C. Resistance to Spanish-Imposed Institutions—The Spanish institutions of taxation, forced labor, galleon trade, indulto de comercio, and monopolies’ (on tobacco and spirituous liquors among others) were persistent irritants that cause Filipino to revolt. Among the major rebellions belonging to this class were those in the late 16th century led by Magalat; the Sumodoy (Sumoroy) and the Caraga revolts in the 17th century; the revoltsFROM “INDIO” TO “FILIPINO” 109 of Magtangaga, Palaris and Silang and the Samal mutiny in the 18th century; and th reread ¢ Ambaristo revolt in the first decade of the Led by Magalat, chief in a a Tugues rit i brother, the opposition to the illicit tnbute colleen the Cagayanos to revolt. Magalat’ finaly eaboaed hen conse ig evr. Magala’s revolt was finaly subdued wines d hirelings of the Spaniards from his own camp ly assassinated him In easter Mind; i premat tert Dene ee nda, covering the out in Caraga, from 1629-31, also inflamed by the unlust collar tion of tribute in ki * lamé by the unjust collec- ‘ of ‘ibute in kind. Boatloads of rice were commandeered in the encomiendas for a 30-year period, with the town parish priest acting as official tribute collector. In 1649-50, in Palapag, Samar, a son of a babaylan, Juan Ponce Sumodoy, and a dati: from Catubig, Pedro Caamug, headed an uprising’ that spread to other coastal towns of Samar as far as the Bikol regions, Leyte, central Visayas, and northern Mindanao. This was a reaction to Governor Diego Fajardo’s order of shifting recruitment of the irksome polos y servicios personales from Luzon to the Visayas for the first time, to relieve the Tagalogs in building galleons.and warships in Cavite. The Visayans vehemently reacted to. this kind of forced labor in Luzon which separated them from their beloved families and their farms, However, the revolt was ex- peditiously contained by using the Christian Lutaws (Samal) under Francisco Ugbo and Alonso Macombon, who arrived in Pa- lapag in May 1650. By early July, they reached Sumodoy’s almost inaccessible camp atop a mesa (tableland), captured his mother, dragged her and threw her over a precipice. Sumodoy’s head was presented to the alcalde mayor by two of his former followers. In the eighteenth century, major uprisings occurred mostly in northern and central Luzon, spilling over towards the Tagalog Tegions. In Cagayan, the poverty-stricken life of the farmers was made more despairing due to a series of lean rice and com yields caused by migratory locusts which wreaked havoc on the Province during the first decade of the eighteenth century, Add- ing to their seemingly endless sufferings was the onerous exploita- tion of the alealde mayor with his arbitrary exaction of tribute in the much-coveted staple grains, and the irritating recruitment f forced laborers. Infuriated by the worsening economic situa- tion, “General” Luis Magtangaga, chief of Malaueg (now Rizal, Cagayan), assisted by an affluent chief of Tuao, Tomas Sinagui-no HISTORY OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE nngan, led the Itawis and Gaddangs (“Irayas") in the middle Caga- yan area to rise up in arms against the authorities in 1718, mo bilizing force of some 3,000 men to oust the hated alealde mayor. Both as in the other previous risings, Magtangaga’s revolt failed. In 1719, Pangesinan also witnessed a revolt led by Juan Cara- gay, “of very low birth” from Dag. span, galvanized by the tyrannical sete of the alcalde mayor who used force in the unlawful collec tion of tribute and draft labor. While successful in murdering the abominable provincial governor, Caragay was slain later by loyal reinforcements from Dagupan and Binmaley headed by Juan Ramos, marshalof-camp of Mangaldan, dominated by “{gorots” who chopped off Caragay’s head with just one stroke. Caragay was a mere “bandit” in the eyes of the Spaniards who claimed that he molested the people of San Jacinto and Mangal- dan. In the late 1750s, Pangasinan experienced untold~socio- economic restiveness as a consequence of destructive floods and’ poor harvest, which was further aggravated by the personal excesses of the then alcalde mayor, Joaquin de Gamboa. The regular tribute of one real fuerte (25 centavos) was ordered increased 1% reales more, in spite of the previous natural disasters forcing the already afflicted farmers to pay more than the normal tribute to cover the expenses for the yearly elections and the payments of the acolytes and choir singers, Camboa, likewise, exacted dried fish from the interior towns during the wet season. ordered a quota of fourteen polistas from every barangay, and to cap it all, controlled the community chest from the town officials. At Binalatongan (now San Carlos City), a principalta member, Juan de la Cruz Palaris, speathcaded a rebellion in 1762 against. Gamboa’s personal exceses, which easily spread to the other major towns of the province, reaching as far as the Lema bams In the end, Palaris was betrayed by his own Sitter to the town gobernadorcilio and sought to Lingayen eng i ae —, hanged. Receiving the gravest penalty, ve jas quartered pigatyle, with his mutilated head, hands, feet and gouged heart publicly exhibit:d at the six bridges of Binala- tongan to strike terror among the people, . Diego Silang, like Palaris, was a i +. '8 a principalia, who vehemently ‘opposed the exaction of the comin (annual tribute of one real fuerte), drafting of polistas, and other unscrupulous practicesROM “INDIO” TO “FILIPINO” of the new ale wa aed inl cm en ma ing the two Ilocos, A\ % a festo of the English naa ‘Comer Provisional Coreen May 1763 which guaranteed “... to treat the Natives with the utmost humanity, leaving them in quiet Poseesiea of tat Bene artios, anid ‘in mM in quiet Possession of their Pro- pertes, im in the free Exercise of their Religion, to free them , ‘axes and oppressions,” Silanj formally joined fc with the British, As ar ea Drake ead ae recompense, Governor Dawsonne Drake ee ‘im the pompous titles of “Don Diego Silang,” ine te le Sampo General y Teniente de Justicia Mayor, together with the official sanction of recognizing him the rightful head of the Ilocos government. ‘The British Manila Council assured him of man and firepower. Bishop Bemardo Ustariz, meanwhile, proclaimed himself as the provincial head and issued an interdict in the latter part of May 1763, and he excommunicated Silang. Fearing Silang’s threat to Spanish lives and properties, the bishop engineered his liquidation in Bantay (Tlocos Sur), even blessing the Spanish mestizo assassin, Miguel Vicos, an ex-silanista, who had taken confession and communion before executing the cowardly scheme. With Vicos was his friend and ex-confidant of Silang, Pedro Buecbuec (Becbec) of Abra, The killer nervously fired a musket through Silang’s back in the afternoon of May 1763, Silang dying in his wife’s arms. As if this was not enough, several principales of Santa (Ilocos Sur), in the belief that he was still alive sadistically stabbed the already dead body of Silang. Buecbuec was aptly rewarded by the grateful Spaniards with an appointment as justicia mayor of Abra, while Vicos sought refuge in Cagayan for fear of vendetta from Silang’s kin. With the death of Silang, aicalde mayor Manuel Arza y Urrutia of Cagayan initiated the hot pursuit of the remaining rebels led by his widow, Maria Josefa Gabriela de Silang, and his uncle; Nicolas Carifio, Eventually, Mrs, Silang, “‘the first woman to lead a revolt in the Philip- pines,” Sebastian Andaya and Miguel Flores, with about ninety loyal ‘silanistas were hanged along the Tlocos Sur coastline, from Candon to Bantay, with Gabriela Silang compelled to watch the slow death of each of her faithful soldiers. She was herself executed last, in Vigan, on September 20, 1763, ‘Two essential monopolized items, tobacco and basi, especially among the poorer classes of Filipinos, sparked the Lagutao (Labutao) revolt (1785), the Samal Mutiny (1787), and the Ambaristo or besi revolt (1807), c Mmre HISTORY OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE action to the implementation of the.estanco oat ot ft 8 rake ut im EPEC, te in some lowland areas of the Philippines. This new control added fire to the already irritating tribute exaction. Two Kalinga pagan chiefs, Lagutao and shaman, Baladdon, in the Cagayan valley, led the revolt in Ituy and Paniqui (present Isabela), bring- ing along with them back to the hills newly-converted Christians from Angadanan and Camarag (now Echagiie, Isabela) and the chiefs Baguatan, Manganusu and Juan Gumpin of Camarag. On the last day of March 1785, Lagutao presented himself to his followers as their liberator from the Spanish impositions of the tobacco monopoly, the tribute and tithes which had been progressively increased through the years. As a counter-offensive, the authorities mustered 300 men, reinforced by 2,000 auxi- Viaries from Bayombong, Bagabag, and Carig, under the com- mand of Mateo Cabal of Cagayan, who pursued Lagutao’s party, pm = fe Day ecb i leader, his brother, son-in-law and children. 3» capturing besides 81 men, women, youths, and In Samal, Bataan, t , Lt. Andres Magtanong and Subba Francisco atone tae of the town militia, as reaction to the Introduction or th Soaies in 1787. They Killed the teniente visitador suet cotanee monopoly guards. Quickly subdued, the rebel (ne ,tobacc® fom down, and the site: plowed and strewn with’ Rouses were ving things would ever grow where once stood (ut £0 that no Properties, reminisoent of the “conspiracy of the aoe. two hundred years before, ‘Their families’ propertie eka” iscated, the mutineers themselves were pacrerties were con- uartered, and their heads put on stakes tor wed, their bodies the north, some Tlocano military defectory uN display. In Vigan to Piddig (locos Norte) staged an anmee ,e%8Ped from read against the oppressive monopoly of ain revolt in July troduced in 1786, whieh included the contre] sot liquors (Rernenved sugarcane juice). Also known ag thot making basi Poiana the bravest right-hand man of the lead, -A™batisto” of Piddig, the revolt failed, with the rebels summeet Pear Mateo {helt bodies mutilated. Spitituous liquor, like nine t®,P&N6ed ang is, and other government-controlled items gh yP2™ Wine ang and games like cockfights and playing cards, °° * betel nut, most Filipinos, especially the clase pobre as soveT’ enioyed by relieve them from the burdens of daily life. “\*! amenities ¢3,a nse D. Peasant Unrest.—In April 1745, the Tagal marked by peasant unrest which started in the hacienda town of Silang in Cavite, spreading blood to the rice-growing provinces nearby. The maginoos of Silang disputed fraudulent land surveys which usurped a large portion of the communal lands in Latag (now Carmona) and Lantic which were unjustly awarded to the Chinese and mestizo tenants of the Dominican-owned friar estate of Bifian (Laguna). It is not surprising that it was a common saying in Cavite that “land grows each year” in the province Led by the principales of Silang under Joseph de la Vega, Fran- cisco Santos de Medina, Ignacio Marcelo, Julio Lopez de Montoya, Andres Pulido, and Francisco Gonzales, they assaulted the con- troversial hacienda in April 1745 and razed the granaries and houses to the ground in Latag and Lantic. Even as the attack was going on, the hacienda towns of Cavite and Tondo rose up in arms, the unrest spreading as far as Meycauayan, in Bulacan, by June. By October 1745, the agrarian revolt spread to Batangas. However, the Tagalog rebellion failed and the leaders either put to death or banished. Some were sent to hard labor in galleys. By 1822, another peasant revolt broke out once again in the vast nacienda towns of Cavite headed by Luis de los Santos (“Parang”) and Juan Silvestre (“Juan Upay”). Forty-eight ag- grieved farmers, tagged as a “reunion of bandits” by biased co- lonial writers, joined up and the unrest spread to the rice-and- sugar producing, friar-estate provinces of Cavite, Batangas, Laguna, Tondo, Bulacan, Bataan, and Pampanga. Actually, this peasant restiveness was a continuation of a former struggle which origin- ated more than eighty-years back in the upland and lowland towns of Cavite and other Tagalog towns in Manila. What ag- gravated the already tense situation in Cavite were the forced labor and exaction of tribute in the form of firewood for use in the Imus church construction. In fact, the so-called “tulisanes' (bandits) were really the troubled peasants whose survival depend- ed solely on the lands disposessed by the uldogs (hacienda lay. admitiistrator). Parang and Upay temporarily surrendered to authorities through amnesty in 1828, but resumed their uprising in the 1830s, Parang finally met his death by execution in 1836. it i other resurgence of agrarian trouble Canin bine land abuses of the friars, with Casi- i id jainst in See ore Imus farmer unjustly labeled “El Tulisan’ by the ‘Species heading a peasant uprising with his other dis. ’ crete ee imitomers, He was warmly supported by the CavitefiosM4 HISTORY OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE who knew the reasons for his defiance. In 1869, he was person. ally granted amnesty at the Imus hacienda by no less than the Governor Carlos Marfa de la Torre himself, and some of his men were assigned to the rural police force called Compafifa de Gutas de la Provincia de Cavite, with appropriate salaries. Camerino became the colonel of the force. Implicated in the Cavite Mutiny, he was executed by the garrote vil (death by strangulation using ‘an iron-collar which replaced death by hanging which was abolish. ed in 1832). E. The Moro Resistance.-The active resistance against the Spaniards heightened from 1718 to 1762, and from 1850s to 1878, during the so-called “Moro Wars”. Starting with the reestablishment of Fort Pilar in Zamboanga in 1718, the Spaniards failed miserably to subjugate the Moros in the 1750s. This was the time that the Iranuns and the Maranaos of Lanao commenced their relentless ravaging pillages in the Visayas which caused economic stagnation in many parts of the islands under the sway of the Spanish rule. Thousands of Christians were captured during the Moro raids, resulting in the decimation of population in the Visayas. These “Moro raids” were in retaliation for Spanish acts of reducing Moro captives to slavery and razing their homes, landed and personal properties to the ground. The British capture of Manila in 1762, and the pockets of resistance in Luzon and the Visayas temporarily reduced Spanish attention on Mindanao and Sulu. By the nineteenth century, Sulu became the theater of operations of Anglo-French rivalry, with the latter eyeing a sea base on Basilan in the 1850s at the time when the English were reactivating their trade with the Tausugs started earlier in the eighteenth century. By 1876, Jolo had surrendered to Spain, and the “Moro Wars" were carried out mainly through the juro- mentado or sabil allah ritual suicide attacks, commencing an open resistance to the unwanted Spanish occupation of their ancestral lands, Failure of the Revolts—-All the earlier resistance which occurred almost in cyclical Pattern were failu: Because of the insular makeup of the Philippines, the early Filipinos were com ditioned to live and feel apart fror: each other for almost 333 years. There was no sense of national unity. As consequenc®, there was a wide communication gap between the Filipinos of. Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao, particularly with those living i? inaccessible teas. ‘There were’a multitude of major and minor ethnolinguistic groups but no lingua franca, much less a nationalFROM “INDIO” TO “FILIPINO” 1 language, to communicate and bind one another. Although there were a number of colonial laws passed on the teaching of the Castilian langugage, the Spanish bureaucrats, spearheaded by the friars, deliberately refused to teach and promote their language among the Filipinos. They simply reasoned out that there was a lack of language materials as artes (grammars) and vocabularios, an absence of a teaching strategy for an alien tongue, and above all, a lack of qualified teachers of the language. Behind this smokescreen, of course, was the fear of the Spanish friars that a Filipino who knew the Castilian language became better educated and, therefore, a future subversive or a filibustero. 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