OUTLINE

 INTRODUCTION
 CONCEPT OF KINSHIP
 TYPES OF KINSHIP
 KINSHIP AMONG THE ETHNIC GROUPS IN NIGERIA
 SOCIO POLITICAL STRUCTURE AMONG THE ETHNIC GROUPS IN NIGERIA

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Introduction.

The word “kinship” has been used to mean several things-indeed; the situation is so complex that it is
necessary to simplify it in order to study it. “Kinship relationship” has several referents, which must be
kept sharply separated analytically. There are biological referents, behavioural referent and linguistic
referents (among others). According to the dictionary kinship has to do with relationships by blood; or
consanguinity; affinity with relationships brought by marriage. All cultures distinguish various categories
of kins and affines, and these categories, with their associated pattern of rights and obligations, make up
what social anthropologists call kinship system. In some societies every individual is, or think he is,
related by kinship or affinity to everyone else: in others, including most western ones, a man‟s kins and
affines are limited for practical purposes to a few close relatives. But in every society some relationships
of kinship and affinity are culturally recognized. Biologically not only human beings but all animals have
“kinship”. But the vital point is that unlike other animals, human beings consciously and explicitly use
the categories of kinship to define social relationships.

Pre-colonial Nigeria was in the past the home of a variety of ethnic groups, the most important of which
were the Hausa, Fulani, Nupe and Tiv in the north; Yoruba, Annang, Edo, Ibibio, Ibo, Ijo, Itsekiri and
Urhobo in the south. These groups had evolved, throughout different epochs, a variety of political
systems which were basically linked to their system of beliefs1. Prior to the fifteenth century, there were
four main political entities viz the Kanem-Bornu Empire, near Lake Chad2, their neighbouring Hausa
States to the east3, and the loosely-organised Ibo communities, near the mouth of the Niger.
Subsequent changes modified slightly this traditional organisation by integrating the Kanem-Bornu
Empire and the Hausa States to give birth to the Fulani Empire. The three entities ( Fulani Empire,
Yoruba Kingdoms and the Ibo Tribes) displayed differences in the kind of political organisation which
could be ranked from a highly centralised system to a decentralised one 4. The present paper tries to
identify this organisation, delineating at the same time the reasons behind such a difference. The latter
could be clearly understood through the analysis, in each system apart, of the position and the
prerogatives of the ruler, central and provincial administrations, and finally the organisation of the army.

CONCEPT OF KINSHIP

kinship is the web of social relationships that form an important part of the lives of all humans in all
societies, although its exact meanings even within this discipline are often debated. Anthropologist
Robin Fox says that the study of kinship is the study of what humans do with these basic facts of life –
mating, gestation, parenthood, socialization, siblingship etc. Human society is unique, he argues, in that
we are "working with the same raw material as exists in the animal world, but [we] can conceptualize
and categorize it to serve social ends."[1] These social ends include the socialization of children and the
formation of basic economic, political and religious groups.Kinship can refer both to the patterns of
social relationships themselves, or it can refer to the study of the patterns of social relationships in one
or more human cultures (i.e. kinship studies). Over its history, anthropology has developed a number of
related concepts and terms in the study of kinship, such as descent, descent group, lineage,

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affinity/affine, consanguinity/cognate and fictive kinship. Further, even within these two broad usages of
the term, there are different theoretical approaches.

Broadly, kinship patterns may be considered to include people related by both descent – i.e. social
relations during development – and by marriage. Human kinship relations through marriage are
commonly called "affinity" in contrast to the relationships that arise in one's group of origin, which may
be called one's descent group. In some cultures, kinship relationships may be considered to extend out
to people an individual has economic or political relationships with, or other forms of social connections.
Within a culture, some descent groups may be considered to lead back to gods[2] or animal ancestors
(totems). This may be conceived of on a more or less literal basis.

Kinship can also refer to a principle by which individuals or groups of individuals are organized into social
groups, roles, categories and genealogy by means of kinship terminologies. Family relations can be
represented concretely (mother, brother, grandfather) or abstractly by degrees of relationship (kinship
distance). A relationship may be relative (e.g. a father in relation to a child) or reflect an absolute (e.g.
the difference between a mother and a childless woman). Degrees of relationship are not identical to
heirship or legal succession. Many codes of ethics consider the bond of kinship as creating obligations
between the related persons stronger than those between strangers, as in Confucian filial piety.

In a more general sense, kinship may refer to a similarity or affinity between entities on the basis of
some or all of their characteristics that are under focus. This may be due to a shared ontological origin, a
shared historical or cultural connection, or some other perceived shared features that connect the two
entities.

Types of Kinship:

Kinship is of two types:

(i) Affinal Kinship, and

(ii) Consanguineous Kinship.

(i) Affinal Kinship:

The bond of marriage is called affinal kinship. When a person marries, he establishes relationship not
only with the girl whom he marries but also with a number of other people in the girl’s family.
Moreover, it is not only the person marrying who gets bound to the family members of the girl but his
family members also get bound to the family members of the girl.

Thus, a host of relations are created as soon as a marriage takes place. For example, after marriage a
person becomes not only a husband, but he also becomes brother-in-law and son-in- law. Here it may
be noted that in English language a number of relations created by marriage are referred by the same

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term. Thus, the same term ‘brother-in-law is used for bahnoi, sala, jija and sadahu. On marriage a
person also becomes foofa, nandoi and mausa.

Likewise a girl on marriage becomes not only a wife but also becomes daughter-in-law, she also
becomes chachi, bhabhi, devrani, jethani, mami etc. Thus, marriage creates a host of relationships which
are called affinal kin.

(ii) Consanguineous Kinship:

The bond of blood is called consanguineous kinship. The consanguineous kin are related through blood
whereas the affinal kin are related through marriage. The bond between parents and their children and
that between siblings is consanguineous kinship. Siblings are the children of the same parents.

Thus, son, brother, sister, uncle (chacha), elder uncle (taoo), nephew and cousin are consanguineous
kin. i.e., related through blood. In this connection it may be pointed out that blood relationship may be
actual as well as supposed.

Among polyandrous tribes the actual father of a child is unknown. An adopted child is treated as if it
were one’s own biologically produced child. Thus, blood relationship may be established not only on
biological basis but also on the basis of social recognition.

KINSHIP AMONG THE ETHNIC GROUPS IN NIGERIA.

Kinship is the most universal and basic of all human relationships and is based on ties of blood,
marriage, or adoption. There are two basic kinds of kinship ties:

 Those based on blood that trace descent

 Those based on marriage, adoption, or other connections

The role of kinship plays a very vital role in the political world. Among the ethnic groups in
Nigeria,kinship is also an essential feature to be consider. In this work,only the kinship of five tribes or
ethnic groups will be discussed.

Kinship in Igbo culture.

Kinship was cherished and was in some situations elevated to the sacred. It was the sacred bond that
established as well as defined social relations among Ndigbo. The Igbo social web of relatedness
generally revolved around the father. Patriarchy was ubiquitous in the Igbo society. Ndigbo have a
peculiar way of being as a people. They have a peculiar way of relating among themselves and
establishing social affinities; they have their unique idea of relatedness. This peculiar sense of
relatedness bound them together as a people despite the absence of a central government in the pre-
colonial era

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Igbo society places strong emphasis on lineage kinship systems, particularly the Patronage (father's
decedents), although some Igbo groups, such as the Ohaffia, have a matrilineal descent system
(mother's decedents), whereas groups like the Afipko Igbo have a double descent system (both sides are
considered).

1. Patrilineal Kinship Among Ndigbo

Patrilineal kinship system among Ndigbo is not an isolated phenomenon. There are so many practices
and beliefs that made such kinship system imperative. These factors are nuances to relevant aspects of
the Igbo cultural life. The convergence of these nuances culminated in the dominance of patrilineal
kinship practices among the overwhelming majority of Igbo communities. It was not a singularly chosen
custom. It is a way of life that comes naturally to the majority of Ndigbo, hence the general acceptability
of the custom.

Among the factors that make the Igbo society patrilineal are:

a. Traditionally Assigned Gender Roles in the Igbo Economy Among Ndigbo the male gender are the
drivers of the economy. The men are expected to provide all the needs of the family including the needs
of the wife. Women are only expected to offer marginal assistance to their husbands. Such assistances
are not mandatory hence they are culturally marginal. Another word for “wife” in Igbo language is
“oriaku” which literally means “the one who is meant to consume wealth”. As that word implies, the
husband must create the wealth that is to be consumed by the wife. This puts the male gender at the
center of socioeconomic relationships.

b. Igbo Marriage Practices Among Ndigbo, the idea of a dowry is alien. The groom rather than the bride
makes the transfer of property. He pays the bride price. He brings all the items listed by the bride’s
kindred as a precondition for giving out their daughter in marriage. The groom literally funds the
marriage ceremony.

There are mercantile undertones in Igbo marriage rituals. The groom pays the bride price which is
usually set by the bride’s family after some haggling with the groom’s family. The ritual of the payment
of the bride price is what Ndigbo consider as the legal pact that makes a woman wife to a man. There is
an inherent symbolism of purchase in the ritual.

There is an exchange of values therein. The bride’s family gives up their daughter in exchange for the
bride price. There is a resultant symbol of ownership in that ritual. It would be unnatural for the groom
or the resultant kids from the marriage to be acquired by the bride’s family after the groom has paid
price on the bride’s head. The bride price practice predisposes Ndigbo to the patrilineal kinship system.
The price of the union is paid by the man. There is no universal bride price. Whatever the bride’s family
demands is what the groom will pay. Of course after the traditional haggling over the amount. Once that
is dome, the woman is considered to have been acquired by the groom’s family. The symbolism of
purchase pervades the whole ritual.

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c. High Paternity Certainty Ndigbo place high premium on paternity. Although among Ndigbo, a
biological father is not considered to be a parent of a child if he did not pay bride price on the mother’s
head, Ndigbo however, strongly disapproves the idea of a married woman having a baby for another
man. The culture heavily frowns at infidelity by married women though it approves of polygamy. The
insistence on maintaining the father’s bloodline in a nuclear family tilts it towards patrilineal kinship.
Paternity certainty in matrilineal societies is generally less stressed than it is in patrilineal societies.

d. Male Centered Socio-Political Order The socio-political formation of the Igbo society is centered on
adult males. Women generally have no formal political roles among Ndigbo. A queen rarely led an Igbo
community.

The leadership of the community from the kindred unit to community headship is dominated by adult
males.

Traditionally Ndigbo practice universal adult male suffrage.

Women can neither vote nor be voted for in the leadership of the community. They are not members of
the community representative assembly. Most of the important social functions in the community are
generally led by the men.

From the foregoing, it appears that the Igbo society is culturally fated to be patrilineal by default. It is a
male dominated society. The men generally take charge in executing the affairs of the community. They
generally initiate the move to start families. They pay for the marriage ceremony. They are generally
responsible for the upkeep of the family. It is only natural that they “own” the family. Thus, patrilineal
kinship naturally comes to most of Ndigbo.

Matrilineal Kinship Among Ndigbo

Matrilineal kinship practices are not widespread among Ndigbo. However, Ohafia, Nkporo and Abiriba –
in Ohafia local council area of Abia State are matrilineal communities among Ndigbo. The family is
centered on the wife. The husband focuses on his sister’s children rather than his biological children. His
children in turn are seen as the relatives of their mother’s brother rather than his [15]. The children do
not inherit their father’s assets as they are not seen as the members of their father’s bloodline. They do
not bear their father’s name. Instead, they bear their mother’s family name. The children basically have
no rights in their father’s bloodline as no child can be in the same kinship group as his father. Land
tenure system revolves around the mother’s bloodline. These are basically mother centered societies.

The Ohafia local council area stands out among Ndigbo in their unique kinship system which differs from
everywhere else. Afikpo people have nearly similar but decisively different kinship practices.

Double Descent Kinship Among Ndigbo

Afikpo community in Ebonyi State has a kinship system that is different from everywhere else among
Ndigbo. It is a community that is located on the northeastern part of Igboland on the western bank of
the Cross River. It is a community of twenty-two villages sitting on a hilly countryside in the climatic

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boundary area between the tropical rain forest and guinea savannah. It is an ancient town, and the
second largest urban area in Ebonyi State. They share double descent lineage.

A child is a member of both parent’s lineages. The wife never becomes a member of her husband’s
lineage but her children do [16]. Among the Afikpo people, political rights are inherited from the father’s
lineage while land is inherited largely from the mother’s lineage. The child defines himself in terms of
these two lineages. The family resides at the patrilineal residence. However, traditionally, Afikpo women
seldom live close to their husbands.

Inheritance.

The bulk of inheritance allotments are granted to the eldest son, who, at the time of the inheritance,
becomes responsible for the welfare of his younger siblings. If the eldest son is a minor at the time of his
father's death, a paternal uncle will take charge of the property and provide for the deceased brother's
family. There is also marriage by inheritance, or levirate—a widow may become the wife of her brother-
in-law. In some localities, widows may become the wives of the deceased father's sons by another wife.

Kinship among the Fulani

Kin Groups and Descent.

The Fulani are patrilineal and patrilocal. Kinship and seniority are vital to their way of life. The basic
elements of kinship are sex, age, and generation. Full siblings tend to unite against half-siblings,
although half-siblings with the same mother do share a special bond.

The Fulani have a principle of generational seniority that is embodied in the general organization of
lineages. There are four general lineages, all traced to descent from a common ancestor and his sons;
however, everyday groups cut across these yettore lines. Such groups developed to meet historical
needs. Over time, patrilineages—much shallower than the four general lineages—emerged. These
patrilineages, in turn, are intersected by territorial groups under men called "guides."

Patrilineages are named and consist of three ascending generations. They are coresidential, and
members cooperate in pastoral pursuits. The patrilineage controls marriage and is endogamous. A clan
is a cluster of lineages, and the clan members generally share a wet-season camp.

There is a good deal of ambiguity in the Fulani use of kinship terms. Thus, any of these terms can be
used to refer to a specific person or a range of people. Part of this ambiguity results from the Fulani
preference for close marriage so that any person might, in fact, be addressed or referred to by any of
several terms. Goggo is used for father s sister or paternal aunt. Bappanngo is father's brother, whereas
kaawu refers to mother's brother; dendiraado designates a cross cousin, and sakike is a sibling. Baaba is
father, and yaaye is mother; biddo or bu is a child. These terms are often combined, however. Thus,

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sakiraabe refers to both siblings and cousins of all sexes. A true sibling if elder is termed mawniyo ; if
younger, minyiyo. Maama refers both to grandparents, of either sex, and their sakiraabe and their
grandchildren. When it is necessary to distinguish male from female, a term may be added: biddi for
male, and dibbo for female.

Inheritance.

Lineage members inherit cattle and widows. Among Town Fulani, inheritance generally follows Islamic
prescriptions, with the exception that generally women do not contest their inheritance with their full
brothers.

Kinship among the Hausa

Kin Groups and Descent: Although the domestic group is based on agnatic ties, and even as Hausa
society is patriarchal, descent is basically bilateral; only the political aristocracy and urban intelligentsia
observe strict patrilineality, everyone else practicing bilaterality. Hausa kinship terminology cannot be
classified according to standard anthropological categories because of the number of alternative usages.
For example, a man's siblings and his parallel or cross cousins are called 'yanuwa (children of my
mother); cross cousins, however, are also referred to and addressed as abokan wasa (joking relations),
and special terms distinguishing elder and younger brother and sister may also be applied to both
parallel and cross cousins.

Inheritance.

Consistent with Islamic practice, a woman can own and inherit in her own right, but her inheritance
rights are subordinate to those of men. All of the wives married to a man at the time of his death are
entitled, together with their children, to share one-quarter of his total estate if there are no agnatic
descendants, or one-eighth of his estate if there are agnatic descendants. Women own property such as
houses and land together with consanguines, even after marriage, and they inherit only half as much as
their brothers. Succession to leadership of the agnatic group and leadership of the compound is
collateral. Farmland is inherited in the male line, the gandu being collectively owned by brothers

Kinship among the Yorubas

Kin Groups and Descent: Descent groups are important in marking status, providing security, and
regulating inheritance. There are strong bilateral tendencies, but agnatic ties are emphasized among
northern Yoruba, among whom descent groups once were largely coterminus with residence, but not
among southern Yoruba, who tend to have more dispersed residences and stress cognatic ties. Descent
groups have names and founding ancestors, and in some cases they own chieftaincy titles. Women
rarely succeed to the titles, although their sons can. Descent groups formerly regulated marriage,
agriculture, and family ceremonies and maintained internal discipline. Elder male members still act as
decision makers, adjudicators, and administrators; formerly, they served as representatives in civic

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affairs. Extended-family relationships are individually cultivated and are important for mobilizing various
types of support.

The few basic kinship terms are applied in a classificatory manner. Except for mother/father,
grandmother/grandfather, and wife/husband, there are no gender-specific terms; senior siblings are
distinguished from junior siblings; no cousin distinctions are made; and all children are addressed by the
same term regardless of sex or age. To indicate more precise relationships, descriptive phrases must be
used.

Inheritance.

Landed property is inherited corporately following descent-group lines; other property such as money
or personal belongings is divided among direct heirs, with equal shares going to the set of children born
to each wife. Nothing is passed to a senior relative or wife unless there is a will. Wives and slaves were
once inherited by junior siblings.

SOCIO POLITICAL STRUCTURE AMONG THE ETHNIC GROUPS IN NIGERIA

The socio political structure was a another important feature among the ethnic groups in Nigeria. Its
created sense of order in the each system. Below are the socio political structures of the
Igbo,Fulani,Hausa and Yoruba.

The Socio-Political Organization of the Igbo

Unlike other ethnic groups such as the Yoruba and the Bini, the Igbo people did not build any strong
centralized states. This is mainly because Igbo society had always been fragmentary or acephalous. In
traditional Igbo for instance, the village was the centre of government.This has been described as direct
democracy. The village-centered administration implied that every linkage for instance, including all
male adults in the village, participated in its political process.

The socio-political organization of the traditional Igbo was fundamentally based either on the age grades
or age and titled societies. Amala Oha was therefore a form of general assembly in traditional Igbo
society. All the male adult members usually met in this assembly to perform legislative functions. In
ancient times, the Amala Oha’s meetings were held in the open village square. All the decisions taken
during those meetings were absolute and final. As a democratic society, the life of every individual was
highly respected.

More so, the recognition of an individual in the society was based on individual capability and age rather
than family background. The elders formed the core of village administration. They were highly
respected accordingly. Hardworking and wealthy individuals were respected and given important
responsibilities in the society as well. The youth, middle age or able bodied men and elders constituted
age-sets or age groups.

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In the igbo socio political structure, each age-set had its own special rights, duties, obligations and
responsibilities in matters affecting the village.

The Igbo groups are culturally united without a central political authority. In terms of culture, the Igbos
respected age factors and the leadership of the elders.

It is important to note that the Igbos were by nature individualistic and egalitarian. This allowed
competition at different levels of governance, family and community affairs, lineages and clans, social
and commercial activities. Therefore, the Igbo society was highly Democratic in nature. The Igbo political
system was segmentary in nature, it was based on small unit through ties of clanship, marriage and
religious institution.

The smallest political unit was the family and was followed by the extended family or compound. Note
the extended family was kindred (umunna) or lineage (Umu Dim) made up of different extended families
with common ancestry. The head of the lineage was called Okara (first son) whose symbol of authority
was club like ofo(High staff of authority).

Okara served as spokesman of the group and offered sacrifice to the gods. Closely related lineages from
a village called Ogbe. A group of villages combined to form a town or a village group called Obodo which
is the highest and the basic political unit. The village government or segmentary political system
symbolised the structure of the Igbo village and lineage systems. The Igbo to government system
consisted of two institutions. The Ama-ala or Oji-Ofo( Council of Elders) and Village Assembly.

Composed of citizens, the village Assembly consisted of representatives of the member villages. The
representatives composed of Ofo-holders, members of the secret societies and the Senior titled men.
They settled quarrels and administered justice. This allowed each village to manage it's own affairs.

Age grade system was a famous institution amongst the Igbo. Young people were initiated into an age
set every year. There were both male and female age grade organizations. Each age set had a leader.
The age grade were the store house of labour force. They acted as the soldiers of each village or town.
They were important in the implementation of the decision taken by the village assembly. They were
used to collect levies from defaulters and to encores some social rules and norms. They were also the
guild of titled men(ozo) which was an exclusive society or social club for the wealthy. Men played the
role of Intervening disputes and ensuring peace was restored. Oracle consultation was a means of
strengthening the segmentary political system. Some oracles became famous for their impartial judicial
system. E.g Awgu, Ozuzu, Igwele Ala at umunoha and Agbala oracle at Awka. The priest of these oracles
acted as the final arbilers. Being in charge of these oracles, they administered justice by bringing the
oath to bear in the dispensation of justice.

Socio political structure among the Fulani

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The Fulani are many different people. Among those who term themselves "Fulani" are former slaves and
members of castes or guilds, such as blacksmiths or bards. It is important to note that the Fulani hold
that belonging to society itself is dependent on the will of the individual. Fulani tend to be the ruling
caste among Islamic communities in the northern areas of West Africa.

They control the various northern emirates in what was Northern Nigeria, for example. They also play a
major role in the modern governments of many West African states. Among the Cattle Fulani, a leader
(ardo) of a territorial group has a major role. Patrilineages play an important part in regulating day-to-
day matters and in controlling cattle. They also govern marriages and widow inheritance.

Socio political structure among the Hausa

Sarki has always been known as the head of any typical Hausa state. He always works with a retinue of
officials in a well-organized court. Sarkin Kasar, which means “ruler of the land”, was the full title given
to any effective and efficient head of Hausa State. The Sarkin Kasar combined both political and
religious/spiritual functions. He was also the chief executive and judge of the State, but he was aided by
a council of state.

At the district level, the government was modeled after that at the national level. You should also know
that between 14th and 15th centuries, the socio-political organization of Hausa States took another
shape. For instance, Islam was adopted and this gave birth to many new political institutions such as the
offices of the Galadima, Madawaki, Magaji, Dogari, Yari Sarki and Sarki Yau. The Islamization of
Hausaland also influenced its judicial system. The Sharia law started taking shape. Some new titles such
as Alkali and Qadi’s (judges) became commonplace in the administration of justice.

Organizational structure is hierarchic; the centralized kingdoms, known as emirates, are the primary
groupings; districts are secondary and village areas tertiary.

The institutions of kinship, clientship, and office (and, in the past, slavery) in the emirates, have provided
the fundamentals of Hausa government from the sixteenth century until the middle part of the
twentieth century. Rank regulates relations between commoners and rulers.

"Traditional and modern government proceeds through a system of titled offices . . . , each of which is in
theory a unique indissoluble legal corporation having definite rights, powers and duties, special relations
to the throne and to certain other offices, special lands, farms, compounds, horses, praise songs, clients,
and, formerly, slaves" (Smith 1965, 132). In most states, major offices are traditionally distributed
among descent groups, so that rank and lineage intertwine. The traditional offices differed in rewards,
power, and function, and were territorially based with attendant obligations and duties. Within

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communities, the various occupational groups distribute titles, which duplicate the ranks of the central
political system.

Clientship links men of unequal status, position, and wealth. It is a relationship of mutual benefit,
whereby the client gains advice in his affairs at the minimum and protection, food, and shelter at the
maximum. The patron can call upon the client to serve as his retainer.

In applying his notion of government to Kano, the Fulani religious and political leader Usman dan Fodio,
when he launched his successful jihad against the king of Gobir in 1804, he followed the basic premise of
a theocracy within a legalistic framework; government, and its chief agent, the emir, were perceived as
an instrument of Allah.

Socio political structure among the Yoruba

The Socio-Political Organization of the Yoruba Oyo is best known as the major kingdom that eventually
emerged as an empire in Yorubaland. Various traditions believe that Oyo was founded by Oranmiyan,
the son of Oduduwa, who is also credited with establishing the present Benin monarchy. Oyo Empire
was founded in the middle of the fifteen century. A century later, it became very powerful and
prosperous, extending its authority as far as Dahomey. ∗ The Alaafin Administration Oyo Empire was
very unique and exceptional in its system of government. For instance, in the sixteenth century, Oyo was
one of the rare empires that had in-built checks and balances, and, this contributed to its stability for
centuries. The Alaafin was the head of the empire, and was resident in the capital. He was also regarded
as “Lord of many lands”. The Alaafin was assisted in his administration by a retinue of officials made up
of priests, officials and eunuchs. He had a well organized court as well.

Theoretically, the Alaafin was the fountain of authority and was therefore regarded as the “companion
of the gods”. Sometimes, he had an autocratic tendency, but in practice, his powers were often limited
and regulated by the Oyomesi, a council of seven members headed by Bashorun who acted as the prime
minister. The members of Oyomesi were king makers as well. At the demise of the Alaafin, they were
the ones to select his successor. The Oyomesi also had the power to remove any Alaafin especially when
he appeared dictatorial or transgressed the laws of the land. Usually the deposed Alaafin was expected
to commit suicide.

The Ogboni Cult’s Administration

Apart from the Alaafin cabinet, members of the Oyomesi cult constituted another arm of government. It
was a very powerful cult. It was composed of free and prominent members of the society as well as
members of the Oyomesi. The Ogboni cult had a very vital position in Yoruba society. It played a
mediatory role in any conflict between the Oyomesi and the Alaafin. It was a kind of counter power to
the Oyomesi as well.

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The Army: The Army was another arm of government in traditional Yoruba society. It was very
organized. Its head was conferred with the coveted title of Are-Ona-Kankanfo. It was made up of
infantry and calvary. The Are-Ona-Kankanfo was expected to live outside the capital. The Army was
credited with performing important functions which included stability of the empire, expansion, as well
as keeping dissident territories in check.

Oyo Empire also had provincial governments. They were modelled after the central government. They
were administered by princes, minor kings and baales [provincial governors]. All of them were subject to
the over-lordship of the Alaafin. The provincial governments enjoyed considerable autonomy. But the
Alaafin had personal agents, Ilari, all over the provinces. The Alaafin used the Bere annual festival
periods to acknowledge the renewal of allegiance of the provincial governors to him.

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REFERENCES

 Adamu Mahdi,(1978) The Hausa factor in west African history. Zaria; ABD press
 Afigbo,A,E(1980)“ igboland before 1800" in Obaro ikime, Ed. Groundwork of Nigerian
history,Ibadan: heinemann Educational books.
 Johnson, S.(1950) history of the Yorubas,Lagos CMS
 Kinship,meaning,types and other details; Article by puja Monday

INTERNET SOURCES

 https://your article library.com accessed on 14th April 2023

 https://www.everyculture.com accessed on 15th April 2023
 https://www.encyclopedia.com accessed on 15th April 2023
 https://en.m.Wikipedia.org accessed on 14th April 2023
 https://keypoint.ng accessed on 15th April 2023

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