Prophet Mu-
hammad and in the religion of Islam as
revealed by Muhammad; and finally, Malik
and Ridhwan, the guardian angels, respect-
ively, of the gates of heaven and hell. To
some extent, malaikat are seen as inter-
cessors between man and God, and more
particularly between man and the prophets.
The application of the word malaikat to
the human soul is, therefore, incorrect, a
probable result of misconception.
Nyawa and jiwa, both Sanskrit in origin,
represent the Hindu—Buddhist phase in the
many-tiered Malay belief system, as well as
the contribution made by Indian linguistics
to the Malay language. Both terms have the
same connotation—breath’, ‘life’, or ‘the
breath of life’. The word jiwa in Hinduism
and Buddhism is sometimes confused with
the word atman, also translated as ‘soul’ and
applied to mind, consciousness, and ego. It
is regarded as the vitalizing principle in all
living things. In a sense, therefore, every-
thing, including so-called inanimate objects,
have jiwa. Sometimes, it is regarded as the
soul of an individual living entity as distin-
guished from paramatman, the Supreme
Soul or Brahma. The Malays, however,
have not retained the lofty metaphysical di-
mension inherent in the Hindu—Buddhist
concept ofsoul defined injiwa or atman and
the relationship between these, on the one
hand, and paramatman, on the other, from
their Hindu—Buddhist past. The lesser
meanings of the terms nyawa and jiwa, that
is ‘life’ or ‘breath’ or ‘soul’ are retained; the
two terms are freely interchangeable, their
meanings identical. Sukma is the Malay
term for the Hindu—Buddhism soul of me-
tempsychosis. Although known in the Ma-
lay language, its usage 1s rare.
This effectively narrows down the vari-
ous terms for soul among the Malays to two
SEMANGAT
basic concepts: first, the concept of roh
as the individual personal soul placed in
man through divine creation; and second,
that of semangat identifiable as the universal
life-force or vital principle which permeates
all nature including, apparently, inanimate
objects such as stones, metals, and trees, and
the keris, a short Malay dagger which plays
an important role in Malay magic as well as
ceremonial practice. Thus, it becomes im-
perative for humans to be wary as to where
they throw clippings of hair or parings of
nails, for through the abuse of these erst-
while personal possessions of a_ living
human being his semangat can be drawn
away or harmed by an enemy or a malicious
*bomoh, the native medicine man, thus
perpetrating illness, insanity, perhaps even
death. One point to be remembered is that
when present in certain objects of the
environment—in trees, sacred _ places,
graveyards, and so on—semangat is not to be
confused with penunggu, attendant spirits, or
penggawa, guardian spirits, also lodged in
these same places. These belong to an
altogether different category of invisible
beings (makhluk-makhluk halus).
Semangat 1s often symbolized as a bird,
something quite common in cultures other
than the Malay. In all of this, nyawa, in the
case of man, appears to be least precisely
berjamu
246
defined, it being an obvious element both
in roh and semangat. It is understood both as
breath and as life. Nyawa, however,
becomes the principal element in animals
since they do not possess roh; the second
element, then, is semangat. In the case of
other lower creatures, such as plants, and
so-called inanimate objects, such as metals
and stones, only semangat remains. The
semangat content of certain objects, such as
the keris and articles of royal regalia, makes
these objects particularly sacred. Similarly,
musical instruments, puppets, and other
theatrical accoutrements are treated rever-
entially due to their semangat strength or
due to the presence of guardian spirits in
them.
According to Malay practitioners of tra-
ditional medicine, what is lost during illness
Is semangat, not the life-sustaining, divinely
bequeathed oh. One whose semangat has
withdrawn suffers malaise but not imme-
diate death. In fact, semangat does leave the
body during sleep much as the astral soul is
supposed to be able to in Hindu—Buddhist
belief systems. Semangat travel, at times, re-
sults in dreams and other such experiences.
On the whole, it is believed the semangat
must return to the sleeping body before it is
too late. Prolonged debilitation of the body,
such as results from semangat loss, could
 247
result in loss of life, but the precise event
causing death is the loss ofroh.
Semangat may be weakened or abducted
through magic (ilmu jahat). Soul theft of this
sort may be with the specific intention of
doing harm to a potential victim.
An underlying and related belief is that
various parts of the victim’s body, such as
hair, nails, and saliva, contain a great deal of
semangat. It can be drawn away through
sympathetic magic. Numerous other de-
vices—in particular, charms—are used to
capture the love of a reluctant person, to
cure disease, and even to hold audiences at
theatre performances.
Consequent to this firm belief in the
efficacy of sympathetic magic, the bomoh or
pawang (the native shaman), plays, in tradi-
tional Malay society, the vital role ofinter-
cessor between human beings and the
all-important vital principle, semangat, as
well as a considerable host of invisible beings
whose role in causing disease is both
recognized and regarded with awe. Where
the bomeoh is an ordinary herbalist and not a
dabbler in the supernatural, his knowledge
of the semangat strength of various herbs,
roots, and plants helps him to prepare the
potions most efficacious in removing a
wide range of maladies. In the preparation
of these medicines, however, inner
knowledge (ilmu dalam), often a blend of
traditional charms or secret ritual formulae
(*mantera), on the one hand, and Islamic
texts, on the other, comes to his aid. In
cases of sou! weakening or soul loss, his role
is clearly to restore or recall the missing
semangat (sambut or memanggil semangat).
The most dramatic means require per-
formances of *main puteri or *mak yong,
often lasting several nights and involving a
large group of performers—musicians, dan-
cers, actors, and actresses—apart from the
shaman. On the other hand, the simplest
processes consist of wind blandishment (isth
angin) or a restoration ofbalance in the four
elements (anasir arbaah) through narration
of stories, chanting of invocations, and
other processes leading to emotional or
psychological release.
One other major cause of disease 1s
believed to be the host of spirits, ghosts,
or goblins collectively known as *hantu.
SEMAR
These are spirits that haunt places and
objects as well as those that lodge them-
selves in people. Through their operation,
amnesia may occur; a person may suffer
from melancholia or depression; and, i
more extreme cases, possession, hysteria, or
madness may result. Most diseases, whether
connected with the psyche, the emotions,
or the physical self, are attributed to these
disease-bearing spirits, hantu penyakit, whose
numbers are extremely large. The bomoh,
then, in such a context operates both as pro-
tective and healing agent, and uses diverse
techniques, which, no matter what their
form, serve the ultimate aim of strengthen-
ing or restoring semangat. Such techniques
often include theatrical performances. See
also berjamu, main puteri—mak yong.
semangat padi (Malaysia/Indonesia). The
spirit or goddess of rice, usually identified
with *Sn or Dewi Sn, the wife of Vishnu.
In terms of theatre, an important Malay
style of dance-theatre, *mak yong, is some-
times believed to have derived from rituals
connected with her through an etymolo-
gical connection between the name for the
genre and Mak Hiang, an alternative name
or title for the goddess.
Semar (Indonesia/Malaysia). As a conven-
tion, most of the traditional theatre genres
of South-East Asia provide for one or more
pairs of comic characters. In Indonesia, a
set of comic figures known as *punakawan
serve as companions, attendants, advisers, as
well as personal friends to the leading male
character or to the side representing the
noble and ultimately victorious forces. In
traditional Javanese theatre, Semar is the
principal punakawan, appearing together
with his sons, *Gareng and *Petruk. Other
figures include *Turas, *Bagong, and
*Togog, but the whole set seldom appears
together. In the classical Javanese shadow
play, *wayang kulit purwa, Semar and his
companions play a role which supersedes
anything in *wayang wong or other genres in
which they appear. Thus, the punakawan
have become identified, principally, with
wayang kulit purwa which uses the Hindu
epic, *Mahabharata, as the principal source
SEMAR
ofits plays (lakon) but which also makes use
of the *Ramayana.
Semar, like the other punakawan as well
as the figure of *Pak Dogol in the Malay
*wayang kulit siam, is not derived from
Indian sources although attempts have been
made to establish a derivation from the
vidushaka of the classical Sanskrit theatre.
Neither the Ramayana nor the Mahabharata
mentions him. He is regarded, consequently,
as an indigenous figure, possibly originating
in pre-Hindu times, most likely an ancient
deity who, with the arrival of Hinduism,
was made subservient to the gods of the
new religion and to the epic heroes des-
cended from the gods. Thus, in the wayang
forms ofJava based upon the Mahabharata,
Semar and his companion punakawan serve
the five noble *Pandawa heroes.
In the Javanese mind, however, Semar is
more than a mere servant or adviser to the
Pandawa heroes. He is a god descended to
earth in an ugly misshapen body. This be-
comes apparent from the stories regarding
his origins, and from his role in the shadow
play plots, in particular, those in which he
manifests his superior powers in deus ex
machina fashion to help resolve conflicts be-
tween the Pandawa and their *Korawa
cousins.
It has been said that all the ughest fea-
tures that can possibly be found on the
human anatomy may be seen in Semar. He
is immensely fat, with a big, round stom-
ach, heavy breasts, and huge buttocks. His
navel hangs down almost like the udder of
an animal, He has a misshapen head with a
peculiar forehead and a pear-like crown
above the position of his ‘third eye’. His
other two eyes slant downwards at their
outer edges. His nose is curled and his large
ears resemble butterflies. His huge, awk-
wardly shaped mouth displays uneven
teeth, and his chin droops. His arms, both
of which are movable, are, in the fashion of
the stylized Javanese wayang kulit figures,
long and flexible. His left hand is usually
pointed towards the ground while his right
hand rests on his buttocks. His short,
stumpy legs and flat feet give him the
appearance of a duck, and his slow move-
ments serve only to enhance this image of
ultimate awkwardness.
248
Semar appears, to all intents and pur-
poses, an androgynous being, but the ques-
tion as to whether he is androgynous
remains unresolved, principally because it is
usually avoided. The possibility that, at
some time in the remote past, Semar was a
true androgyne and was acknowledged as
such cannot thus be altogether ruled out.
That he was an important god of the Java-
nese before the arrival of Hinduism and
Islam in Java, is now generally acknow-
ledged. There are several important wayang
stories (lakon) featuring Semar, which come
from an ancient, so-called primitive cycle
oftales.
Javanese wayang lore has it that Semar,
also known as Betara Ismaya (in addition to
a host of other names), is a god, the brother
of Betara Manikmaya and Sang Hyang
Tunggal. An origin myth, taken from three
books, Kitab Manik Maya, Kitab Kanda, and
Kitab Paramayoga, tells of the birth of the
three gods from an egg, the sons of Sang
Hyang Wenang. The egg mysteriously went
bouncing towards Sang Hyang Wenang,
and breaking into three parts produced
from these parts the three gods. Tejamantni
was born from the shell, Ismaya developed
from the egg-white, and Manikmaya arose
from the yolk of the egg.
When they grew up and the problem
of succession to the throne of the sky
kingdom, Kahyang Junggring Salaka, had
to be faced, Manikmaya suggested a test of
strength. Whoever could swallow a moun-
tain and then regurgitate it should be ac-
knowledged by all as the future ruler of
Kahyang Junggring Salaka. This challenge
was accepted by his two brothers.
Tejamantni tned to swallow the moun-
tain, but could not do so. His mouth became
distorted in shape. Ismaya succeeded in
swallowing the mountain, but was unable
to take it out of his stomach, so that his
stomach became enlarged and the moun-
tain pushed his buttocks outwards. This
caused some confusion as the test was inter-
rupted. Sang Hyang Wenang, however,
gave his judgement. Both Tejamantri and
Ismaya had to forfeit their right to rule
Kahyangan. Manikmaya would become his
successor. Tejamantri and Ismaya had to
descend to the earth to maintain order and
 249
discipline as well as to serve Manikmaya’s
descendants. They could, however, return
to Kahyang Junggring Salaka whenever any
action of Manikmaya deserved a reprimand
or advice from them.
With that, Tejamantri and Ismaya, as-
suming, respectively, the names Togog and
Semar, descended to the earth. From that
instant, the planet began to be peopled.
Manikmaya ruled in heaven. In the respect-
ive births from the three parts ofan egg, the
Indonesians see in the characters of the
three gods certain positive or negative qual-
ities. Togog, coming from the skin, is seen
to be superficial, self-centred, and interested
in material things only. This is the reason
why, in the wayang stories, he follows the
giants (raksasa). Semar, coming from the
egg-white, represents all that is pure. He
values truth and justice. As such, he be-
comes an ideal punakawan for the noble
Pandawa heroes. Manikmaya, born from
the yolk of the egg, has control over power
and authority associated with kingship.
Thus, assuming the name of Sang Hyang
Jagad Girinata or Betara Guru (Siva), he
becomes ruler of Kayangan.
This version of the story, which accords
with the shadow play plots, differs con-
siderably, however, from that contained in
Kitab Tamtu Panggelaran. This book indic-
ates that from the egg, suspended and shaken
by Sang Hyang Wenang, one part created
the earth and the sky, another gave birth to
Teja and Cahaya or light, and the third
became Manikmaya. Manikmaya later split
into two so that Manik became Betara
Guru and Maya became Semar. The differ-
ence between this and the first version, ac-
cording to the wayang, is essentially in the
time frame. In the first version, it is assumed
that the sky, earth, and light were already in
existence before the creation of the three
gods, while in the second version, these
were created simultaneously with the gods.
Semar, however, in both versions, as the
egg-white, serves to protect the egg yolk,
which, being yellow, symbolizes royalty. In
the Javanese wayang plots, Semar becomes
the protector of several generations of
heroes descended from Betara Guru: Bra-
masada, Bramasatapa, Parikenan, Manuja-
nasa, Sukutrem, Sakri, Palasara, Abtyasa or
SENDRATARI
Prabu Kresna Dwipayana, Prabu Pandu,
*Aruna, *Abimanyu, and *Perikesit. This
final figure, the only surviving hero of the
Pandawa line at the end of the final Battle
of Kurukshetra in the Mahabharata, is con-
sidered by the Javanese as an ancestor of
their own kings through Brawijaya.
While in the shadow play stories Semar
acts as a companion, counsellor, and servant
of the Pandawa, he is also regarded by Indo-
nesians of nearly all persuasions as a living
guardian of the Indonesian people. In Bali,
Semar is known as *Malen (Twalen), and
while on that island his divine origins are
acknowledged, his status is, on the whole,
comparatively inferior. This may be due to
Bali’s purer Hindu traditions.
sembah (Malaysia/Indonesia). The saluta-
tion gesture, equivalent to the Indian anjali,
and the Thai wai, with both palms placed
flat one against the other and held in front
of the chest just below the chin, below the
nose, at the forehead, or just above the
head, each position denoting a different
degree ofrespect being paid. Typically, the
standard sembah at the chest is used by
performers at the beginning and end of
performances to thank the audience. It is
executed in a kneeling or standing, slightly
bowed position. The sembah has, at other
times, more specific ritual applications with-
in the context of certain traditional theatre
forms.
sendon (Indonesia). Songs sung by female
singers (*pesinden) in *wayang kulit purwa
and *wayang wong performances to *gamelan
accompaniment. In wayang kulit purwa, they
are used upon the completion of*jaturan by
a *dalang, when characters exit, and during
battle scenes. Sendon are generally sung
solo, and the lyrics a pesinden utilizes may be
traditional or modern. See also gerong.
sendratari (Indonesia). The term, which is a
combination ofseni, meaning ‘art’, ‘drama’,
and tari, meaning ‘dance’, is applied to a
recently developed style of Javanese dance-
theatre which, unlike the older *wayang
wong or wayang orang, does not make use of
any dialogue. Classical themes from the
Hindu epics, *Ramayana and *Mahabharata,
SERAT DEWARUCI
sendratari
continue to be utilized in sendratari. The
Ramayana is regularly presented at the Cent-
ral Javanese Prambanan amphitheatre. East
Javanese legends, such as those based upon
the *Damanvulan story, however, are fea-
tured in the sendratari as presented at the
Pandaan amphitheatre in East Java.
Full-length sendratari productions are
presented in traditional Javanese pavilions
(pendapa) or on more contemporary pro-
scenium stages. In other details, such as
costuming, movement styles, and music,
however, sendratari is done exactly in the
manner of wayang wong.
Serat Dewaruci (Indonesia). The story of
Dewaruci, formerly called Natwaruct or
Alwarucl, was composed, according to most
opinions, during the Majapahit period by a
poet and philosopher obviously strongly
influenced by Hinduism. The story is based
upon the Veda and Upanishad. Because of
its beauty and deep religious significance,
Dewaruci has frequently been adapted and
utilized as source material for the shadow
play both in Java and Bali. One such met-
rical adaptation, by Kjahi Yasadipun I,
came to be used as vocal accompaniment to
the sacred *bedaya dances. Dewaruci has
remained one of the most popular of all
shadow play (*wayang kulit) stories. See also
Lakon Dewaruci.
Serat Kanda (Indonesia). The name given
to the comprehensive ‘universal histories’
written in the coastal region of North Java
around Demak during the early period of
Islam in Java. These often combined local
historical details with elements taken from
the Hindu epics, such as the *Mahabharata
and the *Ramayana. The term serat kanda
literally means ‘books of tales’, and the
name is sometimes amplified into Serat
Kanda ning Ringgit Punva, particularly when
these tales are used in the classical shadow
play (*wayang kulit punva) theatre. Parts of
the contents of the Serat Kanda and the
wayang literature are identical, or at least
comparable, suggesting the possibility that
the Serat Kanda authors and the puppeteers
(*dalang) of the shadow play used the same
fund of traditions pertaining to mythical
and epic history. The Serat Kanda matenial
and wayang literature seem to have acted
upon and influenced each other. One quite
obvious influence is the introduction of
comic characters (*punakawan) from the
theatre into the histories. There is no doubt
that the punakawan, *Semar and his com-
panions, belong to ancient Javanese
mythology. Their appearance in the wayang
is a consequence of the wayang’s original
sacral function of exorcizing evil influences.
It has been suggested by Th. Pigeaud
(Javanese Volksvertoningen’, 1938) that
Semar and his companion clowns were at
one time supernatural exorcists and that by
adopting these punakawan characters, the
Muslim authors of the Serat Kanda intro-
duced an element of ancient indigenous
religion into their books. Similarly, the
authors of the epical *kakawin, such as the
*Ramayana Kakawin, introduced these wa-
yang figures into their works.
Serat Sastramuruda (Indonesia). The classic
manual of instruction in the techniques of
the shadow play (*wayang kulit), which was
used in the royal court at Surakarta. The
 2p
history of wayang, as outlined in this famous
text, begins with the legendary King Jaya-
baya, whose court was at Mamenang at
about the beginning of the eleventh cen-
tury. He ordered the images ofhis ancestors
to be drawn on palm leaves. His line of
ancestry was traced from Lord Siva to Lord
Parikenan. The completed set was called
*wayang kulit purwa. The artists used as their
models the sculptures of the Hindu epics,
the *Ramayana and *Mahabharata, which
adorned varicus temples.
serimpi (indonesia). One of the two most
important dances performed in the courts
of Yogyakarta and Solo (Surakarta) in Cent-
ral Java, the other being *bedaya. Like bedaya,
serimpt is danced exclusively by females.
Both dances, which are extremely refined,
are believed to have developed in the
seventeenth century.
Serimpi 1s danced by four girls. As a rule,
a serimpi dance describes a battle between
two important female warriors. Tradition-
ally, the dance is choreographed in pairs,
with two girls playing each of the roles.
There is no dialogue and the stories danced
derive from Islamic stories, including those
of the *Amir Hamzah or Menak cycle.
There is, for instance, a serimpi dealing with
the story of the battle between Princess
Sirtupelaeli and Princess Sudarawerti.
Serimpi dances are usually named in
accordance with the *gamelan melody (gen-
ding) accompanying them. Thus, there are
serimpi pandelori, serimpi arjunamangsah, se-
rimpi muncar, and so on.
As in the case of bedaya, serimpi move-
ments are refined and highly symbolic, and
even the number ofserimpi dancers, four, is
said to represent the four directions.
A variation of serimpi is serimpi Reng-
gawati. This style ofserimpi is danced by five
girls instead of four and the dance describes
a love scene instead of a battle. The dance
deals with the catching of a bird, meliwis
putih, by Princess Renggawati. The bird
symbolizes her ideal king, Angling Darma.
serimpi Renggawati (Indonesia), sce serimpi
seri panggung (Malaysia/Indonesia). The
role of the principal female character in
SHADOW PLAY
*bangsawan. In the early days of bangsawan,
this role was often played by men. Since the
beginning of the twentieth century, how-
ever, the seri panggung role has been handled
by young women. The seri panggung actress
is generally expected to be good-looking
and fair, as well as to have the ability to
both sing and dance. As the prima donna of
a troupe, she is invariably the principal at-
traction in a bangsawan company, assuming
the role of a princess or queen (fuan puteri or
permaisuri), the daughter of a giant, *jinn
afrit, or even a village lass who is ill-treated
but who eventually finds happiness in a
marriage with a prince or nobleman. Larger
bangsawan groups in the past used several
actresses to play seri panggung roles. When a
particular play did not require them all,
they were assigned to lesser roles such as
those ofattendants (*dayang or *inang).
shadow play. Basically, a form oftraditional
theatre in which images or shadows of two-
dimensional puppets made of leather or
other materials and representing characters
from a variety of stories are cast upon a
screen by one or more puppeteers. In per-
formances, puppet manipulation techniques
are combined in various proportions with
narration, dialogue, vocal as well as instru-
mental music, and sometimes with limited
dancing. Geographically, the shadow play
has a wide distribution in regions as diverse
and widespread as North Africa, Greece,
Turkey, the Middle East, India, China, and
South-East Asia. The biggest concentration
of the shadow play, however, is in South-
East Asia where two major varieties exist,
one utilizing small, single-character figures
and the other making use of comparatively
large, elaborate, multiple-character figures
resembling temple friezes. In general, the
single-character style allows for greater
freedom and variety as well as subtlety
of movement in the figures. This, in turn,
allows for a more detailed development of
individual characters from a selected story,
while at the same time, as in the case of
Javanese examples, providing ample room
for the display of individual artistry on the
part of puppet manipulators and designers.
The larger figures in the Cambodian *nang
sbek thom and the Thai *nang yai, however,
SHADOW PLAY
present in performance a sophisticated and
stately combination of various classical arts,
some of which attained on their own, high
levels of excellence as a result of court sup-
port. To some extent, particularly in Java,
the shadow play known in the Malay and
Indonesian languages as *wayang kulit, re-
ceived similar support in the palaces (keraton)
of noble families. Evidence from outside
Java and Bali is scanty. As far as can be as-
certained, no sustained royal support existed
for the shadow play in the Malay states now
constituting the Federation of Malaysia.
Due to the strong concentration of the
genre in South-East Asia and its immensely
diverse manifestations in that region, there
persists a strong belief that the tradition of
the shadow play itself may have started in
the region. Thus, the Javanese shadow play
claims indigenous origins, and to some
extent the dates for the genre, reaching
back fairly far into the tenth century AD,
make this view plausible. Its proponents,
including W. H. Rassers (“The Onigin of
the Javanese Theatre’, in Panji, the Culture
Hero, 1959) advance two principal argu-
ments in favour of their standpoint. First,
that indigenous tales have an important
place in the Javanese shadow play and,
secondly, that the terminology of the
classical *wayang kulit purwa, the most artist-
ically sophisticated style of single-character
shadow play, has a large number of native
Javanese words. Another proof advanced
to support the antiquity of the Javanese
shadow play is the fact that the character of
*Semar, the principal clown-servant (*puna-
kawan), is highly important in the shadow
play, as indeed in all genres of Javanese
theatre. Semar 1s believed to be an ancient
Javanese deity who, as a result of demotion
with the arrival of Hinduism into the
islands, now occupies a lesser but neverthe-
less important place in Javanese conscious-
ness. Furthermore, the importance of the
ritualist elements in the shadow play may
go back into ancient animism, and the fact
that the genre itself functions as ritual in
Java, Bali, and Malaysia, may vouch for its
undoubted antiquity.
There are, all the same, alternative opin-
ions as to the origin and development of
the South-East Asian shadow play. Various
252
scholars, including R. Pischel (Dar Altin-
dische Schattenspiel, 1906), have suggested an
Indian origin and a movement into South-
East Asia with the spread of Indian culture,
both Hindu and Buddhist, from about the
beginning of the Christian era. These
scholars hinge their arguments principally
upon the use in virtually all South-East
Asian shadow play styles of the two Hindu
epics, *Ramayana and * Mahabharata. Other
considerations include the stnking resemb-
lances between the South-East Asian comic
characters, such as the Javanese Semar and
the Malay *Pak Dogol, and the vidushaka of
the classical Sansknit theatre, from whom, it
is assumed, these latter characters derive.
Also important is the Sansknit terminology,
Hindu mythology, and the use of mtuals
and incantations (*mantera) derived ult-
mately from Hinduism.
The issue of origins and development of
the shadow play is further confused by the
genre’s presence in far-off places. It is im-
possible, for instance, to connect the tradi-
tions of the North African or the Greek
shadow play to those of India or South-East
Asia. To explain the links between the In-
dian and Sino-Japanese versions, the spread
of Buddhism has sometimes been cited as a
possible agent of diffusion. James Brandon
(On Thrones of Gold: Three Javanese Shadow
Plays, 1970) suggests as the origins of all
these forms a single source somewhere in
Central Asia, while other scholars have
suggested the possibilities of independent
development. At any rate, the overall
picture remains unclear despite these
theories and counter-theories, all of which
remain to be adequately substantiated. It is
perhaps sufficient at this point to state that
while sharing-much with those of India,
examples of the shadow play in South-East
Asia have developed their own individual
identities and cultural features that make
each of them unique. There is no dearth of
individual figures or performance styles that
manifest outstanding beauty.
Characteristically, the shadow play of
South-East Asia is dependent upon certain
elements. First, there are the puppets,
ranging in sets with a few dozen to huge
ones of over 200 individual figures. The
puppets exist in two basic styles, as has

already been noted. Next, there
manipulators. In styles such as nang yai and
nang sbek thom which utilize large compos-
ite figures, several dancer-puppeteers oper-
ate simultaneously, displaying the figures
through their movements around a raised
screen in silhouette as well as in their nat-
ural appearance. Typically, performances of
shadow play styles using single-character
figures take place in a temporary theatre
constructed of wood and attap
while those of the larger variety take place
without such a facility. In the Javanese
theatre, performances are increasingly being
done in an open space, so that audience
members have the choice of witnessing a
performance from either side of the screen.
In fact, the question then develops as to
whether the wayang kulit is really a ‘shadow’
play. It is believed that in the past men
saw the performance from the side of the
shadows while women watched it from the
same side as the performers.
To cast the shadows, a screen is stretched
across the open front of a theatre, where
such a theatre is used. As earlier noted, the
screen for the larger variety of shadow play
is mounted on stands high above the ground
so that the shadow may fall upon it as the
dancer-puppeteers go around it. There are
considerable differences in screen sizes as
measurements are determined by a number
of factors, including manipulation tech-
niques and the number of figures in a set.
Traditionally, oil or paraffin lamps
used to cast the shadows 1n the smaller style
wayang kulit (theatre)
253 SHADOW PLAY
are the while faggots burnt some distance away
from the screen served the same purpose in
the larger variety of puppet performances.
In all styles, the principal performer is the
solo puppeteer (*dalang). In nang sbek thom
and nang yai, the dancers serve this purpose.
The puppeteer serves the function of
moving the figures, providing them with
voices, serving as a leader of the orchestra,
and developing the story through narration
or zinc, or commentary, singing, as well as dialogue.
In the case of nang sbek thom and nang yai,
these functions are taken over by a narrator,
as the dancer-puppeteers do not themselves
speak.
As in traditional theatre the world over,
the shadow play serves the function of en-
tertaining the audience. In the context of
South-East Asia, however, the shadow play
performs other more important functions
involving the transformation of the art of
the theatre into a ritual. Specific varieties of
ritual shadow play performances are exem-
plified by *wayang kulit lemah and *sapuh
leger of Bah. Though no specific styles of
ritual shadow play exist in other areas,
the standard shadow play style, however,
becomes highly modified for ritual per-
formances in Java and Malaysia. The per-
formance of the Javanese *lakon murwakala
illustrates this point, as does that a perform-
ance ofthe Kelantanese Malay *wayang kulit
siam’s *berjamu variant. Ritual, in fact, char-
acterizes every performance on a smaller
were scale, for invariably all performances begin
and end with stage consecration and theatre
closing rituals involving invocations to a
host of spirits and gods, as well as the use of
invocations seeking the protection or favour
of the supernatural forces. The ‘religious’
character of the stories utilized in the
shadow play repertoire in the region makes
some of these rituals absolutely indispens-
able. As if to emphasize even further the
spiritual dimension of the shadow play,
many of the traditions in the region, and in
particular those of Malaysia and Indonesia,
see the physical shadow play theatre as well
as the performances that take place upon it
as a reHection of cosmological processes,
thus elevating the puppeteer to the status of
God himself. The multifarious religious sys-
tems experienced over the centuries by the
SHAHROM HUSAIN
countries of South-East Asia, and the influ-
ences they have had upon the traditional
theatre of the region have thus served to
make the shadow play one of the most in-
teresting and spiritually significant of the
region’s artistic expressions. This accounts,
to some extent, for the continuing popu-
larity and importance of a tradition which,
as far as dated evidence is concerned, reaches
back a thousand years or more.
See separate entries for individual styles
of South-East Asian shadow play.
SHAHROM HUSAIN (Malaysia), see Si
Bongkok Tanjong Puteri
Sharifah Al-Banun (Malaysia). One of the
many Arabian Nights-derived stories pop-
ular in *bangsawan and other related theatre
genres. The story goes as follows:
Albania is ruled by Amirul Mukminin
Al-Malik Radhwan and his queen, Sharifah
Al-Banun, with the assistance of Amur
Abdullah as prime minister. The king has
great confidence in him and in his other
court officials, including Amir Afandi and
Amin Ahmad.
Al-Malik Radhwan is not only a just and
fair ruler. He is also pious and a firm be-
liever in the laws of God. During his long
periods of absence from his palace, usually
on religious duties, the administration of
the country is entrusted by the sultan to
Amur Abdullah.
As a sign of his love and affection for his
queen, Al-Malik Radhwan has built for her
a pleasure garden, Taman Peraduan, where
she whiles away her free time. The garden
is run by a group of officials under the
charge of Amin Ahmad.
It appears that Amir Abdullah, the prime
minister, has for a long time been secretly
lusting after the queen. One night, while
the sultan is away, Amir Abdullah enters
the pleasure garden to express his feelings to
her. The queen rejects him. Amir Abdullah
then attempts to molest her. Hearing the
queen scream, Amin Ahmad enters, armed.
Amir Abdullah hes that he had no intention
of harming the queen. He says that his real
intention was to test the queen’s faith (iman)
in God and her fidelity to Al-Malik Ridh-
wan. He praises both the queen and Amin
254
Ahmad, promising to obtain for Amin
Ahmad a medal for his bravery and loyalty.
Although he has been able to remain un-
discovered, Amir Abdullah is worried that
his secret may be known. He then wntes a
letter, supposedly from Sharifah Al-Banun
to Amin Ahmad, asking Amin Ahmad to
visit her in her pleasure garden at midnight.
As soon as Amin Ahmad reaches the garden,
the prime minister kills him. He later ex-
plains to the court officials that such an act
was necessary as Amin Ahmad was intent
upon outraging the queen’s modesty. His
‘evidence’ is the letter found on the person
of Amin Ahmad.
Al-Malik Ridhwan returns and finds
Amin Ahmad missing. Upon enquiring, he
is informed by Amur Abdullah that Amin
Ahmad has been killed by him, Amir
Abdullah. He tells of the events leading to
Amin Ahmad’s death and produces the
‘evidence’—Sharifah Al-Banun’s supposed
letter to Amin Ahmad. The king, shocked
at his wife’s infidelity, orders Amir Afandi
to take the queen into a forest and to kill
her.
In the forest, Amir Afandi asks Sharifah
Al-Banun ifthe charges against her are true.
She relates how the prime minister tned
to seduce her. Releasing the queen, Amir
Afandi suggests that she stay away from the
palace. The queen meets two poor farmers
who are brothers. They agree to take care
of her during her exile.
Meanwhile, Amir Abdullah, who plans
to take over the kingdom, confides in Amir
Afandi. The latter pretends to go along with
the scheme. They plan to blind the king by
pouring acid into his eyes. Once Al-Malik
Ridhwan is blind, according to Amir
Abdullah, the administration of Albania will
be handed over to him. When this happens,
says Amir Abdullah, he will become the
king and, in turn, appoint Amir Afandi as
his prime minister.
One quiet night, Amir Afandi enters the
palace, not with the intention of carrying
out Amir Abdullah’s scheme but instead to
warn the king. Al-Malik Radhwan, upon
hearing the shocking news, asks Amir Afandi
to pretend that he has blinded the king.
Amir Afandi leaves and a little later the king
screams as if in pain and asks for help. The
 255
whole palace is in an uproar, Al-Malik
Ridhwan announces that in view of his
blindness the administration of Albania will
be handed over to the prime minister.
Amur Abdullah is not satisfied with the
power he has obtained. He wants to become
king of Albania. He now plans to sell his
kingdom to Rumania, with the understand-
ing that he himself will be appointed king.
The Rumanian foreign minister visits Amir
Abdullah so that official agreements can be
duly signed. Amir Abdullah presents the
Rumanian foreign minister before the king,
Al-Malik Radhwan. The prime minister
hopes that the blind king will sign the letters
transferring Albania to Rumania. Al-Malik
Radhwan, however, reads the contents, but
to keep the game going, he signs the docu-
ments of transfer. When the Rumanian
foreign minister leaves the palace, the king
signals Amir Afandi to kidnap him and to
take hold of the documents. The Ruma-
nian foreign minister is imprisoned in a
secret place.
When Al-Malik Radhwan asks Amir
Afandi if he has carried out the orders to kill
Sharifah Al-Banun, Amir Afandi confesses
that he has not executed the queen. He
begs pardon for his act of disobedience, at
the same time revealing the queen’s story of
how Amir Abdullah attempted to seduce
her. He tells Al-Malik Radhwan the where-
abouts of Sharifah Al-Banun.
The king, now disguised as a poor man,
goes in search of his queen. He reaches the
house of the two poor farmers. Here, he is
given food and accommodation, and is
served by Sharifah Al-Banun, who does not
recognize her husband. When the king
leaves, he is advised by the two brothers not
to go to Albania as the king of that country
is a tyrannical, merciless person. Al-Malik
Radhwan, having confirmed the queen’s
well-being, returns to his palace.
Amir Afandi is ordered to bring the two
poor farmers to the palace. The king gives
them a private banquet and, disguised as a
poor man, eats with them. Later, abandon-
ing his disguise, he reveals to them that he
is, in fact, Al-Malik Ridhwan. They are
ordered to bring the queen to the palace at
night. Amir Afandi will allow them in.
The following morning, Al-Malik Ridh-
SI BONGKOK
wan convenes an assembly. In the presence
of all officials and dignitaries, he announces
that he wishes on that day to repay the kind-
ness and loyalty of Amir Abdullah by marry-
ing the prime minister to his own (the
king’s) cousin. Sharifah Al-Banun, disguised
as the king’s ‘cousin’, now enters with the
two farmers disguised as courtiers. Amir
Abdullah requests that her veil (purdah) be
removed. The prime minister is shocked to
discover that the queen is still alive. ‘This is
the queen, but wasn’t the queen sentenced
to death?’ he exclaims. Al-Malik Ridhwan
replies that he does not know, for being
blind, he cannot see. Since there is utter
confusion, he adds that perhaps they should
continue their discussion on that matter a
little later. Meanwhile, he would like to
know if the Rumanian traders have already
started their business in Albania, following
the signing of the agreement. Amir Abdul-
lah replies that their business is doing ex-
tremely well. As quick as lightning, the
king displays the letter of agreement signed
by him surrendering Albania to the Ruma-
nians. Court officials, their weapons drawn,
surround Amir Abdullah.
Al-Malik Radhwan removes his dark
glasses, and Amir Abdullah, in particular, is
shocked to discover that the king is not
blind. The king exposes Amir Abdullah’s
treacherous schemes. With that, the prime
minister is sentenced to death. All his prop-
erty is confiscated and all members of his
family are banished from Albania. Amir
Afandi is appointed the new prime minister.
The farmers are offered medals, but refuse,
preferring, instead, to have a gift of land.
Their wish is granted.
Si Bongkok Tanjong Puteri (Malaysia). The
Hunchback of Tanjong Puteri, a play by Shah-
rom Husain, is one of the most important
of all *sandiwara plays. Completed in 1956
and first staged in 1960, it is generally con-
sidered Shahrom Husain’s best piece. The
play is based on oral history regarding an
event that took place about 130 years ago
around the Tebrau Straits in South Johore.
Si Bongkok was a hunchbacked warrior
who supported the losing side rather than
join the controlling party, which his brother
Panglima Putih joined.
SILAT
silat (Malaysia/Indonesia). The generic
name for traditional Malay—Indonesian mar-
tial arts. Many silat forms exist, most of
them serving as means of self-defence. Mu-
sic, usually provided by a small orchestra
typically consisting of double-headed barrel
drums (gendang) and oboes (serunai), as well
as weapons, in particular, the short dagger
(keris), are used in certain styles. Most silat
styles consist of combat in pairs. Stylized
movements, at times highly ornate and
approaching dance, may be used. Religious
or mystical elements are not altogether ab-
sent, and many variant silat styles are traced
back to, or derived from, specific Islamic
cults or movements. Due to this connection
with the supernatural, most silat perform-
ances or demonstrations commence with
invocations and offerings similar to those
used in theatre consecration (*buka pang-
gung) rituals. Many forms of silat involve
initiation processes and some are charac-
terized by trance. Silat is profusely used in
traditional theatre genres, appearing as an
incidental item, as in the operatic *bangsa-
wan, or as an integral element in the cho-
reographic structure of a genre, such as
*randai.
simpingan (Indonesia), see wayang pang-
gungan
Singabarong (Indonesia/Malaysia), see
reog
singkil (Philippines). A well-known dance
of the Maranaos of Lanao del Sur province.
It is danced by a solo performer, moving or
weaving in and out of criss-crossed bamboo
poles, keeping time with the syncopated
rhythm of the poles. There are at least three
versions of singkil, depending upon the
number and arrangement of poles used.
One version uses two bamboos where the
dancer precedes the dance with a *bayuk
before dancing in and out of the poles.
Another version, which is very common,
uses four bamboos placed in a criss-cross
formation, while the third version is the
singkil with eight bamboos arranged in
square formation. This version, found in
Taraka, is accompanied by music called
kalilisay produced by combined musical in-
256
struments like insi, kotiapi, tic-tic, and kobing.
The version using two bamboo poles is
found in Rumayas, the four bamboo ver-
sion is found in Taluan, and the eight bam-
boo version is found in Taraka. The older
folk of Rumayas, Maguing, believe that
singkil was brought to Lanao by someone
from Cotabato.
In the original version, the princess, as
the dancer, was ushered in by a male
relative holding an umbrella, but he did not
participate in the dance, as customarily
Maranao women never dance with males,
so that even the bamboo poles are clapped
by women.
The famous singkil, as modified for
contemporary theatrical purposes, reveals
certain changes in performance style. These
include the entrance of the dancer as a
‘princess’. In some performances, a female
slave holding a royal umbrella follows the
‘princess’ as she weaves in and out of the
poles.
sinulog (Philippines). One of the three ma-
jor performing arts featured during the
annual *San Miguel Fiesta of Ihigan City
held on 29 September in commemoration
of its patron saint, St Michael. The other
activities are a courtship dance (diyandi) and
the drama (*comedia or kumidiya). The word
sinulog itself means ‘celebration’. Its pre-
sentation, which takes the form of a colour-
ful procession through the streets of the
city, is characterized by an elaborate display
of dances, costumes, chants, as well as cos-
tumed characters from the San Miguel com-
edia,
Preparations begin in the afternoon, at
approximately 2.00 p.m., in front of St Mi-
chael’s Cathedral, while various rituals,
including the veneration of the statue of
St Michael, the seeking of blessings (pana-
langin), and the repeated shouting of the
slogan ‘Viva Senor San Miguel’, take place
inside. Outdoor activities include mock
battles between the actors representing the
good angels and Lucifer’s minions, as well
as the diyandi to the accompaniment of a
guitar and a gong.
The wooden statue of St Michael, taken
from its altar, is placed upon an elaborately
decorated carriage. During its journey
 257
through the streets, pantomimic action re-
enacts the fall of Lucifer. Mock battles
(yawa-yawa) are fought between Lucifer
and the devils, on one side, and San Miguel
and the faithful angels, on the other. San
Miguel’s army is usually dressed in the
manner of Roman soldiers. He is further
aided by a band of angels and archangels re-
plete with swords and shields, while armed
and darkly painted figures, in imitation of
the natives (aetas) made famous by the
animal ati-atihan procession held in Kalibo,
represent the forces of darkness. The sinulog
ends before dark, and then, in the grounds
of the cathedral, preparations begin for the
staging, during the night, of the comedia of
San Miguel and the fallen angels.
sip song bot (Thailand), see nora chatri
Sita Dewi. In the ancient Veda, Sita is the
furrow or husbandry personified and wor-
shipped as a deity presiding over agriculture
and fruits. In the *Ramayana, she is the
daughter ofJanaka, king of Mithila or Wi-
deha, and wife of *Rama. The Vedic idea
that she sprung from a furrow is still found
in the Ramayana, as she is said to have
sprung from the ground and not born of
the womb. Sita is also said to be the rein-
carnation of the goddess, Lakshmi, in
human form, born into this world to ac-
company her husband, Vishnu, who was
reincarnated as Rama, to bring about the
destruction of the demon-king of Langka,
*Rawana. Sita becomes the wife of Rama,
who wins her by bending (or breaking, in
some versions of the story) the great bow of
Vishnu while simultaneously shooting an
arrow from it. Sita accompanies her hus-
band in his exile, and is kidnapped by the
demon-king, Rawana. She is rescued by
Rama, who, however, receives her coldly,
doubting her purity. She establishes her
purity by the ordeal of fire. Notwithstand-
ing this test, and influenced by public
criticism of his acceptance of Sita, Rama
banishes her, sending her to the hermitage
of the sage, Valmiki. There she gives birth
to two sons, Lawa and Kusha, through
whom a final reconciliation takes place
between Rama and Sita. Sita, however, is
heartbroken and disconsolate at the treat-
SMARA DAHANA
ment meted out to her by her husband. She
calls upon the earth, her mother, to attest to
her purity. The ground opens and she is
taken back to the source from which she
originally sprang.
There are several variations to this prin-
cipal story of the Ramayana and Sita Dewi’s
role in it. In the various countries of South-
Kast Asia where the Ramayana spread, Sita’s
name has, in addition to its original form,
been stated as Siti Dewi, Sinta Dewi, Nang
Sida, and so on. See also Cerita Kusi
Serawi.
Siti Dewi Dihalau (Malaysia). Literally
meaning ‘Siti Dewi driven away’, it is one
of the most important episodes from the
*Ramayana as used in ritual (*berjamu) per-
formances of the Malay shadow play,
*wayang kulit siam. The episode deals with
the banishment of *Sita Dewi by *Rama,
following the killing of the demon-king,
*Rawana, their return to Ayodhya, and
Rama’s coronation. For a more detailed
outline of the plot of this episode, see
Cerita Kusi Serawi.
Siti Dua (Indonesia). The Two Noble Ladies
is the most popular episode in the plot of
*Syair Abdul Muluk, a poem which serves as
the sole item of repertoire in *dolmuluk
performances.
Siva, see trimurti
Smara Dahana (Indonesia). The ttle of one
of the lakon or stories in the Balinese
shadow play. The lakon is usually per-
formed as part of the ceremonies marking
dewa yadnya (*panca yadnya). The story tells
how the god Siva (Ciwa in Bali) 1s con-
stantly being harassed by Dewa Smara, the
god of love, with his magical flower-
arrows. Siva, becoming angry on one such
occasion, destroys Dewa Smara with flames
that issue from both his eyes. Dewa Smara’s
wife, Dewi Ratih, discovering the cause of
her husband’s death, begs Siva to restore
him to life. Siva refuses. As a result of this,
Dewa Smara and Dewi Ratih, who also
dies, have no physical existence; they are
able only to live within the inner being
(batin) ofall created beings.
SORI-TEKES
sori-tekes (Indonesia), see raket
SOTO, Juan Crisostomo (Philippines),
see Alang Dios, zarzuela
SOTO, Vincente (Philippines), see come-
dia, zarzuela
Sri, Dewi (Indonesia/Malaysia). The
daughter of Betara Srigati, a son of Vishnu,
who has three other children, Sadana,
Wandu, and Oya. Dewi Sn and Sadana are
significant and have an important place in
the minds of the rural Javanese, in that they
are symbols of fertility. Dewi Sm is con-
sidered the goddess of rice, while Sadana 1s
regarded as the goddess ofall produce of the
earth apart from rice. For this reason, the
two can never be separated from each other.
In a *wayang kulit punva story enutled
Lakon Sri Sadana, Sadana leaves the palace
of Betara Srigati on one occasion when her
father is angry with her. Dewi Sri, when
she realizes that Sadana has gone away, goes
in search of her. During that journey, Dewi
Sri herself has various bitter experiences and
sufferings, principally due to her encounter
with the demon, Karungkala, who is con-
stantly chasing her. However, finally, Dewi
Sri meets her sibling, Sadana, and the two
of them return home safely.
Lakon Sri Sadana is performed, in par-
ticular, as a means of ensuring a good har-
vest and also to thank the deities connected
with the products of the earth, Dewi Sn
and Sadana.
In Malaysia, one of the theories con-
nected with the origins of the *mak yong
dance-theatre of Kelantan states that the
genre originated from rituals connected
with the worship of Dewi Sr, known
popularly among the Malays not by her
name, but as “semangat padi (the spirit of
rice).
stambul (Indonesia), One of the names by
which *bangsawan is known in Indonesia,
particularly in Sumatra. The term stambul is
an abbreviation of Istanbul. It appears that
this name was given to bangsawan due to its
association with *Jaafar Turki, who pop-
ularized Middle Eastern themes in bangsa-
wan. Another name by which bangsawan
is also known in Indonesia is *sandiwara
258
although, strictly speaking, sandiwara repres-
ents a more recent theatrical phenomenon.
suarawati (Indonesia), see senden
Sujudana (Indonesia/Malaysia). Eldest of
the ninety-nine *Korawa brothers in the
Hindu epic, *Mahabharata, Sujudana (also
known as Duryodhana) is king of Astina,
most glittering and powerful of the ancient
mythological kingdoms. He is a great mon-
arch, yet fated to destroy himself and his
house. The gods have doomed Astina long
before his birth, and he is inevitably drawn
by his destiny into the fatal course which
brings the Korawa to their ruin. On the last
night of the great Bharatayuddha war, he
alone of the Korawa chiefs is left. In his
mind he debates the various possibilities
before him: to surrender or to die in battle.
At dawn, he goes forth to face the ternble
*Bima, but neither can gain the upper hand.
For the last ume, Krishna (*Kresna) inter-
venes to up the balance. Though it is against
the Kshatriya code for single combat, the
god directs Bima to smash Sujudana’s ex-
posed thigh. Bima obeys and Sujudana falls,
unresisting prey to his adversary’s talons.
The episode describing Sujudana’s end is to
this day rarely performed in Java, so great is
the aura of tragedy and disaster which
surrounds it,
suluk (Indonesia/ Malaysia). In the Javanese
*wayang kulit purwa shadow-puppet theatre,
the suluk are the songs that a *dalang sings.
Some occur after the introduction of anew
scene through a *jaturan which serves to
establish the mood for the following dia-
logue. Suluk can also be used to express the
state of mind-of a principal character, such
as a king or a prince, prior to the discussion
of a matter of immediate concern. In other
situations, suluk are sometimes used to ex-
press emotions or to cover exits and en-
trances. There are three types of suluk, each
with its particular expressive range: patetan
or pateron, ada-ada, and *sendon.
sunnah dabus (Malaysia). The basic prin-
ciples of behaviour which constitute a code
for all participants in the *dabus trance dance
of Malaysia.
 259
SUNTHORN BHOO (1786-1856)
(Thailand). Perhaps the most famous Thai
poet of the Bangkok period. He is the
author of the extremely well-known work,
*Phra Abhai Mani, a story derived from the
Suparnburi area and also previously written
by King Rama II and King Rama III. His
work *Khun Charng Khun Phaen is also
considered one of the masterpieces of Thai
literature. Both Phra Abhai Mani and Khun
Charng Khun Phaen are extremely popular
in various genres of Thai theatre, including
*likay. In addition to these works, Sun-
thorn Bhoo also composed a large number
of poems noted for their charm, wisdom, as
well as outstanding literary qualities.
sutradava (Indonesia/Malaysia). From the
Sanskrit sutradhara, or string puller, a term
used for a ‘director’ in both the traditional
and modern theatre. However, the desig-
nation *dalang is often used in the same
sense in traditional genres such as *ketoprak.
This is an extension of the term as applied
to the puppeteer in the shadow play, *wa-
yang kulit, or the doll puppet theatre, *wa-
yang golek.
Syair Abdul Muluk (Indonesia). The main
story presented in performances of *dol-
muluk is derived from the Poem of Abdul
Muluk, of which several recensions exist in
Indonesia as well as in Holland. The author-
ship of the poem, first published in 1847, is
usually attributed to one Raja Ali or to his
younger sister, Saleha. Dolmuluk perform-
ances, however, do not present the written
text in its exact form. A considerable amount
of improvisation is made upon the skeletal
story of Syair Abdul Muluk, which runs as
follows:
The kingdom of Barbari is ruled by
Sultan Abdul Hamid Syah, who has a son
named Abdul Muluk. Sultan Abdul Hamid
Syah’s brother, Abdul Majid, who helps his
brother in running the kingdom, has a
daughter named Siti Rahmah. Following
Abdul Majid’s death, Siti Rahmah is brought
up by her uncle.
In the land of Hindustan rules Sultan
Syihabuddin, who is assisted by his brothers,
Syamsuddin and Kamaruddin.
One day, Bahauddin, Sultan Syihabud-
SYAIR ABDUL MULUK
din’s uncle, leaves to do business in Barbari.
There he is arrested and imprisoned for
selling damaged goods. This angers Sultan
Syihabuddin, who plans revenge against
Barbari.
Following the marriage of Abdul Muluk
to Siti Rahmah, both his parents pass away
and Abdul Muluk is crowned ruler of Bar-
bari. To distract him from the grief follow-
ing the loss of his parents, Abdul Muluk sets
sail for the land of Ban. Here, Abdul Muluk
is married by the sultan of Ban to his sister,
Sit’ Rafiah. Abdul Muluk returns home to
Barbari with his new wife.
Sultan Syihabuddin of Hindustan attacks
and defeats Barbari. Abdul Muluk is im-
pnisoned. His second wife, Siti Rafiah, who
is three months pregnant, escapes from Bar-
bari after killing a daughter of one of the
ministers, and spreading the rumour that
she has killed herself. Sultan Syihabuddin,
who wanted her for himself, now believes
that she is dead. Siti Rahmah, who refuses
to marry him, is imprisoned with her hus-
band.
Siti Rafiah takes refuge in a forest until
the birth of a son, whom she names Abdul
Ghani. When the child is forty days old, she
leaves him with an old man, Tuan Syeh,
with whom she has been staying, and sets
out in search of Abdul Muluk. Tuan Syeh is
told to advise the boy, when he is a little
older, to set out and seek his parents.
After undergoing many tribulations, Siti
Rafiah reaches the kingdom of Barham
disguised as a young man named Dun. She
obtains employment as a soldier and suc-
ceeds in killing Saudagar Bahsan, an enemy
of Jamaluddin, the sultan of Barham. As
a reward, Jamaluddin abdicates. Dur is
crowned ‘king’ in Barham and is ‘married’
to Siti Raha, Sultan Jamaluddin’s sister.
Duri goes as a trader .into Hindustan. He
discovers the ins and outs of the country,
including where Sultan Abdul Muluk and
Siti Rahmah are imprisoned, through the
assistance of two disgruntled ministers (twa-
zir) of Hindustan who had been deprived of
their positions by Sultan Syihabuddin.
Returning to Barham, Duri draws up plans
to attack Hindustan. The invasion takes
place and Duri is victorious.
Abdul Muluk and _ Siti Rahmah_ are
SYAIR ABDUL MULUK
rescued. Duri takes care of them until their
health is fully restored. Abdul Muluk is all
this while unaware that Duri is, in fact, his
second wife, Siti Rafiah. Meanwhile, Siti
Raha is also married to Abdul Muluk in
Hindustan.
Dun now reveals that ‘he’ is Siti Rafiah,
and is thus reconciled with Sultan Abdul
Muluk. The kingdom of Barham is given
back to Sultan Jamaluddin and the sultan of
Ban 1s invited to Hindustan.
Abdul Muluk’s son, Abdul Ghani, who
is now seven years old, is sent by Tuan Syeh
to look for his parents, having given him all
the relevant information regarding his par-
entage. Abdul Ghani arrives in Barham and
260
from there proceeds to Hindustan. In that
country, he is adopted as a son by a wheat
merchant, to whom he relates his story.
One day, Abdul Ghani wounds another
child and is thus presented before a royal
court to be sentenced. Here, while the
wheat merchant is relating the child’s back-
ground as he learnt it from Abdul Ghani
himself, Abdul Ghani is reconciled with his
parents, Abdul Muluk and Siti Rafiah. As a
reward for their assistance, the wheat mer-
chant and his wife, as well as Tuan Syeh,
are invited to stay at the palace.
When he grows up, Abdul Ghani is
crowned king of Hindustan, which grows
into a rich and prosperous country.

tabir (Malaysia/Indonesia). The term used
for the painted backdrop, in particular in
*mendu, a form of operatic theatre active in
the Riau islands of Indonesia. While the
term is known elsewhere in Malaysia and
Indonesia, the more usual word for a back-
drop is *tirai or kain layar.
taboi (Indonesia). A processional perform-
ance in the Padang Priaman area of western
Sumatra which re-enacts the Battle of
Kerbala in which the two sons of Islam’s
fourth caliph, Ali, named Hassan and Hus-
sain, were slain. The word taboi probably
derives from tabut, used in various parts of
India to refer to the miniature models of
tombstones carned during processions sim-
ilarly commemorating the martyrdom of
Hassan and Hussain. Taboi performances
are presented during the first ten days ofthe
Muslim month of Muharram, and parti-
cipants carry various objects reminiscent of
properties used in the *tazia plays in areas
where Shiah communities similarly com-
memorate the martyrdom of Hassan and
Hussain.
tamulilingan (Indonesia). One of the newly
created group of kebyar dances based upon
the traditional */egong, tamulilingan repres-
ents the increasingly excited flirtations of
two bumble bees in a flower garden.
tanceban (Indonesia/Malaysia). The art of
placing the figures on the banana tree-trunk
during an actual scene in the *wayang kulit
purwa shadow play. They must be composed
in artistic groupings. For instance, a king
must be placed in a grave and dignified
relationship to his courtiers, and the court-
iers arranged according to rank. A palace
scene must give an impression of pomp,
while a hermitage scene, that of simple dig-
nity. In court or hermitage scenes, the prin-
cipal figures are placed on the *dalang’s nght,
subordinates on his left. Similarly, import-
dE
ant and lesser characters are taken off stage
to the right and left, respectively. Before a
fight, the puppets must be placed in an
aggressive posture. The art of tanceban,
therefore, serves to convey mood and per-
sonality, even when the figures are not
being moved, and to provoke the interest
of all audience members, young and old,
sophisticated and simple.
Tanikalang Ginto (Philippines). Written by
Juan *Abad and staged in 1902, Tanikalang
Ginto (The Golden Bracelet) is one of the
most important of the ‘seditious’ *zarzuela
plays. The play’s synopsis, with the literal
meanings of its characters’ names and
Abad’s symbolical values for them given in
parentheses, runs as follows:
Liwanag (Light, or the Philippines) is
promised in marriage to K Ulayaw (Lover,
or Filipinos who desire independence). Li-
wanag is living with her uncle and adoptive
father, Ma-Imbot (Greedy, or Covetous, or
the United States of America) who has
given consent to this marriage. During the
progress of the play, he withdraws his con-
sent, forbids K Ulayaw to come to his house,
and by gifts of agold chain, among others,
attempts to induce Liwanag to abandon her
lover. He takes into his employ Nag-Tapon
(Spendthrift, or Filipinos who are friendly
to the United States of America), a brother
of K Ulayaw, whom he directs to act as a
spy upon the movements of K Ulayaw.
Another of the characters in the play 1s
Dalita (Dispossessed of Mother Country),
the mother of K Ulayaw and Nag-Tapon.
Nag-Tapon disowns her, and she dies in
the first act. As Ma-Imbot’s gifts to Liwanag
fail to produce the desired result, he resorts
to harsher measures. Binding her to a tree,
he places Nag-Tapon to guard her. K Ula-
yaw, searching for Liwanag, discovers her in
this condition. He is killed by Nag-Tapon,
and eventually Liwanag also dies.
The play ends with Diwa (Soul, or, in
TARIK SELAMPIT
Abad’s symbolism, Pananalig, or Faith)
taking Liwanag with her to heaven, with a
promise to return for K Ulayaw after they
have circled the universe. The curtain falls
on a tableau in which Nag-Tapon is seized
by Demons and Ma-Imbot by Death while
K Ulayaw is crowned by a host of spirits
after he delivers a stirring speech.
tarik selampit (Malaysia/Thailand). A form
of solo theatre performed principally in the
state of Kelantan on the east coast of the
Malay peninsula and in the Patani region of
southern Thailand. Traditionally performed
by blind singers, tarik selampit involves
chanting, speaking, and the assumption of
various roles by the single performer, ad-
dressed as Tok Selampit, who accompanies
himself on a spiked fiddle (rebab). Perform-
ances commence with a simple ceremony
in which offerings and some money (*wang
pengkeras) are placed. Incense is burnt and
invocations are recited, both for the human
and the invisible audience of spirits. The
tarik selampit repertoire consists of folk ro-
mances, most of which continue to live on
tarik selampit
in the oral tradition. See also selampit,
awang batil.
taruna (Indonesia). Meaning ‘young man’.
One of the newly created group of kebyar
dances based upon the traditional *legong.
Originating in North Bali, it represents the
moods of a young man on the threshold of
adult life.
tatlong hari (Philippines). The memory of
the three Magi (Melchor, Gaspar, and Bal-
thazar), who were guided to the manger of
the child Chnisst in Bethlehem, is perpetu-
ated in Filipino folk tradition in tatlong hari
(three kings), a theatre style performed at
the end of the Christmas season on 6 Janu-
ary each year.
Three distinct styles of tatlong hari are
known, in each the folk mind imbuing the
simple lines from the Gospel of St Matthew
with interesting apocryphal details.
The simplest of these performances, fea-
tured in the town of Gaspan, Nueva Ecija
province, uses three images to represent the
Magi. These are placed upon a decorated
cart (carrio) accompanied by singers and
music provided by a band.
During the Spanish period, a more elab-
orate tatlong hari presentation was featured
in Malolos. Three performers representing
the Magi and dressed in *moro-moro Cos-
tumes, rode on horses through several bar-
rio. Starting off from three different places,
and after spending much ame ‘looking’ for
each other (in keeping with the tradition
that the three kings did not know each
other and were brought together by the
Star), they converged at a previously desig-
nated point, carrying with them, respect-
ively, a censer, a chest of gold, and a
container of myrrh. Each was followed by a
heckling crowd. Thus united, they set out
together to look for the manger (beler)
which was placed on a mobile cart and
accompanied by a loud band. The object of
their search encountered, the three kings
handed their gifts to the holy couple. Less
elaborate performances of this style persist in
Malolos.
The most elaborate of contemporary
performances, however, is featured in the
town of Gasan, Marinduque province. Here,
 263
the actors playing the three kings, dressed
i their finery, ride through the town
streets followed by their kapitanos, hordes
of screaming children scrambling for the
sweets thrown amidst them, and towns-
people dancing along in *paso doble rhythm.
Preparations for tatlong hari performances
begin immediately following Christmas,
with activity intensifying up to the day of
the feast when, after morning mass, the
three kings promenade across town. It cli-
maxes at night when a man bearing a lan-
tern (parol) on a long pole leads the three
kings and the Gasan townsfolk to the
church. Here, in the church’s yard stands a
stage (entablado), with the ‘palace’ of Herod
the Great, rudely constructed of cardboard
and painted wood.
Herod receives the three kings. In do-
decasyllabic quatrains they ask him where
they can find the new-borm ‘King of the
Jews’. Herod sends them off to Bethlehem
with a request that they come back for him
once they have found the child Christ . The
Magi leave. After a while, Herod becomes
impatient and sends his soldiers to look for
them. When the soldiers return empty-
handed, Herod orders the beheading of the
innocents; the soldiers leave to carry out his
instructions. Alone, Herod is troubled both
by the ‘King of the Jews’ and his own cruel
deeds. He goes insane. Ranting and raving,
he destroys his ‘palace’.
Tatlong hari incorporates the elements
noticeable in other folk traditions of the
Philippines, principally, the style of costume
and make-up, the use of music, and the paso
doble manner of dancing. Many of these
elements link it with traditions such as moro-
moro.
tayungan (Indonesia/Malaysia), see perang
sampak
tazia (Malaysia/Indonesia). The sorrows
and sufferings of Ali, the fourth caliph of
Islam and the son-in-law of the Prophet
Muhammad, his wife Fatimah, and their
two sons, Hassan and Hussain, form the
theme of a series of plays known in Persia as
tazia (literally, ‘consolation’ or ‘a state of
mourning during bereavement’). Tazia per-
formances, found also in Shiah communit-
TAZIA
ies in India and the Middle East as well as
North Africa, take place during the first ten
days of the Muslim month of Muharram
each year. There are generally processions
and pageants, sometimes done in combina-
tion with actual staging on rude platforms.
Performances contain dialogue and singing,
as well as the re-enactment of events, in-
cluding battles in the lives of the Shiah
martyrs. The gory deaths suffered by Has-
san and Hussain are highlighted. Other
activities include lamentations, flagellations,
and the inflicting of wounds upon them-
selves by frenzied participants in the ritual
drama.
The tazia repertoire includes The Death
of Fatimah, The Martyrdom ofAli, The Mar-
tyrdom of Hussain, The Lamentation of Hussain
and his Family for the Loss of the Martyrs at
Kerbala, The Field of Kerbala after the Death of
Hussain, and others. The number ofplays is
indeterminate but fairly large. The theme,
however, remains constant and the plots are
not complicated since the principal object
of tazia performances is to impress upon the
participants the tragedy suffered by Ali and
his family, and to give them the opportun-
ity to suffer with the martyrs. In this sense,
fazia is true passion drama.
Models of the tombs of Hassan and Hus-
sain at Kerbala form an important feature in
tazia. In addition, other limited properties
are used. The model tombs are carried in
procession to the accompaniment of sing-
ing and chanting of poetic verses (marthiya)
containing accounts of the martyrdom. On
the completion of performances, these ob-
jects are thrown into a river or buried.
In South-East Asia, due to the small Shiah
population, consisting of Indian Muslims,
and the fact that Shiah influence is minimal,
there are no noteworthy examples of tazia
performances with the sole exception ofthe
*taboi in Sumatra. Nineteenth-century ac-
counts of Penang, however, indicate that
tazia performances were found on that
island. These were done by Indian commu-
nities and participation by the local popula-
tion was peripheral. It is possible that *boria,
a form of non-religious singing to musical
accompaniment, arose out of tazia. Early
boria was also processional in nature and
associated with Muharram activities. * Taboi
TEATER MULA
performances done in the Padang area of
Sumatra are reminiscent of tazia and per-
haps an indicator of more elaborate Muhar-
ram activities in the past.
teater mula (Indonesia), see teater tutur
teater tutur (Indonesia). A general term
used to describe various forms of proto-
theatre, including dramatized story-telling,
generally performed by single persons with
or without musical accompaniment, and at
times with minimal use of movements, cos-
tumes, masks, or music. Technically, such
forms would, in terms of Western criteria,
be described as proto-theatre styles. Several
Indonesian styles found all over the country
fit into this category. These include *dalang
kentrung and *dalang jembulung, and lesser
known ones such as nandai, guritan, bedulah,
and nyambei. The solo theatre or proto-
theatre performer of this type is also found
elsewhere in South-East Asia. Well-known
Malay variants are *selampit, *tarik selampit,
and *awang batil or awang belanga. Another
Indonesian term, used instead of teater tutur
(spoken theatre), is feater mula, approxim-
ately synonymous with proto-theatre.
teatro anino (Philippines), see carillo
telek (Indonesia). A dance similar to *jauk.
The differences between the two forms are
due, principally, to variations in mask styles,
with that of ftelek being more refined
(*halus). Telek is danced by five female per-
formers while javk, usually featured as a part
of *barong kek, 1s rough (*kasar). It is done
by male performers.
telones (Philippines). The painted backdrops
used in *moro-moro performances. Several
may be used by a troupe, depicting difter-
ent scenes such as a forest, an ocean, or a
garden.
Tembem (Indonesia/Malaysia). One of
the two clown-servant figures (*punakawan)
to Raden Panji Asmarabangun in the *reog
dance-theatre, the other being *Pentul.
Tembem is also known in Indonesian tradi-
tional theatre by a number of other names,
including Doyok, Bagong, Benco, Palet,
264
Prasanta, and Sabdapalon. He has a black
mask without the chin and lower lips. He is
flat-nosed, and his eyes, like those of Pen-
tul, are curved and slanting. He appears
with or without a shirt and a batik sarong
and also wears a black leather belt.
temenggung (Indonesia). In the Sundanese
*wayang topeng masked dance-theatre, the
strong, crude male type of character 1s
called temenggung. It has a pink mask with
round eyes, thick lips, and a moustache.
The movements of characters belonging to
this class are quick, strong, and accentuated,
and the accompanying music is relatively
loud.
tenun (Indonesia). Meaning ‘weaving’. An
occupational dance belonging to the newly
created kebyar group. It depicts the activity
of female weavers. The dancers’ movements
represent the various stages of weaving cloth,
from the spinning of the cotton to the ac-
tual weaving of cloth, while the loom is
used to produce a variety of sounds to make
up the rhythmic and musical background.
terinai mengadap (Malaysia). A dance from
the court of Perlis traditionally performed
at royal weddings. The first part of the
dance tells of love and courtship between
bride and groom through the use of hand
movements. The second part of the dance,
done with candles, is pure dance celebrat-
ing the joy of marriage and the pleasures of
dance.
Tetek (Indonesia), see reog
tibaw (Philippines). A play traditionally
staged on the» ninth night following a
person’s death.
timang burung (Malaysia). From the joget
gamelan court dance tradition of Pahang and
Trengganu, it tells the story of a princess,
who, having been locked in her room for
some time due to her mischievous beha-
viour, 1s let out. She goes into a garden to
play with her handmaidens and sees a
golden swallow. Fascinated by the move-
ments of the bird, she and her maidens
imitate them in a dance.
 265
tirai (Malaysia/Indonesia). In *bangsawan
and other similar styles of theatre, such as
*sandiwara, *dolmuluk, *mamanda, and *ke-
toprak, which use proscenium staging, the
firai are painted backdrops used in com-
bination with some built sets or furniture.
The number of tirai used in a performance
varies according to the financial position of
a group and the requirements of a story. In
bangsawan, such backdrops represent a pal-
ace scene, a garden scene, a forest scene, a
poor man’s house, a street scene, and a scene
depicting a paddy field. Tirai are used in
combination with wings and borders as well
as a proscenium arch, above which, on a
horizontal panel (pemidang nama), the name
of a bangsawan company appears. A crown
completes the set-up. See also saibing.
tirai pertama (Malaysia/Indonesia). In *bang-
sawan and related theatre forms, the firai
pertama (literally, ‘first curtain’) is a front
curtain upon which, as a matter of common
practice, the name of a bangsawan company
or some other symbol appears. Also known
as the drop scene, it 1s raised at the beginning
and dropped only at the end of a perform-
ance.
tirai stret (Malaysia/Indonesia). Literally,
‘street curtain’. A striped curtain, usually in
white and another colour, used at the end
of every *bangsawan scene to allow for set
and scene changes to take place. During
such changes, sometimes action (usually a
street scene) takes place in front of the tirai
stret (hence its name). At other times, co-
medians, singers, or dancers are brought on
stage at this point to mark time while the
set and scene changes are being made. The
collective term used for such activities is
*extra-tumn.
tirta wayang (Indonesia). The holy water
prepared by a Balinese puppeteer (*dalang)
during wayang week (*wuku wayang or tum-
pek wayang), when the paraphernalia used in
the shadow play are ritually cleansed and
blessed. The water is given to a pregnant
woman to ensure that her unborn child will
be safe from all evils and dangers as well as
be born without any negative qualities.
Traditional Balinese society believes that a
TITIK JINN
child who is born (oton) during the week of
wuku wayang is born with bad luck. For
such a child, the ritual *wayang kulit suddha-
mala performance (suddha meaning ‘to
clean’; mala meaning ‘evil’ or ‘dirt’) or the
more elaborate *sapuh leger performance
must take place.
tiruan wayang parsi (Malaysia), see bangsa-
wan, wayang parsi
titik jinn (Philippines). *Jinn is a spirit living
in the ethereal world, who may be nomin-
ally responsible for certain places such as
sandbanks or tall trees, even though he does
not normally inhabit them. This name is
also given to the men and women chosen
by these spirits, by way ofillness, to become
mediums between the supernatural world
and a village community. Each medium
generally knows the name of the spirit by
whom he is possessed, this being the feature
distinguishing the unknown spirits (syaitan)
from jinn. Spirits, like men, are genealogic-
ally related and specialize in certain fields,
according to local Filipino Muslim belief.
Each medium is expected to participate
in the dances (*magigal jinn) organized by
the chief medium in a family or residential
group. The magigal jinn, like wedding
dances, are held, with only rare exceptions,
at nightfall during the full moon. Nothing
is sought from the spirits on these occasions;
the dances are simply a form of entertain-
ment offered to them. The possessed me-
diums are transformed into the spirits who
are thereby permitted to talk and joke
among themselves in their own private
language. Titik jinn is reserved for men, as
titik tabawan is for women. The dance has
no characteristic style and may vary from
one jinn to another. It may be anything
from calm and fluid, like the flight of a
giant sea bird, to fast and abrupt, or may
even take on the appearance of a simulated
combat. Musically, the drum plays a major
role; its roll must be sustained enough to
allow the possession (sign of the presence of
a spirit) to take place. Of the three hanging
gongs, only the tamuk and the pulakan are
retained, or two pulakan with one player for
each. The number of gongs used may vary
from five to seven.
TITIK TABAWAN
titik tabawan (Philippines), see titik jinn
titre (Philippines), see carillo
tledek (Indonesia). A dance, also called ledek,
usually performed by women, by transvest-
ites, and at times by mixed groups of itiner-
ant dancers. The ftledek dancer sings as she
dances. In Central and East Java, tledek re-
tains its original name, *ronggeng. This latter
term, however, has other wider usage both
in Malaysia and in Indonesia.
Tledek Jepre (Indonesia), see reog
tobong (Indonesia), see ketoprak
Togog (Indonesia). One of the comic fig-
ures (*punakawan) in the Javanese *wayang
kulit purwa and *wayang wong. Reputedly
*Semar’s elder brother, he is normally
aligned to the *Korawa in stories taken
from the *Mahabharata. Like Semar, he 1s
immortal and his strange grotesque shape
betrays his supernatural ongin. In character,
he has none of Semar’s gentleness and
kindly wisdom. His wit is coarse and more
cynical. Because his masters are constantly
being killed off by the *Pandawa and their
children, Togog always appears in a differ-
ent king’s retinue. For this reason, he has
become the proverbial prototype of the
unfaithful and mercenary servant.
tok minduk (Malaysia), see main puteri
tok peran (Malaysia), see peran
tok puteri (Malaysia), see main puteri
Tok Selampit (Malaysia/Indonesia), see
tavik selampit
tok ton (Indonesia), see tok wak
tok wak (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand).
The tok wak (literally, ‘old man’) category
of characters encompasses several important
roles in *mak yong. These include the royal
astrologer (tok wak nujum), the royal execu-
tioner (tok wak pertanda raja), the royal sea
captain (tok wak nakhoda), and the royal car-
266
penters, goldsmiths, kite makers, and other
craftsmen (tok wak tukang).
Another set of characters usually in-
cluded in this category is the old members
of the community, not necessarily royal
servants.
Wherever the tok wak characters appear
in mak yong stories, they bring with them
considerable experience and_ specialized
skills, being invariably the inheritors of their
courtly roles and functions through a long
and venerable chain sometimes said to de-
rive from legendary or spiritual, perhaps
even divine, forebears. In Indonesian mak
yong, found in the Riau islands, the tok wak
role is more commonly known as fok ton.
TOLENTINO, Aurelio (1868-1913)
(Philippines). A well-known journalist and
writer of Tagalog drama, novels, opera, and
* >arzuela. His zarzuela include Sinukuan, a
three-act work in verse; *Kahapon, Neayon
at Bukas (Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow),
one of the most important of the so-called
seditious zarzuela, as well as Germinal, La
Roas, and La Paz y Buen Viaje, all three
one-act zarzuela. Through his work, Aure-
ho Tolentno showed his love for the
Philippines, portraying different phases of
Philippine life.
topeng (Malaysia/Indonesia). Literally,
‘mask’. The word is denved from tup, which
means “to cover’. It is applied as a general
term to all masks used during performances
as well as to ceremonial or decorative masks,
and even to ‘mask-like’ make-up. By
topeng
 267
extension, the term refers to performances
(wayang) utilizing masks (topeng).
The use of masks in Malaysia, and par-
ticularly. in Indonesia, is probably very an-
cient. Scholars, however, refer to a Javanese
stone inscription with the word atapuhan
dated AD 840 and another in Bali dated
AD 896 as possible evidence for the use of
masks in performances. See also wayang
topeng.
topeng babakan (Indonesia). A Sundanese
*wayang topeng masked dance-theatre pre-
sentation in which no complete play is
presented. Instead, a series of solo dances
are featured in which only the principal
characters appear in succession.
topeng betawi (Indonesia). Also known sim-
ply as topeng, a form of folk theatre per-
formed principally in the suburbs ofJakarta.
It uses social or family situations as its prin-
cipal theme. The emphasis in this genre is
upon humour.
The term fopeng (meaning “mask’) is used
in the name for this although no masks are
featured in performances, and the genre has
nothing whatsoever to do with the famous
*wayang topeng. The name has been given
to the genre due to the fact that before
performances commence there is always a
dancer who performs various dances. She is
followed by a male performer who asks a
question, and the dancer replies. Then
begins the performance oftopeng betawi.
Topeng betawi performances make use of
ordinary clothes so as to reflect the contem-
porary everyday situation. The arena stage
is used without any setting or furniture. As
a rule, in the centre of the acting area there
a post (tiang) with three oil lamps. All the
action of a selected piece takes place around
this post.
Topeng betawi performances are still quite
commonly seen in the suburbs ofJakarta
and the principal dialect is betawi ora, which
differs somewhat from that of the city cen-
tre. Cultural influences from Sunda, how-
ever, may be seen in the accompanying
* gamelan style, as well as the tunes utilized.
topeng gede (Indonesia). Sundanese *wayang
topeng masked dance-theatre presentations
TOPENG PREMBON
are usually divided into two types: topeng
gede (or big topeng), where an entire play is
performed, and topeng babakan, which fea-
tures a series of solo dances in which only
the principal characters appear in succession.
In topeng gede, the dialogue is sung or spoken
by a *dalang, who is also the narrator.
topeng kuwuban (Indonesia). In the various
*wayang topeng or masked dance-theatre
performances of Bali, a mask which com-
pletely covers the face of adancer.
topeng pajengan (Indonesia). A style of
masked ritual dance-theatre (*wayang topeng)
in which a single performer uses various
masks by turn. Believed to be the oldest
amongst the surviving topeng styles, and
perhaps the oldest of all Balinese theatre
forms, topeng pajengan is done only for ritual
occasions. It is probably connected with
ancestor worship and hails from an age
when the performer was a priest who called
the ancestors.
In fopeng pajengan, no curtain is used.
The basket or box of masks is placed in
front of the *gamelan orchestra with offer-
ings beside it. Between each role the actor
kneels down in front ofthe box in full view
of the audience to put on a mask covered
with white cloth. This cloth is whisked off
before he turns to face his audience. Con-
vention requires the audience to understand
that while the actor is kneeling down to put
on the mask, he is not visible and, similarly,
when the mask is still covered by the piece
of white cloth, it is invisible.
The final mask which appears in a series
of changes is a demonic—comic one with
protruding teeth and bushy hair. This char-
acter is called Sidekaria, Dalem Truna, or
Pengejukan, literally, “one who frightens’,
and he has a reputation for stealing
children.
topeng prembon (Indonesia). One of the
forms of masked dance-drama of Bali
which was developed in the 1940s through
the efforts of Nyarikan Sriada. It contains
elements from previous fopeng styles and
from “*arja, an operatic form. While in most
topeng styles all characters are masked, in
topeng prenibon the role of the queen (galui/)
TOPENG SIBAKAN
is done without a mask. Stories from the
*babad or legends of Java and Bali serve as
the principal source of dramatic material in
topeng prembon, and musical accompaniment
is provided by a *gamelan orchestra. The
costumes of topeng prembon. and its head-
dresses are similar to those used in *gambuh.
topeng sibakan (Indonesia). In the various
*wayang topeng or masked dance-theatre
performances of Bali, a mask which only
partially covers the dancer’s face. It usually
has a chin, but the cheeks, ears, nose, or
eyes are missing. In the final instance, a
large opening exposes both the eyes.
Tosakanth (Thailand). The Thai name for
the demon-king, *Rawana of Langka, in
the *Ramayana, locally called * Ramakien.
toya panglukatan (Indonesia). The purify-
ing water prepared by a puppeteer (*dalang)
at the end of the ritualistic shadow play
performance known as *sapuh leger. The
dalang believes that this process is done with
the help of the god Siva. The handles of the
most important figures in a *wayang kulit
set—the leaf-shaped *gunungan figure, and
the puppets representing Cintya, Siva, and
*Twalen—are dipped in pure water while
reciting special incantations (*mantera). The
water is then used to exorcize the child
believed to be endangered by the demon
Bentara Kala, and for whom the pertorm-
ance has been organized.
trimurti (Indonesia/Malaysia). Although
Hindu mythology boasts of numerous de-
ities, all of them receiving worship in dif-
ferent situations and amongst different
groups of worshippers, three deities stand
supreme—Brahma, regarded as the creator
god, Vishnu, seen as the preserver god, and
Siva, described as the destroyer god. These
principal deities in the Hindu pantheon are
known collectively as the trinity (trimurti).
Overall, the worship of Brahma is nowhere
prominent, while that of Vishnu and Siva
is very popular. Shaivism has it, too, that
Siva is the supreme god, and thus functions
both as creator and destroyer. In addition,
there is the important concept of the re-
peated reincarnation or manifestation of
268
Vishnu, the two final reincarnations (ava-
tara) being in the forms of *Rama and
Krishna (*Kresna). In terms of theatre, Siva
has special significance as the supreme dan-
cer or lord of the dance (Nataraja), as the
wise teacher or sage Betara Guru (Skt. Bhat-
tara Guru), and also by virtue of his role as
the destroyer god (Kala or Rudra) who is
to be both honoured and feared. Theatre-
opening (*buka panggung) invocations are
frequently addressed to him, as well as to
*Ganesha, the elephant-headed deity, re-
garded as one of Siva’s two sons. Also im-
portant in many forms in Balinese theatre,
including *barong and *calonarang, is the
goddess Parvati, Durga, or Kali, Siva’s
consort. The last name represents her in her
malevolent and destructive form.
tukang karang (Malaysia). In *boria, the
composer of the lyrics used in performances.
Usually dressed in resplendent costumes or
fancy uniforms, there may be one or more
tukang karang in a group. In case there are
two or more, they take turns composing
stanzas and serving as lead singers. All other
members of a troupe serve collectively as
the chorus. The tukang karang is also known
as tukang karut.
tukang karut (Malaysia), see tukang karang
tukang lagu (Malaysia). The singer in the
*dabus dance of Malaysia. The term could,
however, be used to mean a composer of
music of songs.
tumpek (Indonesia). The Balinese—Javanese
calendar which originated in East Java and
which was imported into Bali, along with
the decaying Majapahit kingdom that fled
the advance of Islam in the fourteenth
century, is known as the wuku or pawukon
calendar. On it, an annual cycle consists of
210 days. The pawukon calendar provides
the reference system for the religious
ceremonies in Bali, market days, personal
anniversaries, and days that are considered
especially good or bad for doing certain
tasks. During the 210-day cycle, ten weeks,
each of a different length, and each with its
own name, run concurrently. There is a
 269
week that is only one day long, one that is
two days long, one that has three days, and
so on, until the longest week, which has ten
days. Some weeks are considered more
important than others, the most important
being those with three, five, or seven days.
These are known, respectively, as triwara,
pancawara, and saptawara.
The Balinese pay special attention to
dates upon which certain days of some
weeks happen to coincide with certain days
of others. These conjunctions are mostly
confined to the three-, five-, and seven-day
weeks. One of the most important con-
junction dates is when kajeng, the third day
of the three-day week, coincides with
kliwon, the fifth day of the five-day week.
This day, kajeng-kliwen, which occurs every
fifteen days, is regarded as a particularly
dangerous day because evil as well as good
spirits are at large. Offerings are placed in
front of houses to appease the greedy evil
ones and especially at crossroads where they
are known to live.
There are several important days of con-
junction between days ofthe five-day week
and the seven-day week, which occur every
thirty-five days. These are called tumpek.
On four of the five tumpek days of each
pawukon, special offerings are placed and
prayers are made to a particular class of
everyday useful objects, as thanks to God
for providing those objects.
The last tumpek of the 210-day cycle, in
the twenty-seventh week, is named tumpek
wayang (*wuku wayang). This particular
tumpek is for the important shadow play
(*wayang kulit) puppets. The principal fig-
ures in a wayang kulit set are adorned with
flowers, sprinkled with holy water, and
prayers are recited for them.
Similarly, tumpek krulut, which occurs in
the seventeenth week ofthe pawukon calen-
dar, is the day to make offerings to musical
instruments and dance costumes. They are
decorated with offerings and sprinkled with
holy water. The ceremony is usually per-
formed in the neighbourhood association
building, bale banjar.
tumpek krulut (Indonesia). On the 210-day
Balinese kluwon calendar, tumpek krulut is
the day when reverence is paid to musical
TUTUP PANGGUNG
instruments and dance costumes. For fur-
ther details, see tumpek.
tumpek wayang (Indonesia), see wuku wa-
TASS
Turas (Malaysia). Although, unlike *Semar,
he does not physically appear in any of the
traditional Malay theatre genres, Turas, a
comic character, is in Malaysia invariably
linked with Semar, particularly in ritual
opening and closing performances. Semar
appears only in *wayang kulit melayu al-
though, as is to be expected, he does appear
in forms such as *wayang kulit purwa that
have been borrowed from Java, in each case
with his traditional Javanese clown partners.
Turas, however, is a name unknown inJava
or any other part of Indonesia. In Malaysia,
the two, Semar and Turas, are considered
to have manifested themselves in the form
of the two clown-servant (*peran) charac-
ters in *mak yong and in the form ofthe pair
of *wayang kulit siam clowns, *Pak Dogol
and *Wak Long. It is very possible, there-
fore, that Turas is a Malaysian version of
Semar’s son *Petruk, since he, too, like Pe-
truk, is considered a son of Semar, in fact,
the only son of Semar. Another reason for
linking Turas with Petruk is that they seem
to share almost parallel roles in several
episodes which, borrowed from Java, are
adapted to wayang kulit siam. An example is
Petruk Dados Ratu which, in Malaysia, be-
comes Wak Long Menjadi Raja. Petruk is
replaced not by Turas, as there is no Turas
figure in wayang kulit siam, but by Wak
Long.
tutup panggung (Malaysia). All performances
of *wayang kulit siam come to a close, as do
other traditional theatre genres in Malaysia
and Indonesia, with a closing of the theatre
(tutup panggung) ritual. This has other names
as well in certain localities. In wayang kulit
siam, the ritual may be done before the
screen is dismantled or afterwards, although
the general preference is for the former.
Selected musical instruments, in particular
the gongs (tetawak) and drums (gendang) are
sprinkled with flour (tepung tawar). A censer
and a container of yellow rice (beras kunyit)
are placed before the pupetteer (*dalang) for
TWALEN
this purpose. While holding a leaf from the
areca (pinang) plant, the dalang recites in-
vocations, addressing a host of spirits and
deities, including Betara Guru (Siva), who
is regarded as the original teacher (guru yang
asal) of all dalang. Some dalang also include
invocations to the spirits representing the
four elements. The basic intention of the
invocations is to ensure that the invisible
beings present during the performances, as
well as others, the spirits of the various
localities, do not cause any trouble to the
dalang or his musicians (panjak). Tutup pang-
gung texts reveal considerable differences
from one dalang to another in both length
and content, as is also the case with theatre-
opening (*buka panggung) invocations.
Similarly, differences occur also in names of
spirits being invoked. Upon the completion
of his invocations, the dalang recites the
release (*pelepas) formula—usually the num-
bers ‘one, three, five, and seven’ followed
by the word ‘lepas’ (meaning ‘release’), sim-
270
ultaneously throwing turmeric rice (beras
kunyit) in all directions. This marks the
release of the spirits present during the per-
formance and their return to the localities
of their origin. The ‘tutup panggung marks
the end of a single performance or of a
season. Ifthe theatre is to be reused, it must
again be nitually opened.
tututan dalang (Indonesia). Two male pup-
peteer’s assistants in the Balinese shadow
play. Their roles are restricted to handing
him the correct puppets needed from time
to time during a performance and to storing
away the figures no longer needed. Upon
the completion of aperformance, the tututan
dalang pack up all the figures and store them
until the next time they are to be used. In
southern Bali, tututan dalang are known as
ketengkong.
Twalen (Indonesia), see Malen
 10)
ucap (Malaysia). In the formal language of
*mak yong, the ucap forms the single largest
style or category of speeches, usually serv-
ing two specific functions: (i) that of char-
acter self-introduction (*memperkenalkan dirt)
and (i) that of statement of intention. Gen-
erally, the two functions are combined in a
single ucap. The ucap are of two kinds:
(i) those for characters and situations thus
serving as universal stock phrases, and
(ii) those serving a precise or specific func-
tion within the framework of a particular
story.
udanegara (Indonesia). A term indicating the
phraseology of speech adopted by a pup-
peteer (*dalang) in the Indonesian shadow
play (*wayang kulit). It indicates the degree
of formality or otherwise which colours a
character’s speech. Thus, conversation be-
tween friends is more casual than a formal
audience before a king. Both the manner of
speech and the vocabulary used in different
situations vary. The dalang’s literary style re-
flects these conventions.
upacara berladun (Indonesia). The name
given to a song and dance section at the
beginning of a performance of the operatic
*mendu, active in the Riau islands. It serves
the function of character introduction.
upacara buang bahasa (Indonesia). The
opening of the theatre ceremony in tradi-
tional theatre genres. See buka panggung.
upacara sembah guru (Malaysia). Literally,
‘the ceremony to pay respects or salutations
to one’s teacher or teachers’. In many ofthe
traditional Malay theatre forms, such as
*mak yong, *wayang kulit, and *mek mulong,
special sembah guru performances are held,
first, immediately upon the completion of
training or ‘discipleship’ to indicate that the
student is now a qualified performer, and
secondly, periodically, depending upon a
performer’s vow (niat), every three, five, or
seven years. Such performances are, as a
rule, held in conjunction with wind blan-
dishment (semah angin or menyemah) activ-
ities so that several different spiritual func-
tions are simultaneously fulfilled.
Sembah guru performances tend to be
very elaborate compared to ones designed
purely for entertainment. They extend to
three days, with the final night’s activities
lasting all night. Food offerings, elaborate
items of paraphernalia, and trance sessions
under the supervision of ashaman (*bomoh)
are characteristic features of spiritual per-
formances. In effect, the actual sembah guru
ceremony, often very brief, comes at the
tail-end of these three-night activities. Its
brevity, however, belies its importance, for
a performer, technically, is not allowed to
teach others or perform professionally unless
a sembah guru has taken place and, through
it, the actual knowledge acquired ‘trans-
ferred’ from the teacher to the disciple. See
also berjamu, semah angin, and individual
genres.
 V
vaudeville (Philippines). An animated satir-
ical song or a dramatic entertainment inter-
spersed with the former. Sunday Reantaso,
who visited the Philippines from New
York in 1916 and stayed in Manila for
many years, is reputed to have formed the
Philippines Vaudeville Stars, that city’s first
vaudeville company. The group performed
at the *Zorilla, Rizal, and Lux theatres.
The principal members ofthis company in-
cluded Amanding Montes, Katy de la Cruz,
Max Felix, Rafael Cuyugan, and Sunday
Reantaso himself. Several other Filipino
performers, including Lou Borromeo and
Manuel P. Velez, either distinguished them-
selves as vaudeville performers or established
troupes of their own. Vaudeville, however,
did not last long, as the Filipino audience
soon began to favour *zarzuela.
Vessantara Jataka (Burma). A well-known
*jataka (Buddha life story) in which Gau-
tama, the fourth of five Buddhas appearing
in the present cycle, exemplifies the great
virtue of almsgiving. The theme of the Ves-
santara _Jataka, known in Burma as * Way-
thandaya, is popular in the theatre as well as
frequently painted in frescos adorning pa-
godas, monasteries, and rest-houses.
Vishnu (Indonesia/ Malaysia), see trimurti
 W
Wahyu Nugroho Suci (Indonesia), see wali
sanga
Wak Billah (Malaysia). One of the most
popular stories in the repertoire of the Ma-
laysian *hadrah. The story runs as follows:
Wak Billah is a bandit. When an order is
issued by the sultan for his arrest, he runs
away into the forest. The sultan then an-
nounces that anyone succeeding in capturing
Wak Billah will be handsomely rewarded
and married to his daughter.
A poor farmer, while looking for some
wood in the forest, meets Wak Billah. Wak
Billah eats the little food that the poor man
has brought with him. Not knowing how
to repay the poor man when he realizes that
the latter has not a thing in the world left,
Wak Billah kills himself. The poor man
takes Wak Billah’s body to the sultan and
claims his reward.
Wak Long (Malaysia). The lesser of the
two comic characters in the Malaysian
*wayang kulit siam shadow play. While *Pak
Dogol, the senior of the pair, being a ma-
nifestation of the god, Dewa Sang Hyang
Tunggal, retains much of his divine power,
Wak Long is a straight clown character.
Tradition has it that when Pak Dogol
found himself alone, he created Wak Long
out of his own .body dirt (daki) to serve as
his companion. Wak Long shares many of
the bodily deformities of Pak Dogol, and in
this respect they both resemble the clown
figures (*punakawan) ofthe classical Javanese
shadow play, *wayang kulit purwa. Wak
Long is slimmer than Pak Dogol. He has a
large stomach and his navel sticks out. His
buttocks, too, are pushed out to one side,
though to a lesser degree than those of Pak
Dogol. His long nose has the appearance
of aduck’s beak while his mouth is like that
of adog. He has no special weapon, except
for a short knife placed at his waist. Like the
Pak Dogol figure, that of Wak Long has
both his arms articulated. The figure is usu-
ally painted red, is shirtless, and given a pair
of black pants. Pak Dogol and Wak Long
together serve as Seri *Rama’s servants and
companions.
Wak Peran Hutan (Malaysia). The forest
clown in the Kelantanese Malay shadow
play, “wayang kulit siam. He is featured only
in the three-day ritual (*berjamu) perform-
ances of the genre, appearing early on the
third evening upon the completion of the
*dalang muda prologue. The Wak Peran
Hutan figure is shaped exactly like the pup-
pet of *Pak Dogol, wayang kulit siam’s prin-
cipal comic figure, but is slightly larger. It
appears in various colours—purple, grey, or
black—whereas Pak Dogol is always black.
Of the two, Pak Dogol remains spiritually
the more important in view of his divine
origins. In the forest situation, as depicted
in the Wak Peran Hutan episode, however,
the forest clown becomes highly important,
for the forest is his domain. The Peran Hu-
tan’s traditionally accepted connection with
the wind (*angin), the most important of
the four elements, makes him especially
significant in berjamu rituals since these
rituals and a berjamu performance as a whole
are aimed at re-establishing a balance in the
humours. This importance is further en-
hanced by the correspondence sometimes
seen to exist between the *peran and the an-
gel of death (malaikat-ul-maut). Peran Hutan
thus functions as both the restorer of health
and the cause ofdeath.
In the forest clown episode, the Peran
Hutan and his dog go hunting for a golden
deer (kijang mas) intended for *Sita Dewi.
They encounter a tiger which has been sent
by the sage, Maharishi, to test Peran Hutan,
who is his son and disciple. The tiger is suc-
cessfully killed and its carcass set aside either
by Maharishi or by the forest clown him-
self. Wak Peran Hutan then informs Maha-
rishi of Seri *Rama’s plan for a berjamu.
WALANG SUGAT
Maharishi is invited to attend the function
and the forest clown returns home with his
dog.
Walang Sugat (Philippines). Without a
Wound, a *zarzuela play written and staged
in 1902, is regarded as the greatest work of
the well-known Tagalog playwright, Se-
verino *Reyes. It has proved a perennial
favourite among Filipino theatre and film
audiences. The play is a bitter attack on
colonialism. In it, the Spanish friars are
shown at their cruellest, personally handling
the torture of patriotic Filipinos, grabbing
wealth, and involved in deceit. In one
scene, the Filipinos are shown shooting the
friars on stage. Walang Sugat, like most zar-
zuela scripts, also contains a romantic plot.
wali (Malaysia/Indonesia). The word wali
comes from the Arabic wala, ‘to be near’,
and waliya, ‘to govern’, ‘to rule’, or ‘to pro-
tect someone’. In ordinary usage, this word
means ‘protector’, ‘benefactor’, ‘“compan-
ion’, or ‘guardian’. When used in a religious
connection, however, wali corresponds very
much to the Western title ‘saint’. It refers
to someone who possesses mystical know-
ledge, someone who ‘knows God’. Among
other qualities, such a person also has the
gift of performing miracles (keramat), in-
cluding the ability to change his form, trans-
port himself to a distance, speak diverse
tongues, heal the sick, or revive the dead, as
well as bring numerous other blessings to
mankind, including, when necessary, rain.
Saints are credited, too, with the ability to
produce various psychic phenomena.
The mystical system of Islam classifies
saints into a hierarchy in ascending order of
merit. There are several different systems of
classification according to various Muslim
scholars. Numerous saints, some more uni-
versally respected than others, hold places
of honour in Muslim communities all over
the world, among both the Sunni and the
Shiah. Some of these, like Shaikh Abdul
Qadir Jilani, are great mystics and founders
of brotherhoods, while others have a more
limited local following, and yet others
are transformations or survivals from pre-
Islamic cults.
In the Malaysian—Indonesian context,
274
possibly due to influences from the Middle
and Near East as well as from India, and the
fusion of ancient indigenous beliefs, some
of these local saints have been named kera-
mat rather than wali, implying a sacredness
and sanctity of alower level. The term kera-
mat is, in its broader sense, also applicable to
non-human creatures, such as sacred an-
imals, to places, and to inanimate objects.
In this latter sense, it corresponds approx-
imately to the Sansknit term shakti.
In the traditional theatre of Malaysia and
Indonesia, apart from the prophets (nabi),
including the Prophet Muhammad, Yusuf
(Joseph), and Daud (David), the saints, in-
cluding Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilami, are
invoked in ritual incantations (*mantera) pre-
ceding performances. Invocations are also
addressed to the angels (malaikat), to some
of the caliphs, especially the fourth caliph,
Ali, to a host of Hindu gods and goddesses
and to spirits of localities derived from
ancient animistic beliefs.
There is a tradition, too, that in Java, dur-
ing the early days of Islam, a famous set of
nine saints (*wali sanga) utilized traditional
performing arts for the propagation of the
religion. Several theatre genres, including
the classical shadow play (*wayang kulit
punva), are believed to have in this manner
indirectly received their sanction. Thus, to
this day, some of the mystical meanings of
the shadow play, in particular, and of other
genres as well have retained an Islamic col-
ouring,
walian (Indonesia), see belian
wali sanga (Indonesia). In the spread of
Islam in Java, as perhaps in other parts of
South-East Asia, much is said to have been
achieved by the Sufi mystics. In the case of
Java, although there are believed to have
been many such Muslim missionaries, ma-
jor credit for the spread of Islam is given to
nine mystics or saints (wali), known collect-
ively as wali sanga (the nine saints). Their
names are as follows: Maulana Malik Ibra-
him, Sunan Ampel, Sunan Bonang, Sunan
Gin, Sunan Drajat, Sunan Kalijaga, Sunan
Kudus, Sunan Muria, and Sunan Gunung
Jati.
Of these nine, Sunan Kalijaga (real name
 275
believed to have been R. M. Syahid) is
strongly connected with the development
of the classical Javanese shadow play (*wa-
yang kulit purwa), and particularly with its
use for the purpose of Islamic propagation.
Sunan Kalijaga is noted for his attempts to
use innovative techniques in the preaching
of Islam. In the case of Java, rich with
traditions of Hinduism and Buddhism, he
noted that some of the stories for the highly
popular shadow play were derived from
Hindu mythology. Following a similar
pattern, Islamic elements were introduced
by him into the wayang kulit stories, which
were now adapted for their new role.
Certain stories were interpreted in terms of
Islamic teaching or, at least, in terms of
Sufism. Among such stories were Darmo-
kusumo, *Lakon Dewaruci, and certain plots
involving the five *Pandawa brothers from
the *Mahabharata. For instance, in one of
the plays derived from this epic, Wahyu
Nugroho Suci, the five Pandawa brothers
were reinterpreted symbolically as the five
pillars or principles (rukun) ofIslam, that is,
(i) the declaration of faith (kalimah sya-
hadat), (1) the five daily prayers, (iii) the
month-long fast of Ramadan, (iv) the pay-
ment of the tithe (zakat), and (v) the pil-
grimage (haj) to Mecca.
In similar fashion, he utilized the *game-
lan orchestra at a gathering of Muslims
during the celebrations marking the birth-
day (maulud) of the Prophet Muhammad in
a mosque in Demak. Traditionally, such
celebrations made use of the Arabic frame
drum, rebana. The innovative use of the
gamelan, a popular orchestra among the
Javanese, for an Islamic occasion, proved
highly effective. The gamelan was decorated
with fiowers, and the mosque itself was
decorated for the occasion of the celeb-
ration, which also included lectures on the
life of the Prophet Muhammad and other
aspects of Islam. From that day, a tradition
was set to use the gamelan for celebrations
marking the birthday of the Prophet Mu-
hammad (Sekaten). This practice still goes
on in Yogyakarta, when during Sekaten, a
gamelan orchestra is transported from the
palace (keraton) to a mosque in the city
centre. The innovative practice of utilizing
the performing arts for the propagation of
WANDA
Islam initiated by Sunan Kalijaga was con-
tinued by his son, Sunan Muria.
Walunateng Girah (Indonesia), see Calo-
narang, Rangda
wanara (Indonesia/Malaysia). A term refer-
ring to the group ofapes consisting oftheir
king Sugriwa, *Hanuman, and other leaders
In stories or episodes derived from *Rama-
yana stories.
wanda (Indonesia/Malaysia). In keeping
with the belief that each person, during
his lifetime, undergoes changes both exter-
nal (lahiriyah) and internal (rohaniah) as a
result of changes in age, place, psycholo-
gical, and other circumstances, the creators
of the shadow play figure (wayang) devised
the concept of wanda to indicate such
variations in their characters.
The practical application of this concept
is best seen in the classical or purwa forms,
*wayang kulit purwa and *wayang golek
purwa. The word wanda means ‘mood’ or
‘emotion’. The general techniques utilized
to demonstrate it in wayang figures are
through details of puppet size, thickness of
body and limbs, tilt of shoulder and slant of
head, and an elaborate system of colour
symbolism, as well as details of iconography.
Thus, for instance, complete or partial (usu-
ally face) gold colour of a puppet indicates
dignity and calmness, black depicts strength
or anger, red symbolizes fury or tempes-
tuousness, and white represents youth or
innocence.
An important character may be repres-
ented by two or more figures depicting
different wanda. *Semar, for instance, is
represented by his gold wanda (dunuk or
‘plump’), showing him as a pot-bellied and
pleasant character, and another all-black
(mega or ‘cloud’) figure with a smaller body
and a severe countenance. The former rep-
resents Semar in a calm, meditative, genial
mood, while the latter portrays the god-
clown in an angry mood.
Altogether, wayang iconography is highly
complex. The wide range of physical and
personality types, with variants of age and
temper for each major figure, make for an
extremely rich and yet subtle expression
WANG PENGKERAS
even within wayang’s inherent technical
limits.
wang pengkeras (Malaysia). A sum of
money, usually M$2.15, that is placed with
the various other offerings (bahan-bahan
*kenduri) during theatre consecration rituals
(*buka panggung). It goes to the officiating
ritualist.
waranggana (Indonesia). A singer in *keto-
prak, a parallel to the *sinden in *wayang
wong.
Warsa Wersi (Indonesia). One of the pop-
ular themes used by *ketoprak during its
early phase of development. In it, a brother
and sister are robbed by villains and then
assisted by someone named Jumena.
watak lucu (Malaysia). The term applies, in
general, to any comic role or character in
traditional as well as modern Malay theatre.
In many genres, such as *mak yong or *bang-
sawan, however, other, more specific desig-
nations, such as *ahli lawak or *peran, may
be used.
Wau Bermas (Indonesia), see Dewa Muda
wayang (Indonesia/ Malaysia). The term, as
used in theatre, has at least two applications.
First, it is used to refer to a puppet, espe-
cially one that is used in the shadow play,
*wayang kulit, or doll puppet theatre, *wa-
yang golek. Secondly, it refers to a perform-
ance itself, so that in wayang kulit the word
wayang means ‘performance’ and kulit indic-
ates that the figures used are made of skin;
wayang golek indicates that the figures used
are able to sway (golek) their hips from side
to side or even in circles, while *wayang wong
indicates a performance genre in which the
performers are people (wong or orang). In
the case of this final form, there is an im-
plied suggestion that the performers are
imitating puppets. In contemporary usage,
particularly in Malaysia, the term wayang has
also been extended, in the phrase wayang
gambar, to refer to films.
wayang Adam Makrifat (Indonesia), see
wayang kulit Adam Makyrifat
276
wayang bayangan (Indonesia). A general
term used for the shadow play (*wayang ku-
lit), derived from the word bayang, meaning
‘shadow’. The term is, however, more spe-
cifically applied to an early form of shadow
play believed to have started with anim-
istic religious ceremonies connected with
the worship of ancestral spirits between
1500 Bc and aD 400. During the tenth
century AD, this prototypical theatre form
developed into the classical *wayang kulit
purwa which became highly popular, as well
as into other types of Javanese shadow play.
Wayang kulit punva, in particular, sull retains
some of the religious or ‘magical’ quality
associated with this prehistoric wayang, as
well as perhaps some of its animistic reper-
toire.
wayang beber (Indonesia). A form of theatre
in which painted scrolls are used. Normally,
a narrator or manipulator (*dalang) unfolds
a scroll and then, while the scroll is on dis-
play, sings or narrates the scene or incident
depicted on it, Several scrolls together make
up a complete story. The term beber 1s de-
rived from a Javanese word meaning ‘to
unfold’. It is generally agreed that wayang
beber is a fairly ancient art form incorp-
orating two pre-existing arts: the art of the
painter and that of the narrator or story-
teller (dalang).
Available sources seem to agree that
wayang beber developed in Java fairly early,
almost certainly before *wayang kulit purwa,
the classical Javanese shadow play. The ori-
ginal form is believed to have been de-
veloped in the year AD 939 when King
Jayabaya of Mamenang wanted images of
his forefathers drawn. These were drawn
en face on palniyra leaves (daun lontar) and
were modelled on stone originals. Primitive
performances using such leaves began in
1030 during the reign of Mpu Ajisaka,
when a dalang began to use them to tell
stories without musical accompaniment. In
1224, dunng the reign of King Suryawisesa
of Jenggala in East Java, wayang beber was
expanded and a *gamelan orchestra in the
slendro scale accompanied performances.
The dalang also used Old Javanese (Kawi)
poems to tell his story. The repertoire, con-
sisting of stories derived from the Hindu

wayang beber
epics, included the *Mahabharata and
* Arjuna Wiwaha. It is believed that due to
the small size of the pictures, they were
circulated during or after the narration and
recitation of poems instead of being dis-
played, as is the general practice in wayang
beber.
Apparently, the first wayang beber scrolls
on paper were created during the reign of
King Suryahamilubur, the king of Jenggala,
possibly in the year AD 1244 when he
moved his palace (keraton) to Pajajaran in
West Java. During the same period, paper
scrolls were also used in Majapahit by King
Bratana. It is these paper scrolls that gave
the wayang beber its name. Keraton perform-
ances were accompanied by a gamelan slen-
dro while those done in rural areas were
done to the accompaniment of a single
spiked fiddle (rebab). While keraton per-
formances were intended for entertainment
celebrating great occasions, rural ones were
intended for ritual purposes (*ngruwat) asso-
ciated with healing. Up to this point in
wayang beber history, the scrolls were
painted in black and white. Colour pictures
were introduced for the first time in 1378
during the Majapahit period by King
Brawijaya I, with the colours playing sym-
WAYANG BEBER
bolical roles in the representation of char-
acters. The scrolls were also provided with
wooden sticks at each end so that they
could be spread out and planted on a
wooden base.
The first Muslim ruler in Java, Raden
Patah, set up his court in Demak in 1518,
and after the fall of Majapahit the wayang
beber scrolls were carned off to Demak.
These consisted of three sets used, respect-
ively, for ancient or classical (purwa) stories,
for stories from the *Panji cycle, and for
those derived from the story of *Damar-
wulan. Under the influence of the Muslim
saints (*wali), wayang beber was discouraged.
Instead, wayang kulit was developed with
the skin figures eschewing accurate human
representation. Thus, both medium and
form changed. Wayang beber, no longer per-
formed in the keraton, however, continued
in the countryside. Following this, in about
1630, when King Anyakrawati ruled in
Mataram, wayang kulit purwa enjoyed some
support while wayang beber was not seen.
Under King Mangkurat II in Kartasura,
however, wayang beber scrolls were rein-
troduced in a more delicate style than
previously. The principal story, *Jaka Kem-
banekuning, derived from the Panji cycle,
WAYANG CEPAK
was performed using six scrolls created in
the year AD 1692. King Pakubuwono in
Kartasura encouraged the development of
the various wayang styles, including wayang
beber. He also commissioned two wayang
beber sets done in the old monochromatic
style, used for the telling of Jaka Kembang-
kuning and Remeng Mangunjaya stories. The
sets were completed in the year AD 1735.
This period marks the last formal keraton
support for wayang beber. Although partial
sets have subsequently been located in
various places, including Pacitan in Java,
performances of wayang beber are never seen
these days and the form has thus been
consigned to museums.
In general, the wayang beber performance
style resembled that of the wayang kulit and
*wayang golek except that there was no
screen and no figures of the kulit or golek
variety. Instead, the painted scrolls were
unfolded in turn, depicting complete scenes.
Each scroll, when in use, was planted on
the wayang chest which had two rows of
holes to hold the pins. Thus, the dalang
would be hidden from the audience’s view.
A second scroll would be placed in readi-
ness behind the first scene. It would be
revealed with the removal of the first scene.
As indicated above, the performances were
done to the accompaniment of an orches-
tra which, depending upon circumstances,
varied in size and composition, the dalang
providing his narration through both spoken
text and the use of tembang kawi, sang or
recited passages, much in the manner of the
wayang kulit purwa puppeteer. Like the clas-
sical shadow play, too, wayang beber per-
formances were preceded by the making of
invocations and offerings (sesajen). The style
of puppetry was modelled partly on that of
wayang kulit purwa, so that *suluk, *jaturan,
and pocapan (*antawacana) were used, al-
beit in a somewhat less sophisticated man-
ner. The dalang, in the style of the wayang
kulit purwa puppeteer, attempted to provide
variations in his voice and manner of
speech to represent the different characters
depicted on his painted scroll. Despite its
fairly long history, wayang beber is today no
longer active. It has apparently been over-
taken by wayang kulit punva which many
scholars believe developed after wayang
278
beber. The decline could be attributed to
social and political upheavals, and the loss
of court patronage which apparently shifted
to other forms of performing traditions,
including *wayang wong, a comparatively
recent invention. It is important to note in
this respect that wayang kulit punva even
took over the spiritual functions of wayang
beber by about the year 1630. Thus, with
one of its principal raison d’étre gone, the
decline of wayang beber was inevitable. It is
possible that the decline of interest in the
painting and story-telling traditions, as such,
also led to wayang beber’s decline. One other
principal problem was the lack of con-
tinued training and the handing down of
the wayang beber tradition, something much
more developed in the other forms of Ja-
vanese wayang.
wayang cepak (Indonesia). A wayang form
of theatre in which the puppets are made of
wood. It resembles *wayang golek menak.
The repertoire for this form is derived from
various West Javanese local histories (*ba-
bad). Wayang cepak is seldom seen these
days.
wayang ciptaning (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit ciptaning
wayang dobel (Indonesia), see wayang kulit
dobel
wayang dudahan (Indonesia). The figures
which are most frequently used during a
performance (gods, clowns, weapons, etc.)
in the Balinese shadow play (*wayang kulit),
and which are placed for convenience on
the lid of the box (kotak) on the narrator’s
(*dalang) right,‘in the correct order so that
he can easily pick them up without inter-
rupting the flow of the play.
wayang dugangen (Indonesia). The charac-
ters or figures in the Balinese shadow play
(“wayang kulit) which have a forceful per-
sonality. These characters, when in battle,
rely mainly on their bare bodily strength
rather than on weapons. When these char-
acters use weapons, they are clubs and
swords, and not the dagger (keris). See also
wayang katongan, wayang kulit pranakan.
 279
wayang dupara (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit dupara
wayang gambuh (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit gambuh
wayang gedek (Malaysia), see wayang kulit
gedek
wayang golek (Indonesia/Malaysia). In
Indonesia, apart from the famous *shadow
play, manifested in many forms, the most
famous being *wayang kulit purwa and
*wayang kulit gedog which perform, respect-
ively, stories from the Indian epics, *Rama-
yana and *Mahabharata, as well as those
derived from the local *Panji romance,
there are two other significant styles of wa-
yang which, however, use wooden puppets
instead of leather or skin ones: *wayang
krucil and wayang golek.
Wayang krucil is performed using flat
wooden puppets designed in identical fash-
ion with wayang kulit figures, and sharing
the wayang kulit purwa repertoire of stories.
It is performed nowadays only in East Java,
but even there its popularity has declined so
that it is rarely seen.
The second style using wooden figures,
wayang golek, however, is very popular in
certain parts of Java, especially in the Sun-
danese areas and along the north coast in
the Cirebon district.
According to the ancient book, Serat
Pakem, wayang golek was devised by one of
the nine saints (*wali sanga), Sunan Kudus,
and first flourished in the Japara—Kudus
region where there was already a notable
tradition of wood carving. Another tradi-
tion has it that wayang golek was created by
M. A. Salmun in the year AD 1583. On-
ginally, wayang golek used the traditional
wayang kulit purwa repertoire. With further
development, however, wayang golek fig-
ures were created to perform stories from
the Serat Menak, dealing with the legendary
adventures of *Amir Hamzah, an uncle of
the Prophet Muhammad. This style, using
the Menak repertoire, came to be known as
*wayang golek menak. Other puppets were
designed to perform purwa and gedog stories
in *wayang golek purwa and *wayang golek
gedog. Thus, the three principal and popular
WAYANG GOLEK
story cycles of Javanese traditional theatre—
purwa, gedog, and menak—found a place in
wayang golek.
As to where the original inspiration came
from to create this sort of wayang remains as
yet unclear. Claire Holt (Art in Indonesia:
Continuities and Change, 1967) advances the
possibility of Chinese influence in the
northern coastal areas and the likelihood
that the rounded puppets derived from
Chinese glove puppets or marionettes. To
these, the Indonesians attached a stick, a
feature already long established in Javanese
theatre, as well as other embellishments
such as thin sticks to manipulate the arms. It
is highly likely, Holt believes, that the
Menak stories came to Java in their Persian
versions, presumably through Indian car-
riers of Islam. Holt believes that wayang
golek is possibly the youngest of all the
major wayang styles, coming after wayang
kulit and wayang krucil. This is reflected in
some of the wayang’s modern elements,
such as clothing worn by the giants who
have presumably replaced the Dutch as the
villains.
James Brandon (Theatre in Southeast Asia,
1967) speaks of wayang golek as being an
extension of wayang kulit, designed es-
sentially differently from the exterior to
serve the need for daytime performances.
Indonesian experts are of the opinion that
wayang golek was invented during the last
200 years. In the early eighteenth century, it
was introduced into Sunda from Mataram,
the most powerful kingdom of Central
Java. The following century saw the intro-
duction of Javanese stories translated into
the Sundanese language. Wayang golek, like
its predecessor, wayang kulit, received the
patronage of the rulers. Performances were
held on religious or ceremonial occasions in
court as well as in the villages, and wayang
golek puppeteers were given the same kind
of respect as was given to the *dalang of
wayang kulit purwa who have traditionally
been believed to have magical powers.
Mohd Amir Sutarga (De Wajang Golek
in West Java’, 1955) holds the view that
wayang golek originated in Central Java
because, although this form of wayang is
commonly performed in the Sundanese lan-
guage, much of the technical terminology
WAYANG GOLEK GEDOG
is derived from the Javanese. From all evid-
ence, it is thus clear that wayang golek was
created after the major wayang forms, such
as wayang kulit purwa, and wayang krucil or
klitik, had been in existence for a long ume.
As has probably become clear by now, the
repertoire of wayang golek was essentially
the same as that for the wayang punwa and
the wayang gedog which used, respectively,
the Indian epics and the Panji romance.
New developments in wayang golek, how-
ever, brought about a greater use of the
Serat Menak, so that currently the best
known and most popular of wayang golek
forms is wayang golek menak.
In terms of performance technique, there
is very little difference between the basic
wayang kulit style and that of wayang golek.
The major difference is, of course, the use
of three-dimensional wooden doll figures
instead ofskin or leather figures. In view of
the fact that the puppets themselves, and
not the shadows, become the object of the
audience’s viewing, no screen (*kelir)
used. A decorative and symbolic frame
marks the position of the screen. The dalang
in his performance is accompanied by a
complete or partial *gamelan orchestra and a
*sinden singer much in the manner of
wayang kulit. Most of the mtual aspects of
wayang kulit are not strongly observed in
wayang golek, The traditional nine-hour
performance pattern, with a might’s per-
formance being divided into three music
modes (*patef), is maintained so that the
essential aesthetics of the wayang remain the
same in both the shadow play and wayang
golek.
wayang golek gedog (Indonesia). A *wayang
golek style using three-dimensional wooden
doll puppets to perform stories from the
*Panji cycle.
wayang golek menak (Indonesia). A *wayang
golek form which depicts, through three-
dimensional wooden puppets, the legends
of *Amir Hamzah or Amir Ambyah, tales
of Arab and Persian origin believed to be
about the uncle of the Prophet Muham-
mad. In Java, Amir Ambyah is known as
Wong Agung Menak Jayengrana.
280
wayang golek purwa (Indonesia). A *wayang
golek style using stories from the Indian
epics, *Ramayana and *Mahabharata. The
figures resemble those of the classical shadow
play, *wayang kulit purwa, in features and
ornamentation.
wayang jawa (Indonesia), see wayang kulit
jawa
wayang kancil (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit kancil
wayang katongan (Indonesia). In the Bali-
nese shadow play (*wayang kulit), the figures
used are divided into various categories.
One of these categories, katongan, includes
kings and giant rulers. See also wayang kulit
pranakan, wayang dugangen.
wayang klitik (Indonesia), see wayang kru-
cil
is
wayang krucil (Indonesia). A form of pup-
pet theatre in which the figures are made of
wood, carved in relief, and painted, but
with flat leather arms. The features are sim-
ilar in design and ornamentation to those of
*wayang golek gedog. Wayang krucil is also
known as wayang klitik,
Wayang krucil performances do not use a
screen (*kelir) and are accompanied by a
‘gamelan orchestra with just a few instru-
ments based on the original gamelan, known
as gamelan lokananta, said to be created in
Ab 230.
According to the evidence of the Serat
Pakem Sastramiruda, this form of wayang was
developed in approximately AD 1735 dur-
ing the reign of Pakubuwana II. In Central
Java, where it was once active, wayang krucil
was based upon the *Damanwulan story in-
timately connected with the history of Ma-
japahit during the period Ap 1293-1478.
On the other hand, in East Java, where
it may sull be occasionally encountered,
wayang krucil uses *Panji stories as dramatic
material,
wayang kulit (Indonesia/Malaysia). The
term applies to all forms of theatre in Indo-
nesia and Malaysia that make use of skin or
 281
leather (kulit) puppets. Conventionally, such
theatre styles have been described collect-
ively as shadow plays. Strictly speaking,
however, the emphasis in the term wayang
kulit is upon the material out of which the
figures are carved rather than the effect
created by them. In the Indonesian islands
of Java and Bali, there exist daytime per-
formance varieties, such as *wayang kulit
lemah and *wayang kulit suddhamala, that,
though using skin figures, do not, strictly
speaking, qualify as shadow plays. Similarly,
the classical *wayang kulit purwa and other
‘shadow play styles’ of Java are witnessed
from both sides of the screen, so that their
designation as shadow plays, though tradi-
tional, remains open to question. See
shadow play and various entries under
specific styles of wayang kulit.
wayang kulit Adam Makrifat (Indonesia).
A form of *wayang kulit created in the
Magelang area of Java by Dwia Siswaya
and now no longer performed. Wayang
kulit Adam Makrifat used the story of Adam
and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Taman Fir-
daus) until the Fall of Man and their expul-
sion from paradise (syurga) to earth (dunia).
Other themes included Islamic mystical and
moral teachings. Wayang kulit Adam Makri-
fat used figures mainly borrowed from *wa-
yang kulit purwa.
wayang kulit babad (Indonesia). A form
of shadow play with figures that are almost
realistic in style. Similar to the wayang
kulit pakuan and *wayang kulit pantun, this
particular variety of shadow play is found
in Central Java and West Java in the districts
of Subang, Pamanukan, and _ Binong.
Wayang kulit babad derives its repertoire
from local historical or chronological
material known as *babad, the most im-
portant sources being Babad Bali, Babad
Bunten, Babad Cirebon, Babad Pakuan, Babad
Pajajaran, and Babad Pamunukan.
wayang kulit Calonarang (Indonesia). A
Balinese shadow play form which uses the
story of the witch *Calonarang. Prominence
is given to the awe-inspiring and fearsome
aspects of the story. This form of shadow
WAYANG KULIT GAMBUH
play is performed during the Balinese new
year period, particularly near or in grave-
yards, as well as in other locations regarded
as places regularly visited by evil spirits
(leyak). See also wayang kulit leyak.
wayang kulit ciptaning (Indonesia). A form
of *wayang kulit developed by Dalang Susilo
in Surakarta in 1968, and performed with-
out dialogue or *suluk. As such, the form is
also sometimes described as wayang bisu or
‘dumb wayang’.
wayang kulit cupak (Indonesia). A form of
Balinese shadow play which makes use of
the *Cupak story concerning two brothers,
Cupak and Gerantang. Although the story
itself remains popular in Bali, and is fea-
tured also in a dance-theatre style of the
same name, wayang kulit cupak is seldom
performed these days.
wayang kulit dobel (Indonesia). A *wayang
kulit form created by Amat Kasan alias Kiai
Slametan from the Slametan district of
Yogyakarta. The stories utilized derive from
Islam and are often interpreted in symbol-
ical terms to reflect Indonesian nationalism.
For instance, it is said that the white and
red, colours of the Indonesian flag, repres-
ent Adam and Eve. Similar other mystical
and spiritual values are attributed to the
other figures utilized. In form, the figures
resemble those of *wayang kulit Adam
Makrifat.
wayang kulit dupara (Indonesia). A form of
shadow play created by Danuatmadja of
Solo in the twentieth century. The stories
presented were those of Demak and, in par-
ticular, the life of its ruler, Nyai Lara Kidul.
Wayang dupara enjoyed only a brief exist-
ence due to the greater popularity of the
classical *wayang kulit purwa based upon the
* Ramayana and * Mahabharata.
wayang kulit gambuh (Indonesia). A form
of shadow play (*wayang kulit) using, for its
repertoire, stories derived from the Malat
or *Panji cycle. Although still existing in
Bali, wayang kulit gambuh is nowadays never
performed.
WAYANG KULIT GEDEK
wayang kulit gedek
wayang kulit gedek (Malaysia). A form of
shadow-puppet theatre which uses flimsy,
translucent, two-dimensional skin puppets,
some of which, unlike those used in other
Malaysian shadow play styles, are cut en face.
It is found principally in the northern
Malay states of Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis, and
Perak, and is a probable derivative from the
Thai *nang talung, although contrary to this
view, a Malay origin has been postulated
for nang talung. As performed today, wayang
kulit gedek without doubt represents a
south-east extension of nang talung, sull
active in the southern Thai provinces of
Nakhorn Si Thammarat, Satun, and Patta-
lung. The last mentioned of these provinces
is reputed to be the original home of the
genre; hence its name. Nang talung is be-
lieved to have spread south and to have
taken root on Malay soil during the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
with the movement of ethnic Thais into
northern Malaysia.
The number of active wayang kulit gedek
puppeteers (*dalang) is fairly small, probably
numbering a dozen or so in Kedah and
Perlis together, about half that number in
Kelantan, and three in Perak. At the same
time, a small number of Thai performers
of nang talung continue to operate in these
areas, maintaining their performances in the
southern Thai dialect.
In Kedah, the principal location of wa-
yang kulit gedek, and elsewhere in the Malay
areas, the genre became modified with the
use of local Malay dialects. All the same,
Thai continues to be used in invocationary
28 a
pieces, incantations, and songs. Wayang kulit
gedek seems to have become consolidated in
the Malay states in the 1930s although the
most prominent amongst present-day da-
lang received their training in Thailand.
Wayang kulit gedek puppets still continue to
be purchased from southern Thailand, the
most expedient method of obtaining them
cheaply. It is even possible for puppeteers to
have figures specially made for them based
upon their own orginal designs. Some Ke-
dah dalang make their own coarse (*kasar)
characters as well as properties, such as trees,
weapons, and even modern conveniences
such as motor-cycles and aeroplanes. Despite
strong nang talung connections, however,
wayang kulit gedek has gradually developed
an identity of its own and must be recog-
nized as a distinct form.
Performances take place on a theatre
(*panggung) built of wood and thatched
palm-leaf (attap) in a style known as ‘a
bunch of bananas’ (pisang sesikat). It is built
about 1.5 metres above ground with a
height of 2.0 metres between floor and
roof in front, a width of about 4.0 metres,
and a depth measuring the same. It is closed
at the sides and partly at the rear, allowing
access into its interior through a back door.
The front portion is covered by a white
muslin screen (*kelir) on which the puppet
figures are projected by means of a
kerosene or gas lamp, or an electric bulb.
The screen, as a common practice, has in-
scribed on its outer side, the name of the
group, its address, and sometimes the name
of its dalang. As in the case of the Kelantan-
ese *wayang kulit siam, there are in wayang
kulit gedek certain prohibitions or taboos
(pantang larang) as regards the siting and
construction of a panggung. For instance,
the theatre must not face the direction of
the setting sun. Ideally, it should face east.
Should a panggung be built facing the wrong
direction, performers, performances, as well
as members of the audience are liable to
suffer some calamity or other, so it is be-
lieved. Other taboos include the following:
(1) there must not be an anthill (pongsu or
busut) in front of the panggung; (ii) there
must not be a large tree in front of it;
(iii) there should be no river, drain, or any
flowing water in front of the panggung;
 283
(iv) the structure should be free standing; by
no means should it lean against a tree; and
(v) it should be built on flat, unshaded land,
so that it receives plenty ofsunlight.
While many of these taboos and prohibi-
tions can normally be explained away as
merely common-sense precautions, in the
wayang world they have a great deal to do
with the spiritual belief system of the dalang
and the community in which he operates.
They are ‘universal’ precautions observable,
with slight variations, in all traditional Ma-
lay performing arts and reflected at their
best in theatre consecration (*buka pang-
gung) rituals that precede all performances.
Similar taboos also apply to musical in-
struments and the figures. In all instances,
these objects must be treated with ‘respect’
due to a belief that in them reside guardian
spirits (penunggu or penggawa). It is thus
highly disrespectful, even dangerous, for
anyone to step on or over the puppets or
instruments. Anyone responsible can be-
come the victim of any of a host of
maladies, including possession. In extreme
instances, a shaman (*bomoh) may be re-
quired to perform exorcism, at the same
time rendering offerings and apologies to
the enraged spirits.
Wayang kulit gedek puppets are made of
calf skin. They are flimsy, colourful, and
translucent, with intricate carvings and de-
signs punched into them. A whole set now-
adays consists of acurious mixture offigures
designed in the conventional style and those
outrageously modern. This latter category
includes pirates, soldiers, buxom ladies
dressed in the latest Western fashion or
tight-fitting sarongs and blouses with plun-
ging necklines, and cigar-smoking gentle-
men in suits, ties, and top hats. Overall, the
puppets are so designed that each represents
a single character. As a general rule, only
one arm is articulated, it being jointed at
the shoulder, elbow, and wrist. The fixed
arm normally wields a weapon, such as a
sword or bow in the case of male charac-
ters, and a bouquet in the case of female
ones. Clowns, servant-attendants, and peas-
ants have both arms articulated. In addition,
their lower jaws are often movable.
Characters can be divided into three cat-
egories: (i) refined (*halus) characters con-
WAYANG KULIT GEDEK
sisting of divine or semi-divine heroes,
princesses, and certain demons (yaksha) who
are also believed to have divine origins;
(1) coarse (kasar) characters consisting of
demons and rough or uncouth human
characters; and (iii) clowns and comic
servant-attendants. The refined characters
are more often than not well decorated
with elaborate clothing and jewellery. They
tend to be physically small, with the excep-
tion of yaksha. Kasar characters, particularly
violent demons, tend to be large and bulky
with protruding eyes and teeth, visible
gums, and long claws. The final group of
characters are usually made of thicker skin
painted in black or other dark colours so
that they emerge on the screen in rather
bold shadows. In all instances, the various
types of figures are further characterized by
their stance, manner of speech, behaviour,
and so on, so that it is fairly simple to
identify the categories they belong to.
A dalang normally keeps his puppets in
one or more folios made of thatched or
plaited split bamboo. A set may consist of
anything between 100 and 200 puppets,
including accessories such as weapons,
vehicles, and trees. In an average evening’s
performance, however, no more than fifty
or so of those are utilized, depending upon
the story selected. Often, a single puppet
serves to represent different characters in
different stories, so that puppets are iden-
tified not in terms of individual characters
but of types. Some of the major characters,
however, are presented by specific figures
quite easily recognizable on their appearance
upon the screen. This applies to noble
characters, to the rough ones, as well as to
clowns and supernumeraries.
The musical accompaniment to a wayang
kulit gedek performance is provided by a pair
of inverted gongs (canang), a single-headed
stick drum (geduk), a single-headed hour-
glass shaped drum (gedumbak), a pair of hand
cymbals (kesi or ching), and a double-reed
oboe (serunai). Additional instruments some-
times include a pair of suspended gongs
(tetawak) and wooden clappers. Modern in-
struments are beginning, in some instances,
to find their way into the wayang kulit gedek
orchestra.
The musical pieces (lagu) generally used
WAYANG KULIT GEDEK
in performances are divisible into three
broad categories. These are: (i) the pieces
for walking (lagu-lagu berjalan), (u) the
pieces for war situations (lagu-lagu perang),
and (iii) the pieces which serve to accom-
pany bathing, relaxation, or courtship situ-
ations (lagu-lagu inang). The walking pieces
include specific ones for the king (raja ber-
jalan), *maharishi (maharisi berjalan), and for
the *dewa panah (dewa panah berjalan). Some
of the tunes in this category are slower and
are intended for refined characters, includ-
ing females. Demons have walking tunes
that are faster and deliberately more rhyth-
mic (rancak). The third category of tunes is
lyrical in character, and sometimes has ac-
companying song texts. In addition to these
conventional tunes, a host of non-wayang
tunes drawn from local folk music and from
Malay as well as north Indian (Hindustani)
films have found their way into perform-
ances, both to add variety and to sustain
audience interest.
While the *Ramayana story, based upon
the Thai *Ramakien, was apparently at one
time regularly featured in wayang kulit ge-
dek, this is no longer true. On the contrary,
Ramayana episodes are these days hardly
ever performed although some dalang do
know the principal events in the epic. The
contemporary wayang kulit gedek repertoire
consists of about twenty stories derived
principally from nang talung and con-
sequently based upon Thai literary or folk
antecedents. In addition, Malay folk-tales
and romances in adapted versions are com-
monly used. Some of these come from
Middle Eastern or Indian literary sources.
One final source of stories is the 1magina-
tion of the dalang themselves. New stories
are invented using traditional motits derived
from classical or folk literature. A leading
dalang’s repertoire, for instance, consists of
Puter’ Tiga Warna, Anak Yatim, Siti Dewi,
Siti Zubeidah, Awang Kudis Gatal, Harapan
Keciwa, Anak Derhaka Ibu) Merana, Puteri
Dua Belas, Nasib si Miskin, Puteri Ajaib,
Cerita Raden Mas, and Puteri Mayang Mas.
Minor differences in repertoire may be
found from dalang to dalang and from one
district to another, and the list presented
here is by no means all-inclusive. Often,
only selected episodes from these stories are
284
used so that the actual active ‘repertoire’ is
considerably larger. Some of these stories
last several performance nights, while others
are completed in single-night performances
lasting approximately four hours between
8.00 p.m. and midnight. The emphasis,
however, is invariably upon comic pieces
which, as a matter of convention, allow for
the use of completely invented or topical
material.
The wayang kulit gedek performances are
divisible into two broad types: those in-
tended for ritual purposes and those meant
for entertainment per se. Ratual performances
never take place for healing or shamanistic
purposes. On the other hand, they are done
as part of vow fulfilment (*pelepas niat or
membayar nazar) and for the salutation of
teachers (*upacara sembah guru). In the first
instance, there must be a previously ex-
pressed vow (niat) to perform wayang kulit
gedek upon the attainment of a specific wish
or desire. Sembah guru performances take
place annually. They become necessary if
a dalang has inherited the art of wayang
through a line of master puppeteers. If,
however, his ancestors (nenek moyang) were
not dalang, then the necessity for such a per-
formance does not arise. A religious cere-
mony or prayer must be held every year by
this latter category of dalang. This has, in
most instances, nowadays taken on an
Islamic character, a small feast (kendurt) fol-
lowing the prayers, and effectively taking
the place of a wayang kulit gedek perform-
ance. As a rule, spiritual performances are
not substantially different from normal en-
tertainment ones. Additional prayers or
invocation texts (*mantera) are included in
the *buka panggung rituals as well as in the
section marking the appearance of Pi Phrai,
the dalang’s representative (wakil dalang).
Occasionally, a puppeteer enters into a
trance state. Otherwise, performances re-
main structurally the same and are not
governed by any restrictions as regards
repertoire.
As in other traditional Malay theatre
genres, all wayang kulit gedek performances
commence with the theatre consecration
rituals (buka panggung). For these, several
preliminary arrangements have to be made,
including the placing of musical instruments
 285
and musicians in their appropriate positions,
generally behind the dalang and to his right
side, and the preparation ofthe offerings: a
betel leaf container (tepak sirih) with betel
leaves and betel-nuts, three candles, and a
sum of M$2.15 as money intended for the
dalang (wang pengkeras). For spiritual per-
formances, in addition to the betel leaves
and betel-nuts, other requisite items are as
follows: five candles, parched rice (bertih), a
jar of water, rice flour (fepung tawar), tur-
meric rice (beras kunyit), and M$6.15 or
M$12.15 as wang pengkeras.
The theatre consecration rituals consist
of several inter-connected ceremonies.
These are: (1) the blessing of the balai or
theatre (buka balai/bansal); (1) the consecra-
tion of the musical instruments (*buka alat-
alat muzik); (11) the ritual preparation ofthe
dalang himself (*pemujaan diri dalang sendiri);
(iv) the consecration of the banana tree-
trunk (*pemujaan batang pisang) on which
the puppets will later stand; and (v) the
drawing of the diagram or ritual symbol
(Iukisan gambar rajah) on the banana tree-
trunk.
As soon as a wayang kulit gedek troupe is
ready to perform and the lamp behind the
kelir or screen has been hit, the dalang places
two puppets, a refined one, usually Seri
*Rama, and an unrefined deity or ogre
character on the batang pisang, their shadows
falling on the screen. These are emplaced to
show respects to the Mahaguru, the ulti-
mate teacher, and to the dalang’s immediate
guru. Several other puppets, including a
maharishi or two, a clown figure, usually
Kieau, and a couple of refined characters
are planted in readiness on the banana tree-
trunk to the dalang’s right, but not in a
position to cast any shadows on the kelir. All
other puppets are placed on the stage floor
to the right and left of the dalang, on two
banana tree-trunks that run along the right
and left walls of the panggung, and upon a
string tied across the stage from left to right
at approximately 2 metres in height roughly
half-way between the kelir and the back
wall.
The rituals begin with the placing of the
offerings before the dalang, and the lighting
of the three candles. These are placed, re-
spectively, at the front of the maharishi
WAYANG KULIT GEDEK
figure on the banana tree-trunk, at the rim
of the gedumbak placed to the dalang’s right
with its open end pointing towards stage-
centre away from the batang pisang, and on
the floor between the dalang and the batang
pisang, almost directly in front of him. The
first candle is important, for the maharishi is
regarded as the chief (ketua) of the pangeung.
In the event that the performance is being
held for a ritual purpose, the remaining two
candles are used in the following manner: -
the fourth candle is lit and placed at the
mouth of the jar containing water, and the
final candle, lit while the vow (niaf) is being
silently said, is placed in the betel leaf con-
tainer, later on to be placed by the sponsor
or person for whom the performance is
being held (tuan kerja) at the stage-centre in
front ofthe keliv, on its outer side. The other
articles of offerings are placed in the water
which is to be used for a ritual bathing cere-
mony upon the completion ofthe wayang.
Once the preparations have been thus
made, the dalang, with the palms of both
hands joined and placed at the chest point-
ing outwards towards the screen, reads an
incantation (mantera) and warms his hands
in the flame of the candle nearest him. This
is done three times. At the fourth time, again
taking heat from the lighted candle, he
wipes his face. The pembukaan balai/bansal
consists of purifying the stage through the
recitation of invocations (jampi, serapah, or
mantera) addressed to environmental spirits
and minor deities whose identity remains
the dalang’s well-guarded secret. It is also
intended to inspire or raise the confidence
or spirit (menaikkan semangat) of the dalang,
the musicians, and the members of the
audience.
The orchestra consecration (buka alat-alat
muzik) involves the ‘opening of the voices’
of the instruments. The dalang begins with
the gedumbak, rubbing it gently with some
betel leaf at the rim in a circular fashion
while reciting a request to the instrument to
sound like the voice of David (Nabi Daud),
the singer-prophet of the Old Testament.
The dalang next warms the bottom of the
instrument, the side with the skin tautly
stretched across it, over the candle flame
and strikes it several times in increasing
intensity, thus initiating it or ‘opening its
WAYANG KULIT GEDEK
voice’. He hands the instrument back to its
player. Similarly, the dalang treats the stick
drum (geduk), the inverted gongs (canang),
and the cymbals (kesi) by turn, each time
addressing the instrument, warming it
gently over the candle flame, and starting it
off. The oboe (serunai) is often not treated
in this manner. Its player starts it off by
reciting the necessary invocation and sound-
ing it, to ‘open’ its voice. The ritual of thus
addressing the instruments is connected
with the belief that each instrument con-
tains a resident or guardian spirit (penunggu
or penggawa).
The next ritual consists of the dalang’s
selfpreparation (pemujaan diri dalang sendiri).
The dalang recites a mantera or charm after
which he wipes his body, beginning with
the toes and feet, and rising upwards along
his legs up to his knees. This 1s all done in a
sitting position, his hands constantly warmed
at the candle before him. Similarly, the
dalang wipes his hands, arms, face, and, fi-
nally, his head several times, applying candle
heat to these parts of his body as well. Thus,
his whole body is ritually cleansed by fire.
He next uses his right thumb to touch the
roof of his mouth and then repeats the
process of wiping his face and head. Done
several times, this is intended to improve
his voice and his performance technique by
strengthening his spirit (*semangat). The
ritual is believed to enhance a dalang’s per-
formance and to ensure an interested, even
‘charmed’ audience in an atmosphere of
peace, the malicious spirits surrounding the
environs of the theatre neutralized.
The fourth ritual involves the drawing of
a magical formula or diagram (lukisan gam-
bar rajah), a charm against evil. The dalang
takes one of the comic figures, Kieau, and
using the handle as an inkless pen, draws
the diagram on the batang pisang directly in
front of him at the foot of the two puppets
emplaced against the screen.
The final ritual in this series is the con-
secration of the banana trunk (pemujaan
batang pisang) in which the dalang, extend-
ing his arms as far as they will go and pla-
cing them on the batang pisang, gradually
draws them inwards towards the centre
of the banana tree-trunk to the position
occupied by the Seri Rama and the dewa
286
figures. Reaching the centre, he recites a
prayer and removes his hands jerkily, even
violently, uttering a cry which serves as a
signal for *lagu bertabuh, the opening or
signal piece, which the orchestra now plays
to mark the formal opening of the theatre.
The theatre consecration rituals effect-
ively conclude with lagu bertabuh. Several
other preliminaries, however, come before
a story is either started or continued from a
previous night. They consist, basically, of
the introduction ofthree characters: Maha-
rishi or the sage, Dewa Panah or the godling
with an arrow, and a refined godling named
Pi Phrai, usually described as the dalang’s
representative (wakil dalang). In certain non-
ritual performances, Dewa Panah is omitted.
He is, however, always used in ntual
wayang kulit gedek.
Before the introduction of Maharishi,
the two earlier puppets emplaced against the
screen are removed. The Mahanshi puppet
is wiped or rubbed, and addressed (dipesan)
silently. This puppet is the first one to
move across the screen. This is done several
times, first from the dalang’s right to his left,
and then, upon exit and re-entry, from the
left to the right. Maharishi does several
‘digging’ motions with his magic walking-
stick (tongkat). The figure is then placed
standing on the batang pisang where it
performs the salutation gesture (sembah) and
recites a Thai charm. It dances once again
and is removed from the screen.
Pra *Isuan (or Indra) on an ox is next
brought on to the screen, and dances across.
In some instances, two other puppets, one
refined and the other coarse, both godlings,
take the place of Pra Isuan.
Finally, Pi Phrai emerges. Before its
entry, however, the dalang, once again
touching the roof of his mouth with his
nght thumb, touches one particular spot on
the screen near its centre, just above the
banana tree-trunk, several times. Pi Phrai is
then introduced to the audience. He does
the salutation gesture three times. The
fourth time, after being addressed and
Kissed by the dalang, the figure is moved in
a slow walking motion across the screen.
The sembah is performed again, and now,
lying horizontally across the screen with
face pointed downwards towards the

banana tree-trunk and the ground, Pi Phrai
performs a salutation to the earth (bum).
This is done three times. Similarly, lying
horizontally across the screen and facing the
sky, Pi Phrai salutes the sky twice. The
puppet is then removed with a jerk. A
moment later, it enters again, this
addressing the audience on behalf of the
dalang. This process of entering, addressing
the audience, and going off is repeated
several times, Pi Phrai asking in a sing-song
manner for its indulgence and forgiveness
for any mistakes the dalang may make in the
performance about to commence.
While the buka panggung rituals only take
place on the first night of a season or series
of nights, these three characters, Maharishi,
Dewa Panah, and Pi Phrai, are brought on
to the screen in the manner already outlined
every night. With the ending of Pi Phrai’s
address, the signal piece, lagu bertabuh, comes
to an end. The story for the night is intro-
duced by two comic characters, usually Ai
Tong and Kieau. They seek the audience’s
indulgence and forgiveness in case ofshort-
comings in the forthcoming performance.
They also announce the title of the story
about to be performed, and sometimes, in
an indirect manner through their discus-
sions, they provide a brief synopsis. The
principal characters in the story selected by
the dalang are now placed in a row on the
kelir to be seen by the audience. They are
removed one by one, and the story begins.
As already indicated, the performance
procedure for ritual performances remains
essentially the same as for non-ritual ones.
In the Pi Phrai portion, for instance, the
dalang provides additional information re-
garding the name of the sponsor (tuan kerja)
for whom the performance is taking place,
and indicating whether it is going to be one
for pelepas niat or upacara sembah guru. All
performances close with a simple ceremony
to close the panggung (*tutup panggung). This
consists mainly of reciting certain mantera
expressing gratitude to the co-operative in-
visible forces that have ensured a successful,
hapless performance. In the case of mtual
wayang, the tuan kerja now takes a cere-
monial bath, using the water with various
offerings placed on-stage during buka pang-
gung. This is done to remove any malicious
287 WAYANG KULIT GEDOG
influence subsisting as a result of the visit of
spirits. Others present, performers and au-
dience members alike, may wash their faces
or hands in the same water, or perhaps even
take some home for drinking.
Wayang kulit gedek continues to enjoy
time some popularity in rural Kedah although
few dalang are able to perform fully in the
Malay language. Some visiting nang talung
puppeteers operate in predominantly Thai
districts and in the vicinity of Buddhist
temples, particularly during festivals. Like
other better-known performing arts of the
Malay peninsula, however, wayang kulit
gedek, too, is becoming the victim of mod-
ernization and the lack of government in-
terest and support. While some dalang have
taken the initiative oftraining younger ones
to inherit wayang kulit gedek, there is really
very little incentive to continue the tradi-
tion. In these circumstances, the future of
wayang kulit gedek looks bleak.
wayang kulit gedog (Indonesia). One ofthe
earliest and most important of Javanese
shadow play styles, it is said to have been
created by Sunan Gin, one of the famous
nine Muslim saints (*wali sanga) who
preached Islam in Java, in the year 1485. It
deals with the exploits of Raden *Panji Inu
Kertapati, the medieval Javanese culture
hero, from the Panji cycle of stories based
upon the Serat Panji. This choice ofspecial-
ized theme has given rise to a suggestion
that the word gedog, used as a designation
for this type of shadow play, may mean
‘horse’, since several of Panji’s names, as
well as names of other characters from the
Panji story, have the word horse. Names
such as Kuda Wanengpati, Kuda Pangrawit,
and others are cited as examples. There are,
nevertheless, other views regarding the
meaning ofgedog.
Wayang kulit gedog uses puppets made of
buffalo hide resembling, in general form,
the figures used in the classical *wayang kulit
purwa, but displaying differences in costum-
ing, hair-styles, and weaponry. There is also
a distinct absence of giants in wayang kulit
gedog, which is performed using the *ganie-
lan in only the pelog scale. These days,
wayang kulit gedog is rare in Central Java, but
continues to be staged in East Java, with the
WAYANG KULIT JAWA
innovation that its repertoire has been
expanded to include stories from the
* Damarwulan legends.
wayang kulit jawa (Indonesia). A form of
*wayang kulit created in 1937 by R. N. Ng
Dutadipradja of Solo, Central Java, using
stories concerning Javanese history. Among
its principal themes were the wars or cam-
paigns of Gajamada, Hayam Wuruk’s
general, during the Majapahit period and
Deponagara’s struggles against the Dutch.
Wayang kulit jawa is hardly ever performed
today.
wayang kulit kancil (Indonesia). A shadow
play form specially made for children and
created by Bah Bo Liem of Solo in 1925.
The puppets were made of wood and the
repertoire included stories depicting the
activities of the cunning mouse deer, *Sang
Kancil, as well as its relationships with other
animals such as the tiger, the elephant, the
tortoise, and the monkeys. Although
intended primarily for children, wayang kulit
kancil’s stories contained moral and philo-
sophical teachings suitable for adult audi-
ences as well. In 1943, the wayang kulit
kancil puppet collection was enlarged by M.
Syed to about 200 figures. Wayang kulit
kancil is seldom performed nowadays. A
version of wayang kulit kancil was also devel-
oped by the present compiler at Universit
Sains Malaysia in Penang in 1983.
wayang kulit keling (Indonesia). A form of
Javanese shadow play once active in the
northern coastal regions of Central Java, but
today more or less localized to the Peka-
longan area. It is believed that the genre
was first introduced in Pekalongan during
the wars of Deponegara (1825-30) by some-
one named Ki Goenawasesa. The etymo-
logy of the word ‘keling’ in its name has
been variously explained.
Performed especially for ceremonial and
ritual purposes, including harvesting and
healing (ruwatan), its intention is to free
oneself from trouble (bencana) in special cir-
cumstances. For instance, it would be spon-
sored by or performed for someone who is
an only child in a family. It is, in these func-
tions, similar to the Balinese *wayang kulit
288
suddhamala, for it is not done for the pur-
pose ofentertainment.
The repertoire of wayang kulit keling 1s
broader than that of the classical shadow
play, *wayang kulit punwa, for stories per-
formed include those related to the birth of
Adam, Sang Hyang Wenang, and reach
up to the time of Pakubuwana IV. Musical
accompaniment is provided by a *gamelan
orchestra tuned to the pelog scale. In addi-
tion, however, other instruments including
trumpets are used.
wayang kulit khatolik, see wayang kulit
wahyu
wayang kulit kuluk (Indonesia). A form of
shadow play invented by Hamengku Bu-
wana V (r. 1822-55) during his reign. It
developed and spread principally in the
Yogyakarta area, and the stories dealt with
the Yogyakarta/Mataram court history.
There is today no interest in this wayang
form.
wayang kulit leger (indonesia), see sapuh
leger
wayang kulit lemah (Indonesia). A form of
the Balinese shadow play required as a ritual
of purification and performed at various
consecration and animism ceremonies, in-
cluding *odalan, and at temple birthdays.
The performance of wayang kulit lemah is
featured at every sacrifice performed for the
gods or demons (bota). The designation, wa-
yang kulit lemah, implies that it is a daytime
performance. It may, however, also be per-
formed in the evening. The special feature
of wayang kulit lemah as a genre is the ab-
sence of both .the screen (*kelir) and the
lamp (*damar) to project shadows of the
puppets. As such, wayang kulit lemah, though
a wayang kulit form, is not, in effect, a
shadow play and the skin puppets can be
viewed from either side. In view of wayang
kulit lemah’s ntual function, the puppeteer
(*dalang) is often considered to be perform-
ing for a supernatural audience.
wayang kulit leyak (Indonesia). A form of
Balinese shadow play which uses as_ its
theme the story *Calonarang, depicting the
 289
legend of the magical widow, *Rangda,
from Girah, who spread disease and disaster
during the reign of King Airlangga in Ke-
dirt. See also wayang kulit Calonarang.
wayang kulit lilinong (Indonesia). An East
Javanese *wayang kulit form found espe-
cially in the districts of Cianjur, Karawang,
and Bekasi, as well as in Jakarta. Wayang ku-
lit lilinong stories represent everyday events,
and comedy is inevitably included.
wayang kulit madya (Indonesia). A form of
Javanese shadow play (*wayang kulit) created
during the reign of Pangeran Mangkuna-
gara IV (eighteenth-nineteenth centuries)
and intended to provide a link between the
periods covered by *wayang kulit purwa and
*wayang kulit gedog; hence the term ‘madya
which means ‘middle’. It was designed to
tell the legendary history of the period
between the great Bharatayuddha war and
the founding ofthe kingdom ofJenggala.
The stones of wayang kulit madya were
written or invented by R. Ng Ranggawar-
sita in his Pustaka Raja Madya and a book
of mythology, the Hajipamasa, which deals
with the coming of the Hindus to Java. The
stories are, therefore, chronologically much
older than those of wayang kulit gedog, al-
though their use in wayang is more recent.
They represent an extension of the parwa
cycle, beginning with *Perikesit (Udayana/
Yudana) and ending with Raja Angling
Darma. The lakon include Babad Memenang,
Pelem Ciptaras, Udrayana Kurban Ular, Gen-
drayana Lahir, Jayabaya Lahir, Jayabaya Naga-
deg Raja, and others.
Wayang kulit madya performances use
figures resembling those of *wayang kulit
purwa, with certain differences in detail.
Wayang kulit madya performances are rare
nowadays.
wayang kulit malaysia (Malaysia). The
name was given to a form of shadow play
developed by Ghulam-Sarwar Yousof and
Hamzah Awang Amat, Malaysia’s best-
known puppeteer (*dalang) at Universiti
Sains Malaysia in Penang, Malaysia, in
1979:
Wayang kulit malaysia resulted from a
project aimed at enhancing interest amongst
WAYANG KULIT MELAYU
Malaysians, particularly in urban areas, in
the shadow play by expanding its repertoire
beyend the traditional sources—the * Rama-
yana and *Mahabharata—used in *wayang
kulit siam, *wayang kulit purwa, and *wayang
kulit gedek. It was expected, too, that wa-
yang kulit malaysia would be found less
objectionable from a religious point of view
compared to the older styles which use
the Hindu epics, and which are invariably
steeped in pre-Islamic rituals. Also, to en-
hance appreciation of wayang kulit, the new
form used standard Malay (bahasa Melayu)
instead oflocal dialects.
Stories selected for wayang kulit malaysia
came from a variety of sources, including
the Malay Hikayat Raja Muda, the Indo-
Muslim romance * Bunga Bakawali, and the
Monkey King story from the Chinese. The
story of *Sang Kancil, the wily mouse deer,
was developed for children. New puppets,
representing leading characters from each
of these stories, were designed. The orches-
tra of the wayang kulit siam, as well as some
ofits tunes (lagu), were borrowed for use in
the new form.
wayang kulit melayu (Malaysia). A form of
shadow play performed in Kelantan state, it
is a variant form of *wayang kulit purwa. It
has a much reduced *gamelan orchestra, and
innovations include the use of the Kelan-
tanese Malay dialect with a blend of Old
Javanese, as well as an expansion ofits rep-
ertoire to include the *Panji cycle of me-
dieval Javanese romances in addition to a
selection of wayang kulit purwa’s classical
* Mahabharata-derived repertoire. Other ele-
ments include the borrowing of *wayang
wayang kulit melayu
WAYANG KULIT MENAK
kulit siam manipulation and puppet articu-
lation techniques, as well as some of its
rituals. Wayang kulit melayu is now virtually
extinct.
wayang kulit menak (Indonesia). A form of
shadow-puppet theatre created by Truna-
dipa of Baturetna, Surakarta, in Central Java.
It was designed to depict the life of *Amur
Hamzah, an uncle of the Prophet Muham-
mad, or, as he is known in Java, Wong
Agung Menak and Umar Maya. The rep-
ertoire is based upon the Serat Menak.
wayang kulit pancasila (Indonesia). After
independence, a number of new shadow
play (*wayang kulit) forms were created in
Indonesia, both to commemorate the re-
volution and to cater for the new audience
of the time. Amongst these was wayang kulit
pancasila, created in 1949. In the belief that
wayang could continue its traditional role as
a medium of education and entertainment,
the Ministry of Information designed
wayang kulit pancasila to tell modern Indo-
nesian history and, more specifically, to
illustrate the replacement of Dutch colo-
nial rule by the new Republic of Indonesia
founded upon the principles of pancasila
which form the foundation of the Indo-
nesian constitution.
For this new wayang form, the basic
*wayang kulit purwa figures were retained
with certain modifications, while others
depicting new characters were also created.
*Arjuna, for instance, wears military head-
gear and totes a gun as his revolutionary
weapon. Renamed Nusantara Putra (son of
Nusantara), he is used as a protagonist in
the struggle against a giant king, symbol
of colonialism, to gain Dewi Merdekawati,
symbolizing Indonesian independence.
Dutch names, including those for the coun-
try, Holland, and Queen Wilhelmina, were
changed to express ridicule and for satirical
purposes. The story expounded in alleg-
orical terms Indonesia’s struggle for inde-
pendence and the popular desire to develop
a sovereign state based upon pancasila. The
five *Pandawa brothers of the classical
* Mahabharata repertoire became allegoric-
ally the five principles of Indonesian na-
tionalism.
290,
Wayang kulit pancasila uses modern Indo-
nesian (bahasa Indonesia), as well as modern
tunes. Due to its topical nature, however,
much of the appeal of wayang kulit pancasila
has declined over the years since its incep-
tion.
wayang kulit pantun (Indonesia). The term
pantun technically refers to poems composed
as quatrains, and usually used in traditional
theatre forms such as *bangsawan, or fea-
tured independently of theatre in competi-
tions involving the recital of pantun. In
West Java, however, there exists a form of
story-telling known as dalang pantun in
which a performer, also known as dalang
pantun, accompanies himself on a lute (ke-
capi), and recites stories using the pantun
verse style. This particular activity is said to
have inspired a shadow play style known as
wayang kulit pantun, with special skin pup-
pets created for it. The genre was developed
by someone named Somu from Ciparay in
the district of southern Bandung, and it is
active in the Pajajaran region of West Java.
Wayang kulit pantun figures are more
realistic than in the classical forms of shadow
play, costumes for the figures being derived
from styles popular in the Pajajaran region.
The repertoire of stories, similarly local in
ongin, includes Ciung Wanara, Sumur Ban-
dung, Munding Laya, Mintar Laya, and yet
others. On the whole, wayang kulit pantun is
not popular, possibly due to the unfamiliar
stories.
wayang kulit perjuangan (Indonesia). A
form of shadow play (*wayang kulit) created
in 1944 by R. M. Sajid in Surakarta, Cen-
tral Java, to tell the history of the Indone-
sian struggle for independence as well as
other local stories. Wayang kulit perjuangan
was later combined with *wayang kulit
kancil, the whole set consisting of about
200 puppets.
wayang kulit pranakan (Indonesia). In the
Balinese shadow play (*wayang kulit), the
figures used are divided into various cat-
egories. One ofthese, pranakan, also known
as putran or putren, includes figures repres-
enting the sons or daughters of kings or
 291
knights. See also wayang katongan, wayang
dugangen.
wayang kulit purwa (Indonesia/Malaysia).
According to most opinions, wayang kulit
purwa is the oldest form of shadow play
(wayang kulit) in Indonesia. The name wa-
yang purwa may be translated as ‘the wayang
of the beginning’ or ‘the ancient wayang’,
using stories from Javanese mythology as
contained in the Serat Pustaka Raja Purwa.
Etymology supports the view that wayang
kulit purwa is possibly of considerable an-
tiquity.
An alternative explanation is that the
term purwa is derived from parwa, the chap-
ters or sections of the Hindu epic, *Maha-
bharata. The epic contains eighteen sections.
Wayang kulit purwa is thus, by means of
this definition, regarded as the shadow play
which depicts stories from the parnwa of the
Mahabharata. By extension, its repertoire
has also come to include episodes from the
second Hindu epic, * Ramayana.
Wayang kulit purwa and its accompanying
*gamelan music have reached a very high
level of artistic development in Central Java
and it is with that region that the shadow
play is principally associated, although it is
found in many variant forms elsewhere in
Indonesia and beyond. The development
of the technique and source material of
wayang kulit purwa have been influenced by
many factors.
Precise details of the wayang as performed
in the early and middle Javanese kingdoms,
including Majapahit, are no longer known.
It has, however, been suggested that the
wayang kulit punva of Bali probably retains
some of the characteristics of these early
styles. This view is supported by the similar-
ity between the style, ornamentation, and
composition of Balinese wayang puppets and
the figures depicted on the stone carvings
of the East Javanese Panataran Temple. The
Balinese figures are, on the whole, more
naturalistic in design than the Javanese ones.
Changes in the features and ornamenta-
tion of wayang kulit purwa figures have, over
the years, resulted in many distinctive re-
gional styles, reflecting geographical, aes-
thetic, and local cultural differences. Wayang
kulit purwa has been enriched, too, with
WAYANG KULIT PURWA
newly designed figures, some of them giv-
ing clues to their dates by their names. Such
additions include Buta Cakil-Penyareng,
Buta Endog, Buta Terong, Buta Rambut
Geni, Kenya Wandu, Betari Durga, and
Betara Guru (Siva). Additional figures of
animals and weapons have also been created
to enlarge wayang kulit purwa sets. Some
of the principal characters, to add greater
interest, subtlety, and variety, have been
designed in three or four different moods
(*wanda). Musical content and technique
have been elaborated to the extent that
contemporary wayang kulit purwa perform-
ances can be regarded as aesthetically and
technically high.
Wayang kulit purwa stories are derived
from a number of sources: adaptations of
stories taken directly from the Hindu epics,
Mahabharata. and Ramayana; adaptations
from old books of mystical allegory, such
as *Arjuna Wiwaha or Ciptaning Mintaraga,
Partawiguna or Makuta Rama, and *Lakon
Dewaruci; adaptations of indigenous and In-
dian mythological material resulting in such
examples as Neruna-Neruni, Watu Gunung,
Mumpuni, Mikukuhan, Sri Maha Punggung,
Batara Sri Mantuk, and Purwakala or *La-
kon Murwakala, extension stories from the
Mahabharata and Ramayana with the in-
clusion of elements from other legendary
sources, resulting in such tales as _Jalabadra
Rabi, Partakrama, Pandawa Dadu, and Pan-
dawa Apus, and, finally, specially written
stories utilizing characters from the Maha-
bharata and Ramayana. The result of this
final step is stories such as Bondan, Peksa
Jandu, Petruk Dados Ratu, Mustakaweni,
Kuntulwilaten, Sri Denta, Tugu Wisesa, Sida-
lamong, Mayanggana Suksma Dadari, Semar
Papa, Dewa Kesimpar, and Pandu Pregola.
Many wayang stories, principally due to
their content or spiritual meaning, are per-
formed only on special occasions, including
marriage or the seventh month of preg-
nancy. On the former occasion, stories such
as Partakrama, Jalabadra Rabi, Krena, Kem-
bang, Suyudana Rabi, and Invan Rabi may be
featured. Special stories performed at cere-
monies associated with the seventh month
of pregnancy include Lahire Permadi, Lahire
Lara Ireng, and Lahire Sentyaki. These are
done in the hope that the child in the
WAYANG KULIT PURWA
womb, if a boy, will be as handsome and
influential as Permadi (*Arjuna), and as
physically strong as Sentyaki, and if a girl,
that she will be as beautiful and amiable as
Sembadra, also known as Lara Ireng.
At the actual birth and the cutting of the
umbilical cord are performed stories telling
of the birth of Mahabharata and Ramayana
heroes. Circumcision ceremonies are ac-
companied by the performance of heroic
tales, such as Narayana Mandung, Kartawt-
yoga, Narasoma, and Gandamana. Family
celebrations, such as the recovery of amem-
ber of the family from serious illness, suc-
cess in examinations, and other occasions
for domestic joy, provide the opportunity
for the performance of light, entertaining
stories such as Partadewa or Petruk dadi Ratu.
Village purification ceremonies preceding
the planting of crops are marked with
special stories, such as Mikukuhan, which
deals with the origin of the gift of seeds
from the gods and with their promise of
good crops, and Sri Maha Punggung, which
tells of the undertaking by two deities to
protect the crops from disaster or disease.
AtJavanese purification ceremonies exclus-
ively for children, or upon the breaking ofa
grinding stone, or the upturning of a rice
pot, the Lakon Murwakala or Purwakala
story 1s used, while in Bali the Lakon Sud-
dhamala or *Sapuh Leger, which are similar
in character to the Murwakala story, are
featured.
It is clear, then, that many stories of the
wayang kulit purva repertoire are intimately
connected with the life and well-being of
the village community and that over the
centuries, despite changing social and other
circumstances, their significance has not
diminished.
The art of wayang puppetry, representing
a culmination of the Indonesian aesthetic
expression, brings together many arts in
harmonious unity: the visual arts, vocal and
instrumental music, drama, literature, and
dance. The puppeteer has to be proficient
in all of these and to integrate them skil-
fully. Only in this way can he breathe life
into the wayang stories, capture the ima-
gination of his audience, and involve them
emotionally in his activity. It is reportedly
said in the Arjuna Wiwaha, that a good
292
puppeteer (*dalang) will be able to bring the
audience into a dream world, make them
weep when a puppet is in distress, cause
them to laugh when it is happy and boister-
ous, and that representations of cruelty and
injustice should evoke passionate concern
in the audience.
The stylized wayang kulit purwa puppets
do not, as a rule, represent human personal-
ities in a naturalistic manner. They do not
have the same physical proportions as found
in human anatomy. The neck is dispropor-
tionately long in relation to the body, the
arms reach almost to the feet, while the toes
are not in correct relationship to the rest of
the body from the point of view of per-
spective. The colours of the faces—white,
black, pink, red, and sometumes green or
blue—are never encountered in human
beings. This is because the wayang figures
express the subjective emotions of the art-
ists concerned. They are designed to con-
vey abstract qualities of personality through
visual means.
A view that some of these elements of
stylization in the wayang figures were intro-
duced by Islamic religious teachers, and in
particular by the nine saints (*wali sanga) of
Demak to counter the Islamic injunction
against naturalistic representation of the
human form, has been lent weight by the
fact that the Balinese wayang, which has not
been affected by Islamization, has features
similar to those of the East Javanese Hindu
period, which look fairly naturalistic.
Each wayang figure provides a visual in-
dicator of psychological make-up and per-
sonality, in addition to the expression ofthe
artist’s own feelings toward that particular
character. Thus, for instance, the nose may
be designed in different ways, according to
the character represented. The walimiring
nose, shaped like a small knife or dagger, is
given to characters such as Arjuna, Samba,
and Lord *Kresna. It indicates fineness of
character and nobility. The pelokan nose is
like a part of a mango fruit and indicates
even greater, if cruder, power. It is to be
seen on the Buta Raton, Bragalba, and
other giant figures. The pangotan nose with
the gusen mouth indicates savagery and
cruelty. This 1s given to Indrajit and Kangsa.
The bentulan nose, expressive of force, is
 293
found on Gatutkaca, Gandamana, and Sena.
The bruton nose, possessed by *Bagong, in~
dicates clownishness, while the sumpel nose,
also clownish, is given to *Semar and Lim-
buk. The terong glatik or eggplant nose,
given to *Gareng, is also a clown’s nose.
The long cempaluk nose is another example
of a clown’s nose as seen in the figure of
*Petruk. The giants Terong and Congklak
have the fterong-kopek nose, also shaped like
a big aubergine. The pisckan nose is given
to *Togog, Bilung, and the monkey host
(*wanara). It is indicative of buftoonery.
Mouth and lip shapes also express per-
sonalities. The Kshatriya figures have the
damis mouth, which shows a fine and sens-
itive character. Patih Sangkuni, who is a
very mean character, and Kartamarma have
the gusen tanggung mouth. Boma, Dursasana,
and Durmagati have mouths which show
the gums (gusen). All of the giant kings,
their counsellors, and warriors, have open
mouths, showing the gums and teeth. This
type of mouth is referred to as the ngablak
mouth.
The lines of the eyes and eyelids also
express character and personality. Warriors
and kings have gabahan eyes, in the form of
rice kernels. Some characters, such as *Ba-
ladewa and Sencaki, have kedheleb eyes, in
the shape of soya beans. The kedondongan
eye has the form of the fruit of the same
name, and is given to Sangkuni and Karta-
mana. The telengan eye is bold and haughty,
and is the distinguishing characteristic of
Gatutkaca, Wrekudara (*Bima), and Gan-
damana. The pelengan eye is used for char-
acters who have cruel natures—Indrajit, for
instance. The penanggalan eye resembles a
crescent moon and indicates a shifty, un-
trustworthy character such as that possessed
by Cakil and Pandita *Durna. The kolikan
eye, sometimes known as the kelipan eye, is
possessed by Semar and Buta Galijuk. The
plolo eye, seen in Togog and Bagong, indic-
ates stupidity and gullibility.
The wayang artists depend considerably
on these features to communicate their
views of the principal wayang characters.
There are also other indicators of character,
including the angle of the neck and the
shoulders. Thus, a lanyapan warrior has a
gay spirit and bearing, while the luruh war-
WAYANG KULIT PURWA
rior 1s gentler and quieter. Although equally
strong in battle, the latter relies more on his
magical powers than upon brute strength.
In the female figures, a similar difference is
seen in the angle of the neck and shoulders
according to whether the character is, like
Snkandi, gay and vivacious, or more with-
drawn and gentle as is the case with Sembo-
dro, whose figure is known as wayang putri
luruh.
Finally, colour is another factor indicat-
ive of differences between the characters.
Young nobles and kings have white or
gilded faces while those who are older have
black ones. Thus, the young Arjuna has a
white face, while in maturity he is known
as Janaka and has a black face. Red is used
to express boldness, and has various shades.
Giants have dark red faces. Green, blue, and
other colours express less desirable charac-
teristics such as greed and untrustworthi-
ness. They are found in characters like
Citraksi, Citaraksa, and certain other giants.
The colour of the body, too, can express
different characteristics and moods. Kresna,
when seated on his throne, has a golden
body. When dressed for battle or in a dan-
gerous or critical situation, however, his
body is painted black and his face is up-
turned. Wrekudara, when he is in battle,
particularly the final battle, is also painted
black.
The ornaments express differences in age
and personality. In his youth and glory,
Arjuna has armbands and bracelets, but as
Janaka, a father, he assumes a more mature,
plainer appearance.
The distance between the feet of the
puppets and their stances are also indicative
of character. Warriors with subdued char-
acters have their feet close together, while
bolder warriors have straddling stances.
Thus, the wayang artist, by means of
decorative techniques, establishes character
and mood while also reflecting his attitudes
towards his figures. The technique of draw-
ing these figures is in itself borrowed dir-
ectly from the distinctive style of temple art,
particularly as seen in Candi Panataran,
Candi Jago, and other temples and temple
complexes of East Java.
Beside these individual technical details,
the grouping of the wayang figures falls
WAYANG KULIT PURWA
into distinct categories. The term *wayang
katongan is applied to figures representing
kings and giant rulers. *Wayang
pranakan (or putran, putren) are the sons and
daughters of kings or soldiers. Some are
gentle lke *Abimanyu, some gayer like
Samba. The term *wayang dugangen in-
dicates a forceful personality. The charac-
ters in this class, when in battle, rely mainly
on their bodily strength rather than on
weapons. When weapons are used, they are
clubs and swords rather than daggers (keris).
There are also groups of god figures,
such as Brahma, Indra, Panyarikan,
Narada. Besides these, there are the nymphs
Apsan, Bidadani, Suprabawati, Tunjung
Biru, Imm-Inm, and other dwellers
Suralaya, the seat of the gods.
The group of apes (*wanara) consists of
their king Sugriwa, *Hanuman, and other
leaders of apes in the Ramayana stories.
The giant king, his counsellors, and
other officers constitute the danawa group,
and the *punakawan are the clowns and
servants, including Semar, Gareng, Petruk,
Bagong, and Togog. The ricikan wayang
consists of a large group, such as the army
and animals like the garuda bird, the
dragon, the horse, and the elephant. This
group also includes weapons.
The term wayang mugran refers to figures
that are not copied from classical models,
but are innovations. An Arjuna figure other
than the Arjuna Jimat, Mangu, or Kanyut
would thus be a wayang mugran.
There is, further, special terminology to
describe the positions of the figures when
they are lined up on either side of the
screen before and during a performance.
The initial arrangement 1s called *wayang
panggungan or simpingan. *Wayang dudahan
are those figures which are most frequently
used during the performance (gods, clowns,
weapons, and so on). These are placed for
convenience on the lid of the wooden chest
on the puppeteer’s right, in correct order,
to enable him to pick them up easily and
without having to interrupt the flow of
his performance. The placing of the wayang
figures at the screen when they are in use is
in itself an exercise in artistic grouping.
The figures in sets are placed in readiness
294
to the right and the left of the puppeteer
before a performance begins. In Bali, the
kulit dalang places his wayang on the wayang rack
at the beginning of the performance, ac-
companied by the musical piece gending
gender, skar ginotan, or batel angkat-angkatan.
On the left side are placed the goddess
Durga, the giants, and other evil figures,
while on the night side are placed Siva,
Nawaruci, Garuda, the *Pandawa, and other
noble or heroic figures. This is then fol-
lowed by the placing of the kayon or
*gunungan, the tree figure, at the middle of
and the screen and the placing ofall the figures
the dalang plans to use in his performance.
Following these preparations, the narration
in opens to the accompaniment ofthe pengalas
arum melody, and the penyacah panva is
recited.
Music in the Javanese wayang kulit con-
sists of gamelan music in the slendro and pelog
modes, as well as songs such as the patetan,
ada-ada, and *sendon. In Balinese wayang
kulit, these are known as pengalang and tan-
dak. A large range of gamelan tunes is used
during the course ofaperformance to create
atmosphere and to provide dramatic accom-
paniment. Expressions of joy, sorrow, an-
ger, serenity, and conflict are all indicated
by different gamelan tunes and by the songs
sung by the puppeteer. The gamelan music
is thus not intended merely as accompani-
ment, but as an important evocative ele-
ment vital to the development of a story.
The terms sulukan, *patet, sendon, ada-
ada, greget saut, and tandak relate to the most
important songs in the wayang kulit play.
The paret (in Bali, called pengalang sendon or
lepita) is used to create a mood, sometimes
with the accompaniment of the gamelan,
sometimes without it. The text of the song,
sulukan, enables a narrator to evoke differ-
ent moods for different scenes.
The patet are arranged in three groups:
patet nem (from nem or six) which are used
in the early part of the performance before
midnight; patet sanga (from sanga or nine)
which are featured until three or four
o'clock in the morning; and. patet manyura
which are then used until the performance
ends at about six o'clock in the morning.
All the individual songs are also named.
 295
The suluk greget saut and ada-ada are used
to accompany violent or exciting events.
Ada-ada is used in the first section in the
patet nem to provide excitement and to
draw the attention of the audience to an
important character.
Suluk greget saut nem gede marks a tense
and angry debate or when an embassy
gathers its bodyguards in the courtyard be-
fore setting off. Suluk nem cilik also accom-
panies angry scenes. Suluk astakuswala lavas
barang miring accompanies the parade of
officers and soldiers on setting out for
battle. Suluk greget saut sanga marks a tense
situation at the beginning of a battle be-
tween heroes and giants. Suluk greget, saut
mangealan, and palaran are used during
pauses between sallies in such a battle. Gre-
get saut manyura cilik is used to indicate a
tense situation in the late section of the
play. Greget saut manyura gede marks a crit-
ical moment in the final battle.
Besides the lyrics, every ada-ada greget
saut song is accompanied by a rhythmic tap-
ping on the side ofthe wayang kulit chest to
add to the excitement of the music (sese-
gan).
Vocal and instrumental music thus plays
a highly important function in maintaining
dramatic atmosphere and setting the mood
during a wayang kulit performance.
The classical wayang kulit purwa perform-
ance is accompanied by the gamelan in the
slendyo mode. The *wayang kulit gedog, on
the other hand, is done to the accompani-
ment of the gamelan in the pelog mode.
A very important element in wayang
kulit, and considered by some to be the
most important aspect of the art, is the
manipulation of the puppets themselves. In
general, the art of manipulation consists of
specific techniques, including the following:
*tanceban, *bedolan, *lampah and_ jaranan,
*perang ampyak, *perang kembang, *perang
gagal, wayang dugangen, *perang kewan, and
*perang sampak (amuk-amukan).
Tanceban is the art of placing the puppets
on the banana tree-trunk during an actual
scene. They must be composed in an art-
istic grouping. For instance, the king must
be placed in a grave and dignified relation-
ship to this courtiers, and the courtiers in
WAYANG KULIT PURWA
their due rank. A scene in the palace must
give an impression of pomp, while a scene
in a hermitage must reflect simple piety. In
court or hermitage scenes, the principal
figures are placed on the narrator’s right,
subordinates on his left. Similarly, import-
ant and lesser characters are taken off-stage
to the right and left, respectively. Before a
fight, the puppets must have an aggressive
posture. The art of the tanceban is, therefore,
used to convey mood and personality, even
when the puppets are not being moved,
and to provoke the interest ofthe audience.
Bedolan is the art of plucking the puppet
from its base in a smooth and fluid manner.
It is very difficult to move a large, heavy
giant figure with sufficient strength without
an appearance ofjerkiness. On the other
hand, when a small female figure is being
handled, a very delicate touch called metit is
required. Soldiers and other larger figures,
of course, need to be grabbed more firmly.
When an army or any other group figure is
lifted, part of its base as well as its central
support is gripped, for additional steadiness.
This grip is called nyagak.
Lampah is the imparting ofthe illusion of
movement to the figures of the puppets. It
is influenced by several factors, such as the
age ofthe character, personality, sex, and so
on, as well as mood and function at the
moment of movement. For instance, Wre-
kudara leaps with great strides, Gatutkaca
flies, while gay young female characters
skip lightly. Older female characters move
more quietly, giants bluster, monkeys are
acrobatic, and all the other animals have
their characteristic movements.
One point where the narrator can spe-
cially display his skill is in the scene when
the army is dispatched on an expedition.
In this scene, there are many simultaneous
movements: the bustle of the officers, the
preparation of the soldiers, and later, the
movement of the cavalry. Needless to say,
this requires the use of both hands (budalan
technique). The right hand moves the
knight, the left, the group of soldiers. And
so the army moves with a vibrating, busy
effect, to convey the sense of large num-
bers. Thus, it may be seen that it takes great
ability on the part ofthe narrator to give life
WAYANG KULIT PURWA
to the figures and to avoid monotony.
The technique of handling puppets dur-
ing a fight or violent activity also has several
styles, each with its own name: perang amp-
yak, perang gagal, perang kembang, *perang
Kshatriya, perang kewan, perang sampak, man-
yura, or amuk-amukan, interpolated with
tayungan dances.
Perang ampyak is a scene of great activity
which usually takes place after the depar-
ture of the army from its camp and when
it encounters obstacles which have to be
cleared. To symbolize the obstacle, the gu-
nungan figure is placed on the left-hand side
of the screen. After the narrator has ex-
plained the situation, the army symbolically
beats against the gunungan to show the ob-
stacle being cleared or surmounted. Thus,
the scene represents co-operation and com-
munal effort in overcoming difficulties. The
army moves from right to left, struggles
with the gunungan, and indicates the build-
ing of the road, the bridging of a river, or
the scaling of a mountain pass. When the
scene is concluded, the dalang once again
takes up the story and describes the destina-
tion of the army.
Eventually, the commanders and their
followers encounter the outpost and guards
of the kingdom they are entering. The en-
suing fight is called the perang gagal, because
in this fight no blood is shed; the fighting is
with fists. Finally, the heroes use their ma-
gical powers to summon up a great wind or
must to confuse and disperse the enemy.
Perang kembang is technically one of the
more exacting tests of the dalang’s skills of
manipulation, It commonly takes place at
about 1.00 or 2.00 a.m. The fight involves
a prince or princess and a group of giants
who menace and attack the hero or heroine
on a journey. Before the fight, the leading
character is shown in a jovial or relaxed
mood, exchanging banter with clowns in a
scene of delightful comedy. This scene is
interrupted by the arrival of the giants. The
puppeteer is at the height of his powers in
this scene, handling delicate movements
while singing the songs and delivering the
quick-fire dialogue of the clowns. It is by
this scene and that which ensues that the
skill of the narrator can best be judged. All
the subtle movements are indicated by
wrist and finger movements. The principal
296
movements include the giving of rapid
blows with the nght and left hands, the
grabbing of the keris, and the disarming and
killing of the giant by the hero by means of
his own ken. ,
In perang Kshatriya, use is made of keris
and arrows. The warnors’ power lies not in
their physical strength, but in their magic.
Most of them cannot be wounded by steel
weapons. Magical arrows are used. These,
when shot from the bow, multiply a thou-
sandfold. The arrows may turn into balls of
fire, a rainstorm, or a tempest. Sometimes,
no visible weapons are used, the conflict
being waged by means ofspells and magical
incantations. Whole armies of immortal
spirits appear, and a warrior can himself
assume the form of a giant, a garuda bird, a
lion, a tiger, a great snake, wind, or fire.
Female characters also fight with daggers
and arrows. On the death of her lover, a
princess commits suicide by means of a keris
in preference to falling into the hands of her
beloved’s opponent.
The technique of perang sampak, some-
times also called perang amuk-amukan, is
nearly the same as that of perang gagal. Wre-
kudara fights and defeats the giant king and
all his forces when they attack the Pandawa.
In the middle of the fight, there is a sym-
bolical dance by Wrekudara presaging vic-
tory. This is known as tayungani.
The movements in perang kewan depend
on the different natural weapons of the
various anumals involved. A great snake will
try to swallow its victim, a garuda bird will
fight with its talons and beak, an elephant
uses his trunk and tramples his opponent,
while monkeys bite and throw stones and
other missiles.
The complex language of the wayang is
divided into the following types: *jaturan,
*cerita, “antawacana (ginem or pocapan), and
*uudanegara. Jaturan sets a scene by means of
a word picture to the accompaniment of
softly played music. A description may, for
instance, be given of the wealth, power,
and glory of akingdom, and of the wisdom
of its leaders; or an account may be given of
the beauty of a woodland hermitage; per-
haps of the magical beauty of the seat of the
gods. Several styles and levels of language
are featured in a single performance. At
times, the dialect of the common people is

used, at other times the formal speech of
princes. Often the two are subtly mingled,
the common language being used in the
actual description, the more formal language
when the audience is addressed directly.
Cerita is the straightforward presentation
of a description without musical accom-
paniment. Antawacana is the manner in
which the puppeteer presents the dialogue
to the audience. It is also known as pocapan
or ginem. For example, Kresna, though
king, has a very light voice; *Yudhisthira
speaks in a bland, urbane style; Srikandi
gaily and coquettishly; Sembodro’s speech
is delicate and gentle, while the giants are
coarse and blustering. The narrator’s style
of speech must also communicate the at-
mosphere of a scene, be it quietly conver-
sational, hilarious, solemn, or threatening.
The acquisition of this skill depends as
much on an in-depth understanding of the
various personalities appearing in a wayang
scene as upon skill in mimicry.
Udanegara refers to the actual phraseo-
logy of a speech-style with an appropriate
degree of formality. Thus, conversation be-
tween friends is more casual than a formal
audience with the king; not only the man-
ner but the language used is different, since
the Javanese language has degrees of form-
ality. A brother speaking to a sister uses
a different set of idioms from that used by a
son speaking to a father. There is, too, a
special language of challenge when two
warriors face each other in imminent com-
bat.
The wayang performance is an overall
blending together of all these disparate but
artistically necessary elements into an art-
istic unity. The bringing together of art,
music, speech, and the movement of the
wayang figures must be done in such a way
that a performance is not only entertaining,
but also educative and inspiring. This is
the job of the master puppeteer(dalang). A
classical wayang kulit purwa performance
normally lasts the whole night, following a
well-defined structure. Every performance
commences with an overture (falu). This
talu presents the summary of all the move-
ments to be played and moods to be revealed
and pictured in the coming performance.
The performance begins on a tranquil and
solemn note, goes into gay.and happy
LDH WAYANG KULIT PURWA
moods, and concludes with an exciting
climax.
According to experienced dalang, the
movements in a falu have a mystical signi-
ficance, expressing the merging of the
female and male principals, resulting in the
creation of a human being in the human
world (arcapada). From the time of his con-
ception, a human being who will actively
take part in the moulding ofa good society,
a in promoting world peace and human
welfare, or, alternatively, one who will
bring destruction and chaos to the world,
has been created. What he will do depends
on the penance of his parents and his des-
tiny in this fleeting world.
After the puppeteer has taken his place in
front of the screen and has knocked five
times on the case, the gamelan music starts
with a movement called the karawitan to
accompany the first act in the patet nem
mood.
In the first act is narrated a story about a
particular kingdom and its problems. A
short summary of the problems which are
to be encountered during the performance
is presented, discussed, and the solution to
the problems considered. This first act in-
volves a symbolic revelation of personal and
individual problems predestined for every
creature. The fate of any human being to
be created on planet earth has already been
determined by the Almighty (Hyang Wid-
dhi). This problem offate is discussed in the
next scene, set in the inner court (kadaton)
and picturing the merging of fathercand
mother and thus determining the personal
characteristics of the new creature to be
born. The next scene shows the king (Sang
Prabu) ascending to the Sanggar Pamjuan, a
place for meditation, and praying to the
Almighty (Hyang Wisesa) for the well-being
ofthe child. This illustrates the penance and
vows of the father and mother, and their
concern for the fate of the creature soon to
open his eyes on the changeable world illu-
minated by the sun (Hyang Surya) to fulfil
his duties.
The birth of the new creature is wel-
comed with much noisy gaiety and hap-
piness by the subjects outside the palace, as
shown in the outer court (*paseban jaw)
scene. The child commences to use his
five senses (pancaindera) and his intellectual
WAYANG KULIT PURWA
faculties. In the course of his life, nursed by
his parents and community, he encounters
the various struggles and _ difficulties
symbolized by the perang ampyak and the
perang gagal. These difficulties can only be
overcome by firm determination, as shown
in the perang ampyak.
Severe afHictions will be encountered by
the child in his life. He starts to accumulate
experiences and to review his life as sym-
bolically illustrated in the perang gagal. In
this scene, Warno Kshatriya is killed, mean-
ing that the young creature is still unable to
curb his passions. In the scene of sabrangan,
there is always narrated the story of Raja
Dewana, the king of giants, who falls in
love with a princess, a daughter of the
Kshatriya king. To gratify his passions, he
uses his whole army to abduct the desired
princess.
As the young creature enters the stage of
spiritual adolescence, he simultaneously
enters a world of paradox, illustrated by the
tumultuous *gara-gara and the meditating
youth. This gara-gara is brightened up by
jokes and quips from the four punakawan
who all try to console the meditating Ksha-
triya wrapped in solemnity and sorrow.
Their tranquillity is suddenly disturbed
by the appearance of Dewana Prepat, a
messenger of the king of giants. The giants
attack the Kshatriya and thus the perang
kembang in the patet sanga mood ensues.
All the giant-messengers are killed by the
supernaturally endowed dagger (keris) or by
the magical arrows of the meditating war-
rior (Sang Pertapa). This scene illustrates
the ability of the spiritually mature creature
to curb his passions and to start looking for
a meaningful philosophy of life. The perang
kembang is frequently followed by a scene in
the hermitage (pertapaan), which also serves
as the dwelling place of Sang Maha Wiku, a
holy teacher. The Kshatriya meets him and
receives an education in the philosophy re-
lated to state affairs as well as the moral
perfection of life. This act symbolizes the
state of maturity of the young creature, who
noOW possesses a mature mind and elevated
ideals. Sufficiently supplied with wisdom
and some conception of life, he is now fit
to accomplish his life’s duty with honesty,
298
devotion, and determination. Here, the
problems of life are approaching their final
destination, namely the appearance of man
before God the Creator. The perang sampak
manyura or perang amuk-amukan (the final
total war) breaks out. This symbolizes the
efforts of earthly passion, power, and the
senses to destroy and sweep away the hu-
man soul at the point of death. Bima is the
only Kshatriya who is strong enough to
destroy the supernatural enemy as well as
the king of the giants who is running wild.
This means that only will-power, truth,
sincerity, and virtue can conduct the hu-
man soul to God and prevent it from going
into limbo (alam sunjoruri). Truth, sincerity,
purity and will-power, virtue and uni-
fication with eternal life are illustrated by
placing the kayon in the middle of the
screen, thus ending a performance.
In the past, a *wayang golek performance
was usually given after an all-night wayang
kulit purwa show, with the single intention
of sumulating the audience to explore the
story and search for the hidden meanings of
symbols, scenes, and words.
The screen (*kelir), before which the
puppets are manipulated, is a clean white
cloth stretched in front of the dalang. In the
mystical meaning of the shadow play, it
symbolizes the universe (jagat raya) in which
the people live their lives individually and
as members of society. The banana tree-
trunk (*gedebong) symbolizes the earth. An
oil lamp (blencong) with a single wick, which
illuminates the kelir and simultaneously
animates the shadows of the puppets, illus-
trates the rays of the sun, which give life
and energy to every creature in the world.
The rows of puppets to the left and right of
the dalang are arranged in a certain order,
suggesting that, in every human being’s
mind, a struggle between good and bad
occurs every minute of his life. Only by
being composed and kind-hearted can man
find the nght way to true life.
Every human being has the duty to
search for truth and devotion to the abso-
lute, although he cannot detach himself
from the Creator (Sang Dalang) who has
destined the course of all lives in this world.
Even the movements of the puppets have
 299
to harmonize with the sounds of the game-
lan which symbolize the rhythms of the
cosmos.
wayang kulit Ramayana (Indonesia). The
Balinese shadow play (*wayang kulit) based
upon the Hindu epic, *Ramayana. The wa-
yang Ramayana 1s accompanied by a *gender
wayang ensemble with additional percussion
which plays background music (batel,
angkatan-angkatan) to accompany the battles.
wayang kulit sandiwara (Indonesia). A
form of *wayang kulit first presented in the
city of Surakarta in 1964. The name *sandi-
wara relates it to another form, oftraditional
theatre popular in Malaysia and Indonesia.
In this wayang kulit form, the sandiwara ele-
ments utilized included painted scenery.
Wayang kulit sandiwara was created by
S. M. Sajid, and the stories used were taken
from the *Ramayana and *Mahabharata. It is
now seldom performed.
wayang kulit sasak (Indonesia). A form of
shadow play (*wayang kulit) in which the
design of the figures resembles those of
*wayang kulit gambuh. Wayang kulit sasak
stories are usually derived from the Islamic
Hikayat Amir Hamzah or Menak cycle. This
form of wayang is found only in the Karan-
gasem district of Bali. Sasak is an alternative
name for Lombok. It is believed, therefore,
that wayang kulit sasak originated on that
island.
wayang kulit gedek
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
wayang kulit siam (Malaysia). The most
active and widely distributed style of Ma-
laysian shadow play. It is found in Kelantan,
Trengganu, Pahang, and in the Patani re-
gion of southern Thailand. In Kelantan,
its principal base, dozens of puppeteers
(*dalang) are still active, although their
number 1s rapidly diminishing. The language
used is the Kelantanese—Patani dialect of
Malay. The principal wayang kulit siam story
is the *Hikayat Maharaja Wana, one of the
two major literary versions of the *Rama-
yana, the other being Hikayat Seri Rama.
Stories most popular both among dalang
and audience, however, are extensions or
branch stories (*cerita ranting) of Ramayana,
whose numbers are at present still inde-
terminate. These are wholly or partly
invented accretions to the basic story of the
epic, known as the trunk story (*cerita
pokok).
How old the Malay shadow theatre is,
and where it came from, may never be
known, Its past remains concealed in the
mists of time. There is no epigraphic evid-
ence to indicate if it did exist in any his-
torical period on the east coast or in the
northern states of Peninsular Malaysia, still
its principal location.
As to its origin, certain interesting specu-
lations have been advanced. Generally, two
directions of flow, both taking India as a
starting-point, have been mentioned: (i) a
movement from southern Thailand into the
northern Malay states, and (11) a flow from
Indonesia, more precisely Java, into Johore
and thence to Selangor. The north-south
flow in recent decades introduced *wayang
kulit gedek into Kedah, Perlis, as well as parts
of Kelantan and Perak, while Javanese mu-
gration to Peninsular Malaysia im recent
times brought *wayang kulit purwa.
These explanations, only partly satisfact-
ory, altogether ignore the possibility of a
much earlier existence of the shadow play
in the Malay peninsula. They do not explain
the development, independently or as de-
rivatives of other styles, of wayang kulit siam
and *wayang kulit melayu. In particular, wa-
yang kulit siam, the most widely distributed,
popular, and aesthetically unique of the
four Malaysian styles—wayang kulit siam,
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
wayang kulit gedek, wayang kulit melayu, and
wayang kulit purwa—needs further in-
vestigation. Its present distribution is in
Malay-speaking territory on both sides of
the Thai—Malay border. Culturally, it is
‘Kelantan—Patani’ in character. Strong Ja-
vanese influence, all the same, suggests bor-
rowings and syncretism with wayang kulit
purwa. Wayang kulit stam also betrays a
strong affinity with other co-regional
theatre genres, in particular *mak yong and
* main puteri.
Extant early documents offer little help
in establishing wayang kulit history. The
seventeenth-century Hikayat Patani makes
no reference to it. Sejarah Melayu (The Ma-
lay Annals) refers to a tune, lagu Seri Rama,
indicating a possible knowledge of the
Ramayana, but it too contains no mention
of the shadow play. Hikayat Hang Tuah,
Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa (Kedah Annals),
and other local histories are similarly silent
on the subject.
All of this suggests one of two possibil-
ities: (i) that there was no shadow play until
recent times in the territories covered by
these works, and (ii) that perhaps the shadow
play existed but not at court, since the focus
in these sources is principally upon court
history. They contain little, if any, evidence
of life and manners outside court circles.
While, therefore, on the whole these highly
important classical histories and_ literary
sources are surprisingly silent on the shadow
play, the possibility of its existence in the
Malay peninsula at a fairly early date cannot
be altogether discounted.
Turn of the century and subsequent
sources, principally Western, while provid-
ing more generous information, belong to
an altogether different category—descript-
ive materials with no real attempt to explain
wayang kulit origins. Although intrinsically
important they, nevertheless, do not con-
cern themselves with this problem.
One exception worth citing—Mubin
Sheppard’s (“The Comic Characters in the
Malay Shadow Play’, in Taib Osman (ed.),
Traditional Dance and Music of South-East
Asia, 1974) belief that the Malay shadow
play came from Java during the reign of
Long Yunos—remains to be substantiated.
Thus, the above and yet other theories
300
and opinions need further definition, elab-
oration, clarification, or substantiation be-
fore a viable theory to explain the origins of
the various forms of wayang kulit, obviously
an important and entrenched cultural fea-
ture in the Malay peninsula, emerges.
Wayang kulit siam performances depend
upon the following elements: (i) the theatre
(panggung); (ii) the puppeteer (dalang);
(iii) the puppets; (iv) the orchestra, together
with the musicians; (v) the repertoire of
stories.
The panggung is a simple operating box
raised about 1 metre above the ground,
measuring about 3 metres in breadth and
about 4 metres in length. The front open-
ing is approximately 3 metres between
floor and roof, while at the rear the open-
ing becomes smaller, usually just enough to
allow a person to enter through a door
placed in the back wall to which access is
gained by means of a simple ladder. The
side walls seldom, if ever, have windows,
while the front of the theatre, completely
open, is concealed by means of a screen
(*kelir) which is stretched ught across the
opening. This is the screen on which the
shadows of the figures are to be projected.
The panggung roof projects — slightly
forwards, beyond the front pillars and the
floorboards, and the screen is affixed to the
panggung so that it alts inwards slightly,
facing downwards. Spectators sit on the
grass or on crude rustic benches. The pang-
gung is generally constructed of wood and
thatched palm (attap). These days, however,
zinc has increasingly become fashionable
roofing material.
The construction of the panggung and
even the selection of a site for it are guided
by certain ancient taboos.
1. A strip of land bounded by either
water or swamp
2 . A spot where there is a tree stump or a
hole
3. A place where there is an abandoned
well
4. A site near a main thoroughfare
5. A place where four or more roads meet
6. A place emitting an unpleasant odour
7. Asite facing the setting sun
8. A site near a mosque or smaller prayer
house (surau)
 301
9. A site near a particular variety of coco-
nut palm (kelapa gading), believed to
be a type against which a genie, Jinn
Petrakala, leans
10. A site near human habitation.
Most of these precautions are explained
in terms ofpossible attacks by offended en-
vironmental spirits, and ensuing harm to
performers and members of the audience.
Today, of course, these restrictions regard-
ing the site for a panggung are explained
purely in terms of safety and/or conveni-
ence.
Traditionally, wayang kulit siam theatres
were constructed in a very specific manner,
in terms of the planting of posts and other
sections of the buildings. Special offerings,
invocations, and prayers were offered, usu-
ally by a dalang or a qualified medicine man
(*bomoh). These practices, just as the design
of a traditional theatre, however, are fea-
tures fast dying out from the milieu of
traditional Malay theatre with rapid mod-
ernization.
The skin figures are, during a perform-
ance, planted in two banana tree-trunks
(*batang pisang) placed at the bottom of the
screen (kelir). Figures not in immediate use,
and therefore unlikely to appear on the
screen (wayang simpanan), are placed at
the end of the banana tree-trunks or along
the panggung walls. If needed during a
performance, these figures are handed to
the dalang by an assistant or one ofhis musi-
cians.
Suspended from the top and positioned
roughly at screen-centre is a lamp. This
used to be an oil or paraffin lamp, but mod-
ernization has been at work here, too, so
that today an electric bulb invariably serves
the purpose.
The puppeteer takes his position at the
panggung front, roughly at mid-point, so
that he is at the same position as the lamp,
and is thus able to use it to cast shadows
of the figures he handles. The musicians
arrange themselves in a conventional man-
ner, with the oboe (serunai) player approx-
imately in line with the dalang, and the rest
behind him.
The central figure in any wayang kulit
performance is the master puppeteer
(dalang), usually addressed respectfully as
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
Tok Dalang. Generally a master of many
skills, the dalang bears upon himself consid-
erable responsibilities. Apart from manip-
ulating the puppets, he provides voices to
all his characters and develops the plot
through dialogue, narration, commentary,
and the use of songs. In addition, he func-
tions as the conductor of the wayang
orchestra and as a ritualist. In this latter
capacity, his activities range outside a per-
formance and beyond the precincts of a
theatre (panggung). Apart from conducting
ceremonies for consecrating or ritually
opening a theatre (*buka panggung) and
those for closing it (*tutup panggung), he
provides his skills in healing and exorcism.
Such skills as a medicine man or shaman
(bomoh) are utilized not only for members
of his troupe and his audience, but are also
placed at the service of his village com-
munity.
An individual may become a dalang for
one ofseveral reasons. The primary cause is
almost always the fact that he experiences
intense pleasure from watching wayang
kulit, and that he has an urge (*angin) to
perform it. Thus, seldom is the wayang kulit
handed down in a direct line of descent
within a family. A potential dalang generally
becomes an apprentice to a guru of his own
choice, one not necessarily connected to
him by ties ofblood.
A potential dalang usually begins as a
musician in an established group, thereby
obtaining basic knowledge and an under-
standing of the shadow play in_per-
formance. Any innate talent, interest, and
abilities he may possess are further de-
veloped and consolidated during _ his
apprenticeship. The abilities desirable in a
potential dalang include a suitable voice and
voice range to sing and to be able to mimic
a wide range of character types. An ability
to tell a story effectively and interestingly so
as to attract and sustain audience interest
over long periods oftime is understandably
regarded as an important asset.
The apprenticeship also serves to con-
solidate performance skills. These include:
the development of expertise in character
identification; the development of a suit-
able repertoire, including the basic plot of
the Hikayat Maharaja Wana; the ability to
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
conduct essential rituals; the mastery of the
wayang’s special language; and the under-
standing oftaboos connected with the pang-
gung, the instruments, and the puppets. The
period of training initiates a dalang into wa-
yang rituals and into mysteries connected
with esoteric knowledge (ilmu kebatinan or
ilmu dalam). Certain novice dalang simul-
taneously acquire the optional skills of fa-
miliarity with the musical pieces and their
specific functions, as well as the ability to
design and make puppets and musical in-
struments. As a general rule, dalang seldom
make their own puppets or instruments.
Some acquire these skills well after the
completion of their basic training.
The completion of apprenticeship is
marked, by a novice dalang, with the per-
formance of a three-night ritual (*berjamu
or pelimau) wayang intended to salute his
teacher (*upacara sembah guru). Such a per-
formance enables him to formally receive
the training he has been imparted. Hence-
forth, he is a qualified dalang who can,
should the opportunity arise, teach others.
The knowledge received from his guru is
regarded as a keepsake (amanah) of the guru,
to be used and handed down with a host of
attendant conditions and requirements. He
must henceforth observe the many taboos
(pantang larang) attached to the wayang.
The basic techniques utilized by a dalang
during a performance consist of the follow-
ing:
1. The technique of arranging and ma-
nipulating the puppets;
2. The technique of developing a story.
The arranging of the wayang figures upon
the banana tree-trunks (batang pisang)
guided by certain important rules of con-
duct which an officiating dalang is expected
to be familiar with. The figures cannot be
arranged at random. Those puppets not in
frequent use are placed at the extreme ends,
to the dalang’s right and left. The overall
principle that operates is that the ‘good’ or
noble characters are placed on the puppet-
eer’s right, and those belonging to the ‘evil’
camp are placed on his left. All puppets thus
placed on the batang pisang must custom-
arily face inwards towards the dalang and
away from the screen (kelir). Thus, during
performance they are face to face with the
dalang and musicians.
302
The movements of the puppets are di-
vided into two broad categories: refined
(*halus) and coarse (*kasar). They typify the
characters, so that all figures in a dalang’s
collection may be described in terms of
these two categories. There are, of course,
varying degrees of refinement or coarseness
in the figures. Often a mixture of external
features and internal qualities of character
determine the exact position ofa figure on
the halus—kasar scale, which takes into ac-
count subtle gradations.
A dalang must develop his figure move-
ment technique (pelari wayang) so that it
becomes highly refined, precise, and a
manifestation of the character types de-
picted. This is important, for in addition
to revealing character or personality, the
movements bring subtlety to a performance.
Wayang kulit siam stones are episodic in
character and the dalang selects one or more
of these episodes at random for his per-
formances, keeping in mind the need to
connect them one to another and thus pro-
vide continuity. The dialogue of a wayang
kulit siam performance is not fixed in toto,
and various parts, including the comic
sections, are improvised by the puppeteer.
A dalang has considerable freedom to show
off his abilities at improvisation. The overall
pattern of a performance, and even its
length, are consequently determined almost
entirely by a dalang and are dependent upon
his abilites and intentions.
A wayang kulit siam set consists of about
sixty figures although some puppeteers in-
clude additional ones to represent weapons,
scenery, or animals. The figures are made of
is cow or buffalo skin and vary in size from
about 15 to 23 centimetres to more than
60 centimetres in height, depending upon
the character represented. Characteristic-
ally, the figures of the heroes (Seri *Rama,
*Laksamana, *Sita Dewi, etc.) are slim and
tall, while those of the ogres are large and
bulky. Both the physical appearance and de-
tails of design conform to certain Malay
aesthetic principles, while, at the same time,
accommodating Hindu and Thai concepts.
Most figures are carved with faces in
profile, with the body positioned directly
frontal and both feet pointing in the same
direction. In the case of the ogre characters,
both the eyes, however, may be visible, so
 303
that the face is carved in three-quarter pro-
file. Heroic and evil figures, have a single
articulated arm, jointed at the shoulders,
elbows, and wrists. Comic figures, on the
other hand, have both arms articulated, this
being an apparent Javanese influence. Fig-
ures are painted with either enamel paint
or, these days, with translucent ‘magic ink’
and are punched so that designs of jewellery
and other details become manifest when
hight is placed behind them.
Most figures, with the exception of the
*pohon beringin, a leaf-shaped puppet which
has very specific functions, such as serving
to open and close a performance, and the
clown figures, are carved so that they are
standing upon a boat or dragon-shaped
‘vehicle’ which degenerates in some pup-
pets to a mere linkage of the two feet so as
to strengthen the figures. Refined or coarse
characters are identifiable, apart from their
size or bulk, from details such as nose and
mouth shapes and sizes, the eyes, the length
of their fingernails, and their stance. The
heroic ideal is the elegant and refined char-
acter whose physical strength is not neces-
sarily overtly revealed in the form of a large
body or bulging muscles, whose calm ex-
terior is no index of his inner spiritual
qualities. These positively Hindu character-
istics are clearly defined, too, in the Java-
nese shadow play, whence the wayang kulit
siam almost certainly derived them. Thus,
noble characters are good-looking and
gentle, but can be powerful when it comes
to encounters with evil forces.
The principal figures in the wayang kulit
siam, due to its Ramayana theme, are the
characters of the epic. In addition, certain
locally invented villains, such as Raja Ku-
rang Sa-Empat Puluh, Anak Raja Sem-
bilan, and the two highly important clown
figures, *Pak Dogol and *Wak Long, are
included. As already clear, additional char-
acters, particularly the comic servants (male
and _ female), country bumpkins, and
weapons, and other ‘stage properties’ are
limited only by the imagination of a dalang
or puppet carver.
The music for the wayang kulit siam is
provided by an orchestra consisting of
drums, gongs, cymbals, and a reed aero-
phone. Seven or eight musicians are usually
required. The gongs, made of bronze with
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
a boss on the centre face, appear in sets of
two. The large hanging gongs (tawak-tawak
or fetawak) are suspended, with the bosses
facing each other, from the beams of the
panggung or from a wooden stand. They are
hit on the boss with a padded beater. These
deep-rimmed gongs provide a high pitch
and a low pitch and the gongs are con-
sequently referred to as being high-pitched
(gong anak) and low-pitched (gong ibu).
The small set of gongs, known as canang,
are pot-shaped, bossed gongs placed in a
wooden rack and beaten with padded sticks.
Like the tetawak, these gongs produce a
high pitch (anak) and a low pitch (ibu),
terms which result in the gongs themselves
being designated canang anak and canang bu.
Small hand cymbals known as kesi complete
the metallaphone group of the wayang
kulit siam orchestra. Struck together, they
produce two timbres: dampened and
undampened.
The wayang kulit siam membranophones
consist of three pairs, each of which appears
in two sizes, as in the case of the gongs,
with the same designation, anak and ibu, re-
spectively. The gedumbak is a single-headed
goblet-shaped drum. Various mnemonic
sounds are produced by hitting the drum
head with the hand in specific ways.
The gedug double-headed barrel drum is
propped upright and struck on one head
with a pair of wooden sticks. The large-
and small-sized gedumbak provide low and
high timbre, respectively. The complement
of drums is completed by the gendang, a
double-headed drum, also used in a pair.
Rattan laces are pulled taut to tune the drum
and both heads are hit with the hands. Like
the gedumbak, the gendang provides specific
mnemonic sounds when struck in specific
ways.
The final instrument in the wayang kulit
siam ensemble is the serunai, a double-reed
aerophone which also appears in two sizes,
small and large, again referred to as anak and
ibu, respectively.
The repertoire of the wayang kulit siam,
consisting of the Ramayana, is divided by
dalang into what is known as the main or
trunk stories (cerita pokok) and the branch or
twig stories (cerita ranting). The trunk tales
deal with the basic Ramayana story as it
appears in the Hikayat Maharaja Wana and
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
the *Cerita Kusi Serawi. These stones are,
therefore, more or less parallel to other
Indian, South-East Asian, and Malay Rama
sagas with certain variations, additions, and
localizations which lend each of the regional
versions a distinctive character of its own.
In the wayang kulit siam, the trunk
(pokok) story has traditionally constituted an
important element in the dalang’s training,
and no dalang would, in the past, be con-
sidered properly trained unless he was
familiar with at least the essential plot ofthis
story. In performance, the pokok tale, when
still fashionable, generally took a good
forty-five nights or so to complete. Today,
the principal Ramayana story 1s little known,
much less performed, by the younger dalang.
At best, selected episodes are utilized.
Amongst these, the competition (swayam-
vara) for the hand ofSita Dewi and her final
rescue from Langkapuri by Seri Rama and
his simian forces are by far the most popular
with dalang. Even so, in popularity these
episodes reach nowhere near that of the
ranting tales, although the audience for these,
too, is diminishing with the loss in import-
ance of the wayang kulit siam tradition itself
caused by economic, social, and religious
factors. On the whole, the religious ele-
ments in the Ramayana, as found in Malay-
sia, have been considerably devalued, so
that the important reincarnation of Vishnu
theme is no longer important. This is to be
expected in a country where Islam is the
official religion and where recent years
have seen the beginnings of Islamic revival,
in addition to modernization.
The term ranting is used to designate a
whole mass of tales that, though part of
the Ramayana repertoire, are not found in
the basic Ramayana story. Generally, they
consist of the later or minor adventures of
Seri Rama and other major characters as
well as their offspring. In chronological
terms, therefore, the ranting begin after the
death of *Rawana and Seri Rama’s suc-
cessful rescue of Sita Dewi from Langka-
puri. The term ranting indicates that such
stories are not intended to be a part of the
main or trunk story.
Ranting tales do not constitute a ‘cycle’ as
such, or even a complete story, as does the
epic. They do not form a series in chrono-
304
logical or even logical or thematic sequence.
Each is therefore a single, complete, and
independent unit. A certain number of ran-
ting stories are common to several dalang
and invented as they were, several genera-
tions ago, have now become part of the
basic repertoire through oral transmission.
In many cases, motifs are interchanged be-
tween stories, new or traditional, not only
from the Rama cycle, but also from stories
derived from other sources, including the
Javanese *Panji romance, as well as stories
from other traditional genres such as mak
yong, menora (*nora chatri), and *selampit.
Due to the largely fluid and flexible content
of the tales, such interchange of moufs is
achieved without much difficulty or a feel-
ing of incongruity.
Today, a large number of ranting tales
have been in existence for several genera-
tions. Thus, although fanciful creations,
they have been completely accepted as a
part of the ‘fundamental’ repertoire. Mean-
while, new creations by particularly ima-
ginative dalang continue to further expand
the ranting repertoire. The exact number of
ranting tales is not known, as the process of
collection and documentation has only re-
cently begun. The number, however, is
likely to be fairly large.
An analysis of aselected number of stores
reveals that several important motifs make
frequent appearances in Ramayana ranting
tales. Some of these are exact parallels to
those found in the Panji stories, and indeed
to the stock-in-trade of romances of folk-
tales the world over. The recurrent motifs
include the following:
1. Seri Rama’s several marriages, con-
tracted for various reasons, including
victomes in-competitions and his plain
desire for pretty women whom he can-
not resist. Sometimes, such marnages
are inevitable, as they are a precondition
to the obtaining ofa favour Seri Rama
desperately needs. In most cases, the
princesses he marries are left behind.
Sometimes, they bear him children who
later seek him out, effecting an ultimate
reconciliation between the hero and his
wives.
2. The marriages of other characters, in-
cluding *Hanuman Kera Putih, Seri
 305
Rama’s sons, and grandsons. The pat-
tern here usually parallels that of Seri
Rama’s own marriages. Competitions
or tests for the hands of the princesses
concerned are sometimes featured.
. The expulsion of a deity from the sky
country and his transformation into
some other form, usually awaiting re-
transformation into his original shape
through a meeting with Seri Rama.
Sometimes, to bring about a much-
desired encounter with Seri Rama, the
condemned deity has to commit a sec-
ond, even a third crime which leads to
battles between him and various lesser
characters before a final confrontation
brings him face to face with the hero
himself. Such evil acts as are committed
by the condemned deity include kid-
nappings of women, sometimes even
that of Sita Dewi, and invasions. In the
final battle, Seri Rama’s attempt to ‘kill’
the transformed deity is occasionally
instrumental in restoring his original
form.
. The kidnapping of Sita Dewi and
her eventual recovery by Seri Rama
through the assistance of Laksamana,
Pak Dogol, Hanuman, or other figures.
The events in such stories parallel those
in the main Ramayana plot.
. Seri Rama’s constant disappearance
from his own kingdom, either in search
of love or adventure, and Sita Dewi’s
search for him. In the more dramatic
situations, Sita Dewi, in disguise, is
brought face to face with Seri Rama ina
war, which generally leads to a rev-
elation of Sita Dewi’s true identity and
her reconciliation with her husband.
. Separation and reconciliation involving
various characters, including Laksamana,
Hanuman Kera Putih, Pak Dogol, and
Wak Long. Many ofthese characters get
banished from Siusia Mendarapura by
Seri Rama for various ‘misdeeds’. Apart
from banishment or self-exile, separa-
tion comes about through kidnapping.
Final reconciliation is effected through
various devices, including battles. Some
of the situations leading to battles pre-
ceding reconciliation include visits to
the sky country to seek divine assistance
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
or intervention. In such cases, the stories
conclude with elaborate deus ex machina.
. The theft of various princesses, the be-
trothed of other maharajas or princes,
by members of Seri Rama’s family.
Such thefts lead to the invasion of Seri
Rama’s territories and either the defeat
of the invading forces or peace agree-
ments. In the latter instance, the kid-
napped princesses are returned to their
affianced princes.
. Invasions inspired by the desire for
revenge or territorial designs. The in-
vading forces suffer defeat with assist-
ance rendered by Seri Rama.
The motifs here mentioned are by no
means comprehensive or all-inclusive. It is
obvious, too, that a measure of overlap is
inevitable as a consequence of several mo-
tifs appearing in a single plot.
From even a cursory glance at the Hika-
yat Maharaja Wana and the ranting tales, it
becomes obvious that the major characters
of the Hikayat continue to play fairly im-
portant roles in the ranting. These include
Sirat Maharaja (*Dasaratha), Seri Rama,
Sita Dewi, Hanuman, and, to a lesser
extent, Laksamana, Perbuana, Babusanam,
and Sagariwa. A considerable force of new
characters, non-existent in any of the clas-
sical versions of the Rama saga, whether
Indian, South-East Asian, or Malay, are
introduced into the ranting tales, reflecting
the fact that these tales have been assigned a
period after the great war in Langkapuri
and the death of Rawana which concludes
the trunk story.
Seri Rama continues to play a pivotal
role, although his ranting appearances no-
where equal his role in the Hikayat Maha-
raja Wana. He is, in these secondary tales,
no longer the unequal, idealized hero, the
incarnation of Vishnu. Even in the trunk
stories as utilized in wayang kulit siam, he has
already lost some of those noble qualities as
a consequence of seeping Islamic elements.
Thus, very often he appears a weakling. In
the ranting, this erosion of Seri Rama’s per-
sonality is further extended. His heroism
seems tarnished, reflecting his advanced
age, since his children and grandchildren
assume greater and more significant roles.
On the other hand, there is seen a new
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
aspect of his character, never encountered
in the classical versions. This is his role as a
great lover who is arrogant, even boastful of
his exploits and conquests, and certainly very
proud of the liberties he takes with prin-
cesses already engaged to others. He marries
princess after princess almost without end,
discarding all of them eventually to return
to Sita Dewi, or to perform meditation to
enhance spiritual and physical strength.
In the severest of battles, Seri Rama can,
however, stand his own, but often needs
help and support, if only in the form of
timely advice ofthe right kind at the critical
moment. He is, in this manner, many a does not appear to be universal amongst
time saved from disaster by Hanuman or
Pak Dogol.
Sita Dewi, too, is less developed in the
ranting, though she retains essentially her
image as a faithful wife. She can, in the ran-
ting, become aggressive if necessary, even
defeating Seri Rama in battle, but on the
whole she remains pretty much in the
background, often kidnapped and recovered
in a pattern reminiscent of the main plot of
the classical Ramayana, still the ideal wife
but no longer with the perfect husband.
Similarly, Laksamana only rarely comes
to the forefront in the ranting. This is unlike
the more aggressive role assigned to him in
the pokok stories.
The limelight in the ranting tales thus
clearly shifts to the minor characters, parti-
cularly Hanuman and Pak Dogol, as well as
to characters non-existent in the classical
versions of the epic: Hanuman Bongsu, Lak
Juna, Lak Palembang, Rama _ Ranjuna,
among others. In terms of themes and char-
acters, the world of the ranting is a new
world, quite different from that of the epic,
and peopled by other beings.
Several preliminary activities have to be
completed prior to the unfolding of a story.
These include the ‘opening of the theatre’
(buka panggung) rituals and the apprentice
dalang’s section (*dalang muda) which con-
stitutes a prologue.
The buka panggung takes place on the first
night of performance marking the com-
mencement of a season or panggung. Should
a group move, or a season end, the original
panggung must be ritually closed and a new
one consecrated. The ceremony takes place
306
at dusk after the late evening (isya) prayers.
It is never, as a rule, performed during twi-
light (waktu senja) nor once a wayang kulit
performance has started. Any change of
sequence violates performance code and
constitutes non-observance of the taboos
(pantang larang) associated with wayang kulit.
Some dalang indicate that a portion of the
full buka panggung, consisting of several short
prayers and requests (pesanan) whispered
into a handful of rice which is subsequently
thrown violently (dihempaskan) on to the
stage floor, marks the beginning of perform-
ance each night. Such an activity, however,
Kelantanese dalang.
The aims of the buka panggung rituals are
as follows:
1. To ensure the safety of the dalang and
his musicians (panjak-panjak), as well as
that of his audience.
tw To maintain the dalang’s social standing
in the eyes of the audience and in the
estimation of the supernatural forces
(makhluk halus/kuasa-kuasa ghaib) with
which he deals and is in constant con-
tact.
3. To pay respects (memuja) to, salute (ber-
tabek), and to feed (memperjamukan)
these supernatural beings.
4. To draw the maximum number of
viewers and to sustain their attention
throughout the duration of a perform-
ance Or season.
The fact that the buka panggung ceremony
is accompanied by or followed on the final
night with a tutup panggung in which the
spirits are ‘released’ (dilepaskan), indicates
their presumed presence in the panggung
throughout the performance, perhaps even
that the dalang, using his mystical learning
(ilmu dalam), has somehow overpowered
them and retained them, so that only upon
being released by him can they depart.
Before the buka panggung ceremony can
take place, several important arrangements
are made. These include the preparation of
the theatre (panggung), the placing of the
instruments (alat-alat muzik) in position, the
stationing of the musicians, and the pre-
paration of the offerings which consist of
the following items:
1. Yellow glutinous rice (pulut kuning)
 307
. Parched rice (bertih)
. Turmeric rice (beras kunyit)
bo . An egg fried fritter style (sebiji telur ma-
& which the theatre is ritually opened.
sak dadar)
5. Sweetened water (air manis)
6. Ordinary cold water (air sejuk biasa)
7. Cakes and fritters made from wheat
flour (dadar tepung gandum)
8. Three quids of betel leaves and betel-
nuts (sirih pinang tiga piak)
9. Rolled cigarette leaves and tobacco
(rokok daun dan tembakau)
10. Cotton thread (benang pengkeras) or raw
cotton thread (benang mentah)
11. Money for services rendered by the
medicine man, shaman, or dalang (wang
pengkeras)
12. Benzoin and some burning embers in a
censer (kemenyan dan bara api dalam be-
kas).
These items, in several containers, are
placed on a large tray (talam). Sometimes,
there are, in addition, jasmine flowers float-
ing in a bowl of water. These are placed in
front of the dalang, between him and the
banana tree-trunk in which the figures are
to be planted.
The buka panggung rituals consist of the
following ceremonies linked together:
1. The reading of the ritual formulae (baca
kenduri) and requests (pesanan) or in-
vocations addressed to the spirits, deities,
and other invisible beings to whom the
feast offerings are later given.
bo. The preparation of the special offerings
to the teacher (nasi guru); this is intended
for the immediate teachers ofthe dalang
as well as for the Ultimate Teacher (guru
yang usul, guru yang asal), often iden-
tified with the Hindu god Siva in his
capacity as Nataraja, lord of dancers.
3. The preparation of offerings to be
placed on the ground directly in the
position taken by a dalang; at the middle,
in front of the panggung outside the kelir
at the point where the pohon beringin and
Tok Maharishi are placed.
4. The initiation of the musical instru-
ments (buka alat-alat muzik), a process
in which the dalang addresses the spirits
believed to be resident within the
musical instruments to make certain
requests, while also starting off the
WAYANG KULIT SIAM
instruments, one at a time.
5. The buka panggung ceremony as such in
This ceremony also signals the sounding
of the orchestra with the lagu bertabuh or
signal piece, which opens a perform-
ance.
With the ritual opening of a panggung,
the orchestra plays a musical interlude (lagu-
lagu permulaan). It consists of several pieces
intended to draw an audience and to set the
atmosphere, and leads directly into the
dalang muda section of the performance,
following which the episode selected for
performance takes place, with a change of
dalang to the accompaniment of lagu tukar
dalang, when the senior dalang takes his
position.
The dalang muda episode, which serves as
a prologue to a wayang kulit siam story, is
featured on every performance night. On
the opening evening, it follows the buka
panggung rituals, the bertabuh piece, and the
musical prelude. On subsequent nights, too,
in the absence of buka panggung, it occupies
exactly the same position, following the
lagu bertabuh and other preliminary pieces.
Despite its designation, the dalang muda
section is not always conducted by an ap-
prentice puppeteer. Often a senior member
of a dalang’s entourage performs it. The
regular dalang then takes over for the story
proper. In some instances, the same dalang
conducts both parts of aperformance. The
dalang muda is designed to bring an appren-
tice dalang into contact with his potential
audience, so that when the time comes he
can, adequately prepared, assume the re-
sponsibilities incumbent upon a full-fledged
master puppeteer.
The dalang muda prologue serves to
attract a crowd to a panggung, further
strengthening and enhancing the process
initiated with the bertabuh and the musical
prelude. The gathering of acrowd, in itself
important as a means of boosting a dalang’s
status and ego is, none the less, not the sole
raison d’étre for the dalang muda. The pro-
logue has ritual significance, too. In it is
contained a prayer (doa) for the safety of the
dalang, his musicians, and his audience. This
is something the prologue shares with the
theatre consecration rituals. It is aimed at
WAYANG KULIT SUDDHAMALA
driving away any malevolent influence (badi)
present in the environment of the panggung.
Apart from all this, it sets the atmosphere
for the evening and the mood for the
ensuing story; it functions as a means of
glorifying the person of Seri Rama; and it
serves as a means of introducing the hero’s
principal warriors, the protagonists of the
Hikayat Seri Rama and the pokok stories.
In performance, the prologue is divisible
into two broad sections:
1. The battle of the godlings with arrows
(*dewa panah perang).
2. The entry before Seri Rama (babak
penghadapan Seri Rama).
Each of these two sections consists of
several subdivisions as follows:
1. dewa panah perang
a. The movement and removal of the
pohon beringin
b. The movement of Maharishi
c. The reading of a mantera by Maha-
rishi
d. The descent of the two dewa panah
oO . The repetition of Maharishi’s mantera
and his exit
f. The battle of the dewa panah
g. The walking of the dewa panah and
their exit.
2. babak penghadapan Seri Rama
a. The dalang muda’s song
b. The entry of Seri Rama and his walk
c. The entry of Seri Rama’s warriors
d. The salutation of Seri Rama by his
warriors
e. Words in praise of Seri Rama
Seri Rama’s narration
ge Seri Rama’s exit
h. The exit of Seri Rama’s warriors.
The performance of a selected episode
now begins, and it may last one or more
nights depending upon the wishes of the
sponsor or the length of the episode.
Wayang kulit siam, one of the oldest of
Malaysia’s many traditional theatre genres,
continues to be active, albeit on a dimin-
ished scale, in its former manner principally
in the east coast state of Kelantan, catering
for audiences requiring entertainment and
for individuals wishing to use it as a medium
of healing, spiritual or psychological relief,
or regeneration.
308
wayang kulit suddhamala (Indonesia). A
form of ritual shadow play (*wayang kulit)
performed in Bali as a rite of purification
(*ngruwat or marisuddha) at events during
which the presence’ of ancestors and exor-
cistic effects are of paramount importance.
Such performances may be encountered at
wedding and tooth-filing ceremonies, but
they are regarded as being more important
in connection with death rituals. Usually on
the twelfth day after cremation, a perform-
ance of wayang kulit suddhamala takes place.
Wayang kulit suddhamala may be performed
at night or during the day at the discretion
of the sponsor. Performances feature only
very selected dramatic material, including
the episode from the Bhima Swarga in which
*Bima enters the underworld to release the
soul of Pandu, his father and the originator
of the *Pandawa dynasty. The dramatic
material is always selected to suit the occa-
sion at which wayang kulit suddhamala is
taking place.
wayang kulit wahana (Indonesia). A form
of *wayang kulit created by R. M. Sutarto
Harjawahana in the years 1938-9. In design,
this wayang form has figures dressed in fairly
modern costumes. The performances are
accompanied by a *gamelan orchestra, but
with additional instruments such as angklung,
gambus, and rebana (frame drum). In terms
of repertoire, the wayang kulit wahana util-
izes historical or contemporary materials
about Demak.
wayang kulit wahyu (Indonesia). Literally,
‘revelation wayang’, it is a form of shadow
play (*wayang kulit) created in Solo, Java, in
the years 1959-60 specifically to perform
stories from the’ Old and New Testaments.
Initial stories consisted of three episodes:
The Revolt of the Angels, The Fall ofMan, and
The Birth of Christ. The repertoire was
eventually extended to include, among
others, the following stories: The Story of
Cain and Abel, The Story of Noah, The Story
of Moses, David and Goliath, David becomes
King, The Revolt of Absalon, The Story of
Judith, and Christ the Redeemer. Generally
performed on Christian holidays, wayang
kulit wahyu, however, has also been featured
 309 WAYANG PARSI
wayang leyak (Indonesia), see wayang kulit
leyak

wayang lilinong (Indonesia), see wayang

kulit lilinong

wayang madya (Indonesia), see wayang

kulit madya

wayang melayu (Malaysia), see wayang

kulit melayu

wayang menak (Indonesia), see wayang

kulit menak

wayang pancasila (Indonesia), see wayang

kulit pancasila

wayang panggungan (Indonesia). Also called

simpingan, a term used in Balinese *wayang
kulit to describe the positions of the figures
when they are lined up on either side ofthe
wayang kulit wahyu screen before a performance commences.

over Radio and Television Indonesia and at
Pekan Wayang in Jakarta.
The only wayang kulit wahyu set in Solo
has been built up to a collection of 200
specially designed figures, including some
at present on display in museums. The set
includes a pair of *gunungan or kayon which
are basically of the same shape as those used
in *wayang kulit purwa. Details of design,
however, emphasize Catholic teaching.
The gunungan have thus been adapted to
wayang kulit wahyu’s special nature and aims.
Wayang kulit wahyu performance tech-
niques are identical to those of wayang kulit
purwa, although performances are much
shorter, lasting a mere 3—4 hours unlike all-
night wayang kulit purwa shows. One
interesting wayang kulit wahyu feature is that
its puppeteers (dalang) are required to be
Catholics well versed in Christianity.
Musical accompaniment is provided by a
*gamelan in the slendro mode.
wayang lang-lang siam (Malaysia), see
mendu
wayang lemah (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit lemah
wayang parsi. In the 1870s, a group ofper-
formers from India brought to the island of
Penang a style of operatic performance called
Parsi theatre. Locally, this genre came to be
known as wayang parsi. The Indian group
was made up ofmale and female performers
and its repertoire consisted of fantasies,
mostly Middle Eastern and Indian, with
elements of music and dance. Performances
were done in the north Indian Hindustani
language, and for a while, the genre en-
joyed support from the locally domiciled!
Indians, from the Indian soldiers (sepoy)
posted in Penang, and from the local mixed
(peranakan) as well as Malay communities.
Such support, however, did not last very
long. The visiting Parsi theatre company
was eventually disbanded. Its belongings,
including sets and costumes, were bought
over by an enterprising local Indian Muslim
businessman, *Mamak Pushi, who invented
something called tiruan wayang parst or
‘imitation Parsi theatre’. In essence, this new
theatre style staged virtually the same sort of
performances as were done by the visiting
Indian troupe. The major difference was
that Malay was now used instead of Hin-
dustani. Only male performers took part,
WAYANG PERJUANGAN
handling all the roles, including those of
female characters.
Set designs, including painted scenery,
costumes, and the repertoire remained the
same as those for the supplanted wayang
parsi. A further step, soon to be taken, trans-
formed tiruan wayang parsi into *bangsawan.
This was the use of local source materials
for its dramatic repertoire as well as indi-
genous music and dance styles. Much ofthe
traditional wayang parsi repertoire, however,
continued to be used, and the influences
both from the Middle East and India re-
mained strong in bangsawan well past its
initial period.
In essence, therefore, bangsawan was an
adaptation of the Parsi theatre to suit lo-
cal needs and audiences. With its initial
development in Penang, bangsawan spread
throughout the Malay peninsula and Singa-
pore, as well as to the islands of what later
became the independent Republic of Indo-
nesia.
The Parsi theatre, using certain elements
of Western staging, such as the proscenium
arch, wings, and borders, as well as lighting,
stall flourishes in India in the Bombay area.
During the final decades of the nineteenth
century, it inspired several simular styles in
Sri Lanka and in South-East Asia. The Sn
Lankan nadagama is believed to be an off
spring of the Parsi theatre, and in South-
East Asia, bangsawan, its first offspring, in
turn spawned *dolmuluk, *mamanda, mesres,
and other forms. See also mendu.
wayang perjuangan (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit perjuangan
wayang pranakan (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit pranakan
wayang Ramayana (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit Ramayana
wayang ricikan (Indonesia), In the Javanese
*wayang kulit purwa, puppets that do not
belong to the two other groups: *wayang
simpingan, or figures arranged on banana
tree-trunks, and *wayang dudahan, those
remaining in a box (kotak or eblek) on the
right side of the puppeteer (dalang). Wayang
ricikan are small figures and, according to
310
their function, are divided into three
groups: wayang parekan (comic figures),
wayang pandita (hermits), and a class of
miscellaneous figures including animals,
weapons, and the war carriage (prampongan).
wayang sandiwara (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit sandiwara
wayang sasak (Indonesia), see wayang kulit
sasak
wayang simpingan (Indonesia). In the Java-
nese *wayang kulit punwa, those figures which
at the time of performance are arranged to
the right and left of the puppeteer (*dalang)
on the banana tree-trunks. They are divis-
ible into two groups as follows: (i) the
simpingan on the right, consisting of eighty-
three figures representing noble characters
of the following categories: (a) wayang
katongan (kings), (b) wayang putran (soldiers
or knights), and (c) wayang putren (women);
and (11) simpingan on the left, also represent-
ing characters of three categories: (a) wayang
katongan (kings), (b) wayang putran (soldiers),
and (c) wayang klunjatan.
wayang suddhamala (Indonesia), see wa-
yang kulit suddhamala
wayang suluh (Indonesia). In 1947, the
Indonesian Government Information Ser-
vice had a special form of *wayang kulit
created to inform the people of the events
connected with the nation’s struggle for
independence. It was given the name wa-
yang suluh (suluh means ‘enlightenment’ or
‘information’). The first performance of wa-
yang suluh was held on 10 March 1947 in
Central Java. Stories used in wayang suluh
included Naskah Linggar Jati, Proklamasi,
Perang Surabaya, and Perjuangan Jenderal Su-
dirman. Wayang suluh is no longer active.
wayang tengul (Indonesia). A form of *wa-
yang golek doll puppet theatre found in
Central Java. The three-dimensional puppets
resemble human shapes and their ‘costumes’
are also designed in line with those of Javan-
ese royalty. The figures show some resemb-
lance to those of the *wayang golek menak.
The repertoire consists of stories about Pu-
teri Kenya and Mustakrama. This wayang
 hill
form did not become very popular due to
the unfamiliar repertoire.
wayang topeng (Indonesia). A form of
masked ritual dance-theatre found princip-
ally in Java and Bali. The word topeng means
‘mask’ or “something pressed against the
face’. From Balinese historical sources, it
appears that wayang topeng in some form or
other was already known in the year 1058.
One of the classical Javanese works, Kidung
Sunda, mentions wayang topeng as being
performed at the cremation rites of King
Hayam Wuruk. The Balinese wayang topeng
is generally described as the “Chronicle Play
ofBali’ because a large selection ofits stories
are drawn from the history of the island,
chiefly from the Babad (or Usana) Bali, a
genealogical history of the high-caste raja
families. Another important source is the
history of the medieval East Javanese Maja-
pahit dynasty. The relationship between
the East Javanese wayang topeng and that of
the Balinese is yet to be established, though
wayang topeng
WAYANG TOPENG
it appears likely that the genre came into
Bali from Java as Bali was once a dependency
of Java. During the Islamization ofJava, a
considerable amount of native Hindu cul-
ture found refuge in Bali. There are several
very important Javanese stories in the Bali-
nese wayang topeng. These include *Arya
Damar, *Rangga Lawe, and *Panji stories.
However, the most important Javanese to-
peng is * Ken Arok, a favourite subject of the
topeng in both islands. The stories selected
mostly concern political intrigue, the pun-
ishment of guilty ministers (patih), and the
pitting of one power against another.
The fopeng is concerned not with indi-
vidual characters but with types, and most
of its masks are divided into the refined
(*halus or manis) and coarse (*kasar or keras)
types. Within these two categories, how-
ever, there are numerous subtle variations.
Generally, the white, smiling manis mask
is worn by a king. There may be several
stronger raja or patih coloured masks with
round eyes in addition to wise old ancestors
and advisers (tua). The dance movements
reflect the quality of the mask that is worn.
To each king, who, as a tradition in wayang
topeng has no dialogue, are attached a pair of
comic servants, the *penasar. They wear
half-masks and provide all the dialogue as
well as relate the story. There may also be a
queen, who wears a white mask similar to
that of the raja. She may be accompanied by
an attendant. In addition, there may be a
whole range of other masks representing
eccentric common people. These, unlike
the kings and ministers (patih), have speak-
ing roles. Usually, in wayang topeng, wo-
men’s parts are played by men; when a
woman plays a female role, no mask 1s used.
In a topeng play, there may be two or
three performers although sometimes there
may be as many as five or six. In one style,
*topeng pajengan (mixed topeng), however,
one actor dons all the masks by turn. Before
the commencement of a play, all masks are
animated with special prayers (*mantera). A
curtain is used and the actors sit behind it
on a small platform, shaking the curtain
dramatically to mark an entrance. The play
proper is preceded by a parade of masks,
known as pengempat, penglebar, or penamprat.
Here, the masks emerge one by one in solo
WAYANG WAHANA
dance. After the completion of the parade,
the entry of the comedians (penasar) takes
place. These, in turn, usher in the first char-
acter, thus preparing for the unfolding of a
story. Performances take place to the accom-
paniment of a*gamelan orchestra.
wayang wahana (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit wahana
wayang wahyu (Indonesia), see wayang
kulit wahyu
wayang wong (Indonesia). A theatre form
in which dance, stylized acting, dialogue,
singing, as well as recitation of religious
texts, all come together in a total perform-
ance. In its present distribution, it is found
principally in Java and Bali (three groups),
as well as in the Riau islands (one group). It
is generally agreed that the genre was prob-
ably inspired by *wayang kulit and repres-
ents a form of wayang kulit performed by
human beings, hence the name wayang orang
or wayang wong. The word wayang itself is
believed to have been derived from the
word bayang, meaning ‘shadow’. Some of
the movements and postures of the wayang
wong in performance represent imitations
of wayang kulit figures either in motion or
in stillness. Wayang wong, for this reason, at
times appears to be stilted. Other relation-
ships between wayang kulit and wayang wong
are manifest in the designs of costumes for
wayang wong
S42
the various characters found in the *Rama-
yana stories as performed in the two genres.
Wayang kulit probably travelled out of
Java into Bali during the fifteenth-century
eastward exodus of the Hindu—Javanese
court culture from the Majapahit empire
during its decline and ultimate collapse.
Wayang wong certainly antedates wayang
kulit, being, as indicated, a form inspired by
it. As a result of independent development,
differing performance circumstances, and
patronage, each of the two wayang wong
styles, the Javanese and the Balinese, mani-
fests certain distinctive features of its own.
The Balinese wayang wong is essentially a
‘folk’ art associated with temple or house-
hold rituals in its performance. The wayang
orang of Java, on the other hand, continued
to thrive in the keraton (court) as an elegant
and refined artistic expression. Hence, the
Balinese version manifests an informality
and abandon lacking in its Javanese coun-
terpart. It continues to use masks which are
seldom, if ever, seen in the Javanese wayang
wong. The emphasis in the Balinese form 1s
sull upon the recitation of poetic passages
from the Ramayana, often with little or no
accompanying action, whereas in the Ja-
vanese form, religious texts are never used
and the genre’s religious significance has
over the centuries diminished. Today, it is
non-existent. Plot, music, dance, and
action hence take prominence. Thus, while
one continues to serve as a vehicle for the
transmittance of religious texts and moral
instruction, the other serves purely as a
means of sophisticated entertainment.
These differences in function, patronage,
and audience are further reflected in
costuming and other aspects of the genre.
One mirrors the sophisticated court milieu
while the other is still close to folk art with
roots buried deep in nitual, though the
pressure to de-ritualize it is constantly
building up.
It must be pointed out at this juncture,
however, that recent decades have seen the
decline of court wayang wong in Java with
the demise of the many sultanates in the
post-independence years and the consequent
evolution ofa third strain in both Java and
Bali. This is the ‘popular’ or ‘commercial-
ized’ wayang wong, catering for an urban
 313
audience as well as for the tourists. This has
brought in new elements, such a proscen-
lum stage and painted scenery as in *keto-
prak.
To some extent, therefore, through the
Balinese wayang wong, when performed in
its traditional temple or village setting, the
ancient art of reciting palm-Siest manuscripts
(lontar) continues to find a medium, while
the genre also has a strong visual as well as
dramatic impact. Done under the right cir-
cumstances and at an appropriate time, wa-
yang wong is thus a sacred art. Traditionally,
it was never allowed outside the precincts
ofa temple. Today’s ‘instant’ versions, much
shorter in duration though still retaining the
essential ‘performance’ elements, are the
only form an average visitor to Bali is likely
to encounter.
In keeping with its original religious sig-
nificance, the Balinese wayang wong is per-
formed principally during religious festivals
when the spirits of dead ancestors, as well as
the gods and dewa, descend from their
sacred mountain abode on Gunung Agung,
earthly symbol of sacred Mount Mahameru,
to visit house-temples and sanctuaries to be
honoured through prayers, offerings of
food and flowers, as well as performances of
music, dance, and theatre. During an im-
portant feast, wayang wong performances last
several days, using selected Ramayana
episodes. These are presented in no specific
order, for the audience is already familiar
with the details of the plot.
The main characters of the Ramayana, as
in most Indonesian traditional theatre, are
classified into two broad categories, refined
or coarse. The refinement or coarseness 1s
intrinsic in a character as well as external,
evident in physical appearance, mode of
speech, behaviour, and manner of move-
ment. In *wayang kulit purwa, an elaborate
codification system, based upon the prin-
cipal characteristics of each wayang charac-
ter as well as the puppet representing him,
has been developed. The system is a reflec-
tion of principles applied to living human
beings, as well as to all forms of artistic
expression ranging from the *gamelan or-
chestra to the art of batik printing.
Wayang wong characters, like wayang
figures divided as they are into *halus and
WAYANG WONG
*kasar, are easily recognizable from their
head-gear, costumes, manner ofspeech and
movement, as well as masks. Within the
halus—kasar system, the characters are fur-
ther subdivided into the following groups:
1. Noble male characters: *Rama, *Laksa-
mana, and Wibisana
2. Noble female characters: *Sita Dewi,
her attendant, Dewi Tara, and Surpa-
nakha, the demon-sister of *Rawana
3. Noble raksasa: Rawana, Marica, and
*Kumbhakarna
4. Attendants of Rama: Twalen (*Malen)
and *Merdah
5. Attendants of Rawana: Delam and
Sangut
6. Monkeys (strong type): Subali, feet
(refined type): *Hanuman, Anila, Jem-
bawa, and Anggada
7. Animals: lions, birds, deer, dog, snake,
elephant, tiger.
In addition to these types or classes of
characters, there are Jatayu, the golden deer,
and the mendicant (disguise for Rawana),
who appears in a priest’s head-dress.
In Balinese wayang wong, all are masked
except the noble characters, both male and
female, although old masks that exist indic-
ate that both Rama and Sita Dewi once
wore masks. Rama wears the distinctive
head-dress of Vishnu and Krishna (*Kresna)
that is found in Balinese as well as Javanese
temple sculpture and in the wayang kulit.
This indicates his divine origin. The same
head-dress is worn by Rawana. Laksamana
wears the same head-gear as worn by *Ar-
juna in wayang kulit. Sita Dew1 wears the
head-dress of a legong dancer with flower-
covered crown, wing-like side-piece, and a
garuda bird at the back. Both Rama and
Sita have long hair, strewn with flowers.
Masks have altogether been abandoned in
Javanese wayang wong, and even the comic
characters (*punakawan) these days use styl-
ized make-up instead.
In both the mode of dressing and of
make-up, a certain amount of colour sym-
bolism operates in Balinese wayang wong.
Traditional colours, where constant, are
employed. This is the case, for instance,
with Hanuman, who wears white, and Su-
griwa, who wears red. The masks indicate
the status and type for each character so that
WAYTHANDAYA
the audience is immediately able to recog-
nize the characters upon appearance.
Wayang wong personalities conform to
the stereotype established over the centuries
so that the two sides, the ‘right’ and the
‘left’, are seen in confrontation with each
other. In the case of the comedians (puna-
kawan), however, greater freedom is pro-
vided so that, while conforming to the
stereotype, considerable flexibility is attained
through improvisations of dialogue and
movement. Any social comment upon con-
temporary issues brought into the tradi-
tional theatre comes through comedians.
For the performances in Bali, the dancers
enter without any preliminaries after several
introductory melodies have been played, in
the case of Bali, on the gender wayang Rama-
yana, an orchestra which consists of four
small metal xylophones with the addition of
drums, small gongs, flutes, and cymbals. In
Java, a full gamelan orchestra is used. The
orchestra of the Balinese wayang wong is the
same as that of the *wayang kulit Ramayana.
It is considerably smaller than the Javanese
wayang kulit purwa or wayang wong gamelan.
The halus or refined party enters first and
the kasar characters enter in a separate entry
of their own. Once the entries have been
thus made, the ground is set for the story
to begin and the episodes selected for the
evening ensue.
Almost invariably, the episodes per-
formed depict a confrontation between the
two forces, the ‘left’ and the ‘right’, the
noble and the wicked, symbolized, respect-
ively, by Rama and Rawana. As in the
Javanese wayang kulit purwa or the Balinese
*hbarong play depicting, in the one instance,
the confrontation between the *Pandawa
and the *Korawa, and, on the other, be-
tween Barong and *Rangda, there is defeat
but no death for the antagonist, for in the
philosophy of the Javanese and the Bali-
nese, as illustrated best in wayang kulit purwa
and in the Barong—Rangda conflict, evil
forces can never really be permanently sub-
dued, much less destroyed. Both good and
evil issue from the same souree—the Pan-
dawa and the Korawa, Rama and Rawana,
Barong and Rangda—who all have about
them something of the divine essence.
Even the fearsome Rangda is a manifesta-
314
tion of Kali or Durga, Siva’s consort. The
evil forces or, more accurately, the negative
forces, are merely defeated for the time
being. They are bound to rise again, at the
next season, for another similar confronta-
tion, for another re-enactment of the eternal
conflict. Thus, the timeless struggle between
the good and the not-so-good, often sym-
bolized as forces within the human soul,
must continue into eternity. There is no
ultimate victory. This is as true in wayang
wong as it is in other traditional theatre
genres of Java and Bali.
Waythandaya (Burma). A play wnitten by
the Burmese playwnght, U Pon Nya, upon
royal command, and often regarded as his
masterpiece. The story was taken by the
playwnght from the Waythandaya Jataka,
written in a prose version by the monk,
U Awbatha. U Awbatha, taking the story
from the Pali *Vessantara Jataka, had pop-
ularized it to the extent that it became one
of the best-known *jataka in Burma. Before
U Pon Nya, the story had often been dra-
matized, and one of the lost plays of
U *Kyin U also used this theme. The
Brahmin villain was also a favourite charac-
ter in the oral tradition of Burma. The story
runs as follows:
Waythandaya, a crown prince, is a great
giver of alms. Knowing his generous char-
acter, wicked Brahmins take advantage of
the charitable prince, receiving a great
many gifts from him, including the luckiest
white elephant in the kingdom. The king
and his people then decide to exile Way-
thandaya, his wife Ma-di, as well as their
two little children, a son and a daughter,
from the palace. The prince and his family
are to live ina thick forest. However, the
king, anxious for the safety of Waythandaya
and his family, places a great hunter and his
famous hunting dogs to watch all those
who enter the forest. The prince is not only
exiled but also degraded, since he is not
allowed to have servants or followers. But
Ma-di proves a good wife, looking after her
family very well.
In a neighbouring kingdom there lives a
great glutton, the Brahmin Zuzaka. He is
married to a young wife who wants him to
die so that she can inherit all his money.

Knowing her husband’s miserliness,
tells him that he can become the master of
two slaves at no cost to himself if only he
goes into the forest and asks Waythandaya
for his two children. She expects her hus-
band to be killed by the hunter at the forest
entrance. But the cunning Brahmin,
pretending to be a messenger from Way-
thandaya’s father and claiming to be bring-
ing good news for the prince, gains entrance
into the forest. In the absence of the prin-
cess, who has gone in search of fruit, the
Brahmin persuades Waythandaya to give
up his two children. Once he has done so,
and the Brahmin has left the forest, Way-
thandaya feels remorse at his action, but
nothing can now be done. Ma-di, upon
returning and learning what her husband
has done, faints.
Meanwhile, the gods intervene.
Brahmin, leaving the forest, loses his way
and enters Waythandaya’s city instead of
going to his own. Here, he is arrested and
brought before the king. As the prince has
given his children to the Brahmin, the king
is obliged to honour and respect his son’s
decision. He is unable to punish the Brah-
min. Instead, he gives the Brahmin a palace
with all royal honours in exchange for the
children. The Brahmin soon chokes himself
to death as a result of overeating, unused as
he is to such sumptuous food. The return of
the children to the city arouses in the hearts
of the people memories of Waythandaya
and Ma-di, whom they still respect and
love greatly. They now beg the king to
reinstate Waythandaya as crown prince.
Amidst great rejoicing, the king and his
people go to the forest and bring back the
prince and princess. Ma-di is acclaimed as a
noble and courageous heroine for the hard-
ships she has voluntarily suffered due to her
love for Waythandaya.
S15 WUKU WAYANG
she wazir (Malaysia/Indonesia). An Arab-
Persian word meaning minister or court
official. In such transitional theatre genres as
*bangsawan, *stambul, and *mendu, it desig-
nates characters playing such roles,
especially in stories borrowed from the
by Middle or Near East.
WONG AGUNG MENAK JAYENG-
RANA (Indonesia), see AMIR HAM-
ZAH
wuku wayang (Indonesia). So close is the
connection in Bali between the shadow
play (*wayang kulit) and religious festivals
that there is a designated wayang week
(wuku or tumpek wayang) in the Balinese
calendar. It occurs every thirty weeks. At this
time, all the equipment necessary for the
The performance of wayang kulit is given the
sesajen or offerings. At the same time, the
*dalang prepares holy water (air suci) known
as *ftirta wayang. It is a normal practice for
the Balinese to ask for tirta wayang from a
dalang at the time oftumpek or wuku wayang.
The water is given to a pregnant woman
with the aim of releasing the child she is
carrying from all evil events and influences
(malapetaka). There is also a belief, common
in Balinese communities, that a child who
is born (oton) during wuku wayang is marked.
To free such a child from impending harm,
a ritual form of the shadow play, *wayang
suddhamala, is performed. Suddhamala, when
enacted on a larger scale, is known as
*sapuh leger. Should a child born during
wuku wayang not receive the benefit of a
suddhamala or sapuh leger performance, it
will become the victim of the demon Kala.
The origin of this belief is said to he in
Balinese folk traditions.
 Y
yagan (Burma). A serio-comic epic or ro- drums. Yikay sipsongphasa had an extensive
mance in verse. Believed to have possibly repertoire of themes with foreign settings.
developed out of the proto-drama form
known as *hawsa, it first appeared in the yod bad (Thailand). A peaked crown worn
eighteenth century. Mwe-nun (A Mon Prin- by monkey kings, such as Pali or Sukrip, in
cess) by Shwe-daung-nan-da-thu is the the masked dance-drama, *khon.
earliest extant yagan, but the poet U Toe
was particularly noted as a composer of yod chai (Thailand). A sharply pointed
yagan, and was known as the ‘great master crown, such as is worn by Jombuban and
of the yagan’. The most famous of his com- Jambuvaraj, in the masked dance-drama,
positions is the Rama Yagan, wmitten be- *khon.
tween 1819 and 1837. It is based on the
story of Rama as derived from the Indian yod sam kleep (Thailand). A crown worn
epic, * Ramayana. by Ongkot in the masked dance-drama,
* khon.
yaksha lon (Thailand). A category of masks
used for demonic characters in the Thai yokthe pwe (Burma). Although Burmese
masked dance-drama, *khon. This type of puppetry is possibly very old, the ongin of
mask is unpeaked, and hence is known also the Burmese marionette theatre (yokthe
as the demon bald mask. pwe) is usually placed at the end of the eight-
eenth century, and the credit for originat-
yaksha yod (Thailand). A category of peaked ing the genre given to the then Minister
masks used for demons in the Thai dance- for Royal Entertainment, U Thaw. Some
drama, *khon. opinions place the origin of yokthe pwe earl-
ier, with the possibility that it was already
yikay piphat (Thailand), see yikay sipsong- in existence during the Nyaung Dynasty
phasa (1599-1752). The genre, however, is be-
heved by most commentators to have
yikay ramana (Thailand), see yikay sip- started during the reign of Nga-Sint U Min
songphasa

yikay sipsongphasa (Thailand). An early

form of the Thai *likay operatic theatre. It
is believed that it evolved around the year
1881 from the combination of yikay (a vari-
ation of the term dikay or dikir in Malay,
from the Arabic *zikir) or chanting and the
suat kharurat, a sequence of comic sketches
based upon the foreign characteristics of
twelve nationalities. It lasted until about
1890. Two variations existed and these,
based upon which orchestral accompani-
ment was used, were known as yikay piphat
and yikay ramana. The former used the
piphat orchestra while the latter was accom-
panied by Malay-type ramana (rebana) frame Burmese puppets
 S17,
who ascended the throne in ap 1778.
Influences from India and China are noted
in Burmese music and dance, and the intro-
duction of the Hindu epic, * Ramayana,
possibly from Chiengmai in Thailand, as
well as certain elements in yokthe pwe and
Eenaung-zat are regarded as being thus im-
ported. However, yokthe pwe, at least in its
early period before the Ramayana came to
be used as one of the stories in its reper-
toire, does not reveal particularly strong
Indian influences. The Ramayana and poss-
ibly the *jataka stories became popular in
Burma following the Burmese capture of
the Thai capital in 1767.
During the early period of the genre,
patronage was provided for yokthe pwe by
Burmese kings, but with the decline of
court support, the puppeteers had to fend
for themselves, often giving performances
during temple festivals and at public fairs.
Contemporary performances are done in
similar circumstances.
Performances of yokthe pwe traditionally
lasted all night. These days, however, they
have been shortened to between three and
four hours. The puppets are regarded as
serious substitutes for human performers, to
the extent that human dance performers are
said to have based their movements on
those of the marionettes. In terms of chro-
nology, yokthe pwe is regarded as preceding
other theatre forms, known collectively as
zat. There seems to have been no real pro-
cess of evolution, as far as yokthe pwe 1s con-
cerned, for there is no concrete evidence to
suggest the previous existence of any less
sophisticated puppetry in the country.
Yokthe pwe, then, seems to have been of a
relatively high level artistically from its very
inception. This has raised some important
questions regarding its origin as well as any
possible external influences. To these ques-
tions, no clear answers are as yet forthcom-
ing. For now, the credit must be given to
U Thaw for having brought into being, as if
from nowhere, a full-blown art form.
Traditionally, a yokthe pwe set consisted
of twenty-seven figures, representing the
following characters: the *nat votress (two
figures), one horse, two elephants (one
white and the other black), a tiger, a mon-
key, two parrots, a wizard, four ministers, a
YOKTHE PWE
king, a prince, a princess, two princes
regent (one white-faced and the other red-
faced), a pundit (astrologer), a hermit, a nat,
a deity (Mahaveda), an old man, an old
woman, and two buftoons. Later on, other
figures were added to these, as the yokthe
pwe’s repertoire expanded. The figures have
always been made of wood, and draped in
fine silk materials in the traditional Burmese
manner. They are manipulated with strings
which, in the case of an elaborate figure
(such as that of the nat votress), could, in the
past, be as many as sixty-six. Present-day
figures have far fewer strings.
Puppeteers work from behind a screen,
which also serves as a backdrop, stretched a
few metres from the front edge of a frame
of boards. A frieze above the stage front
conceals the upper part of their bodies
which would otherwise be visible above the
screen. There are no changes in the back-
drop, a single screen remaining in place
throughout a performance. Thus, there is
no change of ‘scenery’, and scene changes
are indicated by the exit of all characters
and by the replacement of stage properties.
These are changed in full view ofthe audi-
ence and include, for instance, a throne, a
bunch oftwigs representing a forest, a divan
to represent a court, a rich man’s house,
and so on. Today, more sophisticated per-
formances use more elaborate staging tech-
niques, with the puppeteers working from
overbridges, and making use of elaborate
projected scenery and other devices made
possible with the use of electricity. Simpler
stages, however, continue to be used in
locations where facilities for elaborate
staging are not available.
Music for the traditional yokthe pwe per-
formances was provided by a saing ensemble
consisting of a drum-circle, a gong circle,
oboes (hnai), a big drum and a support drum
called pat ma-gyaung, cymbals, as well as
clappers, all these instruments played by
about half a dozen musicians. Although
performances using this traditional orches-
tra may still be seen, there have been
changes that have brought into use modern
instruments—the piano, the violin, the
clarinet, and so on—so that instruments
from the saing orchestra are combined with
some ofthese.
YOKTHE PWE
Traditionally, performances of yokthe pwe
began by invoking the assistance of the nat.
The invocation was in a set form of ritual
music, song, and dance which was strictly
adhered to, down to the details in costume,
posture, tunes, as well as libretti. This par-
ticular style of ritual opening has been
retained intact throughout the history of
yokthe pwe for fear of offending the nat.
Thus, for the invocation, the nat votress 1s
called forth, the figure of the nat votress
introduced from the audience’s right-hand
side of the stage, moving across the screen.
The nat votress then lifts up the red lac bowl
of offerings to the nat. This she does three
times calling to witness, first the stage itself,
next the regional nat, and then the audi-
ence. Then, the musical cue is given for her
to sing the song of Indra, king of the nat.
This brings down Indra and, through her,
he says that he came from his Vijayanta
palace in the abode of the nat to this place
in the abode of men to join in the festiv-
ities. Indra then leaves. Then follow pro-
pitiatory songs and songs beseeching the
various nat for their assistance. At this point,
with the offerings and prayers accepted, the
expression on the nat votress’s face changes
from one of seriousness to one of happiness,
happiness manifested in a lively perform-
ance of song, music, and dance by the
orchestra and the nat votress.
The second part of a performance, deal-
ing with a specific plot, takes place follow-
ing this ritual opening of the theatre and the
invitation to the audience. The bulk of the
yokthe pwe’s original dramatic repertoire was
derived from the 550 jataka or stories of the
Buddha’s previous lives. Although the reper-
toire was later on enlarged with the in-
clusion of material from old Burmese
chronicles, there was never an attempt to
include material reflecting the contempor-
ary situation in Burma.
‘Tradition maintains that the performance
must begin at the very beginning. Buddhist
tradition has it that at the beginning of
creation there was nothing but the waters.
When the waters evaporated, the surface of
the earth became level like a drum and the
creation of the moon, the sun, and other
heavenly bodies followed. Then came cli-
mactic phenomena, upheavals and submer-
318
gences, convulsions of the earth’s crust,
leading to the formation of mountains, val-
leys, rivers, glaciers, and seas. It was then
that the mythical Mount Meru was created,
out of which grew the legends of Hima-
vanta. U Thaw felt that it was only nght
and proper that the first part of amarionette
show should depict some aspect related to
the creation of the world, hence, the Hima-
vanta scene, showing wild animals in their
natural habitat. Himavanta is supposed to
be inaccessible to human beings. Only ogres
and zawgyi (supernatural beings endowed
with magical powers or wizards) might be
found wandering in these wilds. Incidental
entertainment is provided through the sta-
ging of animal fights. This scene is repeated
every night during a series of performances.
Interestingly, the view has been expressed
that possibly this part of a yokthe pwe per-
formance represents a survival from an earl-
ier style of puppetry intended essentially as
a means of entertaining children.
The next stage in the process of creation
was that which marked the establishment of
kingdoms. Yokthe pwe performances, then,
having indicated the process of world cre-
ation, continue with the depiction of events
in a kingdom. A king usually makes his ap-
pearance, holding court with his ministers.
Some indication is given in the opening
dialogue between the king and his ministers
of the plot that is to be performed. The en-
suing play, whatever its content, officially
begins with the appearance of the four
munisters. This opening is one of the stock
scenes indispensable to a yokthe pwe per-
formance, no matter what the plot. With
this, the story selected for performance be-
gins to untold. Contemporary performances
last a mere 3—4 hours, unlike the all-night
performances of the past. In all, however,
certain conventions are observed. These
have to do both with the overall presenta-
tion of the performance as well as details
related to music, dialogue, and the move-
ments of the figures in a yokthe pwe set. The
measure of the manipulator’s achievement
is the fact that the marionette theatre sets
the standard of the Burmese dance and
theatre. Actors and actresses, as well as dan-
cers in other styles of Burmese theatre, in
particular *zat pwe, have traditionally had to
 ole YUDHISTHIRA
mould their gestures and dance movements acquiring wisdom. His sacred heirloom is
on marionettes worked by famous manip- the mysterious Kalimasada, a holy text con-
ulators, particularly when performing jataka taining secrets of religion and the universe.
stories. - He rules his kingdom with justice and
benevolence. The simplicity and straight-
Yudhisthira (Indonesia/Malaysia). The forwardness of his character are reflected in
eldest of the *Pandawa brothers, the white- his figure in the wayang, which lacks orna-
blooded Yudhisthira is the refined (*halus) mentation. The gentle inclination of his
and ideal priest-king in the *wayang kulit head and the refinement of his features
purwa lakon derived from the * Mahabharata. show him to be an ideal, aristocratic priest-
Humble, obliging, and well-mannered, he king.
spends most of his time meditating and
 ZL.
zahir (Malaysia/Indonesia), see halus, kasar
zarzuela (Philippines). A form of operatic
theatre in the Philippines which developed
as a result of direct introduction from Spain
and subsequent local influences in the nine-
teenth century. As far as its European pro-
venance goes, it 1s usually traced back to the
Spanish *sainete, a brief comedy or farce,
believed to have connections with the Ro-
man mimus. The sainete, as a rule, depicts
scenes from lower- or middle-class life in
a humorous, ironical, or satirical manner
without attempting to preach or moralize.
Humour of situation and liveliness of dia-
logue are of primary concern and plots are
of little importance. Characters represent
familiar types taken from the lower or mid-
dle classes. To some extent, the zarzuela in
style and character owes something, too, to
zarzuela
the Italian commedia dell’arte, some elements
of which genre reached South-East Asia
through various channels, including the In-
dian Parsi theatre (*wayang pars). While the
Filipino zarzuela shares many performance
features with similar traditions in the region,
however, its introduction came directly
from Europe.
There is a view that the zarzuela began in
Spain in the thirteenth century or earlier in
the Juegos de Escarnio, while another opinion
has it that as a recognizable form it may
have started in the early sixteenth century.
The earliest zarzuela to appear in print was
Lucas Pernandez’s Dialogo para Cantar, poss-
ibly written in 1514, and in that same cen-
tury zarzuela became an established theatre
form.
With Lope de Vega and Pedro Calderon
de la Barca in the seventeenth century, the
 321
zarzuela experienced its most active period
and the term for the genre was also coined
at that time. Most of Calderon’s mytho-
logical. plays were stylistically zarzuela.
Philip IV, by vouchsafing zarzuela artists a
chance to present their plays before royal
audiences, gave the genre considerable
support. The Royal Palace of the zarzuela
became a venue for performances and the
style itself was recognized as royal enter-
tainment.
As the zarztela was essentially a play
with music and dance, and since many
Spanish plays were accompanied by music,
and often designed to be sung, the precise
date for its beginning remains somewhat
controversial.
In 1703, with the arrival ofItalian opera
troupes in Spain, a serious attempt was made
by their leaders to woo the audience away
from the zarzuela so that Italian opera could
establish a foothold in Spain. Following a
successful anti-zarzuela campaign, the genre
began to decline, and although a few die-
hard zarzuela artists kept writing scripts for
it, the genre became practically extinct. In
1847, a group of composers, La Espana
Musical, launched a revival campaign for
the Spanish zarzuela. Unfortunately, the
group thought only in terms of the long
and cumbersome three-act or five-act
zarzuela, later to be known as the *zarzuela
grande, which suffered from a certain
roughness and looseness ofstructure.
The Espana Musical group, however,
revived the zarzuela accidentally by con-
ceiving the idea of doing short zarzuela,
one-act plays which they called *genero chico,
between the acts of full-length zarzuela
plays or presented following a long play as
an added attraction. These one-act pieces
were nothing but the sainete of old, short
comic scenes of daily life with music and
dance added for spice. An experiment with
programmes of two or more short zarzuela
in a row, instead of the usual long one with
short inserts, proved a success. An audience
had been created for the genero chico and
soon theatres were being built specifically
for the new form. In due course, the zar-
zuela grande was replaced totally by the
short zarzuela. The genero chico became the
most popular theatre form for the next
ZARZUELA
thirty years in Spain, with many scripts
written specially for it.
The zarzuela reached the Philippines at
the height of the popularity of the genero
chico. Thus, at the initial stages, the majority
of the zarzuela that arrived in the Philip-
pines were one-act ones. Following this
almost instant success ofthe genero chico, the
zarzuela grande, too, reached the islands,
quickly attracting an audience to itself. It
has been suggested that perhaps the Filipino
audience, being Asian in its concept ofstage
time, did not mind the length ofthe zarzuela
grande, for just as the Javanese, Balinese,
Thais, and Malays were used to all-night
shadow play (*wayang kulit) performances
night after night, the Filipinos had been par-
ticipating in the several-day-long *mariones
festival in Marinduque.
The Spanish zarzuela was introduced
into the Philippines by Dario *Cespedes, a
Spanish poet and playwright, who arrived
in Manila in 1878 with a troupe organized
in Spain. Early in 1879, Jugar Con Guego
was performed at the Teatro de Novedades
in Manila. This was the first Spanish zarzuela
in the Philippines.
In 1880, Alejandro *Cubero arrived in
the Philippines with Elisa Raguer, a zarzuela
star known in Madrid for her graceful dan-
cing, her excellent voice, and her striking
physical beauty. Cubero and Raguer quickly
started a zarzuela troupe using local talents.
Cubero served as producer and director,
while Raguer became the troupe’s leading
lady. Their first local troupe, the Teatro
Portatil Fernandez, was dissolved after a few
months but was quickly replaced by the
Compania Lirico-Dramatica. Cubero pre-
sented La Calandria at the Teatro Filipino,
his base, on 15 December 1881. Although
other troupes were started at the time, Cu-
bero’s troupe dominated ‘the zarzuela scene
until his death. He is credited with having
trained several famous local ae te
including Venancia Suzara (1869-1903) and
Praxedes Julia Fernandes (1 a,
In its initial stages, the zarzuela in the
Philippines was exactly the same as its
Spanish counterpart. Cubero, however, ex-
perimented with suitable materials for local
productions. One such production, Cuadros
Filipinas by Francisco P. de Entrala, staged
ZARZUELA
in 1882, tried, without any success, to ri-
dicule the *comedia or *moro-moro, at that
time still the most popular theatre form in
the Philippines. Several other zarzuela com-
panies, including the FER-SU-TA Com-
pany, named after Fernandez, Suzara, and
Tagaroma, the three leading stars of the
troupe, Compania de Navarro Peralta,
which existed until 1890, and the company
of Juan Barbero, Carlos Rodriguez, and
Florencio Lerma in Iloilo, were active at
that time. Some of them took the zarzuela
to districts and provinces outside Manila.
Many of the Spanish zarzuela popular in
the Philippines in its early period were sim-
ilar in style and content to the comedia, with
kings and queens as characters, romantic
situations, and magical elements. These ele-
ments of fantasy were later on rejected by
the zarzuela plays written in local languages,
in particular Tagalog. At this early period,
however, the Filipino zarzuela merely ad-
apted to the Filipino taste or blended into
the comedia.
The year 1887 saw an interesting aberra-
tion in the Filipino zarzuela. W. W. Retana
records that on one occasion the zarzuela
entitled Pascual Bailon was presented in the
fashion of the continental cancan. The Arch-
bishop of Manila, Mgr. Payo, promptly
issued a pastoral letter condemning anyone
and everyone who went to these “espectacuilos
teatrales, que con escandalo de las costumbres se
han establecido en Manila, y de cuando pre-
sencian tambien las princincias. The pastoral
letter condemning the zarzuela, like others
of the same kind, served only to increase
people’s curiosity about the new trend.
Pascual Bailon played to overflowing au-
diences in Manila as well as in the pro-
vinces. It is highly possible that as a result of
this incident, some of the mgidity and
formality was lost from the zarzuela.
Before the turn of the century, many Fi-
lipino playwrights wrote zarzuela in Span-
ish for the local theatre groups. These works,
however, even when created by Filipinos,
remained essentially Spanish in character
their characters, themes, and music were
Spanish.
A noted Pampangan playwright, Ma-
riano Proceso *Pabalan (1863-1904), who
was attracted to zarzuela, was determined to
322
prove that the vernacular could be set to
music as effectively and as beautifully as
Spanish. He wrote a zarzuela in Capam-
pangan entitled Ing Magnape. Staged at the
Teatro Sabina in Pampanga on 1 Septem-
ber 1900, it proved an instant success.
Within a few years, the zarzuela was being
written in the different vernaculars of
the country. Catalino Palisoc (1865-1932)
wrote and staged a Pangasinan zarzuela
entitled Say Linang ag Naketket, Pampinsi-
wan in 1901. In that same year, Severino
*Reyes (1861-1942), using the Tagalog
language, launched an anti-comedia and pro-
zarzuela drive in Manila. The Bicol region
had a vernacular zarzuela around 1907.
Cebu followed in 1917 with a Sugbuhanon
zarzuela entitled Inday. The loko region
had its first zarzwela in Hocano in 1925.
The first decade saw the three greatest
playwrights of the Capampangan theatre—
Mariano Proceso Pabalan, Juan Crisostomo
Soto, and Felix Napao—and a host oflesser
ones write numerous works for the zar-
zuela. Among Pabalan’s zarzwela, apart from
Ing Managpe (1900), are a large number of
others, all of the one-act, genero chico variety.
Soto, the most significant playwright in the
history of Capampangan theatre, has one
three-act zarzuela, *Alang Dios!
Aurelio *Tolentino, who made his name
eventually as a playwright in Tagalog, was
also popular among the Pampanga audi-
ences and wrote several important works in
that language. Bred in the zarzuela grande of
the Tagalog theatre, he popularized the
longer form in Pampanga. He also intro-
duced the idea of propaganda theatre with
his Capampangan translation of *Kahapon,
Neayon, at Bukas, one of the most import-
ant revoludonary plays of the Tagalog
theatre.
The Capampangan theatre is credited
with the shift in theme of the zarzuela.
Along with the idea of writing in the ver-
nacular, Pabalan also introduced the idea of
writing about Filipino topics. The story-
lines of the zarzuela up to the end of the
nineteenth century, whether written by
Spaniards or Filipinos, were Spanish. Fili-
pino audiences were enamoured of the col-
ourful costumes and scenery, the handsome
actors, and pretty swooning actresses. All
 323
this was changed by Pabalan’s Ing Managpe.
Thereafter, the Philippine zarzuela had only
one dominant theme, the Filipino family,
and this was presented with infinite vari-
ations. Only Aurelio Tolentino departed
from the trend with his political plays, but
even then he had to couch his allegory in a
family situation or context.
The practice of developing theatre com-
panies with resident directors also began to
take root. At this time, there were the
Compania Reyes or Dramatica Pampang-
yena, the Compania Katipunan Mipanam-
pun or Compania Paz, the Compania
Ocampo, the Compania de los Remedios,
the Compania Lanang, and the Compania
Lubena. The first Sugbuhanon zarzuela
is generally believed to be Buenaventura
Rodriguez’s Inday, written in 1917. Soto
(1883-1951), who made immense contri-
butions to the Sugbuhanon theatre with his
realistic plays and political drama, is known
to have written one Sugbuhanon zarzuela,
Maputi ug Maitum, the date of which remains
uncertain. Borromeo wrote several zarzuela
grande, and Piux Kabahar, the most prolific
of the Sugbuhanon zarzuela writers, experi-
mented with both genero chico and zarzuela
grande. Buenaventura Rodriguez, whose
Mini (1927) is still a favourite among reviv-
alist groups, is credited with having written
some of the most popular plays of the Sug-
buhanon theatre.
The Bicol region is reported to have had
a zarzuela as early as 1906 or 1907 when a
piece written by Benedicto Sabater was
staged in the yard of the Penafrancia church
in Naga. The indigenous zarzuela never
managed to get a strong foothold in the
Bicol area. Spanish zarzuela troupes, how-
ever, visited Naga very often. The zarzuela,
therefore, was always associated with the
Spanish travelling troupes. Naga has also
been considered to be conservative. As
such, its traditional loyalty to the comedia
did not shift to the zarzuela. In spite of the
basically anti-vernacular zarzuela attitude of
most of the Bicol audience, a company was
formed with Eugenio Miranda, Alejandro
Herrera, and Timoteo Ortile as playwrights.
It is not known how long the company
lasted, but it could not have been very long.
The Pangasinan zarzuela reflects the
ZARZUELA
flexibility to which the genre was put in
later times. Scripts, originally written for
intellectuals, incorporated political issues,
and due to the fact that political issues kept
constantly changing, the scripts were being
revised from performance to performance.
This tentative nature of the script is more
in the spirit of the zarzuela itself, for like
the South-East Asian operatic traditions in
which performances are based upon scen-
arios rather than complete scripts, the
scripts of the Pangasinan zarzuela provided
adequate room for improvisation.
The great name in the Ilocano theatre is
Mena Pecson *Cnistologo (1884-1927).
Cnstologo staged zarzuela, both script and
music of which he had written, in the open
air. This was unlike the Tagalog zarzuela,
which was normally staged in semi-
permanent or permanent theatres such as
the Manila Grand Opera House. Of Cristo-
logo’s plays, two are especially noteworthy,
Codigo Municipal (1908) and Maysa a
Candidato (1908), both of which belong to
the genero chico.
Probably the most famous zarzuela ori-
ginate from the Tagalog region. The literat-
ure on the Tagalog zarzuela is vast compared
to that on the other vernacular zarzuela
traditions. Most ofthe critics of the Tagalog
theatre agree that it was Severino Reyes
who shaped the Tagalog zarzuela. Reyes
introduced something new into the theatre
in the Philippines. This was the so-called
‘seditious’ or revolutionary zarzuela.
Reyes’s greatest work, *Walang Sugat,
was also his most bitter diatribe against
imperialism. In this zarzuela, Reyes shows
the Spanish friars at their cruellest. The
friars personally handled the torture of pat-
riotic Filipinos. In one scene, Reyes pro-
vides stage directions to show Filipinos
shooting the friars on stage.
Walang Sugat was not the first anti-
Spanish Tagalog play. The earliest anti-
Spanish play was not a zarzuela, but a straight
dramatic work entitled Ang Katipunan by
Gabriel Beato Francisco. This play, pub-
lished in 1899 and staged shortly after,
showed the cruelty of the friars. The play
also attacked Filipinos who tried to walk the
tightrope by being friends of both Spaniards
and natives. Reyes took the spirit from
ZARZUELA
Francisco, but he used the form with which
his name would later be linked, the zar-
zuela.
Reyes also wrote another anti-Spanish
zarzuela, Los Martires de la Patria, which
tried to portray the friars’ favourite scheme
of accusing natives of crimes they did not
commit. Reyes’s example was followed by
lesser playwrights. Even Patricio *Mariano
(1877-1935), an otherwise non-political
playwnght, wrote the anti-Spanish Dalawang
Pag-ibigin 1910.
The revolutionary zarzuela, however,
cannot be said to be a creation of Reyes
alone. It reflects the sensibility of the times,
and is a logical product of the period. The
anti-imperialist feeling of the natives was
running high, and the zarzuela writers knew
where the spirit blew. The revolutionary
character of the Tagalog zarzuela was also a
product of the committed tradition of ver-
nacular literature in the Philippines. Unlike
the provincial writers, who were more
stage-oriented and more practical in terms
of box-office, the Tagalog writers thought
of themselves as creative writers of liter-
ature. The writers in the Tagalog region,
therefore, felt bound to the tradition of
commutted literature that the Philippines
had had since *Balagtas and Rizal. It was
not surprising, therefore, that Reyes picked
up and developed a revolutionary strain.
Even more numerous than the anu-
Spanish plays were the zarzuela directed
against the new imperialists. Anti-American
plays form the main bulk of the Tagalog
zarzuela, or at least its most significant part.
It was also the anti-American zarzuela that
hugged the headlines, both in the Phihp-
pines and in the United States. The theatres
were periodically raided by the American
authorities, who realized how powerful the
theatre was turning out to be,
Juan *Abad’s * Tanikalang Ginto, for ex-
ample, was staged in Batangas, a Tagalog
province south of Manila, on 10 May 1903.
The performance was stopped by American
soldiers and Abad was arrested on a charge
of sedition and imprisoned. Aurelio Tolen-
tino, who wrote the powerful Kahapan,
Neayon, at Bukas (1903) was also imprisoned.
This zarzuela was described as a ‘protest
against American rule, a threat to rise and
324
expel it, a call to arms, and a final tiumph
of the revolutionists’.
In Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, by an
ingenious bit of stage action, a thrilling and
subtle effect was gained. It was forbidden to
display the Filipino flag in those tempes-
tuous times, but some of the actors were
costumed in such a way that when, at a
given signal, they took certain positions,
they formed the flag for an instant. The
audience, quick to perceive the device, went
wild with delight, much to the puzzlement
of the American spectators.
Tolentino wrote other revolutionary
plays. One of these was Luhang Tagalog or
Tagalog Tears, in which the Philippines is
shown to have been invaded by a foreign
power. The characters are split into two
parties: one wishing to fight to the end, and
the other favouring autonomy under the
invader. It ends, like Filipino history itself,
in the subjugation ofthe Filipinos.
Of the other revolutionary plays, Juan
Matapang Cruz’s *Hindi Aco Patay is note-
worthy. Other playwnghts who wrote
revolutionary plays were Pascual Poblete,
Pedro Paterno, Tomas Remigo, Sergio
Ferrer, Salvador Siocon, Florentino Ballecer,
Mariano Suguerra, Ambrosio de Guzman,
and Pantaleon Lopez.
The zarzuela, it should be noted, did not
always crusade on basic issues. Several zar-
zuela tackled lesser, if more immediate,
concerns. As the Filipinos became more
and more familiar with zarzuela techniques,
it served as effective commentary on the
foibles of the people. Some zarzuela served
as an excuse to discuss the social and polit-
ical problems of the day, while others
sought to expose the mistakes and short-
comings of a government official or a well-
known personage in the community. The
exposé seemed the favourite purpose of
some zarzuelista so that it was not uncom-
mon for prominent people watching a
zarzuela to see themselves actually im-
personated on stage. The wit and the sar-
casm interspersed in the dialogue of this
particular kind of zarzuela often brought
about the desired effects of the crusading
writer.
The political zarzuela was the contribu-
tion of the Tagalog region to the theatre of
 325
the Philippines in this period. Eventually,
political strains found their way into the
Bicol region and into the Capampangan
theatre. The seat of the political theatre,
however, was Manila, and aside from the
isolated plays in Bicol and Capampangan,
political theatre flourished only in Manila.
Not all Tagalog zarzuela, however, were
political. The plays of Hermogenes *Ilagan
(1873-1943), for example, were literary,
almost to an esoteric degree. Ilagan was
apolitical. His plays were dainty little pieces
of well-structured plots and characteriza-
tions. He is especially known for his Dala-
gang Bukid (1918), reputed to be the most
popular zarzuela ofthe period. Patricio Ma-
riano was another non-political playwright,
although he did write two political zar-
zuela. He was generally more concerned
with love affairs and family life. He is
known to have written at least forty-six
plays. With the introduction and popular-
ization of the zarzuela, an interesting con-
flict developed in Manila between the
zarzuela artists and the moro-moro artists.
Before the 1896 Revolution, the moro-moro
or comedia was the major theatre form in the
Philippines. The zarzuela was still basically a
Spanish form and had not yet been adapted
for native audiences. When Soto introduced
the vernacular zarzuela, the new musical-
drama form gained tremendous popularity
among the Filipinos. The large number of
vernacular zarzuela being staged inevitably
triggered off aconflict with the established
theatre form, the comedia.
Severino Reyes’s first zarzuela, a one-act
work written in 1902 and appropriately
entitled *R.I.P., ridiculed the popular moro-
moro with a view to banishing it from the
stage forever. Included in the play was a
symbolic scene where the actors buried a
pile of costumes and trappings made use of
in moro-moro presentations.
The play brought down the ire of moro-
moro actors and enthusiasts upon his head. A
mass demonstration was staged in protest
against his flagrant campaign against moro-
moro. The enraged crowd hurled stones at
his house and invectives at his name.
Undaunted, Reyes continued writing his
anti-moro-moro plays. R.I.P. was closely fol-
lowed in unrelenting succession by other
ZARZUELA
satires and parodies that served both to ex-
punge the moro-moro from the limelight and
elevate their author to the height of pop-
ularity and acclaim.
Reyes had not expected R.I.P. to be so
successful. In fact, he had included Ang
Kalupi, a one-act zarzuela ‘portraying the
vanity and worldly ways of men’ in the
programme in order to ensure an audience.
R.I.P., however, infuriated the moro-moro
artists so much that the uproar they raised
attracted the attention of the Manila audi-
ence to the new form.
Juan Bartolome, leader of a moro-moro
troupe, promptly wrote a rejoinder entitled
Kalian ma’y Buhay, translated as We Are Still
Alive or We Will Live Forever. The defenders
of the moro-moro tried to cast doubts on the
value of the vernacular zarzuela, pointing
out its supposed weaknesses: the fact that it
was not well thought out or well organized
compared to its Spanish model; the fact that
its Music was inappropriate and its language
often vulgar. The moro-moro, under the
direction of Eugenio Monico, director and
playwright at the Teatro Rizal, reportedly
continued to be active despite the attacks
against it.
A parallel development occurred in
Cebu. Vincente Soto launched a campaign
against the moro-moro with an article in
his own newspaper, Ang Suga. Some of
Soto’s disciples joined in the attacks,
writing plays satirizing the comedia, though
their success fell far short of that attained
by Reyes in Manila where, as far as Reyes
was concerned, the moro-moro was dead by
1902.
The moro-moro, however, contrary to
what Reyes and most historians claim,
never died. It was only in Manila that the
zarzuela succeeded in getting a bigger audi-
ence than the moro-moro. One reason for the
Manila phenomenon is probably the higher
wages that Reyes offered to the actors in his
company. Another reason is that Manila has
always been an exception to general theatre
trends in the Philippines. Political theatre
flourished in Manila; it did not flourish in
any real sense in any other part of the Phil-
ippines. The zarzuela grande flourished in
Manila; it was the genero chico that was more
popular in the provinces.
ZARZUELA
In the provinces, the moro-moro con-
tinued to draw large audiences, particularly
at provincial fiestas, which were not con-
sidered complete without the open-air
comedia. This is still the situation today. In
fact, in Paranaque, just outside Manila, the
moro-moro was still very much alive in the
late 1960s.
In 1897, the cinema reached Manila al-
though it took a long time reaching the rest
of the Philippines. However, the zarzuela
continued to be popular for some time after
that date. Besides the problem of having
adequate facilities to screen films, there was
the problem of the medium itself, and the
silent movies somehow did not manage to
draw away the audience from the theatre.
With the cinema industry, the *vaudeville
also reached the Philippines. Vaudeville
numbers were introduced to entertain the
audience between reels of a silent film. Short
musical sketches or a light comedy were
soon incorporated. Vaudeville appealed to
the Filipino audience because the singing
and dancing were reminiscent of the zar-
zuela. In fact, zarzuela stars like Atang de la
Rama went into vaudeville, increasing, un-
wittingly, the audience for this new form.
By 1918, the silent movies had spread to
the cities with electricity. Some producers
zarzuela
326
saw film as a logical extension ofthe theatre
and films based on theatre forms were
made. The first Filipino silent film, Dala-
gang Bukid, made in 1919 by Malayan
Movies, a company .established by Jose
Nepomuceno, was based on the most pop-
ular Tagalog zarzuela of the penod. In
1920, La Verganza de Don Silvestre, another
zarzuela, was filmed, with the vocal parts
sung from behind the movie screen.
When the talkies appeared in the 1920s,
the theatre really suffered a blight. Amer-
ican and European movies enticed the
audience away from the vernacular theatre.
When the first local talkie was made by Jose
Nepomuceno, the theatre was beaten. Pun-
yal na Guinto, the first talkie, was quickly
followed by numerous Tagalog movies.
The audience, who had partly shied away
from the silent film because of the lack of
speech, and from the foreign films because
of the unfamiliar language, took to the
Tagalog film completely. Up to today, the
Tagalog movie remains unbeaten in box-
office records.
Beside vaudeville and the movies, there
were other reasons for the decline in theatre
activity. Difficulaes in publishing a play
were enormous. There was no money in
playwniting or even in other, normally more
 O27,
lucrative, kinds of theatre work.
Theatre, however, did not completely
disappear with the coming of vaudeville
and the movies and some theatre activity
continued, in the provinces in particular. By
and large, however, the Filipinos followed
the lead of the playwrights who shifted
allegiance to the new electronic form. The
zarzuela declined because of vaudeville, film,
and the lack of support from publishers.
Another factor sometimes cited for the de-
cline of the zarzuela was the American edu-
cational system imposed on the Filipinos,
and the adoption of American manners and
mores by educated Filipinos. The traditions
of Filipino theatre suffered a decline as a re-
sult of these developments, which affected
not only the indigenous forms but also zar-
zuela. Revivals of zarzuela do take place
from time to time, but these are done in a
fairly modern style. Traditional elements of
stagecraft, including painted scenery, were
discarded by zarzuela right from its earliest
days. In this sense, therefore, although shar-
ing much with the South-East Asian oper-
atic tradition, the genre has, stylistically,
always been European.
zarzuela grande (Philippines). The term
zarzuela grande was used in Spain from the
late nineteenth century, and later, with the
expansion of the *zarzuela into the Philip-
pines, in that country as well, to refer to
zarzuela scripts which were written in three
or five acts.
zat pwe (Burma). The classical theatre of
Burma which serves as a vehicle for the
portrayal of historical or religious themes in
a stylized manner. The term zat pwe is
probably derived from the Sanskrit word
*jataka which refers to stories related to the
life of the Buddha. Zat pwe performances
begin after dark and continue into the early
hours of the morning. Stories are derived
from Burmese history, from the period
during which Burma was a monarchy.
They deal, therefore, with royal succession
and court intrigues. The structure of zaf
pwe calls for an intermingling of pathetic
and comic scenes. The intervals in a per-
formance are punctuated by songs sung by
leading performers. Colourful costumes and
flashy equipment, including head-dresses,
ZORILLA THEATRE
crowns, and swords, are used.
One important feature of zat pwe per-
formance is the huit-pa-thwa, a sort of pas de
deux, a dance scene in which the leading
stars participate. It 1s usually brought into
performances to mark some important cel-
ebration in the story being performed, and
marks the centre point or highlight of both
plot and performance. In addition to dances,
zat pwe is characterized by comedy, provided
by two clown characters appearing at in-
tervals dressed in ludicrous costumes and
exaggerated, mask-like make-up. The zat
pwe is accompanied by an orchestra called
the saing, which also provides a musical pre-
lude to performances.
zawgyi (Burma). Sorcerer, magician, or
wizard. One of the most important figures
in the set of Burmese marionettes represents
a zaweyl. See yokthe pwe.
zikir (Malaysia/Indonesia/Thailand). The
Arabic word ziky, meaning ‘remembrance’,
is usually written by the Malays and Indo-
nesians as zikir or dikir. In the case of Ma-
laysia, this is sometimes distorted to dikay.
There are two kinds of zikr zikr jali, that
which is recited aloud, and zikr khafi, that
which is performed either in a low voice or
silently. In both, various names of Allah and
some of His attributes are repeated, some-
times the reciter nearing a state of trance.
Zikr as such is not featured in any tradi-
tional theatre genre in South-East Asia
although Islamic prayer texts (doa) are used.
There are, however, several performance
styles that are believed to have developed
out of zikr. These include the Malaysian
*dikir barat, dikir labah, and *jikey, as well as
the dikir hulu of the Patani district of Thai-
land. There is a view, too, that *Jlikay, the
Thai opera, may have developed from
some form ofzikir.
Zorilla Theatre (Philippines). A very fam-
ous theatre in Manila, connected with some
of the earliest theatre productions in that
city, inaugurated on 17 August 1893. The
theatre was named after the Spanish na-
tional poet and dramatist, Jose Zorilla. The
first *zarzuela to be performed at this
theatre, El Diablo Mundo, was considered a
milestone in Filipino music and theatre.
 Jot
OXFORD

: DICTIONARY OF
TRADITIONAL SOUTH-EAST ASIAN THEATRE
GHULAM-SARWAR YOUSOF

This Dictionary of Traditional South-East Asian Theatre

is a comprehensive guide to traditional theatre terminology
in the countries of South-East Asia, with particular focus
on the rich theatrical traditions of Thailand, Malaysia,
Indonesia, and the Philippines.
_ It includes descriptions of all South-East Asian
theatrical genres, from history to performance, from
plays to religious significance; synopses of major literary
sources and important play cycles, connecting these to
the theatre; definitions of functionaries and aspects of
performance for all genres, including the physical
stage, music, and costume; and explications of
aesthetic terminology and rituals which provide
interpretations of cultural significance.
The unusually wide range of materials, countries,
languages, and cultures, and the clarity of presentation
make it a reliable yet highly readable work of reference
which will be invaluable to all enthusiasts of
South-East Asian theatre.
Dr Ghulam-Sarwar Yousof is Lecturer in
Performing Arts at Universiti Sains Malaysia.

ISBN 967-65-3032-8

Oxford Paperbacks : 9 |896 |530 ll

Oxford University Press