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A Historical Study of Boko Haram Activities in Nigeria

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European Journal of Social Sciences
ISSN 1450-2267 Vol. 59 No 2 April, 2020, pp. 238-246
http://www.europeanjournalofsocialsciences.com/

A Historical Study of Boko Haram

Activities in Nigeria, 2009-2015

Duyile Abiodun William

Ekiti State University, Faculty of Arts
Department of History and International Studies
Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria
E-mail: abeyduyile@gmail.com. 08039309771

Adu Modupe Funmilayo

Ekiti State University, Faculty of Arts
Department of History and International Studies
Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria,

Jegede G. G
Ekiti State University, Faculty of Arts
Department of Religious Studies
Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria

Buhari Lateef. O
Ekiti State University, Faculty of Arts
Department of History and International Studies
Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria

Abstract
This paper traces the activities of Boko Haram. The research also studied the nature of the
sect; analyzed the prevailing factors that characterized the war. The study relied heavily on
documentary data and lightly on oral data. The oral data were based on committee reports;
and the documentary data were sourced from colonial government annual departmental
reports, correspondence, books, newspaper and magazines. The oral data were transcribed
for analysis. The documentary data were subjected to textual and contextual analysis. The
researcher found out that Boko Haram thrived because of the nature of governance in
Nigeria.

Introduction
Buji Fai (former Commissioner of Religious Affairs) walked into my office and said “I have an advice
for you if you will not be offended, “I said Buji what is the advice and why must I be offended? I
appointed you my commissioner so that you can advice me and he said, I have made up my mind to
quit my job because taking salary from the government is Haram (a sin) and I have decided not to do it
again. So I am advising you to do same because anything Western is Haram. I want you to resign as
Governor so that you can go to paradise, otherwise, you will die like this and you will go to hell fire
(Sunday Independent, 2009).
The Boko Haram war has lasted for some years now. The fact still remains that the killing of
Mohammed Yusuf and Buji Fai was the catalyst that led to the emergence of this war. For some the
recorded sermon tape made public by the groups erstwhile leader Mohammed Yusuf, that he issued a
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threat to kill the Bornu State Governor, former Governor Ali Modu Sheriff and remove the then
Nigerian President from power was the declaration of war that escalated the crisis (Sunday
Independent, 2009). The reprisal attack from Boko Haram on Sunday, June 14, 2009 is pinpointed as
the day events took a different turn in Nigeria.
What may have been the cause of the war still remains a subject of controversy even as
maiming, killing, bombing and kidnapping continues for some years. According to the Global
Terrorism Index, Boko Haram is classified as the second most deadly terrorist group in the world
(Adiele, 2019). The group has displaced more than 2.6 million people, killing over one hundred
thousand people (Adiele, 2019). Reports also have it that more than 900 schools have been destroyed
between 2009 and 2015; about 1,500 schools have been forced to close (Bashiru, 2019). Among the
notable schools destroyed by the terrorist is Yerwa primary School, Maiduguri in 2010 and 2013
(Olanrewaju, 2019). The school said to be the first primary school in the North East was established in
1915. Boko Haram killed 27,000 civilians, 24 aid workers in roughly six years (Bashiru, 2019). The
Boko Haram crisis was initially defined as a North East problem, but has since become a national and
even a regional problem with international recognition because of its level of treachery.

Chronicling the Administrations in Nigeria

Nigeria covers an area of 923, 768km (National Boundary Commission, 1992). The countries
bordering Nigeria are the Republic of Benin to the west, Niger to the North, Chad to the East and the
Gulf of Guinea to the South of Nigeria (National Boundary Commission, 1991). The country lies
roughly between 3o and 15oE Longitude and between 4o and14o latitude (Ediagbonya & Buhari, 2017).
In 1960, Nigeria became a self-governing state with Sir Tafawa Balewa as the inaugurating Prime
Minister and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe as the President (Duyile, Electioneering and Violent Political Protest
in South-Western Nigeria: The 1983 Experience, 2003). Nigeria became a Republic in 1963. The
country inadvertently ran into a civil war in 1967. The process of reconstruction and rehabilitation was
partially successful after the end of the war in 1970 (Aremu & Adu, 2017). By 1975, a military coup
resulted into a change of administration and the Middle East imbroglio brought an unprecedented oil
wealth that propelled the country into a nation of international repute (Michael & Lateef, 2017). A
return to democracy in 1979 was a harbinger of economic crisis as the administration could not
sufficiently protect the polity from corruption (Babatunde, 2011). The government of Buhari/Idiagbon
1985 did not fare better despite its good intentions. Ibrahim Babangidda administration was unpopular
for the institutionalization of the Structural Adjustment Programme, a consequence of the World Bank
policy following international loan for structural development (Ediagbonya & Buhari, 2017). The
Ernest Shonekan interim civilian administration was an interlude. It could only hold on to power for
three months. This administration was followed by another military dictatorship and resultant sanctions
from the international community. The Abacha administration ruled for five years. He died, General
Abdulsalam took over power and handed over to a civilian government. The return to democracy was
historical, as local and international expectations were heightened by the evils perpetrated by the
Abacha regime (Aremu & Adu, 2017). International support for the democratic administration of
Obasanjo in 1999 ensured its success. In terms of insecurity, the Niger Delta crisis was at the peak and
the Boko Haram group were just emerging. The group came to light in the Yar’Adua/Jonathan
administration. This research examines and historicizes the Boko Haram crisis.

Background Causes of the War

The Anglo-German agreement of 1900-1901, which included, the adoption of boundary treaties in 19th
March, 1906 established the merger of many communities in the North East to the polity we now call
Nigeria (Adu, Duyile, & Ojebode, 2019). The demarcation was also jointly carried out by the British
and the Germans from Yola to Lake Chad in 1907-09 carried out first by Britain and repeatedly by
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Germany in 1912-13, led to the Anglo-French Declaration of 9 January, 1931 (Duyile, Nigerian-
Cameroon Bakassi Peninsula Crisis: A Retrospect of Nigerian Technocrats views prior to the court
case at the Hague, 2015). The declaration came to being as a result of the World War of 1914 when the
forces of the United Kingdom and France conquered and occupied German Cameroon into two
administrative parts in 1919 (Duyile, Nigerian Cameroon Boundary Relations in the North of Nigeria,
1914-94, 2014). The newly established boundary was eastwards of the Anglo- German boundary
except for the segment of the Yola Arc (National Boundary Commission, 1991). This Anglo-French
boundary was agreed upon by an exchange of Notes of the two nations on January 9, 1931 (Duyile,
Nigerian Cameroon Boundary Relations in the North of Nigeria, 1914-94, 2014).
Accordingly, the colonial governments sought to sustain their individual but common economic
desires by forging areas of cooperation. Colonial joint patrol teams were put in place to monitor
movements across the boundary. Military posts were also established in some towns in the North East
(Adu, Duyile, & Ojebode, 2019). The colonial authorities had in mind the securing of these towns.
After the Second World War, deliberate efforts were made to enhance the flow of information at
governmental levels. In addition, encouragement was further given to the District Officers to undertake
discussions at their level in order to resolve common problems (Omotosho, 2013). In 1961, the British
– Cameroon voted in a plebiscite for a union with Nigeria while its southern counterpart chose to unite
with the Republic of Cameroon (National Boundary Commission, 1991). The result is a new Nigeria-
Cameroon boundary alignment consisting of three distinct sections for Northern Nigeria, thus:
(i) Nigeria- Cameroon – Chad Tri-point in Lake Chad to Hosere Gesume based on the
Anglo- French Declaration of January 9, 1931 (National Boundary Commission, 1992).
(ii) Hosere Gesume and Gamena river based on the British Order in Council of 16th
January, 1923 and proclamation of the Governor of Nigeria, 1954 (National Boundary
Commission, 1992).
(iii) Gomena River to the Gulf of Guinea based on Anglo-German Agreement of 11 March,
1913 (Duyile, Nigerian Cameroon Boundary Relations in the North of Nigeria, 1914-94,
2014)
From the evaluation of places like Adamawa, Taraba, Yobe and Bornu States respectively, the
only applicable legal instrument which is recognized and respected by the people who live in these
states in the North East is the Anglo French Declaration of 1931 (National Boundary Commission,
1992). It is this declaration that adds these states to the colonial entity called Nigeria. Since the Anglo-
French Declaration of 1931, several new villages have sprung up along the Nigerian North East while
some other villages mentioned in the Treaty have also been deserted (National Boundary Commission,
1992).
Though the North East prior 1999 was relatively peaceful, disputes do occur from time to time
especially in Baro, Antere, Inkori, and Tamiya resulting from economic issues (Adu, Duyile, &
Ojebode, 2019; National Boundary Commission, 1991). There is very little Nigerian government
presence in so many towns in the North East prior the advent of Boko Haram. This has made it
possible for some inhabitants to cross- over to the Cameroonian side, Niger Republic side, and Chadian
side where government presence was better, in fact, some Nigerian towns were still inaccessible by
roads and lacked schools, hospitals, and so many amenities. The poor infrastructure provided in
Nigeria makes it difficult for the communities to remain within their boundary areas. The effect of this
was, however, to become pronounced after the Olusegun Obasanjo democratic rule. The neglect of this
land space by previous governments established among the people the mindset of agitation, rebellion
and maybe warlike tendencies.
The Boko Haram Group can be traced back to a self-styled group called “Nigerian Taliban” that
emerged during the Obasanjo regime (Omipidan, 2009). This group which initially drew membership
from the South West was first invited to Yobe State during the build up to the 2003 elections in the
wake of the Sharia implementation in some states in the North. This group came to prominence in 2003
when they were fingered to have killed the Area Commander in charge of Bama, Assistant

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Commissioner of Police, ACP Ismail Sirajo (Omipidan, 2009). The ‘Nigeria Taliban’ also struck on
December 22 and December 31 2003 in Yobe State, a day after, according to the then governor,
Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim, they had promised to leave the state; to be precise, on New Year day
2004, the group engaged in a duel with military personnel drafted to the borders between Bornu and
Yobe States, a situation that left two of their members dead (Omipidan, 2009).
The ‘Nigerian Taliban’ initial place of abode in Yobe was Burkarti, in Bursari Council of Yobe
State, before leaving for Kanamma a border town between Nigeria and Niger (Omipidan, 2009).
Kanamma is the headquarters of Yanubari Council also in Yobe State. It is also not far from Geidam
Council where the leader of the group Ustaz Mohammed Yusuf hails from. Alhaji Ibrahim Geidam the
then Governor of Yobe State is from the same area (Bashiru, 2019). This base was called Afghanistan
and it was used to launch attack on nearby police outposts, killing police officers (Osewe A. , 2011). In
2005, Yusuf Mohammed claimed he was no more a member of the Taliban group because as he
claimed he considers them too extremist (Omipidan, 2009). He was however quick to say his own
group would not relent until an independent and a just state, devoid of anything haram (ungodly) was
established in the North (Omipidan, 2009). Yusuf also believed that the world is spherical is contrary
to Islam and should be rejected, along with Darwinism and the theory that rain comes from water
evaporated by the sun (Osewe E. A., 2011). Yusuf was hostile to democracy, Christianity and the
secular education system, vowing that ‘this war that is yet to start would continue for long’ if the
political and education system was not changed. He wanted Christians to be converted to Islam. He
was unhappy with women education saying all women should be in purdah. His ideas were similar to
Muhammadu Marwa who led the Maitatsine sect in 1980 (Osewe E. A., 2011).
To make matters worse for the Mohammed Yusuf group and the ‘Nigerian Taliban’, the
election in Yobe State did not assume the dimension their political host thought it would take, the
group was abandoned and ordered to vacate Yobe State. The Mohammed Yusuf group resettled in
Maiduguri, the land which they gathered, belongs to Yusuf’s father in law, Alhaji Baba Fugu, the same
man in whose house Yusuf hid in the past. According to the documents from the Ministry of Lands and
Survey, the land was acquired in 1973 (The Guardian, 2019). From available records, Fugu applied for
the grant of a right of occupancy on January 20, 1973 an application which was granted by the Bornu
State Commissioner for Works and Housing on January 23, 1978. The instrument was registered as No
218 at page 218 in volume 6 of the lands. Registry in the office at Maiduguri and the land in question is
1,173 hectares. The Certificate of Occupancy number is NE/1472 (The Guardian, 2019). In fact Fugu
personally signed to say that he received the original title deed on January 31, 1978 (The Guardian,
2019). This land is considered later has the headquarters and spiritual birth place of Boko Haram.
Bornu, later became the soul of Boko Haram.
Bornu has a land area of about 72,600 square kms, second to Niger State which has about
76,363 square km the largest state in terms of landmass in Nigeria. The Northern and Central Bornu
which have about 17 Local Government, more than half of the landmass are mostly desert area and in
some places, muddy in the rainy season, making military operations in such areas very difficult (The
Guardian, 2013). Yet Bornu is the only Nigerian state in the country that shares border with three
African countries; Chad, Niger and Cameroon (The Nigerian Map, 2013). The crisis in any of these
countries will trigger unrest in Bornu. The predicament also in Bornu also have the potential to
establish crisis in Chad, Cameroon and Niger Republic .

Historicizing the Activities of Boko Haram during the Period of Study

“What we are being confronted with is that we are in a state of war. The sooner we stop playing the
Ostrich and rise up to the challenge of the day and marshal all resources towards visualizing the antics
of Boko Haram, the better for all of us. But honestly, Boko Haram are better motivated than our own
troops. Given the present state of affairs it is absolutely impossible for us to defeat Boko Haram
(Uwerunonye, 2019)”.

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The month of July 2009 witnessed the arrest of Mohammed Yusuf, the leader who was
captured by men of the Nigerian Army and handed over to the Nigerian Police (Uwerunonye, 2019)
was found dead in the hands of the latter. The Organisation, however, claimed that he was trying to
escape from the police custody and was shot to forestall his escape. The Human Rights community in
Nigeria and the Boko Haram were not convinced by the police statement but believed he was
assassinated (Omipidan, 2009).
The war with the Nigerian state began when Boko Haram retaliated by attacking some police
stations in Maiduguri killing over one hundred people (Jegede, 2014). In 26 July, 2009, 39 members,
two policemen, one soldier were killed by the sect. The next day, July 27, 2009, the group launched an
attack in Yobe State during an invasion of Potiskum Divisional Police Headquarters, leading to the
death of three policemen and one fire officer. On the 29 of July, Boko Haram had confrontation with
security men at Mamudo Village, along Potiskum/Damaturu Road, Yobe, during which 33 Boko
Haram members were killed (Osewe E. A., 2011). On the night of the same day, the group had an all-
night battle with combined security operatives at Railway Terminus, Maiduguri, Borno State. In this
encounter, scores were killed and operational base destroyed. The relentless attack continued in a place
called Alemderi Ward in Maiduguri Metropolis. The Alemderi attack took place in January 2010 in
Bornu State. April (2010) witnessed attack on a police station, the day before the original date of
Nigeria’s legislative election in Bauchi (The Guardian, 2019). A polling center was bombed in
Maiduguri. The Nigerian electoral body office (INEC) in Maiduguri was bombed and several people
were shot in separate incidents; 14 prisoners were freed in a jailbreak in Yola (Bashiru, 2019). In
September of the same year, 700 inmates were freed after attacking a prison in Bauchi, which includes
100 members of the sect. In December the Boko Haram followed up with a market bombing in Jos and
the assassination of governorship candidate of All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in Bornu State and
even others were shot dead (Jegede, 2014).
On Tuesday, February, 8, 2011, the sect members gave conditions for peace (The News, 2012).
They demanded that the Bornu State Governor Senator Ali Modu Sheriff should step down in office
with immediate effect and also allow members to reclaim their Mosque in Maiduguri, the state capital
(The News, 2012). On May 9, 2011, they rejected an offer for amnesty made by the governor elect of
Bornu State, Kashim Shettima. On 29 May, as the president and governors were being inaugurated
across the country, Boko Haram bombs went off in Bauchi, Zaura and Zuba near Abuja (Omipidan,
2009). These multiple attacks claimed an estimated 15 lives. The Boko Haram terrorist group
continued its onslaught in Maiduguri, where it struck at a pub, killing over 25 travelers. The next day
the group killed two girls and critically wounded three officers of the Nigerian Custom Service (The
Guardian, 2013).
On 16 June 2012, its bomb targeted the police headquarters in Abuja and narrowly missed
taking out the Inspector General of Police, Hafiz Ringim (The News, 2012). This was the beginning of
the suicide strategy by Boko Haram. The bomber, later identified as Maga Mohammed destroyed parts
of the Police Headquarters, killed scores and damaged many vehicles (The Guardian, 2013). In August
2012 the sect made an audacious attack on the United Nations Building in Abuja, the operation was
planned and directed by Mohammad Abdu Barra. The bombing of the United Nations Building took so
many lives (The News, 2012). In November 2012, one Abu Mohammed Ibn Abdulaziz who claimed to
speak for the sect’s leader, Abubakar Shekau, offered to dialogue with the Goodluck Jonathan
administration on Boko Haram grievances but subject to a number of conditions (The News, 2012). Ibn
Abdulaziz demanded that the meeting should hold in Saudi Arabia, release of Boko Haram members in
detention with compensation and the prosecution of the former Governor of Bornu State, Ali Modu
Sheriff. Abdulaziz also named some prominent citizens of Nigeria to negotiate with the Federal
Government led by Goodluck Jonathan, the citizens include Major General Muhammadu Buhari and
Alhaji Shettima Ali Monguno as mediators of the group. Major General Muhammadu Buhari declined
the role to negotiate on the side of Boko Haram (Bashiru, 2019). For some, this proves that Boko
Haram was in some way sympathetic to his quest to become Nigeria’s president. It was believes such

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as this that may have characterized the policy of the Jonathan administration. However, there are some
Nigerians who felt Major General Buhari should have accepted the position so that he could find a way
of stopping the Boko Haram agitation.
President Goodluck Jonathan knew that the war was getting difficult and Boko Haram is getting
stronger. The President tried to appease the Boko Haram terrorist group, when he eventually set up the
Amnesty Committee to explore the possibility of dialogue with the aim of restoring peace to the
country (The Guardian, 2013). The Amnesty Chairman, Kabiru Turaki, observed that the difficulties
the committee encountered in having a productive dialogue include the fact that Boko Haram group
leadership refused to submit to dialogue (The Guardian, 2013). The Turaki committee attempt at
finding a solution to Boko Haram attacks was halfhearted a semblance of how the Jonathan regime
handled the whole affair of Boko Haram. The administration believed the group was politically
motivated despite newspaper reports saying otherwise. Bornu State at the period of the Jonathan
regime was governed by the opposition political party something which made the administration to
believe that the Boko Haram was an opposition ploy to render his government useless to the Nigerian
public.
Boko Haram continued its relentless attack and carried out more than 15 attacks on Military
locations and communities in Bornu and Yobe State. About 23 Army Officers were killed in Metele in
Abadam Local Government. Metele is strategic to Boko Haram because of its location and access to
supply of arms, food and materials from neighboring countries; where the sect could import required
materials to the theatre of war. It further raided military locations and communities at Gudumbali,
Mallam Fatori, Makalama and Bolakla near Chibok (Olanrewaju, 2019).
In 2013, a lot of attacks from Boko Haram happened intermittently. Most of the North East was
under relentless attack from the deadly sect. some of the notable attacks were the ones in Baga,
Mamudo Government Secondary School, and Gujba College (Santos, 2014). The Baga incident
consumed 228 lives, the Mamudo Government Secondary School attack had 30 persons killed, and that
of Gujba College had about 50 lives killed. Boko Haram was described by the Punch Newspaper as the
“demon” Organisation of the year 2013 (Olanrewaju, 2019).
As a result of these killings an emergency rule was first declared in May 2013 by the Goodluck
Ebele Jonathan administration as part of his government effort to quell the activities of the dreaded
Boko Haram sect in the affected states situated in the North Eastern part of the country (Santos, 2014).
In November, 2013, Jonathan inaugurated 64 fully-equipped Almajiri Model Schools, aimed at
including out of school children in the system (Santos, 2014). The Federal Government designed the
curriculum and provided teaching and learning materials, developed teachers’ capacities and
guaranteed the feeding of the children. Some of the administrations security team, instead of targeting
Boko Haram youths with brute force, are seeking to enroll repentant militants into vocational schools,
where psychologists will give counseling and a pacifist version of the Quran will be taught (Bashiru,
2019).
The relentless attack spilled into 2014. Boko Haram continued and relentless attack overlapped
to 2014. In February 2014, Boko Haram massacred 39 people, 15 Nigerians died in the same month at
Federal Government College, Buni Yadi; and in Adamawa an attack from Boko Haram killed 25
people. In the same year, a place called Chibok made history in the world with the kidnap of 276
students from the Government Girls Secondary School. This deplorable and devastating act of
structural violence, which took place on the night of April 14, sparked global outrage (Santos, 2014).
The strategy of using kidnap to make a statement to the world began thereon. Although this act had
been by the Niger Delta militants during the Obasanjo regime.
The kidnap attracted support from some of the big powers for Nigeria. United State of
American sent an intelligence, logistics and communication team that included 16 military personnel
aside the inter-agency cooperation team already serving in Nigeria (Santos, 2014). The Americans also
supported the administration with satellite imaginary, Canada fully supported Nigeria. The
proclamation from Ottawa after its bi-national commission meeting earlier in the month in Abuja.

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Canada’s Minister of International Development said the Canadian’s are prepared to support and do the
needful for Nigeria in its quest to save the school girls. Also, the Chinese premier Li Kegiang, who was
in Abuja for the World Economic Forum pledged strong support by Beijing against all terror groups in
Nigeria, starting with freeing the Chibok girls (The Guardian, 2013).
Britain Prime Minister, David Cameron also promised that Britain would do everything to help
find the missing school girls. Speaking on the importance of fading extremism globally Cameron
disclosed that: “I rang the Nigerian President to offer help and we agreed to send out a team that
included some counter terrorism and intelligence experts to work alongside the Americans (Santos,
2014). France also promised to share intelligence with Nigeria. Despite all these promises, throughout
the period of the Goodluck Jonathan administration, only 60 of the girls were able to free themselves;
57 of the girls managed to escape in the immediate aftermath of the abduction, 3 were freed by
soldiers.
The kidnap of this girls only helped to aggravate the various lines of division in Nigeria.
Nigerians wasted much time debating security issues based on their political and religious interest
thereby causing unnecessary distractions to the security agencies. The debate was like another war
within and this helped indirectly the terrorists to regroup, strategize and launch more attacks on the
Nigerian state. The governing People’s Democratic Party (PDP) had this faulty logic of presuming that
the All Progressive Party (APC) the opposition party then was sectional, and predominantly Muslim,
that it is a North/Islamic party and therefore the APC must directly or indirectly support and
sympathize with Boko Haram; and finally that Boko Haram is a Northern and Muslim plot to resist and
challenge a southerner – Christian Jonathan Presidency (Mohammed, 2014). This logic seem to have
been projected by the fact that Christians had ruled for long in the Fourth Republic, about 80% of the
time since 1999.
This unofficial position of the ruling party is inconsistent on several fronts. First, Boko Haram
climaxed during the reign of Musa Yaradua, hence could not be a northern plot against a southern
Christian president. The 2009 attack on the group that later led to the death of Mohammed Yusuf was
called by Musa Yaradua, a Muslim. Some other school of taught blamed Boko Haram on the Islamic
Sharia that was allowed to come to the seen during the tenure of Olusegun Obasanjo government. Men
like Archibishop Onaiyekan buttressed this point by saying Sharia gave birth to Boko Haram (The
News, 2012). Boko Haram started small carrying out shootouts with the police before growing into a
beast with a generous appetite for the blood of Christians, Muslims, and innocent souls. It can also be
said that they grew from a moderate Sunni group to a Salafist – Jihad Franchise from a local group
with localized agenda to an internationally recognized violent terrorist group (Santos, 2014). Boko
Haram had transformed from a force that attacked the police and the army for the sake of revenge to a
militia that adopts Nigerians as a part of its strategy, to a force that has the capability of taking territory
within the Nigerian territory. In between 2014 to 2015, Boko Haram was able to hoist its flags in some
part of Bornu, Yobe, and Adamawa, roughly about forty local government were conquered by them.

Concluding Remarks
The Security situation in Nigeria is tense as the media echoes what this sect was able to do against the
Nigerian state- kidnapping, terrorist bombings of key strategic infrastructures and the merchandising of
fear on members of the society. Boko Haram intention is to divide Nigeria and acquire an enclave in
the North of Nigeria. It wants the Northern enclave of the country to be Islamized. Arguing on beliefs
held by Boko Haram, Sani Mohammed posited that the ‘banking sector and educational sector are
completely infidel, submitting to these, void the entire faith of a true Muslim.’ Sani further argued that
all what western education preaches is an antithesis to Allah teaching. Adeolu Adejo expressing its
displeasure when he said:
“Northern Nigeria Muslims have been taking the rest us for granted. In 1986, it was Babangida
and OIC. In 1999, it was Yarima Bakura and Sharia. In 2003, it was Ibrahim Shekarau and Hisbah
Sharia Police and in 2011, it is Lamido Sanusi sharia banking” (Amadike, 2011).
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Kingdom Orji in the context of Boko Haram defined security as the composition, structure and
responsibilities of the security sector to curb all forms of violence and injustices that fringes on the
people’s rights (Orji, 2011). Sani Yerima further states that internal security in Nigeria means ‘creating
and maintaining a conducive atmosphere devoid of socio political and economic upheavals in a given
polity’. In the same vein Felix Otubanjo observes that ‘the ultimate objective of security policies is
often that of creating a favorable and state context’ (Amadike, 2011). Security can also be viewed as
‘internal security’ and ‘national security’, in the sense that this relative immunity to any form of
possible military attack’ (Amadike, 2011).
Boko Haram threats include attacks on the environment, food supply, mental harassment,
wanton disregard for people’s rights- kidnapping included, bombing…etc. It is clear that terrorism is
antithetic to development and national security. This is because by its nature, it involves the acquisition
and use of power for the purpose of forcing others to submit, or agree, to terrorist demands. Boko
Haram has exposed the lackluster approach to governance in Nigeria. The Olusegun Obasanjo
government and the Musa Yaradua/Jonathan Goodluck administration could not do the needful as
bringing the full wait of the law on the terrorist group. The failure to curb Boko Haram postulates the
weakness of administrations since 1999. Nigeria seems to lack the necessary war machines that can
exterminate the sect. The corruption in governance and the military is a major culprit to fhe failure of
the Nigerian state to defeat Boko Haram.

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