India_what_Can_it_Teach

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J, L 103.15
barvard College Library
ARVARDIAN
O
IST
VE RI
CHR
TAS
FROM THE
ICHABOD TUCKER
FUND
ESTABLISHED IN 1875 BY THE

BEQUEST OF ICHABOD TUCKER,
CLASS OF 1791 , AND THE GIFT OF
MRS. NANCY DAVIS COLE, OF
SALEM
.
"
INDIA
WHAT CAN IT TEACH US ?
A Course of Lectures
DELIVERED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
BY
F. MAX MÜLLER , K.M.

HON. DOCTOR OF LAW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE ;
MEMBER OF THE FRENCH INSTITUTE.
London :
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1883.
[ All rights reserved. ]
5
(3 )
IE, 1070
4 113.15
Y191883
Center fund.
OXFORD :
BY E. PICKARD HALL, M. A., AND J. H. STACY,
PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY.
DEDICATED
TO
E. B. COWELL, M. A. LL.D.
PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND FELLOW OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE

IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
a 2
+
A
MY DEAR COWELL,
As these Lectures would never have been
written or delivered but for your hearty encourage-
ment, I hope you will now allow me to dedicate
them to you, not only as a token of my sincere

admiration of your great achievements as
Oriental scholar, but also as a memorial of our
friendship, now more than

than thirty years old , a
friendship which has grown from year to year, has

weathered many a storm, and will last, I trust,
for what to both of us may remain of our short

passage from shore to shore.
I must add , however, that in dedicating these

Lectures to you, I do not wish to throw upon you
any responsibility for the views which I have put

forward in them . I know that you do not agree
with some of my views on the ancient religion and

literature of India, and I am well aware that with
regard to the recent date which I have assigned to
the whole of what is commonly called the Classical

Sanskrit Literature, I stand almost alone . No, if
friendship can claim any voice in the courts of

vi DEDICATION.
science and literature, let me assure you that I
shall consider your outspoken criticism of my Lec-

tures as the very best proof of your true and honest
friendship. I have through life considered it the
greatest honour if real scholars, I mean men not
only of learning, but of judgment and character,

have considered my writings worthy of a severe
and searching criticism, and I have cared far more
for the production of one single new fact, though it
spoke against me, than for any amount of empty

praise or empty abuse. Sincere devotion to his
studies and an unswerving love of truth ought to

furnish the true scholar with an armour imperme-
able to flattery or abuse, and with a vizor that
shuts out no ray of light, from whatever quarter it

may come. More light, more truth, more facts,
more combination of facts, these are his quest.

And if in that quest he fails, as many have failed
before him, he knows that in the search for truth
failures are sometimes the condition of victory, and

the true conquerors often those whom the world
calls the vanquished .
You know better than anybody else the present
state of Sanskrit scholarship . You know that at

present and for some time to come Sanskrit scholar-
ship means discovery and conquest. Every one of

your own works marks a real advance, and a per-
manent occupation of new ground . But you know

also how small a strip has as yet been explored of
the vast continent of Sanskrit literature, and how
DEDICATION. vii
much still remains terra incognita. No doubt this ex-

ploring work is troublesome, and often disappointing,
but young students must learn the truth of a re-
mark lately made by a distinguished member of

the Indian Civil Service, whose death we all deplore,
Dr. Burnell, that no trouble is thrown away which
saves trouble to others .' We want men who will
work hard, even at the risk of seeing their labours
unrequited ; we want strong and bold men who are
not afraid of storms and shipwrecks. The worst

sailors are not those who suffer shipwreck, but
those who only dabble in puddles and are afraid

of wetting their feet.
It is easy now to criticise the labours of Sir
William Jones, Thomas Colebrooke, and Horace

Hayman Wilson, but what would have become of
Sanskrit scholarship if they had not rushed in

where even now so many fear to tread ? and what
will become of Sanskrit scholarship if their con-

quests are for ever to mark the limits of our know-
ledge ? You know best that there is more to be

discovered in Sanskrit literature than Nalas and
Sakuntalâs, and surely the young men who

every year go out to India are not deficient in
the spirit of enterprise, or even of adventure ?
Why then should it be said that the race of bold

explorers, who once rendered the name of the
Indian Civil Service illustrious over the whole
world, has well -nigh become extinct, and that
England, which offers the strongest incentives and

viii DEDICATION .
the most brilliant opportunities for the study of

the ancient language, literature, and history of
India, is no longer in the van of Sanskrit scho-

larship ?
If some of the young Candidates for the Indian

Civil Service who listened to my Lectures, quietly
made up their minds that such a reproach shall be
wiped out, if a few of them at least determined to
follow in the footsteps of Sir William Jones, and to

show to the world that Englishmen who have been
able to achieve by pluck, by perseverance , and by
real political genius the material conquest of India,

do not mean to leave the laurels of its intellectual
conquest entirely to other countries, then I shall
indeed rejoice, and feel that I have paid back, in

however small a degree, the large debt of gratitude
which I owe to my adopted country and to some
of its greatest statesmen, who have given me the

opportunity which I could find nowhere else of
realising the dreams of my life, the publication
of the text and commentary of the Rig-veda, the
most ancient book of Sanskrit, aye of Aryan litera-

ture, and now the edition of the translations of the
' Sacred Books of the East.'
I have left my Lectures very much as I deli-

vered them at Cambridge. I am fond of the form
of Lectures, because it seems to me the most
natural form which in our age didactic composi-
tion ought to take. As in ancient Greece the
dialogue reflected most truly the intellectual

DEDICATION. ix
life of the people, and as in the Middle Ages

learned literature naturally assumed with the
recluse in his monastic cell the form of a long
monologue, so with us the lecture places the writer
most readily in that position in which he is

accustomed to deal with his fellow-men, and to
communicate his knowledge to others. It has no
doubt certain disadvantages. In a lecture which

is meant to be didactic we have, for the sake of
completeness, to say and to repeat certain things

which must be familiar to some of our readers,
while we are also forced to leave out information
which, even in its imperfect form, we should
probably not hesitate to submit to our fellow-
students, but which we feel we have not yet suffi-
ciently mastered and matured to enable us to place

it clearly and simply before a larger public.
But the advantages outweigh the disadvantages.
A lecture, by keeping a critical audience constantly

before our eyes, forces us to condense our subject,
to discriminate between what is important and
what is not, and often to deny ourselves the

pleasure of displaying what may have cost us the
greatest labour, but is of little consequence to other
scholars. In lecturing we are constantly reminded
of what students are so apt to forget, that their
knowledge is meant not for themselves only, but

for others, and that to know well means to be able
to teach well. I confess I can never write unless
I think of somebody for whom I write, and I should

X DEDICATION.
never wish for a better audience to have before my

mind than the learned, brilliant, and kind-hearted
assembly by which I was greeted in your University.

Still I must confess that I did not succeed in
bringing all I wished to say, and more particularly

the evidence on which some of my statements
rested, up to the higher level of a lecture, and I

have therefore added a number of notes containing
the less organised matter which resisted as yet

that treatment which is necessary before our
studies can realise their highest purpose, that of
feeding, invigorating, and inspiriting the minds of

others.
Yours affectionately,
F. MAX MÜLLER.
OXFORD,
December 16, 1882.

CONTENTS .
PAGE
DEDICATION iii
Lecture I. WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US I-33

39 IL ON THE TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE
HINDUS . 34-75
III. THE HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITE-
RATURE • 76-113
29 IV. OBJECTIONS 114-140
" V. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA 141-175
39 VI. VEDIC DEITIES . 176-201
VII. VEDA AND VEDANTA 202-255
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS 257-377
Note A (p. 9). On the treasures found on the Oxus

and at Mykenae . • 259-260
29 B (p. 25). On the name of the Cat and the
Cat's eye 261-267
" C (p. 49). On Village Estates . 268-271
D (p. 70). Texts on Venial Untruths 272-273

79 E (p . 86 ). The Yueh -chi . 274-277
99 F (p. 89). Letters on Buddhism 278-280
39 G (p. 93 ). The Renaissanceof Sanskrit Lite-
rature • 281-366
39 H (p. 137 ). Texts on the Deluge • 367-368
I (p . 227). On Parganya in German 369-370
" K (p. 227 ). On the Pitris or Fathers 371-373
"" L (p . 242). On Sraddhas . 374-377
INDEX 379-402
"
1
WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ?
LECTURE I.
WHEN I received from the Board of Historical
Studies at Cambridge the invitation to deliver a

course of lectures, specially intended for the Candi-
dates for the Indian Civil Service, I hesitated for
some time, feeling extremely doubtful whether in
a few public discourses I could say anything that
would be of real use to them in passing their
examinations. To enable young men to pass their
examinations seems now to have become the chief,
if not the only object of the Universities ; and to
no class of students is it of greater importance to
pass their examinations, and to pass them well, than
to the Candidates for the Indian Civil Service .
But although I was afraid that attendance on a

few public lectures , such as I could give, would
hardly benefit a Candidate who was not already fully
prepared to pass through the fiery ordeal of the three
London examinations , I could not on the other hand
shut my eyes completely to the fact that, after all,
Universities were not meant entirely, or even chiefly,
as stepping-stones to an examination, but that there
is something else which Universities can teach and
ought to teach- nay, which I feel quite sure they were

originally meant to teach - something that may not
B
2 LECTURE I.
have a marketable value before a Board of Examiners ,

but which has a permanent value for the whole of our
life, and that is a real interest in our work, and,
more than that, a love of our work, and, more than
that, a true joy and happiness in our work. If a
University can teach that, if it can engraft that
one small living germ in the minds of the young
men who come here to study and to prepare them-
selves for the battle of life, and, for what is still
more difficult to encounter, the daily dull drudgery
of life, then , I feel convinced, a University has done
more, and conferred a more lasting benefit on its
pupils than by helping them to pass the most difficult
examinations, and to take the highest place among
Senior Wranglers or First- Class men.
Unfortunately that kind of work which is now
required for passing one examination after another,
that process of cramming and crowding which has of
late been brought to the highest pitch of perfection,
has often the very opposite effect, and instead of
exciting an appetite for work, it is apt to produce
an indifference, if not a kind of intellectual nausea,
that may last for life.
And nowhere is this so much to be feared as in
the case of Candidates for the Indian Civil Service.
After they have passed their first examination for

admission to the Indian Civil Service, and given
proof that they have received the benefits of a liberal
education, and acquired that general information in
classics , history, and mathematics, which is provided
at our Public Schools, and forms no doubt the best
and surest foundation for all more special and pro-
fessional studies in later life, they suddenly find
themselves torn away from their old studies and
WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 3
their old friends, and compelled to take up new

subjects which to many of them seem strange, out-
landish, if not repulsive. Strange alphabets, strange
languages, strange names, strange literatures and
laws have to be faced, to be got up ' as it is called ,
not from choice, but from dire necessity. The whole
course of study during two years is determined for
them, the subjects fixed, the books prescribed, the
examinations regulated, and there is no time to look
either right or left, if a candidate wishes to make
sure of taking each successive fence in good style,
and without an accident.
I know quite well that this cannot be helped. I

am not speaking against the system of examinations
in general, if only they are intelligently conducted ;
nay, as an old examiner myself, I feel bound to say
that the amount of knowledge produced ready-made
at these examinations is to my mind perfectly as-
tounding. But while the answers are there on paper,
strings of dates, lists of royal names and battles,
irregular verbs, statistical figures and whatever else
you like, how seldom do we find that the heart of
the candidates is in the work which they have to do.
The results produced are certainly most ample and
voluminous, but they rarely contain a spark of
original thought, or even a clever mistake. It is
work done from necessity, or, let us be just, from

a sense of duty, but it is seldom, or hardly ever, a
labour of love.
Now why should that be ? Why should a study

of Greek and Latin, -of the poetry, the philosophy,
the laws and the art of Greece and Italy,-seem con-
genial to us, why should it excite even a certain
enthusiasm, and command general respect, while a
B 2
4 LECTURE I.
study of Sanskrit, and of the ancient poetry, the philo-

sophy, the laws, and the art of India is looked upon,
in the best case, as curious, but is considered by most
people as useless, tedious, if not absurd.
And, strange to say, this feeling exists in England

more than in any other country. In France, Ger-
many, and Italy, even in Denmark, Sweden , and
Russia, there is a vague charm connected with the
name of India. One of the most beautiful poems in
the German language is the Weisheit der Brahmanen ,
the Wisdom of the Brahmans,' by Rückert, to my
mind more rich in thought and more perfect in form
than even Goethe's West-östlicher Divan. A scholar
who studies Sanskrit in Germany is supposed to be
initiated in the deep and dark mysteries of ancient
wisdom, and a man who has travelled in India, even
if he has only discovered Calcutta, or Bombay, or
Madras, is listened to like another Marco Polo . In
England a student of Sanskrit is generally considered
a bore, and an old Indian Civil servant, if he begins
to describe the marvels of Elephanta or the Towers
of Silence, runs the risk of producing a count-out.
There are indeed a few Oriental scholars whose
works are read, and who have acquired a certain
celebrity in England, because they were really men
of uncommon genius, and would have ranked among
the great glories of the country, but for the mis-
fortune that their energies were devoted to Indian
literature- I mean Sir William Jones, one of the
most enlightened of the sons of men,' as Dr.
Johnson called him, and Thomas Colebrooke. But
the names of others who have done good work in
their day also, men such as Ballantyne, Buchanan,
Carey, Crawfurd, Davis, Elliot, Ellis, Houghton,
Leyden, Mackenzie, Marsden, Muir, Prinsep, Rennell,

Turnour, Upham, Wallich, Warren, Wilkins, Wilson ,
and many others, are hardly known beyond the small
circle of Oriental scholars, and their works are looked
for in vain in libraries which profess to represent
with a certain completeness the principal branches of

scholarship and science in England .
How many times when I advised young men, can-
didates for the Indian Civil Service, to devote them-
selves before all things to a study of Sanskrit , have
I been told, ' What is the use of our studying
Sanskrit ? There are translations of Sakuntalâ,
Manu, and the Hitopadesa, and what else is there in
that literature that is worth reading ? Kâlidâsa
may be very pretty, and the Laws of Manu are very
curious , and the fables of the Hitopadesa are very
quaint ; but you would not compare Sanskrit litera-
ture with Greek, or recommend us to waste our time
in copying and editing Sanskrit texts which either
teach us nothing that we do not know already, or
teach us something which we do not care to know ? '
This seems to me a most unhappy misconception,
and it will be the chief object of my lectures to try to
remove it, or at all events to modify it, as much as
possible. I shall not attempt to prove that Sanskrit
literature is as good as Greek literature. Why should
we always compare ? A study of Greek literature
has its own purpose, and a study of Sanskrit literature
has its own purpose ; but what I feel convinced of,
and hope to convince you of, is that Sanskrit litera-
ture, if studied only in a right spirit, is full of human
interests, full of lessons which even Greek could never
teach us, a subject worthy to occupy the leisure, and
more than the leisure, of every Indian Civil servant ;
6 LECTURE I.
and certainly the best means of making any young

man who has to spend five-and-twenty years of his
life in India, feel at home among the Indians, as a
fellow- worker among fellow-workers, and not as an
alien among aliens. There will be abundance of useful
and most interesting work for him to do, if only he

cares to do it, work such as he would look for in vain,
whether in Italy or in Greece, or even among the
pyramids of Egypt or the palaces of Babylon.

You will now understand why I have chosen as
the title of my lectures, What can India teach us ?
True, there are many things which India has to learn
from us ; but there are other things, and, in one sense,
very important things, which we too may learn from
India.
If I were to look over the whole world to find out
the country most richly endowed with all the wealth,

power, and beauty that nature can bestow-in some
parts a very paradise on earth -I should point to
India. If I were asked under what sky the human
mind has most fully developed some of its choicest
gifts, has most deeply pondered on the greatest pro-
blems of life, and has found solutions of some of them
which well deserve the attention even ofthose who have
studied Plato and Kant-I should point to India.

And if I were to ask myself from what literature we,
here in Europe, we who have been nurtured almost
exclusively on the thoughts of Greeks and Romans,
and of one Semitic race, the Jewish, may draw that
corrective which is most wanted in order to make
our inner life more perfect, more comprehensive ,

more universal, in fact more truly human, a life,
not for this life only, but a transfigured and eternal
life-again I should point to India.
I know you will be surprised to hear me say this.
I know that more particularly those who have spent

many years of active life in Calcutta, or Bombay, or
Madras, will be horror-struck at the idea that the hu-
manity they meet with there, whether in the bazaars
or in the courts of justice, or in so-called native
society, should be able to teach us any lessons.
Let me therefore explain at once to my friends
who may have lived in India for years, as civil ser-
vants, or officers , or missionaries, or merchants, and
who ought to know a great deal more of that country
than one who has never set foot on the soil of Arya-
varta, that we are speaking of two very different
Indias. I am thinking chiefly of India, such as it
was a thousand, two thousand, it may be three thou-
sand years ago ; they think of the India of to-day.
And again, when thinking of the India of to-day,
they remember chiefly the India of Calcutta, Bom-
bay, or Madras, the India of the towns. I look
to the India of the village communities, the true
India of the Indians.
What I wish to show to you, I mean more espe-
cially the candidates for the Indian Civil Service, is

that this India of a thousand, or two thousand, or
three thousand years ago, aye the India of to-day
also, if only you know where to look for it, is full of
problems the solution of which concerns all of us,
even us in this Europe of the nineteenth century.
If you have acquired any special tastes here in
England, you will find plenty to satisfy them in
India ; and whoever has learnt to take an interest
in any of the great problems that occupy the best
thinkers and workers at home, need certainly not be
afraid of India proving to him an intellectual exile.
8 LECTURE I.
If you care for geology, there is work for you from

the Himalayas to Ceylon.
If you are fond of botany, there is a flora rich
enough for many Hookers .
If you are a zoologist, think of Haeckel, who is
just now rushing through Indian forests and dredging

in Indian seas, and to whom his stay in India is like
the realisation of the brightest dream of his life.
If you are interested in Ethnology, why India is
like a living ethnological museum.

If you are fond of Archæology, if you have ever
assisted at the opening of a barrow in England, and

know the delight of finding a fibula, or a knife , or
a flint in a heap of rubbish, read only ' General
Cunningham's Annual Reports of the Archæological
Survey of India,' and you will be impatient for the
time when you can take your spade and bring to
light the ancient Vihâras or Colleges built by the
Buddhist monarchs of India.
If ever you amused yourselves with collecting

coins, why the soil of India teems with coins ,
Persian, Carian, Thracian, Parthian, Greek, Mace-
donian, Scythian, Roman¹ , and Mohammedan. When
Warren Hastings was Governor-General, an earthen
pot was found on the bank of a river in the province
of Benares, containing 172 gold Darics . Warren
Hastings considered himself as making the most
munificent present to his masters that he might
Pliny (VI. 26) tells us that in his day the annual drain of
bullion into India, in return for her valuable produce, reached the
immense amount of ' five hundred and fifty millions of sesterces.'
See E. Thomas, The Indian Balhará, p . 13 .
* Cunningham, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
1881 , p. 184.
ever have it in his power to send them, by present-

ing those ancient coins to the Court of Directors.
The story is that they were sent to the melting
pot. At all events they had disappeared when
Warren Hastings returned to England. It rests
with you to prevent the revival of such Vandalism.
In one of the last numbers of the Asiatic Journal
of Bengal ' you may read of the discovery of a trea-

sure as rich in gold almost as some of the tombs
opened by Dr. Schliemann at Mykenæ, nay I should
add, perhaps not quite unconnected with some of the
treasures found at Myken ; yet hardly any one has
taken notice of it in England¹ !
The study of Mythology has assumed an entirely J
new character, chiefly owing to the light that has

been thrown on it by the ancient Vedic Mythology
of India. But though the foundation of a true
Science of Mythology has been laid , all the detail has
still to be worked out, and could be worked out
nowhere better than in India.
Even the study of fables owes its new life to
India, from whence the various migrations of fables
have been traced at various times and through
various channels from East to West 2. Buddhism is
now known to have been the principal source of our
legends and parables. But here too, many problems
still wait for their solution. Think, for instance, of the
allusion to the fable of the donkey in the lion's skin ,
1 See note A.
2 See Selected Essays, vol. I, p. 500, ' The Migration of Fables.'
' Cratylus 411 A. Still, as I have put on the lion's skin, I
must not be faint-hearted.' Possibly, however, this may refer to
Hercules, and not to the fable of the donkey in the lion's or the
tiger's skin. In the Hitopadesa, a donkey, being nearly starved, is
10 LECTURE I.
which occurs in Plato's Cratylus. Was that borrowed

from the East ? Or take the fable of the weasel
changed by Aphrodite into a woman who, when she
saw a mouse, could not refrain from making a spring
at it. This, too, is very like a Sanskrit fable, but
how then could it have been brought into Greece
early enough to appear in one of the comedies of
Strattis, about 400 B. C.¹ ? Here , too , there is still
plenty of work to do .
We may go back even further into antiquity, and
still find strange coincidences between the legends of
India and the legends of the West, without as yet
being able to say how they travelled, whether from
East to West, or from West to East. That at the
time of Solomon, there was a channel of communica-
tion open between India and Syria and Palestine is
established beyond doubt, I believe, by certain San-
skrit words which occur in the Bible as names of
articles of export from Ophir, articles such as ivory,

apes, peacocks, and sandalwood, which, taken to-
gether, could not have been exported from any
country but India 2. Nor is there any reason to
suppose that the commercial intercourse between
India, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea and the
Mediterranean was ever completely interrupted , even
at the time when the Book of Kings is supposed to
have been written.
sent by his master into a cornfield to feed . In order to shield him he

puts a tiger's skin on him. All goes well till a watchman approaches,
hiding himself under his grey coat, and trying to shoot the tiger.
The donkey thinks it is a grey female donkey, begins to bray, and is
killed. On a similar fable in Æsop, see Benfey, Pantschatantra, vol.
I, p. 463 ; M. M., Selected Essays, vol. I, p . 513 .
¹ See Fragmenta Comic. (Didot) p . 302 ; Benfey, l. c. vol. I, p. 374 .
2 Lectures on the Science of Language, vol . I, p. 231 .
Now you remember the judgment of Solomon, which

has always been admired as a proof of great legal
wisdom among the Jews ' . I must confess that, not
having a legal mind, I never could suppress a certain
shudder when reading the decision of Solomon :
' Divide the living child in two, and give half to the
one, and half to the other.'
Let me now tell you the same story as it is told

by the Buddhists, whose sacred Canon is full of such
legends and parables. In the Kanjur, which is the
Tibetan translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka, we
likewise read of two women who claimed each to be
the mother ofthe same child. The king, after listening
to their quarrels for a long time, gave it up as hope-
less to settle who was the real mother. Upon this
Visakha stepped forward and said : What is the use
of examining and cross-examining these women. Let
them take the boy and settle it among themselves.'
Thereupon both women fell on the child, and when
the fight became violent, the child was hurt and
began to cry. Then one of them let him go, because
she could not bear to hear the child cry.
That settled the question . The king gave the
child to the true mother, and had the other beaten
with a rod.
This seems to me, if not the more primitive, yet the

more natural form of the story- showing a deeper
knowledge of human nature, and more wisdom than
even the wisdom of Solomon 2.
11 Kings iii. 25.

* See some excellent remarks on this subject in Rhys Davids,
Buddhist Birth Stories, vol. I, pp . xiii and xliv. The learned
scholar gives another version of the story from a Singhalese trans-
12 LECTURE 1.
Many of you may have studied not only languages,

but also the Science of Language, and is there any
country in which some of the most important pro-
blems of that science, say only the growth and decay
of dialects, or the possible mixture of languages, with
regard not only to words, but to grammatical ele-
ments also, can be studied to greater advantage than
among the Aryan, the Dravidian and the Munda
inhabitants of India, when brought in contact with
their various invaders and conquerors, the Greeks,
the Yue-tchi, the Arabs, the Persians, the Moguls, and

lastly the English .
Again, if you are a student of Jurisprudence, there
is a history of law to be explored in India, very
different from what is known of the history of law in
Greece, in Rome, and in Germany, yet both by its con-
trasts and by its similarities full of suggestions to the
student of Comparative Jurisprudence. New mate-
rials are being discovered every year, as, for instance,
the so-called Dharma or Samayâkârika Sûtras, which
have supplied the materials for the later metrical
law-books, such as the famous Laws of Manu. What
was once called ' The Code of Laws of Manu,' and
confidently referred to 1200, or at least 500 B. C. , is
now hesitatingly referred to perhaps the fourth cen-

tury A. D., and called neither a Code, nor a Code of
Laws, least of all, the Code of Laws of Manu.
If you have learnt to appreciate the value of recent
researches into the antecedents of all law, namely the
foundation and growth of the simplest political com-
munities—and nowhere could you have had better
opportunities for it than here at Cambridge -you
lation of the Gâtaka, dating from the fourteenth century, and he

expresses a hope that Dr. Fausböll will soon publish the Pâli original.
will find a field of observation opened before you in

the still existing village estates in India that will
amply repay careful research.
And take that which, after all, whether we confess
or deny it, we care for more in this life than for any-
thing else-nay, which is often far more cared for
by those who deny than by those who confess -take
that which supports, pervades, and directs all our acts
and thoughts and hopes -without which there can be
neither village community nor empire, neither custom
nor law, neither right nor wrong-take that which,
next to language, has most firmly fixed the specific
and permanent barrier between man and beast-
which alone has made life possible and bearable, and
which, as it is the deepest, though often hidden spring
of individual life , is also the foundation of all national
life, the history of all histories, and yet the mystery
of all mysteries - take religion, and where can you
study its true origin, its natural growth, and its
inevitable decay better than in India, the home of
Brahmanism, the birthplace of Buddhism, and the
refuge of Zoroastrianism, even now the mother of
new superstitions- and why not, in the future, the
regenerate child of the purest faith, if only purified
from the dust of nineteen centuries ?
You will find yourselves everywhere in India

between an immense past and an immense future,
with opportunities such as the old world could but
seldom, if ever, offer you. Take any of the burning
questions of the day-popular education, higher edu-
cation, parliamentary representation, codification of
laws, finance, emigration, poor-law, and whether you
have anything to teach and to try, or anything to
observe and to learn, India will supply you with a
14 LECTURE I.
laboratory such as exists nowhere else. That very

Sanskrit, the study of which may at first seem so
V tedious to you and so useless, if only you will carry
it on, as you may carry it on here at Cambridge
better than anywhere else, will open before you large
layers of literature, as yet almost unknown and un-
explored, and allow you an insight into strata of
thought deeper than any you have known before,
and rich in lessons that appeal to the deepest sym-
pathies of the human heart.
Depend upon it, if onlyyou can make leisure, you will
find plenty of work in India for your leisure hours.
India is not, as you may imagine , a distant, strange,

or, at the very utmost, a curious country. India for
the future belongs to Europe, it has its place in the
Indo-European world, it has its place in our own
history, and in what is the very life of history, the
history of the human mind.
You know how some of the best talent and the
noblest genius of our age has been devoted to the
study of the development of the outward or material
world, the growth of the earth, the first appearance
of living cells , their combination and differentiation,
leading up to the beginning of organic life, and its
steady progress from the lowest to the highest stages.
Is there not an inward and intellectual world also
which has to be studied in its historical development,
from the first appearance of predicative and demon-

strative roots, their combination and differentiation ,
leading up to the beginning of rational thought in

its steady progress from the lowest to the highest
stages ? And in that study of the history of the
human mind, in that study of ourselves, of our true
selves, India occupies a place second to no other
country. Whatever sphere of the human mind you

may select for your special study, whether it be
language, or religion, or mythology, or philosophy ,

whether it be laws or customs, primitive art or
primitive science, everywhere, you have to go to
India, whether you like it or not, because some of
the most valuable and most instructive materials in
the history of man are treasured up in India, and in

India only.
And while thus trying to explain to those whose

lot will soon be cast in India the true position which
that wonderful country holds or ought to hold in
universal history, I may perhaps be able at the same
time to appeal to the sympathies of other members
of this University, by showing them how imperfect
our knowledge of universal history, our insight into
the development of the human intellect, must always
remain, if we narrow our horizon to the history of
Greeks and Romans, Saxons and Celts, with a dim
background of Palestine, Egypt, and Babylon, and
leave out of sight our nearest intellectual relatives,
the Aryans of India, the framers of the most wonderful
language, the Sanskrit, the fellow-workers in the con-
struction of our fundamental concepts, the fathers of
the most natural of natural religions, the makers of
the most transparent of mythologies, the inventors
of the most subtle philosophy, and the givers of the
most elaborate laws.
There are many things which we think essential
in a liberal education, whole chapters of history
which we teach in our schools and universities, that
cannot for one moment compare with the chapter
relating to India, if only properly understood and
freely interpreted.
16 LECTURE I.
In our time, when the study of history threatens to

become almost an impossibility -such is the mass of
details which historians collect in archives and pour
out before us in monographs- it seems to me more
than ever the duty of the true historian to find out
the real proportion of things, to arrange his materials
according to the strictest rules of artistic perspec-
tive, and to keep completely out of sight all that
may be rightly ignored by us in our own passage
across the historical stage of the world. It is this
power of discovering what is really important that
distinguishes the true historian from the mere
chronicler, in whose eyes everything is important,
particularly if he has discovered it himself. I think
it was Frederick the Great who, when sighing for
a true historian of his reign, complained bitterly that
those who wrote the history of Prussia never forgot
to describe the buttons on his uniform. And it is
probably of such historical works that Carlyle was

thinking when he said that he had waded through
them all , but that nothing should ever induce him to
hand even their names and titles down to posterity.
And yet how much is there even in Carlyle's histories
that might safely be consigned to oblivion !
Why do we want to know history ? Why does
history form a recognized part of our liberal education ?
Simply because all of us, and every one of us, ought
to know how we have come to be what we are, so
that each generation need not start again from the
same point, and toil over the same ground, but, profit-
ing by the experience of those who came before, may
advance towards higher points and nobler aims. As
a child when growing up, might ask his father or
grandfather, who had built the house they lived in,
or who had cleared the field that yielded them their

food, we ask the historian whence we came, and how
we came into possession of what we call our own.
History may tell us afterwards many useful and
amusing things, gossip, such as a child might like to
hear from his mother or grandmother ; but what his-
tory has to teach us before all and everything, is our
own antecedents, our own ancestors, our own descent.
Now our principal intellectual ancestors are, no
doubt, the Jews, the Greeks, the Romans, and the
Saxons, and we, here in Europe, should not call a
man educated or enlightened who was ignorant of
the debt which he owes to his intellectual ancestors
in Palestine, Greece, Rome, and Germany. The whole

past history of the world would be darkness to him,
and not knowing what those who came before him
had done for him, he would probably care little to do
anything for those who are to come after him. Life
would be to him a chain of sand, while it ought to be
a kind of electric chain that makes our hearts tremble
and vibrate with the most ancient thoughts of the
past, as well as with the most distant hopes of the
future.
Let us begin with our religion . No one can

understand even the historical possibility of the
Christian religion without knowing something of
the Jewish race, which must be studied chiefly in
the pages of the Old Testament . And in order to
appreciate the true relation of the Jews to the rest

of the ancient world, and to understand what
ideas were peculiarly their own, and what ideas
they shared in common with the other members of
the Semitic stock, or what moral and religious im-
pulses they received from their historical contact
C
18 LECTURE I.
with other nations of antiquity, it is absolutely

necessary that we should pay some attention to the
history of Babylon, Nineveh, Phoenicia, and Persia.
These may seem distant countries and forgotten
people, and many might feel inclined to say, ' Let the
dead bury their dead ; what are those mummies to
us ?' Still, such is the marvellous continuity of
history, that I could easily show you many things
which we, even we who are here assembled , owe to
Babylon, to Nineveh, to Egypt, Phoenicia, and Persia.
Every one who carries a watch, owes to the Baby-
lonians the division of the hour into sixty minutes.
It may be a very bad division , yet such as it is, it
has come to us from the Greeks and Romans, and it
came to them from Babylon. The sexagesimal
division is peculiarly Babylonian. Hipparchos, 1 50 B.C. ,
adopted it from Babylon, Ptolemy, 150 A.D. , gave it
wider currency, and the French, when they decimated
everything else, respected the dial plates of our

watches, and left them with their sixty Babyloniau
minutes.
Everyone who writes a letter, owes his alphabet

to the Romans and Greeks ; the Greeks owed their
alphabet to the Phoenicians, and the Phoenicians learnt
it in Egypt. It may be a very imperfect alphabet—

as all the students of phonetics will tell you ; yet,
such as it is, and has been, we owe it to the old
Phoenicians and Egyptians, and in every letter we
trace, there lies imbedded the mummy of an ancient
Egyptian hieroglyphic.
What do we owe to the Persians ? It does not
seem to be much, for they were not a very inventive

race, and what they knew, they had chiefly learnt
from their neighbours, the Babylonians and Assyrians.
Still, we owe them something. First of all, we owe

them a large debt of gratitude for having allowed
themselves to be beaten by the Greeks ; for think
what the world would have been, if the Persians had
beaten the Greeks at Marathon, and had enslaved,
that means, annihilated, the genius of ancient Greece.
However, this may be called rather an involuntary
contribution to the progress of humanity, and I men-
tion it only in order to show, how narrowly, not only
Greeks and Romans, but Saxons and Anglo- Saxons
too, escaped becoming Parsis or Fire-worshippers.
But I can mention at least one voluntary gift
which came to us from Persia, and that is the
relation of silver to gold in our bi-metallic currency.
That relation was, no doubt, first determined in
Babylonia, but it assumed its practical and historical
importance in the Persian empire, and spread from
there to the Greek colonies in Asia, and thence to
Europe, where it has maintained itself with slight
variation to the present day.
A talent¹ was divided into sixty minæ, a mina into

sixty shekels. Here we have again the Babylonian
sexagesimal system, a system which owes its origin
and popularity, I believe, to the fact that sixty has
the greatest number of divisors . Shekel was trans-
lated into Greek by Stater, and an Athenian gold
stater, like the Persian gold stater, down to the
times of Croesus, Darius, and Alexander, was the
sixtieth part of a mina of gold, not very far therefore
from our sovereign. The proportion of silver to gold
was fixed as 13 or 133 to 1 ; and if the weight of a
See Cunningham, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

1881 , pp. 162-168.
C 2
20 LECTURE I.
silver shekel was made as 13 to 10, such a coin would

correspond very nearly to our florin¹ . Half a silver
shekel was a drachma, and this was therefore the
true ancestor of our shilling.
Again you may say that any attempt at fixing the
relative value of silver and gold is, and always has
been, a great mistake. Still it shows how closely
the world is held together, and how, for good or for
evil, we are what we are, not so much by ourselves
as by the toil and moil of those who came before us,
our true intellectual ancestors, whatever the blood may
have been composed of that ran through their veins,

or the bones which formed the rafters of their skulls.
And if it is true, with regard to religion , that no one

could understand it and appreciate its full purport
without knowing its origin and growth, that is, without
knowing something of what the cuneiform inscriptions
of Mesopotamia, the hieroglyphic and hieratic texts of
Egypt, and the historical monuments of Phoenicia and
Persia can alone reveal to us, it is equally true, with
regard to all the other elements that constitute the
whole of our intellectual life. If we are Jewish or
Semitic in our religion, we are Greek in our philosophy,

Roman in our politics, and Saxon in our morality,
and it follows that a knowledge of the history of the
Greeks, Romans, and Saxons , or of the flow of civili-
zation from Greece to Italy, and through Germany to
these isles, forms an essential element in what is called
a liberal, that is, an historical and rational education.
But then it might be said, Let this be enough.
Let us know by all means all that deserves to be
1 Sîm, the Persian word for silver, has also the meaning of one-
thirteenth ; see Cunningham, 1. c. p. 165.
known about our real spiritual ancestors in the great

historical kingdoms of the world ; let us be grateful
for all we have inherited from Egyptians, Babylonians,
Phoenicians, Jews, Greeks, Romans, and Saxons . But
why bring in India ? Why add a new burden to what
every man has to bear already, before he can call
himself fairly educated ? What have we inherited

from the dark dwellers on the Indus and the Ganges,
that we should have to add their royal names and
dates and deeds to the archives of our already over-
burdened memory ?
There is some justice in this complaint. The

ancient inhabitants of India are not our intellec-
tual ancestors in the same direct way as Jews ,
Greeks, Romans, and Saxons are ; but they repre-
sent , nevertheless , a collateral branch of that family
to which we belong by language, that is, by thought,
and their historical records extend in some respects
so far beyond all other records and have been
preserved to us in such perfect and such legible
documents, that we can learn from them lessons
which we can learn nowhere else, and supply missing
links in our intellectual ancestry far more important
than that missing link (which we can well afford to
miss ), the link between Ape and Man.
I am not speaking as yet of the literature of India
as it is, but of something far more ancient, the
language of India, or Sanskrit. No one supposes√
any longer that Sanskrit was the common source of
Greek, Latin, and Anglo- Saxon . This used to be
said, but it has long been shown that Sanskrit is
only a collateral branch of the same stem from which
spring Greek, Latin, and Anglo-Saxon ; and not only
these, but all the Teutonic, all the Celtic, all the
2222 LECTURE I.
Slavonic languages, nay, the languages of Persia

and Armenia also.
What, then, is it that gives to Sanskrit its claim

on our attention, and its supreme importance in the
eyes ofthe historian ?
First of all, its antiquity, -for we know San-

skrit at an earlier period than Greek. But what
is far more important than its merely chrono-

logical antiquity is the antique state of preser-
vation in which that Aryan language has been
handed down to us. The world had known Latin
and Greek for centuries, and it was felt, no doubt,
that there was some kind of similarity between the
But how was that similarity to be explained ?
Sometimes Latin was supposed to give the key to
the formation of a Greek word, sometimes Greek
seemed to betray the secret of the origin of a Latin
word. Afterwards, when the ancient Teutonic lan-
guages, such as Gothic and Anglo- Saxon, and the
ancient Celtic and Slavonic languages too, came to
be studied, no one could help seeing a certain family

likeness among them all. But how such a likeness
between these languages came to be, and how, what
is far more difficult to explain, such striking dif
ferences too between these languages came to be,
remained a mystery, and gave rise to the most
gratuitous theories, most of them, as you know,
devoid of all scientific foundation. As soon, however,
as Sanskrit stepped into the midst of these languages,

there came light and warmth and mutual recognition.
They all ceased to be strangers, and each fell of its
own accord into its right place . Sanskrit was the
eldest sister of them all, and could tell of many things
which the other members of the family had quite
forgotten. Still, the other languages too had each

their own tale to tell ; and it is out of all their tales
together that a chapter in the human mind has been
put together which, in some respects, is more important
to us than any of the other chapters, the Jewish, the
Greek, the Latin, or the Saxon.
The process by which that ancient chapter of
history was recovered is very simple. Take the
words which occur in the same form and with the
same meaning in all the seven branches of the Aryan

family, and you have in them the most genuine and
trustworthy records in which to read the thoughts
of our true ancestors, before they had become
Hindus, or Persians , or Greeks, or Romans, or
Celts, or Teutons, or Slaves . Of course, some of
these ancient charters may have been lost in one
or other of these seven branches of the Aryan family,
but even then, if they are found in six, or five, or
four, or three, or even two only of its original branches,
the probability remains, unless we can prove a later
historical contact between these languages, that these
words existed before the great Aryan Separation .
If we find agni, meaning fire, in Sanskrit, and ignis,
meaning fire, in Latin, we may safely conclude that
fire was known to the undivided Aryans, even if no
trace of the same name of fire occurred anywhere else.
And why ? Because there is no indication that Latin
remained longer united with Sanskrit than any of
the other Aryan languages, or that Latin could have
borrowed such a word from Sanskrit, after these two
languages had once become distinct. We have, how-
ever, the Lithuanian ugnis, and the Scottish ingle,
to show that the Slavonic and possibly the Teu-
tonic languages also, knew the same word for fire,
24 LECTURE I.
though they replaced it in time by other words.

Words , like all other things, will die, and why they
should live on in one soil and wither away and
perish in another, is not always easy to say. What
has become of ignis, for instance, in all the Romance

languages ? It has withered away and perished , pro-
bably because, after losing its final unaccentuated
syllable, it became awkward to pronounce ; and
another word focus, which in Latin meant fire- place,
hearth, altar, has taken its place .
Suppose we wanted to know whether the ancient
Aryans before their separation knew the mouse : we
should only have to consult the principal Aryan
dictionaries, and we should find in Sanskrit mûsh, in
Greek uus, in Latin mus, in Old Slavonic myse, in Old
High German mûs, enabling us to say that, at a time
so distant from us that we feel inclined to measure it
by Indian rather than by our own chronology, the

mouse was known, that is, was named, was conceived
and recognised as a species of its own, not to be con-
founded with any other vermin.
And if we were to ask whether the enemy of the
mouse, the cat, was known at the same distant time ,
we should feel justified in saying decidedly, No.

The cat is called in Sanskrit mârgâra and vidâla. In
Greek and Latin the words usually given as names of
the cat, yaxéŋ and aïλovpos, mustella and feles, did not
originally signify the tame cat, but the weasel or
marten. The name for the real cat in Greek was
KάTTα, in Latin catus, and these words have supplied

the names for cat in all the Teutonic, Slavonic, and
Celtic languages . The animal itself, so far as we
know at present, came to Europe from Egypt, where
it had been worshipped for centuries and tamed ; and
as this arrival probably dates from the fourth century

A. D., we can well understand that no common name
for it could have existed when the Aryan nations
separated¹.
In this way a more or less complete picture of
the state of civilization , previous to the Aryan Sepa-
ration, can be and has been reconstructed, like a
mosaic put together with the fragments of ancient
stones ; and I doubt whether, in tracing the history
of the human mind, we shall ever reach to a lower
stratum than that which is revealed to us by the con-
verging rays of the different Aryan languages.
Nor is that all ; for even that Proto-Aryan lan-
guage, as it has been reconstructed from the ruins
scattered about in India, Greece, Italy, and Germany,

is clearly the result of a long, long process of thought.
One shrinks from chronological limitations when look-
ing into such distant periods of life . But if we find
Sanskrit as a perfect literary language, totally different
from Greek and Latin, 1500 B. C., where can those
streams of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin meet, as we
trace them back to their common source ? And
then, when we have followed these mighty national

streams back to their common meeting point, even
then that common language looks like a rock washed
down and smoothed for ages by the ebb and flow of
thought. We find in that language such a compound,
for instance, as asmi, I am, Greek out. What would
other languages give for such a pure concept as I
am ? They may say, I stand, or I live , or I grow, or
I turn, but it is given to few languages only to be
able to say I am. To us nothing seems more natural
¹ See note B.
26 LECTURE I.
than the auxiliary verb I am : but, in reality, no work

of art has required greater efforts than this little word
I am . And all those efforts lie beneath the level of
the common Proto-Aryan speech. Many different ways

were open, were tried, too, in order to arrive at such
a compound as asmi, and such a concept as I am.

But all were given up, and this one alone remained,
and was preserved for ever in all the languages and
all the dialects of the Aryan family. In as-mi, as is
the root, and in the compound as-mi, the predicative
root as, to be, is predicated of mi, I. But no language
could ever produce at once so empty, or, if you like,
so general a root as as, to be. As meant originally to
breathe, and from it we have asu, breath, spirit, life,
also as the mouth, Latin ôs, ôris. By constant wear
and tear this root as, to breathe, had first to lose all
signs of its original material character, before it could
convey that purely abstract meaning of existence,
without any qualification , which has rendered to the
higher operations of thought the same service which
the nought, likewise the invention of Indian genius ,
has to render in arithmetic . Who will say how long
the friction lasted which changed as, to breathe, into
as, to be ? And even a root as, to breathe , was an
Aryan root, not Semitic, not Turanian . It possessed
an historical individuality — it was the work of our
forefathers, and represents a thread which unites us
in our thoughts and words with those who first
thought for us, with those who first spoke for us, and
whose thoughts and words men are still thinking and
speaking, though divided from them by thousands, it
may be by hundreds of thousands of years.
This is what I call history in the true sense of the
word, something really worth knowing, far more so
27
than the scandals of courts, or the butcheries of nations ,

which fill so many pages of our Manuals of History.
And all this work is only beginning, and whoever
likes to labour in these the most ancient of historical
archives will find plenty of discoveries to make—

and yet people ask, what is the use of learning
Sanskrit ?
We get accustomed to everything, and cease to

wonder at what would have startled our fathers and
upset all their stratified notions , like a sudden earth-
quake. Every child now learns at school that English
is an Aryan or Indo- European language, that it be-
longs to the Teutonic branch, and that this branch,
together with the Italic, Greek, Celtic, Slavonic,
Iranic, and Indic branches, all spring from the same
stock, and form together the great Aryan or Indo-
European family of speech.
But this, though it is taught now in our elementary
schools, was really, but fifty years ago, like the open-
ing of a new horizon of the world of the intellect,
and the extension of a feeling of closest fraternity
that made us feel at home where before we had been
strangers, and changed millions of so -called barbarians
into our own kith and kin. To speak the same
language constitutes a closer union than to have
drunk the same milk ; and Sanskrit, the ancient
language of India, is substantially the same language
as Greek, Latin, and Anglo- Saxon. This is a lesson
which we should never have learnt but from a study
of Indian language and literature, and if India had
taught us nothing else, it would have taught us
more than almost any other language ever did .
It is quite amusing, though instructive also, to
read what was written by scholars and philosophers
28 LECTURE I.
when this new light first dawned on the world.

They would not have it, they would not believe that
there could be any community of origin between the
people of Athens and Rome, and the so-called Niggers
of India. The classical scholars scouted the idea, and
I myself still remember the time, when I was a
student at Leipzig and began to study Sanskrit, with
what contempt any remarks on Sanskrit or compara-
tive grammar were treated by my teachers, men such
as Gottfried Hermann, Haupt, Westermann , Stall-
baum , and others . No one ever was for a time so com-
pletely laughed down as Professor Bopp, when he first
published his Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Zend,
Greek, Latin, and Gothic . All hands were against
him ; and if in comparing Greek and Latin with
Sanskrit, Gothic, Celtic, Slavonic, or Persian , he
happened to have placed one single accent wrong,
the shouts of those who knew nothing but Greek
and Latin, and probably looked in their Greek Dic-
tionaries to be quite sure of their accents, would
never end. Dugald Stewart, rather than admit a
relationship between Hindus and Scots , would rather
believe that the whole Sanskrit language and the
whole of Sanskrit literature-mind, a literature ex-
tending over three thousand years and larger than
the ancient literature of either Greece or Rome,-
was a forgery of those wily priests, the Brahmans.

I remember too how, when I was at school at Leipzig,
(and a very good school it was, with such masters as
Nobbe, Forbiger, Funkhaenel, and Palm, —an old
school too, which could boast of Leibniz among its
former pupils) I remember, I say, one of our masters
(Dr. Klee) telling us one afternoon, when it was
too hot to do any serious work, that there was a
language spoken in India, which was much the same

as Greek and Latin, nay, as German and Russian.
At first we thought it was a joke , but when one saw
the parallel columns of Numerals, Pronouns, and
Verbs in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin written on the
black board, one felt in the presence of facts, before
which one had to bow. All one's ideas of Adam and
Eve, and the Paradise, and the tower of Babel, and
Shem, Ham, and Japhet, with Homer and Æneas
and Virgil too, seemed to be whirling round and
round, till at last one picked up the fragments and
tried to build up a new world, and to live with a
new historical consciousness.
Here you will see why I consider a certain know-

ledge of India an essential portion of a liberal or
an historical education . The concept of the Eu-
ropean man has been changed and widely extended by
our acquaintance with India, and we know now that
we are something different from what we thought
we were. Suppose the Americans, owing to some
cataclysmal events, had forgotten their English
origin, and after two or three thousand years found
themselves in possession of a language and of ideas
which they could trace back historically to a certain
date, but which, at that date, seemed, as it were, fallen
from the sky, without any explanation of their origin
and previous growth, what would they say if sud-
denly the existence of an English language and
literature were revealed to them, such as they existed
in the eighteenth century-explaining all that seemed
before almost miraculous, and solving almost every
question that could be asked ! Well, this is much
the same as what the discovery of Sanskrit has done
for us. It has added a new period to our historical
30 LECTURE I.
consciousness , and revived the recollections of our

childhood, which seemed to have vanished for ever.
Whatever else we may have been, it is quite clear
now that, many thousands of years ago, we were
something that had not yet developed into an Eng-
lishman, or a Saxon , or a Greek, or a Hindu either,
yet contained in itself the germs of all these characters.
A strange being, you may say. Yes, but for all that a
very real being, and an ancestor too of whom we must
learn to be proud, far more than of any such modern
ancestors, as Normans, Saxons, Celts, and all the rest.
And this is not all yet that a study of Sanskrit
and the other Aryan languages has done for us. It
has not only widened our views of man, and taught

us to embrace millions of strangers and barbarians as
members of one family, but it has imparted to the
whole ancient history of man a reality which it never
possessed before.
We speak and write a great deal about antiquities,

and if we can lay hold of a Greek statue or an
Egyptian Sphinx or a Babylonian Bull, our heart
rejoices, and we build museums grander than any
Royal palaces to receive the treasures of the past.
This is quite right . But are you aware that every
one of us possesses what may be called the richest
and most wonderful Museum of Antiquities, older
than any statues, sphinxes, or bulls ? And where ?
Why, in our own language. When I use such words
as father or mother, heart or tear, one, two, three, here

and there, I am handling coins or counters that were
current before there was one single Greek statue, one
single Babylonian Bull , one single Egyptian Sphinx.

Yes, each of us carries about with him the richest and
most wonderful Museum of Antiquities ; and if he only
331
knows how to treat those treasures, how to rub and

polish them till they become translucent again, how
to arrange them and read them, they will tell him
marvels more marvellous than all hieroglyphics and
cuneiform inscriptions put together. The stories
they have told us are beginning to be old stories
now. Many of you have heard them before. But
do not let them cease to be marvels, like so many
things which cease to be marvels because they happen

every day. And do not think that there is nothing
left for you to do. There are more marvels still to be
discovered in language than have ever been revealed
to us ; nay, there is no word, however common , if
only you know how to take it to pieces, like a
cunningly contrived work of art, fitted together \
thousands of years ago by the most cunning of
artists , the human mind, that will not make you
listen and marvel more than any chapter of the
Arabian Nights .
But I must not allow myself to be carried away

from my proper subject. All I wish to impress on
you by way of introduction is that the results of
the Science of Language, which, without the aid of

Sanskrit, would never have been obtained , form an
essential element of what we call a liberal, that is
an historical education, -an education which will
enable a man to do what the French call s'orienter,
that is, to find his East,' ' his true East,' and thus
to determine his real place in the world ; to know,
in fact, the port whence man started, the course he
has followed, and the port towards which he has
to steer.
We all come from the East-all that we value
22
32 LECTURE I.
most has come to us from the East, and in going to

the East, not only those who have received a special
Oriental training, but everybody who has enjoyed
the advantages of a liberal, that is , of a truly histo-
rical education, ought to feel that he is going to his
' old home,' full of memories, if only he can read them.
Instead of feeling your hearts sink within you, when
next year you approach the shores of India , I wish
that every one of you could feel what Sir William
Jones felt, when, just one hundred years ago, he came
to the end of his long voyage from England, and saw
the shores of India rising on the horizon . At that time
young men going to the wonderland of India , were not
ashamed of dreaming dreams, and seeing visions : and
this was the dream dreamt and the vision seen by
Sir William Jones, then simple Mr. Jones :-
'When I was at sea last August (that is in August
1783 ) , on my voyage to this country (India) I had
long and ardently desired to visit, I found one even-
ing, on inspecting the observations of the day, that
India lay before us, Persia on our left, whilst a
breeze from Arabia blew nearly on our stern . A
situation so pleasing in itself and to me so new, could
not fail to awaken a train of reflections in a mind,
which had early been accustomed to contemplate
with delight the eventful histories and agreeable
fictions of this Eastern world. It gave me inexpres-
sible pleasure to find myself in the midst of so noble
an amphitheatre, almost encircled by the vast regions
of Asia, which has ever been esteemed the nurse of
sciences, the inventress of delightful and useful arts,
the scene of glorious actions, fertile in the produc-
tions of human genius, and infinitely diversified in
the forms of religion and government, in the laws,
manners, customs, and languages, as well as in the

features and complexions of men. I could not help
remarking how important and extensive a field was
yet unexplored, and how many solid advantages
unimproved .'
India wants more such dreamers as that young
Mr. Jones, standing alone on the deck of his vessel
and watching the sun diving into the sea-with the
memories of England behind and the hopes of India
before him, feeling the presence of Persia and its
ancient monarchs, and breathing the breezes of Arabia
and its glowing poetry. Such dreamers know how
to make their dreams come true, and how to change
their visions into realities.
And as it was a hundred years ago, so it is now ;
or at least, so it may be now. There are many bright
dreams to be dreamt about India, and many bright
deeds to be done in India, if only you will do them.
Though many great and glorious conquests have been
made in the history and literature of the East, since
the days when Sir William Jones landed at Calcutta,
depend upon it, no young Alexander here need despair
because there are no kingdoms left for him to conquer
on the ancient shores of the Indus and the Ganges.
Ꭰ
TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE
HINDUS .
LECTURE II.
IN my first Lecture I endeavoured to remove the

prejudice that everything in India is strange, and so
different from the intellectual life which we are ac-
customed to in England that the twenty or twenty-
five years which a Civil servant has to spend in
the East seem often to him a kind of exile that
he must bear as well as he can, but that severs
him completely from all those higher pursuits by
which life is made enjoyable at home. This need
not be so and ought not to be so, if only it is clearly
seen how almost every one of the higher interests
that make life worth living here in England, may
find as ample scope in India as in England .

To-day I shall have to grapple with another pre-
judice which is even more mischievous , because it
forms a kind of icy barrier between the Hindus and
their rulers, and makes anything like a feeling of
true fellowship between the two utterly impossible.
That prejudice consists in looking upon our stay
in India as a kind of moral exile, and in regarding
the Hindus as an inferior race, totally different from
ourselves in their moral character, and, more parti-
cularly in what forms the very foundation of the

English character, respect for truth .
TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 35
I believe there is nothing more disheartening to

any high-minded young man than the idea that he
will have to spend his life among human beings
whom he can never respect or love-natives, as they
are called, not to use even more offensive names-
men whom he is taught to consider as not amenable
to the recognised principles of self-respect, upright-
ness, and veracity, and with whom therefore any com-
munity of interests and action, much more any real
friendship, is supposed to be out of the question.
So often has that charge of untruthfulness been
repeated, and so generally is it now accepted , that it
seems almost Quixotic to try to fight against it.
Nor should I venture to fight this almost hopeless
battle, if I were not convinced that such a charge,
like all charges brought against a whole nation, rests
on the most flimsy induction, and that it has done ,
is doing, and will continue to do more mischief than
anything that even the bitterest enemy of English
dominion in India could have invented. If a young
man who goes to India as a Civil servant or as a
military officer, goes there fully convinced that the
people whom he is to meet with are all liars, liars
by nature or by national instinct, never restrained
in their dealings by any regard for truth, never to be
trusted on their word, need we wonder at the feelings
of disgust with which he thinks of the Hindus , even
before he has seen them ; the feelings of distrust with
which he approaches them, and the contemptuous way
in which he treats them when brought into contact
with them for the transaction of public or private
business ? When such tares have once been sown by
the enemy, it will be difficult to gather them up .

It has become almost an article of faith with every
D 2
36 LECTURE II.
Indian Civil servant that all Indians are liars ; nay,
I know I shall never be forgiven for my heresy in

venturing to doubt it.
Now, quite apart from India, I feel most strongly
that every one of these international condemnations is
to be deprecated, not only for the sake of the self-
conceited and uncharitable state of mind from which
they spring, and which they serve to strengthen and

confirm, but for purely logical reasons also, namely
for the reckless and slovenly character of the induc-
tion on which such conclusions rest. Because a man
has travelled in Greece and has been cheated by his

dragoman, or been carried off by brigands, does it
follow that all Greeks , ancient as well as modern, are
cheats and robbers, or that they approve of cheating
and robbery ? And because in Calcutta, or Bombay,
or Madras, Indians who are brought before judges,
or who hang about the law courts and the bazaars,
are not distinguished by an unreasoning and uncom-
promising love of truth, is it not a very vicious
induction to say, in these days of careful reasoning,
that all Hindus are liars-particularly if you bear in
mind that, according to the latest census, the num-
ber of inhabitants of that vast country amounts to 253
millions. Are all these 253 millions of human beings
to be set down as liars, because some hundreds, say
even some thousands of Indians, when they are brought
to an English court of law, on suspicion of having
committed a theft or a murder, do not speak the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ?
Would an English sailor, if brought before a dark-
skinned judge, who spoke English with a strange
accent, bow down before him and confess at once
any misdeed that he may have committed ; and
would all his mates rush forward and eagerly bear

witness against him, when he had got himself into
trouble ?
The rules of induction are general, but they de-

pend on the subjects to which they are applied.
We may, to follow an Indian proverb, judge of
a whole field of rice by tasting one or two grains
only, but if we apply this rule to human beings , we
are sure to fall into the same mistake as the English
chaplain who had once, on board an English vessel,
christened a French child, and who remained fully
convinced for the rest of his life that all French
babies had very long noses.
I can hardly think of anything that you could

safely predicate of all the inhabitants of India, and
I confess to a little nervous tremor whenever I see a
sentence beginning with The people of India,' or

even with ' All the Brahmans,' or ' All the Buddhists.'
What follows is almost invariably wrong. There is a
greater difference between an Afghan , a Sikh, a Hindu-
stani, a Bengalese, and a Dravidian than between an
Englishman, a Frenchman , a German, and a Russian—
yet all are classed as Hindus, and all are supposed to
fall under the same sweeping condemnation.
Let me read you what Sir John Malcolm says about
the diversity of character to be observed by any one
who has eyes to observe, among the different races
.
whom we promiscuously call Hindus, and whom we
promiscuously condemn as Hindus. After describing
the people of Bengal as weak in body and timid in
mind, and those below Calcutta as the lowest of our
Hindu subjects, both in character and appearance, he
continues : ' But from the moment you enter the dis-
trict of Behar, the Hindu inhabitants are a race of men,
38 LECTURE II.
generally speaking, not more distinguished by their

lofty stature and robust frame than they are for
some of the finest qualities of the mind. They are
brave, generous , humane, and their truth is as re-
markable as their courage.'
But because I feel bound to protest against the
indiscriminating abuse that has been heaped on the
people of India from the Himâlaya to Ceylon, do not
suppose that it is my wish or intention to draw an
ideal picture of India, leaving out all the dark
shades, and giving you nothing but ' sweetness and
light.' Having never been in India myself, I can
only claim for myself the right and duty of every
historian, namely, the right of collecting as much
information as possible, and the duty to sift it ac-
cording to the recognised rules of historical criticism.
My chief sources of information with regard to the
national character of the Indians in ancient times
will be the works of Greek writers and the literature
of the ancient Indians themselves. For later times
we must depend on the statements of the various
conquerors of India, who are not always the most
lenient judges of those whom they may find it more
difficult to rule than to conquer. For the last
century to the present day, I shall have to appeal,

partly to the authority of those who, after spending
an active life in India and among the Indians, have
given us the benefit of their experience in published
works, partly to the testimony of a number of dis-
tinguished Civil servants and of Indian gentlemen
also, whose personal acquaintance I have enjoyed in
England, in France, and in Germany.
As I have chiefly to address myself to those who
will themselves be the rulers and administrators of
India in the future, allow me to begin with the

opinions which some of the most eminent, and, I
believe, the most judicious among the Indian Civil
servants of the past have formed and deliberately ex-
pressed on the point which we are to-day discussing,
namely, the veracity or want of veracity among the
Hindus.
And here I must begin with a remark which has

been made by others also, namely, that the Civil
servants who went to India in the beginning of this
century, and under the auspices of the old East- India-
Company, many of whom I had the honour and
pleasure of knowing when I first came to England,
seemed to have seen a great deal more of native life,
native manners, and native character than those whom
I had to examine five-and-twenty years ago, and who
are now, after a distinguished career, coming back to
England. India is no longer the distant island which
it was, where each Crusoe had to make a home for
himself as best he could . With the short and easy

voyages from England to India and from India to
England, with the frequent mails, and the telegrams,
and the Anglo-Indian newspapers, official life in India
has assumed the character of a temporary exile rather,
which even English ladies are now more ready to
share than fifty years ago. This is a difficulty
which cannot be removed, but must be met, and
which, I believe, can best be met by inspiring the
new Civil servants with new and higher interests
during their stay in India.
I knew the late Professor Wilson, our Boden Pro-
fessor of Sanskrit at Oxford, for many years, and
often listened with deep interest to his Indian
reminiscences.
40 LECTURE II.
Let me read you what he, Professor Wilson , says

of his native friends, associates , and servants¹ :
'I lived , both from necessity and choice, very much
amongst the Hindus, and had opportunities of be-
coming acquainted with them in a greater variety of
situations than those in which they usually come
under the observation of Europeans. In the Calcutta
mint, for instance, I was in daily personal communi-
cation with a numerous body of artificers, mechanics ,
and labourers, and always found amongst them
cheerful and unwearied industry, good-humoured
compliance with the will of their superiors, and a
readiness to make whatever exertions were de-
manded from them : there was among them no
drunkenness, no disorderly conduct, no insubordi-
nation. It would not be true to say that there was
no dishonesty, but it was comparatively rare, inva-
riably petty, and much less formidable than, I be-
lieve, it is necessary to guard against in other mints
in other countries. There was considerable skill and
ready docility . So far from there being any servility,

there was extreme frankness, and I should say that
where there is confidence without fear, frankness is
one of the most universal features in the Indian
character. Let the people feel sure of the temper
and good-will of their superiors, and there is an end
of reserve and timidity, without the slightest depar-
ture from respect •
Then, speaking of the much-abused Indian Pandits,

he says : The studies which engaged my leisure
brought me into connection with the men of learning,
and in them I found the similar merits of industry,
1
Mill's History of British India, ed. Wilson, vol. i. p . 375.
TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS . 41
intelligence, cheerfulness, frankness , with others

peculiar to their avocation. A very common charac-
teristic of these men , and of the Hindus especially,
was a simplicity truly childish, and a total un-
acquaintance with the business and manners of life.
Where that feature was lost, it was chiefly by those
who had been long familiar with Europeans. Amongst
the Pandits, or the learned Hindus, there prevailed
great ignorance and great dread of the European
character. There is, indeed, very little intercourse
between any class of Europeans and Hindu scholars ,
and it is not wonderful, therefore, that mutual mis-
apprehension should prevail .'
Speaking, lastly, of the higher classes in Calcutta
and elsewhere, Professor Wilson says that he wit-
nessed among them ' polished manners , clearness and
comprehensiveness of understanding, liberality of feel-
ing and independence of principle that would have
stamped them gentlemen in any country in the
world.' With some of this class,' he adds, I formed
friendships which I trust to enjoy through life. '
I have often heard Professor Wilson speak in the
same, and in even stronger terms of his old friends
in India, and his correspondence with Ram Comul

Sen, the grandfather of Keshub Chunder Sen, a most
orthodox, not to say bigoted, Hindu, which has lately
been published, shows on what intimate terms
Englishmen and Hindus may be, if only the advances
are made on the English side.
There is another Professor of Sanskrit, of whom
your University may well be proud, and who could
speak on this subject with far greater authority than

I can. He too will tell you, and I have no doubt
has often told you, that if only you look out for
42 LECTURE II.
friends among the Hindus, you will find them, and

you may trust them.
There is one book which for many years I have
been in the habit of recommending, and another
against which I have always been warning those
of the candidates for the Indian Civil Service whom
I happened to see at Oxford ; and I believe both
the advice and the warning have in several cases
borne the very best fruit. The book which I consider
most mischievous, nay, which I hold responsible for
v some of the greatest misfortunes that have happened
to India, is Mill's History of British India, even with
the antidote against its poison , which is supplied by
Professor Wilson's notes. The book which I recom-
mend, and which I wish might be published again
in a cheaper form, so as to make it more generally
accessible, is Colonel Sleeman's Rambles and Re-
collections of an Indian Official, published in 1844,
but written originally in 1835-1836.
Mill's History, no doubt, you all know, particularly
the Candidates for the Indian Civil Service, who,
I am sorry to say, are recommended to read it and are
examined in it . Still, in order to substantiate my
strong condemnation of the book, I shall have to give
a few proofs
Mill in his estimate of the Hindu character is
chiefly guided by Dubois, a French missionary, and by

Orme and Buchanan, Tennant, and Ward, all of them
neither very competent nor very unprejudiced judges.
Mill , however, picks out all that is most unfavourable
from their works, and omits the qualifications which
even these writers felt bound to give to their whol.s.le
Mill's History, ed . Wilson, vol . i. p . 368.

condemnation of the Hindus. He quotes as serious,

for instance, what was said in joke ' , namely, that ' a
Brahman is an ant's nest of lies and impostures.'
Next to the charge of untruthfulness , Mill upbraids
the Hindus for what he calls their litigiousness. He
writes : As often as courage fails them in seeking
more daring gratification to their hatred and re-
venge, their malignity finds a vent in the channel of
litigation.' Without imputing dishonourable mo-
tives, as Mill does, the same fact might be stated in a
different way, by saying, ' As often as their conscience
and respect of law keep them from seeking more
daring gratification to their hatred and revenge, say by
murder or poisoning, their trust in English justice leads
them to appeal to our Courts of Law.' Dr. Robertson,
in his Historical Disquisitions concerning India³,'
seems to have considered the litigious subtlety of the
Hindus as a sign of high civilisation rather than of
barbarism , but he is sharply corrected by Mr. Mill,
who tells him thatnowhere is this subtlety carried
higher than among the wildest of the Irish .' That
courts of justice, like the English, in which a verdict.

was not to be obtained , as formerly in Mohammedan
courts, by bribes and corruption , should at first have
proved very attractive to the Hindus, need not sur-
prise us . But is it really true that the Hindus are
more fond of litigation than other nations ? If we
consult Sir Thomas Munro, the eminent Governor of
Madras, and the powerful advocate of the Ryotwar
settlements, he tells us in so many words : ' I have
had ample opportunity of observing the Hindus in
1 Mill's History, ed. Wilson, vol . i . p. 325. 2 L. c. vol. i. p. 329.

3
P. 217. Mill's History, vol. i. p. 329.
44 LECTURE II.
every situation, and I can affirm, that they are not

litigious¹.
But Mill goes further still, and in one place
he actually assures his readers 2 that a Brahman
may put a man to death when he lists .' In fact,
he represents the Hindus as such a monstrous mass
of all vices that, as Colonel Vans Kennedy ³ remarked,
society could not have held together, if it had really
consisted of such reprobates only. Nor does he seem
to see the full bearing of his remarks . Surely, if
a Brahman might , as he says, put a man to death
whenever he lists, it would be the strongest testimony
in their favour that you hardly ever hear of their

availing themselves of such a privilege, to say nothing
of the fact and a fact it is-that, according to
statistics, the number of capital sentences was one
in every 10,000 in England, but only one in every
million in Bengal .
Colonel Sleeman's Rambles are less known than
they deserve to be. To give you an idea of the

man, I must read you some extracts from the book.
His sketches being originally addressed to his
sister, this is how he writes to her :-
My dear Sister,
'Were anyone to ask your countrymen in India,
what had been their greatest source of pleasure
while there, perhaps, nine in ten would say, the
letters which they receive from their sisters at
¹ Manu, VIII. 43, says : Neither a King himself nor his officers
must ever promote litigation ; nor ever neglect a lawsuit instituted
by others.'
2 Mill's History, vol. i. p. 327. 3 L. c. p. 368.
See Elphinstone, History of India, ed. Cowell, p . 219 note.
Of the 232 sentences of death 64 only were carried out in Eng-
land, while the 59 sentences of death in Bengal were all carried out.'
home .... And while thus contributing so much to

our happiness, they no doubt tend to make us better
citizens of the world, and servants of government,
than we should otherwise be ; for in our " struggles
through life " in India, we have all, more or less ,

an eye to the approbation of those circles which our
kind sisters represent, -who may therefore be con-

sidered in the exalted light of a valuable species of
unpaid magistracy to the government of India .'
There is a touch of the old English chivalry even
in these few words addressed to a sister whose
approbation he values, and with whom he hoped to
spend the winter of his days. Having been, as he
confesses, idle in answering letters, or rather, too
busy to find time for long letters, he made use of
his enforced leisure, while on his way from the
Nerbuddah river to the Himmaleh mountains, in
search of health, to give to his sister a full account

of his impressions and experiences in India. Though
what he wrote was intended at first to interest and
amuse his sister only and the other members of his
family at home,' he adds in a more serious tone :
Of one thing I must beg you to be assured, that
I have nowhere indulged in fiction, either in the
narrative, the recollections, or the conversations.
What I relate on the testimony of others, I believe
to be true ; and what I relate on my own, you may
rely upon as being so.'
When placing his volumes before the public at
large in 1844, he expresses a hope that they may
tend to make the people of India better understood
by those of our countrymen whose destinies are cast
among them, and inspire more kindly feelings towards
them.'
46 LECTURE II.
You may ask why I consider Colonel Sleeman so

trustworthy an authority on the Indian character,
more trustworthy, for instance, than even so accurate
and unprejudiced an observer as Professor Wilson .
My answer is- because Wilson lived chiefly in Cal-
cutta, while Colonel Sleeman saw India, where alone
the true India can be seen, namely, in the village-
communities. For many years he was employed as
Commissioner for the suppression of Thuggee. The
Thuggs were professional assassins, who committed
their murders under a kind of religious sanction .
They were originally ' all Mohammedans , but for a long
time past Mohammedans and Hindus had been indis-
criminately associated in the gangs, the former class,
however, still predominating¹ .'
In order to hunt up these gangs, Colonel Sleeman
had constantly to live among the people in the

country, to gain their confidence, and to watch the
good as well as the bad features in their character.
Now what Colonel Sleeman continually insists on
is that no one knows the Indians who does not know
them in their village- communities -what we should

now call their communes. It is that village-life
which in India has given its peculiar impress to the
Indian character, more so than in any other country
we know. When in Indian history we hear so much
of kings and emperors, of râjahs and mahârâjahs,
we are apt to think of India as an Eastern monarchy,
ruled by a central power, and without any trace of that
self-government which forms the pride of England.
But those who have most carefully studied the po-
litical life of India tell you the very opposite.
¹ Sir Ch . Trevelyan, Christianity and Hinduism, 1882, p . 42 .

The political unit, or the social cell in India has

always been, and, in spite of repeated foreign con-
quests, is still the village-community. Some of these
political units will occasionally combine or be combined
for common purposes (such a confederacy being called
a grâmagâla), but each is perfect in itself. When we
read in the laws of Manu of officers appointed to
rule over ten, twenty, a hundred, or a thousand of
these villages, that means no more than that they
were responsible for the collection of taxes, and
generally for the good behaviour of these villages .
And when, in later times, we hear of circles of 84
villages, the so-called Chourasees (Katurasîti ) , and
of 360 villages, this too seems to refer to fiscal
arrangements only. To the ordinary Hindu , I mean
to ninety-nine in every hundred , the village was
his world, and the sphere of public opinion, with its
beneficial influences on individuals, seldom extended
beyond the horizon of his village ³ .
Colonel Sleeman was one of the first who called
attention to the existence of these village-communi-
ties in India, and their importance in the social fabric
¹ Manu VII . 115.

* H. M. Elliot, Supplement to the Glossary of Indian Terms, p . 151 .
I see from Dr. Hunter's latest statistical tables that the whole
number of towns and villages in British India amounts to 493.429.
Out of this number 448.320 have less than 1000 inhabitants, and
may be called villages. In Bengal, where the growth of towns has
been most encouraged through Government establishments, the
total number of homesteads is 117,042 , and more than half of
these contain less than 200 inhabitants. Only 10.077 towns in
Bengal have more than 1000 inhabitants, that is , no more than
about a seventeenth part of all the settlements are anything but
what we should call substantial villages. In the North-Western
Provinces the last census gives us 105.124 villages, against 297
towns. See Times, 14th Aug. 1882.
48 LECTURE II.
of the whole country both in ancient and in modern

times ; and though they have since become far better
known and celebrated through the writings of Sir
Henry Maine, it is still both interesting and instruc-
tive to read Colonel Sleeman's account. He writes
as a mere observer, and uninfluenced as yet by any

theories on the development of early social and poli-
tical life among the Aryan nations in general.
I do not mean to say that Colonel Sleeman was the
first who pointed out the palpable fact that the whole
of India is parcelled out into estates of villages . Even
so early an observer as Megasthenes¹ seems to have
been struck by the same fact when he says that ' in
India the husbandmen with their wives and children
live in the country, and entirely avoid going into

town. 'What Colonel Sleeman was the first to point
out was that all the native virtues of the Hindus
are intimately connected with their village- life.

That village- life, however, is naturally the least
known to English officials, nay, the very presence of
an English official is often said to be sufficient to
drive away those native virtues which distinguish
both the private life and the public administration
of justice and equity in an Indian village . Take a
man out of his village-community, and you remove
him from all the restraints of society. He is out of
¹ Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, by

McCrindle, p. 42.
2 Perjury seems to be committed by the meanest and encouraged
by some of the better sort among the Hindus and Mussulmans,
with as little remorse as if it were a proof of ingenuity, or even
a merit.' Sir W. Jones, Address to Grand Jury at Calcutta, in
Mill's History of India, vol. i. p. 324. 6 The longer we possess a
province, the more common and grave does perjury become.' Sir G.
Campbell, quoted by S. Johnson, Oriental Religions, India, p . 288.
his element, and, under temptation, is more likely to

go wrong than to remain true to the traditions of
his home-life. Even between village and village the

usual restraints of public morality are not always
recognised. What would be called theft or robbery
at home, is called a successful raid or conquest if
directed against distant villages ; and what would
be falsehood or trickery in private life is honoured
by the name of policy and diplomacy if successful
against strangers. On the other hand, the rules of
hospitality applied only to people of other villages,
and a man of the same village could never claim the
right of an Atithi, or guest '.
Let us hear now what Colonel Sleeman tells us
about the moral character of the members of these
village- communities , and let us not forget that the
Commissioner for the suppression of Thuggee had
ample opportunities of seeing the dark as well as
the bright ideas of the Indian character.
He assures us that falsehood or lying between
members of the same village is almost unknown .
Speaking of some of the most savage tribes, the
Gonds, for instance, he maintains that nothing would
induce them to tell a lie, though they would think
nothing of lifting a herd of cattle from a neighbour-
ing plain.
Of these men it might perhaps be said that they
have not yet learned the value of a lie ; yet even
such blissful ignorance ought to count in a nation's
character. But I am not pleading here for Gonds, or
Bhils, or Santhals, and other non -Aryan tribes. I am
speaking of the Aryan and more or less civilized in-
1 Vasishtha, translated by Bühler, VIII. 8. 2 See Note C.

E
50 LECTURE II.
habitants of India. Now among them, where rights,

duties, and interests begin to clash in one and the
same village, public opinion, in its limited sphere,
seems strong enough to deter even an evil-disposed
person from telling a falsehood . The fear of the
gods also has not yet lost its power '. In most
villages there is a sacred tree, a pipal-tree (Ficus
Indica), and the gods are supposed to delight to sit
among its leaves, and listen to the music of their
rustling. The deponent takes one of these leaves in
his hand, and invokes the god, who sits above him,
to crush him, or those dear to him, as he crushes the
leaf in his hand, if he speaks anything but the truth.
He then plucks and crushes the leaf, and states what
he has to say .
The pipal-tree is generally supposed to be occu-

pied by one of the Hindu deities , while the large
cotton-tree, particularly among the wilder tribes, is
supposed to be the abode of local gods, all the more
terrible, because entrusted with the police of a small
settlement only. In their puncháyets, Sleeman tells
us, men adhere habitually and religiously to the
truth, and I have had before me hundreds of cases ,'
he says, in which a man's property, liberty, and life
has depended upon his telling a lie, and he has

refused to tell it.'
Could many an English judge say the same ?

In their own tribunals under the pipal-tree or
cotton-tree, imagination commonly did what the
deities, who were supposed to preside, had the credit
of doing. If the deponent told a lie, he believed
that the god who sat on his sylvan throne above
1
Sleeman, vol. ii. p. 111 .
him , and searched the heart of man, must know it ;

and from that moment he knew no rest, he was
always in dread of his vengeance . If any accident

happened to him, or to those dear to him, it was
attributed to this offended deity ; and if no accident
happened, some evil was brought about by his own
disordered imagination . It was an excellent super-
stition, inculcated in the ancient law-books , that the
ancestors watched the answer of a witness, because,
according as it was true or false, they themselves
would go to heaven or to hell 2.
Allow me to read you the abstract of a conversation
between an English official and a native law-officer as
reported by Colonel Sleeman. The native lawyer
was asked what he thought would be the effect of
an act to dispense with oaths on the Koran and
Ganges- water, and to substitute a solemn declaration
made in the name of God, and under the same penal

liabilities as if the Koran or Ganges-water had been
in the deponent's hand.
' I have practised in the courts, ' the native said,
for thirty years, and during that time I have found
only three kinds of witnesses--two of whom would,
by such an act, be left precisely where they were ,
while the third would be released by it from a very
salutary check.'
'And, pray, what are the three classes into which
you divide the witnesses in our courts ?'
First, Sir, are those who will always tell the truth,
whether they are required to state what they know
in the form of an oath or not.'
' Do you think this a large class ?'
Sleeman, vol. ii. p. 116. * Vasishtha XVI. 32.

E 2
52 LECTURE II.
'Yes, I think it is ; and I have found among them
many whom nothing on earth could make to swerve

from the truth . Do what you please, you could
never frighten or bribe them into a deliberate
falsehood .
'The second are those who will not hesitate to tell
a lie when they have a motive for it, and are not re-
strained by an oath. In taking an oath, they are
afraid of two things, the anger of God, and the
odium of men.
' Only three days ago,' he continued , ‘ I required a

power of attorney from a lady of rank, to enable me
to act for her in a case pending before the court in
this town. It was given to me by her brother, and
two witnesses came to declare that she had given it.
66
Now," said I, " this lady is known to live under the
curtain, and you will be asked by the judge whether
you saw her give this paper : what will you say ?”
They both replied-" If the judge asks us the question
without an oath we will say ' Yes '- it will save
much trouble, and we know that she did give the
paper, though we did not really see her give it ; but
if he puts the Koran into our hands, we must say
'No,' for we should otherwise be pointed at by all
the town as perjured wretches- our enemies would
soon tell everybody that we had taken a false oath ."
' Now,' the native lawyer went on, the form of an
oath is a great check on this sort of persons.
'The third class consists of men who will tell lies
whenever they have a sufficient motive, whether
they have the Koran or Ganges-water in their hand
or not. Nothing will ever prevent their doing so ;
and the declaration which you propose would be just
as well as any other for them .'
'Which class do you consider the most numerous

of the three ?'
I consider the second the most numerous, and wish
the oath to be retained for them.'
That is, of all the men you see examined in our

courts, you think the most come under the class of
those who will, under the influence of strong motives,
tell lies, if they have not the Koran or Ganges-water
in their hands ?'
'Yes.'
But do not a great many of those whom you

consider to be included among the second class come
from the village-communities, -the peasantry of the
country ?'
'Yes.'
And do you not think that the greatest part of
those men who will tell lies in the court, under the in-
fluence of strong motives, unless they have the Koran
or Ganges-water in their hands , would refuse to tell
lies, if questioned before the people of their villages,
among the circle in which they live ?'
' Of course I do ; three-fourths of those who do not
scruple to lie in the courts, would be ashamed to lie
before their neighbours, or the elders of their village.'
You think that the people of the village- commu-
nities are more ashamed to tell lies before their
neighbours than the people of towns ?'

'Much more-there is no comparison .'
' And the people of towns and cities bear in India
but a small proportion to the people of the village-
communities ?'
I should think a very small proportion indeed.'

Then you think that in the mass of the population
of India, out of our courts, the first class, or those who
54 LECTURE II.
speak truth, whether they have the Koran or Ganges-

water in their hands or not, would be found more
numerous than the other two ?'
'Certainly I do ; if they were always to be ques-

tioned before their neighbours or elders , so that they
could feel that their neighbours and elders could
know what they say.'
It was from a simple sense of justice that I felt
bound to quote this testimony of Colonel Sleeman
as to the truthful character of the natives of India,
when left to themselves . My interest lies altogether
with the people of India, when left to themselves, and
historically I should like to draw a line after the
year one thousand after Christ .When you read the
atrocities committed by the Mohammedan conquerors
of India from that time to the time when England
stepped in and, whatever may be said by her envious
critics, made, at all events , the broad principles of our
common humanity respected once more in India, the
wonder, to my mind, is how any nation could have
survived such an Inferno without being turned into
devils themselves.
Now, it is quite true that during the two thousand

years which precede the time of Mahmud of Gazni,
India has had but few foreign visitors, and few foreign
critics ; still it is surely extremely strange that when-
ever, either in Greek, or in Chinese, or in Persian,
or in Arab writings, we meet with any attempts
at describing the distinguishing features in the
national character of the Indians, regard for truth
and justice should always be mentioned first.
Ktesias, the famous Greek physician of Artaxerxes
Mnemon (present at the battle of Cunaxa, 404 B. C. ),
the first Greek writer who tells us anything about
the character of the Indians, such as he heard it

described at the Persian court , has a special chapter
' On the justice of the Indians '.'

Megasthenes , the ambassador of Seleucus Nicator
at the court of Sandrocottus in Palibothra (Pâtali-
putra, the modern Patna), states that thefts were
extremely rare, and that they honoured truth and
virtue 3.
Arrian (in the second century, the pupil of Epi-

ctetus), when speaking of the public overseers or
superintendents in India, says : They oversee what
goes on in the country or towns, and report every-
thing to the king, where the people have a king, and
to the magistrates, where the people are self-governed,
and it is against use and wont for these to give in a
false report ; but indeed no Indian is accused of lying ".
The Chinese, who come next in order of time, bear
the same, I believe, unanimous testimony in favour
of the honesty and veracity of the Hindus. Let me
quote Hiouen-thsang, the most famous of the Chinese
Buddhist pilgrims, who visited India in the seventh
century . Though the Indians ,' he writes , ' are of a
light temperament, they are distinguished by the
straightforwardness and honesty of their character,
With regard to riches, they never take anything
unjustly ; with regard to justice , they make even
excessive concessions . . . . Straightforwardness is the
distinguishing feature of their administration.'
1 Ktesiae Fragmenta (ed. Didot), p. 81 .

See Indian Antiquary, 1876 , p. 333.
Megasthenis Fragmenta (ed. Didot ) in Fragm. Histor. Graec.
vol. ii. p. 426 b : ᾿Αλήθειάν τε ὁμοίως καὶ ἀρετὴν ἀποδέχονται.
Indica, cap. xii. 6.
See McCrindle in Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 92.
• Vol. ii. p. 83.
56 LECTURE II.
If we turn to the accounts given by the Moham-

medan conquerors of India, we find Idrisi, in his
Geography (written in the 11th century), summing up

their opinion of the Indians in the following words¹ :
The Indians are naturally inclined to justice, and
never depart from it in their actions. Their good
faith, honesty, and fidelity to their engagements are 4
well known, and they are so famous for these qualities
that people flock to their country from every side.'
In the thirteenth century we have the testimony of
Marco Polo 2, who thus speaks of the Abraiaman, a
name by which he seems to mean the Brahmans who,
though not traders by profession , might well have
been employed for great commercial transactions by
the king. This was particularly the case during
times which the Brahmans would call times of dis-
tress, when many things were allowed which at
other times were forbidden by the laws. You must
know, ' Marco Polo says, ' that these Abraiaman are the
best merchants in the world, and the most truthful,
for they would not tell a lie for anything on earth.'
In the fourteenth century we have Friar Jordanus,
who goes out of his way to tell us that the people
of Lesser India ( South and Western India) are true
in speech and eminent in justice ³.
In the fifteenth century Kamal-eddin Abd-errazak
Samarkandi ( 1413-1482 ) , who went as ambassador
of the Khakan to the prince of Kalikut and to the
King of Vidyanagara (about 1440-1445 ), bears testi-
mony to the perfect security which merchants enjoy
in that country *.
Elliot, History of India, vol. i. p. 88.

2 Marco Polo, ed. H. Yule, vol. ii . p. 350 . 3 Ib. p. 354.
Notices des Manuscrits, tom. xiv. p. 436. He seems to have
In the sixteenth century, Abu Fazl , the minister

of the Emperor Akbar, says in his Ayin Akbari : 'The
Hindus are religious, affable, cheerful, lovers of justice,
given to retirement, able in business, admirers of truth,
grateful and of unbounded fidelity ; and their soldiers
know not what it is to fly from the field of battle '.'
And even in quite modern times the Mohammedans
seem willing to admit that the Hindus, at all events
in their dealings with Hindus, are more straight-
forward than Mohammedans in their dealings with
Mohammedans.
Thus Meer Sulamut Ali, a venerable old Mussul-
man, and, as Colonel Sleeman says, a most valuable
public servant, was obliged to admit that a Hindu
may feel himself authorised to take in a Mussulman ,
and might even think it meritorious to do so ; but
he would never think it meritorious to take in one
of his own religion. There are no less than seventy-
two sects of Mohammedans ; and every one of these
sects would not only take in the followers of every
other religion on earth, but every member of every
one of the other seventy-one sects ; and the nearer
that sect is to his own, the greater the merit of
taking in its members ."
So I could go on quoting from book after book,
and again and again we should see how it was love
of truth that struck all the people who came in
contact with India, as the prominent feature in the
national character of its inhabitants. No one ever
accused them of falsehood. There must surely be
been one of the first to state that the Persian text of the Kalilah
and Dimna was derived from the wise people of India.
1 Samuel Johnson, India, p. 294.
2 Sleeman, Rambles, vol. i. p. 63.
58 LECTURE II.
some ground for this, for it is not a remark that is
frequently made by travellers in foreign countries,

even in our time, that their inhabitants invariably
speak the truth. Read the accounts of English
travellers in France, and you will find very little
said about French honesty and veracity, while French
accounts of England are seldom without a fling at
Perfide Albion!
But if all this is true, how is it, you may well
ask, that public opinion in England is so decidedly
unfriendly to the people of India ; at the utmost
tolerates and patronizes them, but will never trust
I
them, never treat them on terms of equality ?
I have already hinted at some of the reasons.
Public opinion with regard to India is made up in
England chiefly by those who have spent their lives
in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, or some other of the
principal towns in India. The native element in
such towns contains mostly the most unfavourable
specimens of the Indian population. An insight into
the domestic life of the more respectable classes, even
in towns, is difficult to obtain ; and, when it is
obtained, it is extremely difficult to judge of their
manners according to our standard of what is proper,
respectable, or gentlemanlike. The misunderstandings
are frequent and often most grotesque ; and such, we
must confess, is human nature, that when we hear
the different and often most conflicting accounts of
the character of the Hindus, we are naturally sceptical
with regard to unsuspected virtues among them ,
while we are quite disposed to accept unfavourable
accounts of their character.
Lest I should seem to be pleading too much on

the native side of the question, and to exaggerate
the difficulty of forming a correct estimate of the

character of the Hindus, let me appeal to one of
the most distinguished, learned, and judicious mem-
bers of the Indian Civil Service, the author of
the History of India, Mountstuart Elphinstone.
Englishmen in India ',' he says, ' have less oppor-
tunity than might be expected of forming opinions
of the native character. Even in England, few know
much of the people beyond their own class , and
what they do know, they learn from newspapers
and publications of a description which does not exist
in India. In that country also, religion and manners
put bars to our intimacy with the natives, and limit.
the number of transactions as well as the free com-
munication of opinions. We know nothing of the

interior of families but by report, and have no share
in those numerous occurrences of life in which the
amiable parts of character are most exhibited .'
'Missionaries of a different religion, judges, police-
magistrates, officers of revenue or customs, and even
diplomatists, do not see the most virtuous portion
of a nation, nor any portion, unless when influenced
by passion, or occupied by some personal interest .
What we do see we judge by our own standard .
We conclude that a man who cries like a child on
slight occasions, must always be incapable of acting

or suffering with dignity ; and that one who allows
himself to be called a liar would not be ashamed
of any baseness . Our writers also confound the
distinctions of time and place ; they combine in one
character the Maratta and the Bengalese ; and tax
the present generation with the crimes of the heroes
of the Mahabharata . It might be argued, in oppo-
Elphinstone's History of India, ed . Cowell, p. 213.

60 LECTURE II.
sition to many unfavourable testimonies, that those

who have known the Indians longest have always
the best opinion of them ; but this is rather a
compliment to human nature than to them, since it is
true of every other people. It is more in point, that
all persons who have retired from India think better
of the people they have left, after comparing them

with others, even of the most justly admired nations .'
But what is still more extraordinary than the
ready acceptance of judgments unfavourable to the
character of the Hindus, is the determined way in
which public opinion , swayed by the statements of
certain unfavourable critics, has persistently ignored
the evidence which members of the Civil Service,
officers and statesmen- men of the highest authority-
have given again and again, in direct opposition to
these unfavourable opinions. Here, too , I must ask
to be allowed to quote at least a few of these
witnesses on the other side.
Warren Hastings thus speaks of the Hindus in

general : They are gentle and benevolent, more
susceptible of gratitude for kindness shown them ,
and less prompted to vengeance for wrongs inflicted
than any people on the face of the earth ; faithful,
affectionate, submissive to legal authority.'
"
Bishop Heber said : The Hindus are brave,
courteous, intelligent, most eager for knowledge and
improvement ; sober, industrious, dutiful to parents,
affectionate to their children, uniformly gentle and
patient, and more easily affected by kindness and
attention to their wants and feelings than any people
I ever met with '.
'
1 Samuel Johnson, 1. c. p. 293.

Elphinstone states : No set of people among the

Hindus are so depraved as the dregs of our own
great towns. The villagers are everywhere amiable,
affectionate to their families, kind to their neighbours,
and towards all but the government honest and
sincere. Including the Thugs and Dacoits, the mass
of crime is less in India than in England. The Thugs
are almost a separate nation, and the Dacoits are
desperate ruffians in gangs. The Hindus are mild
and gentle people, more merciful to prisoners than

any other Asiatics. Their freedom from gross de-
bauchery is the point in which they appear to most
advantage ; and their superiority in purity of manners
is not flattering to our self-esteem ¹ .'
Yet Elphinstone can be most severe on the real
faults of the people of India. He states that, at
present, want of veracity is one of their prominent
vices, but he adds that such deceit is most com-
mon in people connected with government, a class
which spreads far in India, as, from the nature of the
land-revenue, the lowest villager is often obliged to
resist force by fraud³.'
Sir John Malcolm writes : I have hardly ever
known where a person did understand the language,
or where a calm communication was made to a native
of India, through a well -informed and trustworthy

medium, that the result did not prove, that what had
at first been stated as falsehood, had either proceeded
from fear, or from misapprehension. I by no means
wish to state that our Indian subjects are more free
from this vice than other nations that occupy a nearly
1 See History of India, pp. 375-381.

L. c. p. 215. L. c. p. 218.
•
Mill's History of India, ed. Wilson, vol. i. p. 370.
62 LECTURE II.
equal position in society, but I am positive that they

are not more addicted to untruth.'
Sir Thomas Munro bears even stronger testimony.
He writes¹ : ' If a good system of agriculture, unri-

valled manufacturing skill, a capacity to produce what-
ever can contribute to either convenience or luxury,
schools established in every village for teaching read-
ing, writing, and arithmetic², the general practice of
hospitality and charity amongst each other, and above
all, a treatment of the female sex full of confidence, re-
spect, and delicacy, are among the signs which denote
a civilised people -then the Hindus are not inferior to
the nations of Europe, and if civilisation is to become
an article of trade between England and India, I am
convinced that England will gain by the import cargo.'
My own experience with regard to the native
character has been, of course, very limited . Those
Hindus whom I have had the pleasure to know per-
sonally in Europe may be looked upon as exceptional,

as the best specimens, it may be, that India could
produce. Also , my intercourse with them has natu-
1 Mill's History, vol. i. p. 371 .

2 Sir Thomas Munro estimated the children educated at public
schools in the Madras presidency as less than one in three. But low
as it was, it was, as he justly remarked, a higher rate than existed
till very lately in most countries of Europe. Elphinstone, Hist. of
India, p. 205.
In Bengal there existed no less than 80,000 native schools,
though, doubtless, for the most part, of a poor quality. According
to a Government Report of 1835 , there was a village school for
every 400 persons. Missionary Intelligencer, IX. 183-193.
Ludlow (British India, I. 62) writes : In every Hindu village
which has retained its old form I am assured that the children
generally are able to read, write, and cipher ; but where we have
swept away the village system, as in Bengal, there the village
school has also disappeared.'
rally been such that it could hardly have brought

out the darker sides of human nature. During the
last twenty years, however, I have had some ex-
cellent opportunities of watching a number of native
scholars under circumstances where it is not difficult to
detect a man's true character, I mean in literary work

and, more particularly, in literary controversy. I have
watched them carrying on such controversies both
among themselves and with certain European scholars,
and I feel bound to say that, with hardly one excep-
tion, they have displayed a far greater respect for
truth, and a far more manly and generous spirit than
we are accustomed to even in Europe and America.
They have shown strength, but no rudeness ; nay I
know that nothing has surprised them so much as
the coarse invective to which certain Sanskrit scholars
have condescended, rudeness of speech being, accord-

ing to their view of human nature, a safe sign not
only of bad breeding, but of want of knowledge.
When they were wrong, they have readily admitted
their mistakes ; when they were right, they have
never sneered at their European adversaries. There
has been, with few exceptions , no quibbling, no special
pleading, no untruthfulness on their part, and cer-
tainly none of that low cunning of the scholar who
writes down and publishes what he knows perfectly
well to be false, and snaps his fingers at those who
still value truth and self-respect more highly than
victory or applause at any price. Here, too, we might
possibly gain by the import cargo.
1 Let me add that I have been repeatedly told by
English merchants that commercial honour stands
higher in India than in any other country, and that
a dishonoured bill is hardly known there.
64 LECTURE II.
I have left to the last the witnesses who might

otherwise have been suspected -I mean the Hindus
themselves. The whole of their literature from one
end to the other is pervaded by expressions of love

and reverence for truth. Their very word for truth
is full of meaning. It is sat or satya, sat being the
participle of the verb as, to be . True, therefore,
was with them simply that which is. The English
sooth is connected with sat, also the Greek ov for eσov,
and the Latin sens, in præsens .
We are all very apt to consider truth to be what
is trowed by others, or believed in by large majorities.
That kind of truth is easy to accept . But whoever
has once stood alone, surrounded by noisy assertions,
and overwhelmed by the clamour of those who ought
to know better, or perhaps who did know better-call
him Galileo or Darwin, Colenso or Stanley, or any
other name he knows what a real delight it is to

feel in his heart of hearts, this is true-this is— this
is sat-whatever daily, weekly, or quarterly papers,
whatever bishops, archbishops , or popes, may say to
the contrary.
Another name for truth is the Sanskrit rita, which
originally seems to have meant straight, direct, while
anrita is untrue, false.
Now one of the highest praises bestowed upon the
gods in the Veda is that they are satya, true, truthful,
trustworthy ' ; and it is well known that both in
modern and ancient times, men always ascribe to God

or to their gods those qualities which they value
most in themselves.
Other words applied to the gods as truthful beings,
1 Rig-veda I. 87, 4 ; 145, 5 ; 174, 1 ; V. 23, 2.

are adrogha, lit. not deceiving¹ . Adrogha - vak

means, he whose word is never broken. Thus Indra,
the Vedic Jupiter, is said to have been praised by the
fathers as reaching the enemy, overcoming him,
standing on the summit, true ofspeech, most powerful
in thought .'
Droghavâk³ , on the contrary, is used for deceitful
Thus Vasishtha, one of the great Vedic poets,
says : ' If I had worshipped false gods, or if I believed
in the gods vainly-but why art thou angry with us,
O Gâtavedas ? May liars go to destruction !'
Satyam, as a neuter, is often used as an abstract,
and is then rightly translated by truth. But it also
means that which is, the true, the real ; and there are
several passages in the Rig-veda where, instead of
truth, I think we ought simply to translate satyam
by the true, that is, the real, Tò ovTOS ov. It sounds,
no doubt, very well to translate Satyena uttabhitâ
bhûmih by the earth is founded on truth ; ' and I
believe every translator has taken satya in that sense
here. Ludwig translates, ' Von der Wahrheit ist die

Erde gestützt .' But such an idea, if it conveys any
tangible meaning at all, is far too abstract for those
early poets and philosophers. They meant to say
' the earth, such as we see it, is held up , that is, rests
on something real, though we may not see it, on some-
thing which they called the Real ' , and to which, in
1 Rig-veda III. 32, 9 ; VI. 5 , I.

Rig-veda VI. 22, 2. Rig-veda III. 14, 6.
Sometimes they trace even this Satya or Rita, the Real or
Right, to a still higher cause and say (Rig-veda X. 190, 1) :
The Right and Real was boru from the Lighted Heat ; from
thence was born Night, and thence the billowy sea. From the sea
was born Samvatsara, the year, he who ordereth day and night, the
Lord of all that moves (winks). The Maker (dhâtri) shaped Sun
F
66 LECTURE II.
course of time, they gave many more names, such as

Rita, the right, Brahman,' &c.
Of course where there is that strong reverence for
truth, there must also be the sense of guilt arising
from untruth. And thus we hear one poet pray
that the waters may wash him clean, and carry off
all his sins and all untruth :
'Carry away, ye waters ', whatever evil there is
in me, wherever I may have deceived , or may have

cursed, and also all untruth (anritam²) .'
Or again, in the Atharva-veda IV. 16 :
'May all thy fatal snares , which stand spread out
seven by seven and threefold , catch the man who tells
a lie, may they pass by him who tells the truth !'
From the Brahmanas, or theological treatises of

the Brahmans, I shall quote a few passages only :
"Whosoever speaks the truth, makes the fire on his
own altar blaze up, as if he poured butter into the
lighted fire. His own light grows larger, and from to-
morrow to to-morrow he becomes better. But who-
soever speaks untruth, he quenches the fire on his

altar, as if he poured water into the lighted fire ;
his own light grows smaller and smaller, and from to-
morrow to to-morrow he becomes more wicked. Let
man therefore speak truth only .'

And again : A man becomes impure by uttering
falsehood.'
And again : As a man who steps on the edge
and Moon in order ; he shaped the sky, the earth, the welkin, and
the highest heaven.' 1 Rig-veda I. 23 , 22.
2 Or it may mean, ' Wherever I may have deceived, or sworn false.'
3
Satapatha Brahmana II. 2, 2 , 19.
Cf. Muir, Metrical Translations, p. 268 .
Sat. Br. III. 1, 2, 10. • Taitt. Âranyaka X. 9.
of a sword placed over a pit cries out, I shall slip,

I shall slip into the pit, so let a man guard himself
from falsehood (or sin') .
In later times we see the respect for truth carried
to such an extreme, that even a promise, unwittingly
made, is considered to be binding.
In the Katha- Upanishad, for instance, a father is

introduced offering what is called an All-sacrifice,
where everything is supposed to be given up . His
son, who is standing by, taunts his father with not
having altogether fulfilled his vow, because he has
not sacrificed his son . Upon this, the father, though
angry and against his will, is obliged to sacrifice his
son. Again, when the son arrives in the lower world,
he is allowed by the Judge of the Dead to ask for
three favours. He then asks to be restored to life,
to be taught some sacrificial mysteries, and, as the
third boon, he asks to know what becomes of man
after he is dead. Yama, the lord of the Departed ,
tries in vain to be let off from answering this last
question. But he, too, is bound by his promise, and
then follows a discourse on life after death, or
immortal life, which forms one of the most beautiful
chapters in the ancient literature of India.
The whole plot of one of the great Epic poems,
the Râmâyana, rests on a rash promise given by
Dasaratha, kingof Ayodhya, to his second wife,
Kaikey , that he would grant her two boons. In
order to secure the succession to her own son, she
asks that Râma, the eldest son by the king's other
wife, should be banished for fourteen years . Much
as the king repents his promise, Râma, his eldest

son, would on no account let his father break his
word, and he leaves his kingdom to wander in the

F 2
68 LECTURE II.
forest with his wife Sitâ and his brother Lakshmana.

After the father's death, the son of the second wife
declines the throne, and comes to Râma to persuade
him to accept the kingdom of his father. But all
in vain. Râma will keep his exile for fourteen years,
and never disown his father's promise . Here follows
a curious dialogue between a Brahman Gâbâli and
Prince Râma, of which I shall give some extracts¹ :
The Brahman, who is a priest and courtier, says,
Well, descendant of Raghu , do not thou, so noble
in sentiments, and austere in character, entertain ,
like a common man, this useless thought . What man
is a kinsman of any other ? What relationship has
anyone with another ? A man is born alone and
dies alone. Hence he who is attached to anyone as
his father or his mother, is to be regarded as if he

were insane, for no one belongs to another. Thou
oughtest not to abandon thy father's kingdom and
stay here in a sad and miserable abode, attended
with many trials. Let thyself be inaugurated king
in the wealthy Ayodhya. Dasaratha, thy father is
nothing to thee, or thou to him ; the king is one,
and thou another, do therefore what is said ... Then
offer oblations to the departed spirits (of thy fore-
fathers) on prescribed days ; but see what a waste
of food ! For what can a dead man eat ? If what is
eaten by one here enters into the body of another

(viz., of the departed) , let Srâddhas be offered to
those who are travelling ; they need not then get
food to eat on their journey. These books (the
Vedas), (which enjoin men to) sacrifice, give, con-
secrate themselves, practise austerities, and forsake
1 Muir, Metrical Translations, p . 218.

the world, are composed by clever men to induce

others to bestow gifts. Authoritative words do not
fall from heaven. Let me, and others like yourselves,
embrace whatever assertion is supported by reason.
Adhere to what is apparent to the senses , and reject
what is invisible. . . . This world is the next world ;
do thou therefore enjoy pleasure, for every virtuous
man does not gain it. Virtuous men are greatly dis-
tressed, while the unrighteous are seen to be happy."
These positivist sentiments sound strange, par-
ticularly from the mouth of a Brahman. But the
poet evidently wishes to represent a Brâhman living
at court, who has an argument ready for anything
and everything that is likely to please his king.
But what does Râma answer ? The words,' he
says, which you have addressed to me, though

they recommend what seems to be right and salutary,
advise, in fact, the contrary. The sinful transgressor,
who lives according to the rules of heretical systems,
obtains no esteem from good men . It is good con-
duct that marks a man to be noble or ignoble,
heroic or a pretender to manliness, pure or impure.
Truth and mercy are immemorial characteristics of
a king's conduct. Hence royal rule is in its essence .
truth. On truth the world is based. Both sages and
gods have esteemed truth. The man who speaks truth

in this world attains the highest imperishable state.
Men shrink with fear and horror from a liar as from
a serpent. In this world the chief element in virtue
is truth ; it is called the basis of everything. Truth
is lord in the world ; virtue always rests on truth.
All things are founded on truth ; nothing is higher
than it. Why, then, should I not be true to my
promise, and faithfully observe the truthful injunction
70 LECTURE II.
given by my father ? Neither through covetousness,

nor delusion, nor ignorance, will I, overpowered by
darkness, break through the barrier of truth, but
remain true to my promise to my father. How shall
I, having promised to him that I would thus reside
in the forest, transgress his injunction, and do what
Bharata recommends ?'
The other epic poem too, the Mahâbhârata, is full

of episodes showing a profound regard for truth and
an almost slavish submission to a pledge once given.
The death of Bhishma, one of the most important
events in the story of the Mahâbhârata, is due to his
vow never to hurt a woman. He is thus killed by
Sikhandin, whom he takes to be a woman¹.

Were I to quote from all the law-books, and from still
later works, everywhere you would hear the same
keynote of truthfulness vibrating through them all .
We must not, however, suppress the fact that,
under certain circumstances, a lie was allowed, or,
at all events, excused by Indian lawgivers. Thus

Gautama says : An untruth spoken by people under
the influence of anger, excessive joy, fear, pain, or
grief, by infants, by very old men, by persons labour-
ing under a delusion, being under the influence of
drink, or by mad men, does not cause the speaker
to fall, or, as we should say, is a venial, not a
mortal sin 3."
This is a large admission , yet even in that open

admission there is a certain amount of honesty. Again
and again in the Mahâbhârata is this excuse pleaded .
¹ Holtzmann, Das alte indische Epos, p. 21 , note 83.

2 V. 24. 3 See Note D.
I. 3412 ; III. 13844 ; VII. 8742 ; VIII. 3436, 3464.
Nay there is in the Mahâbhârata ' the well-known story

of Kausika, called Satyavâdin, the Truth-speaker, who
goes to hell for having spoken the truth. He once
saw men flying into the forest before robbers (dasyu).
The robbers came up soon after them, and asked
Kausika, which way the fugitives had taken. He
told them the truth, and the men were caught by
the robbers and killed. But Kausika, we are told,
went to hell for having spoken the truth.

The Hindus may seem to have been a priest-ridden
race, and their devotion to sacrifice and ceremonial is
well known. Yet this is what the poet of the Mahâ-
bharata dares to say :
' Let a thousand sacrifices (of a horse) and truth

be weighed in the balance- truth will exceed the
thousand sacrifices 2.'
These are words addressed by Sakuntala, the
deserted wife, to King Dushyanta, when he declined

to recognise her and his son. And when he refuses
to listen to her appeal, what does she appeal to as
the highest authority ? -The voice of conscience.
'If you think I am alone,' she says to the king,
'you do not know that wise man within your heart.
He knows of your evil deed- in his sight you com-
mit sin. A man who has committed sin may think
that no one knows it. The gods know it and the
old man within 3.
This must suffice . I say once more that I do not

wish to represent the people of India as 253 millions
of angels, but I do wish it to be understood and to be
1 Mahabharata VIII. 3448.

Muir, 1. c. p. 268 ; Mahâbhârata I. 3095.
3 Mahabharata
I. 3015-16.
72 LECTURE II.
accepted as a fact, that the damaging charge of un-

truthfulness brought against that people is utterly
unfounded with regard to ancient times. It is not
only not true, but the very opposite of the truth.
As to modern times, and I date them from about
1000 after Christ, I can only say that, after reading

the accounts of the terrors and horrors of Moham-
medan rule, my wonder is that so much of native

virtue and truthfulness should have survived. You
might as well expect a mouse to speak the truth
before a cat, as a Hindu before a Mohammedan judge.
If you frighten a child, that child will tell a lie - if
you terrorise millions, you must not be surprised if

they try to escape from your fangs. Truthfulness is
a luxury, perhaps the greatest, and let me assure you,

the most expensive luxury in our life—and happy the
man who has been able to enjoy it from his very child-
hood. It may be easy enough in our days and in a free
country, like England, never to tell a lie-but the
older we grow, the harder we find it to be always

true, to speak the truth, the whole truth and nothing
but the truth, The Hindus too had made that dis-
covery. They too knew how hard, nay how impos-

sible it is, always to speak the truth, the whole truth,
and nothing but the truth. There is a short story
in the Satapatha Brâhmana, to my mind full of deep
meaning, and pervaded by the real sense of truth ,
the real sense of the difficulty of truth . His kins-
man said to Aruna Aupavesi, ' Thou art advanced
in years, establish thou the sacrificial fires .' He
replied : Thereby you tell me henceforth to keep
silence. For he who has established the fires
must not speak an untruth, and only by not

speaking at all, one speaks no untruth . To that
extent the service of the sacrificial fires consists in

truth ''
I doubt whether in any other of the ancient litera-

tures of the world you will find traces of that extreme
sensitiveness of conscience which despairs of our ever
speaking the truth, and which declares silence gold,
and speech silver, though in a much higher sense
than our proverb.
What I should wish to impress on those who will

soon find themselves the rulers of millions of human
beings in India, is the duty to shake off national

prejudices, which are apt to degenerate into a kind
of madness . I have known people with a brown
skin whom I could look up to as my betters. Look
for them in India, and you will find them, and if
you meet with disappointments, as, no doubt you
will, think of the people with white skins whom you
have trusted, and whom you can trust no more. We
are all apt to be Pharisees in international judgments .
I read only a few days ago in a pamphlet written
by an enlightened politician, the following words :-
Experience only can teach that nothing is so truly
astonishing to a morally depraved people as the
phenomenon of a race of men in whose word perfect
confidence may be placed .... The natives are
conscious of their inferiority in nothing so much as
in this. They require to be taught rectitude of
conduct much more than literature and science .'
If you approach the Hindus with such feelings,
you will teach them neither rectitude, nor science,
nor literature. Nay, they might appeal to their
1 Satapatha Brahmana, translated by Eggeling, Sacred Books of

the East, vol. xii. p. 313, § 20.
Sir Charles Trevelyan, Christianity and Hinduism, p. 81.
74 LECTURE II.
own literature, even to their law-books, to teach us

at least one lesson of truthfulness, truthfulness to
ourselves, or, in other words, -humility.
What does Yâgñavalkya say¹ ?
It is not our hermitage ,' he says-our religion
we might say - still less the colour of our skin ,
that produces virtue ; virtue must be practised.
Therefore let no one do to others what he would
not have done to himself. '
And the Laws of the Mânavas, which were so
much abused by Mill, what do they teach 2 ?

< Evil doers think indeed that
no one sees them ;
but the gods see them, and the old man within .'
' Self is the witness of Self, Self is the refuge of
Self. Do not despise thy own Self, the highest
witness of men s'
' If, friend, thou thinkest thou art self-alone, re-

member there is the silent thinker (the Highest Self)
always within thy heart, and he sees what is good,

and what is evil ".'
' O friend, whatever good thou mayest have done

from thy very birth, all will go to the dogs, if thou
speak an untruth .'
Or in Vasishtha, XXX. 1 :
'Practise righteousness, not unrighteousness ; speak
truth, not untruth ; look far, not near ; look up to-
wards the Highest, not towards anything low.'

No doubt, there is moral depravity in India, and
where is there no moral depravity in this world ?
But to appeal to international statistics would be,
I believe, a dangerous game. Nor must we forget
that our standards of morality differ, and, on some
1 IV . 65. 2 VIII. 85. VIII . 90. • VIII. 92.

points, differ considerably from those recognised in

India ; and we must not wonder, if sons do not at
once condemn as criminal what their fathers and
grandfathers considered right. Let us hold by all
means to our sense of what is right and what is
wrong ; but in judging others, whether in public or
in private life, whether as historians or politicians, let
us not forget that a kindly spirit will never do any
harm. Certainly I can imagine nothing more mis-
chievous, more dangerous, more fatal to the per-
manence of English rule in India, than for the young
Civil Servants to go to that country with the idea
that it is a sink of moral depravity, an ant's nest
of lies ; for no one is so sure to go wrong, whether
in public or in private life, as he who says in his
haste : All men are liars.'
HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT
LITERATURE.
LECTURE III.
My first Lecture was intended to remove the
prejudice that India is and always must be a strange

country to us, and that those who have to live there
will find themselves stranded, and far away from that
living stream of thoughts and interests which carries
us along in England and in other countries of
Europe .
My second Lecture was directed against another
prejudice, namely, that the people of India with
whom the young Civil Servants will have to pass the
best years of their life are a race so depraved morally,
and more particularly so devoid of any regard for

truth, that they must always remain strangers to us,
and that any real fellowship or friendship with them
.
is quite out of the question.

To-day I shall have to grapple with a third pre-
judice, namely, that the literature of India, and more
especially the classical Sanskrit literature, whatever
may be its interest to the scholar and the antiquarian,
has little to teach us which we cannot learn better
from other sources, and that at all events it is of
little practical use to young civilians . If only they
learn to express themselves in Hindustani or Tamil,
that is considered quite enough ; nay, as they have
HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 77
to deal with men and with the ordinary affairs of

life, and as, before everything else, they are to be
men of the world and men of business, it is even
supposed to be dangerous, if they allowed themselves
to become absorbed in questions of abstruse scholar-
ship or in researches on ancient religion, mythology,
and philosophy.
I take the very opposite opinion , and I should
advise every young man who wishes to enjoy his
life in India, and to spend his years there with profit
to himself and to others, to learn Sanskrit, and to
learn it well.
I know it will be said, What can be the use of

Sanskrit at the present day ? Is not Sanskrit a dead
language ? And are not the Hindus themselves
ashamed of their ancient literature ? Do they not
learn English, and do they not prefer Locke, and
Hume, and Mill to their ancient poets and philoso-
phers ?
No doubt Sanskrit, in one sense, is a dead language.
It was, I believe, a dead language more than two thou-
sand years ago. Buddha, about 500 B. C. , commanded
his disciples to preach in the dialects of the people ;
and King Asoka, in the third century B.C. , when he
put up his Edicts, which were intended to be read
or, at least, to be understood by the people, had them

engraved on rocks and pillars in the various local
dialects from Cabul in the North to Ballabhi in the
South, from the sources of the Ganges and the Jum-

nah to Allahabad and Patna, nay even down to Orissa.
These various dialects are as different from Sanskrit
as Italian is from Latin, and we have therefore good
1
¹ See Cunningham, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol . i, 1877 .
78 LECTURE III.
reason to suppose that, in the third century B. C., if

not earlier, Sanskrit had ceased to be the spoken
language of the people at large.
There is an interesting passage in the Kullavagga,
where we are told that, even during Buddha's life-
time, some of his pupils, who were Brâhmans by
birth, complained that people spoiled the words of
Buddha by every one repeating them in his own
dialect (nirutti). They proposed to translate his
words into Sanskrit ; but he declined, and commanded
that each man should learn his doctrine in his own
language¹.
And there is another passage, quoted by Hardy in
his Manual of Buddhism , p . 186 , where we read that
at the time of Buddha's first preaching each of the
countless listeners thought that the sage was looking
towards him, and was speaking to him in his own
tongue, though the language used was Mâgadhi ².
Sanskrit, therefore, as a language spoken by the
people at large, had ceased to exist in the third cen-
tury B. C.
Yet such is the marvellous continuity between
the past and the present in India, that in spite of
repeated social convulsions, religious reforms , and
foreign invasions, Sanskrit may be said to be still
the only language that is spoken over the whole
extent of that vast country.
Though the Buddhist sovereigns published their

edicts in the vernaculars, public inscriptions and
private official documents continued to be composed
¹ Kullavagga V. 33, 1. The expression used is Khandaso ârope-

mâ 'ti.
2 See Rhys Davids, Buddhist Suttas, Sacred Books of the East,
vol. xi. p. 142 .
in Sanskrit during the last two thousand years .

And though the language of the sacred writings
of Buddhists and Gainas was borrowed from the
vulgar dialects, the literature of India never ceased

to be written in Pâninean Sanskrit, while the few
exceptions, as, for instance, the use of Prakrit by
women and inferior characters in the plays of
Kâlidâsa and others , are themselves not without
an important historical significance.
Even at the present moment, after a century of
English rule and English teaching, I believe that
Sanskrit is more widely understood in India than
Latin was in Europe at the time of Dante.
Whenever I receive a letter from a learned man
in India, it is written in Sanskrit. Whenever there

is a controversy on questions of law and religion,
the pamphlets published in India are written in
Sanskrit. There are Journals written in Sanskrit
which must entirely depend for their support on
readers who prefer that classical language to the
vulgar dialects. There is The Pandit, published at
Benares , containing not only editions of ancient
texts, but treatises on modern subjects, reviews of
books published in England, and controversial ar-
ticles, all in Sanskrit.
Another paper of the same kind is the Pratna-

Kamra-nandini, the Delight of lovers of old things,'
published likewise at Benares, and full of valuable
materials.
There is also the Vidyodaya, ' the Rise of Know-

ledge,' a Sanskrit journal published at Calcutta,
which sometimes contains important articles. There
are probably others, which I do not know.
There is a Monthly Serial published at Bombay,
80 LECTURE I.
by M. Moreshwar Kunte, called the Shad-darshana-

Chintanika, or ' Studies in Indian Philosophy,' giving
the text of the ancient systems of philosophy, with
commentaries and treatises, written in Sanskrit,
though in this case accompanied by a Marathi and
an English translation .
Of the Rig-veda, the most ancient of Sanskrit
books, two editions are now coming out in monthly
numbers, the one published at Bombay, by what may
be called the liberal party, the other at Prayâga
(Allahabad) by Dayânanda Sarasvati, the represen-
tative of Indian orthodoxy. The former gives a
paraphrase in Sanskrit, and a Marathi and an English
translation ; the latter a full explanation in Sanskrit,
followed bya vernacular commentary. These books are
published by subscription, and the list of subscribers
among the natives of India is very considerable.
There are other journals, which are chiefly written
in the spoken dialects, such as Bengali, Marathi , or
Hindi ; but they contain occasional articles in San-
skrit, as, for instance , the Hariskandrakandrikâ,
published at Benares, the Tattvabodhini, published

at Calcutta, and several more.
It was only the other day that I saw in the Liberal,
the journal of Keshub Chunder Sen's party, an ac-
count of a meeting between Brahmavrata Samadhyayi,
a Vedic scholar of Nuddea, and Kashinath Trimbak
Telang, a M.A. of the University of Bombay. The
one came from the east, the other from the west, yet
both could converse fluently in Sanskrit¹.
Still more extraordinary is the number of Sanskrit
texts, issuing from native presses, for which there
1 The Liberal, March 12, 1882.

seems to be a large demand, for if we write for copies

to be sent to England, we often find that, after a year
or two, all the copies have been bought up in India
itself. That would not be the case with Anglo- Saxon
texts in England, or with Latin texts in Italy !

But more than this, we are told that the ancient
epic poems ofthe Mahâbhârata and Râmâyana are still
recited in the temples for the benefit of visitors, and
that in the villages large crowds assemble around the
Kathaka, the reader of these ancient Sanskrit poems,
often interrupting his recitations with tears and
sighs, when the hero of the poem is sent into banish-
ment, while when he returns to his kingdom, the
houses of the village are adorned with lamps and
garlands. Such a recitation of the whole of the Ma-
hâbharata is said to occupy ninety days, or sometimes
half a year ' . The people at large require, no doubt,
that the Brahman narrator (Kâthaka ) should inter-
pret the old poem, but there must be some few
people present who understand, or imagine they
understand, the old poetry of Vyâsa and Valmiki .
There are thousands of Brahmans even now, when
so little inducement exists for Vedic studies, who
know the whole of the Rig-veda by heart and can
repeat it ; and what applies to the Rig-veda applies
to many other books.
But even if Sanskrit were more of a dead language
than it really is, all the living languages of India,
¹ See R. G. Bhandarkar, Consideration of the date of the Maha-

bharata, Journal of the R. A. S. of Bombay, 1872 ; Talboys
Wheeler, History of India, ii. 365 , 572 ; Holtzmann, Über das
alte indische Epos, 1881 , p. 1 ; Phear, The Aryan Village in India
and Ceylon, p. 19.
Hibbert Lectures, p. 157.
G
82 LECTURE III .
both Aryan and Dravidian , draw their

very life and
soul from Sanskrit¹ . On this point , and on the great
help that even a limited knowledge of Sanskrit would
render in the acquisition of the vernaculars, I, and
others better qualified than I am, have spoken so
often, though without any practical effect, that I
need not speak again . Any Candidate who knows
but the elements of Sanskrit grammar will well
understand what I mean, whether his special ver-
nacular may be Bengali, Hindustani , or even Tamil.
To a classical scholar I can only say that between
a Civil Servant who knows Sanskrit and Hindustani ,
and another who knows Hindustani only, there is
about the same difference in their power of form-
ing an intelligent appreciation of India and its in-

habitants, as there is between a traveller who visits
Italy with a knowledge of Latin, and a party per-
sonally conducted to Rome by Messrs . Cook and Co.
Let us examine , however, the objection that San-
skrit literature is a dead or an artificial literature ,
a little more carefully, in order to see whether there

is not some kind of truth in it. Some people hold
that the literary works which we possess in Sanskrit
never had any real life at all , that they were alto-
gether scholastic productions , and that therefore they
can teach us nothing ofwhat we really care for, namely
1
' Every person acquainted with the spoken speech of India
knows perfectly well that its elevation to the dignity and use-
fulness of written speech has depended , and must still depend ,
upon its borrowing largely from its parent or kindred source ; that
no man who is ignorant of Arabic or Sanskrit can write Hindustani
or Bengali with elegance , or purity, or precision , and that the con-
demnation of the classical languages to oblivion would consign the
dialects to utter helplessness and irretrievable barbarism.' H. H.
Wilson , Asiatic Journal, Jan. 1836 ; vol . xix . p. 15.
the historical growth of the Hindu mind. Others

maintain that at the present moment, at all events,
and after a century of English rule, Sanskrit litera-
ture has ceased to be a motive power in India, and
that it can teach us nothing of what is passing now
through the Hindu mind and influencing it for good
or for evil .
Let us look at the facts. Sanskrit literature is a
wide and a vague term. If the Vedas, such as we

now have them, were composed about 1500 B.C. , and
if it is a fact that considerable works continue to be
written in Sanskrit even now, we have before us a
stream of literary activity extending over three

thousand four hundred years. With the exception
of China there is nothing like this in the whole
world.
It is difficult to give an idea of the enormous

extent and variety of that literature . We are only
gradually becoming acquainted with the untold trea-
sures which still exist in manuscripts, and with
the titles of that still larger number of works which
must have existed formerly, some of them being still
quoted by writers of the last three or four centuries '.
The Indian Government has of late years ordered
a kind of bibliographical survey of India to be made,

and has sent some learned Sanskrit scholars, both
European and native, to places where collections
of Sanskrit MSS . are known to exist, in order to
examine and catalogue them. Some of these cata-
logues have been published , and we learn from them
It would be a most useful work for any young scholar to draw

up a list of Sanskrit books which are quoted by later writers, but
have not yet been met with in Indian libraries.
G 2
84 LECTURE III.
that the number of separate works in Sanskrit, of

which MSS. are still in existence, amounts to about
10,000¹ . This is more, I believe, than the whole
classical literature of Greece and Italy put together.
Much of it, no doubt, will be called mere rubbish ;
but then you know that even in our days the
writings of a very eminent philosopher have been
called mere rubbish.' What I wish you to see is
this, that there runs through the whole history of
India, through its three or four thousand years, a
high road, or, it is perhaps more accurate to say,
a high mountain-path of literature. It may be re-
mote from the turmoil of the plain, hardly visible
perhaps to the millions of human beings in their daily
struggle of life. It may have been trodden by a few
solitary wanderers only. But to the historian of the
human race, to the student of the development of
the human mind, those few solitary wanderers are
after all the true representatives of India from age to
age . Do not let us be deceived. The true history

of the world must always be the history of the few;
and as we measure the Himâlaya by the height of
Mount Everest, we must take the true measure
of India from the poets of the Veda, the sages
of the Upanishads, the founders of the Vedanta
and Sankhya philosophies, and the authors of the
oldest law-books, and not from the millions who are
born and die in their villages, and who have never
for one moment been roused out of their drowsy
dream of life.
To large multitudes in India, no doubt, Sanskrit

literature was not merely a dead literature, it was
1 Hibbert Lectures, p. 133 .

simply non-existent ; but the same might be said of

almost every literature, and more particularly of the
literatures of the ancient world.
Still, even beyond this, I am quite prepared to ac-

knowledge to a certain extent the truth of the state-
ment, that a great portion of Sanskrit literature has
never been living and national, in the same sense in
which the Greek and Roman literatures reflected at
times the life of a whole nation ; and it is quite true
besides, that the Sanskrit books which are best known
to the public at large, belong to what might correctly
be called the Renaissance period of Indian literature,
when those who wrote Sanskrit had themselves to
learn the language, as we learn Latin, and were

conscious that they were writing for a learned and
cultivated public only, and not for the people at
large.
This will require a fuller explanation .
We may divide the whole of Sanskrit literature,
beginning with the Rig- veda and ending with Dayâ-
nanda's Introduction to his edition of the Rig-veda,
his by no means uninteresting Rig-veda-bhumika , into
two great periods : that preceding the great Turanian
invasion, and that following it.
The former comprises the Vedic literature and the
ancient literature of Buddhism , the latter all the rest.
If I call the invasion which is generally called the
invasion of the Sakas, or the Scythians, or Indo- Sey-
thians, or Turushkas, the Turanian invasion, it is
simply because I do not as yet wish to commit myself
more than I can help as to the nationality of the
tribes who took possession of India, or, at least, of
the government of India, from about the first century
B.C. to the third century A. D.
86 LECTURE III.
They are best known by the name of Yueh-chi, this

being the name by which they are called in Chinese
chronicles. These Chinese chronicles form the prin-
cipal source from which we derive our knowledge of
these tribes , both before and after their invasion of
India. Many theories have been started as to their re-
lationship with other races. They are described as of
pink and white complexion and as shooting from horse-
back ; and as there was some similarity between their
Chinese name Yueh-chi and the Gothi or Goths, they
were identified by Remusat¹ with those German tribes,
and by others with the Getae, the neighbours of the
Goths. Tod went even a step further, and traced
the Gâts in India and the Rajputs back to the Yueh-
chi and Getae . Some light may come in time out
of all this darkness, but for the present we must be
satisfied with the fact that, between the first century
before and the third century after our era, the
greatest political revolution took place in India owing
to the repeated inroads of Turanian, or, to use a still
less objectionable term, of Northern tribes. Their
presence in India, recorded by Chinese historians, is
fully confirmed by coins, by inscriptions, and by the

traditional history of the country, such as it is ; but
to my mind nothing attests the presence of these
foreign invaders more clearly than the break, or, I
could almost say, the blank in the Brahmanical litera-
ture of India from the first century before to the
third century after our era 3.
1 Recherches sur les langues Tartares, 1820, vol. i. p. 327 ;

Lassen, I. A., vol. ii. p. 359 .
2 Lassen, who at first rejected the identification of Gâts and
Yueh-chi, was afterwards inclined to accept it.
3 See Note E.
If we consider the political and social state of that

country, we can easily understand what would happen
in a case of invasion and conquest by a warlike race.
The invaders would take possession of the strongholds
or castles, and either remove the old Rajahs, or make
them their vassals and agents. Everything else
would then go on exactly as before . The rents
would be paid, the taxes collected, and the life of
the villagers, that is, of the great majority of the
people of India, would go on almost undisturbed by
the change of government. The only people who
might suffer would be, or, at all events, might be the
priestly caste, unless they should come to terms with
the new conquerors . The priestly caste, however,
was also to a great extent the literary caste, and the
absence of their old patrons, the native Rajahs, might
well produce for a time a complete cessation of literary
activity. The rise of Buddhism and its formal
adoption by King Asoka had already considerably
shaken the power and influence of the old Brahmanic
hierarchy. The Northern conquerors, whatever their
religion may have been, were certainly not believers
in the Veda. They seem to have made a kind of com-
promise with Buddhism, and it is probably due to that
compromise, or to an amalgamation of Saka legends
with Buddhist doctrines, that we owe the so-called
Mahâyâna form of Buddhism, and more particularly

the Amitabha worship, -which was finally settled at
the Council under Kanishka, one of the Turanian rulers
of India in the first century A.D.
If then we divide the whole of Sanskrit liter-
ature into these two periods, the one anterior to

the great Turanian invasion , the other posterior to
it, we may call the literature of the former period
888
LECTURE III.
ancient and natural, that of the latter modern and
artificial.
Of the former period we possess, first, what has
been called the Veda , i . e. Knowledge , in the widest
sense of the word —a considerable mass of literature,
yet evidently a wreck only, saved out of a general
deluge ; secondly, the works collected in the Buddhist
Tripitaka, now known to us chiefly in what is called
the Pâli dialect, the Gâthâ dialects, and Sanskrit, and
probably much added to in later times.
The second period of Sanskrit literature compre-
hends everything else . Both periods may be subdi-
vided again, but this does not concern us at present .
Now I am quite willing to admit that the literature
of the second period, the modern Sanskrit literature,
never was a living or national literature. It here
and there contains remnants of earlier times, adapted
to the literary, religious, and moral tastes of a later
period ; and whenever we are able to disentangle
those ancient elements, they may serve to throw
light on the past, and, to a certain extent, supplement
what has been lost in the literature of the Vedic
times. The metrical Law-books, for instance, contain
old materials which existed during the Vedic period ,
partly in prose, as Sûtras, partly in more ancient
metres, as Gâthâs. The Epic poems , the Mahâbhârata
and Râmâyana, have taken the place of the old
Itihasas and Âkhyânas . The Purânas , even, may
contain materials, though much altered, of what was
called in Vedic literature the Purâna¹.
But the great mass of that later literature is

artificial or scholastic, full of interesting compositions,
1 Hibbert Lectures, p. 154 , note.

HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE . 89
and by no means devoid of originality and occasional

beauty ; yet, with all that, curious only, and appealing
to the interests of the Oriental scholar far more than
the broad human sympathies of the historian and the

philosopher.
It is different with the ancient literature of India,
the literature dominated by the Vedic and the Bud-

dhistic religions . That literature opens to us a chapter
in what has been called the Education of the Human
Race, to which we can find no parallel anywhere
else. Whoever cares for the historical growth of our
language, that is, of our thoughts ; whoever cares for
the first intelligible development of religion and
mythology; whoever cares for the first foundation of
what in later times we call the sciences of astronomy,
metronomy, grammar, and etymology ; whoever cares
for the first intimations of philosophical thought, for
the first attempts at regulating family life, village
life, and state life, as founded on religion, ceremonial,
tradition and contract (samaya) -must in future pay
the same attention to the literature of the Vedic period
as to the literatures of Greece and Rome and Germany.
As to the lessons which the early literature of
Buddhism may teach us, I need not dwell on them
at present. If I may judge from the numerous
questions that are addressed to me with regard to
that religion and its striking coincidences with Chris-
tianity, Buddhism has already become a subject of
general interest, and will and ought to become so
more and more . On that whole class of literature,
however, it is not my intention to dwell in this short
course of Lectures, which can hardly suffice even for
1 Note F.
90 LECTURE III.
a general survey of Vedic literature, and for an

elucidation of the principal lessons which, I think ,
we may learn from the Hymns, the Brâhmanas, the
Upanishads, and the Sûtras.
It was a real misfortune that Sanskrit literature
became first known to the learned public in Europe
through specimens belonging to the second, or, what
I called, the Renaissance period . The Bhagavadgitâ ,
the plays of Kâlidâsa , such as Sakuntalâ or Urvasî,
a few episodes from the Mahâbhârata and Râmâyana,
such as those of Nala and the Yagñadattabadha , the
fables of the Hitopadesa, and the sentences of Bhartri-
hari are, no doubt, extremely curious ; and as, at the
time when they first became known in Europe, they
were represented to be of extreme antiquity, and the
work of a people formerly supposed to be quite
incapable of high literary efforts, they naturally
attracted the attention of men such as Sir William
Jones in England, Herder and Goethe in Germany,
who were pleased to speak of them in terms of highest
admiration. It was the fashion at that time to speak
of Kâlidâsa, as, for instance , Alexander von Humboldt
did even in so recent a work as his Kosmos, as ' the
great contemporary of Virgil and Horace, who lived
at the splendid Court of Vikramaditya,' this Vikra-
mâditya being supposed to be the founder of the
Samvat era, 56 B.C. But all this is now changed .
Whoever the Vikramaditya was who is supposed to

have defeated the Sakas, and to have founded another
era, the Samvat era, 56 B.C. , he certainly did not live in
the first century B.C. Nor are the Indians looked upon
any longer as an illiterate race, and their poetry as
popular and artless. On the contrary, they are judged
now by the same standards as Persians and Arabs,
Italians or French ; and, measured by that standard,

such works as Kâlidâsa's plays are not superior to
many plays that have long been allowed to rest in
dust and peace on the shelves of our libraries.
Their antiquity is no longer believed in by any critical
Sanskrit scholar. Kâlidâsa is mentioned with Bhâ-
ravi as a famous poet in an inscription dated A.D.

585-6 (507 Saka era), and for the present I see no
reason to place him much earlier. As to the Laws
of Manu, which used to be assigned to a fabulous
antiquity , and are so still sometimes by those who
write at random or at second-hand , I doubt whether,
in their present form, they can be older than the
fourth century of our era, nay I am quite prepared
to see an even later date assigned to them. I know
this will seem heresy to many Sanskrit scholars,
but we must try to be honest to ourselves. Is
there any evidence to constrain us to assign the
Mânava-dharma- sâstra, such as we now possess it,
written in continuous Slokas, to any date anterior

to 300 A.D. ? And if there is not, why should we not
openly state it, challenge opposition , and feel grate-
ful if our doubts can be removed ?
That Manu was a name of high legal authority

before that time, and that Manu and the Mânavam are
frequently quoted in the ancient legal Sûtras, is quite
true ; but this serves only to confirm the conviction
that the literature which succeeded the Turanian
Published by Fleet in the Indian Antiquary, 1876 , pp. 68–73 ,

and first mentioned by Dr. Bhao Daji, Journal Asiatic Society,
Bombay Branch, vol. ix.
Sir William Jones fixed their date at 1280 B.C.; Elphinstone
as 900 B.C. It has recently been stated that they could not reason-
ably be placed later than the fifth century B.C.
92 LECTURE III .
invasion is full of wrecks saved from the intervening
deluge. If what we call the Laws of Manu had really

existed as a Code of Laws, like the Code of Justinian,
during previous centuries, is it likely that it should
nowhere have been quoted and appealed to ?
Varâhamihira (who died 587 A.D.) refers to Manu
several times , but not to a Mânava-dharma-sâstra ;
and the only time where he seems actually to quote
a number of verses from Manu, these verses are not
to be met with in our text¹.
¹ A very useful indication of the age of the Dharma-sûtras, as

compared with the metrical Dharma-sâstras or Samhitâs, is to be
found in the presence or absence in them of any reference to written
documents. Such written documents, if they existed , could hardly
be passed over in silence in law-books, particularly when the nature
of witnesses is discussed in support of loans, pledges, etc. Now we see
that in treating of the law of debt and debtors *, the Dharma-sûtras
of Gautama, Baudhâyana, and Âpastamba never mention evidence in
writing. Vasishtha only refers to written evidence, but in a passage
which may be interpolated †, considering that in other respects his
treatment of the law of debt is very crude. Manu's metrical code
shows here again its usual character. It is evidently based on
ancient originals, and when it simply reproduces them, gives us the
impression of great antiquity. But it freely admits more modern in-
gredients, and does so in our case. It speaks of witnesses, fixes their
minimum number at three, and discusses very minutely their qualifi-
cations and disqualifications, without saying a word about written
documents. But in one place (VIII. 168) it speaks of the valuelessness
ofwritten agreements obtained by force, thus recognising the practical
employment ofwriting for commercial transactions. Professor Jolly ,
it is true, suggests that this verse may be a later addition, particu-
larly as it occurs totidem verbis in Nârada ( IV. 55) ; but the final
composition of Manu's Samhitâ, such as we possess it, can hardly
be referred to a period when writing was not yet used , at all events
for commercial purposes. Manu's Law- book is older than Yagna-
* Über das Indische Schuldrecht von J. Jolly, p. 291 .

+ Jolly, 1. c. p. 322 . L. c. p. 290.
I believe it will be found that the century in which

Varâhamihara lived and wrote was the age of the
literary Renaissance in India. That Kâlidâsa and

Bharavi were famous at that time, we know from the
evidence of inscriptions. We also know that during
that century the fame of Indian literature had reached
Persia, and that the King of Persia, Khosru Nushir-
van, sent his physician, Barzôi, to India, in order to
translate the fables of the Pañkatantra, or rather
their original, from Sanskrit into Pahlavi. The
famous Nine Gems,' or ' the nine classics,' as we
should say, have been referred, at least in part, to
the same age¹ , and I doubt whether we shall be able
to assign a much earlier date to anything we possess
of Sanskrit literature, excepting always the Vedic and
Buddhistic writings .
Although the specimens of this modern Sanskrit.
literature, when they first became known, served to
arouse a general interest, and serve even now to keep
alive a certain superficial sympathy for Indian litera-
ture, more serious students had soon disposed of
these compositions, and while gladly admitting their
claim to be called pretty and attractive, could not
think of allowing to Sanskrit literature a place among
valkya's, in which writing has become a familiar subject. Vishnu

often agrees literally with Yaguavalkya, while Nárada, as showing
the fullest development of the law of debt, is most likely the
latest *.
See Brihatsamhitâ, ed. Kern, pref. p. 43 ; Journal of the
R. A. S. , 1875 , p . 106.
1
Kern, Preface to Brihatsamhitâ, p. 20.
Jolly, I. c. p. 322. He places Kâtyâyana and Brihaspati after

Narada, possibly Vyasa and Harita also. See also Stenzler, Z. d.
D. M. G. ix. 664.
94 LECTURE III.
the world-literatures, a place by the side of Greek

and Latin, Italian , French, English or German.
There was indeed a time when people began to
imagine that all that was worth knowing about
Indian literature was known, and that the only
ground on which Sanskrit could claim a place among
the recognised branches of learning in a Univer-
sity was its usefulness for the study of the Science
of Language.
At that very time, however, now about forty years
ago, a new start was made, which has given to
Sanskrit scholarship an entirely new character. The
chief author of that movement was Burnouf, then
Professor at the Collège de France in Paris, an
excellent scholar, but at the same time a man of
wide views and true historical instincts, and the last
man to waste his life on mere Nalas and Sakuntalâs.
Being brought up in the old traditions of the classical
school in France (his father was the author of the

well-known Greek Grammar), then for a time a
promising young barrister, with influential friends
such as Guizot, Thiers, Mignet, Villemain, at his

side, and with a brilliant future before him, he was
not likely to spend his life on pretty Sanskrit ditties.
What he wanted when he threw himself on Sanskrit
was history, human history , world-history, and with

an unerring grasp he laid hold of Vedic literature
and Buddhist literature, as the two stepping- stones
in the slough of Indian literature. He died young,
and has left a few arches only of the building he
wished to rear. But his spirit lived on in his pupils
and his friends, and few would deny that the first
impulse, directly or indirectly, to all that has been
accomplished since by the students of Vedic and
Buddhist literature, was given by Burnouf and his

lectures at the Collège de France.
What then, you may ask, do we find in that
ancient Sanskrit literature and cannot find anywhere
else ? My answer is , We find there the Aryan man,
whom we know in his various characters, as Greek,
Roman, German, Celt, and Slave, in an entirely new
character. Whereas in his migrations northward his
active and political energies are called out and
brought to their highest perfection, we find the
other side of the human character, the passive and
meditative, carried to its fullest growth in India.
In some of the hymns of the Rig-veda we can still
watch an earlier phase. We see the Aryan tribes
taking possession of the land, and under the guidance
of such warlike gods as Indra and the Maruts, de-
fending their new homes against the assaults of the
black- skinned aborigines as well as against the in-
roads of later Aryan colonists. But that period of
war soon came to an end, and when the great mass
of the people had once settled down in their home-
steads, the military and political duties seem to have
been monopolised by what we call a caste ' , that is
During times of conquest and migration, such as are repre-

sented to us in the hymns of the Rig-veda, the system of castes, as it
is described, for instance, in the Laws of Manu, would have been a
simple impossibility. It is doubtful whether such a system was
ever more than a social ideal , but even for such an ideal the
materials would have been wanting during the period when the
Áryas were first taking possession of the land of the Seven Rivers.
On the other hand, even during that early period, there must have
been a division of labour, and hence we expect to find and do find
in the gramas of the Five Nations, warriors, sometimes called
nobles, leaders, kings ; counsellors, sometimes called priests, pro-
phets, judges ; and working men, whether ploughers, or builders, or
96 LECTURE III.
by a small aristocracy, while the great majority of

the people were satisfied with spending their days
within the narrow spheres of their villages, little con-
cerned about the outside world, and content with
the gifts that nature bestowed on them, without
much labour. We read in the Mahâbhârata ( XIII .
22) :
There is fruit on the trees in every forest, which
every one who likes may pluck without trouble.
There is cool and sweet water in the pure rivers here
and there. There is a soft bed made of the twigs of

beautiful creepers. And yet wretched people suffer
pain at the door of the rich !'
At first sight we may feel inclined to call this
quiet enjoyment of life, this mere looking on, a
degeneracy rather than a growth. It seems so dif-
ferent from what we think life ought to be. Yet,
from a higher point of view it may appear that those
Southern Aryans have chosen the good part, or at
least the part good for them, while we, Northern
Aryans, have been careful and troubled about many
things.
It is at all events a problem worth considering
whether, as there is in nature a South and a North,
there are not two hemispheres also in human nature,
both worth developing -the active, combative, and
political on one side, the passive, meditative, and
philosophical on the other ; and for the solution of
that problem no literature furnishes such ample ma-
terials as that of the Veda, beginning with the
Hymns and ending with the Upanishads. We enter
road-makers. These three divisions we can clearly perceive even in

the early hymns of the Rig-veda.
into a new world- not always an attractive one, least

of all to us ; but it possesses one charm, it is real, it
is of natural growth, and like everything of natural
growth, I believe it had a hidden purpose, and was
intended to teach us some kind of lesson that is
worth learning, and that certainly we could learn

nowhere else. We are not called upon either to admire
or to despise that ancient Vedic literature ; we have
simply to study and to try to understand it .
There have been silly persons who have repre-
sented the development of the Indian mind as supe-
rior to any other, nay, who would make us go back
to the Veda or to the sacred writings of the Buddhists
in order to find there a truer religion, a purer morality,
and a more sublime philosophy than our own. I shall
not even mention the names of these writers or the
titles of their works. But I feel equally impatient
when I see other scholars criticising the ancient lite-
rature of India as if it were the work of the nine-
teenth century, as if it represented an enemy that

must be defeated, and that can claim no mercy at
our hands. That the Veda is full of childish, silly,
even to our minds monstrous conceptions, who would
deny ? But even these monstrosities are interest-
ing and instructive ; nay, many of them, if we can

but make allowance for different ways of thought and
language, contain germs of truth and rays of light,
all the more striking, because breaking upon us
through the veil of the darkest night.
Here lies the general, the truly human interest
which the ancient literature of India possesses, and
which gives it a claim on the attention, not only of
Oriental scholars or of students of ancient history,
but of every educated man and woman .
H
98 LECTURE III.
There are problems which we may put aside for a

time, aye, which we must put aside while engaged
each in our own hard struggle for life, but which
will recur for all that, and which, whenever they do
recur, will stir us more deeply than we like to con-
fess to others, or even to ourselves. It is true that
with us one day only out of seven is set apart for rest
and meditation, and for the consideration of what the
Greeks called Tà péyiora ' the greatest things .' It is
true that that seventh day also is passed by many of
us either in mere church-going routine or in thought-
less rest. But whether on week-days or on Sundays,
whether in youth or in old age, there are moments,
rare though they be, yet for all that the most critical
moments of our life, when the old simple questions
of humanity return to us in all their intensity, and
we ask ourselves, What are we ? What is this life
on earth meant for ? Are we to have no rest here,
but to be always toiling and building up our own
happiness out of the ruins of the happiness of our
neighbours ? And when we have made our home on
earth as comfortable as it can be made with steam
and gas and electricity, are we really so much hap-
pier than the Hindu in his primitive homestead ?

With us, as I said just now, in these Northern
climates, where life is and always must be a struggle,
and a hard struggle too, and where accumulation of
wealth has become almost a necessity to guard against
the uncertainties of old age or the accidents inevitable
in our complicated social life, with us, I say, and in our
society, hours of rest and meditation are but few and
far between. It was the same as long as we know
the history of the Teutonic races ; it was the same
even with Romans and Greeks. The European climate
66
with its long cold winters, in many places also the

difficulty of cultivating the soil, the conflict of in-
terests between small communities, has developed
the instinct of self-preservation (not to say, self-
indulgence) to such an extent that most of the vir-
tues and most of the vices of European society can
be traced back to that source. Our own character
was formed under these influences, by inheritance, by

education, by necessity. We all lead a fighting-life ;
our highest ideal of life is a fighting-life. We work
till we can work no longer, and are proud, like old
horses, to die in harness. We point with inward
satisfaction to what we and our ancestors have
achieved by hard work, in founding a family, or a

business, a town or a state. We point to the mar-
vels of what we call civilisation -our splendid cities,
our high-roads and bridges, our ships, our railways,
our telegraphs, our electric light, our pictures, our
statues, our music, our theatres . We imagine we
have made life on earth quite perfect ; in some cases
so perfect that we are almost sorry to leave it again.
But the lesson which both Brahmans and Buddhists
are never tired of teaching is that this life is but a
journey from one village to another, and not a resting-
place. Thus we read¹ :
' As a man journeying to another village may enjoy
a night's rest in the open air, but, after leaving his
resting-place, proceeds again on his journey the next
day, thus father, mother, wife, and wealth are all but
like a night's rest to us- wise people do not cling to
them for ever.'
Instead of simply despising this Indian view of

life, might we not pause for a moment and consider
Bochtlingk, Sprüche, 5101 .

HI 2
100 LECTURE III.
whether their philosophy of life is entirely wrong,

and ours entirely right ; whether this earth was
really meant for work only (for with us pleasure also
has been changed into work), for constant hurry and
flurry ; or whether we, sturdy Northern Aryans, might
not have been satisfied with a little less of work, and
a little less of so-called pleasure, but with a little
more of thought, and a little more of rest . For, short
as our life is, we are not mere Mayflies that are born
in the morning to die at night. We have a past to
look back to and a future to look forward to, and it
may be that some of the riddles of the future find
their solution in the wisdom of the past.
Then why should we always fix our eyes on the
present only ? Why should we always be racing,
whether for wealth or for power or for fame ? Why
should we never rest and be thankful ?
I do not deny that the manly vigour, the silent

endurance, the public spirit, and the private virtues
too of the citizens of European states represent one
side, it may be a very important side, of the destiny

which man has to fulfil on earth.
But there is surely another side of our nature, and
possibly another destiny open to man in his journey
across this life, which should not be entirely ignored.
If we turn our eyes to the East, and particularly to
India, where life is, or at all events was, no very
severe struggle, where the climate was mild, the soil
fertile, where vegetable food in small quantities
sufficed to keep the body in health and strength,
where the simplest hut or cave in a forest was
all the shelter required, and where social life never
assumed the gigantic, aye monstrous proportions of
a London or Paris, but fulfilled itself within the
narrow boundaries of village communities, -was it

not, I say, natural there, or, if you like, was it not
intended there, that another side of human nature
should be developed - not the active, the combative
and acquisitive, but the passive, the meditative and
reflective ? Can we wonder that the Aryans who
stepped as strangers into some of the happy fields
and valleys along the Indus or the Ganges should
have looked upon life as a perpetual Sunday or
Holyday, or a kind of Long Vacation, delightful
so long as it lasts, but which must come to an end
sooner or later ? Why should they have accumulated
wealth ? why should they have built palaces ? why
should they have toiled day and night ? After
having provided from day to day for the small
necessities of the body, they thought they had the
right, it may be the duty, to look round upon this
strange exile, to look inward upon themselves, upward
to something not themselves, and to see whether
they could not understand a little of the true purport
of that mystery which we call life on earth.
Of course we should call such notions of life dreamy,
unreal, unpractical, but may not they look upon our
notions of life as short-sighted, fussy, and, in the end,
most unpractical, because involving a sacrifice of life
for the sake of life ?
No doubt these are both extreme views, and they
have hardly ever been held or realised in that extreme
form by any nation, whether in the East or in the
West. We are not always plodding- we sometimes
allowourselves an hour of rest and peace and thought-
nor were the ancient people of India always dreaming
and meditating on Tà uéyiora, on the great problems
τὰ μέγιστα,
of life, but, when called upon, we know that they too
102 LECTURE III.
could fight like heroes, and that, without machinery,

they could by patient toil raise even the meanest
handiwork into a work of art, a real joy to the maker
and to the buyer.
All then that I wish to put clearly before you
is this, that the Aryan man, who had to fulfil his
mission in India, might naturally be deficient in many
of the practical and fighting virtues, which were de-
veloped in the Northern Aryans by the very struggle
without which they could not have survived, but
that his life on earth had not therefore been entirely
wasted. His very view of life, though we cannot
adopt it in this Northern climate, may yet act as
a lesson and a warning to us, not, for the sake of
life, to sacrifice the highest objects of life.
The greatest conqueror of antiquity stood in silent
wonderment before the Indian Gymnosophists , regret-
ting that he could not communicate with them in
their own language, and that their wisdom could not
reach him except through the contaminating channels
of sundry interpreters .
That need not be so at present. Sanskrit is no
longer a difficult language, and I can assure every
young Indian Civil Servant that if he will but go
to the fountain-head of Indian wisdom, he will find
there, among much that is strange and useless, some
lessons of life which are worth learning, and which
we in our haste are too apt to forget or to despise.
Let me read you a few sayings only, which you
may still hear repeated in India when, after the heat
of the day, the old and the young assemble together
under the shadow of their village tree-sayings which
to them seem truth, to us, I fear, mere truism !
' As all have to sleep together laid low in the
earth , why do foolish people wish to injure one

another¹ ?
' A man seeking for eternal happiness (moksha)

might obtain it by a hundredth part of the suffer-
ings which a foolish man endures in the pursuit of
riches .
'Poor men eat more excellent bread than the rich :
for hunger gives it sweetness 3.

' Our body is like the foam of the sea, our life like
a bird, our company with those whom we love does
not last for ever ; why then sleepest thou, my son ?
' As two logs of wood meet upon the ocean and then
separate again, thus do living creatures meet .
' Our meeting with wives, relations, and friends.
occurs on our journey. Let a man therefore see
clearly where he is, whither he will go, what he is,
why tarrying here, and why grieving for anything .
' Family, wife, children, our very body and our
wealth, they all pass away. They do not belong to us.
What then is ours ? Our good and our evil deeds 7.
When thou goest away from here, no one will
follow thee. Only thy good and thy evil deeds, they
will follow thee wherever thou goest .
'Whatever act, good or bad, a man performs , of that
by necessity he receives the recompense ".
'According to the Veda 10 the soul (life) is eternal,
but the body of all creatures is perishable. When
the body is destroyed, the soul departs elsewhere,
fettered by the bonds of our works .
¹ Mahabh. XI. 121 . * Pankat. II. 127 ( 117) .

3 Mahabh. V. 1144- • Mahabh. XII. 12050.
* L. c. XII . 869. L. c. XII. 872.
T L. c. XII. 12453- 8 L. c. XII. 12456.
L. c. III. 13846 (239). 10 L. c. III. 13864.
104 LECTURE III.
'If I know that my own body is not mine, and yet

that the whole earth is mine, and again that it is both
mine and thine, no harm can happen then¹ .
' As a man puts on new garments in this world,
throwing aside those which he formerly wore, even
so the Self of man puts on new bodies which are in
accordance with his acts 2.
'No weapons will hurt the Self of man, no fire will
burn it, no water moisten it, no wind will dry it up.
'It is not to be hurt, not to be burnt, not to be
moistened, not to be dried up. It is imperishable,
unchanging, immoveable, without beginning.
'It is said to be immaterial, passing all understand-
ing, and unchangeable . If you know the Self of man
to be all this, grieve not.
"There is nothing higher than the attainment of
the knowledge of the Self³.
'All living creatures are the dwelling ofthe Self who
lies enveloped in matter, who is immortal, and spot-
less. Those who worship the Self, the immoveable,
living in a moveable dwelling, become immortal.
' Despising everything else, a wise man should
strive after the knowledge of the Self.'
We shall have to return to this subject again, for
this knowledge of the Self is really the Vedanta, that
is, the end, the highest goal of the Veda. The highest
wisdom of Greece was ' to know ourselves ; ' the
highest wisdom of India is ' to know our Self.'
If I were asked to indicate by one word the dis-
tinguishing feature of the Indian character, as I have
1 Kâm. Nitis, 1 , 23 (Boehtlingk, 918).

2 Vishnu-sûtras XX . 50-53.
3
Âpastamba Dharma-sûtras I. 8, 22 .
here tried to sketch it, I should say it was transcen-

dent, using that word, not in its strict technical
sense, as fixed by Kant, but in its more general
acceptation, as denoting a mind bent on transcending
the limits of empirical knowledge . There are minds
perfectly satisfied with empirical knowledge, a know-
ledge of facts, well ascertained, well classified, and
well labelled . Such knowledge may assume very
vast proportions, and, if knowledge is power, it may
impart great power, real intellectual power to the
man who can wield and utilise it. Our own age is
proud of that kind of knowledge, and to be content
with it, and never to attempt to look beyond it, is, I
believe, one of the happiest states of mind to be in.
But, for all that, there is a Beyond, and he who
has once caught a glance of it, is like a man who has
gazed at the sun - wherever he looks, everywhere
he sees the image of the sun. Speak to him of finite
things, and he will tell you that the Finite is impos-
sible and meaningless without the Infinite. Speak to
him of death, and he will call it birth ; speak to him
of time, and he will call it the mere shadow of eter-
nity. To us the senses seem to be the organs, the
tools, the most powerful engines of knowledge ; to
him they are, if not actually deceivers, at all events
heavy fetters, checking the flight of the spirit. To
us this earth, this life, all that we see, and hear, and
touch is certain. Here, we feel, is our home, here lie
our duties, here our pleasures . To him this earth is
a thing that once was not, and that again will cease
to be ; this life is a short dream from which we shall
soon awake. Of nothing he professes greater ignor-
ance than of what to others seems to be most certain,
namely what we see, and hear, and touch ; and as to
106 LECTURE III.
our home, wherever that may be, he knows that

certainly it is not here.
Do not suppose that such men are mere dreamers .
Far from it ! And ifwe can only bring ourselves to be
quite honest to ourselves, we shall have to confess that
at times we all have been visited by these transcen-
dental aspirations, and have been able to understand
what Wordsworth meant when he spoke of those
' Obstinate questionings

Of sense and outward things,
Fallings from us, vanishings ;
Blank misgivings of a creature
Moving about in worlds not realised .'
The transcendent temperament acquired no doubt

a more complete supremacy in the Indian character
than anywhere else : but no nation , and no individual,
is entirely without that ' yearning beyond ; ' indeed we
all know it under a more familiar name—namely,
Religion.
It is necessary, however, to distinguish between
religion and a religion, quite as much as in another
branch of philosophy we have to distinguish between
language and a language or many languages. A
man may accept a religion, he may be converted to
the Christian religion, and he may change his own
particular religion from time to time, just as he may
speak different languages. But in order to have a
religion, a man must have religion. He must once
at least in his life have looked beyond the horizon of
this world, and carried away in his mind an impres-
sion of the Infinite , which will never leave him again.
A being satisfied with the world of sense, unconscious
of its finite nature, undisturbed by the limited or
negative character of all perceptions of the senses,
would be incapable of any religious concepts . Only

when the finite character of all human knowledge
has been perceived is it possible for the human mind
to conceive that which is beyond the Finite, call it
what you like, the Beyond, the Unseen, the Infinite,
the Supernatural, or the Divine. That step must
have been taken before religion of any kind becomes
possible. What kind of religion it will be, depends
on the character of the race which elaborates it, its
surroundings in nature, and its experience in history.
Now we may seem to know a great many religions
-I speak here, of course, of ancient religions only, of
what are sometimes called national or autochthonous
religions -not of those founded in later times by

individual prophets or reformers.
Yet, among those ancient religions we seldom
know, what after all is the most important point,
their origin and their gradual growth. The Jewish
religion is represented to us as perfect and complete
from the very first, and it is with great difficulty
that we can discover its real beginnings and its his-
torical growth. And take the Greek and the Roman
religions, take the religions of the Teutonic, Slavonic
or Celtic tribes, and you will find that their period of
growth has always passed, long before we know
them , and that from the time we know them , all
their changes are purely metamorphic - changes in
form of substances ready at hand.
Now let us look to the ancient inhabitants of India.
With them, first of all, religion was not only one
interest by the side of many. It was the all-absorb-
ing interest ; it embraced not only worship and
prayer, but what we call philosophy, morality, law,
and government, -all was pervaded by religion,
108 LECTURE III.
Their whole life was to them a religion - everything

else was, as it were, a mere concession made to the
ephemeral requirements of this life.
What then can we learn from the ancient religious
literature of India-or from the Veda ?
It requires no very profound knowledge of Greek
religion and Greek language to discover in the Greek
deities the original outlines of certain physical phe-
nomena. Every schoolboy knows that in Zeus there
is something of the sky, in Poseidon of the sea , in
Hades of the lower world, in Apollo of the sun, in
Artemis of the moon , in Hephæstos of the fire. But
for all that, there is, from a Greek point of view, a
very considerable difference between Zeus and the
sky, between Poseidon and the sea, between Apollo

and the sun, between Artemis and the moon.
Now what do we find in the Veda ? No doubt
here and there a few philosophical hymns which have

been quoted so often that people have begun to ima-
gine that the Veda is a kind of collection of Orphic
hymns. We also find some purely mythological
hymns, in which the Devas or gods have assumed
nearly as much dramatic personality as in the Ho-
meric hymns .
But the great majority of Vedic hymns consists in

simple invocations of the fire, the water, the sky,
the sun, and the storms, often under the same names
which afterwards became the proper names of Hindu
deities, but as yet nearly free from all that can be
called irrational or mythological. There is nothing
irrational, nothing I mean we cannot enter into or
sympathise with, in people imploring the storms to
cease, or the sky to rain, or the sun to shine. I say
there is nothing irrational in it, though perhaps it
might be more accurate to say that there is nothing

in it that would surprise anybody who is acquainted
with the growth of human reason, or, at all events, of
childish reason. It does not matter how we call the ten-
dency of the childish mind to confound the manifesta-

tion with that which manifests itself, effect with cause,
act with agent. Call it Animism, Personification,
Metaphor, or Poetry, we all know what is meant by

it, in the most general sense of all these names ; we
all know that it exists, and the youngest child who
beats the chair against which he has fallen, or who
scolds his dog, or who sings, Rain, rain, go to Spain,'
can teach us that, however irrational all this may
seem to us, it is perfectly rational, natural, aye in-
evitable in the first periods, or the childish age of
the human mind.
Now it is exactly this period in the growth of

ancient religion, which was always presupposed, or
postulated, but was absent everywhere else, that is
clearly put before us in the hymns of the Rig-veda.
It is this ancient chapter in the history of the human
mind which has been preserved to us in Indian lite-
rature, while we look for it in vain in Greece or
Rome or elsewhere .
It has been a favourite idea of those who call
themselves ' students of man,' or anthropologists, that
in order to know the earliest or so- called prehistoric
phases in the growth of man, we should study the
life of savage nations, as we may watch it still in
some parts of Asia, Africa, Polynesia and America.
There is much truth in this, and nothing can be
more useful than the observations which we find col-
lected in the works of such students as Waitz, Tylor,

Lubbock, and many others. But let us be honest,
110 LECTURE III.
and confess, first of all, that the materials on which

we have here to depend are often extremely un-
trustworthy.
Nor is this all. What do we know of savage
tribes beyond the last chapter of their history ? Do

we ever get an insight into their antecedents ? Can
we understand, what after all is everywhere the most
important and the most instructive lesson to learn,
how they have come to be what they are ? There is
indeed their language, and in it we see traces of
growth that point to distant ages, quite as much
as the Greek of Homer, or the Sanskrit of the
Vedas . Their language proves indeed that these so-
called heathens, with their complicated systems of
mythology, their artificial customs, their unintelligible
whims and savageries, are not the creatures of to-day
or yesterday. Unless we admit a special creation for
these savages, they must be as old as the Hindus,
the Greeks and Romans, as old as we ourselves. We
may assume, of course, if we like, that their life has
been stationary, and that they are to-day what the

Hindus were no longer 3000 years ago. But that
is a mere guess, and is contradicted by the facts of
their language. They may have passed through
ever so many vicissitudes , and what we consider as
primitive may be, for all we know, a relapse into
savagery, or a corruption of something that was
more rational and intelligible in former stages.
Think only of the rules that determine marriage
among the lowest of savage tribes. Their complica-
tion passes all understanding, all seems a chaos of
prejudice, superstition , pride, vanity and stupidity.

And yet we catch a glimpse here and there that
there was some reason in most of that unreason ; we
see how sense dwindled away into nonsense , custom

into ceremony, ceremony into farce. Why then should
this surface of savage life represent to us the lowest
stratum of human life, the very beginnings of civil-
ization, simply because we cannot dig beyond that
surface ?
Now, I do not wish to be misunderstood . I do
not claim for the ancient Indian literature any more
than I should willingly concede to the fables and

traditions and songs of savage nations, such as we
can study at present in what we call a state of nature.
Both are important documents to the student of the
Science of Man. I simply say that in the Veda we
have a nearer approach to a beginning, and an in-
telligible beginning, than in the wild invocations of
Hottentots or Bushmen. But when I speak of a be-
ginning, I do not mean an absolute beginning, a
beginning of all things. Again and again the question
has been asked whether we could bring ourselves to
believe that man, as soon as he could stand on his
legs , instead of crawling on all fours, as he is sup-
posed to have done, burst forth into singing Vedic
hymns ? But who has ever maintained this ? Surely
whoever has eyes to see can see in every Vedic
hymn, aye, in every Vedic word, as many rings within
rings as is in the oldest tree that was ever hewn
down in the forest.
I shall say even more, and I have said it before,
namely, that supposing that the Vedic hymns were
composed between 1500 and 1000 B.C. , we can hardly
understand how, at so early a date, the Indians had
developed ideas which to us sound decidedly modern .
I should give anything if I could escape from the
conclusion that the collection of the Vedic Hymns,
112 LECTURE III.
a collection in ten books, existed at least 1000 B. C. ,

that is about 500 years before the rise of Buddhism .
I do not mean to say that something may not be
discovered hereafter to enable us to refer that col-
lection to a later date. All I say is that, so far as
we know at present, so far as all honest Sanskrit
scholars know at present, we cannot well bring our
pre-Buddhistic literature into narrower limits than
five hundred years.
What then is to be done ? We must simply keep
our pre-conceived notions of what people call primi-
tive humanity in abeyance for a time, and if we find
that people three thousand years ago were familiar
with ideas that seem novel and nineteenth-century-
like to us, well , we must somewhat modify our con-
ceptions of the primitive savage, and remember that
things hid from the wise and prudent have sometimes
been revealed to babes.
I maintain then that for a study of man, or, if you
like, for a study of Aryan humanity, there is nothing

in the world equal in importance with the Veda.
I maintain that to everybody who cares for himself,
for his ancestors, for his history, or for his intellectual
development, a study of Vedic literature is indis-
pensable ; and that, as an element of liberal education,
it is far more important and far more improving than
the reigns of Babylonian and Persian kings, aye even
than the dates and deeds of many of the kings of
Judah and Israel.
It is curious to observe the reluctance with which
these facts are accepted, particularly by those to

whom they ought to be most welcome, I mean the
students of anthropology. Instead of devoting all
their energy to the study of these documents, which
have come upon us like a miracle, they seem only

bent on inventing excuses why they need not be
studied. Let it not be supposed that, because there
are several translations of the Rig-veda in English,
French and German, therefore all that the Veda can
teach us has been learned . Far from it. Every one
ofthese translations has been put forward as tentative
only. I myself, though during the last thirty years
I have given translations of a number of the more
important hymns, have only ventured to publish a
specimen of what I think a translation of the Veda
ought to be ; and that translation, that traduction
raisonnée as I ventured to call it, of twelve hymns
only, fills a whole volume . We are still on the mere
surface of Vedic literature, and yet our critics are
ready with ever so many arguments why the Veda
can teach us nothing as to a primitive state of man.
If they mean by primitive that which came absolutely
first, then they ask for something which they will
never get, not even if they discovered the private
correspondence of Adam and Eve, or of the first
Homo and Femina sapiens. We mean by primitive
the earliest state of man of which, from the nature
of the case, we can hope to gain any knowledge ;
and here, next to the archives hidden away in the
secret drawers of language, in the treasury of words
common to all the Aryan tribes, and in the radical
elements of which each word is compounded, there
is no literary relic more full of lessons to the true
anthropologist, to the true student of mankind, than
the Rig-veda.
I
OBJECTIONS.
LECTURE IV.
Ir may be quite true that controversy often does

more harm than good, that it encourages the worst
of all talents , that of plausibility, not to say dis-
honesty, and generally leaves the world at large
worse confounded than it was before. It has been
said that no clever lawyer would shrink from taking

a brief to prove that the earth forms the centre of
the world, and, with all respect for English Juries,
it is not impossible that even in our days he might
gain a verdict against Galileo. Nor do I deny that
there is a power and vitality in truth which in the
end overcomes and survives all opposition, as shown
by the very doctrine of Galileo which at present is
held by hundreds and thousands who would find it
extremely difficult to advance one single argument
in its support. I am ready to admit also that those
who have done the best work, and have contributed
most largely toward the advancement of knowledge
and the progress of truth, have seldom wasted their
time in controversy, but have marched on straight,
little concerned either about applause on the right
or abuse on the left. All this is true, perfectly true,
and yet I feel that I cannot escape from devoting

the whole of a lecture to the answering of certain
objections which have been raised against the views
which I have put forward with regard to the cha-
OBJECTIONS: 115
racter and the historical importance of Vedic litera-

ture. We must not forget that the whole subject
is new, the number of competent judges small, and
mistakes not only possible, but almost inevitable.
Besides, there are mistakes and mistakes, and the
errors of able men are often instructive, nay one
might say sometimes almost indispensable for the
discovery of truth. There are criticisms which may
be safely ignored, criticisms for the sake of criticism,
if not inspired by meaner motives . But there are
doubts and difficulties which suggest themselves
naturally, objections which have a right to be heard ,
and the very removal of which forms the best ap-
proach to the stronghold of truth. Nowhere has
this principle been so fully recognised and been acted
on as in Indian literature. Whatever subject is started,
the rule is that the argument should begin with the
pûrvapaksha, with all that can be said against a certain
.
opinion . Every possible objection is welcome, if only
it is not altogether frivolous and absurd, and then
only follows the uttarapaksha, with all that can be
said against these objections and in support of the
original opinion. Only when this process has been
fully gone through is it allowed to represent an
opinion as siddhânta, or established.
Therefore, before opening the pages of the Veda ,

and giving you a description of the poetry, the reli-
gion, and philosophy of the ancient inhabitants of
India, I thought it right and necessary to establish,
first of all, certain points without which it would be
impossible to form a right appreciation of the histo-
rical value of the Vedic hymns, and of their import-
ance even to us who live at so great a distance from
those early poets.
I 2
116 LECTURE IV.
The first point was purely preliminary , namely that

the Hindus in ancient , and in modern times also, are
a nation deserving of our interest and sympathy,
worthy also of our confidence, and by no means
guilty of the charge so recklessly brought against
them the charge of an habitual disregard of truth.
Secondly, that the ancient literature of India is
not to be considered simply as a curiosity and to
be handed over to the good pleasure of Oriental
scholars , but that, both by its language, the Sanskrit,
and by its most ancient literary documents, the Vedas,
it can teach us lessons which nothing else can teach,
as to the origin of our own language, the first forma-
tion of our own concepts, and the true natural germs
of all that is comprehended under the name of civi-
lisation, at least the civilisation of the Aryan race ,
that race to which we and all the greatest nations
of the world - the Hindus, the Persians, the Greeks
and Romans, the Slaves, the Celts, and last, not least,
the Teutons , belong. A man may be a good and
useful ploughman without being a geologist, with-
out knowing the stratum on which he takes his
stand, or the strata beneath that give support
to the soil on which he lives and works , and
from which he draws his nourishment . And a man
may be a good and useful citizen, without being an

historian, without knowing how the world in which
he lives came about, and how many phases mankind
had to pass through in language, religion, and philo-
sophy, before it could supply him with that intellec-
tual soil on which he lives and works, and from which
he draws his best nourishment.
But there must always be an aristocracy of those

who know, and who can trace back the best which
OBJECTIONS. 117
we possess, not merely to a Norman Count , or a

Scandinavian Viking, or a Saxon Earl , but to far
older ancestors and benefactors, who thousands of
years ago were toiling for us in the sweat of their
face, and without whom we should never be what
we are, the ancestors of the whole Aryan race,
the first framers of our words, the first poets of our
thoughts, the first givers of our laws, the first pro-
phets of our gods, and of Him who is God above
all gods .
That aristocracy of those who know, -di color che
sanno, or try to know, is open to all who are willing
to enter, to all who have a feeling for the past,
an interest in the genealogy of our thoughts, and
a reverence for the ancestry of our intellect , who
are in fact historians in the true sense of the word,
i.e. inquirers into that which is past, but not lost.
Thirdly, having explained to you why the ancient
literature of India, the really ancient literature of
that country, I mean that of the Vedic period , de-
serves the careful attention, not of Oriental scholars
only, but of every educated man and woman who
wishes to know how we, even we here in England
and in this nineteenth century of ours, came to be
what we are, I tried to explain to you the difference ,
and the natural and inevitable difference, between the
development of the human character in such different
climates as those of India and Europe. And while
admitting that the Hindus were deficient in many
of those manly virtues and practical achievements
which we value most, I wished to point out that
there was another sphere of intellectual activity in
which the Hindus excelled -the meditative and
transcendent -and that here we might learn from
118 LECTURE IV.
them some lessons of life which we ourselves are but
too apt to ignore or to de pise.

Fourthly, fearing that I might have raised too high
expectations of the ancient wisdom, the religion and
philosophy of the Vedic Indians, I felt it my duty to
state that, though primitive in one sense, we must
not expect the Vedic religion to be primitive in the
anthropological sense of the word, as containing the
utterances of beings who had just broken their shells ,
and were wonderingly looking out for the first time
upon this strange world. The Veda may be called
primitive, because there is no other literary document
more primitive than it : but the language, the mytho-
logy, the religion and philosophy that meet us in
the Veda open vistas of the past which no one would
venture to measure in years. Nay, they contain, by
the side of simple, natural, childish thoughts, many
ideas which to us sound modern , or secondary and
tertiary, as I called them, but which nevertheless are
older than any other literary document, and give
us trustworthy information of a period in the history
of human thought of which we knew absolutely
nothing before the discovery of the Vedas¹.
But even thus our path is not yet clear. Other
objections have been raised against the Veda as an
historical document. Some of them are important ;
and I have at times shared them myself. Others are
at least instructive, and will give us an opportunity
of testing the foundation on which we stand.
If we applied the name of literature to the cylinders of Babylon

and the papyri of Egypt, we should have to admit that some ofthese
documents are more ancient than any date we dare as yet assign to
the hymns collected in the ten books of the Rig-veda.
OBJECTIONS. 119
The first objection then against our treating the

Veda as an historical document is that it is not truly
national in its character, and does not represent the
thoughts of the whole of the population of India,
but only of a small minority, namely of the Brah-
mans, and not even of the whole class of Brahmans,
but only of a small minority of them, namely of the
professional priests.
Objections should not be based on demands which,
from the nature of the case, are unreasonable. Have
those who maintain that the Vedic hymns do not
represent the whole of India, that is the whole of its
ancient population, in the same manner as they say

that the Bible represents the Jews or Homer the
Greeks, considered what they are asking for ? So
far from denying that the Vedic hymus represent
only a small and, it may be, a priestly minority of
the ancient population of India, the true historian
would probably feel inclined to urge the same cautions
against the Old Testament and the Homeric poems
also.
No doubt, after the books which compose the Old

Testament had been collected as a Sacred Canon,
they were known to the majority of the Jews. But

when we speak of the primitive state of the Jews,
of their moral, intellectual, and religious status while
in Mesopotamia or Canaan or Egypt, we should find
that the different books of the Old Testament teach
us as little of the whole Jewish race, with all its
local characteristics and social distinctions , as the
Homeric poems do of all the Greek tribes, or the
Vedic hymns of all the inhabitants of India. Surely,
even when we speak of the history of the Greeks or
the Romans, we know that we shall not find there
120 LECTURE IV.
a complete picture of the social, intellectual , and

religious life of a whole nation . We know very little
of the intellectual life of a whole nation, even during
the Middle Ages , aye even at the present day. We

may know something of the generals, of the com-
manders-in-chief, but of the privates, of the millions,
we know next to nothing. And what we do know
of kings or generals or ministers is mostly no more
than what was thought of them by a few Greek poets
or Jewish prophets, men who were one in a million
among their contemporaries.
But it might be said that though the writers were
few, the readers were many. Is that so ? I believe
you would be surprised to hear how small the number
of readers is even in modern times, while in ancient
times reading was restricted to the very smallest
class of privileged persons. There may have been
listeners at public and private festivals , at sacrifices,
and later on in theatres, but readers, in our sense of
the word, are a very modern invention.
There never has been so much reading, reading
spread over so large an area, as in our times. But if
you asked publishers as to the number of copies sold
of books which are supposed to have been read by
everybody, say Macaulay's History of England, the
Life of the Prince Consort, or Darwin's Origin of
Species, you would find that out of a population of
thirty-two millions not one million has possessed
itself of a copy of these works. The book which of
late has probably had the largest sale is the Revised
Version of the New Testament ; and yet the whole
number of copies sold among the eighty millions of

English-speaking people is probably not more than
four millions. Of ordinary books which are called
OBJECTIONS. 121
books of the season, and which are supposed to have

had a great success , an edition of three or four
thousand copies is not considered unsatisfactory by

publishers or authors in England. But if you look to
other countries, such, for instance, as Russia, it would
be very difficult indeed to name books that could be
considered as representative of the whole nation, or

as even known by more than a very small minority.
And if we turn our thoughts back to the ancient
nations of Greece and Italy, or of Persia and Baby-
lonia, what book is there, with the exception perhaps
of the Homeric poems, of which we could say that
it had been read or even heard of by more than a
few thousand people ? We think of Greeks and
Romans as literary people, and so no doubt they were,
but in a very different sense from what we mean by
this. What we call Greeks and Romans are chiefly
the citizens of Athens and Rome, and here again
those who could produce or who could read such
works as the Dialogues of Plato or the Epistles of
Horace constituted a very small intellectual aristo-
cracy indeed . What we call history- the memory of
the past - has always been the work of minorities .
Millions and millions pass away unheeded, and the
few only to whom has been given the gift of fusing
speech and thought into formsof beauty remain as
witnesses of the past.
If then we speak of times so distant as those repre-

sented by the Rig- veda, and of a country so disin-
tegrated, or rather as yet so little integrated as
India was three thousand years ago, surely it
requires but little reflection to know that what we
see in the Vedic poems are but a few snow-clad
peaks, representing to us, from a far distance, the
122 LECTURE IV.
whole mountain-range of a nation, completely lost

beyond the horizon of history . When we speak of the
Vedic hymns as representing the religion, the thoughts
and customs of India three thousand years ago, we
cannot mean by India more than some unknown
quantity of which the poets of the Veda are the only
spokesmen left. When we now speak of India, we
think of 250 millions, a sixth part of the whole human
race, peopling the vast peninsula from the Himalayan
mountains between the arms of the Indus and the
Ganges, down to Cape Comorin and Ceylon, an ex-

tent of country nearly as large as Europe. In the
Veda the stage on which the life of the ancient kings
and poets is acted, is the valley of the Indus and the
Punjab, as it is now called, the Sapta Sindhasah , the
Seven Rivers of the Vedic poets . The land watered
by the Ganges is hardly known, and the whole of
the Dekkan seems not yet to have been discovered.
Then again, when these Vedic hymns are called the
lucubrations of a few priests, not the outpourings of
the genius of a whole nation, what does that mean ?
We may no doubt call these ancient Vedic poets
priests, if we like, and no one would deny that their
poetry is pervaded not only by religious, mytho-
logical, and philosophical, but likewise by sacri-
ficial and ceremonial conceits. Still a priest , if we
trace him back far enough, is only a presbyteros or an
elder, and, as such, those Vedic poets had a perfect
right to speak in the name of a whole class, or of the
village community to which they belonged . Call
Vasishtha a priest by all means, only do not let us
imagine that he was therefore very like Cardinal
Manning.
After we have made every possible concession to
OBJECTIONS. 123
arguments, most of which are purely hypothetical,

there remains this great fact that here, in the Rig-
veda, we have poems, composed in perfect language,
in elaborate metre, telling us about gods and men,
about sacrifices and battles, about the varying aspects
of nature and the changing conditions of society,
about duty and pleasure, philosophy and morality-
articulate voices reaching us from a distance from
which we never heard before the faintest whisper ;
and instead of thrilling with delight at this almost
miraculous discovery, some critics stand aloof and
can do nothing but find fault, because these songs
do not represent to us primitive men exactly as they
think they ought to have been ; not like Papúas or
Bushmen, with arboraceous habits and half- animal
clicks, not as worshipping stocks or stones, or be-

lieving in fetishes, as according to Comte's inner
consciousness they ought to have done, but rather,
I must confess, as beings whom we can understand,
with whom to a certain extent we can sympathise,
and to whom, in the historical progress of the human

intellect, we may assign a place, not very far behind
the ancient Jews and Greeks.
Once more then, if we mean by primitive, people

who inhabited this earth as soon as the vanishing of
the glacial period made this earth inhabitable, the
Vedic poets were certainly not primitive. If we
mean by primitive, people who were without a know-
ledge of fire, who used unpolished flints, and ate raw

flesh, the Vedic poets were not primitive. If we
mean by primitive, people who did not cultivate the
soil, had no fixed abodes, no kings, no sacrifices, no
laws, again, I say, the Vedic poets were not primi-
tive. But if we mean by primitive the people who
124 LECTURE IV.
have been the first of the Aryan race to leave behind

literary relics of their existence on earth, then I say
the Vedic poets are primitive, the Vedic language
is primitive, the Vedic religion is primitive, and ,
taken as a whole, more primitive than anything
else that we are ever likely to recover in the whole
history of our race.
When all these objections had failed , a last trump
was played. The ancient Vedic poetry was said to be,
if not of foreign origin, at least very much infected
by foreign, and more particularly by Semitic influ-
ences. It had always been urged by Sanskrit
scholars as one of the chief attractions of Vedic lite-
rature that it not only allowed us an insight into a

very early phase of religious thought, but that the
Vedic religion was the only one the development of
which took place without any extraneous influences,
and could be watched through a longer series of cen-
turies than any other religion . Now with regard to
the first point, we know how perplexing it is in the
religion of ancient Rome to distinguish between
Italian and Greek ingredients , to say nothing of
Etruscan and Phoenician influences. We know the
difficulty of finding out in the religion of the Greeks

what is purely home-grown, and what is taken over
from Egypt, Phoenicia, it may be, from Scythia ; or
at all events, slightly coloured by those foreign rays of
thought. Even in the religion of the Hebrews , Baby-
lonian, Phoenician, and at a later time Persian influ-
ences have been discovered , and the more we advance
towards modern times, the more extensive becomes
the mixture of thought, and the more difficult the
task of assigning to each nation the share which it
contributed to the common intellectual currency of
OBJECTIONS . 125
the world. In India alone, and more particularly in

Vedic India, we see a plant entirely grown on native
soil, and entirely nurtured by native air. For this
reason, because the religion of the Veda was so com-
pletely guarded from all strange infections, it is full
of lessons which the student of religion could learn
nowhere else.
Now what have the critics of the Veda to say
against this ? They say that the Vedic poems show

clear traces of Babylonian influences.
I must enter into some details, because, small as
they seem, you can see that they involve very wide
consequences.
There is one verse in the Rig- veda, VIII . 78, 2¹ ,
which has been translated as follows : 0 Indra,
bring to us a brilliant jewel, a cow, a horse, an orna-

ment, together with a golden Manâ .'
Now what is a golden Manâ ? The word does not
occur again by itself, either in the Veda or anywhere
else, and it has been identified by Vedic scholars with
the Latin mina, the Greek uva, the Phoenician manah
(7 ) , the well-known weight which we actually

possess now among the treasures brought from Ba-
bylon and Nineveh to the British Museum .
¹ Ẩnah bhara vyáñganam gẩm ásvam abhyanganam Sáka manấ

hiranyáyâ.
Grassman translates, Zugleich mit goldenem Geräth ; ' Ludwig,
Zusammt mit goldenem Zierrath;' Zimmer, Und eine Manâ gold.'
The Petersburg Dictionary explains manà by ein bestimmtes Geräth
oder Gewicht ' (Gold).
According to Dr. Haupt, Die Sumerisch-akkadische Sprache,
p. 272 , mana is an Accadian word.
According to the weights of the lions and ducks preserved in
the British Museum, an Assryian mina was 7,747 grains. The
same difference is still preserved to the present day, as the man of
126 LECTURE IV .
If this were so, it would be irrefragable evidence

of at all events a commercial intercourse between
Babylon and India at a very early time, though it

would in no way prove a real influence of Semitic
on Indian thought . But is it so ? If we translate
sakâ manâ hiranyaya by ' with a mina of gold,' we
must take manâ hiranyayâ as instrumental cases.
But sakâ never governs an instrumental case. This
translation therefore is impossible, and although

the passage is difficult, because manâ does not occur
again in the Rig-veda, I should think we might take
manâ hiranyayâ for a dual, and translate, ' Give us
also two golden armlets.' To suppose that the Vedic
poets should have borrowed this one word and this
one measure from the Babylonians, would be against
all the rules of historical criticism . The word mana
never occurs again in the whole of Sanskrit literature,
no other Babylonian weight occurs again in the whole
of Sanskrit literature, and it is not likely that a poet
who asks for a cow and a horse, would ask in the same
breath for a foreign weight of gold , that is, for about
sixty sovereigns.
But this is not the only loan that India has been
supposed to have negotiated in Babylon . The twenty-
seven Nakshatras, or the twenty-seven constellations,
which were chosen in India as a kind of lunar Zodiac,
were supposed to have come from Babylon. Now
the Babylonian Zodiac was solar, and, in spite of re-
peated researches, no trace of a lunar Zodiac has been
found, where so many things have been found, in
Shiraz and Bagdâd is just double that of Tabraz and Bushir, the
average of the former being 14.0 and that of the latter only 6.985.
See Cunningham, Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta , 1881 ,
p. 163.
OBJECTIONS. 127
the cuneiform inscriptions . But supposing even that

a lunar Zodiac had been discovered in Babylon, no one
acquainted with Vedic literature and with the ancient
Vedic ceremonial would easily allow himself to be

persuaded that the Hindus had borrowed that simple
division of the sky from the Babylonians. It is well
known that most of the Vedic sacrifices depend on
the moon, far more than on the sun . As the Psalmist
says, ' He appointed the moon for seasons ; the sun

knoweth his going down,' we read in the Rig-veda
X. 85, 18, in a verse addressed to sun and moon ,
" They walk by their own power, one after the other
(or from east to west), as playing children they go
round the sacrifice. The one looks upon all the
worlds, the other is born again and again, deter-
mining the seasons.
'He becomes new and new, when he is born ; as
the herald of the days, he goes before the dawns.

By his approach he determines their share for the
gods, the moon increases a long life.'
The moon, then, determines the seasons, the ritus, the
moon fixes the share, that is, the sacrificial oblation for
all the gods. The seasons and the sacrifices were in fact
so intimately connected together in the thoughts of
the ancient Hindus, that one of the commonest names
for priest was ritv-ig, literally, the season-sacrificer.
Besides the rites which have to be performed every
day, such as the five Mahayagñas, and the Agnihotra

in the morning and the evening, the important sacri-
fices in Vedic times were the Full and New-moon
sacrifices (darsapurnamasa ) ; the Season-sacrifices (kâ-

turmâsya), each season consisting of four months 2 ;
¹ Preface to the fourth volume of my edition of the Rig-veda, p. li .

* Vaisvadevam on the full-moon of Phalguna, Varunapraghasah
128 LECTURE IV.
and the Half-yearly sacrifices, at the two solstices.

There are other sacrifices (âgrayana, &c. ) to be per-
formed in autumn and summer, others in winter and
spring, whenever rice and barley are ripening¹.
The regulation of the seasons, as one of the funda-
mental conditions of an incipient society, seems in
fact to have been so intimately connected with the
worship of the gods, as the guardians of the seasons
and the protectors of law and order, that it is sometimes
difficult to say whether in their stated sacrifices the
maintenance of the calendar or the maintenance of
the worship of the gods was more prominent in the

minds of the old Vedic priests.
The twenty-seven Nakshatras then were clearly

suggested by the moon's passage . Nothing was
more natural for the sake of counting days, months,
or seasons than to observe the twenty-seven places
which the moon occupied in her passage from any
point of the sky back to the same point. It was far
easier than to determine the sun's position either
from day to day, or from month to month ; for the
stars, being hardly visible at the actual rising and
setting of the sun, the idea of the sun's conjunction
with certain stars could not suggest itself to a listless
observer. The moon, on the contrary, progressing
from night to night, and coming successively in con-
tact with certain stars, was like the finger of a clock,
moving round a circle, and coming in contact with
one figure after another on the dial-plate of the sky.
Nor would the portion of about one- third of a
on the full- moon of Ashâdha, Sâkamedhâh on the full-moon of

Krittika ; see Boehtlingk, Dictionary, s. v.
¹ See Vishnu-smriti, ed. Jolly, LIX. 4 ; Âryabhata, Introduction.
2 See Preface to vol. iv of Rig-veda, p . li ( 1862).
OBJECTIONS. 129
lunation in addition to the twenty-seven stars from

new moon to new moon, create much confusion in
the minds of the rough-and-ready reckoners of those

early times. All they were concerned with were the
twenty-seven celestial stations which, after being
once traced out by the moon, were fixed, like so
many mile-stones, for determining the course of all
the celestial travellers that could be of any interest for
signs and for seasons , and for days and for years. A
circle divided into twenty-seven sections, or any
twenty-seven poles planted in a circle at equal dis-

tances round a house, would answer the purpose of a
primitive Vedic observatory. All that was wanted
to be known was between which pair of poles the
moon, or afterwards the sun also, was visible at their
rising or setting, the observer occupying the same
central position on every day.
Our notions of astronomy cannot in fact be too
crude and too imperfect if we wish to understand the
first beginnings in the reckoning of days and seasons
and years. We cannot expect in those days more
than what any shepherd would know at present of
the sun and moon , the stars and seasons. Nor can
we expect any observations of heavenly phenomena
unless they had some bearing on the practical wants
of primitive society.
If then we can watch in India the natural, nay
inevitable, growth of the division of the heaven into
twenty-seven equal divisions, each division marked
by stars, which may have been observed and named
long before they were used for this new purpose - if,
on the other hand, we could hardly understand the
growth and development of the Indian ceremonial
except as determined by a knowledge of the lunar
K
130 LECTURE IV.
asterisms, the lunar months, and the lunar seasons,

surely it would be a senseless hypothesis to ima-
gine that the Vedic shepherds or priests went to
Babylonia in search of a knowledge which every
shepherd might have acquired on the banks of the
Indus, and that, after their return from that country
only, where a language was spoken which no Hindu
could understand, they set to work to compose their
sacred hymns, and arrange their simple ceremonial.
We must never forget that what is natural in one
place is natural in other places also, and we may
sum up without fear of serious contradiction, that no
case has been made out in favour of a foreign origin
of the elementary astronomical notions of the Hindus
as found or presupposed in the Vedic hymns¹.
The Arabs, as is well known, have twenty-eight
lunar stations, the Manzil, and I can see no reason why
Mohammed and his Bedouins in the desert should
not have made the same observation as the Vedic
poets in India, though I must admit at the same
time that Colebrooke has brought forward very
cogent arguments to prove that, in their scientific
employment at least, the Arabic Manzil were really
borrowed from an Indian source 2.
The Chinese, too, have their famous lunar stations ,

the Sieu, originally twenty-four in number, and after-
wards raised to twenty-eight 3. But here again there
is no necessity whatever for admitting, with Biot,
Lassen and others, that the Hindus went to China
to gain their simplest elementary notions of lunar
chrononomy. First of all, the Chinese began with
¹ See Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, pp. 352-357.

L. c. p. lxx. 3 L. c. p. xlvii.
OBJECTIONS. 131
twenty-four, and raised them to twenty-eight ; the

Hindus began with twenty-seven, and raised them to
twenty-eight. Secondly, out of these twenty-eight
asterisms, there are seventeen only which can really be
identified with the Hindu stars (târâs). Now if a scien-
tific system is borrowed, it is borrowed complete. But,
in our case, I see really no possible channel through
which Chinese astronomical knowledge could have
been conducted to India so early as 1000 before our
era. In Chinese literature India is never mentioned
before the middle of the second century before Christ ;
and if the Kinas in the later Sanskrit literature are
meant for Chinese, which is doubtful, it is important
to observe that that name never occurs in Vedic
literature ¹.
In the Mahabharata and elsewhere the Kinas are mentioned

among the Dasyus or non-Aryan races in the North and in the
East of India. King Bhagadatta is said to have had an army of
Kinas and Kirâtas *, and the Pandavas are said to reach the town
of the King of the Kulindas, after having passed through the
countries of Kinas, Tukhâras, and Daradas. All this is as vague as
ethnological indications generally are in the late epic poetry of India.
The only possibly real element is that Kirata and Kina soldiers
are called kankana, gold or yellow coloured +, and compared to a
forest of Karnikáras, which were trees with yellow flowers . In
Mahábh. VI. 9, v. 373 , vol. ii . p . 344, the Kinas occur in company
with Kambogas and Yavanas, which again conveys nothing definite.
Chinese scholars tell us that the name of China is of modern
origin, and only dates from the Thsin dynasty or from the famous
Emperor Shi-hoang-ti, 247 B.C. But the name itself, though in a
more restricted sense, occurs in earlier documents, and may, as
Lassen thinks §, have become known to the Western neighbours of
Lassen, i. p. 1029 ; Mahabh. III. 117 , v. 12350 ; vol . i. p. 619.

+ Mahábh. V. 18, v. 584 ; vol. ii. p. 106.
See Vakaspatya s. v.; Kaskit Karnikaragaurah.
§ Lassen, vol . i. p. 1029, n. 2 .
K 2
132 LECTURE IV.
When therefore the impossibility of so early a

communication between China and India had at last
been recognised, a new theory was formed, namely

'that the knowledge of Chinese astronomy was not
imported straight from China to India, but was
carried, together with the Chinese system of division
of the heavens into twenty-eight mansions, into
Western Asia, at a period not much later than 1100
B.C. , and was then adopted by some Western people,
either Semitic or Iranian. In their hands it was
supposed to have received a new form, such as adapted

it to a ruder and less scientific method of observation,
the limiting stars of the mansions being converted
into zodiacal groups or constellations , and in some
instances altered in position, so as to be brought
nearer to the general planetary path of the ecliptic.
In this changed form, having become a means of
roughly determining and describing the places and
movements of the planets, it was believed to have
passed into the keeping of the Hindus, very probably
along with the first knowledge of the planets them-
selves, and entered upon an independent career of
history in India. It still maintained itself in its old
seat, leaving its traces later in the Bundahash ; and
made its way so far westward as finally to become
known and adopted by the Arabs.' With due respect
for the astronomical knowledge of those who hold this
view, all I can say is that this is a novel, and nothing
but a novel, without any facts to support it, and that
the few facts which are known to us do not enable a
China. It is certainly strange that the Sinim too, mentioned in

Isaiah xlix. 12, have been taken by the old commentators for people
of China, visiting Babylon as merchants and travellers.
OBJECTIONS. 133
careful reasoner to go beyond the conclusions stated

many years ago by Colebrooke, that the Hindus
had undoubtedly made some progress at an early
period in the astronomy cultivated by them for the
regulation of time. Their calendar, both civil and
religious, was governed chiefly, not exclusively, by
the moon and the sun : and the motions of these
luminaries were carefully observed by them, and with

such success, that their determination of the moon's
synodical revolution, which was what they were

principally concerned with, is a much more correct
one than the Greeks ever achieved. They had a
division of the ecliptic into twenty- seven and twenty-
eight parts, suggested evidently by the moon's period
in days, and seemingly their own ; it was certainly
borrowed by the Arabians.'
There is one more argument which has been
adduced in support of a Babylonian, or, at all events,
a Semitic influence to be discovered in Vedic litera-
ture which we must shortly examine . It refers to

the story of the Deluge.
That story, as you know, has been traced in the
traditions of many races, which could not well have
borrowed it from one another ; and it was rather a
surprise that no allusion even to a local deluge should
occur in any of the Vedic hymns, particularly as
very elaborate accounts of different kinds of deluges
are found in the later Epic poems, and in the still
later Puranas, and form in fact a very familiar subject
in the religious traditions of the people of India.
Three of the Aratáras or incarnations of Vishnu
are connected with a deluge, that of the Fish,

that of the Tortoise, and that of the Boar, Vishnu
in each case rescuing mankind from destruction by
134 LECTURE IV.
water, by assuming the form of a fish, or a tortoise,

or a boar.
This being so, it seemed a very natural conclusion

to make that, as there was no mention of a deluge
in the most ancient literature of India, that legend
had penetrated into India from without at a later
time.
When, however, the Vedic literature became more

generally known, stories of a deluge were discovered,
if not in the hymns, at least in the prose writings,
belonging to the second period, commonly called the
Brahmana period . Not only the story of Manu and
the Fish, but the stories of the Tortoise and of the
Boar also, were met with there in a more or less
complete form, and with this discovery the idea of
a foreign importation lost much of its plausibility.
I shall read you at least one of these accounts of a
Deluge which is found in the Satapatha Brahmana,
and you can then judge for yourselves whether the
similarities between it and the account in Genesis
are really such as to require, nay as to admit, the

hypothesis that the Hindus borrowed their account
of the Deluge from their nearest Semitic neighbours .
We read in the Satapatha Brâhmana I. 8 , 1 :
' In the morning they brought water to Manu for
washing, as they bring it even now for washing our
hands.
While he was thus washing, a fish came into his

hands.
2. The fish spoke this word to Manu : " Keep me,
and I shall save thee."
Manu said : " From what wilt thou save me ?"
The fish said : " A flood will carry away all these
creatures, and I shall save thee from it."
OBJECTIONS. 135
Manu said : " How canst thou be kept ? "

3. The fish said : " So long as we are small, there
is much destruction for us, for fish swallows fish.
Keep me therefore first in a jar. When I outgrow
that, dig a hole and keep me in it. When I out-
grow that, take me to the sea, and I shall then be
beyond the reach of destruction."
4. He became soon a large fish (ghasha), for such

a fish grows largest . The fish said : " In such and such
a year the flood will come. Therefore when thou hast
built a ship, thou shalt meditate on me. And when

the flood has risen, thou shalt enter into the ship, and
I will save thee from the flood."
5. Having thus kept the fish, Manu took him to
the sea. Then in the same year which the fish had
pointed out, Manu, having built the ship, meditated on
the fish. And when the flood had risen, Manu entered
into the ship . Then the fish swam towards him, and
Manu fastened the rope of the ship to the fish's horn,
and he thus hastened towards the Northern Moun-
tain.
6. The fish said : " I have saved thee ; bind the
ship to a tree. May the water not cut thee off,
while thou art on the mountain. As the water sub-
sides, do thou gradually slide down with it." Manu
then slid down gradually with the water, and there-
fore this is called "the Slope of Manu " on the
Northern Mountain. Now the flood had carried away
all these creatures, and thus Manu was left there
alone.
7. Then Manu went about singing praises and
I prefer now the reading of the Kânva-sákhâ, abhidudrâva,

instead of atidudrâva or adhidudråva of the other MSS . See
Weber, Ind. Streifen, i. p. 11.
136 LECTURE IV .
toiling, wishing for offspring. And he sacrificed

there also with a Pâka-sacrifice. He poured clari-
fied butter, thickened milk, whey, and curds in the
water as a libation. In one year a woman arose
from it . She came forth as if dripping, and clarified

butter gathered on her step. Mitra and Varuna
came to meet her.
8. They said to her : " Who art thou ?" She said :
" The daughter of Manu." They rejoined : " Say

that thou art ours." " No," she said, " he who has
begotten me, his I am."
Then they wished her to be their sister, and she

half agreed and half did not agree, but went away,
and came to Manu.
' 9. Manu said to her : " Who art thou ? " She said :
"I am thy daughter." " How, lady, art thou my
daughter ?" he asked .
"She replied : "The libations which thou hast poured
into the water, clarified butter, thickened milk, whey
and curds, by them thou hast begotten me. I am
a benediction- perform (me) this benediction at the
sacrifices. If thou perform (me) it at the sacrifice, thou
wilt be rich in offspring and cattle. And whatever
blessing thou wilt ask by me, will always accrue to
thee." He therefore performel that benediction in
the middle of the sacrifice, for the middle of the
sacrifice is that which comes between the introductory
and the final offerings .
10. Then Manu went about with her, singing

praises and toiling, wishing for offspring. And
with her he begat that offspring which is called the
offspring of Manu ; and whatever blessing he asked
with her, always accrued to him. She is indeed Idâ,
and whosoever, knowing this, goes about (sacrifices)
OBJECTIONS. 137
with Ida, begets the same offspring which Manu

begat, and whatever blessing he asks with her,
always accrues to him.'
This, no doubt, is the account of a deluge , and
Manu acts in some respects the same part which is
assigned to Noah in the Old Testament. But if
there are similarities, think of the dissimilarities ,
and how they are to be explained. It is quite
clear that, if this story was borrowed from a Semitic
source, it was not borrowed from the Old Testament,
for in that case it would really seem impossible to
account for the differences between the two stories .
That it may have been borrowed from some un-

known Semitic source cannot, of course, be dis-
proved, because no tangible proof has ever been

produced that would admit of being disproved. But
if it were, it would be the only Semitic loan in
ancient Sanskrit literature- and that alone ought
to make us pause !
The story of the boar and the tortoise too, can be
traced back to the Vedic literature . For we read in
the Taittiriya Samhitâ¹ :
At first this was water, fluid. Pragapati, the lord
of creatures, having become wind, moved on it. He
saw this earth, and becoming a boar, he took it up.
Becoming Visvakarman, the maker of all things, he
cleaned it . It spread and became the wide-spread
Earth, and this is why the Earth is called Prithivî,
the wide-spread .'
And we find in the S tapatha Brahmana³ the fol-
lowing slight allusion at least to the tortoise myth :
¹ VII. 1, 5 , 1 seq.; Muir, i . p. 52 ; Colebrooke, Essays, i. 75-

* See Note H.
VIL 5, 1 , 5 ; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, i. p. 54.
138 LECTURE IV.
' Pragâpati, assuming the form of a tortoise (Kûrma),

brought forth all creatures. In so far as he brought
them forth, he made them (akarot), and because he
made them he was (called) tortoise (Kûrma). A tor-
toise is (called) Kâsyapa, and therefore all creatures
are called Kâsyapa, tortoise-like. He who was this
tortoise (Kurma) was really Âditya, (the sun).'
One other allusion to something like a deluge¹ ,
important chiefly on account of the name of Manu
occurring in it, has been pointed out in the Kathaka
(XI. 2), where this short sentence occurs : 'The waters
cleaned this, Manu alone remained .'
All this shows that ideas of a deluge, that is, of a
submersion of the earth by water and of its rescue
through divine aid, were not altogether unknown in
the early traditions of India, while in later times they
were embodied in several of the Avâtaras of Vishnu.
When we examine the numerous accounts of a
deluge among different nations in almost every part

of the world, we can easily perceive that they do
not refer to one single historical event, but to a
natural phenomenon repeated every year, namely the
deluge or flood of the rainy season or the winter 2.
This is nowhere clearer than in Babylon. Sir
Henry Rawlinson was the first to point out that
the twelve cantos of the poem of Izdubar or Nimrod
refer to the twelve months of the year and the
twelve representative signs of the Zodiac. Dr.
Haupt afterwards pointed out that Êabânî, the wise

bull-man in the second canto, corresponds to the
second month, Ijjar, April-May, represented in the
Zodiac by the bull ; that the union between Êabânî
1 Weber, Indische Streifen, i. p. 11.

See Lecture V, p. 152.
OBJECTIONS. 139
and Nimrod in the third canto corresponds to the

third month, Sivan, May-June, represented in the
Zodiac by the twins ; that the sickness of Nimrod
in the seventh canto corresponds to the seventh
month, Tishri, September-October, when the sun
begins to wane ; and that the flood in the eleventh
canto corresponds to the eleventh month, Shabatu,
dedicated to the storm-god Rimmôn, represented in
the Zodiac by the waterman '.
If that is so, we have surely a right to claim the
same natural origin for the story of the Deluge in
India which we are bound to admit in other countries.
And even if it could be proved that in the form in

which these legends have reached us in India they
show traces of foreign influences , the fact would
still remain that such influences have been per-
ceived in comparatively modern treatises only, and

not in the ancient hymns of the Rig- veda.
Other conjectures have been made with even less.
foundation than that which would place the ancient
poets of India under the influence of Babylon . China
has been appealed to, nay even Persia, Parthia, and
Bactria, countries beyond the reach of India at that
early time of which we are here speaking, and pro-
bably not even then consolidated into independent
nations or kingdoms. I only wonder that traces of
the lost Jewish tribes have not been discovered in
the Vedas, considering that Afghanistan has so often

been pointed out as one of their favourite retreats.
After having thus carefully examined all the traces
of supposed foreign influences that have been brought
See Haupt, Der Keilinschriftliche Sintfluthbericht, 1881 , p . 10.

See M. M., Genesis and Avesta (German translation), i. p. 148 .
140 LECTURE IV.
forward by various scholars, I think I may say that

there really is no trace whatever of any foreign influ-
ence in the language, the religion , or the ceremonial
of the ancient Vedic literature of India. As it stands
before us now , so it has grown up, protected by the
mountain ramparts in the North, the Indus and the
Desert in the West, the Indus or what was called
the sea in the South, and the Ganges in the East .
It presents us with a home-grown poetry, and a
home-grown religion ; and history has preserved to
us at least this one relic, in order to teach us what
the human mind can achieve if left to itself, sur-
rounded by a scenery and by conditions of life that

might have made man's life on earth a paradise , if
man did not possess the strange art of turning even
a paradise into a place of misery.
THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA.
LECTURE V.
ALTHOUGH there is hardly any department of

learning which has not received new light and new
life from the ancient literature of India, yet nowhere
is the light that comes to us from India so important ,
so novel, and so rich as in the study of religion and
mythology. It is to this subject therefore that I
mean to devote the remaining lectures of this course.
I do so, partly because I feel myself most at home in
that ancient world of Vedic literature in which the
germs of Aryan religion have to be studied, partly

because I believe that for a proper understanding of
the deepest convictions, or, if you like, the strongest
prejudices of the modern Hindus, nothing is so useful
as a knowledge of the Veda . It is perfectly true that
nothing would give a falser impression of the actual
Brahmanical religion than the ancient Vedic litera-
ture, supposing we were to imagine that three
thousand years could have passed over India without
producing any change. Such a mistake would be
nearly as absurd as to deny any difference between
the Vedic Sanskrit and the spoken Bengali. But
no one will gain a scholarlike knowledge or a true
insight into the secret springs of Bengali who is ig
norant of the grammar of Sanskrit ; and no one will
ever understand the present religious, philosophical ,
142 LECTURE V.
legal, and social opinions of the Hindus who is unable

to trace them back to their true sources in the Veda.
I still remember how, many years ago, when I
began to publish for the first time the text and the
commentary of the Rig-veda, it was argued by a
certain , perhaps not quite disinterested party, that
the Veda was perfectly useless, that no man in India,
however learned, could read it, and that it was of no
use either for missionaries or for any one else who
wished to study and to influence the native mind .
It was said that we ought to study the later San-
skrit, the Laws of Manu, the epic poems, and, more
particularly, the Purânas. The Veda might do very
well for German students, but not for Englishmen.
There was no excuse for such ignorant assertions

even thirty years ago, for in these very books, in the
Laws of Manu , in the Mahâbhârata , and in the
Purânas, the Veda is everywhere proclaimed as the
highest authority in all matters of religion '. ' A Brah-
man,' says Manu, unlearned in holy writ, is ex-
tinguished in an instant like dry grass on fire.'
'A twice-born man (that is a Brahmana, a Kshatriya,
and a Vaisya) not having studied the Veda, soon
falls , even when living, to the condition of a Sûdra,
and his descendants after him.'
How far this license of ignorant assertion may be
carried is shown by the same authorities who denied
the importance of the Veda for a historical study of
Indian thought, boldly charging those wily priests,
the Brahmans, with having withheld their sacred
literature from any but their own caste. Now so far
from withholding it, the Brahmans have always been
Wilson, Lectures, p. 9.
THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 143
striving, and often striving in vain, to make the

study of their sacred literature obligatory on all
castes, except the Sûdras, and the passages just
quoted from Manu show what penalties were threat-
ened, if children of the second and third castes, the
Kshatriyas and Vaisyas, were not instructed in the
sacred literature of the Brahmans.
At present the Brahmans themselves have spoken,

and the reception they have accorded to my edition
of the Rig-veda ' and its native commentary, the zeal
with which they have themselves taken up the study
of Vedic literature, and the earnestness with which
different sects are still discussing the proper use that
should be made of their ancient religious writings,
show abundantly that a Sanskrit scholar ignorant of,

or, I should rather say, determined to ignore the
Veda, would be not much better than a Hebrew
scholar ignorant of the Old Testament .
I shall now proceed to give you some characteristic
specimens of the religion and poetry of the Rig-
veda. They can only be few, and as there is
nothing like system or unity of plan in that collec-
1 As it has been doubted , and even denied, that the publication

of the Rig-veda and its native commentary has had some important
bearing on the resuscitation of the religious life of India, I feel bound
to give at least one from the many testimonials which I have
received from India. It comes from the Adi Brahma Samaj,
founded by Ram Mohun Roy, and now represented by its three
branches, the Âdi Brahma Samaj , the Brahma Samaj of India, and
the Sadharano Brahma Samaj. The Committee of the Âdi Brahma
Samaj beg to offer you their hearty congratulations on the com-
pletion of the gigantic task which has occupied you for the last
quarter of a century. By publishing the Rig-veda at a time when
Vedic learning has by some sad fatality become almost extinct in
the land of its birth, you have conferred a boon upon us Hindus,
for which we cannot but be eternally grateful .'
144 LECTURE V.
tion of 1017 hymns, which we call the Samhitâ of

the Rig-veda, I cannot promise that they will give
you a complete panoramic view of that intellectual
world in which our Vedic ancestors passed their life
on earth.
I could not even answer the question , if you were

to ask it, whether the religion of the Veda was poly-
theistic, or monotheistic . Monotheistic, in the usual
sense of that word , it is decidedly not, though there
are hymns that assert the unity of the Divine as fear-
lessly as any passage of the Old Testament, or the
New Testament, or the Koran. Thus one poet says
(Rig-veda I. 164 , 46 ) : ' That which is one, sages name it
in various ways-they call it Agni, Yama, Mâtarisvan.'
(
Another poet says : The wise poets represent by
their words Him who is one with beautiful wings,
in many ways '.'
And again we hear of a being called Hiranya-
garbha, the golden germ (whatever the original of
that name may have been) , of whom the poet says² :
"
In the beginning there arose Hiranyagarbha ; he
was the one born lord of all this. He established
the earth and this sky. Who is the god to whom

we shall offer our sacrifice ? ' That Hiranyagarbha,
the poet says , ' is alone God above all gods ' (yah
deveshu adhi devah ekah âsît)—an assertion of the
unity of the Divine which could hardly be exceeded
in strength by any passage from the Old Testament.
But by the side of such passages, which are few
in number, there are thousands in which ever so
many divine beings are praised and prayed to. Even
their number is sometimes given as ' thrice eleven 3 '
1 Rig-veda X. 114, 5. 2 Rig-veda X. 121 . 3 Muir, iv. 9 .

or thirty-three, and one poet assigns eleven gods

to the sky, eleven to the earth, and eleven to the
waters ' , the waters here intended being those of the
atmosphere and the clouds. These thirty-three gods
have even wives apportioned to them , though few
of these only have as yet attained to the honour
of a name ³. )
These thirty - three gods, however, by no means

include all the Vedic gods, for such important deities
as Agni, the fire, Soma, the rain , the Maruts or Storm-
gods, the Asvins, the gods of Morning and Evening,
the Waters, the Dawn, the Sun are mentioned sepa-
rately ; and there are not wanting passages in which

the poet is carried away into exaggerations, till he
proclaims the number of his gods to be, not only
thirty-three, but three thousand three hundred and
thirty-nine *.
If therefore there must be a name for the religion
of the Rig-veda, polytheism would seem at first sight
the most appropriate. Polytheism, however, has as-
sumed with us a meaning which renders it totally
inapplicable to the Vedic religion.
Our ideas of polytheism being chiefly derived from
Greece and Rome, we understand by it a certain more
or less organised system of gods, different in power
and rank, and all subordinate to a supreme God, a
1 Rig-veda I. 139, II.

Rig-veda III. 6, 9.
The following names of Devapatnis or wives of the gods are
given in the Vaitana Sutra XV. 3 (ed. Garbe) : Prithivi, the wife
of Agni, Vâk of Vata, Senâ of Indra, Dhenâ of Brihaspati, Pathyà
of Pushan, Gayatri of Vasu, Trishtubh of Rudra, Gagati of Âditya,
Anushtubh of Mitra, Virag of Varuna, Pankti of Vishnu, Diksha of
Soma.
Rig-veda III. 9, 9.
L
146 LECTURE V.
Zeus or Jupiter. The Vedic polytheism differs from

the Greek and Roman polytheism, and, I may add,
likewise from the polytheism of the Ural-Altaic, the
Polynesian, the American, and most of the African
races, in the same manner as a confederacy of village
communities differs from a monarchy. There are
traces of an earlier stage of village-community life
to be discovered in the later republican and monar-
chical constitutions, and in the same manner nothing
can be clearer, particularly in Greece, than that the
monarchy of Zeus was preceded by what may be
called the septarchy of several of the great gods of
Greece . The same remark applies to the mythology
of the Teutonic nations also¹. In the Veda, however,
the gods worshipped as supreme by each sept stand
still side by side. No one is first always, no one is
last always . Even gods of a decidedly inferior and
limited character assume occasionally in the eyes
of a devoted poet a supreme place above all other
gods . It was necessary, therefore, for the purpose
of accurate reasoning to have a name, different from
polytheism, to signify this worship of single gods, each
occupying for a time a supreme position, and I pro-
1 Grimm showed that Thôrr is sometimes the supreme god,

while at other times he is the son of Ôdinn. This, as Professor
Zimmer truly remarks, need not be regarded as the result of a revo-
lution, or even of gradual decay, as in the case of Dyaus and Tŷr,
but simply as inherent in the character of a nascent polytheism.
See Zeitschrift für D. A., vol. xii . p . 174.
2 Among not yet civilised races prayers are addressed to a god
with a special object, and to that god who is supposed to be most
powerful in a special domain . He becomes for the moment the
highest god to whom all others must give place . He may be
invoked as the highest and the only god, without any slight being
intended for the other gods.' Zimmer, 1. c. p. 175 .
posed for it the name of Kathenotheism, that is a

worship of one god after another, or of Henotheism,
the worship of single gods. This shorter name of
Henotheism has found more general acceptance, as
conveying more definitely the opposition between
Monotheism, the worship of one only God, and Heno-
theism , the worship of single gods ; and, if but
properly defined, it will answer its purpose very
well. However, in researches of this kind we can-
not be too much on our guard against technical
terms. They are inevitable, I know ; but they are
almost always misleading. There is, for instance ,
a hymn addressed to the Indus and the rivers that
fall into it, of which I hope to read you a transla-
tion, because it determines very accurately the geo-
graphical scene on which the poets of the Veda passed

their life. Now native scholars call these rivers de-
vatâs or deities, and European translators too speak

of them as gods and goddesses. But in the language
used by the poet with regard to the Indus and the
other rivers, there is nothing to justify us in saying
that he considered these rivers as gods and goddesses,
unless we mean by gods and goddesses something very
different from what the Greeks called River-gods and
River-goddesses, Nymphs, Najades, or even Muses.

And what applies to these rivers, applies more or
less to all the objects of Vedic worship . They all are
still oscillating between what is seen by the senses,
what is created by fancy, and what is postulated by the
understanding ; they are things, persons, causes, ac-
cording to the varying disposition of the poets : and
if we call them gods or goddesses , we must remember
the remark of an ancient native theologian, who re-
minds us that by devatâ or deity he means no more
L 2
148 LECTURE V.
than the object celebrated in a hymn, while Rishi or

seer means no more than the subject or the author
of a hymn .
It is difficult to treat of the so-called gods cele-
brated in the Veda according to any system, for the
simple reason that the concepts of these gods and the
hymns addressed to them sprang up spontaneously
and without any pre-established plan. It is best
perhaps for our purpose to follow an ancient Brah-
manical writer, who is supposed to have lived about
400 B. C. He tells us of students of the Veda, before
his time, who admitted three deities only, viz. Agni

or fire, whose place is on the earth ; Vâyu or Indra,
the wind and the god of the thunderstorm, whose
place is in the air ; and Sûrya, the sun, whose place
is in the sky. These deities, they maintained, re-
ceived severally many appellations, in consequence
of their greatness, or of the diversity of their functions,
just as a priest, according to the functions which he
performs at various sacrifices, receives various names.
This is one view of the Vedic gods, and, though too
narrow, it cannot be denied that there is some truth
in it. A very useful division of the Vedic gods

might be made, and has been made by Yâska, into
terrestrial, aerial, and celestial, and if the old Hindu
theologians meant no more than that all the mani-
festations of divine power in nature might be traced
back to three centres of force, one in the sky, one in
the air, and one on the earth, he deserves great credit
for his sagacity.
But he himself perceived evidently that this gene-
ralisation was not quite applicable to all the gods , and
he goes on to say, ' Or, it may be, these gods are all
distinct beings, for the praises addressed to them are
distinct, and their appellations also .' This is quite

right. It is the very object of most of these divine
names to impart distinct individuality to the mani-
festations of the powers of nature ; and though the
philosopher or the inspired poet might perceive that
these numerous names were but names, while that
which was named was one and one only, this was
certainly not the idea of most of the Vedic Rishis
themselves, still less of the people who listened to
their songs at fairs and festivals.
It is the peculiar
character of that phase of religious thought which
we have to study in the Veda, that in it the Divine
is conceived and represented as manifold, and that
many functions are shared in common by various
gods, no attempt having yet been made at organising
the whole body of the gods, sharply separating one
from the other, and subordinating all of them to
several or, in the end, to one supreme head.
Availing ourselves of the division of the Vedic
gods into terrestrial, aerial, and celestial, as proposed
by some of the earliest Indian theologians, we should
have to begin with the gods connected with the earth .
Before we examine them, however, we have first
to consider one of the earliest objects of worship and
adoration, namely Earth and Heaven, or Heaven
and Earth, conceived as a divine couple. Not only
in India, but among many other nations, both
savage, half-savage, or civilised , we meet with
Heaven and Earth as one of the earliest objects,

pondered on, transfigured, and animated by the early
poets, and more or less clearly conceived by early
philosophers. It is surprising that it should be so,
for the conception of the Earth as an independent
being, and of Heaven as an independent being, and
150 LECTURE V.
then of both together as a divine couple embracing

the whole universe, requires a considerable effort of
abstraction, far more than the concepts of other
divine powers, such as the Fire, the Rain, the Light-
ning, or the Sun.
Still so it is, and as it may help us to under-
stand the ideas about Heaven and Earth, as we find
them in the Veda, and show us at the same time the
strong contrast between the mythology of the Aryans
and that of real savages (a contrast of great im-
portance, though I admit very difficult to explain) ,
I shall read you first some extracts from a book,
published by a friend of mine, the Rev. William
Wyatt Gill, for many years an active and most
successful missionary in Mangaia, one of those Poly-
nesian islands that form a girdle round one quarter
of our globe¹ , and all share in the same language,
the same religion, the same mythology, and the same
customs . The book is called ' Myths and Songs
from the South Pacific ',' and it is full of interest to
the student of mythology and religion.
The story, as told him by the natives of Mangaia,
runs as follows 3:
' The sky is built of solid blue stone. At one time

it almost touched the earth ; resting upon the stout
broad leaves of the teve (which attains the height of
1 Es handelt sich hier nicht um amerikanische oder afrikanische

Zersplitterung, sondern eine überraschende Gleichartigkeit dehnt
sich durch die Weite und Breite des Stillen Oceans, und wenn wir
Oceanien in der vollen Auffassung nehmen mit Einschluss Mikro-
und Mela-nesiens (bis Malaya), selbst weiter. Es lässt sich sagen,
dass ein einheitlicher Gedankenbau, in etwa 120 Längen und 70
Breitegraden, ein Viertel unsers Erdglobus überwölbt .' Bastian,
Die Heilige Sage der Polynesier, p. 57.
2 Henry S. King & Co., London, 1876 . $ P. 58.
about six feet) and the delicate indigenous arrow-root

(whose slender stem rarely exceeds three feet) ..
In this narrow space between earth and sky the inha-
bitants of this world were pent up. Ru, whose usual
residence was in Avaiki, or the shades, had come up
for a time to this world of ours. Pitying the wretched
confined residence of the inhabitants , he employed
himself in endeavouring to raise the sky a little.
For this purpose he cut a number of strong stakes
of different kinds of trees, and firmly planted them
in the ground at Rangimotia, the centre of the island,
and with him the centre of the world. This was a
considerable improvement, as mortals were thereby
enabled to stand erect and to walk about without in-
convenience. Hence Ru was named " The sky- sup-
porter." Wherefore Teka sings ( 1794) :
" Force up the sky, O Ru,
And let the space be clear ! "
One day when the old man was surveying his

work, his graceless son Mâui contemptuously asked
him what he was doing there. Ru replied, " Who
told youngsters to talk ? Take care of yourself, or
I will hurl you out of existence."
Do it, then," shouted Mâui.
' Ru was as good as his word, and forthwith seized
Mâui, who was small of stature, and threw him to a
great height. In falling Maui assumed the form of
a bird, and lightly touched the ground, perfectly

harmed. Maui, now thirsting for revenge, in a mo-
ment resumed his natural form, but exaggerated to
gigantic proportions, and ran to his father, saying :
" Ru, who supportest the many heavens,
The third, even to the highest, ascend !”
Inserting his head between the old man's legs, he
152 LECTURE V.
exerted all his prodigious strength, and hurled poor

Ru, sky and all, to a tremendous height, -so high,
indeed, that the blue sky could never get back
again. Unluckily, however, for the sky-supporting
Ru, his head and shoulders got entangled among the
stars. He struggled hard, but fruitlessly, to extri-
cate himself. Mâui walked off well pleased with
having raised the sky to its present height, but left
half his father's body and both his legs ingloriously
suspended between heaven and earth. Thus perished
Ru. His body rotted away, and his bones came
tumbling down from time to time, and were shivered
on the earth into countless fragments. These shivered
bones of Ru are scattered over every hill and valley
of Mangaia, to the very edge of the sea.'
·
What the natives call the bones of Ru ' (te ivi o
Ru) are pieces of pumice-stone.
Now let us consider, first of all, whether this story,
which with slight variations is told all over the
Polynesian islands ¹ , is pure non-sense, or whether
there was originally some sense in it . My conviction
is that non-sense is everywhere the child of sense, only
that unfortunately many children, like that youngster
Mâui, consider themselves much wiser than their
fathers, and occasionally succeed in hurling them out
of existence.
It is a peculiarity of many of the ancient myths

that they represent events which happen every day,
or every year, as having happened once upon a time 2.
The daily battle between day and night, the yearly
battle between winter and spring, are represented
There is a second version of the story even in the small island

of Mangaia ; see Myths and Songs, p. 71 .
2 See before, p. 138.
almost like historical events, and some of the episodes

and touches belonging originally to these constant
battles of nature, have certainly been transferred
into and mixed up with battles that took place at
a certain time, such as, for instance, the siege of
Troy. When historical recollections failed, legendary
accounts of the ancient battles between Night
and Morning, Winter and Spring, were always at
hand ; and, as in modern times we constantly hear
good stories,' which we have known from our child-
hood, told again and again of any man whom they
seem to fit, in the same manner, in ancient times, any
act of prowess, or daring, or mischief, originally told of
the sun, ' the orient Conqueror of gloomy Night,' was
readily transferred to and believed of any local hero
who might seem to be a second Jupiter, or Mars, or

Hercules .
I have little doubt therefore that as the accounts
of a deluge, for instance, which we find almost every-
where, are originally recollections of the annual
torrents of rain or snow that covered the little
worlds within the ken of the ancient village -bards,
this tearing asunder of heaven and earth too was

originally no more than a description of what might
be seen every morning. During a dark night the
sky seemed to cover the earth ; the two seemed to
be one, and could not be distinguished one from the
other . Then came the Dawn, which with its bright
rays lifted the covering of the dark night to a certain
point, till at last Mâui appeared, small in stature,
a mere child, that is, the sun of the morning-thrown
up suddenly, as it were, when his first rays shot
through the sky from beneath the horizon, then
falling back to the earth, like a bird, and rising in
154 LECTURE V.
gigantic form on the morning sky. The dawn now

was hurled away, and the sky was seen lifted high
above the earth ; and Mâui, the sun, marched on
well pleased with having raised the sky to its present
height.
Why pumice-stone should be called the bones of
Ru, we cannot tell, without knowing a great deal more
of the language of Mangaia than we do at present.
It is most likely an independent saying, and was
afterwards united with the story of Ru and Mâui.
Now I must quote at least a few extracts from
a Maori legend as written down by Judge Manning ' :
This is the Genesis of the New Zealanders :
' The Heavens which are above us, and the Earth
which lies beneath us, are the progenitors of men,
and the origin of all things.
Formerly the Heaven lay upon the Earth, and

all was darkness. . . .
'And the children of Heaven and Earth sought to
discover the difference between light and darkness ,
between day and night....
'So the sons of Rangi (Heaven) and of Papa
(Earth) consulted together, and said : " Let us seek
means whereby to destroy Heaven and Earth, or to
separate them from each other."
' Then said Tumatauenga (the God of War), “ Let

us destroy them both."
Then said Tane-Mahuta (the Forest God) , " Not so ;
let them be separated . Let one of them go upwards
and become a stranger to us ; let the other remain
below and be a parent for us."
Then four of the gods tried to separate Heaven
1 Bastian, Heilige Sage der Polynesier, p. 36 .

THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA . 155
and Earth, but did not succeed, while the fifth, Tane,
succeeded.
'After Heaven and Earth had been separated , great
storms arose, or, as the poet expresses it, one of their
sons , Tawhiri-Matea, the god of the winds, tried to
revenge the outrage committed on his parents by
his brothers. Then follow dismal dusky days, and
dripping chilly skies, and arid scorching blasts. All
the gods fight , till at last Tu only remains, the god
of war, who had devoured all his brothers , except
the Storm . More fights follow, in which the greater
part of the earth was overwhelmed by the waters,
and but a small portion remained dry. After that ,
light continued to increase, and as the light increased ,
so also the people who had been hidden between
Heaven and Earth increased . . . . And so generation
was added to generation down to the time of Mâui-
Potiki, he who brought death into the world.
Now in these latter days Heaven remains far re-
moved from his wife, the Earth ; but the love of the
wife rises upward in sighs towards her husband. These
are the mists which fly upwards from the mountain-
tops ; and the tears of Heaven fall downwards on his
wife ; behold the dew-drops ! '
So far the Maori Genesis.
Let us now return to the Veda, and compare these

crude and somewhat grotesque legends with the
language of the ancient Aryan poets. In the hymns
of the Rig-veda the separating and keeping apart of
Heaven and Earth is several times alluded to , and
here too it is represented as the work of the most
valiant gods. In I. 67, 3 it is Agni, fire, who holds
the earth and supports the heaven ; in X. 89 , 4 it is
Indra who keeps them apart ; in IX
. 101 , 15 Soma is
156 LECTURE V.
celebrated for the same deed, and in III. 31 , 12 other

gods too share the same honour ¹ .
In the Aitareya Brahmana we read 2 : These two
worlds (Heaven and Earth) were once joined together.
They went asunder. Then it did not rain, nor did
the sun shine . And the five tribes did not agree
with one another. The gods then brought the two
(Heaven and Earth) together, and when they came
together, they performed a wedding of the gods .'
Here we have in a shorter form the same funda-
mental ideas ; first, that formerly Heaven and Earth

were together ; that afterwards they were separated ;
that when they were thus separated there was war
throughout nature, and neither rain nor sunshine ;
that, lastly, Heaven and Earth were conciliated , and
that then a great wedding took place.
Now I need hardly remind those who are acquainted
with Greek and Roman literature, how familiar these
and similar conceptions about a marriage between

Heaven and Earth were in Greece and Italy. They
seem to possess there a more special reference to the
annual reconciliation between Heaven and Earth,
which takes place in spring, and to their former

estrangement during winter. But the first cosmo-
logical separation of the two always points to the
want of light and the impossibility of distinction
during the night, and the gradual lifting up of the
blue sky through the rising of the sun 3.
In the Homeric hymns the Earth is addressed as
Mother of Gods, the wife of the starry Heaven " ;'
1 Bergaigne, La Religion Védique, p. 240 .

2 Ait. Br. IV. 27 ; Muir, iv. p. 23 .
* See Muir, iv. p. 24. 4
Homer, Hymn xxx. 17 .
5 Χαῖρε θεῶν μήτηρ, ἄλοχ᾽ Οὐρανοῦ ἀστερόεντος.
and the Heaven or Ether is often called the father.
Their marriage too is described, as, for instance, by

Euripides, when he says :
' There is the mighty Earth, Jove's Æther :

He (the Ether) is the creator of men and gods ;
The earth receiving the moist drops of rain,
Bears mortals,
Bears food, and the tribes of animals.
Hence she is not unjustly regarded
As the mother of all '.'
And what is more curious still is that we have
evidence that Euripides received this doctrine from

his teacher, the philosopher Anaxagoras. For Dio-
nysius of Halicarnassus tells us that Euripides
frequented the lectures of Anaxagoras. Now, it was
the theory of that philosopher that originally all
things were in all things, but that afterwards they be-
came separated. Euripides later in life associated with
Sokrates, and became doubtful regarding that theory.
He accordingly propounds the ancient doctrine by
the mouth of another, namely Melanippe, who says :
This saying (myth) is not mine, but came from
my mother, that formerly Heaven and Earth were
one shape ; but when they were separated from each
other, they gave birth and brought all things into
the light, trees, birds, beasts, and the fishes whom
the sea feeds, and the race of mortals.'
Euripides, Chrysippus, fragm. 6 (edit. Didot, p. 824) :-

Γαία μεγίστη καὶ Διὸς αιθήρ,
ὁ μὲν ἀνθρώπων καὶ θεῶν γενέτωρ,
ἡ δ' ὑγροβόλους σταγόνας νοτίους
παραδεξαμένη τίκτει θνατούς,
τίκτει δὲ βοράν, φυλά τε θηρῶν,
ὅθεν οὐκ ἀδίκως
μήτηρ πάντων νενόμισται.
Dionysius Halic. vol . v. p. 355 ; Muir, v. p. 27.
158 LECTURE V.
Thus we have met with the same idea of the ori-
ginal union, of a separation, and of a subsequent

re-union of Heaven and Earth in Greece, in India ,
and in the Polynesian islands.
Let us now see how the poets of the Veda address
these two beings, Heaven and Earth.
They are mostly addressed in the dual, as two
beings forming but one concept . We meet, however,
with verses which are addressed to the Earth by
herself, and which speak of her as kind, without
thorns, and pleasant to dwell on ' ,' while there are clear
traces in some of the hymns that at one time Dyaus,
the sky, was the supreme deity 2. When invoked
together they are called Dyâvâprithivyau, from
dyu, the sky, and prithivi, the broad earth .
If we examine their epithets , we find that many
of them reflect simply the physical aspects of Heaven
and Earth. Thus they are called uru, wide, uru-
vyakas, widely expanded, dûre-ante, with limits
far apart, gabhira, deep, ghritavat, giving fat,
madhudugha, yielding honey or dew, payasvat,
full of milk, bhûri-retas, rich in seed.
Another class of epithets represents them already
as endowed with certain human and superhuman
qualities, such as asaskat, never tiring, agara, not
decaying, which brings us very near to immortal ;
adruh, not injuring, or not deceiving, praketas ,
provident, and then pitâ - mâtâ, father and mother,
devaputra, having the gods for their sons, rita-
vridh and ritavat, protectors of the Rita, of what is
right, guardians of eternal laws.
Here you see what is so interesting in the Veda,
Rig-veda I. 22, 15.

* See Lectures on the Science of Language, vol . ii. p. 468.
the gradual advance from the material to the spi-

ritual, from the sensuous to the supersensuous , from
the human to the superhuman and the divine.
Heaven and Earth were seen, and, according to our
notions, they might simply be classed as visible and
finite beings. But the ancient poets were more honest
to themselves. They could see Heaven and Earth, but
they never saw them in their entirety. They felt
that there was something beyond the purely finite
aspect of these beings, and therefore they thought of
them , not as they would think of a stone, or a tree,
or a dog, but as something not- finite, not altogether
visible or knowable, yet as something important to
themselves, powerful, strong to bless, but also strong
to hurt. Whatever was between Heaven and Earth
seemed to be theirs, their property , their realm , their

dominion. They held and embraced all ; they seemed
to have produced all. The Devas or bright beings,
the sun, the dawn, the fire, the wind, the rain, were
all theirs, and were called therefore the offspring of
Heaven and Earth. Thus Heaven and Earth became
the Universal Father and Mother.
Then we ask at once, Were then these Heaven
and Earth gods ? But gods in what sense ? In our
sense of God ? Why, in our sense, God is altogether
incapable of a plural. Then in the Greek sense of
the word ? No, certainly not, for what the Greeks
called gods was the result of an intellectual growth
totally independent of the Veda or of India. We
must never forget that what we call gods in ancient
mythologies are not substantial, living, individual
beings, of whom we can predicate this or that,
Deva, which we translate by god, is nothing but an
adjective, expressive of a quality shared by heaven
160 LECTURE V.
and earth, by the sun and the stars and the dawn
and the sea, namely brightness ; and the idea of god,
at that early time, contains neither more nor less
than what is shared in common by all these bright
beings . That is to say, the idea of god is not an
idea ready-made, which could be applied in its abstract
purity to heaven and earth and other such like
beings ; but it is an idea, growing out of the con-
cepts of heaven and earth and of the other bright
beings, slowly separating itself from them, but never
containing more than what was contained, though
confusedly, in the objects to which it was successively
applied.
Nor must it be supposed that heaven and earth,
having once been raised to the rank of undecaying
or immortal beings, of divine parents, of guardians
of the laws, were thus permanently settled in the
religious consciousness of the people. Far from it.
When the ideas of other gods, and of more active
and more distinctly personal gods had been elabo-
rated, the Vedic Rishis asked without hesitation,
Who then has made heaven and earth ? not exactly
Heaven and Earth, as conceived before, but heaven
and earth as seen every day, as a part of what began
to be called Nature or the Universe.
Thus one poet says¹ :
' He was indeed among the gods the cleverest
workman who produced the two brilliant ones (heaven
and earth), that gladden all things ; he who measured
out the two bright ones (heaven and earth) by his
wisdom, and established them on everlasting sup-
ports .'
¹ Rig-veda I. 160, 4.
And again ' : ' He was a good workman who pro-

duced heaven and earth ; the wise, who by his
might brought together these two (heaven and earth),
the wide, the deep, the well-fashioned in the bottom-
less space .'
Very soon this great work of making heaven and
earth was ascribed, like other mighty works, to the
mightiest of their gods, to Indra. At first we read
that Indra, originally only a kind of Jupiter pluvius,
or god of rain, stretched out heaven and earth, like
a hide ; that he held them in his hand 3, that he
upholds heaven and earth , and that he grants heaven
and earth to his worshippers . But very soon Indra
is praised for having made Heaven and Earth ; and
then, when the poet remembers that Heaven and

Earth had been praised elsewhere as the parents
of the gods, and more especially as the parents of
Indra, he does not hesitate for a moment, but says 7 :
"What poets living before us have reached the end

of all thy greatness ? for thou hast indeed begotten
8
thy father and thy mother together from thy own
body !'
That is a strong measure, and a god who once
could do that, was no doubt capable of anything
afterwards. The same idea, namely that Indra is
greater than heaven and earth, is expressed in a less
outrageous way by another poet, who says that
Indra is greater than heaven and earth, and that
Rig-veda IV. 56, 3. * L. c. VIII. 6, 5.

L. c. III. 30, 5. L. c. III. 32, 8.
L. c. III. 34 , 8. L. c. VIII. 36, 4. L. c. X. 54, 3-
* Cf. IV. 17 , 4, where Dyaus is the father of Indra ; see however
Muir, iv. 31 , note.
Rig-veda VI. 30, 1.
M
162 LECTURE V.
both together are only a half of Indra. Or again¹ :

<
The divine Dyaus bowed before Indra, before Indra
the great Earth bowed with her wide spaces .' ' At
the birth of thy splendour Dyaus trembled, the Earth
trembled for fear of thy anger 2.
Thus, from one point of view, Heaven and Earth

were the greatest gods, they were the parents of
everything, and therefore of the gods also, such as
Indra and others.
But, from another point of view, every god that

was considered as supreme at one time or other,
must necessarily have made heaven and earth, must
at all events be greater than heaven and earth, and
thus the child became greater than the father, aye,
became the father of his father. Indra was not
the only god that created heaven and earth. In one
hymn that creation is ascribed to Soma and Pûshan ,
by no means very prominent characters ; in another ♦
to Hiranyagarbha (the golden germ) ; in another
again to a god who is simply called Dhâtri, the
Creator , or Visvakarman , the maker of all things.
Other gods, such as Mitra and Savitri, names of
the sun, are praised for upholding Heaven and Earth ,
and the same task is sometimes performed by the
old god Varuna also.
What I wish you to observe in all this is the
perfect freedom with which these so-called gods or
Devas are handled, and particularly the ease and
naturalness with which now the one, now the other
emerges as supreme out of this chaotic theogony.
1
Rig-veda I. 131 , I. 2 L. c. IV. 17, 2.
3 L. c. II. 40, I. 4 L. c. X. 121 , 9.
5 L. C. X. 190, 3. L. c. X. 81, 2.
* L. c. VI . go, I.
This is the peculiar character of the ancient Vedic

religion, totally different both from the Polytheism
and from the Monotheism as we see it in the Greek
and the Jewish religions ; and if the Veda had taught
us nothing else but this henotheistic phase, which
must everywhere have preceded the more highly
organised phase of Polytheism which we see in
Greece, in Rome, and elsewhere, the study of the
Veda would not have been in vain.
It may be quite true that the poetry of the Veda
is neither beautiful, in our sense of the word, nor
very profound ; but it is instructive. When we see
those two giant spectres of Heaven and Earth on
the background of the Vedic religion, exerting their
influence for a time, and then vanishing before the
light of younger and more active gods, we learn a
lesson which it is well to learn, and which we can
hardly learn anywhere else -the lesson how gods were

made and unmade- how the Beyond or the Infinite
was named by different names in order to bring it
near to the mind of man , to make it for a time com-
prehensible, until, when name after name had proved
of no avail, a nameless God was felt to answer best
the restless cravings of the human heart.
I shall next translate to you the hymn to which I
referred before as addressed to the Rivers . If the
Rivers are to be called deities at all, they belong to

the class of terrestrial deities. But the reason why
I single out this hymn is not so much because it

throws new light on the theogonic process, but
because it may help to impart some reality to the
vague conceptions which we form to ourselves of the
ancient Vedic poets and their surroundings. The

rivers invoked are, as we shall see, the real rivers of
M 2
164 LECTURE V.
the Punjâb, and the poem shows a much wider geo-

graphical horizon than we should expect from a mere
village bard¹ .
1. Let the poet declare, O Waters, your exceeding
greatness, here in the seat of Vivasvat2. By seven
and seven they have come forth in three courses, but
the Sindhu (the Indus ) exceeds all the other wander-
ing rivers by her strength.
2. ' Varuna dug out paths for thee to walk on,
when thou rannest to the race³ . Thou proceedest
1 Rig-veda X. 75. See Hibbert Lectures, Lect. iv.

2 Vivasvat is a name of the sun, and the seat or home of Vivasvat
can hardly be anything but the earth, as the home of the sun, or,
in a more special sense, the place where a sacrifice is offered .
3 I formerly translated yát vấgân abhí ádravah tvám by ' when
thou rannest for the prizes.' Grassman had translated similarly,
'When thou, O Sindhu, rannest to the prize of the battle,' while
Ludwig wrote, ' When thou, O Sindhu, wast flowing on to greater
powers.' Våga, connected with vegeo, vigeo, vigil, wacker (see
Curtius, Grundzüge, No. 159 ) , is one of the many difficult words in
the Veda the general meaning of which may be guessed, but in
many places cannot yet be determined with certainty. Vâga occurs
very frequently, both in the singular and the plural, and some of
its meanings are clear enough. The Petersburg Dictionary gives
the following list of them-swiftness, race, prize of race, gain,
treasure, race-horse, etc. Here we perceive at once the difficulty
of tracing all these meanings back to a common source, though it
might be possible to begin with the meanings of strength, strife,
contest, race, whether friendly or warlike, then to proceed to what
is won in a race or in war, viz. booty, treasure, and lastly to take
vâgâh in the more general sense of acquisitions, goods, even goods
bestowed as gifts. We have a similar transition of meaning in the
Greek ȧos, contest, contest for a prize, and åλov, the prize of
contest, reward, gift, while in the plural rà åλa stands again for
contest, or even the place of combat. The Vedic vâgambhara may
in fact be rendered by ἀθλοφόρος, vagasati by ἀθλοσύνη.
The transition from fight to prize is seen in passages such as :
Rig-veda VI . 45 , 12 , vagân indra sravayyân tváyâ geshma hitám
on a precipitous ridge of the earth, when thou art

lord in the van of all the moving streams.
3. The sound rises up to heaven above the earth ;
she stirs up with splendour her endless power¹. As
from a cloud, the showers thunder forth, when the
Sindhu comes, roaring like a bull.
4. To thee, O Sindhu, they (the other rivers) come
as lowing mother-cows (run) to their young with their
milk . Like a king in battle thou leadest the two
wings, when thou reachest the front of these down-
rushing rivers.
5. Accept, O Ganga (Ganges), Yamunâ (Jumna),
Sarasvati (Sursûti) , Sutudri ( Sutlej ), Parushnî ( Irâ-
vati, Ravi), my praise3 ! With the Asikni (Akesines)
listen, O Marudvridhâ , and with the Vitastâ (Hy-
dhanam , May we with thy help, O Indra, win the glorious fights,
the offered prize ' ( cf. à¤λoðérns).
Rig -veda VIII . 19 , 18 , té ít vagebhik gigyuh mahát chánam ,
"They won great wealth by battles.'
What we want for a proper understanding of our verse, are
passages where we have, as here, a movement towards vagas in the
plural. Such passages are few ; for instance : X. 53, 8, átra
gahama yé ásan ásevâh sivẩn vayám út tarema abhí vàgân, ‘ Let
us leave here those who were unlucky (the dead), and let us get up
to lucky toils. No more is probably meant here when the Sindhu
is said to run towards her vagas, that is, her struggles, her fights,
her race across the mountains with the other rivers.
On sushma, strength, see Rig-veda, translation, vol. i. p. 105.
We find subhrám súshmam II . 11 , 4 ; and iyarti with súshmam
IV. 17 , 12.
2 See Muir, Sanskrit Texts, v. p. 344.
O Marudvridha with Asikni, Vitastà ; O Ârgikiyâ, listen with
the Sushoma,' Ludwig. Asikni and Vitastà and Marudvridhà,
with the Sushoma, hear us, O Ârgikiyâ,' Grassmann.
• Marudvridha, a general name for river. According to Roth
the combined course of the Akesines and Hydaspes, before the
junction with the Hydraotes : according to Ludwig, the river after
166 LECTURE V.
daspes, Behat) ; O Argîkîyâ¹ , listen with the Sus-

homâ 2.
6. First thou goest united with the Trishtâmâ

on thy journey, with the Susartu, the Rasâ ( Ramhâ,
Araxes ?) , and the Sveti, -O Sindhu , with the Kubhâ
(Kophen, Cabul river) to the Gomatî (Gomal ), with
the Mehatnu to the Krumu (Kurum) -with whom
thou proceedest together.
7 ' Sparkling, bright, with mighty splendour she
carries the waters across the plains- the unconquered
Sindhu, the quickest of the quick, like a beautiful
mare- -a sight to see.
8. Rich in horses, in chariots, in garments , in
gold , in booty , in wool , and in straw , the Sindhu ,
the junction with Hydraotes. Zimmer (Altindisches Leben, p. 12 )

adopts Roth's, Kiepert in his maps follows Ludwig's opinion.
1 According to Yaska the Argikiyâ is the Vipås. Vivien de Saint-
Martin takes it for the country watered by the Suwan, the Soanos
of Megasthenes .
2
According to Yâska the Sushomâ is the Indus . Vivien de
Saint-Martin identifies it with the Suwan. Zimmer (l. c. p. 14)
points out that in Arrian, Indica, iv. 12 , there is a various reading
Soamos for Soanos.
3 Chips from a German Workshop, vol . i . p. 157 .
* Vâginîvati is by no means an easy word. Hence all transla-
tors vary, and none settles the meaning. Muir translates, ' yielding
nutriment;' Zimmer, ' having plenty of quick horses ; ' Ludwig, 'like a
strong mare.' Vagin, no doubt, means a strong horse, a racer,
but vaginî never occurs in the Rig-veda in the sense of a mare, and
the text is not vaginîvat, but vaginîvati. If vâginî meant mare, we
might translate rich in mares, but that would be a mere repetition
after svasvâ, possessed of good horses. Vaginivati is chiefly applied
to Ushas, Sarasvati, and here to the river Sindhu . It is joined
with vagebhih, Rig-veda I. 3. 10, which, if vâginî meant mare,
would mean ' rich in mares through horses.' We also read, Rig-veda
I. 48, 16, sám (nah mimikshvá) vagaih vâginîvati, which we can
hardly translate by ' give us horses, thou who art possessed of
mares ; ' nor, Rig-veda I. 92, 15, yúkshva hí vâginivati ásvân,
handsome and young, clothes herself in sweet

flowers '.
9. The Sindhu has yoked her easy chariot with

horses ; may she conquer prizes for us in the race.
'harness the horses, thou who art rich in mares.' In most of the
passages where vâginivati occurs, the goddess thus addressed is
represented as rich, and asked to bestow wealth, and I should
therefore prefer to take vagínî, as a collective abstract noun, like
tretíni , in the sense of wealth, originally booty, and to translate
vaginivati simply by rich, a meaning well adapted to every passage
where the word occurs.
Úrnavati, rich in wool, probably refers to the flocks of sheep
for which the North-West of India was famous. See Rig-veda
I. 126, 7.
• Silamâvati does not occur again in the Rig-veda. Muir trans-
lates, rich in plants ; ' Zimmer, ' rich in water ; ' Ludwig takes it as a
proper name. Sâyana states that silamâ is a plant which is made
into ropes. That the meaning of silamavati was forgotten at an
early time we see by the Atharva-veda III. 12 , 2 , substituting
sûnritavati for silamavati, as preserved in the Sankhayana Grihya-
sútras, 3 , 3. I think silamâ means straw, from whatever plant it may
be taken, and this would be equally applicable to a sâlâ, a house,
a sthûna, a post, and to the river Indus. It may have been, as
Ludwig conjectures, an old local name, and in that case it may
possibly account for the name given in later times to the Suleiman
range.
7 Madhuvridh is likewise a word which does not occur again in
the Rig-veda. Sayana explains it by nirgundi and similar plants,
but it is doubtful what plant is meant. Gunda is the name of
a grass, madhuvridh therefore may have been a plant such as sugar-
cane, that yielded a sweet juice, the Upper Indus being famous for
sugar-cane ; see Hiouen-thsang, II, p. 105. I take adhivaste with
Roth in the sense ' she dresses herself, ' as we might say ' the river is
dressed in heather.' Muir translates, she traverses a land yielding
sweetness ; ' Zimmer, ' she clothes herself in Madhuvridh ;' Ludwig,
the Silamavati throws herself into the increaser of the honey-
sweet dew.' All this shows how little progress can be made in
Vedic scholarship by merely translating either words or verses,
without giving at the same time a full justification of the meaning
assigned to every single word.
168 LECTURE V.
The greatness of her chariot is praised as truly

great that chariot which is irresistible, which has
its own glory, and abundant strength¹.'
This hymn does not sound perhaps very poetical,
in our sense of the word ; yet if you will try to realise
the thoughts of the poet who composed it, you will
perceive that it is not without some bold and powerful
conceptions.
Take the modern peasants, living in their villages
by the side of the Thames, and you must admit that
he would be a remarkable man who could bring him-
self to look on the Thames as a kind of general,
riding at the head of many English rivers, and lead-
ing them on to a race or a battle. Yet it is easier
to travel in England, and to gain a commanding view
of the river- system of the country, than it was three
thousand years ago to travel over India, even over
that part of India which the poet of our hymn com-
mands. He takes in at one swoop three great river-
systems, or, as he calls them, three great armies of
rivers - those flowing from the North-West into the
Indus, those joining it from the North-East, and ,
in the distance, the Ganges and the Jumnah with
their tributaries . Look on the map and you will
see how well these three armies are determined ;
but our poet had no map -he had nothing but high
mountains and sharp eyes to carry out his trigono-
metrical survey. Now I call a man, who for the
first time could see those three marching armies of
rivers , a poet .
The next thing that strikes one in that hymn—

if hymn we must call it- is the fact that all these
rivers, large and small, have their own proper names.
1 See Petersburg Dictionary , s. v. virapsin.

That shows a considerable advance in civilised life,

and it proves no small degree of coherence, or what
the French call solidarity, between the tribes who had
taken possession of Northern India. Most settlers
call the river on whose banks they settle the river.'
Of course there are many names for river. It may
be called the runner ', the fertiliser, the roarer- or,
with a little poetical metaphor, the arrow, the horse,

the cow, the father, the mother, the watchman, the
child of the mountains. Many rivers had many names
in different parts of their course, and it was only

when communication between different settlements
became more frequent, and a fixed terminology was

felt to be a matter of necessity, that the rivers of a
country were properly baptised and registered . All
this had been gone through in India before our hymn
became possible.
And now we have to consider another, to my
mind most startling fact. We here have a number
of names of the rivers of India, as they were known
to one single poet, say about 1000 B.C. We then
hear nothing of India till we come to the days of
Alexander, and when we look at the names of the
Indian rivers , represented as well as they could be
by Alexander's companions, mere strangers in India,
and by means of a strange language and a strange
alphabet, we recognise, without much difficulty,
nearly all of the old Vedic names.
In this respect the names of rivers have a great
advantage over the names of towns in India. What
1 ' Among the Hottentots, the Kunene, Okavango and Orange

rivers, all have the name of Garib, i . e. the Runner.' Dr. Theoph.
Hahn, Cape Times, July 11 , 1882 .
170 LECTURE V.
we now call Dilli or Delhi was in ancient times called
Indraprastha, in later times Shahjahanabad. Oude

is Ayodhyâ, but the old name of Saketa is forgotten .
The town of Pataliputra, known to the Greeks as
Palimbothra, is now called Patna¹ .
Now I can assure you this persistency of the Vedic
river names was to my mind something so startling
that I often said to myself, This cannot be there
must be something wrong here. I do not wonder so
much at the names of the Indus and the Ganges
being the same. The Indus was known to early
traders, whether by sea or by land. Skylax sailed
from the country of the Paktys, i. e. the Pushtus, as
the Afghans still call themselves, down to the mouth
of the Indus. That was under Darius Hystaspes
(521-486) . Even before that time India and the
Indians were known by their name, which was derived
from Sindhu, the name of their frontier river. The
neighbouring tribes who spoke Iranic languages all
pronounced, like the Persian , the s as an h2. Thus
Sindhu became Hindhu (Hidhu), and, as h's were
dropped even at that early time, Hindhu became
Indu. Thus the river was called Indos, the people
Indoi by the Greeks, who first heard of India from
the Persians .
Sindhu probably meant originally the divider,

keeper, and defender, from sidh, to keep off. It was
a masculine, before it became a feminine. No more
telling name could have been given to a broad river,
which guarded peaceful settlers both against the
inroads of hostile tribes and the attacks of wild
1 Cunningham, Archæological Survey of India, vol. xii. p . 113.

2 Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. 20, 71 : Indus incolis Sindus appellatus.'
animals. A common name for the ancient settle-

ments of the Aryans in India was the Seven Rivers,'
' Sapta Sindhavah.' But though sindhu was used as
an appellative noun for river in general (cf. Rig-veda
VI. 19, 5 , samudré ná síndhavah yadamânâh, ' like
rivers longing for the sea ' ), it remained throughout
the whole history of India the name of its powerful
guardian river, the Indus .
In some passages of the Rig-veda it has been
pointed out that sindhu might better be translated
by ' sea, ' a change of meaning, if so it can be called,
fully explained by the geographical conditions of the
country. There are places where people could swim
across the Indus, there are others where no eye
could tell whether the boundless expanse of water
should be called river or sea. The two run into each
other, as every sailor knows, and naturally the

meaning of sindhu, river, runs into the meaning of
sindhu , sea.
But besides the two great rivers, the Indus and

the Ganges, -in Sanskrit the Ganga, literally the
Go-go, we have the smaller rivers, and many of
their names also agree with the names preserved to
us by the companions of Alexander ' .
The Yamuna, the Jumna, was known to Ptolemy
as Aduovra , to Pliny as Jomanes, to Arrian, some-
what corrupted, as Jóbares³ .
The Sutudri, or, as it was afterwards called , Sata-
dru , meaning ' running in a hundred streams, ' was
1 The history of these names has been treated by Professor Lassen,

in his Indische Alterthumskunde,' and more lately by Professor
Kaegi, in his very careful essay, ' Der Rig-veda, ' pp. 146, 147-
Ptol. vii. 1, 29.
Arrian, Iudica, viii. 5.
172 LECTURE V.
known to Ptolemy as Ζαδάρδης or Ζάραδρος ; Pliny

called it Sydrus ; and Megasthenes, too, was probably
acquainted with it as Zadapdns.
Ζαδάρδης. In the Veda¹ it
formed with the Vipâs the frontier of the Punjâb,
and we hear of fierce battles fought at that time, it
may be on the same spot where in 1846 the battle
of the Sutledge was fought by Sir Hugh Gough and
Sir Henry Hardinge. It was probably on the Vipâs
(later Vipâsâ), a north-western tributary of the Sut-
ledge , that Alexander's army turned back. The
river was then called Hyphasis ; Pliny calls it
Hypasis , a very fair approximation to the Vedic
Vipâs, which means ' unfettered.' Its modern name
is Bias or Bejah.
The next river on the west is the Vedic Parushnî,
better known as Irâvatî³ , which Strabo calls Hyar-
otis, while Arrian gives it a more Greek appearance
by calling it Hydraotes. It is the modern Rawi.
It was this river which the Ten Kings when attacking
the Tritsus under Sudâs tried to cross from the
west by cutting off its water. But their stratagem

failed, and they perished in the river (Rig-veda VII .
18 , 8-9).
We then come to the Asiknî, which means ' black .'
¹ Rig-veda III. 33 , 1 : ' From the lap of the mountains Vipâs and
Sutudrî rush forth with their water like two lusty mares neigh-
ing, freed from their tethers, like two bright mother-cows licking
(their calf).
"
Ordered by Indra and waiting his bidding you run toward the
sea like two charioteers ; running together, as your waters rise, the
one goes into the other, you bright ones.'
2 Other classical names are Hypanis, Bipasis, and Bibasis.
Yâska identifies it with the Argîkiyâ.
3 Cf. Nirukta IX. 26 .
That river had another name also, Kandrabhaga,

which means ' streak of the moon. ' The Greeks ,
however, pronounced that name Zavdapopȧyos, and
this had the unlucky meaning of the devourer of
Alexander.' Hesychius tells us that in order to avert
the bad omen Alexander changed the name of that
river into ' Akerivns, which would mean the Healer ; '
but he does not tell, what the Veda tells us, that
this name ' Akerivns was a Greek adaptation of another
name of the same river, namely Asikni, which had
evidently supplied to Alexander the idea of calling
the Asikni ' Axeσivns. It is the modern Chinâb.
Next to the Akesines we have the Vedic Vitastâ,
the last of the rivers of the Punjab, changed in Greek

into Hydaspes. It was to this river that Alexander
retired, before sending his fleet down the Indus and
leading his army back to Babylon. It is the modern
Behat or Jilam.
I could identify still more of these Vedic rivers,

such as, for instance, the Kubhâ, the Greek Cophen,
the modern Kâbul river¹ ; but the names which I have
1 The first tributaries which join the Indus before its meeting
with the Kubha or the Kabul river cannot be determined. All
travellers in these northern countries complain of the continual
changes in the names of the rivers, and we can hardly hope to
find traces of the Vedic names in existence there after the lapse of
three or four thousand years. The rivers intended may be the
Shauyook, Ladak, Abba Seen, and Burrindu, and one of the four
rivers, the Rasa, has assumed an almost fabulous character in the
Veda. After the Indus has joined the Kubhà or the Kabul river,
two names occur, the Gomati and Krumu, which I believe I was
the first to identify with the modern rivers the Gomal and Kurrum.
( Roth, Nirukta, Erläuterungen, p. 43 , Anm.) The Gomal falls
into the Indus, between Dera Ismael Khan and Paharpore, and
although Elphinstone calls it a river only during the rainy season,
174 LECTURE V.
traced from the Veda to Alexander, and in many

cases from Alexander again to our own time, seem to
me sufficient to impress upon us the real and his-
torical character of the Veda . Suppose the Veda
were a forgery- suppose at least that it had been
put together after the time of Alexander- how could
we explain these names ? They are names that have
mostly a meaning in Sanskrit, they are names corre-
sponding very closely to their Greek corruptions, as
pronounced and written down by people who did not
know Sanskrit. How is a forgery possible here ?
I selected this hymn for two reasons. First , because
it shows us the widest geographical horizon of the Vedic
poets, confined by the snowy mountains in the North,
the Indus and the range of the Suleiman mountains
in the West, the Indus or the sea in the South, and
the valley of the Jumna and Ganges in the East.
Beyond that, the world, though open, was unknown
to the Vedic poets. Secondly, because the same
hymn gives us also a kind of historical background
Klaproth (Foe-koue-ki, p. 23 ) describes its upper course as far

more considerable, and adds : “ Un peu à l'est de Sirmágha, le Gomal
traverse la chaîne de montagnes de Solimán, passe devant Raghzi,
et fertilise le pays habité par les tribus de Dauletkhail et de
Gandehpour. Il se dessèche au défilé de Pezou , et son lit ne se
remplit plus d'eau que dans la saison des pluies ; alors seulement il
rejoint la droite de l'Indus, au sud-est du bourg de Paharpour."
The Kurrum falls into the Indus North of the Gomal, while, ac-
cording to the poet, we should expect it South. It might be urged
that poets are not bound by the same rules as geographers, as we
see, for instance, in the verse immediately preceding. But if it
should be taken as a serious objection, it will be better to give up
the Gomati than the Krumu, the latter being the larger of the two,
and we might then take Gomati, " rich in cattle," as an adjective
belonging to Krumu.'-From a review of General Cunningham's
Ancient Geography of India,' in Nature, 1871 , Sept. 14.
to the Vedic age. These rivers, as we may see them

to-day, as they were seen by Alexander and his Mace-
donians , were seen also by the Vedic poets. Here

we have an historical continuity-almost living wit-
nesses, to tell us that the people whose songs have
been so strangely, aye, you may almost say, so mira-
culously preserved to us, were real people, lairds
with their clans, priests, or rather, servants of their
gods, shepherds with their flocks, dotted about on
the hills and valleys, with enclosures or palisades
here and there, with a few strongholds, too, in case
of need-living their short life on earth , as at that
time life might be lived by men, without much push-
ing and crowding and trampling on each other-
spring, summer, and winter leading them on from
year to year, and the sun in his rising and setting
lifting up their thoughts from their meadows and
groves which they loved, to a world in the East,
from which they had come, or to a world in the
West , to which they were gladly hastening on.
They had what I call religion, though it was very
simple, and hardly reduced as yet to the form
of a creed . There is a Beyond,' that was all
they felt and knew, though they tried, as well as
they could, to give names to that Beyond, and
thus to change religion into a religion . They had
not as yet a name for God- certainly not in our
sense of the word - or even a general name for the
gods ; but they invented name after name to enable
them to grasp and comprehend by some outward and
visible tokens powers whose presence they felt in
nature, though their true and full essence was to
them, as it is to us, invisible and incomprehensible.
VEDIC DEITIES .
LECTURE VI.
THE next important phenomenon of nature which

was represented in the Veda as a terrestrial deity
is Fire, in Sanskrit Agni, in Latin ignis. In the
worship which is paid to the Fire and in the
high praises bestowed on Agni we can clearly
perceive the traces of a period in the history
of man in which not only the most essential com-
forts of life, but life itself, depended on the know-
ledge of producing fire . To us fire has become so
familiar that we can hardly form an idea of what life
would be without it. But how did the ancient
dwellers on earth get command and possession of fire ?
The Vedic poets tell us that fire first came to them
from the sky, in the form of lightning, but that it
disappeared again, and that then Mâtarisvan, a being
to a certain extent like Prometheus, brought it back
and confided it to the safe keeping of the clan of the
Bhrigus (Phlegyas) ¹ . In other poems we hear of the
mystery of fire being produced by rubbing pieces of
wood ; and here it is a curious fact that the name of
the wood thus used for rubbing is in Sanskrit Pra-
mantha, a word which, as Kuhn has shown, would in
Greek come very near to the name of Prometheus. The
possession of fire, whether by preserving it as sacred on
1 Muir, iv. p. 209 .

VEDIC DEITIES. 177
the hearth, or by producing it at pleasure with the

fire-drill , represents an enormous step in early civilisa-
tion. It enabled people to cook their meat instead
of eating it raw ; it gave them the power of carrying
on their work by night ; and in colder climates it
really preserved them from being frozen to death .
No wonder, therefore, that the fire should have been
praised and worshipped as the best and kindest of
gods, the only god who had come down from heaven
to live on earth , the friend of man, the messenger of
the gods, the mediator between gods and men, the
immortal among mortals. He, it is said, protects
the settlements of the Aryans, and frightens away
the black- skinned enemies.
Soon, however, fire was conceived by the Vedic

poets under the more general character of light and
warmth, and then the presence of Agni was perceived ,
not only on the hearth and the altar, but in the Dawn,
in the Sun, and in the world beyond the Sun, while
at the same time his power was recognised as ripen-
ing, or as they called it, as cooking, the fruits of the
earth, and as supporting also the warmth and the
life of the human body. From that point of view
Agni, like other powers, rose to the rank of a Supreme
God '. He is said to have stretched out heaven and
earth- naturally, because without his light heaven
and earth would have been invisible and undistin-
guishable. The next poet says that Agni held

heaven aloft by his light, that he kept the two
worlds asunder ; and in the end Agni is said to be
the progenitor and father of heaven and earth, and
the maker of all that flies, or walks, or stands, or
moves on earth.
¹ Muir, iv. p. 214 .

N
178 LECTURE VI.
Here we have once more the same process before

our eyes. The human mind begins with being startled
by a single or repeated event, such as the lightning,
striking a tree and devouring a whole forest, or a
spark of fire breaking forth from wood being rubbed
against wood, whether in a forest, or in the wheel of
a carriage, or at last in a fire-drill, devised on purpose.
Man then begins to wonder at what to him is a
miracle , none the less so because it is a fact, a simple,
natural fact. He sees the effects of a power, but he
can only guess at its cause, and if he is to speak of
it, he can only do so by speaking of it as an agent, or
as something like a human agent, and, if in some re-
spects not quite human, in others more than human
or super-human. Thus the concept of Fire grew, and
while it became more and more generalised , it also
became more sublime, more incomprehensible, more
divine . Without Agni, without fire, light, and warmth,
life would have been impossible. Hence he became
the author and giver of life , of the life of plants and
animals and of men ; and his favour having once been
implored for ' light and life and all things,' what
wonder that in the minds of some poets, and in the
traditions of this or that village community, he should
have been raised to the rank of a supreme ruler, a god
above all gods, their own true god !
We now proceed to consider the powers which the

ancient roets might have discovered in the air, in
the clouds, and, more particularly, in those meteoric
conflicts which by thunder, lightning, darkness ,
storms, and showers of rain must have taught man
that very important lesson that he was not alone in
this world. Many philosophers, as you know, believe
VEDIC DEITIES. 179
that all religion arose from fear or terror, and that

without thunder and lightning to teach us, we should
never have believed in any gods or god . This is a
one-sided and exaggerated view. Thunderstorms, no
doubt, had a large share in arousing feelings of awe
and terror, and in making man conscious of his weak-
ness and dependence. Even in the Veda Indra is
introduced as saying : ' Yes, when I send thunder and

lightning, then you believe in me.' But what we
call religion would never have sprung from fear and
terror alone. Religion is trust, and that trust arose
in the beginning from the impressions made on the
mind and heart of man by the order and wisdom of
nature, and more particularly, by those regularly re-
curring events, the return of the sun, the revival of
the moon, the order of the seasons, the law of cause
and effect, gradually discovered in all things, and
traced back in the end to a cause of all causes, by
whatever name we choose to call it.
Still, the meteoric phenomena had, no doubt, their

important share in the production of ancient deities ;
and in the poems of the Vedic Rishis they naturally
occupy a very prominent place. If we were asked
who was the principal god of the Vedic period, we
should probably, judging from the remains of that
poetry which we possess, say it was Indra, the god
of the blue sky, the Indian Zeus, the gatherer of the
clouds , the giver of rain, the wielder of the thunder-
bolt, the conqueror of darkness and of all the powers
of darkness , the bringer of light, the source of fresh-
ness , vigour, and life, the ruler and lord of the whole
world. Indra is this, and much more in the Veda.
He is supreme in the hymns of many poets, and may
have been so in the prayers addressed to him by
N 2
180 LECTURE VI .
many of the ancient septs or village communities in

India. Compared with him the other gods are said
to be decrepit old men . Heaven , the old Heaven or
Dyaus, formerly the father of all the gods, nay the
father of Indra himself, bows before him, and the
Earth trembles at his approach. Yet Indra never
commanded the permanent allegiance of all the other
gods, like Zeus and Jupiter ; nay, we know from the
Veda itself that there were sceptics, even at that
early time, who denied that there was any such thing
as Indra ¹.
By the side of Indra, and associated with him

in his battles, and sometimes hardly distinguish-
able from him, we find the representatives of the
wind, called Vâta or Vâyu, and the more terrible
Storm-gods, the Maruts, literally the Smashers.
When speaking of the Wind, a poet says 2 : Where
was he born ? Whence did he spring ? the life of the

gods, the germ of the world ! That god moves about
where he listeth, his voices are heard, but he is not
to be seen.'
The Maruts are more terrible than Vâta, the wind.

They are clearly the representatives of such storms as
are known in India, when the air is darkened by dust
and clouds, when in a moment the trees are stripped
of their foliage, their branches shivered , their stems
snapped, when the earth seems to reel and the moun-
tains to shake, and the rivers are lashed into foam and
fury. Then the poet sees the Maruts approaching

with golden helmets, with spotted skins on their
shoulders, brandishing golden spears, whirling their
axes, shooting fiery arrows , and cracking their whips
amidst thunder and lightning. They are the comrades
¹ Hibbert Lectures , p . 307 . 2 X. 168 , 3 , 4.
VEDIC. DEITIES. 181
of Indra, sometimes, like Indra, the sons of Dyaus or the

sky, but also the sons of another terrible god, called
Rudra, or the Howler, a fighting god, to whom
many hymns are addressed. In him a new character
is evolved, that of a healer and saviour, -a very
natural transition in India, where nothing is so
powerful for dispelling miasmas, restoring health , and

imparting fresh vigour to man and beast, as a thunder-
storm , following after weeks of heat and drought.
All these and several others, such as Parganya and
the Ribhus, are the gods of mid-air, the most active
and dramatic gods, ever present to the fancy of the
ancient poets, and in several cases the prototypes
of later heroes, celebrated in the epic poems of India.
In battles, more particularly, these fighting gods of
the sky were constantly invoked¹. Indra is the
leader in battles, the protector of the bright Aryans,
the destroyer of the black aboriginal inhabitants of
India. He has thrown down fifty thousand black
fellows, the poet says, ' and their strongholds crumbled
away like an old rag .' Strange to say, Indra is
praised for having saved his people from their ene-
mies, much as Jehovah was praised by the Jewish
prophets. Thus we read in one hymn that when
Sudas, the pious king of the Tritsus, was pressed
hard in his battle with the ten kings, Indra changed
the flood into an easy ford, and thus saved Sudas.
In another hymn we read 2 ; Thou hast restrained
the great river for the sake of Turviti Vâyya : the
flood moved in obedience to thee, and thou madest
the rivers easy to cross. ' This is not very different
from the Psalmist ( lxxviii. 13 ) : He divided the
1 See Kaegi, Rig-veda, p . 61 .

Rig-veda II. 13 , 12 ; IV. 19, 6.
182 LECTURE VI.
sea, and caused them to pass through ; and he made

the waters to stand as an heap.'
And there are other passages which have reminded
some students of the Veda of Joshua's battle ' , when
the sun stood still and the moon stayed, until the
people had avenged themselves upon their enemies.
For we read in the Veda also, as Professor Kaegi
has pointed out ( 1.c. p . 63) , that ' Indra lengthened
the days into the night,' and that ' the Sun unhar-
nessed its chariot in the middle of the day ??
In some of the hymns addressed to Indra his
original connection with the sky and the thunder-
storm seems quite forgotten. He has become a
spiritual god, the only king of all worlds and all
people , who sees and hears everything , nay, who
inspires men with their best thoughts . No one is
equal to him, no one excels him.
The name of Indra is peculiar to India, and must

have been formed after the separation of the great
Aryan family had taken place, for we find it neither
in Greek, nor in Latin , nor in German. There are Vedic
gods, as I mentioned before, whose names must have
been framed before that separation , and which occur
therefore, though greatly modified in character, some-
times in Greek, sometimes in Latin, sometimes in the
Celtic, Teutonic, and Slavonic dialects. Dyaus, for
instance, is the same word as Zeus or Ju-piter, Ushas
is Eos , Naktâ is Nyx, Sûrya is Helios, Agni is ignis,
Bhaga is Baga in Old Persian, Bogu in Old Slavonic,
Varuna is Uranos , Vâta is Wotan, Vâk is vox, and
in the name of the Maruts, or the storm-gods, the
germs of the Italic god of war, Mars, have been dis-
1 Joshua x. 13. 2 Rig-veda IV. 30, 3 ; X. 138 , 3.

3 L. c. VIII. 37 , 3 . • L. c. VIII . 78, 5 .
VEDIC DEITIES. 183
covered . Besides these direct coincidences, some

indirect relations have been established between
Hermes and Sârameya, Dionysos and Dyunisya,

Prometheus and pramantha, Orpheus and Ribhu,
Erinnys and Saranyu, Pân and Pavana.
But while the name of Indra as the god of the
sky, also as the god of the thunderstorm, and the
giver of rain, is unknown among the North-western
members of the Aryan family, the name of another
god who sometimes acts the part of Indra ( Indrah
Parganyâtma) , but is much less prominent in the
Veda, I mean Parganya, must have existed before
that of Indra, because two at least of the Aryan
languages have carried it , as we shall see, to Ger-
many, and to the very shores of the Baltic.
Sometimes this Parganya stands in the place of Dy-

aus, the sky. Thus we read in the Atharva-veda, XII.
1 , 12¹ : ' The Earth is the mother, and I am the son of
the Earth. Parganya is the father ; may he help us !'
In another place ( XII . 1 , 42 ) the Earth, instead of
being the wife of Heaven or Dyaus, is called the wife
of Parganya.
Now who or what is this Parganya ? There have
been long controversies about him , as to whether
he is the same as Dyaus, Heaven, or the same as
Indra, the successor of Dyaus, whether he is the god
of the sky, of the cloud, or of the rain.
To me it seems that this very expression, god of
the sky, god of the cloud, is so entire an anachron-
ism that we could not even translate it into Vedic
Sanskrit without committing a solecism . It is true,
Muir, iv. p. 23.

2
Ibid . p. 142. An excellent paper on Parganya was published
by Bühler in 1862 , ' Orient und Occident,' vol. i. p. 214.
184 LECTURE VI.
no doubt, we must use our modern ways of speaking

when we wish to represent the thoughts of the ancient
world ; but we cannot be too much on our guard
against accepting the dictionary representative of an
ancient word for its real counterpart. Deva, no doubt,
means ' gods ' and ' god, ' and Parganya means ' cloud ,'
but no one could say in Sanskrit parganyasya
devah, 'the god of the cloud. ' The god, or the divine
or transcendental element, does not come from without,
to be added to the cloud or to the sky or to the earth ,
but it springs from the cloud and the sky and the
earth , and is slowly elaborated into an independent
concept. As many words in ancient languages have
an undefined meaning, and lend themselves to various
purposes according to the various intentions of the
speakers, the names of the gods also share in this
elastic and plastic character of ancient speech. There
are passages where Parganya means cloud, there are
passages where it means rain. There are passages
where Parganya takes the place which elsewhere is
filled by Dyaus, the sky, or by Indra, the active god of
the atmosphere. This may seem very wrong and very
unscientific to the scientific mythologist. But it cannot
be helped . It is the nature of ancient thought and
ancient language to be unscientific, and we must
learn to master it as well as we can, instead of
finding fault with it, and complaining that our fore-

fathers did not reason exactly as we do.
There are passages in the Vedic hymns where Par-
ganya appears as a supreme god. He is called
father, like Dyaus, the sky. He is called asura, the
living or life-giving god, a name peculiar to the oldest
and the greatest gods. One poet says¹ , ' He rules
1 Rig-veda VII. 101 , 6.

VEDIC DEITIES . 185
as god over the whole world ; all creatures rest in

him ; he is the life (âtmâ) of all that moves and
rests .'
Surely it is difficult to say more of a supreme god

than what is here said of Parganya. Yet in other
hymns he is represented as performing his office,
namely that of sending rain upon the earth, under
the control of Mitra and Varuna, who are then con-
sidered as the highest lords, the mightiest rulers of
heaven and earth '.
There are other verses, again, where parganya
occurs with hardly any traces of personality, but

simply as a name of cloud or rain.
Thus we read : Even by day the Maruts (the
storm-gods) produce darkness with the cloud that
carries water, when they moisten the earth.' Here
cloud is parganya, and it is evidently used as an
appellative, and not as a proper name. The same
word occurs in the plural also, and we read of many
parganyas or clouds vivifying the earth .
When Devâpi prays for rain in favour of his brother,
he says : O lord of my prayer (Brihaspati), whether
thou be Mitra or Varuna or Pûshan, come to my
sacrifice ! Whether thou be together with the Adi-

tyas, the Vasus or the Maruts, let the cloud (par-
ganya) rain for Santanu.'
And again : Stir up the rainy cloud ' (parganya).

In several places it makes no difference whether we
translate parganya by cloud or by rain, for those who
pray for rain, pray for the cloud, and whatever may be
the benefits of the rain , they may nearly all be called
Rig-veda V. 63, 3-6. L. c. I. 38, 9.

3³ L. c. I. 164 , 51 . L. c. X. 98, 1.
186 LECTURE VI.
the benefits of the cloud. There is a curious hymn,

for instance, addressed to the frogs who, at the be-
ginning of the rains, come forth from the dry ponds,
and embrace each other and chatter together, and
whom the poet compares to priests singing at a
sacrifice, a not very complimentary remark from a
poet who is himself supposed to have been a priest.
Their voice is said to have been revived by parganya,
which we shall naturally translate by rain,' though,

no doubt, the poet may have meant, for all we know,
either a cloud, or even the god Parganya himself.
I shall try to translate one of the hymns addressed
to Parganya, when conceived as a god, or at least as so
much of a god as it was possible to be at that stage
in the intellectual growth of the human race¹.
1. ' Invoke the strong god with these songs ! praise
Parganya, worship him with veneration ! for he, the
roaring bull, scattering drops, gives seed-fruit to
plants.
2. ' He cuts the trees asunder, he kills evil spirits ;
the whole world trembles before his mighty weapon.
Even the guiltless flees before the powerful, when

Parganya thundering strikes down the evil-doers.
3. ‘ Like a charioteer, striking his horses with a
whip, he puts forth his messengers of rain. From
afar arise the roarings of the lion, when Parganya
makes the sky full of rain .
2
4. The winds blow, the lightnings fly, plants
spring up, the sky pours . Food is produced for the
¹ Rig-veda V. 83. See Bühler, Orient und Occident, vol. i.

p. 214 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p . 43 .
2 Both Bühler (Orient und Occident, vol. i. p . 224) and Zimmer
(Z. f. D. A. vii. p. 169 ) say that the lightning is represented as the
son of Parganya in Rig-veda VII. 101 , 1. This seems doubtful.
VEDIC DEITIES. 187
whole world, when Parganya blesses the earth with

his seed.
5. O Parganya, thou at whose work the earth
bows down, thou at whose work hoofed animals are
scattered, thou at whose work the plants assume all
forms, grant thou to us thy great protection !
6. O Maruts, give us the rain of heaven, make
the streams of the strong horse run down ! And come
thou hither with thy thunder, pouring out water,
for thou (O Parganya) art the living god, thou art
our father.
7. ' Do thou roar, and thunder, and give fruitfulness !

Fly around us with thy chariot full of water ! Draw
forth thy water-skin, when it has been opened and
turned downward, and let the high and the low
places become level !
8. Draw up the large bucket, and pour it out ; let
the streams pour forth freely ! Soak heaven and
earth with fatness ! and let there be a good draught
for the cows !
9. O Parganya, when roaring and thundering

thou killest the evildoers, then everything rejoices,
whatever lives on earth.
10. Thou hast sent rain, stop now ! Thou hast

made the deserts passable, thou hast made plants
grow for food , and thou hast obtained praise from
men.'
This is a Vedic hymn, and a very fair specimen of

what these ancient hymns are . There is nothing
very grand and poetical about them, and yet, I say,

take thousands and thousands of people living in our
villages, and depending on rain for their very life,
and not many of them will be able to compose such a
prayer for rain, even though three thousand years have
188 LECTURE VI.
passed over our heads since Parganya was first in-

voked in India. Nor are these verses entirely without
poetical conceptions and descriptions. Whoever has
watched a real thunderstorm in a hot climate, will
recognise the truth of those quick sentences, the
winds blow, the lightnings fly, plants spring up, the
hoofed cattle are scattered.' Nor is the idea without
a certain drastic reality, that Parganya draws a bucket

of water from his well in heaven, and pours out skin
after skin (in which water was then carried) down
upon the earth.
There is even a moral sentiment perceptible in this

"
hymn. When the storms roar and the lightnings
flash and the rain pours down, even the guiltless
trembles , and evildoers are struck down .' Here we
clearly see that the poet did not look upon the storm
simply as an outbreak of the violence of nature, but

that he had a presentiment of a higher will and
power which even the guiltless fears ; for who, he
seems to say, is entirely free from guilt ?
If now we ask again, Who is Parganya ? or What is
Parganya ? we can answer that parganya was meant
originally for the cloud, so far as it gives rain ; but
as soon as the idea of a giver arose, the visible cloud
became the outward appearance only, or the body of
that giver, and the giver himself was somewhere else ,
we know not where. In some verses Parganya seems
to step into the place of Dyaus, the sky, and Prithivî,
the earth, is his wife. In other places ¹ , however, he
is the son of Dyaus or the sky, though no thought
is given in that early stage to the fact that thus
Parganya might seem to be the husband of his
1
Rig-veda VII. 102 , I.
VEDIC DEITIES . 189
mother. We saw that even the idea of Indra being

the father of his own father did not startle the
ancient poets beyond an exclamation that it was a

very wonderful thing indeed.
Sometimes Parganya does the work of Indra ' , the

Jupiter Pluvius of the Veda ; sometimes of Vâyu, the
wind, sometimes of Soma, the giver of rain. Yet
with all this he is not Dyaus, nor Indra, nor the
Maruts, nor Vâyu, nor Soma. He stands by himself,
a separate person, a separate god, as we should say—
nay, one of the oldest of all the Aryan gods.
His name, parganya, is derived from a root parg,
which, like its parallel forms pars and parsh, must
(I think) have had the meaning of sprinkling, irri-
gating, moistening. An interchange between final g,
8, and sh may, no doubt, seem unusual, but it is not
without parallel in Sanskrit. We have, for instance,
the roots ping, pingere ; pish, to rub ; pis, to adorn
(as in pesas, Tokiλos, &c.) ; mrig, to rub, mrish, to
rub out, to forget ; mris, mulcere.
This very root mrig forms its participle as mrish-ta,
like yag, ishta, and vis, vishta ; nay there are roots,
such as druh, which optionally take a final lingual or
guttural, such as dhrut and dhruk .
We may therefore compare parg in parganya with
such words as prishata, prishati , speckled, drop of
water ; also parsu, cloud, prisni , speckled , cloud,
earth ; and in Greek pó ( w) , Teркvós, etc. *
1 Rig-veda VIII. 6, 1 .
* See Max Muller, Sanskrit Grammar, § 174 , 10.
Cf. Gobh. Gribya S. III . 3 , 15, vidyut-stanayitnu-prishiteshu .
Uggvaladatta, in his commentary on the Unadi- sutras, iii. 103,
admits the same transition of sh into g in the verb prish, as the
etymon of parganya.
190 LECTURE VI.
If derived from parg, to sprinkle, Parganya would

have meant originally ' he who irrigates or gives rain '.'
When the different members of the Aryan family
dispersed, they might all of them, Hindus as well as
Greeks and Celts , and Teutons and Slaves, have
carried that name for cloud with them. But you
know that it happened very often that out of the
common wealth of their ancient language, one and the
same word was preserved , as the case might be, not
by all, but by only six, or five, or four, or three, or
two , or even by one only of the seven principal heirs ;
and yet, as we know that there was no historical
contact between them, after they had once parted
from each other , long before the beginning of what
we call history, the fact that two of the Aryan lan-
guages have preserved the same finished word with
the same finished meaning, is proof sufficient that

it belonged to the most ancient treasure of Aryan
thought.
Now there is no trace, at least no very clear trace,
of Parganya, in Greek or Latin or Celtic, or even in
Teutonic. In Slavonic, too, we look in vain, till we
come to that almost forgotten side-branch called the
Lettic, comprising the spoken Lituanian and Lettish,
and the now extinct Old Prussian . Lituania is no
longer an independent state, but it was once, not

more than six centuries ago, a Grand Duchy, inde-
pendent both of Russia and Poland . Its first Grand
Duke was Ringold, who ruled from 1235 , and his
successors made successful conquests against the
1 For different etymologies, see Bühler, Orient und Occident, i.

p. 214 ; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, v. p. 140 ; Grassmann, in his
Dictionary to the Rig-veda, s . v.; Zimmer, Zeitschrift für Deutsches
Alterthum, Neue Folge, vii. p. 164.
VEDIC DEITIES. 191
Russians . In 1368 these grand dukes became kings

of Poland, and in 1569 the two countries were united.
When Poland was divided between Russia and Prussia,
part of Lituania fell to the former, part to the latter.
There are still about one million and a half of people
who speak Lituanian in Russia and Prussia, while
Lettish is spoken by about one million in Curland
and Livonia.
The Lituanian language, even as it is now spoken
by the common people, contains some extremely
primitive grammatical forms - in some cases almost
identical with Sanskrit. These forms are all the
more curious, because they are but few in number,
and the rest of the language has suffered much from
the wear and tear of centuries .
Now in that remote Lituanian language we find
that our old friend Parganya has taken refuge.
There he lives to the present day, while even in
India he is almost forgotten, at least in the spoken
languages ; and there, in Lituania, not many cen-
turies back might be heard among a Christianised
or nearly Christianised people, prayers for rain, not
very different from that which I translated to you
from the Rig-veda. In Lituanian the god of thunder
was called Perkúnas , and the same word is still
used in the sense of thunder. In Old Prussian ,
thunder was percunos, and in Lettish to the present
day pérkons is thunder, god of thunder2.
In order to identify Perkunas with parganya, we must go

another step backward, and look upon g or g, in the root parg, as a
weakening of an original k in park. This, however, is a frequent
phonetic process. See Bühler, in Benfey's Orient und Occident,
ii. p. 717.
Lituanian perkun-kulke, thunder-bolt, perkuno gaisis, storm.
See Voelkel, Die lettischen Sprachreste, 1879. p. 23.
192 LECTURE VI.
It was, I believe, Grimm who for the first time
identified the Vedic Parganya with the Old Slavonic

Perûn, the Polish Piorun , the Bohemian Peraun.
These words had formerly been derived by Dobrowsky
and others from the root peru , I strike. Grimm
(Teutonic Mythology, Engl . transl. , p . 171 ) showed
that the fuller forms Perkunas, Pehrkons , and Per-
kunos existed in Lituanian, Lettish, Old Prussian,
and that even the Mordvinians had adopted the
name Porguini as that of their thunder-god.
Simon Grunau, who finished his chronicle in 1521 ,
speaks of three gods, as worshipped by the Old Prus-
sians, Patollo , Patrimpo , and Perkuno , and he states
that Perkuno was invoked for storm's sake, that they
might have rain and fair weather at the proper time,
and thunder and lightning should not injure them '.'
The following Lituanian prayer has been preserved
to us by Lasitzki 2 :
'Check thyself, O Percuna, and do not send mis-
fortune on my field ! and I shall give thee this flitch .'
Among the neighbours of the Lets, the Esthonians,
who, though un- Aryan in language, have evidently
learnt much from their Aryan neighbours, the follow-
ing prayer was heard ³, addressed by an old peasant
1
' Perkuno, war der dritte Abgot und man in anruffte umbs
gewitters willen, domit sie Regen hatten und schon wetter zu
seiner Zeit, und in der Donner und blix kein schaden thett.' Cf.
' Gottesides bei den alten Preussen,' Berlin, 1870, p. 23. The triad
of the gods is called Triburti, Tryboze ; 1. c. p. 29.
2 Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, p. 175 ; and Lasitzki (Lasicius)
Joannes, De Russorum, Moscovitarum et Tartarorum religione,
sacrificiis, nuptiarum et funerum ritu , Spiræ Nemetum, 1582 ; idem,
De Diis Samagitarum.
3 Grimm, 1.c. p. 176, quoting from Joh. Gutslaff, Kurzer Bericht
und Unterricht von der falsch heilig genandten bäche in Liefland
Wöhhanda, Dorpat, 1644, pp. 362-364.
VEDIC DEITIES. 193
to their god Picker or Picken, the god of thunder and

rain, as late as the seventeenth century ¹ :
Dear Thunder (woda Picker), we offer to thee an
ox that has two horns and four cloven hoofs ; we
would pray thee for our ploughing and sowing, that
our straw be copper-red, our grain golden-yellow.
Push elsewhere all the thick black clouds, over
great fens, high forests, and wildernesses. But unto
us, ploughers and sowers, give a fruitful season and
sweet rain. Holy Thunder (pöha Picken), guard our
seed-field, that it bear good straw below, good ears
above, and good grain within .'
Now, I say again, I do not wish you to admire
this primitive poetry, primitive, whether it is repeated
in the Esthonian fens in the seventeenth century of
our era, or sung in the valley of the Indus in the
seventeenth century before our era. Let æsthetic
critics say what they like about these uncouth poems.
I only ask you, Is it not worth a great many poems ,
to have established this fact, that the same god
Parganya, the god of clouds and thunder and light-
ning and rain, who was invoked in India a thousand
years before India was discovered by Alexander,
should have been remembered and believed in by
Lituanian peasants on the frontier between East
Prussia and Russia, not more than two hundred
years ago, and should have retained its old name
Parganya, which in Sanskrit meant ' showering,' under

the form of Perkuna, which in Lituanian is a name
and a name only, without any etymological meaning at

all ; nay, should live on, as some scholars assure us,
In modern Esthonian Pitkne, the Finnish Pitcainen (?).

On foreign influences in Esthonian stories, see Ehstnische
Marchen, von T. Kreutzwald, 1869 , Vorwort (by Schiefner), p. iv.
194 LECTURE VI.
in an abbreviated form in most Slavonic dialects,

namely, in Old Slavonic as Perun, in Polish as Piorun,
in Bohemian as Peraun, all meaning thunder or
thunder-storm¹ ?
Such facts strike me as if we saw the blood
suddenly beginning to flow again through the veins
of old mummies ; or as if the Egyptian statues of
black granite were suddenly to begin to speak again.
Touched by the rays of modern science the old words—
call them mummies or statues- begin indeed to live
again, the old names of gods and heroes begin indeed
to speak again. All that is old becomes new, all that
is new becomes old, and that one word, Parganya,
seems, like a charm, to open before our eyes the cave
or cottage in which the fathers of the Aryan race , our
own fathers, -whether we live on the Baltic or on the
Indian Ocean, are seen gathered together, taking
refuge from the buckets of Parganya, and saying :
' Stop now, Parganya ; thou hast sent rain ; thou hast
made the deserts passable, and hast made the plants
to grow ; and thou hast obtained praise from man.'
We have still to consider the third class of gods, in

addition to the gods of the earth and the sky, namely
the gods of the highest heaven , more serene in their
character than the active and fighting gods of the air
and the clouds, and more remote from the eyes of
man, and therefore more mysterious in the exercise

of their power than the gods of the earth or the air.
The principal deity is here no doubt the bright
sky itself, the old Dyaus, worshipped as we know
by the Aryans before they broke up into separate
people and languages, and surviving in Greece as
1 Note I.
VEDIC DEITIES. 195
Zeus , in Italy as Jupiter, Heaven-father, and among

the Teutonic tribes as Tŷr and Tiu. In the Veda we
saw him chiefly invoked in connection with the earth,
as Dyâvâ-prithivi, Heaven and Earth . He is invoked
by himself also, but he is a vanishing god, and his
place is taken in most of the Vedic poems by the
younger and more active god, Indra.
Another representative of the highest heaven , as
covering, embracing, and shielding all things , is Var-
una, a name derived from the root var, to cover, and
identical with the Greek Ouranos. This god is one
of the most interesting creations of the Hindu mind,
because though we can still perceive the physical
background from which he rises, the vast, starry,
brilliant expanse above, his features, more than those
of any of the Vedic gods, have become completely
transfigured, and he stands before us as a god who
watches over the world, punishes the evil-doer, and
even forgives the sins of those who implore his pardon .
I shall read you one of the hymns addressed to
him¹ :
' Let us be blessed in thy service, O Varuna, for

we always think of thee and praise thee, greeting
thee day by day, like the fires lighted on the altar,
at the approach of the rich dawns.' 2 .
' O Varuna, our guide, let us stand in thy keeping,
thou who art rich in heroes and praised far and
wide ! And you, unconquered sons of Aditi, deign
to accept us as your friends, O gods !' 3.
Aditya, the ruler, sent forth these rivers ; they
follow the law of Varuna. They tire not , they cease
not ; like birds they fly quickly everywhere.' 4 .
1 Rig-veda II. 28.

0 2
196 LECTURE VI .
'Take from me my sin, like a fetter, and we shall

increase, O Varuna, the spring of thy law. Let not
the thread be cut while I weave my song ! Let not
the form of the workman break before the time !' 5.
Take far away from me this terror, O Varuna !
Thou , O righteous king, have mercy on me ! Like
as a rope from a calf, remove from me my sin ;
for away from thee I am not master even of the
twinkling of an eye.' 6.
' Do not strike us, Varuna, with weapons which at
thy will hurt the evil-doer. Let us not go where the
light has vanished ! Scatter our enemies, that we
may live.' 7.
'We did formerly, O Varuna, and do now, and

shall in future also, sing praises to thee, O mighty
one ! For on thee, unconquerable hero, rest all
statutes, immovable, as if established on a rock .' 8.
'Move far away from me all self- committed guilt ,

and may I not, O king, suffer for what others have
committed ! Many dawns have not yet dawned ;
grant us to live in them, O Varuna.' 9.
You may have observed that in several verses of
this hymn Varuna was called Âditya, or son of Aditi .
Now Aditi means infinitude, from dita , bound, and a,
not, that is , not bound, not limited, absolute, infinite,
Aditi itself is now and then invoked in the Veda, as
the Beyond, as what is beyond the earth and the

sky, and the sun and the dawn- a most surprising
conception in that early period of religious thought .
More frequently, however, than Aditi, we meet with
the Adityas, literally the sons of Aditi, or the gods
beyond the visible earth and sky,-in one sense, the
infinite gods. One of them is Varuna, others Mitra
and Aryaman (Bhaga, Daksha, Amsa), most of them
VEDIC DEITIES. 197
abstract names, though pointing to heaven and the

solar light of heaven as their first, though almost
forgotten source.
When Mitra and Varuna are invoked together, we
can still perceive dimly that they were meant

originally for day and night, light and darkness .
But in their more personal and so to say dramatic
aspect, day and night appear in the Vedic mythology
as the two Asvins, the two horsemen.
Aditi, too, the infinite, still shows a few traces of
her being originally connected with the boundless
Dawn ; but again, in her more personal and dramatic
character, the Dawn is praised by the Vedic poets as
Ushas, the Greek Eos, the beautiful maid of the
morning, loved by the Asvins, loved by the sun, but
vanishing before him at the very moment when he
tries to embrace her with his golden rays . The sun
himself, whom we saw reflected several times before
in some of the divine personifications of the air and

the sky and even of the earth, appears once more in
his full personality, as the sun of the sky, under the
names of Surya (Helios) , Savitri, Pûshan, and Vishnu,
and many more.
You see from all this how great a mistake it
would be to attempt to reduce the whole of Aryan
mythology to solar concepts, and to solar concepts
only. We have seen how largely the earth, the air,
and the sky have each contributed their share to the
earliest religious and mythological treasury of the
Vedic Aryans. Nevertheless, the Sun occupied in
that ancient collection of Aryan thought, which we
call Mythology, the same central and commanding
position which, under different names, it still holds
in our own thoughts.

198 LECTURE VI.
What we call the Morning, the ancient Aryans called

the Sun or the Dawn ; and there is no solemnity
so deep to a rightly thinking creature as that of
the Dawn.' (These are not my words, but the words
of one of our greatest poets, one of the truest
worshippers of Nature-John Ruskin. ) What we
call Noon, and Evening, and Night, what we call

Spring and Winter, what we call Year, and Time,
and Life, and Eternity-all this the ancient Aryans
called Sun. And yet wise people wonder and say,
how curious that the ancient Aryans should have
had so many solar myths. Why, every time we
say 'Good Morning, ' we commit a solar myth. Every
poet who sings about the May driving the Winter
from the field again ' commits a solar myth. Every
' Christmas Number ' of our newspapers -ringing out
the old year and ringing in the new-is brimfull of
solar myths. Be not afraid of solar myths, but when-
ever in ancient mythology you meet with a name
that, according to the strictest phonetic rules (for
this is a sine qua non) , can be traced back to a
word meaning sun, or dawn, or morning, or night,
or spring or winter, accept it for what it was meant
to be, and do not be greatly surprised, if a story told
of a solar eponymos was originally a solar myth.
No one has more strongly protested against the ex-
travagances of Comparative Mythologists in changing
everything into solar legends, than I have ; but if
I read some of the arguments brought forward against
this new science, I confess they remind me of nothing
so much as of the arguments brought forward, centuries
ago, against the existence of Antipodes ! People then
appealed to what is called Common Sense, which
ought to teach everybody that Antipodes could not
VEDIC DEITIES. 199
possibly exist, because they would tumble off. The

best answer that astronomers could give, was, ' Go
and see .' And I can give no better answer to those
learned sceptics who try to ridicule the Science of
Comparative Mythology -' Go and see ! ' that is, go
and read the Veda, and before you have finished the
first Mandala, I can promise you, you will no longer
shake your wise heads at solar myths , whether in
India, or in Greece, or in Italy, or even in England,
where we see so little of the sun, and talk all the
more about the weather- that is, about a solar myth.
We have thus seen from the hymns and prayers
preserved to us in the Rig-veda, how a large number

of so-called Devas, bright and sunny beings, or gods,
were called into existence, how the whole world was
peopled with them, and every act of nature, whether
on the earth or in the air or in the highest heaven,
ascribed to their agency. When we say, it thunders,
they said Indra thunders ; when we say, it rains, they
said Parganya pours out his buckets ; when we say,
it dawns, they said the beautiful Ushas appears like
a dancer, displaying her splendour ; when we say,
it grows dark, they said Sûrya unharnesses his steeds .
The whole of nature was alive to the poets of the

Veda, the presence of the gods was felt everywhere ,
and in that sentiment of the presence of the gods
there was a germ of religious morality, sufficiently
strong, it would seem, to restrain people from com-
mitting as it were before the eyes of their gods what
they were ashamed to commit before the eyes of men.
When speaking of Varuna, the old god of the sky,
one poet says¹ :
Varuna, the great lord of these worlds , sees as
1 Atharva-veda IV. 16.
200 LECTURE VI.
if he were near. If a man stands or walks or hides,

if he goes to lie down or to get up, what two people
sitting together whisper to each other, King Varuna
knows it, he is there as the third ' . This earth, too,
belongs to Varuna , the King, and this wide sky with
its ends far apart. The two seas (the sky and the
ocean) are Varuna's loins ; he is also contained in
this small drop of water. He who should flee far
beyond the sky, even he would not be rid of Varuna ,
the King . His spies proceed from heaven towards
this world ; with thousand eyes they overlook this
earth. King Varuna sees all this, what is between
heaven and earth, and what is beyond . He has
counted the twinklings of the eyes of men. As a
player throws down the dice, he settles all things
(irrevocably). May all thy fatal snares which stand
spread out seven by seven and threefold , catch the
man who tells a lie, may they pass by him who speaks
the truth .'
You see this is as beautiful, and in some respects
as true, as anything in the Psalms. And yet we

know that there never was such a Deva, or god, or
such a thing as Varuna. We know it is a mere

name, meaning originally ' covering or all-embracing,'
which was applied to the visible starry sky, and
afterwards, by a process perfectly intelligible, de-
veloped into the name of a Being, endowed with
human and superhuman qualities .
1 Psalm cxxxix. 1 , 2 , ' O Lord, thou hast searched me and known

me. Thou knowest my downsitting and mine uprising, thou under-
standest my thought afar off.'
2 Psalm cxxxix. 9, ' If I take the wings of the morning, and dwell
in the uttermost parts of the sea ; even there shall thy hand lead me,
and thy right hand shall hold me.'
VEDIC DEITIES. 201
And what applies to Varuna applies to all the

other gods of the Veda and the Vedic religion, whether
three in number, or thirty-three, or, as one poet said ,
three thousand three hundred and thirty- nine gods '.'
They are all but names, quite as much as Jupiter

and Apollo and Minerva ; in fact, quite as much as
all the gods of every religion who are called by such
appellative titles.
Possibly, if any one had said this during the Vedic
age in India, or even during the Periklean age in
Greece, he would have been called, like Sokrates, a
blasphemer or an atheist . And yet nothing can be
clearer or truer, and we shall see that some of the
poets ofthe Veda too, and, still more, the later Vedantic
philosopher, had a clear insight that it was so.
Only let us be careful in the use of that phrase
it is a mere name.' No name is a mere name.
Every name was originally meant for something ;

only it often failed to express what it was meant to
express, and then became a weak or an empty name,
or what we then call a mere name.' So it was with
these names of the Vedic gods. They were all meant

to express the Beyond, the Inyisible behind the
Visible, the Infinite within the Finite, the Super-
natural above the Natural, the Divine, omnipresent ,
and omnipotent. They failed in expressing what, by

its very nature, must always remain inexpressible.
But that Inexpressible itself remained, and in spite of
all these failures, it never succumbed , or vanished from
the mind of the ancient thinkers and poets, but
always called for new and better names, nay calls for
them even now, and will call for them to the very
end of man's existence upon earth.
¹ Rig-veda III. 9 , 9 ; X. 52, 6 .

VEDA AND VEDANTA.
LECTURE VII.
I Do not wonder that I should have been asked by

some of my hearers to devote part of my last lecture
to answering the question, how the Vedic literature
could have been composed and preserved, if writing
was unknown in India before 500 B. C., while the
hymns of the Rig-veda are said to date from 1500 B.C.
Classical scholars naturally ask what is the date of
our oldest MSS . of the Rig-veda, and what is the
evidence on which so high an antiquity is assigned
to its contents. I shall try to answer this question
as well as I can, aud I shall begin with a humble
confession that the oldest MSS . of the Rig- veda,
known to us at present, date not from 1500 B.C. but

from about 1500 A.D.
We have therefore a gap of three thousand years,
which it will require a strong arch of argument to
bridge over.
But that is not all.
You may know how, in the beginning of this cen-

tury, when the age of the Homeric poems was dis-
cussed, a German scholar, Frederick August Wolf,
asked two momentous questions :-
1. At what time did the Greeks first become
acquainted with the alphabet and use it for inscrip-

VEDA AND VEDÂNTA. 203
tions on public monuments, coins, shields, and for

contracts, both public and private¹ ?
2. At what time did the Greeks first think of
using writing for literary purposes, and what mate-

rials did they employ for that purpose ?
These two questions and the answers they elicited
threw quite a new light on the nebulous periods of
Greek literature. A fact more firmly established
than any other in the ancient history of Greece is
that the Ionians learnt the alphabet from the
Phenicians. The Ionians always called their letters
Phenician letters , and the very name of Alphabet
was a Phenician word. We can well understand
that the Phenicians should have taught the Ionians

in Asia Minor a knowledge of the alphabet , partly
for commercial purposes, i.e. for making contracts,
partly for enabling them to use those useful little
sheets, called Periplus, or Circumnavigations, which
at that time were as precious to sailors as maps
were to the adventurous seamen of the middle ages.
But from that to a written literature, in our sense
of the word, there is still a wide step. It is well

known that the Germans, particularly in the North,
had their Runes for inscriptions on tombs, goblets,
public monuments, but not for literary purposes ³.
Even if a few Ionians at Miletus and other centres
of political and commercial life acquired the art of
On the early use of letters for public inscriptions, see Hayman,

Journal of Philology, 1879, pp. 141 , 142, 150 ; Hicks, Manual of
Greek Historical Inscriptions, pp. 1 seqq.
* Herod. (v. 59) says : ' I saw Phenician letters on certain
tripods in a temple of the Ismenian Apollo at Thebes in Botia,
the most of them like the Ionian letters. '
Munch, Die Nordisch Germanischen Völker, p. 240.
204 LECTURE VII .
writing, where could they find writing materials ? and,

still more important, where could they find readers ?
The Ionians, when they began to write, had to be satis-
fied with a hide or pieces of leather, which they called
diphthera, and until that was brought to the perfection
of vellum or parchment, the occupation of an author
cannot have been very agreeable '.
So far as we know at present the Ionians began to
write about the middle of the sixth century B. C.; and ,
whatever may have been said to the contrary, Wolf's

dictum stills holds good that with them the beginning
of a written literature was the same as the beginning
of prose writing.
Writing at that time was an effort, and such an
effort was made for some great purpose only. Hence
the first written skins were what we should call
Murray's Handbooks, called Periegesis or Periodos,

or, if treating of sea-voyages, Periplus, that is, guide-
books, books to lead travellers round a country
or round a town . Connected with these itineraries
were the accounts of the foundations of cities , the
Ktisis. Such books existed in Asia Minor during
the sixth and fifth centuries, and their writers were
called by a general term, Logographi, or Móyol or
Xoyожоlí², as opposed to doidoí, the poets. They
were the forerunners of the Greek historians, and
Herodotus (443 B.C.), the so-called father of history,
made frequent use of their works.
Herod . (v. 58 ) says : The Ionians from of old call Búßλos dipêépai,
because once, in default of the former, they used to employ the
latter. And even down to my own time, many of the barbarians
write on such diphther .'
2 Hekatæos and Kadmos of Miletos ( 520 B. C. ), Charon of
Lampsakos (504 B.C.), Xanthos the Lydian ( 463 B.C. ) , Pherekydes
of Leros (480 B. C.), Hellanikos of Mitylene (450 B. C) , &c.
The whole of this incipient literary activity be-

longed to Asia Minor. From ' Guides through towns
and countries,' literature seems to have spread at an
early time to Guides through life, or philosophical
dieta, such as are ascribed to Anaximander the
Ionian (610-547 B.C. '), and Pherekydes the Syrian
(540 B.C. ) . These names carry us into the broad day-
light of history, for Anaximander was the teacher of
Anaximenes , Anaximenes of Anaxagoras, and Anax-
agoras of Perikles. At that time writing was a re-
cognised art, and its cultivation had been rendered
possible chiefly through trade with Egypt and the
importation of papyros. In the time of Eschylos
(500 B.C. ) the idea of writing had become so familiar
that he could use it again and again in poetical meta-
phors , and there seems little reason why we should
doubt that both Peisistratos (528 B.C.) and Polykrates
of Samos ( 523 B.C.) were among the first collectors of
Greek manuscripts .
In this manner the simple questions asked by Wolf
helped to reduce the history of ancient Greek litera-
ture to some kind of order, particularly with reference
to its first beginnings.
It would therefore seem but reasonable that the
two first questions to be asked by the students of

Sanskrit literature should have been :-
1. At what time did the people of India become

acquainted with an alphabet ?
2. At what time did they first use such alphabet
for literary purposes ?
Curiously enough, however, these questions re-
mained in abeyance for a long time, and, as a
¹ Lewis, Astronomy, p. 92.
See Hayman, Journal of Philology, 1879, p . 139-
206 LECTURE VII.
consequence , it was impossible to introduce even the

first elements of order into the chaos of ancient
Sanskrit literature ¹.
I can here state a few facts only. There are no
inscriptions to be found anywhere in India before the
middle of the third century B. C. These inscriptions
are Buddhist, put up during the reign of Asoka, the

grandson of Kandragupta, who was the contemporary
of Seleucus, and at whose court in Patalibothra Me-
gasthenes lived as ambassador of Seleucus . Here, as
you see, we are on historical ground. In fact, there
is little doubt that Asoka, the king who put up these
inscriptions in several parts of his vast kingdom,
reigned from 259-222 B.C.
These inscriptions are written in two alphabets-
one written from right to left, and clearly derived
from an Aramæan, that is, a Semitic alphabet ; the
other written from left to right, and clearly an adap-
tation, and an artificial or systematic adaptation , of a
Semitic alphabet to the requirements of an Indian
language. That second alphabet became the source
of all Indian alphabets, and of many alphabets carried
chiefly by Buddhist teachers far beyond the limits of
India, though it is possible that the earliest Tamil
alphabet may have been directly derived from the
same Semitic source which supplied both the dex-
trorsum and the sinistrorsum alphabets of India.
Here then we have the first fact, viz. that writing,
even for monumental purposes, was unknown in
India before the third century B. C.
But writing for commercial purposes was known
1 See M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 497

seqq., On the Introduction of Writing in India. '
in India before that time. Megasthenes was no
doubt quite right when he said that the Indians did

not know letters , that their laws were not written,
and that they administered justice from memory.
But Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander the Great,
who sailed down the Indus (325 B. C. ), and was therefore
brought in contact with the merchants frequenting
the maritime stations of India, was probably equally
right in declaring that the Indians wrote letters on
cotton that had been well beaten together.' These were
no doubt commercial documents , contracts, it may be,
with Phenician or Egyptian captains, and they would
prove nothing as to the existence in India at that
time of what we mean by a written literature. In

fact, Nearchus himself affirms what Megasthenes said
after him, namely that the laws of the sophists in
India were not written.' If, at the same time, the
Greek travellers in India speak of mile-stones, and
of cattle marked by the Indians with various signs
and also with numbers, all this would perfectly agree
with what we know from other sources, that though
the art of writing may have reached India before
the time of Alexander's conquest, its employment
for literary purposes cannot date from a much earlier
time.
Here then we are brought face to face with a most.
startling fact. Writing was unknown in India before
the fourth century before Christ , and yet we are
asked to believe that the Vedic literature in its three
well-defined periods, the Mantra, Brahmana, and

Sûtra periods, goes back to at least a thousand years
before our era.
M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 515.

208 LECTURE VII.
Now the Rig-veda alone, which contains a collec-

tion of ten books of hymns addressed to various
deities , consists of 1017 ( 1028) poems, 10,580 verses,
and about 153,826 words ' . How were these poems
composed for they are composed in very perfect

metre- and how, after having been composed , were
they handed down from 1500 before Christ to 1500
after Christ, the time to which most of our best
Sanskrit MSS. belong ?
Entirely by memory. This may sound startling,

but-what will sound still more startling , and yet
is a fact that can easily be ascertained by anybody

who doubts it -at the present moment, if every
MS. of the Rig-veda were lost, we should be able

to recover the whole of it-from the memory of the
Srotriyas in India. These native students learn the
Veda by heart, and they learn it from the mouth of
their Guru, never from a MS. , still less from my
printed edition,--and after a time they teach it again
to their pupils .
I have had such students in my room at Oxford,
who not only could repeat these hymns, but who
repeated them with the proper accents (for the Vedic
Sanskrit has accents like Greek), nay who, when
looking through my printed edition of the Rig-veda,
could point out a misprint without the slightest
hesitation .
I can tell you more. There are hardly any various

.
readings in our MSS . of the Rig-veda, but various
schools in India have their own readings of certain
passages, and they hand down those readings with
great care. So, instead of collating MSS. , as we do
in Greek and Latin, I have asked some friends of
M. M., Hibbert Lectures, p. 153.

mine to collate those Vedic students, who carry their

own Rig-veda in their memory, and to let me have
the various readings from these living authorities.
Here then we are not dealing with theories, but
with facts, which anybody may verify. The whole of
the Rig-veda, and a great deal more , still exists at
the present moment in the oral tradition of a number
of scholars who, if they liked, could write down every
letter, and every accent, exactly as we find them in
our old MSS.
Of course, this learning by heart is carried on

under a strict discipline ; it is, in fact, considered as
a sacred duty. A native friend of mine, himself a
very distinguished Vedic scholar, tells me that a boy,
who is to be brought up as a student of the Rig-
veda, has to spend about eight years in the house
of his teacher. He has to learn ten books : first,
the hymns of the Rig-veda ; then a prose treatise
on sacrifices, called the Brahmana ; then the so-
called Forest-book or Aranyaka ; then the rules on
domestic ceremonies ; and lastly, six treatises on pro-
nunciation, grammar, etymology, metre, astronomy,
and ceremonial.
These ten books it has been calculated contain
nearly 30,000 lines, each line reckoned as thirty-two

syllables.
A pupil studies every day, during the eight years
of his theological apprenticeship, except on the holi-
days, which are called ' non-reading days.' There
being 360 days in a lunar year, the eight years would
give him 2880 days. Deduct from this 384 holidays,
and you get 2496 working days during the eight
years. If you divide the number of lines, 30,000, by
the number of working days, you get about twelve
P
210 LECTURE VII.
lines to be learnt each day, though much time is

taken up, in addition , for practising and rehearsing
what has been learnt before.
Now this is the state of things at present, though
I doubt whether it will last much longer, and I
always impress on my friends in India, and therefore
impress on those also who will soon be settled as
Civil Servants in India, the duty of trying to learn
all that can still be learnt from those living libra-
ries. Much ancient Sanskrit lore will be lost for
ever when that race of Srotriyas becomes extinct.

But now let us look back. About a thousand years
ago a Chinese, of the name of I-tsing, a Buddhist,
went to India to learn Sanskrit, in order to be able
to translate some of the sacred books of his own
religion, which were originally written in Sanskrit,

into Chinese. He left China in 671 , arrived at
Tâmralipti in India in 673, and went to the great
College and Monastery of Nâlanda, where he studied
Sanskrit. He returned to China in 695 , and died
in 703¹.
In one of his works which we still possess in
Chinese, he gives an account of what he saw in India,

not only among his own co-religionists , the Buddhists,
Lut likewise among the Brâhmans2.
Of the Buddhist priests he says that after they
have learnt to recite the five and the ten precepts,
they are taught the 400 hymns of Mâtriketa, and

afterward the 150 hymns of the same poet. When
they are able to recite these, they begin the study of
1 See my article on the date of the Kâsikâ in the Indian Anti-

quary, 1880, p. 305 .
The translation of the most important passages in I-tsing's
work was made for me by one of my Japanese pupils, K. Kasawara.
VEDA AND VEDÂNTA . 211
the Sûtras of their Sacred Canon . They also learn

by heart the Gâtakamâlâ ' , which gives an account of
Buddha in former states of existence. Speaking of
what he calls the islands of the Southern Sea, which
he visited after leaving India, I -tsing says : "There
are more than ten islands in the South Sea. There
both priests and laymen recite the Gâtakamâlâ, as

they recite the hymns mentioned before ; but it has
not yet been translated into Chinese.'
One of these stories, he proceeds to say, was versi-
fied by a king (Kié-zhih) and set to music, and was
performed before the public with a band and dancing
-evidently a Buddhist mystery play.
I-tsing then gives a short account of the system of
education . Children, he says, learn the forty-nine
letters and the 10,000 compound letters when they
are six years old, and generally finish them in half a
year. This corresponds to about 300 verses, each
sloka of thirty-two syllables. It was originally
taught by Mahesvara. At eight years, children begin
to learn the grammar of Panini, and know it after
about eight months. It consists of 1000 slokas,
called Sûtras.
Then follows the list of roots (dhâtu) and the three

appendices (khila) , consisting again of 1000 slokas.
Boys begin the three appendices when they are ten
years old, and finish them in three years.
When they have reached the age of fifteen , they
begin to study a commentary on the grammar (Sûtra)
and spend five years on learning it. And here I-tsing
gives the following advice to his countrymen, many
' See Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue of the Chinese Tripitaka, p. 372 ,

where Aryasûra, who must have lived before 434 A. D. , is mentioned
as the author of the Gâtakamâlâ.
P 2
212 LECTURE VII.
of whom came to India to learn Sanskrit, but seem

to have learnt it very imperfectly. ' If men of China,'
he writes, ' go to India, wishing to study there, they
should first of all learn these grammatical works, and
then only other subjects ; if not, they will merely
waste their labour. These works should be learnt
by heart. But this is suited for men of high quality

only. . . . They should study hard day and night ,
without letting a moment pass for idle repose. They
should be like Confucius , through whose hard study
the binding of his Yih-king was three times cut
asunder, being worn away; and like Sui-shih, who
used to read a book repeatedly one hundred times.'
Then follows a remark, more intelligible in Chinese
than in English : The hairs of a bull are counted by
thousands, the horn of a unicorn is only one.'
I-tsing then speaks of the high degree of perfec-
tion to which the memory of these students attained,
both among Buddhists and heretics. Such men,' he
says, ' could commit to memory the contents of two

volumes learning them only once.'
And then turning to the heretics, or what we
should call the orthodox Brahmans, he says : "The
Brahmanas are regarded throughout the five divisions
of India as the most respectable. They do not walk
with the other three castes, and other mixed classes
of people are still further dissociated from them.
They revere their Scriptures, the four Vedas, con-
taining about 100,000 verses. . . . The Vedas are
handed down from mouth to mouth, not written on
paper. There are in every generation some intelli-
gent Brâhmans who can recite those 100,000 verses.
. I myself saw such men.'
Here then we have an eye-witness who, in the
VEDA AND VEDANTA. 213
seventh century after Christ, visited India, learnt

Sanskrit, and spent about twenty years in different
monasteries-a man who had no theories of his own
about oral tradition , but who, on the contrary, as
coming from China, was quite familiar with the idea of
a written, nay, of a printed literature :-and yet what
does he say ? The Vedas are not written on paper,
but handed down from mouth to mouth.'
Now, I do not quite agree here with I -tsing. At

all events, we must not conclude from what he says
that there existed no Sanskrit MSS. at all at his
time. We know they existed . We know that
in the first century of our era Sanskrit MSS. were

carried from India to China and translated there.
Most likely therefore there were MSS. of the Veda

also in existence. But I -tsing, for all that, was right
in supposing that these MSS . were not allowed to be
used by students, and that they had always to learn
the Veda by heart and from the mouth of a properly
qualified teacher. The very fact that in the later
law-books severe punishments are threatened against
persons who copy the Veda or learn it from a MS . ,
shows that MSS. existed, and that their existence
interfered seriously with the ancient privileges of the
Brahmans, as the only legitimate teachers of their
sacred scriptures.
If now, after having heard this account of I- tsing,

we go back for about another thousand years , we shall
feel less sceptical in accepting the evidence which we
find in the so-called Prâtisâkhyas, that is , collections
of rules which, so far as we know at present, go back
to the fifth century before our era, and which tell us
almost exactly the same as what we can see in India
at the present moment, namely that the education of
214 LECTURE VII .
children of the three twice-born castes, the Brahmanas,
Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas, consisted in their passing at

least eight years in the house of a Guru, and learning
by heart the ancient Vedic hymns.
The art of teaching had even at that early time
been reduced to a perfect system, and at that time
certainly there is not the slightest trace of anything,
such as a book, or skin, or parchment, a sheet of
paper, pen or ink, being known even by name to the
people of India ; while every expression connected
with what we should call literature, points to a litera-
ture (we cannot help using that word) existing in
memory only, and being handed down with the most
scrupulous care by means of oral tradition .
I had to enter into these details because I know
that, with our ideas of literature, it requires an effort

to imagine the bare possibility of a large amount of
poetry, and still more of prose, existing in any but a
written form . And yet here too we only see what
we see elsewhere, namely that man, before the great
discoveries of civilisation were made, was able by
greater individual efforts to achieve what to us, accus-

tomed to easier contrivances, seems almost impossible.
So-called savages were able to chip flints, to get fire

by rubbing sticks of wood , which baffles our handiest
workmen. Are we to suppose that, if they wished
to preserve some songs which, as they believed, had
once secured them the favour of their gods, had
brought rain from heaven, or led them on to victory,
they would have found no means of doing so ? We
have only to read such accounts as, for instance, Mr.
William Wyatt Gill has given us in his Historical
Sketches of Savage Life in Polynesia ',' to see how
¹ Wellington, 1880.
anxious even savages are to preserve the records of

their ancient heroes, kings, and gods, particularly
when the dignity or nobility of certain families de-

pends on these songs, or when they contain what
might be called the title-deeds to large estates. And
that the Vedic Indians were not the only savages of
antiquity who discovered the means of preserving a

large literature by means of oral tradition , we may
learn from Cæsar ¹ , not a very credulous witness , who
tells us that the Druids were said to know a large
number of verses by heart ; that some of them spent
twenty years in learning them, and that they con-
sidered it wrong to commit themto writing '- exactly
the same story which we hear in India.
We must return once more to the question of

dates. We have traced the existence of the Veda,
as handed down by oral tradition, from our days
to the days of I -tsing in the seventh century after
Christ, and again to the period of the Prâtisâkhyas,
in the fifth century before Christ.
In that fifth century B. C. took place the rise of
Buddhism, a religion built up on the ruins of the
Vedic religion, and founded, so to say, on the denial
of the divine authority ascribed to the Veda by all
orthodox Brahmans,
Whatever exi - ts therefore of Vedic literature must
be accommodated within the centuries preceding the
rise of Buddhism, and if I tell you that there are
three periods of Vedic literature to be accommodated ,
the third presupposing the second, and the second the
first, and that even that first period presents us with
¹ De Bello Gall. vi. 14 ; History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature,

P. 506.
216 LECTURE VII.
a collection, and a systematic collection of Vedic

hymns, I think you will agree with me that it is
from no desire for an extreme antiquity, but simply
from a respect for facts, that students of the Veda
have come to the conclusion that these hymns, où
which the MSS. do not carry us back beyond the
fifteenth century after Christ, took their origin in the
fifteenth century before Christ.
One fact I must mention once more, because I

think it may carry conviction even against the
stoutest scepticism .
I mentioned that the earliest inscriptions disco-
vered in India belong to the reign of King Asoka, the
grandson of Kandragupta, who reigned from 259-222
before Christ . What is the language of those in-
scriptions ? Is it the Sanskrit of the Vedic hymns ?

Certainly not. Is it the later Sanskrit of the Brâh-
Inanas and Sûtras ? Certainly not. These inscriptions
are written in the local dialects as then spoken in India,
and these local dialects differ from the grammatical
Sanskrit about as much as Italian does from Latin.
What follows from this ? First, that the archaic
Sanskrit of the Veda had ceased to be spoken before
the third century B. C. Secondly, that even the later
grammatical Sanskrit was no longer spoken and un-
derstood by the people at large ; that Sanskrit there-
fore had ceased, nay, we may say, had long ceased to
be the spoken language of the country when Buddhism
arose, and that therefore the youth and manhood of
the ancient Vedic language lie far beyond the period
that gave birth to the teaching of Buddha, who ,
though he may have known Sanskrit, and even Vedic
Sanskrit, insisted again and again on the duty that his

disciples should preach his doctrines in the language

of the people whom they wished to benefit.
And now, when the time allotted to me is nearly

at an end, I find, as it always happens, that I have
not been able to say one half of what I hoped to say
as to the lessons to be learnt by us in India, even
with regard to this one branch of human knowledge
only, the study of the origin of religion . I hope,
however, I may have succeeded in showing you the
entirely new aspect which the old problem of the
theogony, or the origin and growth of the Devas or gods ,
assumes from the light thrown upon it by the Veda.
Instead of positive theories, we now have positive
facts, such as you look for in vain anywhere else ; and
though there is still a considerable interval between
the Devas of the Veda, even in their highest form,

and such concepts as Zeus, Apollon , and Athene, yet
the chief riddle is solved, and we know now at last.
what stuff the gods of the ancient world were made of.
But this theogonic process is but one side of the
ancient Vedic religion, and there are two other sides
of at least the same importance and of even a deeper
interest to us.
There are in fact three religions in the Veda, or, if

I may say so, three naves in one great temple, reared, as
it were, before our eyes by poets, prophets, and philo-
sophers. Here, too, we can watch the work and the
workmen. We have not to deal with hard formulas only,

with unintelligible ceremonies , or petrified fetishes .
We can see how the human mind arrives by a per-
fectly rational process at all its later irrationalities.
This is what distinguishes the Veda from all other
Sacred Books. Much, no doubt, in the Veda also ,
218 LECTURE VII.
and in the Vedic ceremonial, is already old and unin-

telligible, hard and petrified. But in many cases the
development of names and concepts, their transition
from the natural to the supernatural, from the indi-
vidual to the general, is still going on, and it is for
that very reason that we find it so difficult, nay
almost impossible, to translate the growing thoughts
of the Veda into the full-grown and more than full-
grown language of our time.
Let us take one of the oldest words for god in the
Veda, such as deva , the Latin deus. The dictionaries
tell you that deva means god and gods , and so, no
doubt , it does. But if we always translated deva in

the Vedic hymns by god, we should not be translating,
but completely transforming the thoughts of the Vedic
poets . I do not mean only that our idea of God is
totally different from the idea that was intended to
be expressed by deva ; but even the Greek and
Roman concept of gods would be totally inadequate
to convey the thoughts imbedded in the Vedic deva.
Deva meant originally bright, and nothing else.

Meaning bright, it was constantly used of the sky,
the stars , the sun, the dawn, the day, the spring, the
rivers, the earth ; and when a poet wished to speak of
all of these by one and the same word-by what we
should call a general term-he called them all Devas.
When that had been done, Deva did no longer mean
' the Bright ones, ' but the name comprehended all
the qualities which the sky and the sun and the
dawn shared in common, excluding only those that
were peculiar to each.
Here you see how, by the simplest process, the
Devas, the bright ones, might become and did become
the Devas, the heavenly, the kind, the powerful, the
invisible, the immortal- and, in the end, something

very like the coí (or dii) of Greeks and Romans.
In this way one Beyond, the Beyond of Nature,
was built up in the ancient religion of the Veda, and
peopled with Devas, and Asuras, and Vasus, and
Adityas, all names for the bright solar, celestial, diur-
nal, and vernal powers of nature, without altogether
excluding, however, even the dark and unfriendly
powers, those of the night, of the dark clouds, or of
winter, capable of mischief, but always destined in
the end to succumb to the valour and strength of their
bright antagonists.
We now come to the second nave of the Vedic
temple, the second Beyond that was dimly perceived,

and grasped and named by the ancient Rishis, namely
the world of the Departed Spirits.
There was in India, as elsewhere, another very
early faith, springing up naturally in the hearts of
the people, that their fathers and mothers, when they
departed this life, departed to a Beyond, wherever it
might be, either in the East from whence all the bright
Devas seemed to come, or more commonly in the West,
the land to which they seemed to go , called in the
Veda the realm of Yama or the setting sun. The idea
that beings which once had been, could ever cease to
be, had not yet entered their minds ; and from the
belief that their fathers existed somewhere , though
they could see them no more, there arose the belief in

another Beyond, and the germs of another religion .
Nor was the actual power of the fathers quite im-
perceptible or extinct even after their death. Their
presence continued to be felt in the ancient laws and
customs of the family, most of which rested on their

220 LECTURE VII .
will and their authority. While their fathers were

alive and strong, their will was law ; and when, after
their death, doubts or disputes arose on points of law
or custom, it was but natural that the memory and the
authority of the fathers should be appealed to to settle
such points -that the law should still be their will.
Thus Manu says (IV. 178) : ' On the path on which his
fathers and grandfathers have walked, on that path of
good men let him walk, and he will not go wrong.'
In the same manner then in which, out of the
bright powers of nature, the Devas or gods had arisen,
there arose out of predicates shared in common by the
departed, such as pitris, fathers , preta, gone away,
another general concept, what we should call Manes,
the kind ones, Ancestors, Shades, Spirits or Ghosts,
whose worship was nowhere more fully developed
than in India. That common name, Pitris or Fathers,
gradually attracted towards itself all that the fathers
shared in common . It came to mean not only fathers,
but invisible, kind, powerful, immortal, heavenly
beings, and we can watch in the Veda, better perhaps
than anywhere else, the inevitable, yet most touching
metamorphosis of ancient thought, the love of the
child for father and mother becoming transfigured into
an instinctive belief in the immortality of the soul .
It is strange, and really more than strange, that
not only should this important and prominent side of
the ancient religion of the Hindus have been ignored,
but that of late its very existence should have been
doubted. I feel obliged , therefore , to add a few words
in support of what I have said just now of the
supreme importance of this belief in and this worship
of ancestral spirits in India from the most ancient to
the most modern times. Mr. Herbert Spencer, who
has done so much in calling attention to ancestor-

worship as a natural ingredient of religion among all
savage nations, declares in the most emphatic man-
ner ' , ' that he has seen it implied, that he has heard
it in conversation, and that he now has it before him
in print, that no Indo- European or Semitic nation ,
so far as we know, seems to have made a religion of
the worship of the dead.' I do not doubt his words,
but I think that on so important a point, Mr. Herbert
Spencer ought to have named his authorities. It
seems to me almost impossible that anybody who

has ever opened a book on India should have made
such a statement . There are hymns in the Rig-veda
addressed to the Fathers. There are full descriptions
of the worship due to the Fathers in the Brahmanas
and Sûtras. The epic poems, the law books, the
Puranas, all are brimful of allusions to ancestral
offerings . The whole social fabric of India, with its
laws of inheritance and marriage 2 , rests on a belief
in the Manes, and yet we are told that no Indo-
European nation seems to have made a religion of
the worship of the dead.
The Persians had their Fravashis, the Greeks their
εἴδωλα, or rather their θεοὶ πατροι and their δαίμονες,
ἐσθλοὶ, ἐπιχθόνιοι , φύλακες θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων ·

οἱ ῥα φυλάσσουσίν τε δίκας καὶ σχέτλια ἔργα,
Μέρα ἐσσάμενοι πάντη φοιτῶντες ἐπ' αἶαν,
TOUTOCOTα ( Hesiodi Opera et Dies, vv . 122–126 ) ;
Principles of Sociology, p. 313.

The Hindu Law of Inheritance is based upon the Hindu
religion, and we must be cautious that in administering Hindu
law we do not, by acting upon our notions derived from English
law, inadvertently wound or offend the religious feelings of those
who may be affected by our decisions. ' Bengal Law Reports, 103.
222 LECTURE VII.
while among the Romans the Lares familiares and

the Divi Manes were worshipped more zealously than
any other gods¹ . Manu goes so far as to tell us in
one place ( III . 203 ) : An oblation by Brâhmans to
their ancestors transcends an oblation to the deities ;'
and yet we are told that no Indo-European nation
seems to have made a religion of the worship of the
dead.
Such things ought really not to be, if there is to
be any progress in historical research, and I cannot
help thinking that what Mr. Herbert Spencer meant
was probably no more than that some scholars did.
not admit that the worship of the dead formed the
whole of the religion of any of the Indo-European
nations. That, no doubt, is perfectly true, but it
would be equally true, I believe, of almost any other
religion. And on this point again the students of
anthropology will learn more, I believe, from the
Veda than from any other book.
In the Veda the Pitris, or fathers, are invoked to-
gether with the Devas, or gods, but they are not
confounded with them. The Devas never become
Pitris, and though such adjectives as deva are some-

times applied to the Pitris, and they are raised to the
rank of the older classes of Devas (Manu III. 192 , 284,
Yagnavalkya I. 268 ) , it is easy to see that the Pitris
and Devas had each their independent crigin, and
that they represent two totally distinct phases of the
human mind in the creation of its objects of worship.
This is a lesson which ought never to be forgotten.
We read in the Rig-veda, VI. 52 , 4 : May the
rising Dawns protect me, may the flowing Rivers
Cicero, De Leg. II . 9 , 22 , ' Deorum manium jura sancta sunto;

nos leto datos divos habento.'
protect me, may the firm Mountains protect me, may

the Fathers protect me at this invocation of the
gods. ' Here nothing can be clearer than the separate
existence of the Fathers, apart from the Dawns, the
Rivers, and the Mountains, though they are included
in one common Devahûti, or invocation of the gods .
We must distinguish, however, from the very first,
between two classes, or rather between two concepts
of Fathers, the one comprising the distant, half-for-

gotten, and almost mythical ancestors of certain
families or of what would have been to the poets of
the Veda, the whole human race, the other consisting
of the fathers who had but lately departed, and who
were still, as it were, personally remembered and
revered .
The old ancestors in general approach more nearly

to the gods. They are often represented as having
gone to the abode of Yama, the ruler of the departed,
and to live there in company with some of the Devas
(Rig-veda VII. 76, 4 , devấnâm sadhamadah ; Rig-veda
X. 16, 1 , devânâm vasanîh) .
We sometimes read of the great-grandfathers being
in heaven, the grandfathers in the sky, the fathers on
the earth, the first in company with the Adityas, the
second with the Rudras, the last with the Vasus.
All these are individual poetical conceptions '.
Yama himself is sometimes invoked as if he were
one of the Fathers, the first of mortals that died or
that trod the path of the Fathers (the pitriyâna, X.

2, 7) leading to the common sunset in the West .
1 See Atharva-veda XVIII. 2 , 49.

Rig-veda X. 14, 1-2. He is called Vaivasvata, the solar (X.
58, 1 ), and even the son of Vivasvat ( X. 14, 5) . In a later phase
224 LECTURE VII.
Still his real Deva-like nature is never completely

lost, and, as the god of the setting sun, he is indeed
the leader of the Fathers, but not one of the Fathers
himself¹.
Many of the benefits which men enjoyed on earth

were referred to the Fathers , as having first been
procured and first enjoyed by them. They performed
the first sacrifices, and secured the benefits arising
from them. Even the great events in nature, such
as the rising of the sun, the light of the day and the
darkness of the night, were sometimes referred to
them, and they were praised for having broken open the
dark stable of the morning and having brought out
the cows, that is, the days (X. 68, 11 ) . They were
even praised for having adorned the night with stars,
while in later writings the stars are said to be the
lights of the good people who have entered into
heaven . Similar ideas, we know, prevailed among
the ancient Persians, Greeks , and Romans. The
Fathers are called in the Veda truthful (satyá), wise
(suvidátra), righteous (ritávat) , poets (kaví), leaders
(pathikrít), and one of their most frequent epithets
is somya, delighting in Soma, Soma being the
ancient intoxicating beverage of the Vedic Rishis,
which was believed to bestow immortality , but
which had been lost, or at all events had become
of religious thought Yama is conceived as the first man (Atharva-

veda XVIII. 3, 13, as compared with Rig-veda X. 14, 1) .
1 Rig-veda X. 14.
* In the Avesta many of these things are done by Ahura Mazda
with the help of the Fravashis.
See Satapatha Brâhmana I. 9, 3, 10 ; VI. 5, 4, 8.
6
Rig-veda VIII . 48, 3 : We drank Soma, we became immortal,
we went to the light, we found the gods ; ' VIII. 48, 12.
difficult to obtain by the Aryans, after their migration

.
into the Punjab '.
The families of the Bhrigus, the Angiras, the Athar-
vans² all have their Pitris or Fathers, who are invoked
to sit down on the grass and to accept the offerings
placed there for them. Even the name of Pitriyagia,
sacrifice of the Fathers, occurs already in the hymns
of the Rig-veda ³.
The following is one of the hymns of the Rig-veda
by which those ancient Fathers were invited to come
to their sacrifice (Rig- veda X. 15 ) * :—
1. May the Soma-loving Fathers, the lowest, the
highest, and the middle, arise . May the gentle and
righteous Fathers who have come to life (again),
protect us in these invocations !
2. ' May this salutation be for the Fathers to-day,

for those who have departed before or after ; whether
they now dwell in the sky above the earth, or among
the blessed people .
3. I invited the wise Fathers . . . . may they
come hither quickly, and sitting on the grass readily
partake of the poured- out draught !
4. Come hither to us with your help, you Fathers
who sit on the grass ! We have prepared these liba-

tions for you, accept them ! Come hither with your
most blessed protection , and give us health and
wealth without fail!
5. The Soma-loving Fathers have been called
hither to their dear viands which are placed on the
grass. Let them approach, let them listen, let them
bless, let them protect us !
1 Rig-veda IX. 97, 39. * Ibid. X. 14, 6 . Ibid. X. 16 , 10.

A translation considerably differing from my own is given by
Sarvadhikari in his Tagore Lectures for 1880, p. 34.
Q
226 LECTURE VII.
6. Bending your knee and sitting on my right

accept all this sacrifice. Do not hurt us, O Fathers ,
for any wrong that we may have committed against
you, men as we are.
7. ' When you sit down on the lap of the red
dawns, grant wealth to the generous mortal ! O
Fathers, give of your treasure to the sons of this man
here, and bestow vigour here on us !
"
8. May Yama, as a friend with friends , consume
the offerings according to his wish, united with those
old Soma-loving Fathers of ours, the Vasishthas, who
arranged the Soma draught.
9. 'Come hither, O Agni, with those wise and
truthful Fathers who like to sit down near the
hearth, who thirsted when yearning for the gods ,

who knew the sacrifice, and who were strong in
praise with their songs.
10. 'Come, O Agni, with those ancient fathers who
like to sit down near the hearth, who for ever praise
the gods, the truthful, who eat and drink our obla-
tions, making company with Indra and the gods.
II. ' O Fathers , you who have been consumed by
Agni, come here, sit down on your seats, you kind
guides ! Eat of the offerings which we have placed
on the turf, and then grant us wealth and strong
offspring !
12. ' O Agni, O Gâtavedas ' , at our request thou
hast carried the offerings, having first rendered them
sweet. Thou gavest them to the Fathers, and they
fed on their share. Eat also , O god, the proffered
oblations !
13. The Fathers who are here, and the Fathers
who are not here, those whom we know, and those
1 Cf. Max Müller, Rig-veda, transl. vol. i . p. 24.

227
VEDA AND VEDANTA.
whom we know not, thou , Gâtavedas , knowest how

many they are, accept the well -made sacrifice with
the sacrifical poretions !

14. To thos who , whether burnt by fire or not
burnt by fire , rejoice in their share in the midst of
heaven , grant thou , O King, that their body may
take that life which they wish for¹ !'
Distinct from the worship offered to these primi-

tive ancestors , is the reverence which from an early
time was felt to be due by children to their departed
father, soon also to their grandfather, and great-
grandfather. The ceremonies in which these more
personal feelings found expression were of a more
domestic character, and allowed therefore of greater
local variety .
It would be quite impossible to give here even an
abstract only of the minute regulations which have
been preserved to us in the Brahmanas, the Srauta,
Grihya , and Sâmayâkârika Sûtras, the Law-books ,
and a mass of latter manuals on the performance of
endless rites , all intended to honour the Departed .
Such are the minute prescriptions as to times and
seasons, as to altars and offerings , as to the number
and shape of the sacrificial vessels, as to the proper

postures of the sacrificers , and the different arrange-
ments of the vessels, that it is extremely difficult to
catch hold of what we really care for, namely, the
thoughts and intentions of those who first devised all
Much has been written on this
these intricacies.
class of sacrifices by European scholars also , begin-
ning with Colebrooke's excellent essays on 'The Reli-
gious Ceremonies of the Hindus ,' first published in
1 Note K.
Q 2
228 LECTURE VII.
the Asiatic Researches, vol. v, Calcutta, 1798. But
when we ask the simple question, What was the

thought from whence all this outward ceremonial
sprang, and what was the natural craving of the
human heart which it seemed to satisfy, we hardly
get an intelligible answer anywhere . It is true that
Srâddhas continue to be performed all over India to
the present day, but we know how widely the modern
ceremonial has diverged from the rules laid down in
the old Sâstras, and it is quite clear from the descrip-
tions given to us by recent travellers that no one can
understand the purport even of these survivals of the
old ceremonial , unless he understands Sanskrit and can
read the old Sutras. We are indeed told in full detail
how the cakes were made which the Spirits were sup-
posed to eat, how many stalks of grass were to be used

on which they had to be offered, how long each stalk
ought to be, and in what direction it should be held.
All the things which teach us nothing are explained
to us in abundance, but the few things which the
true scholar really cares for are passed over, as if
they had no interest to us at all, and have to be
discovered under heaps of rubbish.
In order to gain a little light , I think we ought to
distinguish between-
1. The daily ancestral sacrifice, the Pitriyagña, as
one of the five Great Sacrifices (Mahâyagñas) ;
2. The monthly ancestral sacrifice, the Pinda-pitri-
yagña, as part of the New and Full-moon sacrifice ;
3. The funeral ceremonies on the death of a house-
holder ;
4. The Agapes, or feasts of love and charity, com-

monly called Srâddhas, at which food and other
charitable gifts were bestowed on deserving persons
in memory of the deceased ancestors. The name of

Sraddha belongs properly to this last class only, but
it has been transferred to the second and third class
of sacrifices also, because Srâddha formed an important

part in them.
The daily Pitriyagua or Ancestor-worship is one of

the five sacrifices , sometimes called the Great Sacri-
fices , which every married man ought to perform
day by day. They are mentioned in the Grihya-
sûtras (Âsv. III. 1 ), as Devayagua, for the Devas,
Bhutayagua, for animals &c., Pitriyagua, for the
Fathers, Brahmayagña, for Brahman , i.e. study of
the Veda, and Manushyayagña, for men, i . e . hos-
pitality, &c.
Manu (III. 70) tells us the same, namely, that a
married man has five great religious duties to per-
form :-
1. The Brahma - sacrifice, i.e. the studying and

teaching of the Veda (sometimes called Ahuta).
2. The Pitri-sacrifice, i.e. the offering of cakes and
water to the Manes (sometimes called Prâsita).
3. The Deva- sacrifice, i . e. the offering of oblations
to the Gods (sometimes called Huta ) .
4. The Bhûta- sacrifice, i.e. the giving of food to
living creatures (sometimes called Prahuta).
5. The Manushya-sacrifice, i.e. the receiving of
guests with hospitality (sometimes called Brahmya
huta 2).
The performance of this daily Pitriyagia seems to
Satapatha Brahmana XI. 5, 6, 1 ; Taitt. År. II. 11 , 10 ; Asva-

layana Grihya-sutras III. 1, 1 ; Paraskara Grihya-sutras II. 9, 1 ;
Apastamba, Dharma-sûtras, translated by Buhler, pp. 47 seq.
In the Sankhayana Grihya (I. 5) four Påka-yaguas are men-
tioned , called Huta, ahuta, prahuta, prâsita.
230 LECTURE VII.
have been extremely simple. The householder had
to put his sacred cord on the right shoulder, to say

'Svadhâ to the Fathers,' and to throw the remains of
certain offerings towards the South¹.
The human impulse to this sacrifice, if sacrifice it
can be called, is clear enough. The five ' great sacri-
fices ' comprehended in early times the whole duty of
man from day to day. They were connected with his
daily meal 2. When this meal was preparing, and
before he could touch it himself, he was to offer some-
thing to the Gods, a Vaisvadeva offering 3, in which
the chief deities were Agni, fire, Soma the Visve
Devas, Dhanvantari, a kind of Aesculapius, Kuhû
and Anumati (phases of the moon), Pragâpati, lord of
creatures, Dyâvâ-prithivî, Heaven and Earth, and Svi-
shtakrit, the fire on the hearth.
After having thus satisfied the Gods in the four quar-
ters, the householder had to throw some oblations into
the open air, which were intended for animals, and in
some cases for invisible beings, ghosts and such like.
Then he was to remember the Departed, the Pitris ,
with some offerings ; but even after having done this
he was not yet to begin his own repast, unless he had
also given something to strangers (atithis).
When all this had been fulfilled, and when, besides,
the householder, as we should say, had said his daily
prayers, or repeated what he had learnt of the Veda,
then and then only was he in harmony with the
world that surrounded him, the five Great Sacrifices
had been performed by him, and he was free from all
the sins arising from a thoughtless and selfish life.
1 Âsv. Grihya-sûtras I. 3 , 10. 2 Manu III. 117–118.

3 Manu III. 85.
This Pitriyagia, as one of the five daily sacrifices,

is described in the Brahmanas, the Grihya and
Sâmayâkarika Sûtras, and, of course, in the legal
Samhitas. Rajendralâl Mitra¹ informs us that
' orthodox Brahmans to this day profess to observe

all these five ceremonies, but that in reality only
the offerings to the gods and manes are strictly
observed, while the reading is completed by the
repetition of the Gâyatri only, and charity and feeding
of animals are casual and uncertain.'
Quite different from this simple daily ancestral

offering is the Pitriyagua or Pinda-pitriyagña,
which forms part of many of the statutable sacrifices,
and, first of all, of the New and Full -Moon sacrifice.
Here again the human motive is intelligible enough.
It was the contemplation of the regular course of
nature, the discovery of order in the coming and
going of the heavenly bodies, the growing confidence
in some ruling power of the world which lifted man's
thoughts from his daily work to higher regions, and
filled his heart with a desire to approach these
higher powers with praise, thanksgiving, and offer-.
ings. And it was at such moments as the waning
of the moon that his thoughts would most naturally
turn to those whose life had waned, whose bright
faces were no longer visible on earth, his fathers or
ancestors. Therefore at the very beginning of the
New-Moon sacrifice, we are told in the Brahmanas *
and in the Srauta-sûtras, that a Pitriyagña, a sacri-
fice to the Fathers, has to be performed . A Karu
Taittiriyaranyaka, Preface, p. 23 .
Masi masi vo'sanam iti sruteh ; Gobhiliya Grihya - sutras,
p. 1055.
232 LECTURE VII .
or pie had to be prepared in the Dakshinâgni, the

southern fire , and the offerings, consisting of water
and round cakes (pindas), were specially dedicated
to father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, while
the wife of the sacrificer, if she wished for a son,
was allowed to eat one of the cakes¹.
Similar ancestral offerings took place during other

sacrifices too, of which the New and Full-Moon sacri-
fices form the general type.
It may be quite true that these two kinds of
ancestral sacrifices have the same object and share
the same name, but their character is different ; and
if, as has often been the case, they are mixed up
together, we lose the most important lessons which
a study of the ancient ceremonial should teach us.
I cannot describe the difference between these two
Pitriyagñas more decisively than by pointing out

that the former was performed by the father of a
family, or, if we may say so, by a layman, the latter
by a regular priest, or a class of priests, selected by
the sacrificer to act in his behalf. As the Hindus
themselves would put it, the former is a grihya,

a domestic, the latter a srauta, a priestly ceremony 2.
We now come to a third class of ceremonies which
are likewise domestic and personal, but which differ
See Pindapitriyagña, von Dr. O. Donner, 1870. The restric-

tion to three ancestors, father, grandfather, and great-grandfather,
occurs in the Vagasaneyi-samhitâ, XIX. 36-37 .
2 There is, however, great variety in these matters, according to
different sâkhâs. Thus, according to the Gobhila -sâkhâ, the Pinda
Pitriyagua is to be considered as smârta, not as srauta (pinda-
pitriyagñah khalv asmakkhâkhâyâm nâsti) ; while others maintain
that an agnimat should perform the smârta, a srautâgnimat the srauta
Pitriyagña; see Gobhiliya Grihya-sûtras, p . 671. On page 667 we
read : anagner amâvasyâsraddhâ, nânvâhâryam ity âdaraniyam.
from the two preceding ceremonies by their occasional

character, I mean the funeral, as distinct from the
ancestral ceremonies. In one respect these funeral
ceremonies may represent an earlier phase of worship
than the daily and monthly ancestral sacrifices. They
lead up to them, and, as it were, prepare the
departed for their future dignity as Pitris or
Ancestors. On the other hand, the conception of
Ancestors in general must have existed before any
departed person could have been raised to that rank,
and I therefore preferred to describe the ancestral
sacrifices first.
Nor need I enter here very fully into the character

of the special funeral ceremonies of India. I described
them in a special paper, ' On Sepulture and Sacrificial
Customs in the Veda,' nearly thirty years ago .
Their spirit is the same as that of the funeral
ceremonies of Greeks, Romans, Slavonic, and Teutonic
nations, and the coincidences between them all are
often most surprising .
In Vedic times the people in India both burnt

and buried their dead, and they did this with a
certain solemnity, and, after a time, according to
fixed rules. Their ideas about the status of the
departed, after their body had been burnt and their
ashes buried, varied considerably, but in the main
they seem to have believed in a life to come, not
very different from our life on earth, and in the power
of the departed to confer blessings on their descend-
ants. It soon therefore became the interest of the
survivors to secure the favour of their departed

friends by observances and offerings which, at first ,
Uber Todtenbestattung und Opfergebrauche im Veda, in Zeit-

schrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol . ix, 1856.
234 LECTURE VII.
were the spontaneous manifestation of human

feelings, but which soon became traditional, technical,
in fact, ritual.
On the day on which the corpse had been burnt,
the relatives (samânodakas) bathed and poured out
a handfull of water to the deceased , pronouncing his
name and that of his family '. At sunset they re-
turned home, and, as was but natural, they were
told to cook nothing during the first night, and to
observe certain rules during the next day up to
ten days, according to the character of the deceased.
These were days of mourning, or, as they were
afterwards called, days of impurity, when the
mourners withdrew from contact with the world,
and shrank by a natural impulse from the ordinary
occupations and pleasures of life 2.
Then followed the collecting of the ashes on the
11th, 13th or 15th day of the dark half of the moon.
On returning from thence they bathed, and then
offered what was called a Srâddha to the departed.
This word Srâddha, which meets us here for the
first time, is full of interesting lessons, if only properly
understood. First of all it should be noted that it
is absent, not only from the hymns, but, so far as we

know at present, even from the ancient Brâhmanas.
It seems therefore a word of a more modern origin.
There is a passage in Apastamba's Dharma - sûtras
which betrays, on the part of the author, a conscious-
ness of the more modern origin of the Srâddhas ³ :—
1 Âsvalâyana Grihya-sûtras IV. 2 Manu V. 64-65.

4, 10.
3
Bühler, Âpastamba, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii. p. 138 ;
also Srâddhâkalpa, p. 890. Though the Srâddha is prescribed in
the Gobhiliya Grihya- sûtras, IV. 4, 2-3, it is not described there,
but in a separate treatise, the Srâddha-kalpa .
Formerly men and gods lived together in this

world. Then the gods in reward of their sacrifices
went to heaven, but men were left behind. Those
men who perform sacrifices in the same manner as
the gods did , dwelt (after death) with the gods and
Brahman in heaven. Now (seeing men left behind)
Manu revealed this ceremony which is designated by
the word Sraddha.'
Sraddha has assumed many¹ meanings, and Manu²,

for instance, uses it almost synonymously with pitri-
yagña. But its original meaning seems to have been
' that which is given with sraddhâ or faith, ' i. e . charity
bestowed on deserving persons, and , more particularly,
on Brahmanas. The gift was called srâddha, but the
act itself also was called by the same name. The word
is best explained by Narayana in his commentary on
the Grihya - sûtras of Asvalâyana (IV. 7 ) , ' Srâddha is
that which is given in faith to Brâhmans for the sake
of the Fathers ","
Such charitable gifts flowed most naturally and

abundantly at the time of a man's death, or when-
ever his memory was revived by happy or unhappy
events in a family, and hence Sraddha has become
the general name for ever so many sacred acts com-
As meaning the food, sråddha occurs in sråddhabhug and

similar words. As meaning the sacrificial act, it is explained,
yatraitak khraddhaya diyate tad eva karma sråddhasabdabhi-
dheyam. Pretam pitrîms ka nirdisya bhogyam yat priyam âtma-
nah sraddhayâ diyate yatra tak khraddham parikirtitam . Gobhi-
liya Grihya- sutras, p. 892. We also read sraddhânvitah srâddham
kurvita, let a man perform the sråddha with faith ; ' Gobhiliya
Grihya-sûtras, p. 1053 .
* Manu III. 82.
Pitrin uddisya yad diyate brâhmanebhyah sraddhaya tak
khraddham.
236 LECTURE VII.
memorative of the departed. We hear of Srâddhas

not only at funerals, but at joyous events also, when
presents were bestowed in the name of the family,
and therefore in the name of the ancestors also, on
all who had a right to that distinction .
It is a mistake therefore to look upon Srâddhas
simply as offerings of water or cakes to the Fathers .
An offering to the Fathers was, no doubt, a symbolic
part of each Srâddha, but its more important character
was charity bestowed in memory of the Fathers .
This, in time, gave rise to much abuse, like the
alms bestowed on the Church during the Middle
Ages . But in the beginning the motive was excellent.
It was simply a wish to benefit others, arising from
the conviction, felt more strongly in the presence of
death than at any other time, that as we can carry
nothing out of this world, we ought to do as much
good as possible in the world with our worldly goods.
At Srâddhas the Brahmanas were said to represent
the sacrificial fire into which the gifts should be

thrown¹ . If we translate here Brahmanas by priests,
we can easily understand why there should have been
in later times so strong a feeling against Srâddhas.
But priest is a very bad rendering of Brahmana. The
Brahmanas were, socially and intellectually, a class of
men of high breeding. They were a recognised and,
no doubt, a most essential element in the ancient
society of India. As they lived for others , and
were excluded from most of the lucrative pursuits
of life, it was a social, and it soon became a reli-
gious duty, that they should be supported by the
community at large. Great care was taken that
1
Âpastamba II. 16, 3, Brâhmanâs tv âhavanîyârthe.
the recipients of such bounty as was bestowed at

Sraddhas should be strangers, neither friends nor
enemies, and in no way related to the family. Thus
Apastamba says¹ : The food eaten (at a Srâddha) by
persons related to the giver is a gift offered to gob-
lins . It reaches neither the Manes nor the Gods.'
A man who tried to curry favour by bestowing Srâd-

dhika gifts, was called by an opprobrious name, a
Sraddha-mitra 2.
Without denying therefore that in later times the

system of Sraddhas may have degenerated , I think
we can perceive that it sprang from a pure source,
and, what for our present purpose is even more
important, from an intelligible source.
Let us now return to the passage in the Grihya-
sûtras of Asvalâyana, where we met for the first
time with the name of Srâddha 3. It was the Sraddha
to be given for the sake of the Departed, after his

ashes had been collected in an urn and buried. This
Srâddha is called ekoddishta , or, as we should say,
personal. It was meant for one person only, not for

the three ancestors, nor for all the ancestors. Its
object was in fact to raise the departed to the rank
of a Pitri, and this had to be achieved by Srâddha
offerings continued during a whole year. This at
least is the general, and, most likely, the original
rule. Âpastamba says that the Sraddha for a de-
ceased relative should be performed every day during
the year, and that after that a monthly Sraddha only
should be performed or none at all, that is, no more
¹ L. c. p. 142. Manu III. 138, 140.

Asv. Grihya-sutras IV. 5, 8.
It is described as a vikriti of the Pârvana-sråddha in Gobhi-
liya Grihya-sûtras, p . 1011 .
238 LECTURE VII.
personal Srâddha ¹ , because the departed shares hence-

forth in the regular Pârvana-srâddhas . Sankhâyana
says the same³, namely that the personal Srâddha lasts
for a year, and that then ' the Fourth ' is dropped, i. e.
the great-grandfather was dropped, the grandfather
became the great- grandfather, the father the grand-
father, while the lately Departed occupied the father's
place among the three principal Pitris . This was
called the Sapindikarana, i.e. the elevating of the
departed to the rank of an ancestor.
There are here, as elsewhere, many exceptions. Go-
bhila allows six months instead of a year, or even a
Tripaksha , i. e. three half-months ; and lastly, any

auspicious event (vriddhi) may become the occasion
of the Sapindîkarana ‘ .
The full number of Srâddhas necessary for the
Sapindana is sometimes given as sixteen, viz. the

first, then one in each of the twelve months, then two
semestral ones , and lastly the Sapindana. But here
too much variety is allowed, though, if the Sapindana
takes place before the end of the year, the number
of sixteen Srâddhas has still to be made up ".
1 One of the differences between the acts before and after the
Sapindikarana is noted by Sâlankâyana : -Sapindîkaranam yâvad
rigudarbhaih pitrikriyâ Sapindikaranâd ûrdhvam dvigunair vidhivad
bhavet. Gobhiliya Grihya-sûtras, p . 930.
2 Gobhiliya Grihya-sûtras, p. 1023.
3 Grihya-sûtras, ed. Oldenberg, p. 83.
4
A pratyabdikam ekoddishtam on the anniversary of the
deceased is mentioned by Gobhiliya, 1. c. p. 1011.
5
Gobhiliya Grihya-sûtras, p. 1039.
Sankh. Grihya, p. 83 ; Gobh. Grihya, p. 1024. According
to some authorities the ekoddishta is called nava, new, during ten
days ; navamisra, mixed, for six months ; and purâna, old, after-
wards. Gebhiliya Grihya-sûtras, p . 1020.
7
Gobhiliya, 1. c. p. 1032 .
When the Srâddha is offered on account of an
auspicious event, such as a birth or a marriage, the

fathers invoked are not the father, grandfather, and
great-grandfather, who are sometimes called asru-
mukha, with tearful faces, but the ancestors before
them , and they are called nândîmukha, or joyful¹.

Colebrooke , to whom we owe an excellent de-
scription of what a Sraddha is in modern times ,
took evidently the
the same view.
same view. The first set of
funeral ceremonies,' he writes, ' is adapted to effect ,
by means of oblations, the re-imbodying of the soul
of the deceased , after burning his corpse. The ap-
parent scope of the second set is to raise his shade
from this world, where it would else, according to
the notions of the Hindus, continue to roam among
demons and evil spirits, up to heaven, and then

deify him, as it were, among the manes of de-
parted ancestors. For this end, a Srâddha should
regularly be offered to the deceased on the day after
the mourning expires ; twelve other Sraddhas singly
to the deceased in twelve successive months ; similar
obsequies at the end of the third fortnight, and also
in the sixth month, and in the twelfth ; and the obla-
tion called Sapindana on the first anniversary of his
decease . At this Sapindana Srâddha, which is the
last of the ekoddishta sråddhas, four funeral cakes
are offered to the deceased and his three ancestors,
1 Gobhiliya, 1. c. p. 1047- Life and Essays, ii. p. 195.

Colebrooke adds that in most provinces the periods for these
sixteen ceremonies, and for the concluding obsequies entitled
Sapindana, are anticipated, and the whole is completed on the
second or third day ; after which they are again performed at the
proper times , but in honour of the whole set of progenitors instead
of the deceased singly. It is this which Dr. Donner, in his learned
paper on the Pindapitriyagua (p. 11), takes as the general rule.
240 LECTURE VII.
that consecrated to the deceased being divided into

three portions and mixed with the other three cakes .
The portion retained is often offered to the deceased ,
and the act of union and fellowship becomes complete '.'
When this system of Srâddhas had once been
started, it seems to have spread very rapidly. We
soon hear of the monthly Srâddha, not only in
memory of one person lately deceased, but as part
of the Pitriyagña, and as obligatory, not only on
householders ( agnimat), but on other persons also,
and, not only on the three upper castes, but even ,
without hymns, on Sûdras 2, and as to be performed,
not only on the day of New-Moon, but on other days
also 3
³, whenever there was an opportunity. Gobhila
seems to look upon the Pindapitriyagña as itself a
Srâddha , and the commentator holds that, even if
there are no pindas or cakes, the Brâhmans ought
still to be fed. This Srâddha, however, is dis-
tinguished from the other, the true Srâddha, called
Anvâhârya, which follows it , and which is properly

known by the name of Pârvana Srâddha.
The same difficulties which confront us when we
try to form a clear conception of the character of the
various ancestral ceremonies, were felt by the Brâh-
¹ See this subject most exhaustively treated, particularly in its

bearings on the law of inheritance, in Rajkumar Sarvadhikari's
Tagore Law Lectures for 1880, p. 93 .
2 Gobhiliya Grihya-sûtras, p. 892 . 3 L. c. p. 897-
See p. 666, and p. 1008. Grihyakârah pindapitriyagñasya
srâddhatvam âha.
Gobhila IV. 4, 3 , itarad anvâhâryam. But the commentators
add, anagner amâvasyâsrâddham, nânvâhâryam. According to
Gobhila there ought to be the Vaisvadeva offering and the Bali
offering at the end of each Pârvana- srâddha ; see Gobhiliya Grihya-
sûtras, p. 1005, but no Vaisvadeva at an ekoddishta srâddha,
1. c.
c. p . 1020 .
mans themselves, as may be seen from the long dis-

cussions in the commentary on the Srâddha-kalpa ¹
and from the abusive language used by Kandrakânta
Tarkâlankâra against Raghunandana. The question
with them assumes the form of what is pradhâna
(primary) and what is anga (secondary) in these
sacrifices, and the final result arrived at is that some-
times the offering of cakes is pradhana, as in the
Pindapitriyagña, sometimes the feeding of Brahmans
only, as in the Nitya- sråddha , sometimes both, as in
the Sapindikarana.
We may safely say, therefore, that not a day passed
in the life of the ancient people of India on which they
were not reminded of their ancestors, both near and
distant, and showed their respect for them, partly by
symbolic offerings to the Manes, partly by charitable
gifts to deserving persons, chiefly Brahmans. These
offertories varied from the simplest, such as milk and
fruits, to the costliest, such as gold and jewels. The
feasts given to those who were invited to officiate
or assist at a Srâddha seem in some cases to have
been very sumptuous , and what is very important,

the eating of meat, which in later times was strictly
forbidden in many sects, must, when the Sûtras were
written, have been fully recognised at these feasts,
even to the killing and eating of a cow ³.
This shows that these Sraddhas, though possibly
of later date than the Pitriyaguas, belong neverthe-
less to a very early phase of Indian life. And though
1 L. c. pp. 1cc5-1010 ; Nirnayasindhu, p. 270.

* See Burnell, The Law of Partition , p. 31 .
* Kalau tâvad gavâlambho mâmsadanam ka sråddhe nishiddham,
Gobhilena tu madhyamashtakâyâm vastukarmani ka gavalambho
vihitaḥ, mâmṣakarus kanvashtakyasråddhe ; Gobhiliya Grihya-sûtra,
ed. Kandrakanta Tarkâlankâra, Vigñapti, p. 8.
R
242 LECTURE VII.
much may have been changed in the outward form

of these ancient ancestral sacrifices, their original
solemn character has remained unchanged . Even at
present, when the worship of the ancient Devas is
ridiculed by many who still take part in it, the wor-
ship of the ancestors and the offering of Srâddhas
have maintained much of their old sacred character.
They have sometimes been compared to the ' commu-

nion ' in the Christian Church, and it is certainly true
that many natives speak of their funeral and ances-
tral ceremonies with a hushed voice and with real
X
reverence. They alone seem still to impart to their
life on earth a deeper significance and a higher
prospect. I could go even a step further and express
my belief, that the absence of such services for the
dead and of ancestral commemorations is a real loss in
our own religion. Almost every religion recognises

them as tokens of a loving memory offered to a father,
to a mother, or even to a child, and though in many
countries they may have proved a source of supersti-
tion, there runs through them all a deep well of living
human faith that ought never to be allowed to perish."
The early Christian Church had to sanction the ancient
prayers for the Souls of the Departed, and in more
Southern countries the services on All Saints' and on
All Souls' Day continue to satisfy a craving of the

human heart which must be satisfied in every religion .
We, in the North, shrink from these open manifesta-
tions ofgrief, but our hearts know often a deeper bitter-

ness ; nay, there would seem to be a higher truth than
we at first imagine in the belief of the ancients that
the souls of our beloved ones leave us no rest, unless
they are appeased by daily prayers, or, better still, by

daily acts of goodness in remembrance of them ¹.
1 Note L.
But there is still another Beyond that found ex-

pression in the ancient religion of India. Besides
the Devas or Gods, and besides the Pitris or Fathers,
there was a third world, without which the ancient
religion of India could not have become what we see
it in the Veda. That third Beyond was what the
poets of the Veda call the Rita, and which I believe
meant originally no more than the straight line .'
It is applied to the straight line of the sun in its
daily course, to the straight line followed by day and
night, to the straight line that regulates the seasons ,
to the straight line which, in spite of many moment-
ary deviations, was discovered to run through the
whole realm of nature. We call that Rita, that
straight, direct, or right line, when we apply it in a
more general sense, the Law of Nature ; and when
we apply it to the moral world, we try to express
the same idea again by speaking of the Moral Law,
the law on which our life is founded, the eternal Law
of Right and Reason, or, it may be, that which makes
for righteousness ' both within us and without ¹ .
And thus, as a thoughtful look on nature led to
the first perception of bright gods, and in the end of
a God of light, as love of our parents was transfigured
into piety and a belief in immortality, a recognition
of the straight lines in the world without, and in
the world within, was raised into the highest faith,
a faith in a law that underlies everything, a law in
which we may trust, whatever befall, a law which
speaks within us with the divine voice of conscience ,
and tells us this is rita, ' ' this is right,' this is true ,'
whatever the statutes of our ancestors, or even the
voices of our bright gods, may say to the contrary.
1 See Hibbert Lectures, new ed. pp. 243-255.

R 2
244 LECTURE VII.
These three Beyonds are the three revelations of

antiquity ; and it is due almost entirely to the dis-
covery of the Veda that we , in this nineteenth century
of ours, have been allowed to watch again these early
phases of thought and religion, which had passed

away long before the beginnings of other literatures¹ .
In the Veda an ancient city has been laid bare before
our eyes which, in the history of all other religions,
is filled up with rubbish, and built over by new
architects. Some of the earliest and most instructive
scenes of our distant childhood have risen once more
above the horizon of our memory which, until thirty
or forty years ago, seemed to have vanished for ever.
Only a few words more to indicate at least how

this religious growth in India contained at the same
time the germs of Indian philosophy. Philosophy in
India is, what it ought to be, not the denial, but the
fulfilment of religion ; it is the highest religion, and
the oldest name of the oldest system of philosophy
in India is Vedanta, that is, the end, the goal, the
highest object of the Veda.
Let us return once more to that ancient theologian
who lived in the fifth century B. C. , and who told us
that, even before his time, all the gods had been dis-
covered to be but three gods, the gods of the Earth,
the gods of the Air, and the gods of the Sky, invoked
under various names. The same writer tells us that
in reality there is but one God, but he does not call
In Chinese we find that the same three aspects of religion and

their intimate relationship were recognised, as, for instance, when
Confucius says to the Prince of Sung : Honour the sky (worship
of Devas), reverence the Manes (worship of Pitris) ; if you do this,
sun and moon will keep their appointed time (Rita).' Happel,
Altchinesische Reichsreligion, p. 11 .
him the Lord, or the Highest God, the Creator, Ruler

and Preserver of all things, but he calls him Âtman,
THE SELF. The one Atman or Self, he says, is praised
in many ways owing to the greatness of the godhead.
And he then goes on to say : ' The other gods are

but so many members of the one Âtman , Self, and
thus it has been said that the poets compose their
praises according to the multiplicity of the natures

of the beings whom they praise.'
It is true, no doubt, that this is the language of a
philosophical theologian, not of an ancient poet. Yet
these philosophical reflections belong to the fifth cen-
tury before our era, if not to an earlier date ; and
the first germs of such thoughts may be discovered
in some of the Vedic hymns also . I have quoted
already from the hymns such passages as¹-' They
speak of Mitra, Varuna, Agni ; then he is the heavenly
bird Garutmat ; that which is and is one the poets
call in various ways ; they speak of Yama, Agni,
Mâtarisvan.'
In another hymn, in which the sun is likened to

a bird, we read : Wise poets represent by their words
the bird who is one, in many ways .'
All this is still tinged with mythology ; but there

are other passages from which a purer light beams
upon us, as when one poet asks³ :
Who saw him when he was first born, when he
who has no bones bore him who has bones ? Where
was the breath, the blood, the Self of the world ?
Who went to ask this from any that knew it ?'

Here, too, the expression is still helpless, but
1
Rig-veda I. 164, 46 ; Hibbert Lectures, p. 311 .
Rig- veda X. 114,5; Hibbert Lectures, p. 313.
3
Rig- veda I. 164 , 4 .
246 LECTURE VII.
though the flesh is weak, the spirit is very willing.

The expression ' He who has bones ' is meant for that
which has assumed consistency and form, the Visible,
as opposed to that which has no bones, no body, no
form , the Invisible, while ' breath, blood, and self of
the world ' are but so many attempts at finding
names and concepts for what is by necessity incon-
ceivable, and therefore unnameable.
In the second period of Vedic literature, in the
so-called Brahmanas, and more particularly in what
is called the Upanishads, or the Vedânta portion ,
these thoughts advance to perfect clearness and defi-
niteness. Here the development of religious thought,
which took its beginning in the hymns, attains to
its fulfilment. The circle becomes complete . Instead
of comprehending the One by many names, the many
names are now comprehended to be the One. The
old names are openly discarded ; even such titles as
Pragâpati, lord of creatures, Visvakarman , maker of all
things, Dhâtri, creator, are put aside as inadequate.
The name now used is an expression of nothing
but the purest and highest subjectiveness, it is
Atman, the Self, far more abstract than our Ego, -
the Self of all things, the Self of all the old mytho-
logical gods -for they were not mere names, but
names intended for something-lastly, the Self in
which each individual self must find rest, must come
to himself, must find his own true Self.
You may remember that I spoke to you in my first
lecture of a boy who insisted on being sacrificed by

his father, and who, when he came to Yama, the
ruler of the departed , was granted three boons, and
who then requested , as his third boon, that Yama
should tell him what became of man after death.
That dialogue forms part of one of the Upanishads,

it belongs to the Vedânta, the end of the Veda, the
highest aim of the Veda. I shall read you a few
extracts from it.
Yama, the King of the Departed, says :
'Men who are fools, dwelling in ignorance, though
wise in their own sight, and puffed up with vain
knowledge, go round and round, staggering to and
fro, like blind led by the blind.
The future never rises before the eyes of the
careless child, deluded by the delusions of wealth .
This is the world, he thinks ; there is no other ; thus
he falls again and again under my sway (the sway
of death).
"The wise, who by means of meditating on his Self,
recognises the Old (the old man within) who is diffi-
cult to see, who has entered into darkness, who is
hidden in the cave, who dwells in the abyss, as God,
he indeed leaves joy and sorrow far behind .
"That Self, the Knower, is not born, it dies not ; it
came from nothing, it never became anything. The
Old man is unborn, from everlasting to everlasting ;
he is not killed, though the body be killed .

That Self is smaller than small, greater than
great ; hidden in the heart of the creature. A man
who has no more desires and no more griefs, sees the
majesty of the Self by the grace of the creator.
Though sitting still, he walks far ; though lying
down, he goes everywhere. Who save myself is able
to know that God , who rejoices, and rejoices not ?
That Self cannot be gained by the Veda ; nor by
the understanding, nor by much learning. He whom
the Self chooses, by him alone the Self can be gained .
The Self chooses him as his own. But he who
248 LECTURE VII.
has not first turned away from his wickedness, who

is not calm and subdued, or whose mind is not at rest ,
he can never obtain the Self, even by knowledge.
'No mortal lives by the breath that goes up and
by the breath that goes down. We live by another,
in whom both repose .
'Well then, I shall tell thee this mystery, the
eternal word (Brahman), and what happens to the
Self, after reaching death.
' Some are born again, as living beings, others
enter into stocks and stones, according to their
work, and according to their knowledge.
' But he, the Highest Person, who wakes in us
while we are asleep, shaping one lovely sight after
another, he indeed is called the Light, he is called
Brahman, he alone is called the Immortal . All
worlds are founded on it, and no one goes beyond.
This is that.
'As the one fire , after it has entered the world,
though one, becomes different according to what it
burns, thus the One Self within all things , becomes
different, according to whatever it enters, but it
exists also apart.
' As the sun, the eye of the world, is not con-

taminated by the external impurities seen by the
eye, thus the One Self within all things is never
contaminated by the sufferings of the world , being
himself apart .
"
There is one eternal thinker, thinking non-eternal
thoughts ; he, though one, fulfils the desires of many.
The wise who perceive Him within their Self, to
them belongs eternal life, eternal peace ¹.
1 Τὸ δὲ φρόνημα τοῦ πνεύματος ζωὴ καὶ εἰρήνη. See also Ruskin,

Sesame , p. 63.
'Whatever there is, the whole world, when gone
forth (from Brahman) , trembles in his breath. That

Brahman is a great terror, like a drawn sword.
Those who know it, become immortal.
' He (Brahman) cannot be reached by speech, by
mind, or by the eye. He cannot be apprehended ,
except by him who says, He is.
'When all desires that dwell in the heart cease,
then the mortal becomes immortal, and obtains
Brahman.
'When all the fetters of the heart here on earth
are broken, when all that binds us to this life is
undone, then the mortal becomes immortal :- here
my teaching ends.'
This is what is called Vedanta, the Veda-end, the
end of the Veda, and this is the religion or the philo-
sophy, whichever you like to call it, that has lived
on from about 500 B.C. to the present day. If the
people of India can be said to have now any system
of religion at all, -apart from their ancestral sacri-
fices and their Sraddhas, and apart from mere caste-
observances, it is to be found in the Vedanta philo-
sophy, the leading tenets of which are known to some
extent in every village ' . That great revival of reli-
gion, which was inaugurated some fifty years ago by
Ram-Mohun Roy, and is now known as the Brahma-
Samag, under the leadership of my noble friend
Keshub Chunder Sen, was chiefly founded on the
Upanishads, and was Vedantic in spirit. There is,
in fact, an unbroken continuity between the most
modern and the most ancient phases of Hindu thought ,
extending over more than three thousand years.
Major Jacob, Manual of Hindu Pantheism, Preface.

250 LECTURE VII.
To the present day India acknowledges no higher

authority in matters of religion , ceremonial, customs ,
and law than the Veda, and so long as India is India ,
nothing will extinguish that ancient spirit of Ve-
dântism which is breathed by every Hindu from his
earliest youth, and pervades in various forms the
prayers even of the idolater, the speculations of the
philosopher, and the proverbs of the beggar.
For purely practical reasons therefore , -I mean
for the very practical object of knowing something
of the secret springs which determine the character,
the thoughts and deeds, of the lowest as well as of
the highest amongst the people in India, -an ac-
quaintance with their religion, which is founded on the
Veda, and with their philosophy, which is founded
on the Vedanta, is highly desirable.
It is easy to make light of this , and to ask, as some
statesmen have asked, even in Europe, What has
religion, or what has philosophy, to do with politics ?
In India, in spite of all appearances to the contrary,
and notwithstanding the indifference on religious mat-
ters so often paraded before the world by the Indians
themselves , religion, and philosophy too, are great
powers still. Read the account that has lately been
published of two native statesmen, the administrators
of two first-class states in Saurashtra, Junagadh and
Bhavnagar, Gokulaji and Gaurisankara ' , and you
Life and Letters of Gokulaji Sampattirâma Zâlâ and his

views of the Vedanta, by Manassukharâma Sûryarâma Tripathi.
Bombay, 1881 .
As a young man Gokulaji, the son of a good family, learnt
Persian and Sanskrit. His chief interest in life, in the midst of
a most successful political career, was the ' Vedanta.' A little
insight, we are told, into this knowledge turned his heart to
higher objects, promising him freedom from grief, and blessedness ,
will see whether the Vedanta is still a moral and

a political power in India or not.
But I claim even more for the Vedanta, and I
recommend its study, not only to the Candidates for
the Indian Civil Service, but to all true students of
philosophy. It will bring before them a view of life,
different from all other views of life which are placed
before us in the History of Philosophy. You saw
how behind all the Devas or gods , the authors of the
Upanishads discovered the Atman or Self. Of that
Self they predicated three things only, that it is , that
it perceives, and that it enjoys eternal bliss . All
other predicates were negative : it is not this, it is
not that- it is beyond anything that we can conceive
or name.
But that Self, that Highest Self, the Paramâtman,
could be discovered after a severe moral and intel-
lectual discipline only, and those who had not yet

discovered it, were allowed to worship lower gods,
and to employ more poetical names to satisfy their
human wants. Those who knew the other gods to
be but names or persons- personae or masks, in the
true sense of the word-pratikas, as they call them in
Sanskrit - knew also that those who worshipped these
names or persons, worshipped in truth the Highest
the highest aim of all. This was the turning-point of his inner
life. When the celebrated Vedanti anchorite, Rama Bavà, visited
Junagadh, Gokulaji became his pupil. When another anchorite,
Paramahansa Sakkidananda, passed through Junagadh on a pil-
grimage to Girnar, Gokulaji was regularly initiated in the secrets
of the Vedanta. He soon became highly proficient in it, and
through the whole course of his life, whether in power or in dis-
grace, his belief in the doctrines of the Vedanta supported him,
and made him, in the opinion of English statesmen, the model of
what a native statesman ought to be.
252 LECTURE VII.
Self, though ignorantly. This is a most character-
istic feature in the religious history of India. Even

in the Bhagavadgîtâ, a rather popular and exoteric
exposition of Vedantic doctrines, the Supreme Lord
or Bhagavat himself is introduced as saying : Even
those who worship idols, worship me¹.'
But that was not all. As behind the names of
Agni, Indra, and Pragâpati, and behind all the myth-
ology of nature, the ancient sages of India had dis-
covered the Âtman- let us call it the objective Self-
they perceived also behind the veil of the body, behind
the senses, behind the mind, and behind our reason
(in fact behind the mythology of the soul, which we
often call psychology), another Atman , or the sub-
jective Self. That Self, too , was to be discovered by
a severe moral and intellectual discipline only, and
those who wished to find it, who wished to know, not
themselves, but their Self, had to cut far deeper than
the senses, or the mind, or the reason, or the ordinary
Ego. All these too were Devas, bright apparitions-
mere names - yet names meant for something. Much
that was most dear, that had seemed for a time their
¹ Professor Kuenen discovers a similar idea in the words placed

in the mouth of Jehovah by the prophet Malachi, i . 14 : For
I am a great King, and my name is feared among the heathen.'
"The reference,' he says, ' is distinctly to the adoration already offered
to Yahweh by the people, whenever they serve their own gods with
true reverence and honest zeal. Even in Deuteronomy the adora-
tion of these other gods by the nations is represented as a dis-
pensation of Yahweh. Malachi goes a step further, and accepts
their worship as a tribute which in reality falls to Yahweh, -to
Him, the Only True. Thus the opposition between Yahweh and
the other gods, and afterwards between the one true God and the
imaginary gods , makes room here for the still higher conception
that the adoration of Yahweh is the essence and the truth of all
religion.' Hibbert Lectures, p . 181 .
very self, had to be surrendered, before they could

find the Self of Selves, the Old Man, the Looker-on,
a subject independent of all personality, an existence
independent of all life.
When that point had been reached, then the
highest knowledge began to dawn, the Self within
(the Pratyagâtman) was drawn towards the Highest
Self (the Paramâtman), it found its true self in the
Highest Self, and the oneness of the subjective with
the objective Self was recognised as underlying all
reality, as the dim dream of religion, as the pure
light of philosophy.
This fundamental idea is worked out with syste-
matic completeness in the Vedanta philosophy, and

no one who can appreciate the lessons contained in
Berkeley's philosophy, will read the Upanishads and
the Brahma- sûtras and their commentaries without
feeling a richer and a wiser man .

I admit that it requires patience , discrimination ,
and a certain amount of self- denial before we can
discover the grains of solid gold in the dark mines of

Eastern philosophy. It is far easier and far more
amusing for shallow critics to point out what is
absurd and ridiculous in the religion and philosophy
of the ancient world than for the earnest student to
discover truth and wisdom under strange disguises.
Some progress however has been made, even during

the short span of life that we can remember. The
Sacred Books of the East are no longer a mere butt for
the invectives of missionaries or the sarcasms of philo-
sophers. They have at last been recognised as his-
torical documents, aye, as the most ancient documents
in the history of the human mind , and as paleonto-
logical records of an evolution that begins to elicit
254 LECTURE VII.
wider and deeper sympathies than the nebular forma-

tion of the planet on which we dwell for a season,
or the organic development of that chrysalis which
we call man.
If you think that I exaggerate, let me read you in
conclusion what one of the greatest philosophical
critics and certainly not a man given to admiring
the thoughts of others says of the Vedanta, and
more particularly of the Upanishads. Schopenhauer
writes :
In the whole world there is no study so beneficial

and so elevating as that of the Upanishads. It has
been the solace of my life-it will be the solace of my
death ¹.
' x
I have thus tried, so far as it was possible in
one course of lectures, to give you some idea of

ancient India, of its ancient literature, and, more
particularly, of its ancient religion. My object was,

not merely to place names and facts before you,
these you can find in many published books, but,
if possible, to make you see and feel the general
human interests that are involved in that ancient
chapter of the history of the human race. I wished

that the Veda and its religion and philosophy
should not only seem to you curious or strange, but
that you should feel that there was in them some-
thing that concerns ourselves, something of our own
intellectual growth, some recollections, as it were, of
our own childhood , or at least of the childhood of our
own race. I feel convinced that, placed as we are
1 Sacred Books of the East, vol . i, The Upanishads, translated by

M. M.; Introduction, p. lxi.
here in this life, we have lessons to learn from the

Veda, quite as important as the lessons we learn at
school from Homer and Virgil, and lessons from the
Vedanta quite as instructive as the systems of Plato
or Spinoza.
I do not mean to say that everybody who wishes
to know how the human race came to be what it is,
how language came to be what it is, how religion
came to be what it is, how manners, customs, laws, and
forms of government came to be what they are, how
we ourselves came to be what we are, must learn
Sanskrit, and must study Vedic Sanskrit . But I do
believe that not to know what a study of Sanskrit ,
and particularly a study of the Veda, has already
done for illuminating the darkest passages in the
history of the human mind, of that mind on which
we ourselves are feeding and living, is a misfortune,
or, at all events, a loss, just as I should count it a
loss to have passed through life without knowing
something, however little, of the geological formation
of the earth, or of the sun, and the moon, and the
stars, and of the thought, or the will, or the law,
that govern their movements.
!
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS .
8
NOTE A, p. 9.
ON THE TREASURES FOUND ON THE OXUS AND AT MYKENAE.
The treasure found on the north bank of the Oxus in 1877 ,

and described by General Cunningham in the Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1881 , contains coins from Darius.
down to Antiochus the Great and Euthydemus of Bactria.
The treasure seems therefore to have been buried on the bank
of the river at the time when Euthydemus marched against
Antiochus, who invaded Bactria in 208 B.C. Euthydemus was
defeated, and the treasure, whether belonging to him or to one
of his nobles, was left untouched till the other day. There
can be no doubt as to the Persian character of many of the
coins, figures, and ornaments discovered on the bank of the
Oxus, and we must suppose therefore that they were spoils
carried away from Persia, and kept for a time in Bactria by
the victorious generals of Alexander.
Now of all the hypotheses that have been put forward with
regard to the treasure found at Mykenae, or at least some por-
tion of it, that of Professor Forchhammer has always seemed to
me the most plausible. According to his view, some of the works
of art discovered at Mykenae should be considered as part of the
spoils that fell to Mykenae, as her legitimate share in the booty
of the Persian camp . The Persian, or, if you like, Assyrian
character of some of the things discovered in the tombs of My-
kenae admits of no doubt. The representation of the king in
his chariot, with the charioteer, hunting the stag, is clearly
Assyrian or Persian . The dress of the figures on some of
the seals is decidedly Assyrian or Persian. Now the same
style of art meets us again in the various works of art found
on the Oxus. We have the king in his two-wheeled chariot,
standing behind his charioteer, in the silver Daric (Pl. xii , 6,
7 ), and in the gold relic ( Pl . xii , 8 ). We have the peculiar
Persian trowsers, the sarabara (sarawil) , in the gold statue
S 2
260 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS .
(Pl . xii, 1 ), and again in the silver statuette (Pl. xi) . Besides
this, we have (Pl. xv, 6) the stag in gold, corresponding to
the stag in silver-lead ( Pl. 172 , Mykenae) . We have the
figure of a man in bronze ( Pl. xix, 4 ) , and of a king in gold
(Pl. xii, 1 ) , both reminding us of the figure of a man found at
Mykenae (Pl . 86) , and we have the small pigeon (Pl. xv, 3)
which might have come off from one of the figures found at
Mykenae (Pl. 106, and 179) .
All this would become intelligible, if we might trace the
treasures found on the Oxus and the treasures found at
Mykenae back to the same source-namely, to booty found
by the Greeks in the Persian camp, and to booty carried off
by Macedonian generals from the palaces of Darius.
This would not explain the origin of all the treasure found
in the tombs of Mykenae, but it would give a clue to some
of them, and thus impart a new interest to Dr. Schliemann's
discoveries. (I have quoted the numbers of the Mykenae
plates from the Collection of the original photographs presented
to me by Dr. Schliemann. )
NOTE B, p. 25.
ON THE NAME OF THE CAT AND THE CAT'S EYE.
Our domestic cat came to us from Egypt ', where it had

been tamed by a long process of kindness, or, it may be, of
worship . In no classical writer, Greek or Roman , do
we find the cat as a domestic animal before the third
century A. D. It is first mentioned by Caesarius, the physician,
brother of Gregory, the theologian of Nazianzus , who died
369 A. D. He speaks of kárrai eropvpot. About the same time
Palladius (De re rustica , IV, 9. 4), writes : ' Contra talpas pro-
dest catos (cattos) frequenter habere in mediis carduetis
(artichoke-gardens). Mustelas habent plerique mansuetas ;
aliqui foramina earum rubrica et succo agrestis cucumeris
impleverunt. Nonnulli juxta cubilia talparum plures cavernas
aperiunt, ut illae territae fugiant solis admissu . Plerique
laqueos in aditu earum setis pendentibus ponunt .' Hehn
supposes that talpa here means mouse. But whether it
means mouse or mole, it is clear that when Palladius wrote
(fourth century A.D.) , tame mustelae were still more common
than cats, whether called cati or catti.
Evagrius scholasticus ( Hist. Eccl. 17 , 23 ) , about 600 A.D. ,
speaks of κάττα 3 as the common name of αἴλουρος, here meant ,
therefore , for cat . He says : αἴλουρον ἣν κάτταν ἡ συνήθεια
λέγει.
And Isidorus, his contemporary, expresses himself in the
same sense when saying ( 12 , 2 , 38), hunc (murionem) vulgus
catum a captura vocant.'
If we admit, in the absence of evidence to the contrary
effect, that the tame cat came from Egypt to Greece and Italy
Wagner, zu Schrebers Saugethiere, Suppl. ii, p. 536.

* See Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere, p. 398. It was the Felis mani-
culata Ruepp. , see Hartinann, Zeitschrift für Acgypt. Sprache, 1864, p. 11 .
⚫ Catta in Martialis, 13, 69, seems to be a kind of bird.
262 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
in the fourth century A. D., and that the shrewd little animal
was called by the Romans cătus, everything else becomes
intelligible.
In the ruins of Pompeii, where the bones of horses, dogs,
and goats have been found, no bones of cats have hitherto
been discovered, and the pictures there which were supposed
to be intended for cats, are now proved to be at all events
not pictures of the tame cat '.
In the language of Roumania no traces exist of the word
catus, probably because at the time when that Romanic
dialect became settled in Dacia, catus did not yet exist as a
Latin word 2.
Mice were very troublesome no doubt to Greeks and Romans,
but they fought against them, and against lizards and snakes
also, not by cats, but by the yaλén or yaλn, the iris, and the
αἰέλουρος οι αἴλουρος. We must not suppose that the names
of these animals were used by the ancients with anything like
zoological accuracy. So much only is certain that, before
the fourth century B. C., none of them, when applied to animals
outside Egypt , should be taken for our Felis domesticus,
while Cuvier maintains that in Egypt the cat-mummies,
from the most ancient times, are anatomically the same as
our tame cat.
My excellent friend, the late Professor Rolleston , whom I miss
more than I can say, in a paper ' On Domestic Cats, ancient and
modern,' published in the Journal of Anatomy and Physiology,
1868, pp. 47-61, came to the conclusion that when the ancient
Greeks, such as Aristotle, Aristophanes, &c., spoke of yan,
except in Egypt, they generally meant the Mustela foina,
the white-breasted marten, called also beech -marten or stone-
marten, sometimes the Mustela furo, the ferret, and the
Viverra genneta, the genet, but never the polecat, Mustela
putorius. What distinguishes the yaλ is that it destroys
mice, snakes, and birds, that it steals the eggs of birds, and
1 Hehn, l. c., p. 402. 2 Hehn, 1. c., p. 531.
Herodotus, when speaking of the cat in Egypt, applies the Greek name of
aiλovpos to it ; in the Sibylline Oracles , Prooem., v. 60, it is called yaλî ;
αἰσχύνθητε γαλᾶς καὶ κνώδαλα θειοποιοῦντες .
Annales du Muséum, An. xi ( 1802 ) , p. 234 ; Ossemens fossiles, Discours
Préliminaire, pp. lxii-lxiii, ed. 1821 ; Rolleston, 1. c., p. 50.
ON THE NAME OF THE CAT AND CAT'S EYE. 263
is offensive by its smell. The yaλn ȧypía or iκтis shares these

qualities, but it is larger and, what is important, fond of honey.
Neither ferret (Mustela furo) nor weasel (Mustela vulgaris)
will touch honey.
The cat, our Felis domesticus, may in extreme cases be
brought to kill snakes, but it will not steal eggs, nor eat
honey, nor go into holes, like the yaλ or the Mustela.
The most useful talent of killing mice was shared by yaλn,
mustela, weasel, and cat ; and when we say, cat and mouse, the
Greeks said Mos kai yaλn, the Romans Mus et mustela.
When the Greeks came to know the tame Egyptian cat,
they transferred to it the old names of γαλῆ and αἴλουρος .
Most likely KárTos was the imitation of an Egyptian word,
and when Kallimachos, writing in Egypt (third century B. C.),
speaks of the alλovpos, his commentator was no doubt right
in saying, τὸν ἰδίως λεγόμενον κάττον .
In the Greek fables, down to Babrius, alλovpos need never
be taken for a tame cat, but for a weasel, marten , or possibly
a wild cat¹.
The Romans did not transfer the name of Mustela to the
cat, but by a kind of popular etymology, changed cattus into
cătus, and these two names, kárra and catus, found their way
afterwards into nearly all the languages of Europe 3 .
In Germany the arrival of the cat must have been suffi-
ciently early to account for the adoption of cats, instead of
weasels (O.H.G. wisula, or wisale), as drawing the chariot of
the goddess Freya , unless we admit that here too the cat
1 Hehn, l. c., p. 402, against Keller, Über die Geschichte der griech. Fabel,
p. 392.
The following are the different English names, all corresponding to some
kind of Mustela :-
Mustela foina white-breasted marten.
Mustela martes yellow-breasted marten.
Mustela putorius = polecat.
Mustela furo ferret.
Mustela vulgaris = weasel.
Mustela erminea - stoat.
* O.H.G. chazza ; M. H.G. katze ; A.S. cat ; O.N. kottr ; Fr. chat, chatte ;
Prov. cat, cata ; Span. gato, gata ; Ital. gatto, gatta ; Mod. Gr. yára, kargi ;
Ir. cat ; Gael. cat ; Welsh cath ; Russ. kot", koška ; Pol. kot, kotka ; Bob. kot,
kotè ; Lith. katé ; Finn . katti ; Lapp. katto ; Turk, kedy ; Arm, citto.
• Hehn, 1.c. , p. 405. * Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, p. 634.
intended was originally the wild-cat, particularly as its place

is often taken by the gold-bristled boar and the falcon ¹.
We now come to the question, whether the cat was known
at an early time in India. The two principal words in
Sanskrit for cat are mârgâra and vidâla.
Mârgâra means the cleaner, the cat being well known for
its cleanliness. The wild- cat is called aranya-mârgâra, the
forest-cat (Pañkatantra, p. 165, l. 14).
Manu (XI, 131 ) places mârgâra by the side of the nakula,
the ichneumon, and in the Pañkatantra (p . 110, l. 23) we read
that there is a natural enmity between cats and dogs (sâra-
meya-mârgârânâm) and between ichneumons and serpents
(nakula-sarpânâm). This instinctive enmity between certain
animals was so well known that Pânini gave a rule (II, 4 , 9)
according to which compounds may be formed of the names
of such animals. But among these compounds we find in
Pânini neither cat and dog, nor cat and mouse. Pânini knew
the wild-cat, the vidâla (VI, 2 , 72 ), but not the tame cat, the
enemy of dogs and mice. Nay, even Рatañgali, the author of
the Mahâbhâshya, does not yet mention the cat among the
animals exhibiting an instinctive hatred of other animals (II,
4, 9). He gives in the Mahâbhâshya instances ( II , 4, 12, 2 ) of
such instinctive enmities, as kâkolûkam, crows and owls,
svasrigâlam, dogs and jackals (even sramaṇa-brâhmaṇam,
mendicants and Brâhmans), but not cat and dog, or cat and
mouse. The later Kâsikâ, on the contrary, gives mârgara-
mûshakam, cat and mouse, as the very first instance of II, 4, 9 .
Again (IV, 2 , 104) , the animals mentioned by Patañgali for
a similar purpose are ahi-nakulikâh, serpents and ichneumons,
and svâvarâhikâh, dogs and boars, but not cat and dog, nor
cat and mouse.
In the Chinese translation of the story of Bedd Gelert,
made by Fa Hian about 412 A. D. , the animals that hate each
other instinctively are the snake and the nakula, the little
bird and the hawk, the Sramana and Brahmana, the step-
mother and the child of another wife 2.
A strong confirmation of the comparatively late date of the
Radolph, Die Göttergestalt der Frigg, 1875 , p. 37.
2 See S. Beal, in the Academy, 1882 , p. 331 .
cat, as the enemy of mice, in India is furnished by the

Paйkatantra. Here we read (V, 109 ) ' , 'A mouse, though born
in the house, must be killed , because it does mischief. A cat
is asked for from elsewhere, and paid for, because it is useful.'
But in the Arabic translation (Guidi's Codd . F. and V. ) ,
instead of the cat we find the falcon ; in the Directorium the
nisus, or sparrow-hawk ; in the Stephanites the iépa§, and in
the old Spanish translation, the azor.
It might have been supposed at first that as the cat
occurred in the Pañkatantra, the Arabic translation had
changed the cat into a falcon. But no. The old Syriac version,
which is older than our Paikatantra, has : Mice, though bred
in the house, are killed on account of their mischievousness,
but falcons are caught on account of their usefulness, and
carried on the hand.'
This leaves no doubt that in the original the simile was
taken from the mice and the falcon, and that the somewhat
lame simile of the cat and the mice is oflater date.
The second name for cat in Sanskrit is vidala or bidila. In
the Vagasaneyi-samhitâ (XXIV, 31 ) vrishadamsa is explained
by vidila, and kept quite distinct from nakula (XXIV, 32 ),
which occurs in the Atharva- veda (IV, 139 , 5 ) as an animal
hostile to serpents. Manu also (XI, 159 ) clearly distinguishes
vidala from nakula, and his vana-vidala is most likely meant
for the wild-cat. Panini must have known the word, for in
XVI, 2, 72 he gives a rule for the accent of the compound
bhiksha-vidala.
It is difficult to analyse this word . I thought at first that
it might be connected with vidala (bidala, in the Ait . Âr . III ,
1 , 2 , 6 ) which means cut in half, split in the middle, which
would be a very appropriate term for a cat's eye. But this
would leave the lingual d unaccounted for. In the Unadi-
sûtras (I, 117) it is derived from vid, to shout, with the suffix
âla. This suffix shows a certain analogy with âlîya in mâr-
galiya, another name for cat.
The question then arises, whether from vidala a derivative
vaidalya might have been formed, and whether this word
1 Selected Essays, i. p. 556.

could have given rise to the Greek αἴλουρος or αἰέλουρος, in-

stead of alólos and oupá, as commonly supposed. We should
have to admit a parallel form vaidârya, and then a transition
of oppos into oupos, allowing at the same time the possibility
that the word came into Greek, not as a common Aryan word,
but as a foreign name for a foreign animal.
And this suggests a new question. Vaidurya and vaidûrya,
the very form that would best correspond to the Greek atλovpos,
means in Sanskrit the cat's eye. The cat is called manivaidûr-
yalokana, i.e. having eyes like the Vaidûrya jewel. It is
true that so ancient a grammarian as Pânini (IV, 3 , 84 ) derives
vaidûrya from vidûra, ' very distant, ' and that accordingly it is
often spelt with a dental d . But this seems an after-
thought. The transition of vaidarya into vaidûrya is not
impossible, even in Sanskrit, if we remember such parallel
forms as dûra and davîyas, sthûla, sthavîyas, & c. If then
vaidûrya was connected with vidûla, cat, and meant originally
a cat's eye, it is strange, to say no more, that the Prakrit form
veluriya should, as Pott pointed out, appear in Greek as Bý-
puλλos, again a foreign name for a foreign jewel, i . e. for the
beryl. It is true no doubt that, scientifically speaking, the
cat's eye and the beryl differ, but in some cases, as Professor
Fischer informs me, the colour of the beryl is like that of the
eyes of a cat, though it never has that peculiar waving lustre
which is perceived in all real cat's-eye minerals, when they
have been cut convexly.
Vaidûrya is also used as the name of the country or the
mountain where the vaidûrya mineral is found. At the time
ofVarâhamihira (Brihat- samhitâ , XIV, 14), in the sixth century,
the mines of beryl stone were said to be in the South of India.
But in the commentary on the Unadi- sûtras ( II, 20) we hear
of Vidara as the name of Bâlavâya, being either a mountain
or a town, from whence the best Vaidûrya stones are said to
come. In the commentary on Pânini also (VI, 2 , 77) this
Bâlavâya is mentioned as the name of a mountain.
It was objected by Kâtyâyana that Pânini's rule (Pân . IV,
3, 84), according to which vaidûrya is formed from Vidûra,
must be wrong, because the Vaidûrya jewel does not come
from Vidûra, but from Bâlavâya, and is only cut or polished
at Vidûra. We are not concerned here with the manner in

which Patangali tries to solve this dilemma, but with the
dilemma itself, that is, with the fact that in Kâtyâyana's, or,
at all events, in Patangali's time Vaidûrya stones were known
to come from the mountain Balavaya, not from Vidûra. We
know nothing else about this Balavaya mountain , but Bur-
nouf, by a very bold combination, tried many years ago to
identify the name of the Bolor or Balur-tagh with the Vai-
dûrya mountain, the mountain supplying the Vaidarya jewels.
This would indicate new points of contact between the East
and the West, which however it seems premature to follow up.
Even the coincidences and similarities touched upon in this note
are by no means firmly established, and I have only put them
together because, if we should come to the conclusion that
there is no historical relationship between vidala, vaidûrya,
alλovpos, ẞýpvλλos, and Belur-tagh , we should, at all events,
have learnt the useful lesson that the chapter of accidents is
sometimes larger than we suppose.
Page 33. Professor Cowell calls my attention to the fact

that Sir William Jones was thirty- seven years of age when he
sailed for India, and that he received the honour of knight-
hood in March 1783 , on his appointment as Judge of the
Supreme Court of Judicature at Fort William, at Bengal .
See 'Works of Sir William Jones, with the Life of the Author,
by Lord Teignmouth,' vol. i, p. 402 .
1 Professor Weber adopts Pott's etymology of Brpuλλos , and Burnouf's deri-

vation of Belur-tâgh from vaidúrys (see Omina und Portenta, p. 326), though
he thinks it might be inverted. At a later time (Ind. Stud. xiii, 370 ) he
prefers to think of Bâlavaya as connected with Belur-tagh. See also, Die
Indischen Mineralien, von Dr. R. Garbe, p. 85.
The Bolor, the very existence of which had been denied, has lately been
re-established as the real name of a real mountain by Robert Shaw. He found
that the name was applied by the Kirghis to the district of Kitral. General
Cunningham states that the same name, Palor, Balors, Baloruts, is applied
to the city of Iskardo . See Le Muséon, vol. i, p. 358. Hiouen-thsang also
(i, 273) describes the kingdom of Pololo (Bolor) as rich in precious metals.
NOTE C , p . 49 .
ON VILLAGE ESTATES.
As Colonel Sleeman's Rambles of an Indian Official ' are

not easily accessible, I give some more extracts from them
bearing on village communities as he knew them . In the
tenth chapter of the first volume he writes :-
'Nine-tenths of the immediate cultivators of the soil in
India are little farmers, who hold a lease for one or more
years, as the case may be, of their lands, which they cultivate
with their own stock. One of these cultivators, with a good
plough and bullocks, and a good character, can always get
good lands on moderate terms from holders of villages . Those
cultivators are, I think, the best who learn to depend upon
their stock and character for favourable terms, hold themselves
free to change their holdings when their leases expire, and
pretend not to any hereditary right of property in the soil.
The lands are, I think, best cultivated , and the society best
constituted in India, when the holders of Estates of Villages
have a feeling of permanent interest in them, an assurance
of an hereditary right of property which is liable only to
the payment of a moderate government demand, descends
undivided by the law of primogeniture, and is unaffected
by the common law, which prescribes the equal subdivision
among children of landed as well as other private property
among the Hindus and Mohammedans, and where the im-
mediate cultivators hold the lands they till by no other law
than of common specific contract.
'When I speak of villages, I mean the holders of lands that
belong to villages. The whole face of India is parcelled out
into estates of villages. The village communities are com-
posed of those who hold and cultivate the land, the established
village-servants¹ , priest 2 , blacksmith 3 , carpenter , account-
1 Grâma-bhrita.
2 Grâma-yâgin or grâma-yâgaka, a despised office.
3 Grâma-karmâra. Grâma-taksha, Pân. V, 4, 95-
ON VILLAGE ESTATES . 269
ant ' , washerman 2 (whose wife is er officio the midwife of

the little village community), potter 3 , watchman , barber 5,
shoemaker, etc. In some parts of Central and Southern
India, the Garpugree who charms away hail-storms from
the crops, and the Bhoomka who charms away tigers from
the people and their cattle, are added to the number of
village-servants. To these may be added the little banker
or agricultural capitalist, the shopkeeper, the brazier, the
confectioner, the iron-monger, the weaver, the dyer, the
8
astronomer, or astrologer who points out to the people the
lucky day for every earthly undertaking, and the prescribed
times for all religious ceremonies and observances .
In some villages the whole of the lands are parcelled out
among cultivating proprietors, and are liable to eternal sub-
division by the law of inheritance, which gives to each one
the same share.
In others, the whole of the lands are parcelled out among
1 Grama-lekhaka. * Grama-rajaka.
3 Grama-kulala, Pân. VI, 2, 62, com.
Grama-pâla.
* Grâma-nâpita, Pân . VI, 2, 62, com.; also called grâmanik.
• Mr. Platts, whom I consulted on these names, writes to me : ' I have now
no doubt that the word is gar- pagari ( the accent being on pag) ; and that
its correct form is गरपगड़ी, or rather गरपकड़ी, the क of which is changed to
, and the r to r ; both of which are common changes in the Dakkhini.
The etymology will therefore be :
' gar³ =går = S, &C . pagar - pakar (root of pakarnā ) = Prakrit
पक्कट्ट(इ) , from Sanskrit प्रकृष्ट, rt. कृष् with प्र. =s. ई ( इन्).'
▾ Bhumika. Grama-gyotisha.
⚫ Some other village officials mentioned in Sanskrit works are :-
Grâma-goduh, the man who milks the cows ; Pân, Ganapatha, 218,
Grama-ghatin, the village butcher, gramasthabahulokaposhanârtham pasu-
ghátakah.
Grama-preshya, the village messenger, rather despised.
Grama-ghoshin, the village cryer.
According to Nagesa (Pän. I, 1 , 48, ed. Ballantyne, p. 559) the five most
common artisans in a village are the kulala, potter, karmara, smith, vardhaki,
carpenter, napita, barber, and ragaka, washerman or dyer. A village possessing
them is called grâmah pañkakáruki. See Kielhorn, Katyayana and Patan-
jali, p. 32, note : Avarata can only mean " less in number." One calls
a village a Brahman-village, although some of its inhabitants belong to other
castes, because the number of Brahmans who live in it is greater than the
number of inhabitants belonging to other castes.'
cultivators, who hold them on a specific lease for limited pe

riods, from a proprietor who holds the whole collectively under
government, at a rate of rent fixed either permanently or for
limited periods .
' These are the two extremes. There are but few villages in
which all the cultivators are considered as proprietors, at least
but few in our Nerbudda territories ; and these will almost
invariably be found of a caste of Brahmans or a caste of
Rajputs, descended from a common ancestor, to whom the
estate was originally given in rent-free tenure, or at a quit
rent, by the existing government, either for his prayers as a
priest, or his services as a soldier. Subsequent governments,
which resumed unceremoniously the estates of others, were
deterred from resuming these by a dread of the curses of the
one and the swords of the others.
' Such communities of cultivating proprietors are of two
kinds, those among whom the lands are parcelled out, each
member holding his share as a distinct estate, and being in-
dividually responsible for the payment of the share of the
government demand assessed upon it ; and those among whom
the lands are not parcelled out , but the profits divided as
among co-partners of an estate held jointly. They, in either
case, nominate one of their members to collect and pay the
government demand ; or government appoints a man for this
duty, either as a salaried servant, or as a lessee, with authority
to levy from the cultivating proprietors a certain sum over
and above what is demandable from him.
The communities in which the cultivators are considered
merely as leaseholders, are far more numerous- indeed the
greater part of the village communities in this part of India
are of this description ; and where the communities are of
a mixed character, the cultivating proprietors are considered
to have merely a right of occupancy, and are liable to have
their lands assessed at the same rate as others holding the
same sort of lands, and often pay a higher rate with which
others are not encumbered .
But this is not general : it is as much the interest of the
1 See Vasishtha XVII, 86.

ON VILLAGE ESTATES. 271
proprietor to have good cultivating tenants, as it is of the

tenants to have good proprietors ; and it is felt to be the in-
terest of both to adjust their terms amicably among them-
selves without a reference to a third and superior party,
which is always costly and commonly ruinous.'
For more minute details of the systems of land tenure in
these village estates, see Sir H. Maine's Village Communities
in the East and West ; Six Lectures delivered at Oxford,' 1871 .
Page 55, 1. 19 , add : The earliest witness is Su-we, a relative

of Fan-chen, king of Siam, who between 222 and 227 A. D.
sailed round the whole of India, till he reached the mouth of
the Indus, and then explored the country. After his return
to Siam, he received four Yueh-chi horses, sent by a king
of India as a present to the king of Siam and his ambassador.
At the time when these horses arrived in Siam (it took them
four years to travel there), there was staying at the Court of
Siam an ambassador of the emperor of China , Khang- thai,
and this is the account he received of the kingdom of India :
'It is a kingdom in which the religion of Buddha flourishes.
The inhabitants are straightforward, and honest, and the soil
is very fertile. The king is called Meu -lun, and his capital is
surrounded by walls,' &c. This was in about 231 A. D. In
605 we hear again of the emperor Yang-ti sending an am-
bassador, Fei-tu , to India, and this is what among other things
he points out as peculiar to the Hindus : "They believe in
solemn oaths. (See Stanislas Julien, Journal Asiatique, 1847,
Août, pp. 98, 105.)
Page 56, 1. 9, add : Again in the thirteenth century, Shems-

ed -din Abu Abdallah quotes the following judgment of Bedi
ezr Zenân : The Indians are innumerable, like grains of sand,
free from all deceit and violence. They fear neither death
nor life.' (See Mehren, Manuel de la Cosmographie du moyen
âge , traduction de l'ouvrage de Shems-ed-din Abou Abdallah
de Damas, Paris, Leroux, 1874, p. 391.)
NOTE D, p. 70.
TEXTS ON VENIAL UNTRUTHS .
Gautama V, 24 : Kruddha hrishta bhîtârtalubdha bâla stha-

vira mudha mattonmattavâkyâny anritâny apâtakâni .
Vasishtha XVI, 35 ; Mahâbh . VIII, 3436:
Vivâhakâle ratisamprayoge
prânâtyaye sarvadhanâpahâre
viprasya karthe hy anritam vadeta,
pañkânritâny âhur apâtakâni .
If a man speak an untruth at the time of marriage, during
dalliance, when his life is in danger, or the loss of his whole
property (is threatened), and also for the sake of a Brahmana,
it has been declared that these five untruths are not mortal
sins.
Gautama XXIII, 29 : Vivâhamaithunanarmârtasamyogeshv
adosham eke ' nritam .
Some declare that an untruth spoken at the time of mar-
riage, during dalliance, in jest or while one suffers severe
pain, is venial .
Vishnu VIII , 15 : Varninâm yatra badhas tatrânritena.
Whenever the death of a member of any of the four castes
(would be occasioned by true evidence, they are free from blame)
if they give false evidence.
Manu VIII , 103 : Tadvadan dharmato ' rtheshu gânann apy-
anyathâ narah,
Na svargak kyavate lokâd daivîm vâkam vadanti tâm.
Sûdravi/kshatraviprânâm yatrartoktau bhaved badhah,
Tatra vaktavyam anritam tad dhi satyâd visishyate.
In some cases a giver of false evidence from a pious motive,
even though he know the truth, shall not lose a seat in
heaven ; such evidence wise men call the speech of the gods.
Whenever the death of a man, either of the servile, the
commercial, the military, or the sacerdotal class, would be
TEXTS ON VENIAL UNTRUTHS . 273
occasioned by true evidence, falsehood may be spoken ; it is

even preferable to truth.
Comm. Tatha Gautamah, Nânritavadane dosho yaggiva-
nam ket tadadhinam, na tu pâpîyaso givanam iti.
Mahabh. I, 3412 : Na narmayuktam vakanam hinasti
Na strishu ragan na vivâhakâle,
Pranâtyaye sarvadhanâpahâre
Pankanritâny âhur apâtakâni.
Mahabh. III, 13844 : Prâmântike vivâhe ka vaktavyam
anritam bhavet,
Anritena bhavet satyam satyenaivânritam bhavet.
Mahâbh. VII, 8741 : Sa bhavams trâtu no dronât, satyag
gyayo 'nritam vakah,
Anritam gîvitasyârthe vadan na sprisyate'nritaih.
Kâminishu vivaheshu gavâm bhakte tathaiva ka
Brahmanabhyupapattau ka anrite nâsti pâtakam.
Manu (IV, 138 ) quotes what he calls a primeval rule,
namely, Say what is true and say what is pleasant, but do
not say what is true and unpleasant, nor what is pleasant
and not true.'
In the Vishnu-purâna (Wilson's translation, p. 312 ) the same
mixed lesson of truthfulness and worldly wisdom is repeated :
Let a wise man ever speak the truth when it is agreeable, and
when the truth would inflict pain let him hold his peace. Let
him not utter that which, though acceptable, would be detri-
mental ; for it were better to speak that which would be
salutary, although it should give exceeding offence. A con-
siderate man will always cultivate, in act, thought, and speech,
that which is good for living beings, both in this world and
in the next.'
Page 81 , note 1. That the Mahâbhârata was publicly read

in the seventh century A.D., we learn from Bana ; see Journal
of Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, vol. x, p. 87, note .
T
NOTE E, p. 86.
THE YUEH -CHI (YUEH-K') .
The conquests of Alexander, though they seem to have left.

a very slight impression in India, so much so that the very
name of Alexander is never mentioned in Sanskrit literature,
supplied the first impulse to great commotions in Asia,
which at last reacted most powerfully and fatally on India.
The kingdoms of Bactria, Syria , and Egypt were essentially
the outcome of Alexander's Oriental policy. Egypt and Syria,
we know, fell after a time a prey to Roman conquest. But
the Greek kingdom of Bactria came in contact with a different
class of enemies, and was destroyed by the Tochâri (the
Ta-hia in Chinese¹ ), a Turanian race, who, after having made
themselves masters of that position , advanced westward
against the kingdom of Parthia, founded 250 B. C. by Arsaces I.
Artabanus, the king of Parthia, fell fighting against the
Tochâri, but his son Mithradates II ( 124 B.C. ) repelled their
inroads, and thereby drove an enormous wave of half- nomad
warriors towards Kábul, and thence to India.
Chang Kien, who was sent by the Emperor Wu-ti as am-
bassador to the Yueh-chi, tells us that these Yueh- chi (also
called Yueh-ti, the ' Ep0axîra of Greeks) had been driven at
that time out of their old seats by the Hiung-nu, and had
poured into Bactria, then occupied by the Tochâri (Tóxapo
of Strabo), and called Ta-hia, or Tocharia (now Tokharistán).
Chang Kien, who was sent by the Emperor Wu-ti to induce
the Yueh-chi to make war against the Hiung- nu, met with
them on the banks of the Tu-kwai-shui (Surkhab), their
1 The Aάat are supposed to appear again as Dacians, and Grimm would have
wished to connect them with Dânavas, evil spirits, and in the end with
the Danes. All this is as yet mere vapour, though there may be some light
behind it. Most of these identifications rest on little more than similarity of
sound.
275
THE YUEH -CHI .
northern boundary being the Oxus (Kwai -shui ). This must

have been between the years 139-126 B.C., though rather
towards the end of that time . The Yueh-chi are described
as of a pink and white complexion , and as accustomed to shoot
from horse -back. They were then 7000 li north of India .
Their country was bounded on the South by the districts
lately conquered by the Ta-hia (Tochâri ) and on the West
by Ansik, i . e. Parthia . They were herdsmen and nomads,
and resembled the Hiung -nu in manners and customs .
Driven out of their seats by the Hiung-nu, they fell on the
Tochâri from the West, and defeated them '. They then
followed the course of the Surkhâb, and founded a royal
residence on its Northern bank. Some of them took refuge
in Little Tibet (Khiang or Kanka ), and were called the Lesser
Yue h
To-chi.
the South -east of the Tochâri lay Shen-tuh, i . e. India,
and when Chang Kien was with the Tochâri, he saw articles
of trade brought to their country from India . India was
reckoned to be some thousand li to the South -east of Ta-hia
(Bactria) . The country was said to be cultivated , and the
manners and customs of its inhabitants were very similar to
those of the Tochâri . The climate was damp and hot, and the
people made use of elephants in war. It lay near a great
er 2.far our information about the Yueh-chi and their distant

rivSo
relation to India rests on Sze-ma Tsien , who was born in
163 no.3
IfB.C w we proceed to the Annals of the After (or Eastern )
Ha Dynasty (A.D. 25-220), or to the Annals of the Sui
n
Dynasty ( A.D. 589-618 ), we find some more information
about the same subject , for which I am chiefly indebted to
fesesor na gge .
ProTh An Lels of the After Han Dynasty were written down
' Their capital was Lam-shi-keng, Aápafa . Kingsmill , Intercourse of China

with Eastern Turkestan , Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1882 , p. 82, note .
* North -Eastern India is called Tin-yût, apparently Sthânesvara ; Kingsmill,
1. c . p. 83 , note.
l , 1. c. , p. 74-
Lasssmil
⚫• King en , Indi sche Alterthumskunde , vol. ii, p. 352 seq.
T 2
by Han Yô, who was killed in 445 A. D., and we there find
the following account of Tien- chu, that is , India . It is said
to be called also , Ken-toku or Shin-doku . Its situation
is described as many thousand li South -east of the Yueh-chi .
The customs of the people are said to be the same as those of
the Yueh-chi. Its climate is damp and hot. The country is
near to the great rivers. The people fight riding on elephants ,
and they are weaker than the Yueh-chi. They practise the
religion of Futo, i. e. Buddha, and refrain from killing, and
this forms their custom .
The whole region extends from a state of the Yueh-chi
called Kôfu, i. e. Kábul, to the West Sea in a South-western
direction, and it reaches Eastward another state called Han-ki.
Then the Han annalist, speaking of the time of that
Dynasty, 25-220 A. D., continues :
There are in Ken-toku separate castles which are counted
by hundreds, and in each castle there is a chief¹.
There are also separate states which are counted by tens² ;
and in each state there is a King . Although there is a little
difference, yet all of them are called Ken -toku or Shin - doku.
At that time (under the Eastern Han Dynasty) they all
belonged to the Yueh-chi , who had killed the kings, and
appointed generals to govern the people.
This seems to have happened about one hundred years
after Chang Kien's embassy, or 20 B.C. At that time the
five tribes of the Yueh-chi were united under Kieou-tsieu-kio,
who then assumed the title of Kouei-shuang (it may be
Gushan or Koppavos of the coins 3) . He conquered the Kings
of Pota and Kipin , and then invaded Tien-chu or India.
The products of the country are elephants, rhinoceros, tor-
toise-shell, gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, and tin. The people
have rare things, which are found in the country of Tai Chin
¹ This agrees well with the description of the royal castles or fortresses given
in the early Law-books or Dharma-sûtras.
2 The Dasagrâmîs of Pânini.
* Oldenberg, Ueber der Datirung der ältern indischen Münz- und Inschriften-
reihen, p. 297. Thomas, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1877 , p. 18, gives
a coin of Heraos, Sakakorranos, where the expression 'Hpάov Tupavvouvros makes
it evident that Koῤῥανos has nothing to do with Κοίρανος.
THE YUEH-CHI. 277
or Great Chin, because they have communication with those

of the Great Chin westward . There are also among the
products of India fine linen, good rugs or mats made of wool
and fur, several kinds of incense, stone honey, black pepper,
ginger, and black salt.
In the time of the Emperor Hwa ( 89-105 ) they often sent
messengers to China and presented something, as if it were
their tribute. But afterwards those of the Western regions.
rebelled (against the Emperor of China), and interrupted their
communication, until the second year of the period Yen -hsi
(159) in the reign of the Emperor Kwan ( 147–167 ).
In the fourth year of the same period ( 161 ) the foreign
people incessantly came from outside of the wall of a castle
on the border at a place called Jitsu - nan .
This is an independent and, if we make allowance for
Chinese modes of thought and expression, a perfectly trust-
worthy account of the state of things in India from the first
century before to about the third century after Christ .
NOTE F, p. 89.
LETTERS ON BUDDHISM .
A Conference on Buddhism was held in June 1882 at Sion

College, to discuss the real or apparent coincidences between
the religions of Buddha and Christ. Being unable to assist in
person, I addressed the following letters to the Secretary,
which were read at the meeting and published afterwards.
I.
I regret that it is quite out of my power to be present at

the discussion on Thursday. May I venture, however, to say
that a discussion on Buddhism in general seems to me almost
an impossibility. The name of Buddhism is applied to reli-
gious opinions not only of the most varying, but of a
decidedly opposite character held by people on the highest
and the lowest stages of civilisation , divided into endless.
sects, nay, founded on two distinct codes of canonical writings .
I hardly know any proposition that could be made with regard
to Buddhism in general. Divide et impera ! is the only way
that can lead to a mutual understanding on the fundamental
principles of Buddha's doctrine, and considering the special
qualifications of those who will address your meeting , I should
think that an account of what Buddhism is at the present
moment in Ceylon, both with the learned and unlearned
classes, would be far more interesting and useful than a
general discussion on Buddhism. I shall mention the subject
to two Buddhist priests who have been reading Sanskrit with
me for several years, but their Buddhism is so different from
the Buddhism now practised in Ceylon that they would
hardly recognise it as their own religion .
Excuse these hurried remarks, and believe me,
"Yours faithfully,
F. MAX MÜLLER.'
II.
'I can have no objection to your reading my letter at your
conference, and after receiving your second letter, I feel all
LETTERS ON BUDDHISM. 279
the more sorry that I am unable to attend in person , not that

I have much faith in public discussions, it being so very diffi-
cult to be quite frank and truthful when you are listened to
by hundreds of people, and when success and applause seem
for the moment more important than the establishment of
facts and the recognition of truth . But I admire the fearless
spirit in which you invite public discussion on a subject which
has become a kind of bugbear to so many people . I fully
sympathise with you, and I think I can say of myself that
I have all my life worked in the same spirit that speaks from
your letter, so much so that if any of your friends could prove
to me what they seem to have said to you, namely, that,
Christianity was but an inferior copy of a greater original, ' I
should bow and accept the greater original. That there are
startling coincidences between Buddhism and Christianity
cannot be denied , and it must likewise be admitted that Bud-
dhism existed at least 400 years before Christianity. I go even
further, and should feel extremely grateful if anybody would
point out to me the historical channels through which Bud-
dhism had influenced early Christianity. I have been looking
for such channels all my life, but hitherto I have found none.
What I have found is that for some of the most startling
coincidences there are historical antecedents on both sides,
and if we once know those antecedents, the coincidences be-
come far less startling. If I do find in certain Buddhist
works doctrines identically the same as in Christianity, so far
from being frightened , I feel delighted, for surely truth is not
the less true because it is believed by the majority of the
human race.
'I believe we have made some progress during the last thirty
years . I still remember the time when all heathen religions
were looked upon as the work of the Devil. We know now
that they are stages in a growth, and in a growth not deter-
mined by an accidental environment only, but by an original
purpose, a purpose to be realised in the history of the human
race as a whole. Even missionaries have begun to approach
the heathen in a new and better spirit. They look for what
may safely be preserved in the religion of their pupils, and on
that common ground they try to erect a purer faith and a
better worship, instead of attempting to destroy the sacred

foundations of religion which, I believe, exist, or at least
existed, in every human heart. See on this subject the wise
remarks of the Bishop of Lahore ( French) , as quoted in the
Liberal, July 23, 1882.
' I send you a report which I have just issued on The Sacred
Books of the East, translated by various Oriental scholars,
and edited by myself. My object in publishing these transla-
tions is exactly the same as yours, namely, to give to those
who are interested in the history of religion, facts, instead of
theories.
' I had spent nearly the whole of my life in publishing the
text and commentary of one of the Sacred Books of the East,
the Veda, or more correctly the Rig-veda, the most ancient
monument of Eastern religion , the root of all the later reli-
gious growth of India, in a certain sense, the key also to
Buddhism, inasmuch as that religion starts with a denial of
the sacred authority of the Veda. The publication of that
work has produced a complete revolution , not only in our own
views of the origin and growth of ancient religion, but in the
religious life of the Hindus themselves, and this not so much
.
on the surface as in its deepest foundations.
'When I saw how little there was left to me of active life, I
invited the co-operation of my friends and colleagues to make,
at all events, a beginning in the publication of trustworthy
translations of all the more important among the Sacred
Books of the East . From the enclosed report you will see
that Buddhism in its various phases has received its full share
of attention, and that some of its canonical books may now
be studied by those who do not read Sanskrit, Pali, or
Chinese.
'Yours very faithfully,
F. MAX MÜLLER,'
NOTE G, p . 93.
THE RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE.
Samvat Era.
One of the chief objections that will no doubt be raised

against my belief in a literary interregnum, lasting from the
first century B.C. to at least the third century A. D., is the famous
Samvat era of 56 B. C. , dating from what used to be called the
Augustan age of India, the glorious reign of Vikramaditya, the
destroyer of the Sakas and other Mlekkhas, and the great patron
of Sanskrit literature, at whose court the Nine Gems, Dhan-
vantari , Kshapanaka, Amarasimha, Sanku, Vetâlabhatta, Gha/a-
karpara, Kâlidâsa, Varâhamihira, and Vararuki were supposed
to have flourished .
It has long been an open secret, however, among all who
are interested in Indian coins and inscriptions, that there is
absolutely no documentary evidence whatever for the existence
of such a king Vikramaditya in the first century B.C. But the
puzzle has always been, how the belief in such a king, living
in the first century B.C., and in all his wonderful achievements ,
could have arisen , and this puzzle has at last been solved, I
believe, by what I may be allowed to call the architectonical
genius of Mr. Fergusson³.
1 I spell Samvat instead of Samvat, because it has become almost an Anglo-

Indian word, and I use 56 B. C. throughout as its initial year, though it begins
in 57. See Indian Antiquary, xi, p. 271.
* These names are quoted from the Gyotirvidâbharana ( 16th cent` . This
verse seems, however, to be inserted there from elsewhere, and we find it quoted
elsewhere as a kind of rersus memorialis ; see Hæberlin's Anthology, p. 1 ; Bhao
Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 1860, p. 26. It is hardly
right to say that the only work which pretends to notice the contemporaneous
existence of the Nine Gems, at the court of Vikrama, is the Gyotirvidâbharana.
The Nine Gems at the court of Vikrama, and the name of at least one of them,
Amara-deva, occur in an inscription, dated 949 A.D. Asiatic Researches, i,
p. 284. See, however, Weber, Z. D. M. G. xxii, p. 709.
* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1880. On the Saka, Samvat, and
Gupta Eras ; a Supplement to his Paper on Indian Chronology, 1870.
I do not mean to say that all difficulties which beset that

period of Indian chronology have been removed by him, but
I cannot help thinking that in the main his solution will turn
out to be correct. Mr. Fergusson tries to prove that what is
called the era of Vikramâditya, 56 B. C. , was a date arrived at
by taking the date of the great battle of Korur¹ , in which
Vikramâditya, i . e . Harsha of Uggayinî, finally defeated the
Mlekkhas, 544 A. D.2, and by throwing back the beginning of
the new era 6 x 100 ( or 10 x 60) before that date, i. e. 56 B. C.
By a similar process, i . e. by adding 10 x 100 years, another
chronological era, called the Harsha era³, was fixed at 456 B. C. ,
though it never seems to have come into actual use.
1 This battle of Korur is described by Albiruni in his account of the

Saka era :
•
' The Saka era,' he writes, called by the Indian Saka-kâla, is posterior to
that of Vikrama Âditya by 135 years. Saka is the name of a prince who
reigned over the countries situated between the Indus and the sea. His
residence was in the centre of the empire, in the country named Âryâvarta.
The Indians represent him as born in another class than that of the Sakyas ;
some pretend that he was a Sûdra and a native of the town of Mansura
(Bahman-abad). There are even some who say that he was not of the Indian
race, and that he was born in Western countries. The people had much to
suffer from his despotism until they received aid from the East. Vikramaditya
marched against him , put his army to flight, and killed him in the territory of
Korour, situated between Multan and the castle of Luny (in the Panjâb ?).
This epoch became celebrated by the joy which the peoples felt at Saka's
death, and it was selected for an era, principally by astronomers. On the
other hand, Vikramâditya received the title of Sri, on account of the honour
which he had acquired.' But Albiruni adds that the date of the reign of this
Vikramaditya does not allow us to identify him with the prince of the same
name who ruled in Malva. This battle of Korur may be the same as that
of Multan, mentioned by Târânâtha, Sri Harsha abolished the teaching of the
Mlekkhas by massacring them at Multan.' Asanga and Vasubandhu were his
contemporaries (900 p. B.N.) ; his predecessor was called Gambhirapaksha, his
successor Sila. Ind. Ant. 1875 , p. 365.
2 See Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1880, p. 273. The same date,
466 Saka 544 A.D. , is mentioned in the Satruñgaya Mâhâtmya as the be-
ginning of Vikramâditya's reign ; Kern, Preface, p. 15, on the authority of
Wilford . Bühler, however, calls the Satrungaya Mâhâtmya ' a wretched forgery
of the 12th or 14th century.' It has been edited by Professor Weber.
3 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1880, p. 275. Reinaud, Mémoire sur
l'Inde, p. 136. It is strange that Albiruni should not have guessed the real
state of the case, when he was told by a native that Harsha lived 400 years
Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, viii, p. 242, 1864.
Reinaud , Mémoire sur l'Inde, 1849, p. 79..
RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 283
This certainly seems very plausible ' . We could thus under-

stand why much that was said originally of the Vikramaditya
of the sixth century A.D. was reflected on the purely nominal
Vikramâditya of the Vikrama era, 56 B. C. , the inventor of the
era being projected 600 years before his actual reign, a period
when there is really no monumental, numismatic, or historical
evidence of the existence of any such king.
It has been said that there is as yet no other evidence for this
battle of Korur ( Kurukshetra ?) besides Albiruni's statement .
But Albiruni does not invent battles. He tells us what he
was told, and he may sometimes have misunderstood what he
was told . But in our case the chronological side of the argu-
ment is too strong to be set aside by mere general suspicions
and surmises, though, no doubt, it would have to yield to
contemporaneous evidence which should make a great battle
against foreign invaders at that time and in that place impos-
sible . Besides, the statements of Târânâtha as to Harsha's
victory near Multan, though no doubt very modern, cannot be
due to mere accident.
Others had guessed at such a solution before Mr. Fergus-
son, but what I admire in him is his pluck, and the clearness
with which he puts forward his theories. Nothing, I feel
sure, has injured Sanskrit studies so much as the want of a
certain amount of scientific manliness and straight forward-
ness on the part of scholars who never venture to say Yes
or No, and who always involve a crowd of reasons for and
against in a cloud of words difficult to construe. Mr. Fer-
gusson, whether he is right or wrong, at all events puts
down his foot firmly and sticks to his colours as long as he
can. There is an immense advantage in this. If he is wrong,
he can be knocked down, and no one is likely to defend again
before Vikrama ; but that, according to the Almanack of Kasmira, Harsha

ought to be placed 664 years later, i.e. 608 A. D. The number of years may
not be quite right, but what really took place is clearly indicated.
Many years ago Holtzmann ( Über den griech. Ursprung des indischen
•
Thierkreises, p. 19 ) remarked, to assign to Vikramaditya the first year of
his era might be quite as great a mistake as we should commit in placing
Pope Gregory XIII in the year 1 of the Gregorian calendar, or even Julius
Casar in the first year of the Julian period to which his name has been given,
i . e. in the year 4713 B C. See Weber, Sanskrit Literature, p. 202.
what he has been unable to uphold . If he is right, there can

be no mistake as to where he has planted his standard, and
others may safely push forward beyond the point which he
has reached .
Thus in the case before us, his position is clearly defined .
The era of Vikrama, he holds, was not invented before the sixth
century A. D. It cannot therefore occur in any historical
document before that date, and the whole theory would collapse
if one single coin or stone could be produced dated (contempo-
raneously) 543 of the Samvat of Vikrama . Other scholars would
probably say that we know too little as yet of the history of
the six centuries from 56 B.c. to 544 A.D. to enable us to speak
with so much certainty on this point. True, but Mr. Fergusson
speaks with perfect certainty on what, from his view of the
case, would be an impossibility. And what is the result ?
Scholars do not like the defiant position which he assumes, and
they try everything to upset it, and thus the truth will be
discovered far sooner than by any amount of learned humming
and hawing .
The contest has been going on for some time. Dr. Bhao
Daji¹ arrived at the conclusion that not a single inscription
or copper-plate grant is dated in the Vikrama Samvat before
the eleventh century of the Christian era, and that the
Vikrama Samvat was brought into use on the revival of
Gainism and the establishment of the Anhilpura dynasty in
Gujerat.' Mr. Fergusson 2 thought at first that the Vikrama era
was invented in the age of Bhoga of Dhârâ (A.D. 993) , or rather
by the revived Chalukyas (A.D. 1003 ) . This, however, was going
too far. General Cunningham in his Archæological Reports,
vol. ii, p. 266 , denies indeed the possibility of any inscription
being dated in the Samvat era in 747 , and reads in consequence
the date of one of Tod's inscriptions, not 747-56691 , but
747 + 78 = 825/6 . Afterwards , however, on p. 68, he speaks of an
inscription dated 811 , which he interprets in the Vikrama era,
i . e . 754/5 A. D. , and which he quotes as the earliest inscription
he is aware of, dated in that mediæval era ³. Sir Walter Elliot
1 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, p . 242 note.

2 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 132.
There is no contradiction in this, as Mr. Fergusson seems to think (Journal
published translations of some Châlukya inscriptions in 1836

(J. R. A. S. 1837 , p. 14) , in which the incipient substitution
of the Vikrama for the Saka era is alluded to¹ . Of course,
nothing short of a contemporaneous document dated less than
6co of the Vikrama era would really upset Mr. Fergusson's
theory, and such a date has, as yet, not been met with.
My learned friend , Professor Bühler, who still holds to the
belief that the Vikrama era, which begins 56 B. C. , was really
established by a king of that name who lived before the be-
ginning of the Christian era, has for years been engaged in the
study ofIndian inscriptions, and has of course been most anxious
to produce at least one inscription dated contemporaneously in
any year before 600 of Vikrama, or 544 A. D. He could easily
prove that Bhao Daji's limit was much too late, as there is the
Samangadh plate, the date of which in the Vikrama era comes
to 754 A.D. He also pointed out the Pâthan inscriptions of
Samvat 802 (746 A. D.), recording the accession of Vanaraga,
though here Mr. Burges expressed some doubts as to its
genuineness. Anyhow the fact remained that a scholar who
had probably seen more inscriptions than any other, could not
produce a single case where the Vikrama era was used before
754 A. D., that is, 810 years after its supposed introduction 3 .
I should have expected therefore that Professor Bühler would
have hesitated, when he suddenly came on the Kâvî inscrip-
tion which gives the date 430 for its grantor Gayabhata, before
accepting it as a Vikrama date. Under other circumstances
his arguments might have carried conviction, but when this is
the only case of a Vikrama date before 600, the circumstantial
evidence on which he relies requires, surely, careful reconsidera-
tion. If Gayabhata is the father of Dada II, and if Dada's
dates range from Saka 380 to 417 (A. D. 459–498 ) , no doubt
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1880, pp. 271 , 272) ; but what seems strange is that
on other occasions General Cunningham should translate Sam, 5 as B.C. 52.
See Archaeological Survey, iii, 31.
Tribhuvana Malla ( 1182 A. D. ) rubbed out the Saka, and instituted the
Vikrama aera in its stead.' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1837. p. 14 ;
1880, p. 278. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ix, p. 316.
* Journal ofthe Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ii, p. 371 seq.
Professor Buhler informs me that he now possesses an inscription, dated
Samvat 794 A.D. 737/8.
the date assigned to his father, viz. 486, cannot be Saka (A. D.
564). But does it follow therefore that it is Vikrama 486,
i . e. 430 A. D. ? Is it likely that the father would use one era,
and the son another ? Besides, the date in the inscription is
injured , and even if the date were right, there would be con-
siderable doubt whether the Ashâdha Sudi could have fallen
on a Sunday in 430 A. D. Heartily as I should welcome any
evidence that would settle this interesting point either way, I
cannot think that this one date¹ of Gayabhata will settle it .
What has to be proved is that an era, invented by a great
king in 56 B.C., remained dormant for 600 years at least.
This will require very plausible arguments, and the strongest
monumental evidence.
Date of Vikramaditya Harsha of Uggayinî.
Let us now see how, according to Dr. Bhao Daji and Mr.
Fergusson , the real date of Vikramâditya, the inventor of
the Vikrama era, can be determined . During the whole of
Hiouen-thsang's travels in India, Silâditya ( Harshavardhana
Kumârarâga) was on the throne of Kânyakubga, as supreme
ruler in the north of India 4. The date of these travels,
according to Chinese chronology, is from 629-645. In about
640, or during his second stay at Nâlanda, Hiouen-thsang had
a vision that king Silâditya would die in ten years. This,
apart from all visions, would place the king's death in 650
A. D. When Hiouen -thsang took leave of king Silâditya , he
had reigned thirty years, and was holding his sixth quinquen-
nial assembly (called Mokshamahâparishad , or Pankaparishad).
The beginning of his reign must therefore be fixed at 610 , its
end about 650. He was by caste a Vaisya .
¹ Professor Bühler's remark (Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 152) has not escaped
me ; but here again the reading of the figures is very doubtful, see Fleet,
Indian Antiquary, 1876 , p. 68, and Professor Bühler himself admits now that
there is no Samvat date on that plate.
2 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Bombay, 1860, p. 225 ; 1868, p. 249.
3 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 85.
Dr. Edkins (Athenæum, 1880, July 3, p . 8) informs us that the same
emperor who received Hiouen-thsang, received with equal favour the Syrian
Christians, Alopen and his companions, in A. D. 639.
* Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 111. Vaisya is sometimes changed into Vaidya.
The Chinese historian Ma Tuan-lin gives slightly different

dates, for he speaks of an embassy sent to Magadha in 648¹
which found king Silâditya dead, and his minister O -lo-na-
shan (A-la-na-chun) ruling in his stead. So small a difference,
however, in Indian chronology is really to be considered as a
confirmation rather than as a difficulty ; and so is Ma Tuan-
lin's account of the wars between Silâditya and his great
opponent Pulakesin of Kalyâna (whom he does not name),
which he places in 618-6273.
The father of this Silâditya was Prabhâkara (or Prabhakara-
vardhana), and his elder brother, Râgyavardhana . Both had
been reigning before Silâditya.
The elder brother had been defeated and killed by Sasanka
(moon) of Karnasuvarna³ , an enemy of the Buddhists , and it
was then that Silâditya was proclaimed king, though he
declined the title of Mahârâga, preferring that of Kumâra-
raya. In six years he conquered the ' five Indies, ' but
peace was not restored during thirty years . Being a strict
Buddhist, he forbad the eating of meat. His minister was
Po-ni (Bhandi). This account of Silâditya of Kânyakubya, the
supreme ruler of Northern India, and his two predecessors ,
coming from an eye-witness, the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen-
thsang, is confirmed by a well-known Sanskrit author Bana,
in his Harshakarita . This text was discovered by Dr. F. Hall,
and its great importance pointed out in his preface to the
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 85 ; Journal of the Royal

Asiatic Society, Bombay, vi, p. 69. Julien, Mélanges de Géographie Asiatique,
p. 164, gives 646 as the date of the departure of the embassy. Na-fo-ti-a-la-
na-chun as the name of the minister, and Arikumara as king of Eastern India,
probably Bhaskara-varman, Kumara.
* The inscriptions are supposed to give a different date for Pulakesin, the
rival of Harsha. Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay,
viii, p. 250 ; and Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, pp. 92-95 . See,
however, Fergusson, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 94, and Fleet, in Indian
Antiquary, 1876, p. 67 .
3
* See Stan , Julien, 1. c. p. 161.
• Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 112. Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 112.
L. c., ii, p 25o. He was the same who destroyed the Bodhi-tree dans ces
derniers temps, ' 1. c. , ii, p. 463, but different from Sahasanka, whose life was
written by Mahesvara, and by the later Harsha ; see Hall, Vasavadattà,
pref. p. 18.
Vâsavadattâ. It has since been published at Calcutta . In this

work, again the work of an eye-witness, the same Harsha or
Harshavardhana Sîlâditya is represented as the son of Prata-
pasîla and Yasovatî, his elder brother being Râgyavardhana¹ .
Prabhakaravardhana is said to have been a worshipper of the
sun, while his father Pushpabhûti had been a worshipper of
Siva. Prabhakaravardhana's spiritual guide was called Mâdha-
vagupta, his astrologer Târaka, his physician Sushena 2. Both
he and his brother had been educated by Bhandi . Their
sister, Râgyasri, was married to Grahavarman, who was killed
by the king of Mâlava³ on the same day that Prabhâkara
was defeated . This king of Mâlava was afterwards slain
by Râgyavardhana, and when Râgyavardhana succumbed to
Gupta, king of Gauda, Harsha (Harsha Deva or Harsha
Malla) succeeded . While Bhandi defeated the Mâlavas, and
Râgyasrî was recovered, Harsha made an alliance with Bhâ-
skaravarman of Prâggyotisha, the same as Bhâskaravarman ,
the king of Kâmarûpa, whom Hiouen-thsang visited , his title
being Kumara ( Hiouen-thsang, iii, 77 ) , like that of Harsha *.
The duration of the reigns of Ragyavardhana and Pra-
bhâkara is not given, but as it is stated that about 640
Silâditya had reigned thirty years, and that, about sixty
years before that time, the throne was occupied by Silâditya
Pratâpasîla, Mr. Fergusson proposes to fix the end of
¹ See Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall's important Introduction to his edition of Vâsava-

dattâ, p. 17, note. Harshavardhana, mentioned in the inscriptions, was van-
quished by Pulakesin II, Satyâsraya, whose reign began in 609 A.D. (Ind. Ant.
1873, p. 94) , while his great grandson reigned 700-705, according to inscriptions.
See Journal of the R. Asiatic Society of Bombay, Jan. 1851 , pp. 205, 207, 211 ;
Oct. 1854, p . 5. Bhao Daji, On Kâlidâsa, p . 2 .
2 The author of the Romaka- siddhânta is called Srishena, but its date, 505
A.D., is too early to allow us to identify Sushena and Srishena.
A son of the king of Malava was a guest at Harsha's court (Vasavad.
pref. 12), and a hostage (p . 50).
4 It is to be hoped that the researches carried on with so much success by
M. A. Barth and M. A. Bergaigne will bring to light some contemporaneous
sovereigns in the inscriptions of Kamboga. Unfortunately the inscriptions
hitherto deciphered are deficient at the very time which interests us most,
namely, the seventh century (Journal Asiatique, 1882 , p . 188 ) . But the many
names, ending in varman, the name of Narendra, and the title of Kumâra (for,
I think, it is a title on p. 227, 1. 11 ) all give the impression that the sovereignty
of the kings of Kamarûpa may have extended to the valley of the Irâvati.
Siladitya Pratapasila's reign in 580, which leaves about

thirty years, 580-610 for Prabhakaravardhana and Rayya-
vardhana . Silâditya Pratâpasila ruled fifty years , 530-
580 , and was preceded by Vikramaditya ( at Srâvasti 2 ) ,
whose reign would accordingly have ended in 530. From
what Hiouen-thsang tells us of Vikrama's treatment of the
Buddhist Manoratha3, the king seems for a time to have
favoured the Brahmans, while his successor Silâditya favoured
Vasubandhu and the Buddhists, though it is easy to see that,
during most of these reigns, all sects enjoyed equal freedom
and peace. One king is a Buddhist, the next a Brahmanist.
Sometimes the same king favours both systems, or favours
one at one time, the other at another. We hear of fathers
turning Buddhists, and their children remaining Brahmanists +,
and if there are any feuds between the rival sects, they are
settled by intellectual rather than by physical force.
Now this proposal to assign thirty years to the reigns of
Prabhâkaravardhana and Ragyavardhana, seems to me to
create unnecessary difficulties. Hiouen -thsang says no more
than that sixty years before 640 the throne was occupied by
Siladitya. If we assign to Siladitya a reign from 550 to 600,
it would have been equally true to say that Siladitya reigned
sixty years before 640. There would then remain ten years
for the reigns of Prabhakaravardhana and Ragyavardhana,
both of whom died a violent death, and we should have the
battle of Korur and the starting point of the Vikrama era,
as well as the appointment of Matrigupta to the throne of
Kasmira, well within the reign of Vikramaditya, his reign
extending to 550 A. D. ' Sixty years ' is probably meant for
the Brihaspati cycle.
¹ Ferishtah, who calls him Bhoga, assigns fifty years to him. Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, 1880, p. 278 note.
Hiouen-thsang, ii, p. 115.
Manorhita, which would only be Mano'rhita, seems to be meant for
Manoratha (Jou-i, in Chinese), see Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 405.
M.M. , Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 173. Journal Asiatique,
1882, p. 163.
U
This may be seen from the following table :-

550. Vikramaditya Harsha of Uggayinî.
531-579 . Khosru Nushirvân and Barzôi.
544. Battle of Korur, 600 after 56 B. C., era of Vikrama.
Siddhasena Sûri, a Gain, helps in reckoning the era.
544. Matrigupta, ruler of Kasmira, contemporary of Bhartrimentha.
Kalidasa, contemporary of Dignaga, Vasubandhu, and Asanga.
39 mentioned with Bharavi in inscript. 634 A.D.
his Setukâvya praised by Dandin (6th cent.)
"" quotes Bhasa, Saumilla.
Varaha-mihira, died 587.
99 quotes Aryabhata, born 476.
39 Romaka-siddhânta by Srishena, 505, based
on Lâta, Vasishtha, Vigayanandin, &c.
"9 99 Paulisa-siddhânta by Paulus al Yunâni.
99 Vasishtha-siddhânta by Vishnukandra.
Saura-siddhânta.
Paitâmaha-siddhânta ; also Satya Bha-
danta, Badarâyana, &c.
Amara-simha, translated into Chinese 561-566.
Gishnu, father of Brahmagupta (born 598).
Dignaga, criticised by Uddyotakara, who is mentioned by Suban-
dhu, who is mentioned by Bâna.
Manoratha, teacher of Vasubandhu , disgraced, 900 p. B. N. ?
550-600 . Silâditya Pratâpasîla (Mâlava) ,
called Bhoga by Ferishtah.
Vasubandhu, restored, Pandit at Nâlanda, brother of Asanga;
died before 569.
Prabhakaravardhana.
Madhavagupta, Taraka, Sushena, at his Court.
Ragyavardhana (eldest son).
Defeats king of Mâlava.
Is defeated by Sasânka of Karnasuvarna, an enemy of Buddha,
or Gupta of Gauda.
Fei-tu, Chinese ambassador, 605.
610-650 . Sîladitya Harshavardhana (younger son),

called Kumârarâga, a Vaisya.
His sister, Râgyasri, wife of Grahavarman who was killed by
king of Malava.
His minister Bhandi (Po-ni).
Alliance with Bhaskara-varman, Kumâra of Prâggyotisha
(Kâmarûpa).
Wars with Pulakesin II of Mahârâshtra, temp. Hiouen-thsang
(618-625, Ma Tuan-lin).
Defeated by Pulakesin II, Satyâsraya, who began to reign 609.
Chinese embassy to Magadha, leaves 648, arrives after Sil.'s death.
Visited by Hiouen-thsang, 629-645 ; by Alopen, 639.
Dandin, Dasakumârakarita, Kavyâdarsa, old.

Subandhu, Vasavadattâ, quoted by Bana.
quotes Uddyotakara, Dharmakîrti, pupil
of Asanga.
Bana, Harshakarita, Kadambari, Kandikâstotra, Ratnâvali ( Dha-
vaka ?) Pârvatiparinayanataka (ed. Bombay) .
Mayura, Mayûra-sataka.
Manatunga Sûri, Bhaktâmara-stotra.
Narayana.
Adhyaraga.
Bhartrihari, died 650 (I -tsing) .
Gayaditya (Kâsikâ) , died 660 ( I-tsing).
Brahmagupta, born 598.
Though some of the links in this chronological system are
still doubtful, the belief in the existence of a Vikramaditya in
the first century B. C. may now be accounted for, while his
real existence in the sixth century admits of little doubt.
The Saka Era.
There is, however, another era, commonly called the Saka

era, which, though it does not bear immediately on our sub-
ject , viz. the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature, cannot well
be passed over. And this for two reasons. First, because
that era, beginning in 78 A. D. , has often been supposed to
mark the end of the Northern Invasion of India , and has been
fixed upon by several scholars as the beginning of a revival
ofnative government and native literature in India. Secondly,
because here too we have to note a brilliant conjecture of Mr.
Fergusson which, if I cannot as yet accept it as readily as
the former, seems to me nevertheless to contain a very con-
siderable amount of truth. It gives me particular pleasure
to acknowledge the high merit of Mr. Fergusson's chronolo-
gical combinations, because I have on other occasions expresse 1
my dissent from some of his theories with equal frankness.,
Surely hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim, and what
would become of our studies if, from personal or any other
considerations, we should ever shrink from speaking our
1 See his two articles ' On Indian Chronology,' 1870 , and ‘ On the Saka,
Samvat, and Gupta Eras,' 18×0, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
U 2
mind ? Mr. Fergusson, without pretending to any knowledge

of Sanskrit, has certainly seen two points which Sanskrit
scholars had failed to see, namely, that the Saka era is older
than the Vikrama era in India, so far as monumental evi-
dence is concerned, and that, far from marking the end of the
reign of the Sakas in India, it most likely dates from about
the time of the inauguration of Kanishka, the Saka king, as
lord paramount of India.
On the first point there seems little room for doubt ; on
the second, the question is whether Kanishka's inauguration
really coincides with 78 a. D. , or whether the era was fixed theo-
retically, like the Samvat era, and somewhere near the actual
beginning of his reign . The facts established by Mr. Fer-
gusson possess a very considerable historical significance, as
showing that, like the knowledge of the alphabet and of
coinage, the idea of chronology also, in our sense of the word,
came to the Indians from without ; in the first instance, from
the Greeks, but, in its more practical application, from the
Sakas. The first traces of chronologically dated documents
occur in the Asoka inscriptions, and then again in the inscrip-
tions of Kanishka. Both kings give simply the years of their
reign, without looking forward to the future or wishing to
become founders of historical eras. Kanishka, as if to leave
no doubt on the foreign influences which led him to make
these inscriptions, uses Greek letters in addition to his own,
and adds the Greek names of the months¹.
This is all perfectly natural and historically intelligible.
There was no chronological or astronomical theory at the
bottom of these dates . All that happened was that, while
during the reign of Kanishka, we have in inscriptions the
expression in the ninth year of the great king Kanishka '
(mahârâgasya Kanishkasya samvatsare 2 navame) , we find in
the inscriptions of his successors the number of the years
carried on, so that, for instance, in the eighty-third year of
1 We read in the Bahawalpur Inscription : Maharagassa Ragadiragassa De-

vaputassa Kanishkassa, samvatsare ekadase Sam II . Daisisassa masassa divase
attaviseti 28. This is meant for the Greek month Daisios. Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, 1870 , p. 500.
2 Sometimes shortened to samvatsa, samvat, samva, and sam.
Vasudeva' (mahârâgasya Vasudevasya sam 83 ), does not mean

in the eighty-third year ofVasudeva's reign , but in the 83 Sam-
vatsara (counting from Kanishka's anointment) of Vasudeva.
Date of Kanishka.
The question then arises whether Kanishka, the great Saka

king, could be considered as the unconscious founder of the
Saka era, i.e. whether his own consecration could have taken
place so late as 78 A.D.
Mr. Fergusson has shown that the occurrence of Roman
consular coins in the tope at Manikyala, which is believed
to have been built by Kanishka, would prove no more
than that that building cannot be earlier than 43 B. C., but
would decide nothing as to how much later it may be, while
the state of the Roman denarii, as compared with the coins
of Kanishka, found side by side, would almost amount
to a proof that these Roman coins must have had a long
course of wear and tear, before they were deposited in that
Tope. Mr. Fergusson's next argument, though not irresistible,
is certainly ingenious. Taking his stand on the numismatic
fact that the coins of Gondophares, who reigned in the
North-west provinces of India, are anterior to those of
Kanishka , he argues that those who invented the legend
of St. Thomas' visit to Gondophares , must have been aware
that Gondophares lived after Christ's death, and that therefore
the numismatically later Kanishka could not have lived in
the century B.C. , and date the years of his reign from the
Vikramaditya Samvat , 56 B. c. 3
The next argument, namely, that in the Ahin Posh Tope,
near Jellalabad, excavated by Mr. W. Simpson, new coins of
Kadphises, Kanishka, and Huvishka were found, together with
Roman coins of Domitian , Trajan, and the Empress Sabina,
the wife of Hadrian, would prove, no doubt, that the Tope
could not have been erected before 120 A. D. , but the fact
' Prinsep's Essays, ed. Thomas, vol. ii, p. 214.

Eusebius, Hist. Eccles, i, 13 ; Socrates, Hist. Eccles. i, 19.
The name of Gondophares, as a king of India, may have become known
in the West through his coins, which contain his name clearly written in Greek
letters.
that Huvishka, if we reckon his dates from the Saka era ,

78 A.D., would have lived 78 + 48 = 126 A.D. , and thus have
been an actual contemporary of the Empress Sabina, is no
more than noteworthy, until it can be proved that Huvishka
himself built the Tope.
The same applies to the find of Vâsudeva coins in the Ali
Musjid Tope. Even if, on architectural evidence, this Tope
could not be earlier than the second or third century A.D., it
would still have to be proved that it was built by Vâsudeva.
There is a passage in Albiruni which throws light on the
practical working of the eras in his own time, and likewise
on the manner in which they had been built up . Albiruni
says that the capture of Somnath by Mahmud of Gazni,
January, 1026, was placed by the Hindus in the year 947 of
the Saka era . This gives us 1026-947-78/9 A.D. for the
beginning of the Saka era, and he then goes on to tell us, how
they arrived at that date. They first put 242 years, that is,
4 x 60 years + 2 years as allowance for Loka-kâla, thus arriving
at 78/9 + 242 = 320 A.D. , as the first year of what by some
scholars has been called the Gupta era (319 A.D.) . They then
added 606 years, that is, six centuries, and six years as allow-
ance for Loka-kâla, and again ninety-nine years, which had
elapsed of the seventh century, and this gave them the real
Saka date, namely 242 +606 + 99 = 947 , which, with 78/9
years of Saka, corresponds to 1025/6 a.D.
But we are now met by the same question which had to
be answered with regard to the Vikrama era, namely, how
did people begin to believe that the Saka era marked the
destruction of the Saka kings, if it really marked their
recognition all over India. Dr. Bhao Daji was, I believe,
the first to point out that this idea of the Saka era beginning
with the destruction of the Sakas, does not crop up before the
eighth century A.D.¹ Âryabhata (born 476) knows as yet
neither the Vikrama nor the Saka era, and when the Saka
era is mentioned for the first time by Varâhamihira 2, it is
simply called Saka-bhûpa-kâla or Sakendra-kâla, the time ofthe
1 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, 242 .

2 Colebrooke, Life and Essays, iii, p. 428.
Saka king or kings. Brahmagupta (born 598) was quoted by

Colebrooke as having used the expression Sakanripânte, which
a scholiast of Bhaskara explained as meaning at the end [ of
the life or reign ] of Vikramaditya, who slew a people of
barbarians named Sakas.' Whatever the commentator may
have said, Brahmagupta's era is that of 78 A.D. , and his
expression Sakanripânte was probably the same as Sâka, and
never intended by him to mean ' at the end of the Saka kings '.'
Legends about the Sakari.
My own suspicion, I shall call it no more, is that the mis-

understanding in taking the Saka king for the enemy and
conqueror of the Sakas arose from the name Sakari . This was
taken by later writers, who had no knowledge whatever of
what we call history, in the obvious sense of enemy (ari) of
Sakas, while originally it may have been only another name
for Saka, namely Sakâra, fem. Sakârî, scil. (gazanâ) 2.
Another explanation also is possible. Sakâra, we know, is
a name given to barbarians, and we are told that they were
so called , because they could not distinguish the three Sanskrit
sibilants , but pronounced them all alike as sa . The dialect spoken
by these Sakaras, or Sa-sayers, was actually called Säkâri, and
we are told in the Sahitya-darpana (§ 432, v. 4) that it should
be employed ( in plays) by Sakaras, Sakas, and others ; and so
we find it, for instance, in the Mrikkhakatika . This is certainly
curious, but I must confess that, in spite of the actual use
of such a dialect in the plays, the explanation of Sakâra, as
meaning Sa-sayer, sounds to me too much like many of the
later artificial etymologies of Sanskrit grammarians, and I
prefer to consider Sakâra or Sakâra as a derivative of Saka ,
used originally in the senseof a descendant of the Sakas 3.
Pânini, it is true, does not seem to know the Sakas and the
¹ On anta, at the end of words, see Jacobi , Die Epen Kâlidâsa's, pp. 142, 156.
In Bhao Daji's article on Kalidasa, p. 27, we find sakanripâlát, i. e. ' counting
from the Saka king,' not sakanripântât.
* See Junagadh Inscription, guptasya kâlâgananām vidhâya.
In the Prakrita sarvasva (Cod. Bodl. 412 ) , the five principal Prakrit dialects
(vibháshás) seem to be called : Sakari, Kandali, Savari, Åbhiriki, and Sakki.
Saka kings , but he gives a rule that there is a patronymic

suffix âra, by which, for instance, from godhâ he forms
Gaudhâra2, and by which from Saka might be formed
Sakâra. Curiously enough, he restricts the use of that suffix
to the Northerners, and it is perfectly true, that it is not
a very common suffix. It is quite possible, therefore, though
I do not wish to say more, that the later grammarians, meet-
ing with the Sâkârî dialect, explained it as the dialect
of the Sakâras, that is, the dialect of those who pronounced
all sibilants as 8, while it was used originally in the sense.
of the dialect of the Sakas and their descendants. If so , it
would be equally possible that the Sâkâra era, or the Sâkârî
era, meant originally no more than the era of the Sakas and
their descendants, and was misinterpreted at a later time, into
the era of the enemy of the Sakas. There is a curious analogy
in sulbâri, originally a Sanskrit adaptation of sulphur, but
explained as ' enemy of sulba, ' which sulba is supposed to mean
copper. See Petersb. Wörterbuch, s. v.
We now return to the question whether the Saka era,
78 A.D., can be identified with the inauguration of king
Kanishka, the great Saka king, whose coins and inscriptions we
possess, and who is celebrated for having convoked the great
Council of Northern Buddhists in Kasmîra, about 400 p. B. N.
I confess I feel doubtful on that point, and I always thought
it possible that while the years of Kanishka's reign were purely
historical, the years of the Saka era, though beginning about
the same time, may, like the Vikrama era, have been fixed
originally by chronological computation. Even Professor
Oldenberg who, independent of Mr. Fergusson, has started
exactly the same theory 3, -and Mr. Fergusson could not
have wished for a more useful ally, -has not quite convinced
me on that point, though the difference between us is of little
consequence.
1
Sâkapârthiva in ii, 1 , 69, 8, has a totally different meaning, and is ex-
plained as sakabhogi pârthivah.
2
Patangali adds gâdârah, pândârah . Ethnical names in âra are frequent,
though their etymology is not always clear, e. g. gandhâra, tukhâra, etc.
3 See his essay Über Datirung der älteren indischen Münz- und Inschriften-
reihen.'
Professor Oldenberg , in support of his theory, appeals to the

inscription of Bâdâmi, where we read, When 500 years had
elapsed since the anointment of the Saka king , ' and the other
inscriptions, where the Saka era is simply called ' the year of
the time of the Saka king 2 ? He shows how the time between
the first permanent occupation of India by the Yueh-chi , about
24 B. C., and the coronation of Kanishka, 78 A.D. , is well filled
by sovereigns whose historical character is established by
their coins, the Zornp péyas, the Sy Hermaios ; then Kozulo
Kadphises, Kozola-kadaphes, and Ooemo -Kadphises. In this
manner he arrives at the conclusion that an era, beginning
78 A.D., if referring to any historical sovereign, could only
have been the era of king Kanishka, and that in this date.
we have as useful and trustworthy a milestone in the history
of India as in the dates of Asoka, 259-222 B. C., of Kandra-
gupta, 315-291 B. C. , and of Siladitya, the contemporary of
Hiouen-thsang. Kanishka is followed by Huvishka, Huvi-
shka by Vasudeva, or, as they are called on their own coins,
Kanerki, Ooerki, and Bazodeo ; and the last of them, if
we may trust to numismatic evidence, reigned to about
178 A. D., i. e. to the time when the Chinese chronicles tell us
that the foreign people incessantly came from outside of the
wall of a castle on the border at a place called Jitsu-nan .'
What happened in India after the expulsion of the Saka
kings, at the end of the Indian Völkerwanderung, we
hardly know. The Hindus themselves look upon the period
immediately following as a blank, or as a time of utter
confusion, until new Brahmanie dynasties arose again, such as,
for instance, the Guptas, and the rulers of Valabhî, who em-
ploy different eras beginning 190 and 319 A. D.
I subjoin a few extracts from the Gârgî samhitâ ³, an astro-
1 Burgess, Archæological Survey of Western India, vol. ii, p. 273 ; Olden-

berg, L. c., pp. 292-293 . ( Sakanripatirágyabhishekasamvatsareshv atikrânteshu
paškasu sateshu ; and Sakanripakālasamvatsare).
Eggeling. Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 305.
* Professor Kern assigns it to about 50 B.C. But as it prophesies the
destruction of the Sakas, it can hardly be earlier than about 200 A.D.; probably
it is later. If the Gargi samhita is the work of Garga, we must remember
that Garga knew the sixty names of the Brihaspati cycle ( Nirnaya-sindhu,
nomical work, probably of the second or third century A.D.

After speaking of the Kings of Pâtaliputra (mentioning Sali-
sûka, the fourth successor of Asoka, by name), the author adds
' that then the viciously valiant Greeks, after reducing Sâketa
(Oude) ¹, the Pañkâla-country, and Mathurâ, will reach Kusu-
madhvaga, that is, the royal residence of Pâtaliputra, and that
then all provinces will be in disorder.' This may refer to the
Bactrian conquests in India, which would thus seem to have
extended as far as Oude, Mathurâ, and Pâtaliputra.
Then follows a complaint about low-caste people (vrishalas)
assuming the garb of hermits, which may refer to the rule of
an Asoka and his Buddhistic successors. Even Kandragupta is
called a vrishala.
The rule of the Greeks, we are then told, will come to an
end in Madhyadesa, owing to discord among themselves, and
then will follow seven kings, and, in the end, the reign of the
Sakas. When that is destroyed, the earth will be empty 2.
These are very vague prophecies, yet sufficiently definite to
enable us to say that they could not have been uttered before
the last of the events to which they refer, that is , not before
the destruction of the supremacy of the Saka kings in India
at the beginning of the third century A. D.
On the other hand, as the Gârgî samhitâ is quoted by
Varâhamihira, who wrote in the first half of the sixth century,
its prophecies may claim more of a truly historical character
than the similar prophecies which we meet with in the later
Purânas. They remind me, in fact, of the prophecies , the so-
called Vyakaranas, which we find in the writings of the
Northern Buddhists, and which may be assigned to about
the same period .
There are several such prophecies, for instance, in the Lan-
kâvatâra-sûtra, one of the nine Dharmas . The minimum date
p. 1 ), while Gargi adjusted the Nakshatras and the zodiacal signs, see p . 325,
n. 2.
¹ Cf. Mahâbhâshya, iii, 2 , 11 , arunad Yavanah Sâketam .
* See Kern's Preface to his edition of Varâhamihira's Brihat-samhita,
pp. 36-39.
This Sutra attacks Sânkhya, Vaiseshika, Lokâyatika, and Hinayana
doctrines, and establishes two Viguanas, the mano-vigñâna and the alaya-
vignana in addition to the usual six vigiânas.
of this Sûtra is established through its Chinese translations.

The first, by Gunabhadra, was made in 443 A.D.; the second by
Bodhiruki, in 513 A. D.; the third by Sikshananda in 700-704
A.D. In Gunabhadra's translation, however, the introductory
and the two concluding chapters are wanting, but they are
given in the other translations. The introductory chapter
treats of Ravana, the lord of Lanka, inviting Buddha to
preach. The first of the two concluding chapters is called the
Dhârani-adhyaya, the second the Gâthâ-sangraha. This Gâthâ-
sangraha occupies about one-fourth of the whole work, and
some of the Gâthâs occur also in the earlier chapters.
It is in this Gâthâ-sangraha that the following prophecies,
placed in the mouth of Buddha Viragas , not of Sakyamuni,
occur :
Vyasah Kanada Rishabhah Kapilah Sakyanayakah

Nirvrite(r)mama paskât tu bhavishyanty evamâdayah.
Mayi nirvrite varshasate Vyâso vai Bhâratas tathâ
Pandavah Kauravâ Râmah paskât sauro bhavishyati.
Maurya Nandas ka Guptas ka tato Mlekkha nripâdhamáh
Mlekkhânte sâstrasamkshobhah sâstrânte ka kalir yugam.
Kaliyugante lokais ka saddharmo hi na bhâshitah
Evamadyâny atitâni kakravad bhramati gagat.
The text is very incorrect, and it would be useless to give

more extracts without having access to better documents.
All I wished to point out here is that these prophecies have
a peculiarly Buddhistic character, and that what they pro-
phesy is probably what was known to have happened before
the beginning of the fifth century A. D.3
The son of Pragapatik, Vasumatih, of the race of Katyayana, born at

Kampa.
* The following may serve as curious specimens : —
Paninim sabdanetaram Akshapado Brihaspati
Lokayatapranetaro brahmagarbho bhavishyati.
Katyayanah strakarta Yagiavalkas tathaiva ka
Pudruka Buddhaka, MS. C.) gyotishadyâni bhavishyanti kalau yugo.
Valmiiko Mayarakshas ka Kautilya Åsvalayanah
Rishayas ka mahâbhaga bhavishyanti anagate.
Siddharthah Sakyatanayo bhûtantah pakakûdakah,
Vasali arthamedhavi paskat kale bhavishyati.
The Saka Era called the Sâlivâhana Era.
Though I have throughout called the era which begins

78 A.D. the Saka era, or the Sâka, I cannot admit that it is
wrong to call it the Sâlivâhana era, or speak of it, as Dr.
Kern does, as the era which Anglice, but not in Sanskrit, is
called Sâlivâhana era.
At the end of the Muhûrtaganapati ( ed . Bombay) , for in-
stance, we read qayıfsarzand 99ty , which is a.D. 1863.
This, however, it may be said , is only the editor's writing .
But at the end of the Muhûrtamârtanda we find the follow-
ing verses¹ :
श्रीमत्कौशिकपावनो हरिपदद्वंद्वार्पितात्मा हरिस्तज्जोऽनंत इलासुरोचितगुणो

नारायणस्तत्सुतः । ख्यातं देवगिरेः शिवालयमुदक् तस्मादुदक् टापरग्रामस्तद्व-
सतिर्मुहूर्तभुवनोन्मार्तंडमत्राकरोत् ॥ 2
C
Hari, the glory of the noble Kausikas, gave his soul to
(the worship of) the feet of Hari. His son Ananta possessed
all the virtues fit for Brâhmans. His son was Nârâyana.
There is north of Devagiri the famous temple of Siva (the
Commentator says purânaprasiddham sivâlayam dhusrinesa-si-
vâlayam iti prasiddham gyotirlingasthanam asti) . North of
it there is the village Tapara. Nârâyana, who dwelt there,
composed there the Muhûrtabhuvanonmârtanda, i. e. "the sun
throwing light on the world of hours. "
यः पष्ट्यायुतशत १६० वृत्तबद्धमेनं मार्तंडं पठति नरः स विश्वपूज्यः ।

बहायुःसुखधनपुत्रमित्रभृत्यान्संप्राप्नोत्यविकलधीश्च तीर्थसिद्धिं ॥ २ ॥
The man who reads this Mârtanda, composed of 160 verses,

is to be revered by all ; he obtains long life, happiness ,
wealth, sons, friends, slaves ; with sound mind he obtains the
perfection of knowledge.'
1 See Cat. Bodl. No. 787.

2 The metre requires bhuvanonmartanda, at least it requires a long syllable
at the end of bhuvana. The Bombay edition reads bhuvano mârtanda, which
gives no sense. The MS. Bodl. gives bhuvanonmârtanda, and this the Com-
mentator explains as, teshâm uddyotako martanda iva martandas, ta thà tạm .
त्र्यंकेंद्रप्रमते वर्षे शालिवाहनजन्मतः ।

कृतस्तपसि मार्तंडोऽयमलं जयतूहतः ॥ ३ ॥
In the year 1493 from the birth of Sâlivâhana was this

Mârtanda (the sun) composed in the month Magha. May this
risen sun be fully successful.'
Now this date is A. D. 1571 , and it is repeated at the end
in the following words : Sukhanidhipurushârthakshmâ 1493
samabhih parimite sakakâle, i.e. Saka 1493, A.D. 1571.
The Vikramaditya Period of Literature.
These preliminary disquisitions were necessary before we

could approach the question which concerns us more imme-
diately, namely, the real date of Kâlidâsa, and of the literature
more or less contemporaneous with him.
If Vikramâditya, during whose reign the era of 56 B. C. was
invented, lived in the sixth century after, instead of the first
century before Christ, we now ask the question whether Kâli-
dâsa and his friends also may not have lived at the same
time ? We see Kâlidâsa's name and that of Bharavi, the
author of the Kirâtârguniya, quoted in an inscription which
was formerly supposed to date from the year Saka 506 (585 A.D. ),
but has lately been proved to date from the year Saka 556
(637 A.D. ) ³ . This gives us a limit on one side, and we may
I discussed the whole of this chronological and literary problem with

Bhao Daji in 1863, and though in general I still hold the opinions which
I then expressed, and some of which were published by him at the time,
I have modified them on several points, and wish even now that what I put
forward here should be considered as tentative only, and subject to correction.
* It seems almost impossible to give the opinions held by various Sanskrit
scholars on the date of Kalidasa, or on the dates of certain works ascribed to
Kalidasa, on account of their constantly varying opinions and the vague language
in which they are expressed. Those who desire information on this point, may
consult Professor Weber's Sanskrit Literature. That accomplished scholar
seems to put Kalidasa's three plays between the second and fourth centuries B. C.,
the period ofthe Gupta princes, Kandragupta, &c., see l . c., p. 204 note ; but I
am not quite certain that this is his real opinion.
See Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ix, p. 315 ;
Fleet, Indian Antiquary, vii, p. 209 ; and Bhandarkar, Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, Bombay, xiv, p. 24. I owe this reference to Professor Buhler.
even say that by that time both Kâlidâsa and Bhâravi had
probably become famous in India. Let us now see whether
we can fix some kind of limit on the other side.
Vasubandhu.
Hiouen-thsang¹ tells us that Vasubandhu, the pupil of

Manorhita (Monoratha), was a contemporary of Vikramâ-
ditya of Srâvastî (probably his northern residence) . This
Vasubandhu was a very famous Buddhist writer, whose
date can be fixed with tolerable certainty, not only by the
testimony of Hiouen-thsang, whose travels in India are
separated by two or three generations only from Vasubandhu,
but by the literary history of the Buddhists also . It may be
quite true that the dates assigned by Chinese or Tibetan
writers to certain Bodhisattvas and Arhats are not always
trustworthy. But when we find the works of great Buddhist
authorities so arranged that the later presuppose the earlier
ones, we may place a certain amount of confidence in such
statements.
Thus I-tsing tells us that Mâtriketa (Mother-child) , who
in his youth worshipped Mahesvara, became later in life a
follower of Buddha and composed 400 hymns, and afterwards
150 hymns.
These 150 hymns, he continues, were admired by Asanga
and Vasubandhu.
1 According to Hiouen-thsang (ii , 115 ) the Bodhisattva Vasubandhu composed

his Abhidharmakosha-sastra in the Great Monastery near Peshawer (Purusha-
pura) , and he tells us that there was a tablet there to commemorate the fact.
His teacher Manorhita (Manoratha) also lived in the same monastery, and
wrote there his famous Vibhashâ-sâstra. Manorhita was the contemporary of
king Vikramaditya of Srâvasti, and lost the favour of the king. The king
convoked an assembly of Sâstrikas and Sramanas, in which the latter were
defeated, which seems to mean that Vikramaditya withdrew his favour from
the Buddhists and encouraged the followers of the old Brahmanic religion.
When Vikramaditya had died, Vasubandhu wished to revenge his master
Manorhita, and in an assembly convoked by the new king, he defeated the
Sramanas, that is, he regained the favour of king Siladitya for himself and his
co-religionists. Hiouen-thsang says in another place that Siladitya, who
occupied the throne sixty years before his time (640-60 = 580) , was full of
respect for ' the three precious ones. ' See also Bhao Daji, On Kâlidâsa, p . 225.
The Bodhisattva Gina¹ added one stanza to each of the

150 hymns, so that they became 300 hymns, called the Mixed
Hymns.
Sakyadeva of the Deer-park again added one stanza to each,
so that they became 450 hymns, called the Noble Mixed
Hymns.
This gives us the following succession : —
( 1 ) Mâtriketa,
(2 ) Asanga and Vasubandhu (pupil of Sanghabhadra),
(3) Gina,
(4) Sakyadeva.
We must now have recourse to another work, Târânâtha's
History of Buddhism . This is no doubt a very modern com-
pilation, and in many cases quite untrustworthy. Still it
may come in as confirmatory evidence2.
Târânâtha (p. 118 ) tells us that Vasubandhu was born one
year after his brother Asanga had become a priest . Their
father was a Brâhman . Vasubandhu went to Kasmîra, and
became a pupil of Sanghabhadra, studying under him the
Vibhashâ, the Sâstras of the eighteen schools, the six Tîrthya
theories, and other works. After returning to Magadha he at
first rejected the doctrine propounded by his brother Asanga
in the Yogakuryabhûmi-sâstra. But when his brother had
sent two of his pupils who recited the Akshayamati-(sûtra)
and the Dasabhumika-sûtra to Vasubandhu, he became con-
vinced and converted . Vasubandhu then became his brother's
pupil³ . This brother Asanga, in order to expiate sin , had
been commanded to teach the Mahâyâna with commentaries,
and to repeat the Ushnîsha-vigaya-vidyâ a hundred thousand
times. Vasubandhu, after he had become his brother's pupil ,
recited many books, the Guhyapati-vidyâ among the rest, and
obtained Samadhi . He was so learned that he could repeat
1 See Hiouen-thisang, iii, p. 106. Was he the author of the Hetuvidya-

sâstra, and the teacher of the Yogâkârya- bhûmisâstra of Maitreya ?
* Taranatha finished his history in 1608, when he was only thirty years of
age. The Tibetan text was published from four MSS., by Wassiljew, who
added a Russian translation, which was translated into German by Schiefner,
and published at St. Petersburg in 1869.
Akshayamati also is mentioned as his teacher.
500 Sutras (300,000 slokas) , besides 49 collections made by

Ratnakuta, the Avatamsaka, Samayaratna, Satasâhasrika-pra-
gñâpâramitâ, with 500 great and small Mahâyâna- sûtras, 500
Dhâranîs, &c.
Vasubandhu became Pandita in Nâlanda, travelled about in
Gaura and Odivisa, and died in Nepal.
Many works, chiefly commentaries, are ascribed to him,
his best known composition being the Abhidharma-kosha ,
which, with his commentary, he sent to Sanghabhadra, his old
teacher in Kasmira ¹.
All we wish to utilise in these statements of Târânâtha is
the relation of teacher and pupil between
Sanghabhadra
Vasubandhu,
and between
the brothers Asanga and Vasubandhu.
We now proceed to consult another Tibetan work, the Life

of Bhagavat Buddha by Ratnadharmarâga. It is more modern
even than Târânâtha's work, having been composed in 1734,
and we possess an abstract only of it, published by Schiefner
in 1848 , in the Mémoires de l'Académie de St. Pétersbourg. Here
we read in the last chapter, that, four hundred years after the
death of Buddha, Kanishka will be born, the king of Gâlan-
dhara, and will be taught by the Arhat Sudarsana. During his
reign a third collection of Buddhist sacred writings is to
take place in Kasmîra, in the Ear- ornament (kundala-vana ?)
Vihara, there being assembled five hundred Arhats under
Pârsva, and five hundred Bodhisattvas under Vasumitra.
There existed at that time eighteen sects . There lived also
the Akarya Nagârguna, who was received by Râhulabhadra,
and who, having lived sixty years and taught the Middle-
system (Madhyamika), went to Sukhâvatî. His disciples
were Sâkyamitra (Simhala), Âryadeva, Nâgabodhi (?), Buddha-
pâlita . Âryadeva's pupils were Sura, Sântideva, and Dhar-
matrâta.
1 On works ascribed to Vasubandhu, see Târânâtha, p. 122.

RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE . 305
This gives us :-
Kanishka Pârsva and Vasumitra
Nagârguna (received by Râhulabhadra)
Sakyamitra, Arya -deva, Nâgabodhi, Buddhapâlita
Sura, Santideva, Dharmatrâta,
After this, the Tibetan chronicler adds that nine hundred

years after the death of Buddha, Arya Asanga and Vasubandhu
appeared.
Arya Asanga is said to have been brought by Maitreya to
Tushita, where he was taught by Agita, and supported the
Mahâyâna doctrine.
Vasubandhu was brought by Arya Asanga to Tushita to see
Maitreya. He had been a pupil of Vinayabhadra ( Sangha-
bhadra ?) in Kasmira, and of Akshayamati in Nalanda.
Then follow their pupils ;
(1 ) Arya Asanga's pupils were :-
Sthiramati in Abhidharma, favoured by Târâ ( Kien -hoei, see
H. Ths. iii, 45, 164).
Dignaga in Pramâna, favoured by Mangusri.
Dharmakirti in logic. The two last quoted by Subandhu ,
in his Vasavadattà, p. 235.
(2 ) Vasubandhu's pupils were :-
Vimokshasena in the Pâramitâs,
Guzaprabha (bhadra ? ) in Vinaya (H. Ths . iii, 125 ) ,
Aryadeva, a Brahman,
A Chinese Master of the Tripitaka ' (Hiouen-thsang ?),
Guzamati ( H. Ths. iii, 46, 164 ),
Yasomitra , the prince.
Without looking upon these statements as firmly establishe
historical facts, we may at least try to find out how far they
fit with what we know from elsewhere.
1 This, according to Julien, Mélanges de Géographie, p. 189, is the recog-

nised name of Hiouen-thsang, viz. San-thsang-fa-sse, Tripitakakarya. During
his travels in India he called himself Mokshadeva, or Mahayanadeva (Hiouen-
theang, i, p. 248 ; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1882, p. 95).
Yasomitra, author of the Abhidharmakoshavyâkhya sphutârthâ, quotes
Gusamati and his disciple Vasumitra (not the author of the Mahavibhashâ).
X
We had placed Vikramâditya in the first half of the sixth

century, about 100 years before Hiouen-thsang. If then
we remember that Kanishka's birth is placed 400 years¹
and Asanga 900 years after Buddha's death ( see also Wassiljew,
Buddhismus, p . 52), we find an interval of 500 years between
Kanishka and Asanga. And if we are right in placing Ka-
nishka's coronation 78 A. D., we should get for Asanga and
Vasubandhu about the second half of the sixth century, that
is, nearly the same date at which we arrived before on the
evidence supplied by Hiouen-thsang.
This is something, and we now proceed to consider another
fact which was first brought to our notice by one of the most
ingenious Sanskrit scholars, whose death has proved a real
misfortune to the progress of native scholarship in India,
Dr. Bhao Daji. In a paper, read in 1860 before the Asiatic
Society of Bombay, he wrote : Mallinâtha, in commenting
on the 14th verse of the Meghadûta, incidentally notices that
This is a very common date for Kanishka with the Northern Buddhists,
whether of his birth or of his coronation, may sometimes seem doubtful (Hiouen-
thsang, ii, 172) . If we take 78 , the beginning of the Saka era, as the date of
Kanishka's coronation (abhisheka), the initial date of Buddha's Nirvâna would
have to be placed, not as a real event, but for the purpose of chronological
calculation only, at about 322 B.C. Pârsva and Vasumitra would belong to the
same period as Kanishka.
According to the same chronological system, Asoka is placed 100 years after
Buddha's Nirvâna (Hiouen-thsang, ii, p . 170) , i.e. 222 B. C., and this, if I am
right in my rectification of the chronology of the Southern Buddhists, is the
real date of his death (Dhammapada, Introd. p. xxxix) .
Again, the king of Himatala, who defeats the Kritîyas, who are enemies of
Buddhism, is placed 600 after B. N., i. e. 278 A.D. (Hiouen-thsang, ii, p. 179).
Hiouen-thsang is fully aware of the existence ofthree different eras. He says
that some place the Nirvâna 1200 years ago (about 560 B. C. ), others 1500
years ago (about 860 B.C.), but, he adds, some assert that more than 900
and less than 1000 years have now elapsed since Buddha's Nirvâna. These
were no doubtthe authorities who placed Kanishka 400 years after the Nirvâna,
and Hiouen-thsang himself, about 960 years after Buddha (Hiouen-thsang, i
p. 131 ). Wassiljew (Buddhismus , p . 52 ) states from Tibetan sources that after
the death of Gambhirapaksha (p. 282 , n.), the patron of Asanga (900 post B.N. )
Sriharsha was the most powerful king in the west of India, and was succeeded
by his son Sila. It is curious to observe that in Tibetan literature Buddha's
birth is supposed to have happened not long before the birth of Confucius
(Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1882 , p. 100). It might be
well to distinguish the Southern Buddhist era by p. B. s. from the Northern
Buddhist era, p. B. N.
Dignagakarya and Nikula were contemporaries of Kâlidâsa,

the former his adversary, and the latter a fellow and bosom
friend . Whatever we may think of the pointed allusion which
Mallinâtha discovers in Kâlidâsa's ownwords to Nikula and Dig-
naga-and I confess that I believe he is right - there can be
little doubt that Mallinâtha must have known of both Nikula
and Dignaga as contemporaries ofKâlidâsa, before he could have
ventured on his explanation 2. Dignaga is not a very common
name, and if we know from our former evidence that Dignaga
was a pupil of Asanga's, and that Asanga was a contemporary
of Vikramaditya, we shall probably now feel more confident
in placing Kâlidâsa in the middle of the sixth century.
It might be objected , no doubt, that Dignaga was a Bud-
dhist , and that a worshipper of Siva, like Kâlidâsa, was not
likely to have any personal relations with a heretic, such as
Dignaga. The more we know, however, of the intellectual
and social state of India at the time when Kâlidâsa lived , the
less weight shall we ascribe to such an objection. Believers
in Buddha and believers in the Veda lived together at that
time very much as Protestants and Roman Catholics do at
the present day, fighting when there is an opportunity or
necessity for it, but otherwise sharing the same air as fellow
creatures. We are told that Mânatunga, though a Gaina, was
admitted to the court of Harsha on the same terms as Bâna
and Mayûra. I see no reason therefore why Dignâga should
not have met Kâlidâsa at the court of Vikramaditya, or
why he should not be the very Dignaga who is famous as a
writer on Nyaya. We know that Vasubandhu, the brother
of Asanga, was a student of the Nyâya philosophy, and pub-
lished the posthumous work of Sanghabhadra, the Nyâyânu-
sarasastra ( H. Ths . i, 108 ). The Bodhisattva Gina, who suc-
ceeded Asanga (see before, p . 303 ), composed the Nyâya- dvâra-
1 The same discovery was made subsequently, but independently, by Pro-

fessor Weber, Zeitschrift der D. M. G. xxii, p. 726. See also Shankar P.
Pandit's preface to the Raghuvamsa, p. 68.
Mallinatha is placed by Dr. Bhao Daji in the fourteenth century, see On
Kalidasa, p. 22 ; see also Bhandarkar, preface to Malatimâdhava, p. xii, and
Journal ofthe Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ix, p. 321 .
X 2
târaka (H. Ths. i, 188¹ ) , and Hiouen-thsang himself, though

a Buddhist, studied logic under a Brâhmana ( H. Ths. i, 187) .
I see no reason therefore why Dignâga, the pupil of Asanga
in Pramâna, i . e. logic, should not be the author of a work on
Nyâya, which, as Professor Cowell has shown in his important
preface to the Kusumâñgali, was criticised by Uddyotakara,
the author of the Nyâya-vârttika 2.
We placed Dignaga, as the pupil of Asanga, in the middle
of the sixth century. Uddyotakara, his critic, is quoted by
Subandhu (Vâsavadattâ, p . 2353 ), and, curiously enough,
together with Dharmakîrti 4, a pupil of Asanga's, who, like
Asanga, was the great authority on logic among the Buddhists.
Subandhu, again, is quoted by Bâna, and Bâna was the con-
temporary of Hiouen-thsang. All this agrees, and fits so
naturally that we can hardly attribute it all to mere accident.
At one time I thought that there were certain dates of the
Chinese translations of Sanskrit texts which made it impossible
to assign to Asanga and Vasubandhu so late a date. The fact
is that two works which are ascribed to Vasubandhu, the Sata-
sâstra (No. 1188 ) , and the Bodhi-kittotpâdana -sâstra (No. 1218),
are supposed to have been translated by Kumâragîva, i.e. about
404 A. D. The earliest translations of his other works belong
¹ The Nyâya-dvâra-târaka-sâstra is ascribed to the Bodhisattva Dharmapâla,

Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 191 .
2 Subandhu in his Vâsavadattâ recurs several times to the eclipse that has
come over the Mimâmsâ and Nyâya through the teaching of the Buddhists.
See also Weber, Streifen i, p. 379.
3 See Hall, Vâsavadattâ, preface, p. 9 note, as corrected by Cowell, in his
preface to the Kusumâñgali.
* Dr. Burnell, who had great faith in Târânâtha's History of Indian Bud-
dhism, wrote in the preface to the Sâmavidhâna-brahmana, p. vi : Tărânâtha
states that Kumâralîla (i. e. Kumârila) lived at the same time as Dharmakirti,
the great Buddhist writer on Nyâya. Some of his works still exist in Tibetan
translations in the Tanjur, and he is quoted by name in the Sarvadarsana-
sangraha as an authority on Buddhism. Now Dharmakirti is stated by the
Tibetans to have lived in the time of Sron-tsan-gam-po, king of Yârlang, who
was born 617 A. D. , and reigned from 629-698 A.D. About this date there can
be no doubt, for the king married a Chinese princess, whose date is certain. As
Hiouen-thsang left India in 645 A. D., and there is no mention in his work of
the great and dangerous Brahman enemy of the Buddhists, Kumarila cannot
have lived before that date, and for many reasons he cannot have been later
than 700 A. D.'
all to the sixth century, though, as they are assigned to Bodhi-

ruki, to the beginning of it. This is strange, though not
impossible. But what shall we say of translations of Vasu-
bandhu by Kumâragîva ? There must be some mistake here.
In the case of the Sata-sâstra (Pai- lun ), most likely the work
is wrongly attributed to Vasubandhu, for Hiouen-thsang
(i , 99) ascribes it to Deva, while, in another place (i, 191 ) ,
the Sata-sâstra-vaipulya, is ascribed to Dharmapâla . As to
the Bodhikittotpada, the difficulty remains, and cannot at
present be solved , though I see that this work is sometimes.
ascribed to Maitreya. However that may be, the evidence in
support of making Vasubandhu a contemporary of Vikram-
aditya and Silâditya is too strong to be surrendered , and for the
present it is the Chinese evidence which will have to yield¹ .
I shall mention now a few more of the undesigned coinci-
dences which support our placing the revival of Buddhist
literature under the auspices of Asanga and Vasubandhu in
the time of Vikramaditya and Silâditya in the course of the
sixth century.
We have Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosha, which was ex-
plained by Guzamati and his pupil Vasumitra , both of whom
are quoted by the commentator Yasomitra, who is himself a
pupil of Vasubandhu 2.
Another pupil ofVasubandhu's was Guzaprabha of Parvata.
His pupil was Mitrasena, and it was Mitrasena (eighty years
old ) who taught Hiouen-thsang (i, 109 ) the Tattvasatya-
sastra (by Gunaprabha, i, 106) and the Abhidharma-gñâna-
prasthana-sastra (ascribed to Kâtyâyana, i, 102, 109 , 330 ; or
to Katyayani-putra, 300, p. B. N.) We saw that Vasubandhu
had been for a time a pupil of Sanghabhadra's , and that he
became afterwards converted by his brother Asanga. This
Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio informs me that in the preface to the Chinese transla-
tion ofthe Pai-lun ( Sata-sâ-tra) the text is ascribed to Deva, who lived about
Soo p. B. N. , the commentary to Vasu, the translation to Kumaragiva. The
Bodhahridayotpada sâstra is ascribed to Vasubandhu, and its translation to
Kumaraiva. But in the Khai -yuen lu (A.D. 730) the text is assigned to either
Maitreya or Vasubandhu. Again, in the list of the twenty- three Indian Pa-
triarchs (Cat. No. 1340 ) Vasubandhu is the twentieth. There were three more
after him, and they all are supposed to have been known in China in 472 A. D.
* Schiefner, Lebensbeschreibung, p. 310.
seems to have been a conversion from the Hînayâna to the

Mahâyâna, for Sanghabhadra lived and died in a monastery
attached to the Hînayâna ( H. Ths . i , 107 ) , while Asanga
belonged to the Mahâyâna.
Now one of Asanga's pupils was the famous Sîlabhadra
(called Dharmakosha), an old man when Hiouen -thsang
came to see him (i, 144) and to study the Yogasâstra under
him . Sîlabhadra, being too old , appointed his pupil , Gaya-
sena (of Surâshtra) to teach Hiouen-thsang (i, 212, 215).
Afterwards when a Brâhman of the Lokâyata sect challenged
Silabhadra and the monks of his monastery (Nâlanda), Hiouen-
thsang disputed with him and defeated him, showing a pro-
found knowledge of the Sânkhya and the Vaiseshika systems
(i, 225). He afterwards composed a treatise against the
Hînayâna, which was highly praised by Sîlabhadra.
Another link between Hiouen-thsang and Asanga is Sthi-
tamati¹ . He too was a pupil of Asanga, and the teacher 2 of
Gayasena, who, as we have seen, was the teacher of Hiouen-
thsang .
One more link in our chain of arguments is supplied by one
of Silabhadra's teachers. At the time of Hiouen-thsang's
visit to Nâlanda, about 637–639, we know that Sîlabhadra was
old, say seventy years . When he was thirty years of age his
master, Dharmapâla, employed him for the first time to dis-
pute against the heretics, say 600 A. D. Now we are told
by I-tsing that Dharmapâla was the contemporary of Bhar-
trihari, and that Bhartrihari died 650 A. D. , which, chrono-
logically at all events, would harmonise very well. We may
take notice also that Dharmapâla 3 was a contemporary of
1 Schiefner, Lebensbeschreibung, p . 80.

2 Hiouen-thsang, i, 212. Sthitamati (An-hoei-pou-sa ) is different from Sthira-
mati (Kien-hoei). Gunamati and Sthiramati are always mentioned together
(Hiouen-thsang, iii, 46 ; 164), and Gunamati was the teacher of Vasumitra,
both having written on Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosha.
Works ascribed to a Dharmapâla, whose name is translated
Hu-fâ, lit. guardian of the law. See Eitel, p. 32 b.
No. 1174. Alambanapratyayadhyâna-sâstra-vyâkhya ' (A. D. 710, by I-tsing).
[ This is a commentary on the Bodhisattva Gina's sâstra. ]
,, 1197. Vidyâmâtrasiddhi (-sâstra) (A. D. 659 , by Hiouen-thsang).
[ This is a commentary on Vasubandhu's thirty verses.]
Bhavaviveka ( H. Ths. iii, 112 ), though Bhavaviveka may

have been considerably his senior¹ .
Sanghabhadra
Asanga Vasubandhu
Sthitamati Silabhadra Yasomitra, Gunaprabha
(quotes Gunamati
and Vasumitra)
Gayasena Gayasena Mitrasena
Hiouen - thsang Hiouen- thsang. Hiouen-thsang.
Bhavaviveka (iii, 112) .
Dharmapala and Bhartrihari, died 650 A. D.

Silabhadra.
It seems not unlikely, in fact, that the teachers whose names

Hiouen-thsang mentions as famous in his time (iii , 46) ,
were men whom he might either have known himself, such as
Silabhadra, or whose memory was still quite fresh at Nâlanda
at the time of his visit . Several of these names are the same
which I-tsing, who was at Nalanda in 673 , or about thirty-
six years later, mentions as recent, distinguishing them from
the oldest and the middle teachers on one side, and the
teachers still living on the other.
HIOUEN-THSANG (iii, 46). I-TSING.
637-639 A.D. 673 A.D.

Dharmapala (Sabdavidyâsamyuk- Dharmapâla.
ta-sâstra).
Kandrapala.
Gunamati (teacher of Vasumitra). Gunamati.
No. 1198. Sataâstravaipulya-vyâkhyâ ( A. D. 650, by H. T.)

[ This is a commentary on Deva's sâstra. ]
33 1210. Vidyamatrasiddhi (-sâstra) (A.D. 710, by I-tsing).
[This is similar to No. 1197.]
The following list of Hiouen-thsang's teachers is given from Tibetan sources
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1882, p. 96) : Dântabhadra
or -deva ( Silabhadra ?), Ârya Sanga (Asañga), Vasumitra (pupil of Gunamati) ,
Dharmarakshita, Vinaya-bhadra (Sanghabhadra ?), Dântasena ( Gayasena !).
Buidha, Ânanda, and Maitreya also are mentioned.
Sthiramati. Sthiramati.
Prabhâmitra .
Ginamitra. Gina (Nyâyadvâratâraka
sâstra).
Gñânakandra.
Sighrabuddha.
Silabhadra (Dharmakosha). Silabhadra.
I-tsing mentions besides, as of recent date : Dharmayasas

(Fa-hian ?), Simhakandra (one of Hiouen-thsang's fellow stu-
dents, i , 261 ) , Pragñâgupta (a follower of the Hînayâna, i, 220),
Paramaprabha, and Gunaprabha (pupil of Devasena, i , 106 ),
some of whom may possibly be identified with Hiouen-
thsang's names. As teachers of an early age I -tsing mentions
all those whom we have placed in the sixth century a. D. , viz .
Sanghabhadra (vidyâmâtra), Asanga (Yoga) , Vasubandhu, and
Bhavaviveka.
As old teachers he enumerates, Nâgârguna (Sûnya), Deva
(pupil of Nâgârguna), and Asvaghosha ¹ .
Among those whom he had known personally, he men-
tions, Pragñâkandra (in the monastery Si-ra-chu at Surat ) ,
Ratnasimha (in Nâlanda), Divâkaramitra (in Eastern India) ,
Tathagatagarbha (in Southern India), and Sakyakîrti (in
Si-ri-fa-sai).
Pravarasena, King of Kasmira.
Uncertain as some of these facts may be, their harmony

serves nevertheless to produce some confidence that we are on
terra firma, and not altogether on the quicksand of Indian tra-
dition . Nor is this all. There are still some other supports
which may serve to strengthen our position, and the date which
we have assigned to Kâlidâsa and his patron Vikramâditya
Harsha of Uggayinî . Most of the facts which have still to be
considered, were first pointed out by the late Dr. Bhao Daji,
now twenty years ago, and I then expressed to him my
¹ The lives of these three teachers are stated to have been translated by
Kumaragiva, about 405 A.D. The life of Vasubandhu was translated by
Paramartha, 557-589 A.D. See Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue, Nos. 1460-1463-
general agreement with his arguments, revolutionary as they

sounded at that time to most Sanskrit scholars ¹.
Dr. Bhao Daji thought that the great Vikramaditya, the
founder of the Vikrama era, was for a certain time the contem-
porary of Pravarasena, the king of Kasmira . We read in the
Râgatarangini ( Book III, verses 102-252 ) of the two sons of
Sresh/hasena, Hiranya and Toramâna, ruling Kasmîra together
for a time, till Hiranya, jealous of his brother, threw him into
prison. Toramâna's wife Anganâ, the daughter of Vagrendra
of the family of Ikshvâku, gave birth to a son, Pravarasena ;
but after the death of his father Toramâna, and of his uncle
Hiranya, Pravarasena was unable, it seems, to assert his in-
direct claims to the throne of Kasmira. Under these cir-
cumstances Vikramaditya, called Harsha, the king ruling
at Uggayini, the destroyer of Sakas, and recognised as Em-
peror (ekakkhatras kakravarti) of India, appointed an eminent
poet, who had come to seek service at his court, Matrigupta
by name, to the throne of Kasmira. Mâtrigupta ruled Kas-
mira till the death of his patron Vikramaditya. He then
retired to Vârânasî as a Yati, while Pravarasena succeeded to
the throne of Kasmira. He became so powerful a ruler that
he had actually to reinstate the son of Vikramaditya, Siladitya
Pratapaxila, on the throne of Uggayinî.
Dr. Bhao Daji started the bold theory that this Matrigupta,
who was for a time ruler of Kasmira, was the great poet
Kalidasa, and he informs us that there always has been a tra-
dition that Vikramaditya was so pleased with Kalidasa that
he bestowed on this poet half of his territories 2. Without
confessing myself convinced, I must say that his arguments
in support of this view are at all events very able .
First, as to the name, we know that names in the literary
history of India are often titles and honorific appellations
1 See Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1868, pp.
249, 251. May I venture to suggest that the friends and admirers of Dr. Bhao
Daji owe it to themselves and to the memory of their eminent countryman to
ellect his essays and to publish them, together with a sketch of his life, and a
description of his valuable collection of MSS., coins, and other antiquities' (Sco
Elao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 1860, p . 220.]
Bhao Daji, 1. c., p. 228.
rather than proper names, and that even in proper names, if

they have a meaning, the same meaning may be expressed in
different ways. The Trikânda-sesha gives Raghukara, Medhâ-
rudra, and Kotigit as synonyms of Kâlidâsa . Kâlidâsa
means the servant of the goddess Kâlî,' and if instead of
Kâlidâsa we were to find Kâlîgupta, i . e. protected by Kâlî,
we should probably hesitate but little to accept this as a
synonym of Kâlidâsa . Kâlî, however, is one of the goddesses.
called Mâtri or Mothers¹ , and therefore Mâtrigupta conveys
the same meaning as Kâlîgupta or Kâlidâsa.
Dr. Bhao Daji then asks, Who is Mâtrigupta ? He must
have been a great poet, yet we never meet with his name,
except here in the History of Kasmîra2.
Secondly, the author of that history mentions other poets,
even Bhavabhûti, who is evidently more modern than Kâli-
dâsa, but he never mentions Kâlidâsa.
Thirdly, we are told that Pravarasena, when restored to his
kingdom, and Kâlidâsa, when retiring to Benares, parted as
friends . Now, there is in existence a poem in Prâkrit, called
the Setu-kâvya, the Bridge-poem, with a Sanskrit com-
mentary, in which it is said that the poem was composed by
Kâlidâsa at the request of Pravarasena 3. Vidyânâtha, in his
work on poetry, the Pratapa-rudra ( end of twelfth century),
quotes an Âryâ verse from the Setu-kâvya, calling it a Mahâ-
prabandha, while Dandin (in the sixth century ) praises the
same poem in his Kâvyâdarsa as an ocean of beautiful sentences,
though written in Prâkrit. Lastly, Râmâsrama , the com-
¹ The name of Mâtri occurs in the royal family of Kasmira, Toramâna being
the son of Mâtridâsa, a grandson of Mâtrikula, perhaps the same as Mâtri-
vishnu (Bhao Daji, On Kâlidâsa, p. 220) . Might not therefore Mâtrigupta
have belonged to Toramâna's family, and have sought refuge at the court
of Vikramaditya after Toramâna's fall ? And might not Vikramaditya have
appointed him to succeed to the throne of Kasmira on account of his relation-
ship with the old royal family?
2
* Dr. Bhao Daji discovered a commentary on Sakuntalâ by Raghava Bhata,
son of Prithvidhara of Visvesvarapattana (Benares), in which Mâtrigupta
is quoted with reference to the characteristics of dramatic composition. He
met in the same commentary with slokas worthy, as he says, of Kâlidâsa, and
with one from the Hayagrivabadha, a play written by Bhartribhatta or
Bhartrimentha, during the short reign of Mâtrigupta.
Published by S. and P. Goldschmidt, Râvanavaha oder Setubandha, 1880.
mentator on Sundara's Vârânasî-Darpana, speaks of Kâlidâsa,

who wrote the Setu -kâvya. Pravarasena again is known to
have constructed a famous bridge of boats across the Vitastâ
(Hydaspes) on which the capital of Kasmîra was then situated
(Ragat. iii, 354 ), and it was in connection with this event that
Kâlidâsa is supposed to have written his Bridge -poem . This ,
at least, we may gather from a verse of the poet Bâna, the
contemporary of Hiouen-thsang, who says ( Harshakarita, p . 1 ) :
Kîrtih Pravarasenasya prayâtâ kumudoggvalâ

Sagarasya param pâram kapiseneva setunâ ¹,
Nirgatâsu na vâ kasya² Kâlidâsasya sûktishu
Pritir madhurasârdrâsu mañgarishv iva gâyate ?
The glory of Pravarasena, bright as the white lotus, went

forth to the other shore of the ocean by means of his bridge,
like (Rama's) army of monkeys (which crossed over to Ceylon
on a bridge). Or who does not feel delight in the beautiful
lines sent forth by Kâlidâsa, as in clusters of flowers moist
with sugar ?'
This, if it proves nothing else, fixes at all events the fame of

Kalidasa for the beginning of the seventh century, and likewise
his connection with Kasmira and its king Pravarasena 3.
¹ See Beames, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 2406.

Nisargasûravamsasya, ed. Calcutta.
" It is but right to state that Dr. Bhao Daji himself brought forward some
objections against his identification of Mâtrigupta and Kâlidâsa. Kàlidâsa, ' he
remarks, ' was a Sârasvata Brahman, a worshipper of Siva and Pârvati, while
Matrigupta, as ruler of Kasmira, appears from the Ragatarangini to have
conciliated the Buddhists and Gains by prohibiting the destruction of living
beings . He also pleased the Vaishnavas by constructing a temple to Vishnu,
and the deities invoked in the Setu- kâvya are first Vishnu and then Siva.' ( See
Bhao Daji, Abstract of a paper on Kalidasa, p. 8. ) Now this, I confess , would
disturb me least ; on the contrary, it would to my mind seem to reflect the
true character of the time. Mâtriketa, like Mâtrigupta, began as a worshipper
of Siva, and then became a famous Buddhist poet. Lalitâditya erected statues
to Vishnu and Buddha. (See before, p. 307. ) What troubles me most, as I
wrote to Dr. Bhao Daji in 1861 , is that Mâtrigupta is spoken of in the
Ragatarangini as a poet, and yet never identified with the famous author
of Sakuntala. Is it possible that Kalhana Pandita, who is so well acquainted
with literary history, should have told the extraordinary career of Matrigupta
without giving a hint that this poet, raised to the throne of Kasmira, was the
famous Kálidâsa ?' I also pointed out to him that the two verses which he had
Fourthly, Dr. Bhao Daji tries to connect this Pravarasena,

the king of Kasmîra, and the friend , if not the successor of
Kâlidâsa, with the king who ruled in Kasmîra, and was an
old man at the time of Hiouen-thsang's visit to that country.
We read that ' when Hiouen -thsang arrived at the capital of
Kasmira, he stopped in a convent, called Gayendra -vihâra,
which had been built by the father-in-law of the king .' Ac-
cording to the Râgataranginî (iii , 355) , the genealogy of the
kings of Kasmîra was :
Vagrendra
About 500¹ , Toramâna and Añganâ, her brother Gayendra
Pravarasena.
It is stated in the Râgataranginî that Gayendra raised an

edifice known by the name of Vihâra of Sri Gayendra and of
the great Buddha, the very edifice, no doubt, in which
Hiouen-thsang was received as the guest of the king .'
Hiouen-thsang mentions besides another house where he spent
a night, and calls it the ' house of happiness. ' Now, according
to the Ragataranginî there was in the same town a house
called Amrita-bhuvana, i.e. the abode of immortal or hea-
venly bliss,' for the use of foreign mendicants, built by the
great-grandmother of Pravarasena.
All this is very welcome evidence to support the statements
contained in Hiouen-thsang's travels. No doubt, he passed
through the capital of Kasmîra , he may have slept in the very
houses which are described in the chronicle of Kasmîra. But
the king who received him could not have been Pravara-
sena. Hiouen-thsang never mentions his name, and nothing
is said in the text of Gayendra, the builder of the Gayendra-
vihâra, being the maternal uncle of the then reigning king .
6
There is a note in Julien's translation, ce couvent avait été
given from the Harshakaritra, and which seemed to join Pravarasena and
Kâlidâsa, do not follow each other immediately, as published by Dr. F. Hall
(Vasavadattâ, Preface, p. 14), while in the Calcutta edition the various
reading nisargasûravamsasya seems to point to the Raghuvamsa rather than
to the Setubandha.
1 Bhao Daji, Journal of the Roy: 1 Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, p. 249.
construit par le beau-père du roi (Note de l'auteur chinois) .

This does not necessarily mean that Gayendra was the father-
in-law of the then reigning king, but only of the king living
at his time. Nor had Gayendra, so far as we know, ever been
the father-in-law of Pravarasena, but his maternal uncle.
But, however that may be, Hiouen-thsang, so far as we
know at present, returned to China in 645. Pravarasena, if
he ascended the throne of Kasmira after the death of Vikra-
maditya, may be supposed to have begun his reign about 550,
and even if he reigned sixty years, that would only bring us
to 610 A.D. How then could he be brought together with
Hiouen- thsang and his visit to India in 629-645 ?
Here, therefore, I can no longer follow Dr. Bhao Daji who,
in order to escape from this difficulty, wishes to put Hiouen-
thsang's visit sixty years earlier. We have only to give up
what after all is a mere conjecture, that Pravarasena was the
king of Kasmira who received Hiouen-thsang, and all the rest
of our chronological arrangement holds good. I know, of
course, that Dr. Bhao Daji has other reasons also for wishing to
place Siladitya, the friend of Hiouen-thsang, in the middle of
the sixth century 1 , but these will have to be discussed inde-
pendently, and after a new and careful examination of the
dates of the Chalukya dynasty.
Hionen-thsang's travels in India are contemporaneous with
the Hejráh (622 A.D. ), and the first spreading of Moham-
medanism, and , curiously enough, the historian Bedia-ad -dîn
tells us that the first year of the Hejrah coincided with the
thirtieth year of Beckermadul, i, e. Vikramaditya of Kasmira 2,
and that Baladut, i . e. Baladitya, was contemporaneous with
Yezdijerd. Instead of Pravarasena, therefore, Balâditya would
have been the most likely host of Hiouen -thsang in Kasmîra,
and 622 A.D. would represent the thirtieth year of his great
predecessor Vikramaditya, while Pravarasena would retain his
date of about 550, the time between him and Vikramaditya,
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, p. 250.

* See Wilson, Asiatic Researches, xv, pp. 41 , 42 ; Fergusson, Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 97.
who began to reign 590, being filled by Yudhishthira, Naren-

drâditya, and his brother Ranâditya ¹ .
It cannot here be my intention to give new outlines for the
whole history of medieval Sanskrit literature, but considering
how chaotic the state of that history has hitherto been, it
may be useful to mention at least a few more facts which
seem to fit easily into the system here devised, and thus may
serve to confirm what otherwise, from the nature of the case,
can only be considered for the present as a provisional pro-
gramme.
Early Astronomers.
Some of the earliest works of the Renaissance period of

Sanskrit literature of which it is possible to fix the date are
the works of astronomers. Some of the knowledge conveyed
by them is presupposed by Kâlidâsa and his contemporaries,
and we therefore expect that these astronomical writings should
be of an earlier date than the period of Vikramâditya, while
on the other hand, if our view of the Turanian Interregnum,
(100 B.C. —300 A.D. ) is right, they should not be earlier than
the third century A.D.
' The founder of astronomical and mathematical science in
India, ' as Lassen called him, was Âryabhata,
Aryabhata , or Âryabhata the
1 If Mr. Fergusson is right in stating that copper plates assign to Dhruvasens

of Valabhi the dates 628 and 640, reckoned according to the Valabhî era
(310+ 318 = 628 ; 322 + 318 = 640) , he may also be right in identifying Dhruva-
sena with Dhruvapatu, the nephew of Silâditya of Mâlava, and son-in-law of
Silâditya of Kanyakubga, the patron of Hiouen-thsang. See Hiouen- thsang,
i, 206 ; iii, 162. Journal ofthe Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 90. The Valabhi
and Gupta dates, however, are very doubtful, because the era is doubtful from
which they are reckoned. Dr. Bühler has published a Valabhi grant (Ind.
Ant. 1877, p. 91 ) in which the grantee is the monastery of Sri Bappapada
(see Indian Antiquary, 1878, p. 80) , built by the Âkârya Bhadanta Sthiramati.
He has also pointed out that this must be the monastery described by Hiouen-
thsang (iii, p. 164) as at a little distance from Valabhi, erected by the Arhat
Âkára, and then inhabited by the Bodhisattvas Sthiramati and Gunamati.
If then any additions to the Vihâra had been made by Sthiramati, at the
time when the grant was made, the grant could not have been made very
long before Hiouen-thsang's visit to India. Yet the grant is dated Sam 269 !
This, with 190, would give only 459 A.D., while with 319 (see p. 294), it would
give 589 A. D., at all events a possible date, if Hiouen-thsang and I-tsing are to
be trusted.
elder (Vriddharyabhata ) , who is quoted by Varâhamihira, Brah-

magupta, Bhaffotpala, and Bhâskarâkârya, and who was born,
as he tells us himself, in A. D. 476¹ . He was the author ofwhat
is called the Aryabhatiya Sûtra 2, consisting ( 1 ) of the ten verses
of the Dasagîtikâ, and the 108 verses of the Aryash/asata, the
latter divided into three Pâdas, ( 2) the Gazitapada, ( 3 ) Kâla-
kriyâpada, and (4) Golapâda 3. He seems to have written
no more, but he will always remain famous as having boldly
pronounced in favour of the revolution of the earth on its
axis, and on the true cause of solar and lunar eclipses . This
was known hitherto from a quotation from Aryabhata by
Prithûdaka, the sphere of the stars is stationary, and the
earth, making a revolution, produces the daily rising and
setting of the sun.' We have it now in the very words of
Aryabhata : As a person in a vessel , while moving forward,
sees an immovable object moving backward, in the same
manner do the stars, though immovable, seem to move (daily) .
At Lanka (i.e. at a situation of no geographical latitude) they
go straight to the West (i. e. at a line that cuts the horizon
at right angles, or, what is the same, parallel to the prime
vertical at Lankâ).'
Here then we have the oldest scientific Indian astronomer,
clearly fixed as born at Pâ/aliputra at the end of the fifth
and the beginning of the sixth century A. D. , and the fact
that Aryabhata quotes no predecessors tends to show that
there were none to quote.
We next come to Varâhamihira, the son and pupil of
Adityadása, a native of Uggayinî, born at Kapitthaka in
Avanti. He wrote several works. First, the Karana " ,
commonly known under the name of Рankasiddhântikâ,
1 Bhao Daji, On the age of Âryabhata, &c. , pp. 5, 14.

Different from this is what Dr. Bhao Daji calls the Mahâryasiddhânta,
containing about 600 to 612 verses, ascribed to a junior Aryabhata,
The Aryabhatiya, with the commentary of Paramadisvara ( Bhatadipikā) ,
edited by Dr. H. Kern, Leiden, 1874-
Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, vol . ii, p. 392.
8
Aryabhatiya, ed. Kern, p. 76 ( Golapâda, verse 9).
Dr. Bhao Daji mentions one doubtful allusion to the Brahma-siddhânta,
1. c., p. 15.
Karanas adopt the Yuga era, Siddhântas the Saka era. Kern, pref. p. 24.
because founded on the five Siddhântas¹ . Secondly, a Horâ-

sâstra, divided into a Gâtaka, a Yâtrika, and a Vivâha-paṭala, all
these existing in two forms, long or short. Lastly, the Brihat-
samhita . He generally wrote in the Âryâ metre, a metre
which, as Professor Kern pointed out, has a certain chronolo-
gical character 2. We know that he died Saka 509, A.D. 587 3,
and, as far as chronology is concerned , he may well take rank
as one of the Nine Gems, and a contemporary of Kâlidâsa.
He quotes his predecessor Aryabhata, and adopts the epoch
of the Romaka-siddhânta, which, according to Dr. Bhao Daji,
dates from A.D. 5054 , though Albiruni assigns this date to
Varâhamihira's Pañkasiddhântikâ5 . Varâhamihira also notices
the Paulisa , Vâsishtha 7 , Saura, and Paitâmaha Siddhântas,
all of which must therefore belong to the sixth century.
The beginning of the sphere being determined by Piscium
refers the Siddhântas to the same century (Rig-veda, vol. iv,
p. xiv).
The next great mathematician , Brahmagupta, wrote his
Brahma Sphuta -siddhânta when he was thirty years of age,
in A.D. 628. His father is called Gishnu, and it is just possible
he may have been the Gishnu mentioned as a contemporary
of Kâlidâsa 8.
We may add, though they belong to a later period , the
dates of Bhattotpala, the commentator of Varâhamihira, as
fixed at 967, and that of Bhaskara Âkarya, the author of the
Siddhântasiromani, who was born 11149.
1 A MS. of this work was discovered by Dr. Bühler (Report, 1874, p. 11) ,
who gives the curious verse in which the movement of the earth is refuted.
2 Bhao Daji, 1. c. , p. 16 ; also Shankar P. Pandit, Mâlatimâdhava, pref. p. 27.
3 See Bhao Daji, On the Age and Authenticity of the work of Aryabhata,
Varâhamihira, Brahmagupta, Bhattotpala and Bhâskarâkârya, p. 15.
* Romaka can only be a name for Roman, and Romaka-vishaya (Varâhami-
hira, Kern's pref. p. 57), for the Roman Empire. The Romaka-siddhânta is
ascribed by Brahmagupta to Srishena, who bases his calculations on those of
Lâta, Vasishtha, Vigayanandin, and Âryabhata.
5 See Bhao Daji, 1. c. , p. 16 ; Journal Asiatique, 1844, p. 285.
• Composed by Paulus al Yunâni, according to Albiruni, and based on Paulus
Alexandrinus, according to Bhao Daji, who also identifies the Yavanesvara
Asphugidhvaga with Speusippus, while Kern (pref. p . 48 ) suggests Aphrodisius.
7 Ascribed to Vishnukandra. Vishnugupta, who is quoted by Varâhamihira,
is identified with Kânakya by Utpala. See Bhao Daji, l. c. , p. 28.
⁹ One of his ancestors, as Dr. Bhao Daji remarks, Bhaskara-bhatta, received
What is important for our purposes is the Greek influence

clearly perceptible in these astronomical compositions, and
again in the poetical literature of the Indian Renaissance .
If we confine our remarks to one subject, namely , the adoption
of the Greek zodiac in India, the evidence is so irresistible
that it might seem almost a waste of time to restate it, if
it were not for the fact that some very eminent scholars,
particularly in India, still try to escape from the consequences
of that discovery . I shall therefore state the case once
more, briefly, but I hope, clearly, and I trust that the rising
generation of Sanskrit scholars in India will no longer allow
their patriotism to interfere with their judgment, remembering
the words of Garga 2 :
The Yavanas (Greeks) are indeed Mlekkhas, but amongst
them this science (astronomy) is firmly established . Hence
they are honoured, as though they were Rishis ; how much
more then an astrologer who is a twice-born man ³ !'
The Names and Pictorial Representations of the Twelve

Zodiacal Divisions.
It is most likely that the division of the heavens into

twelve equal portions was first made by Chaldæan or Baby-
lonian astronomers . Letronne, Ideler, Lassen agree on that
point, and they likewise agree in admitting that the know-
ledge of this division of the heavens into twelve equal portions
or dodecameries reached the Greeks from Babylonia (about
700 B.C. ?)
Whether the Babylonians possessed names and pictorial
representations for these dodecameries, and whether these too
were borrowed by the Greeks, is more doubtful. But what
is quite certain is this,
That to the time of Eudoxos, 380 B. C., the Greeks,
though they had twelve divisions (introduced by Kleostratos
the title of Vidyapati from Bhoga, king of Dhârâ, 1042 A.D. See also Weber,
Sanskrit Literature, p. 261.
¹ See Shankar P. Pandit's preface to his edition of the Raghuvamsa.
Kern, pref. p . 35 ; see also Brihat-samhitâ, ii, 15.
Miekkha hi Yavanâs, teshu samyak sastram idam sthitam,
Rishivat te 'pi pûgyante, kim punar daivavid dvigah.
Y
of Tenedos, 496 B.C. ) , had but eleven signs, the two

divisions, now represented by scorpion and balance, being
represented by one sign only, the scorpion with its claws
stretching across two divisions. Even Aratus and Hipparchus,
150 B.C., do not know the Balance as a separate sign, and it
is first mentioned by Geminus and Varro, about the begin-
ning of the first century B.C.
Hence the important criterion by which Letronne de-
stroyed the presumed fabulous antiquity of Egyptian and
other zodiacal representations, viz. ' in whatever monument
or book the Balance occurs as a separate sign (Color), that
book or monument cannot be earlier than the first century
B.C.; ' and, we may add, the astronomy of that country, whether
Egypt or India, must have been directly or indirectly under
the influence of Greece.
The earliest Sanskrit astronomer, as far as we know at
present, who mentions the names of the twelve divisions of
the Greek zodiac is Âryabhata ( Golapâda, v. 1 ) ¹. There never
was any authority for saying that ' the twelve zodiacal pictures '
occur in Anquetil Duperron's translation of the Maitrâyanî
Upanishad (Weber, Ind . Stud . i , p. 278), for we only find
there duodecim bordy (signa) solis,' which are the Adityas
in the original. It is different with a statement of Cole-
brooke's, who ( Life and Essays, vol . ii, p. 215 ) quoted a
passage from Baudhâyana in which the names of some of
the Greek zodiacal signs occur. It is true that he took
the passage, not from Baudhâyana direct, but from an
astronomical writer, Divâkarabhatta. Nevertheless, the fact
seems true. In the Baudhâyana- sûtras (see Sâyana's com-
mentary in MS . India Office Library, p. 13 a) we read :
' Meshavrishabhau sauro vasantah, mînameshau vâº.' This,
The occurrence of the zodiacal signs in the Râmâyana (i, 19 ; ii, 15 , ed.
Schlegel) has been often discussed. See also Urvasi, ed . Bollensen, p. 70. 14.
± MS. 288, India Office Library, p. 13a : अथात ऋतूनामेव मीमांसा ॥
वसंते ब्राह्मणोऽग्नीनादधीत ग्रीभे राजन्यः शरदि वैश्यो वर्षासु रथकार
इति ॥ आपस्तंबस्तु हेमंते वा शरदि वैश्यस्य शिशिरः सार्ववर्णिक इत्याह
। ५.३.१ ९-२० ॥ अथो खलु यदैवैनं श्रद्धोपनमेदपादधीत सैवास्यर्द्धिरिति ॥ अत्र
वसंतादयः सौराश्चद्राश्चेति द्विधा भवंति ॥ मेघवृषभौ सौरो वसंतः । मीनमेघौ
though differing from Colebrooke's quotation, is evidently

the passage meant, and, unless it belonged originally to an old
commentary, would certainly prove a knowledge, not only of
the twelve divisions, but of their Greek names, at the time
when the Baudhâyana-kalpa-sûtras were finally settled . This
point, however, requires further elucidation.
Next to Aryabhata, the oldest astronomer who, so far as
we know, shows an acquaintance with the names and pictorial
representations of the zodiacal divisions is Satya .
This Satya Bhadatta (or Bhadanta, i.e. the Buddhist, see
Cat. Bodl. p. 509) is quoted by Varáhamihira, and is there-
fore older than Varihamihira, who died 587 A.D.
Satya, as quoted by Utpala in his Commentary on Varaha-
mihira's Brihaggâtaka, says (MS . Bodl. Walker 165 , p. 6 ) :
मेषो वृषभो वीणागदाधरं मिथुनमंभसि कुलीरः ।
सिंहः शैले कन्या नौकास्था दीपसस्यकरा ॥ १ ॥
पुरुषस्तुलाधरो वृश्चिकोऽथ धन्वी नरो हयांत्यार्थः ।
मकराधे मृगपूर्व कुंभी पुरुषश्च मीनमत्स्यौ ॥ २ ॥
वा ॥ मृगा(मेपा) दिराशिद्वयभानुभोगात्पद् चर्तवः स्युः शिशिरो वसंत इति वच-

नात् । अत्र यावदादित्यो मीनमेपयोस्तिष्ठति तावत्कालो वसंतः । एवं वृषभादिद्वंद्वेषु
क्रमाग्रीष्मवर्षाशरद्धेमंतशिशिराः ॥ एवं चांद्रा कृतवश्चांद्रमासाभ्यां भवंति । चांद्र-
मासाश्च चैत्रादिसंज्ञकाः । चैत्रसंज्ञा च सवितरि मेघराशिस्थिते सति यो दर्श
आगच्छति तदवसाननिबंधना । एवं वृषभस्थे सवितरि यो दर्श आगच्छति
तदवसाननिबंधना वैशाखसंज्ञा । एतावुभौ चांद्रौ चैत्रवैशाखौ चांद्रो वसंतः ।
एवमुत्तरत्रापि द्रष्टव्यं । तथा च ज्योतिःशास्त्रे | मेपादिस्थे सवितरि यो मास:
प्रपूर्यते चांद्रः । चैत्रादिसंज्ञक इति । एवं च सौरचांद्रयोरेव मासयोर्यज्ञांगत्वं न
नाष्टात्रादीनां । मुखं वा एतत्संवत्सरस्य यच्चित्रापौर्णमास इति श्रुतेः । अथवा
फाल्गुनश्चैत्रो वसंतः । मुखं वा एतत्संवत्सरस्य यत्फाल्गुनीपूर्णमास इति श्रुतेः ।
एवं च सौरचांद्रभेदभिनं वसंतद्वयमुपसंगृहीतं भवति । फाल्गुने मासि सवितुर्मी-
नराश्यनुप्रवेशसंभवात् । उभयमपि श्रूयते । चंद्रमाः पहोता स ऋतूकन्पया-
तोति । अनेन चंद्रमस ऋतुकल्पनमुक्तं । दिग्भ्राज तून्करोतीति च । दिग्भ्राज
इति निषंगः । अनेन सूर्यस्य ऋतुकल्पनमुकं । अनेन सौरचांद्रवसंतयोर्विकल्पः ।
एवं यज्ञांतरेष्वपि ॥
1 Taking the first verse as an Aryá, 12 + 18 + 12 + 15 , I had to read mesho
instead of go, the reading of the Ms. The seconÎ verse is a Glti, 12 + 18 +
12 + 18.
Y 2
I
The ram, the bull , a pair, one holding a lyre, the other
5 6
a club, in the water a crab, a lion on a mountain, a girl
7
standing in a ship holding in her hand a lamp and corn, a man
8 9
holding a balance, a scorpion, then a man with a bow, and
ΤΟ
his hinder part a horse, half of a Makara in front a beast,
II 12
a man with a pot, a fish and a fish .'
It will be seen that this description of the signs by Satya
contains none of those indications by which Lassen (ii, p. 1127)
endeavoured to prove that the Indian pictorial representations
were not borrowed from Greece, but from Babylon . He
might indeed object to the pair, one holding a lyre, the
other a club,' instead of the Greek twins, but in all other
respects the Indian representatives of the twelve divisions
are accurate copies of the Greek representatives, such as we
find them after the first century, B. C.
Another astronomer, likewise quoted by Varâhamihira and
therefore supposed to be anterior to him, is Bâdarâyana ¹ ( Kern,
pref. p . 29 ) . He too describes the pictorial representations
of the twelve divisions, and at the same time their relation to
the different parts of the body of Brahman or the Creator :
àu: fyùìsa az quit faung:

वक्षो भवेन्नृमिथुनं हृदयं कुलीरः ।
सिंहस्त योदरमथो युवतिः कटिश्च ।
वस्तिस्तुलाभृदय मेहनमष्टमः स्यात् ॥ १ ॥
धन्नी चास्योरुयुगं मकरो जानुइयं भवति ।
sienfand giu; qıçı azġ àfa 112112
' The ram is the head, the face of the creator is the bull ,
3
the breast would be the man- pair, the heart the crab, the lion
6
the stomach, the maid the hip , the balance-bearer the belly ,
1
Both Satya and Bâdarâyana are mentioned in the Gyotirvid-ábharana as
contemporaries of Vikramaditya. See Shankar P. Pandit, Raghuvamsa, pref.
P. 44.
2 The metre of the first verse is Vasantatilaka, of the second Upagiti, if we
supply two syllables by reading kaitasyeti or something like this.
8
the eighth (scorpion) the membrum, the archer his pair of
10
thighs, the Makara his pair of knees, the pot¹ his pair of
12
legs, the fish pair his two feet.'
This distribution of the zodiacal signs among the different
members of the body of Brahman has been considered a modern
invention. It occurs, however, in Varâhamihira's Brihagga-
taka, where the members of Kâla, Time, are given in the
same succession :
ausimfa zinkaågù' graiŝarayá: 1

12 .
वस्तिर्व्यजनंमूरुजानुयुगले जंघे" ततोऽद्वेियं ॥ ४ ॥
The members of Kâla are the head, the face, the chest,
the heart, the stomach, the hip, the belly and the membrum,
the two thighs and knees, the two legs, and the pair of feet.'
Other writers who knew the zodiacal signs are Yavane-
svara and Gârgi (Brihaggâtaka, MS . Bodl. Walker 165, p. 6ª),
but as their age is more difficult to fix, their statements as
given by Utpala in his commentary to the Brihaggâtaka need
not here be quoted . The verses of Varâhamihira himself, in
which he describes the representatives of the twelve zodiacal
divisions, have been often referred to by Whish 3 , Lassen 4,
and others. They are :
मत्स्यौ घटी नृमिथुनं सगदं सवीणं ।

चापी नरोऽश्वजघनो मकरो मृगास्यः ।
तौल ससस्यहना प्रवगा च कन्या ।
शेषाः स्वनामसदृशाः स्वचराश्च सर्वे ॥ ५ ॥
Two fishes, a man with a waterpot, a pair of men, one
¹ Here the pot instead of the pot-bearer would favour Lassen's argument
* Yavanesvara in translating the old Nakshatra division into the modern
zodiacal division assigned 2 } Nakshatra to each zodiacal division . Gargi did
the same and identified Mesha (Aries ) with Asvini, Bharani, and one
quarter of Krittika. Tatha ka Yavanesvarah, dve dve sapade bhavanam
matam bheti. Tathā ka Gárgih, Asvini bharani meshah krittikäpadam eva
ka, &c. See also Raghunandana, Gyotistattva, p. 1.
* Whi-h states that they are taken from the Horâsâstra ; see Tran- actions
of the Literary Society of Madras, Part I, London, 1827 , pp . 63-77-
⚫ Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, iv, 302.
with a club, the other with a lyre, a man carrying a bow,

ending in a horse, a Makara with the face of a wild beast,
a man with a balance, a maid in a boat, carrying corn and
a lamp ; the rest are like what their names say, and they all
are placed in their own element,' (i . e. the fishes in the
water, &c.)
Much more important, however, than this is another verse,
in which Varâhamihira gives the actual Greek names of the
zodiacal divisions in their Sanskrit corruptions. I give it
from the Brihaggâtaka (MS . Bodl . Walker 165, p. 11 ) :
क्रियताबुरिजितुमकुलीरलेयपार्थजुककौपाख्याः ।
तौक्षिक आकोकेरो हृद्रोगश्चत्यभं चेत्थं ॥ ८ ॥
क्रियो मेष: xpiós, जुकस्तुला (uyov,

ताबुरिर्वृष: raipos, कौर्पो वृश्चिक: ckoprios,
fπgat fage δίδυμος,
τι αι τοξικός,
कुलीरः कर्कटः , Sanskrit word
retained, though karkataha : aiyókepws,
would have better cor-
हद्रोग
: कुंभ : ispoxous (not
responded to καρκίνος,
लेयः सिंहः éov, हृद्रोग
:),
पार्थः कन्या rapeévos (पार्थोन , इत्थं मीन

: ixes.
comm.),
This knowledge of Greek astronomy and even of Greek

astronomical terminology came to India not later than the
fifth century. If then we find clear traces of it in the poetry
of Kalidasa and his contemporaries, our proposal to place the
renaissance of Sanskrit poetry in the sixth century will receive
a new support. That Kâlidâsa, both in his Raghuvamsa and
in his Kumâra-sambhava, shows a familiarity with Greek
astronomy, particularly as embodied in the Horâsâstra, was
clearly shown by Dr. Jacobi (Monatsberichte der Preuss. Aca-
demie, 1873, p. 544) , who dwelt strongly on the word gâmitra
(otáμeтpor), used by Kâlidâsa in the Kumâra-sambhava (vii, 1 ),
as one of the many words borrowed by Sanskrit astronomers
from Greek. Shankar P. Pandit , in his preface to the Ra-
ghuvamsa, has tried to invalidate the conclusions to be drawn
from such evidence, but without effect. He might indeed

have quoted Kalidasa's belief in Râhu swallowing the moon
(Raghuv. xii, 28), as pre-Âryabhatean ; but in the very same
poem (xiv, 40) Kâlidâsa shows his knowledge of Aryabhata's
astronomy, by saying, For what in reality is only the shadow
of the Earth, is regarded by the people as an impurity of the
pure Moon .' Shankar Pandurang Pandit himself points out
several passages clearly proving the poet's acquaintance with
the judicial astrology based on the zodiac,' but he declines to
discuss the very large question of how much the Indians
borrowed or lent ' (p. 37 ), and suggests, that even if the
Indians borrowed from the Greeks, they might have done
so two or three centuries before the Christian era ' (p. 43 ) .
They might, no doubt ; but is there any allusion to a native
scientific astronomer at that early date ?
Amarasimha.
Having proceeded so far, we may try at least whether one

or two more of the other so -called ' Nine Gems, ' or, as we
should say, the Nine Classics of the Renaissance, can have a
place assigned to them in the chronological scheme which we
have elaborated so far. And first of all Amara or Amarasimha.
We owe to General Cunningham ' a very ingenious attempt
to fix the age of this famous lexicographer. He shows that
the Buddhist temple at Buddha- Gayâ is the same which was
seen by Hiouen-thsang, and which did not yet exist at the
time of Fa-hian. It must therefore have been built, he thinks,
between 414 and 642. An inscription found by Mr. Wilmot
and translated by Wilkins in 1785 (Asiatic Researches, vol. i,
p. 284 ) ascribes the building of the temple at Buddha- Gayâ
to Amaradeva, one of the Nine Gems at the court of
Vikramaditya. This is certainly curious. But the date of
the inscription is Samvat 1015 (949 A.D. ), and unfortunately
we have not the original to test the accuracy of the transla-
tion. Still, so far as it goes, Amarasimha's date, as one of
the Nine Gems of Vikramaditya, in the middle of the sixth
century, would well agree with this Amaradeva, one of the
1 Kern, Brihatsamhità, pref. p. 19.

Nine Gems of Vikramâditya, and the builder of a temple at

Buddha-Gayâ.
It should be added that Stanislas Julien quotes a Chinese
translation of the Amara-kosha, called Fân-wâï-kwo-yu, or
Kü-shö-lun-yin -yuen-sh', by Gunarata, a native of Uggayinî,
who lived under the Emperor Wou-ti of the Tcheou dynasty
(561-566), though he does not know whether it is still in
existence ¹.
Vetâlamentha.
Another name among the Nine Gems is Vetâlabhatta, the

author of the Nîtipradîpa, published in Hæberlin's Antho-
logy (p. 528). Dr. Bhao Daji has identified him with Vetâla-
mentha, and maintains that he is mentioned in the Râgata-
ranginî as a contemporary of Vikramaditya, but without
giving chapter or verse 2.
Bhartrimentha is spoken of very highly by Râgasekhara
( 14th cent.) in his Bâlarâmâyana (ed . Calc. p . 9) , where Vâl-
mîki, Bhartrimentha, Bhavabhûti, and Râgasekhara himself
seem placed much on the same level.
Mankha ( 1150 A.D. ) informs us that his style resembled
that of Subandhu, Bâna, and Bhâravi, being full of puns
( Bühler, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay,
1877, p. 42) .
Dr. Bhao Daji is inclined to take Bhartrimentha for
Bhartribhatta, and this again for Bhartrihari, but there is
no proof for this 3.
There is a poet called Bhartrimentha, the author of a poem
(Bühler, Detailed Report, p . 42 ) the Hayagrîva-vadha, who
was royally rewarded by Mâtrigupta ( Râgat. iii , 260) ; but
I cannot find a Vetâlamentha ¹.
I do not like to attempt any more of the Nine Gems,'
because I could only repeat the more or less vague conjec-
tures of other scholars as to the probable date and character
1 Journal Asiatique, 1847 , Août, p. 87.

2 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1862, p. 218.
Bhao Daji, 1. c., p. 218.
Professor Weber suggests that Vetalabhatta may be the author of the
VetâlapaЯkavimsati , Z. D. M. G. xxii, p . 723 .
of Dhanvantari¹ , Kshapanaka 2, Sanku³, Ghatakarpara, and

Vararuki. Having, however, found Hiouen-thsang's memoirs
so useful a sheet-anchor for some of the floating literature of
the sixth and seventh centuries, I add a few more cases in
which the Chinese traveller seems to me to have supplied
some useful hints as to the dates of certain names famous in
Sanskrit literature.
Bana and Mayûra.
We saw that Bâna, the author of the Harshakarita, passed

some time at the court of Siladitya, the king of Kanya-
kubga, the patron of Hiouen-thsang . He was a Vâtsyâyana,
the son of Kitrabhânu . We therefore can fix the date
of Bâna and his literary productions, such as the Kâdam-
barî, and possibly the Ratnâvalî (ascribed, like the Naga-
nanda, to Harsha) , in the first half of the seventh century.
Now Bâna tells us himself in his Harsha/arita that he
counted Bhadra, Nârâyana , Îsâna, and Mayuraka among his
friends. In fact , Bâna and Mayûra are generally mentioned
together, and we are told that Mayûra was the son -in-
law of Bana. Ragasekhara , as quoted in the Sârngadhara-
paddhati, speaks of Bâna and Mayara as living at the Court
¹ Quoted by Dandin in the Dasakumârakarita as a famous physician.

Might this be Bhartrihari !
This cannot be Sanku, the son of Mayûra, quoted by Sârǹgadhara (Cat.
Bodl. 124, 125 ), nor Sankuka (Buhler, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Bombay, 1877. P. 42) .
⚫ Hall, Vasavadattâ, preface. Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society, Bombay, 1860.
* See Bühler, Indian Antiquary, ii, p. 127 ; and Ind. Studien, xiv, p . 407.
' All Kasmira MSS . of the Kavyaprakasa read Bâna, not Dhavaka. In the
Sarada alphabet the two words may easily be confounded .' Hall, Vasavadattà,
pref. p. 15.
• The Venisambara is ascribed to a Bhatta Narayana, and the date of this
poet is referred by Grill, in his edition of the Venisamhara, to the sixth century.
But, according to Rajendralal Mitra (Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bengal,
1864, p. 326) Bhatta Narayana, the author of the Ventsamhara, was one of the
Brahmans who came to the Court of Âdisûra, A. D. 1072
Hall, 1. c., p. 20. Râgasekhara wrote this Prabandhakosha in 1347-
Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 113 note.
of Sriharsha, again the patron, we should think, of Hiouen-

thsang ¹.
The story told of Bâna and Mayûra is that Mayûra was
a Pandit living at Uggayinî, honoured by the older Bhoga.
His son-in- law was Bâna, who was likewise very learned,
and they soon began to squabble with each other. The king
therefore sent them to Kasmîra, which seems at that time to
have been celebrated for its learning, and told them to have
it settled there which of them possessed greater learning.
The award seems to have been slightly in favour of Bâna,
When they had returned to Bhoga's capital, Mayûra, the
father-in-law, once listened to a quarrel between Bâna and
his wife, and called his daughter a Kandî, a scold . There-
upon the daughter cursed him, and he became a leper. In
order to be freed from his leprosy, Mayûra wrote the Mayûra-
sataka ³ in praise of the sun, and having been cured became a
great favourite with Bhoga . Bâna, being jealous, had his own
hands and feet cut off, and then praised Kandikâ * , asking her
to restore his limbs. This also was accomplished . Then the
Gainas, anxious to show that their holy men could perform
as great a miracle, produced Mânatunga Sûri, who allowed
himself to be fettered with forty-two chains, and by composing
the Bhaktâmara-stotra, in forty-two verses, freed himself from
them.
If then Bâna, Mayûra, and possibly Mânatunga lived early
1 The other Harsha, the son of Hira, and sometimes called the nephew of
Mammata, is reported to have written, besides the Naishadhiya, the Sthairya-
vikarana, the Vigaya-prasasti, the Khandana-khanda-khâdya, the Gaudorvisa-
kula-prasasti, the Arnava-varnana, the Khandaprasasti, the Sivasaktisiddhi,
and the Nava-sâhasânka-karita : see Hall, Vasavadattâ, pref. p. 18 ; Biblio-
graphy, p. 160 ; P. N. Pûrnaiya, Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 29 ; Cat. Bodl.
p. 124 ; Bühler, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 1875. p. 279.
2 See Bühler, on Chandikâsatakam of Bânabhatta, in Indian Antiquary,
April, 1872. The story is told by the Gaina commentator on the Bhakta-
marastotra.
3 The Mayûra-sataka ( sûrya-sataka), in Sardûla-vikridita metre, was pub-
lished by Yagñesvar Sâstri.
The Kandikâ-stotra, in Sardûla-vikridita metre, consists of 102 verses.
* Called also Mâtanga, as in the verse of Râgasekhara, ‘ Aho prabhavo
vâgdevyâ yan Mâtangadivâkarah Sriharshasyâbhavat sabhyah samo Bânama-
yûrayoh.' Cf. Hall, Vâsavadattâ, pref. p . 21. This surely proves that all three
were favourites of Harsha (whatever Mahesa Chandra Nyayaratna in his edition
in the seventh century at the Court of Harsha (vardhana ) , the

works and the writers whom Bâna quotes must be referred to
a still earlier period. Such are :
Kaura, i. e. Kaurîsuratapaйkâsikâ, see Bühler, Ind . Stud .
xiv, p . 406.
Subandhu, author of the Vasavadattâ.
Bhattara-Harikandra.
Salivahana or Sâtaváhana, the authorof an Anthology
(Gathakosha ¹ ).
Bhasa , a dramatic writer.
Kalidasa, whose date, as the author of the Setukâvya, is
fixed by that of king Pravarasena, and as the author of the
Meghadûta by that of Dignaga.
The author of the Brihatkathâ, Gunâhya 3 , and Âdhyaraga,
or Âdyaraga, of whom we know nothing, for he cannot be
meant for Kaviraga, the author of the Raghavapandaviya,
who himself quotes both Subandhu and Bâzabhatta as his
equals in the art of poetry .
As to Subandhu, the contemporary of Bâna and Mayûra,
it is possible that he may have lived even somewhat earlier.
Bana quotes him, not he Bâna, and in several places when
the three are mentioned together, Subandhu's name comes
first, though, of course, this may be an accident only. Like
of the Kavyaprakasa, Vigñâpana, p. 19, may say to the contrary) ; for the
meaning is that the power of Sarasvati is so great that even a Gaina could
become a favourite of king Harsha, like Bâna and Mayura, i. e. as if he were
their equal.
* See Buhler, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p . 106. Hemakandra gives Hāla as a
synonym of Satavahana.
* Kalidasa, in the well-known passage in the introduction to the Malavikag-
nimitra, quotes Bhasa and Saumilla, as his predecessors in dramatic composi
tion. The name of Dhavaka, as the real author of Harsha's Någânanda,
is supposed to be due to a wrong reading.
* See p. 357.
Ragh, i, 41. Kaviraga's patron was Raga Kimadeva of the Kadamba
fam ly, at Gayantipura, in the Southern Marhatta country ( see Fleet, Indian
Antiquary, x, p. 249 ) . If the Muñga, whom he refers to, is the uncle of Bhoga
of Dhârâ, his date must, of course, be later. Hall, Vasavadattà, pref. p. 19,
places Gayantipura among the Khasiya hills in Eastern Bengal ; Weber, Ind.
Streifen, i, p. 371, in the East, according to the scholiast.
* Kaviraga mentions Subandhu before Bâna, so does Rigasekhara (Vâsa-
vadatta, Hall, pref. p. 21 ), and Bhoga in the Sarasvati-kanthâbharana.
Bâna and Dandin, Subandhu quotes Gunâdhya, the author of

the Brihatkatha (in Bhûtabhâshâ), and he seems familiar with
Upanishads, Bharata, Râmâyana, Harivamsa, Purânas ' , the
Khandovikiti, Nakshatravidyâ, Nyâyasthiti, Uddyotakara ,
Bauddhasangati², Alankâra (Dharmakîrti), Mallanâga's (Vât-
syâyana's) Kâmasûtra³ , &c.
Dandin.
Dandin, again, the author of the Dasakumârakarita and

of the Kâvyâdarsa may be earlier than Bâna, but he can hardly
be placed before Kâlidâsa. Nor did Colebrooke ever say this.
6
He writes, Dandin, this distinguished poet, famous above all
other Indian bards for the sweetness of his language, and there-
fore ranked by Kâlidâsa himself (if tradition may be credited )
next to the fathers of Indian poetry, Vâlmiki and Vyâsa¹.'
But it is well known that Dandin quotes Kâlidâsa's Prâkrit
poem , the Setubandhu (i , 34 ), and the utmost therefore that
could be conceded to tradition would be that Dandin was
a contemporary of Kâlidâsa, who wrote the Setubandhu
(Dasamukhabadha) for Pravarasena, the king of Kasmîra.
Bhavabhuti.
Having had to fix some of the dates of the kings of

Kasmîra who were brought in contact with Vikramaditya
and his successors, we may determine the date of Bhavabhuti
and some later writers, mentioned in the history of that
country.
We saw that Vikramâditya of Kasmîra came to the throne
in 592 A.D., and that his successor, Bâlâditya, may have been
There is a reference by name to one at least of the Purânas in Bana's

Kadambari, ed. Calcutta, p. 83, namely, the Vâyu-purana ; see Bhartrihari,
ed. Telang, p. viii.
2 Is this the Buddhasamgîti-sûtra (Cat. No. 401 ) which was translated by
Dharmaraksha between 265-316 ? There is also (Cat. No. 1298 ) the Mahâyâna-
bodhisattva-vidyâ-sangiti-sâstra, ascribed to Dharmayasas (the commentator of
the Vasavadattâ mentions Dharmakirti), and translated by Fâ- hu (Dharma-
raksha?) and others.
3 Hall, pref. p. 11 ; Catal. Bodl. p. 218.
• Colebrooke's Life and Essays , iii, p. 154.
the contemporary of Hiouen-thsang. With him the Gonardiya

(or Gonandiya) dynasty came to an end, and a new dynasty
began with Durlabhavardhana, the husband of Anangalekhâ.
After Durlabhavardhana follows Durlabhaka Pratâpâditya,
and he is succeeded by Kandrâpila, who was murdered and
succeeded by his brother Târâpîda (Vagrâditya).
Here we have to note a synchronistic event, namely, an
embassy, mentioned by Chinese historians, as having been
sent in the years 713 and 720 to king Kentolopili, who must be
Kandràpida. Târâpida having been murdered , his brother
Muktâpida, known as Lalitâditya, succeeded to the throne of
Kasmira, and acquired the supreme sovereignty of India .
Here again we receive a certain confirmation from Chinese
history, for the Mutopi, to whom an embassy under Foe- li- to
was sent during the reign of the Chinese emperor Hiouen-
tsung 713-755, was probably Muktâpida, i . e. Lalitâditya.
His minister was Saktivarman ¹ .
It would carry us too far were we to examine the exact
dates of these kings from Vikramaditya to Lalitâditya, which
will have to be settled hereafter on the evidence of coins and
inscriptions rather than on the statements of the Râgataran-
gini. I doubt even whether the number of years assigned to
some of these kings refers to the years during which they
reigned, and not to the years of their lives. Reigns of 42 ,
35 (or 13 ), 36, and 50 years, following each other as in the
case of Vikramaditya, Bâlâditya, Durlabhavardhana, and
Pratapâditya are very unusual. For our present purpose,
however, we may be satisfied with the terminus a quo, namely,
Vikramaditya 592-634, and the terminus ad quem, namely,
Lalitâditya, whose reign, we are assured, began 700, leaving
the intervening reigns to be determined by future archæo-
logical evidence2.
¹ See Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 106. It was during his reign that Vagra-
bodhi, a learned Åkärva of Målava, and his pupil Amogha-vagra arrived in
China and introduced Tantrik doctrines (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Bombay, 1882, p. 93).
* Buhler, Brief von Kaschmir, Sept. 16, 1875, and his Report on Kasmir,
Journal ofthe Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877, p. 42 , where a correction
of twenty-five years is recommended.
One of the earliest victories of Lalitaditya was that over

Yasovarman, king of Kânyakubga, and this Yasovarman, as
the Râgataranginî informs us, was the patron of Bhavabhûti,
Vâkpati¹, and Râgyasrî.
Here then we are again on literary ground . Bhavabhûti
was a native of the Vidarbhas, the modern Berars, but he may
well have lived at the Court of Yasovarman in Kanyakubga.
Vâkpati is known as the author of a Prâkrit poem (discovered
by Dr. Bühler, and now in course o " publication ), the Gauda-
baha, celebrating Yasovarman's victory over a Gauda king,
and in that poem he speaks highly of Bhavabhati. If then
we place Bhavabhûti in the first half of the eighth century, he
is at a proper distance from Kâlidâsa, and we can understand
at the same time why Bâna, who lived under Harshavardhana,
610-650, should have left out Bhavabhûti's name in the list
of poets at the beginning of his Harshakarita 2.
After the glorious reign of Lalitâditya we have Kuvalâyâ-
pîda, reigning one year, 736-737 , then Vagrâditya (also called
Vappîyaka and Lalitâditya) 737–744, Prithivyâpîda 744–748,
Sangrâmâpîda 748-755 . Then follows Gayâpîda (755–786),
and his reign supplies us again with some literary facts,
though of a date too late for our immediate purpose . We are
told that the king himself studied Sanskrit under Kshira,
who has been supposed to be the same as the commentator of
the Amarakosha³. He re-established the Mahâbhâshya 4¹ (of
¹ King Yasovarman of Kânyakubga and Vâkpatirâga, author of the Gauda-

baha, are mentioned in the Tapâgakha Pattâvali as living about Samvat 800,
i. e. 744 A.D. This is not very far from the date we have assigned to his
contemporary, Lalitâditya, particularly if we were to adopt the correction in
the chronology of the Ragatarangini, proposed by Cunningham and Bühler,
who places Lalitȧditya 725 A.D.
2 All this has been very ably discussed by R. G. Bhandarkar, in the preface
to his edition of the Mâlatîmâdhava, 1876.
3 Ragat. iv, 485 seq. Kshira, the commentator of Amara, quotes from
Kalidasa (cf. Shankar P. Pandit, Raghuvamsa, pref. p. 77) . Professor Auf-
recht, however (Zeitschrift der D. M. G., 1874) , places the commentator
Kshira between the eleventh and twelfth centuries, chiefly because he quotes
the Sabdânusâsana, ascribed to Bhoga or Bhogarâga. Bühler mentions a
Kshira as the author of an Avyayavritti and Dhâtutaranginî, and he calls
him 'Gayâpida's teacher.'
4
✦ Helarâga, the author of a commentary on Bhartrihari's Vâkyapadiya,
RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE.
335
Patangali ?), and there lived at his Court the following lite-
rary men :-Thakriya, Bhatta, Damodaragupta ', Manoratha,
Sankhadatta, Kataka, Sandhimat, and Vâmana.
KINGS OF KASMIRA .
Sreshthasena. Vagrendra.
A.D.
About 500 Hiranya and Toramâna. Angana (her brother,
Gayendra).
544-550 Matrigupta, 550 Pravarasena.
patronises Kalidasa's Setukâvya, praised by
Bhartrimentha . Dandin and Bana.
531-579 Khosru Nushirvân.
Yudhishthira and Padmavati.
Narendrâditya.
Ranâditya and Ranârambhâ.
622 Hejrah. 592-634 Vikramaditya.
632 Yezdijerd. Baladitya, cont. Hiouen-thsang (?).
Durlabhavardhana Anangalekhâ.
Durlabhaka Pratâpâditya ( Karkots
dynasty).
Kandrápida (713 and 720, Chinese
embassy).
Târápida Vagraditya.
Yasovarman of Kânya- 700-736 Muktapida Lalitâditya Pratapaditya.
kubga defeated by His minister Saktisvâmin.
Lalitaditya, (713-755 , Chinese embassy.)
patronises Bhavabhûti. 736 37 Kuvalayâpida.
Vakpati. 737-44 Vagraditya.
744-48 Prithivyâpida.
748 55 Sangrâmâpida.
755-86 Gayâpida,
patronises Kshira, Vamana,
introduces Mahâbhashya.
788 Birth of Sankarakarya.
Gainas , Siddhasena, Mânatunga.
I had hoped that the study of the Gaina literature, since it

was taken up in good earnest by Dr. Jacobi and others, would
descended from Lakshmana, the minister of Muktapida, i. e. Lalitâditya. See

Indian Antiquary , 1874, p. 285.
The Hanuman-nataka is ascribed to a Damodara-misra.
have yielded some useful results in support of our chronology

of the Renaissance period of Sanskrit literature . It has
thrown , no doubt, considerable light on the religious state of
India at the time when Sâkyamuni started his reform by the
side of other reformers, such as Vardhamâna Mahâvîra Gñâta-
putra¹ , the founder of Gainism , Pûrana Kâsyapa, Maskarin
Gosâliputra, Sañgayin Vairatti-putra, Agita Kesakambala,
Kakuda Kâtyâyana 2 , and others. The date of Vardhamâna's
Nirvana, 526 B. C. , shows him to have been, or to have been
believed to have been, a contemporary of Sakyamuni, and if
his era is liable to the same kind of correction as the Ceylonese
era of Buddha, 543 B. C., we should have the true date of the
founder of Gainism, 460 B.C., by the side of the corrected date
of Buddha, 477 B.C.3
Leaving, however, the early period, we ask at what time
the sacred canon of the Gainas was fixed and written down ,
and here the answers vary, though within narrow limits.
Devarddhigani Kshamâsramana, to whom the work of writing
down the sacred canon is ascribed by tradition, lived 980 after
Vardhamâna's Nirvâna, i.e. 454 A. D. (or, if corrected, 520 a . D. ) .
He did for Gainism what Buddhaghosha had done about thirty
years before for Buddhism 5.
At the very same time, 980 A. V., we are told that Bhadra-
bâhu's Kalpasûtra was re-arranged in nine vâkanâs or lectures,
and was read in the hall of Dhruvasena, king of Ânandapura,
to console him after the death of his son Senangaga ".
One more statement should here be mentioned, which was
first made by Bhao Daji (Kâlidâsa, p . 25 ) , and has since been
repeated by others, viz. that ' Gaina records mention Siddhasena
1 Kalpasútra, ed. Jacobi, Introduction, p . 6.

2 Burnouf, Introduction, p . 162 ; Indian Antiquary, Nov. 1879.
3 See Jacobi, 1.c., p. 6.
Also called Devavâkaka, pupil of Dûshagani ; cf. Indian Antiquary, xi,
p. 247.
5 Jacobi, 1. c., p. 16.
* Other dates of this event are 993 A. V. and 1080 A. V. See Jacobi, l. c., p. 24.
The last date 1080, if corrected, would give us 620 A.D., and thus bring
Dhruvasena of Ânandapura together with Dhruvabhata of Valabhi, provided
Dr. Bühler's conjecture as to the era of the Valabhi grant (Indian Antiquary,
1878, p. 80) be correct. See before, p. 318 , note.
Sûri, a learned Gaina priest, as the spiritual adviser of Vikra-

maditya Professor Jacobi ( Kalpasûtra, pref. p. 14) added :
Siddhasena is a Gaina author, who is said to have made the
arrangement of the Samvat era for king Vikramaditya 2.'
Now Sena (Srî- shena) is mentioned by Brahmagupta and
Albiruni 3 as the author of the Romaka-siddhânta, one of the
five siddhantas used by Varâhamihira. Srita-sena or Sruti-
sena is quoted as one of the astronomers of Vikramârka, in
the Gyotirvidâbharana . The question therefore arises whether
all these names belong to one and the same Sena, called
Siddhasena ( the blessed Sena) by the Gainas, and Sri-shena
by the Brahmans, and whether the calculation of the
Vikrama era, as 600 before 544 A.D. , the date of the battle of
Korur, is actually the work of this Gaina astronomer. We
find a certain confirmation in the Pattavalis of which Dr.
Klatt has lately given extracts in the Indian Antiquary,
xi, p. 245. Here we read in the Kharataragakha Pattavali
that at the time of Simhagiri there lived Padaliptâlârya, Vrid-
dhavadisûri, and his pupil Siddhasena-divâkara, who received
the Diksha name of Kumudakandra, and that the latter
converted Vikramaditya. The same story is repeated in the
Paffivali of the Tapagakha, where we read that Arya-mangu,
Vriddhavadin, Padalipta, and Siddhasena-divâkara lived at
the same time, and that the last, the author of the Kalyana-
mandirastava, converted Vikramaditya . The date assigned to
Siddhasena is 470 after Vardhamana's Nirvana, which would
be exactly the beginning of the Vikrama era 56 B. C., but
cannot be used for historical purposes.
The same Pattâvalis confirm also the accounts of Mâna-
tunga which we discussed before . We find in the Kharata-
ragakha Pattavali, under No. 23 , Mânatunga, author of
the Bhaktâmara and Bhayahara stotras, and in the Tapa-
gakha Pattavalî, under No. 20, Mânatunga (mâlavesvara-
¹ See Hall, Bibliography, p. 166. In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Society, Bombay, x, p. 130, Dr. Bhao Daji quotes the Prabandha Kintamani
and other works in support of the statement that Siddhasena Diväkara and
Kalidasa were contemporaries ofVikrama,
* Siddhasena is quoted by Varâhamihira, Brihagg. 7, 7.
* Kern, Brihatsamhità, pref. p. 47.
Z
kaulukyavayarasimhadevâmâtyal ) , who by means of his Bhakta-

marastavana converted the king who had been beguiled by the
sorceries of Bâna and Mayûra at Vârânasî, and convinced
Nâgarâga by means of his Bhayaharastavana. He also com-
6
posed a stavana, beginning Bhattibhara.' The date assigned,
somewhat before 980, i. e. before Devarddhigani (454 or 520
A. D.), is again systematic rather than historical. It should
be borne in mind that all these statements taken from Gaina
authorities are either of very modern or of very doubtful date.
Nevertheless there is some hope that, under certain restrictions,
the Gaina literature also may help to the elucidation of Indian
chronology.
I-tsing.
I entertain, in fact, a strong hope that a continued study of
the Gaina and Buddhist books will bring out some more facts
throwing light on the parallel stream of Brahmanic literature,
which by itself is without any landmarks, and seemingly
flowing from nowhere to nowhere. We shall soon possess
a catalogue of the whole Buddhist Tripitaka in its Chinese
translation, giving us the dates of each translator, whether
Hindu or Chinese, and thus enabling us, if we may trust the
Chinese chroniclers, to fix at all events the lowest date of the
Sanskrit originals. We owe a great deal already to information
contained in the travels of Chinese pilgrims in India, particu-
larly of Fa-hian, 400-415 A.D. , of Hwui Seng and Sung Yun,
518 A.D., and of Hiouen-thsang, 629-645 , in helping us to
determine a period of literary and religious activity in India
extending from about 400 to 700 A.D. , the very period of what
we may now call the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature. I
shall add here a short abstract of some quite unexpected in-
formation on the literary state of India in the seventh century,
which I lately discovered in the works of the Chinese pilgrim ,
I-tsing.
The Kâsikâ.
There is a famous commentary on Panini's grammar, called

the Kâsika Vrittih¹.
Kasik , a Commentary on Panini's Grammatical Aphorisms, by Pandit

Professor Boehtlingk, in the introduction to his edition of

Pâzini's Grammar ( p. liv), referred the Kâsikâ Vritti to about
the eighth century, on the supposition that Vâmana , the
author of the Kasikâ, could be proved to be the same as the
Vâmana who is mentioned in the Chronicle of Kasmira (iv,
496). The evidence on which that careful scholar relied was
as follows:- Kahlana Pandita, the author of the Ragatarangini,
is evidently anxious to do full justice to Gayâpida, who, after
the battle of Pushkaletra, recovered the throne of his father,
and became a patron of literature. He mentions, therefore, in
full detail his exertions for the restoration of grammatical
studies in Kasmira, and particularly the interest he took in
a new edition, as we should call it, of Patangali's Mahâbhâshya.
He then passes on to give the names of other learned men
living at his Court, such as Kshira (author of Dhâtutaranginî,
according to Bühler), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, Sankha-
datta, Kataka, Sandhimat , and Vâmana. This Vâmana was
supposed to be the author of the Kâsikâ. But if this Vâmana
had been the author of the Kâsikâ-that is to say, of a com-
plete commentary on Panini's Grammar - would not Kalhana
have mentioned him as connected with the revival of gram-
matical learning in Kasmira, instead of putting his name
casually at the end of a string of other names ?
It ought to be stated that Professor Boehtlingk has himself
surrendered this conjecture. There is another conjecture, first
started by Wilson (Asiatic Researches, xv, p . 55 ), that the Va-
mana here mentioned at the Court of Gayapida was the author
of a set of poetical Sutras and of a Vritti or gloss upon them.
Dr. Cappeller argues against this in the introduction to his
edition of Vâmana's Kâvyâlankâra-vritti (Jena, 1875) . Vâ-
mana, he says, the author both of the text and of the gloss of
this work, quotes Südraka, the author of the Mrikkhakatika ;
Kalidasa, the author of the Sakuntala, Urvasi, Malavika,
Meghaduta, Kumarasambhava, and Raghuvamsa ; Amaru ,
Bhavabhuti, Mâgha, the Hariprabodha, the Nâmamâlâ, Kâ-
mandakaniti, Visâkhila, and Kavirága. Now if this Kavirâga
Vamana and Gayâditya. Edited by Pandit Balasastri, Professor of Hindu

Law in the Sanskrit College, Benares. ( Benares, 1876, 1878.)
Z 2
is intended for the author of the Raghavapândavîya, who is

supposed to have lived later than the tenth century, this would
be sufficient to place Vâmana at least after 1000 A. D. , while
Gayâpîda, his supposed patron, died in 776 ( or 786 ) a. D.
All depends here on the date of Kavirâga, who may after
all not be so late as Dr. Cappeller supposes.
After having assigned Vâmana, the author of the Kâvya-
lankâra, to the twelfth century, Dr. Cappeller proceeds to
identify this late Vâmana with Vâmana, the author of the
Kâsika Vritti. His arguments, however, are hardly con-
vincing. He relies chiefly on a statement of Bâlasâstrin, in
the introduction to his edition of the Kâsikâ, where that
learned scholar speaks of a third Vâmana, a poet, who wrote the
Lokottaralalita, in Mahâràshtra, and places him in Saka 1595 ,
i . e. 1673 A. D., adding that the grammarian Vâmana lived 500
years earlier, i. e . 1173 A. D. If Professor Weber states that
Bâlasâstrin assigns the grammarian Vâmana to the thirteenth
century (Hist. of Sansk. Lit. p. 226), this must refer to some
other paper which has escaped my notice. Bâlasâstrin, how-
ever, gives no evidence in support of his statement, nor does
he, so far as I am aware, ever hint at Vâmana, the gram-
marian, being the same as Vâmana, the rhetorician.
Professor Goldstücker, in a similar manner-that is, without
producing sufficient evidence -referred Vâmana, the gram-
marian, to the same recent period as the Siddhânta - kaumudî,
Nâgesa, Purushottama, and other grammarians (Goldstücker,
Fânini, p. 89 )-therefore to a period later at all events than the
thirteenth century.
Before we proceed further, it will be necessary to determine,
first, whether Vâmana was the only author of the Kâsika .
Colebrooke (Sanskrit Grammar, p. 9) spoke of the Kâsikà as
the work of Gayâditya, or Vâmana Gayâditya. Bâlasâstrin,
the editor of the Kâsikâ, thought likewise at first that Vâmana
and Gayâditya, who are mentioned as the authors, were one
and the same person (Pandit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9 ) . He
found, however, afterwards that Bhattogidikshita , the author
of the Siddhanta-kaumudî, clearly distinguishes between the
opinions of Gayâditya and Vâmana ( Sûtra v, 4, 42 ; ed . Tarka-
vakaspati, i, p. 727) ; and he might have learnt the same from
Professor Aufrecht's excellent edition of the Unâdi Sûtras (pref.

p. xv, Sûtra i, 52 ). Bâlaxastrin afterwards assigned the first,
second, fifth, and sixth books to Gayâditya, the rest to Va-
mana, while in an ancient MS . of the Kasikâ, discovered by
Dr. Bühler in Kasmîra (Journal of the Bombay Branch of the
R. A. S. , 1877 , p. 72 ) , the first four adhyayas are ascribed to
Gayaditya, the last four to Vâmana . (See also Professor Kiel-
horn, Katyayana and Patañgali , p. 12 , note . ) The evidence is
therefore decidedly in favour of Vâmana and Gayâditya being
two different persons and joint authors of the Kasikâ.
In the preface to the sixth volume of my edition of the
Rig -veda (p . xxix ) , I endeavoured to show that the statement
made by Bhattogidikshita in the Sabdakaustubha, and by the
author of the Manorama, viz. that Vâmana, whose fame had
been eclipsed by Vopadeva, had been brought forward again by
Madhava, was to some extent confirmed by the commentary on
the Rig-veda, Vopadeva being nowhere quoted by Madhava,
while Vamana is quoted at least once in the commentary on
the Rig-veda, and more frequently in Sâyana's Dhâtuvritti.
Balaxastrin concluded rightly that Vâmana must be older
than Madhava, 1350 A. D., and older than Vopadeva, who
lived in the twelfth century . I added that Sayana quotes
both Haradatta, the author of the Padamangari, an exposition.
of the Kasika , and Nyâsakara, i . e . Ginendra, the author of
the Nyasa or Kasika-vritti-pangika.
Kasikâ-vritti-paūgikâ . This last book is like-
wise quoted by the author of a commentary called the Kavya-
kamadhenu, probably the work of Vopadeva, so that the
interval between the authors of the Kâsika and those who
could quote from commentaries on their works must be
extended accordingly.
This was the state of uncertainty in which the date of the
Kisika had to be left. It must be earlier than the twelfth
century ' (Burnell, Aindra School of Sanskrit Grammarians,
p. 92 ) ; it is not a modern work ' (Bühler, loc . cit., p . 73) .
Such were the last utterances of two of the most competent
judges.
One other argument in favour of the comparatively early
date of Vâmana and Gayâditya should not be passed over. It
was produced by Balasâstrin, who showed that both were
evidently Gainas, or, what is the same with him, Bauddhas.

Like the Amarakosha , the Kâsikâ begins without any invo-
cation or exposition of the character of the book, a custom
always observed by orthodox writers. Secondly, the authors
of the Kasikâ actually alter the text of Pânini, which no
orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In Sûtra iv, 2 , 43 ,
they insert sahâya, writing grâmaganabandhusahâyebhyas tal
instead of Pânini's grâmaganabandhubhyas tal. Thirdly, they
quote instances referring to Buddhist literature, which, again ,
no respectable writer would do. When giving an instance of
the use of the verb nî, in the Âtmanepada, meaning ' to be
honoured ' (Pân. I, 3, 36), they say, 'Kârva leads, i . e . is honoured
in the Lokayata school . ' This Kârva (Kârvâka ?) is said to be a
name of Buddha, and means here an heretical teacher, who is
honoured in the Lokâyata school¹ . An orthodox writer would
have quoted authorities from orthodox , never from nihilistic,
schools. And Bâlasâstrin adds that there were other distin-
guished grammarians too at that time who were Gainas-for
instance, the author of the Nyâsa, Ginendrabuddhi2-but that
their works were afterwards eclipsed by those of orthodox
grammarians, such as Bhattogidîkshita, Haridikshita, Nâge-
sabhatta, &c.
After thus having established two points -viz . that
Vâmana and Gayâditya were joint authors of the Kâsikâ, and
that they were Gainas or Bauddhas -we return to the ques-
tion as to their probable date . Meeting in Mr. Beal's
Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka (p . 94) with the title
of a work called Nan -hae-ki-kwei-chouen, being Records
concerning Visits and Returns to the Southern Seas, ' I con-
sulted my friend and pupil Mr. Kasawara on the contents of
the work. He informed me that it was written by I-tsing,
one of the best-known Chinese pilgrims, who left Kwang-chau,
in China, in the eleventh lunar month of the year 671 A.D. ,
arrived at Tâmralipti, in India, after a long voyage, in the
second month of 673, and started from that place for Nalanda
¹ On Lokayata as another name of the Kârvâka school, see Cowell, Sarva-

darsana sangraha, p. 2.
2. Not later than the twelfth century, because quoted by Vopadeva,' Bühler,
In lian Antiquary , 1878 , p. 57 .
in the fifth month of the same year. After the lapse of some
years, he returned to Tâmralipti, and sailed to Si-ri-fa-sai, in
the Southern Sea countries.
It seems that he wrote his book, ' The Accounts of Buddhist
Practices sent, being entrusted to one who returns to China,
from the Southern Sea Countries,' in Si-ri-fa-sai, for he
generally compares the practices of India with those of the
Southern Sea countries. His work consists of two volumes,
containing four books and forty chapters. Though he does not
mention how long , he was in India, yet, as he refers to the
usurper Queen, Tsak- tin-mo-hau, whose date is 690, we see
that he must then have been absent from China twenty years,
and have spent eighteen years in India. We may gather, in
fact, from remarks occurring in his work that he was born
about 635, that he left China in 671 , arrived at Tâmralipti
in 673 , and was still absent in 690, at the time of the
usurpation of Queen Tsak-tin-mo-hau. That usurpation
lasted till 705, when the Tang dynasty was restored . It is
stated elsewhere that I-tsing died in 713, seventy-nine years
old, and that he had returned to China in 695.
In the thirty-fourth chapter of his work I -tsing treats of
learning in the West , and chiefly of grammatical science, the
Sabdavidya, one of the five vidyâs or sciences. He gives the
name Vyakarana, grammar, and then proceeds to speak of
five works, generally called grammar in India.
I. The first is called elementary Siddhânta, and begins with
siddhirastu . It was originally taught by Mahesvara, and is
learnt by heart by children when they are six years old.
They learn it in six months.
Most likely this refers to the Siva Sûtras, granted by the
favour of Mahesvara . But, from the description given , this
Siddhanta must have contained much more than the fourteen
Siva Sutras. There are forty-nine letters,' I-tsing writes, the
compounds of which are divided into eighteen sections, and of
which altogether more than 10, coo words are formed. These
words are arranged in 300 slokas, of thirty-two syllables each.'
II. The second grammatical work is called Sutra, the
foundation of all grammatical science. It is the work of Pazini,
and contains 1,000 slokas. He was inspired by Mahesvara,
and is said to have been endowed with three eyes. Children

begin to learn it when they are eight years old, and learn it
in eight months.
III. Dhâtu. This consists of 1,000 slokas, and treats of
grammatical roots. Evidently a Dhâtupâ/ha.
IV. Three so-called Khilas :-( 1 ) Ashtadhâtu, consisting
of 1,000 slokas (on declension and conjugation) ; (2 ) Man-ka,
consisting of 1,000 slokas ; (3 ) Unâdi, consisting of 1,000 slokas.
Boys of ten years learn these parts of grammar, and finish
them after three years .
The explanation of Khila as ' uncultivated pieces of land '
is no doubt quite correct. We should say appendix or
excursus instead . But it is difficult to say what I -tsing
could have meant by the second Khila . Mr. Beal called my
attention to a note of Stanislas Julien's in his index to
Hiouen-thsang, where (vol . iii , p . 514) Men-tse-kia is evi-
dently meant for the same word, and explained by Mandaka.
Hiouen-thsang mentions Men-tse-kia ( vol . i, p. 166 ) as one
of two classes of words, the other class being the Unâdi . He
tells us that Professor Spiegel approved of this interpretation,
but I cannot find any place where Professor Spiegel has
treated of mandaka and traced it back as a technical term
to some corresponding samgñâ of Sanskrit grammar. I found
afterwards that in 1871 I had consulted my learned friend,
Stanislas Julien, on the same subject, asking him whether
Men-tse-kia could possibly be intended for Nirukta or
Nighantu. He wrote on the first of December, 1871 , Je
regrette de vous dire que je ne suis pas en mesure de repondre
parfaitement aux différentes questions de votre lettre. Dans
ma Méthode de transcription (p . 221 ) le second mot de Men-
tse-kia répresente da dans pandaka et dha dans virûdhaka,
mais il y a loin de là à Nirukta .'
What I-tsing really says, according to Mr. Kasawara's
translation, is :- Mañka treats of the formation of words by
means of combining (a root and suffix, or suffixes ) . One of
many names for tree, for instance, is vriksha in Sanskrit
(that is to say, the word vriksha is made up of vriksh and a).
Thus a name for a thing is formed by mixing the parts
together, according to the rules of the book, which consists
of more than twenty sentences (or feet of sloka). Unâdi is

nearly the same, with a few differences, such as what is full
in the one is mentioned in brief in the other, and vice versa .'
Mr. Kasawara informed me that Mañka may be meant for
manda, possibly for mandaka, but I do not see that even this
would help us much. Mand means to adorn , manda is used for
cream on milk, also for gruel, but all this, even if we admitted
.
the meaning of mixing, would not yield us a technical name
for the formation of words by means ofjoining a suffix with
a root. At all events, I have never met with mand, or any
of its derivatives, in that technical sense. I thought at one
time that man /a might be meant for Mândûka, because the
Mandukeyas were famous for their grammatical works (see
M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 146), and
one of these might possibly have been used by I-tsing when
studying the Krid-anta chapter. But I do not think this
likely, even if, as I am told, the Chinese transliteration should
admit of it.
We now proceed at once to No. V, which is called Vritti
Sútra, a commentary on the foregoing Sûtra. We are told
that it is the best among the many commentaries . It
contains 18,000 slokas, citing the words of the Sutras, and
explaining intricate matters very clearly. It exposes the
laws of the universe and the precepts of heaven and man .
Boys of fifteen begin to study this commentary, and under-
stand it completely in five years. This commentary is the
work of the learned Gayâditya, who was endowed with great
ability. His literary talent was so excellent that he under-
stood matters of literature hearing them once, and did not
require to be told twice . He revered the three venerable ones,
and performed all religious duties . Since his death it is
nearly thirty years.'
If we take the lowest date for I-tsing's work, viz. 690 a. d.
(because he mentions the usurpation which took place in that
year), he would have been four years, as he says, in Si- ri-
fa-sai, and thirteen in India, when he wrote the thirty-fourth
chapter of his work ; and there is no reason why he should
not have known, and, if he cared, have been able to ascertain
the exact date of the death of the author of one of the most
famous grammars of that time, moreover a grammar which

he recommends all true students, coming from China to
India, to learn by heart. On the whole, his description of
that grammar agrees well with the Kâsikâ Vritti, and it is
almost impossible to imagine that he should have fixed by
accident or fraud on the real name of one of the authors of
that grammar, Gayâditya. Unless the whole of I-tsing's
work can be shown to be a spurious compilation, we are
justified in assuming that he knew a commentary on Pânini's
Sûtras by Gayâditya, and that he believed Gayâditya to have
died not later than 660 A. D.
I-tsing then continues : After having studied this com-
mentary, the students learn composition in prose and in
verse, and devote themselves to logical science ( Hetuvidya )
as well as to the Kosha ( Sabda-kosha, or Abhidharma-kosha ?) .'
After learning the Li-men-lun (Nyâyadvâra-târaka sâstra, as-
cribed to Gina or Dharmapâla) they draw inferences correctly
(Anumâna), and after studying the Pan-shang-kwan ( Gâtaka-
mâlâ) their talents become excellent. Then, being instructed
by their teachers, and instructing others, they pass two or
three years, generally in the monastery of Nâlanda in Central
India, or in Valabhî in Western India. These two places are
like King-ma, Shih-ksiu, Lung- man , and Ksüé-li (the seats
of learning in China). There eminent and accomplished men
assemble like clouds, and discuss the possibility and impossi-
bility of their opinions ; and having been approved as to their
excellence by the wise, having become famous for their pre-
eminence far and wide, and having made themselves assured
of the sharpness of their own abilities, they go thence to the
Imperial Court to lay down before it the sharp words (of
their intellect). There they present their schemes to show
their (political) talent, being desirous to receive good appoint-
ments. When they are in the place of discussion , they
prove their wonderful cleverness. When they are in the
place of refutation , all their opponents become tongue- bound
and own their shame. Then the sound of their fame makes
the five mountains vibrate , and their renown flows, as it were,
over the four borders. They then receive grants of land, and
enjoy high rank, and their names, written in white, are cele-
brated high on the lofty gate. After this they can follow
whatever occupation they like.'
Patangali's Mahabhashya.
I-tsing then returns to the Vritti Sûtra, i.e. the Kâsikâ

Vritti, and says : ' There is a commentary on it, entitled Kûrni ,
containing 24, coo slokas. It is a work of the learned Pataй-
gali, and explains clearly that commentary (Vritti ) by illus-
trating accurately its meaning, and inquiring into its small
details. Advanced scholars learn it in three years, and the
labour is similar to that of learning the Khun- tshu and the
Yih-king (in China).'
As Kurzi is a name for commentary, and Pataйgali is ac-
tually called Kûrnikrit, the author of the Kûrni, there can
be little doubt, if any, that I-tsing is here speaking of
Patangali's Mahâbhâshya. It does not follow, however, that
he considered Patangali's Mahâbhâshya as more recent than
the Kasika, though it is not impossible.
Bhartrihari.
I-tsing then continues : Next, there is the Bhartrihari- dis-

course, a commentary on the foregoing Kurai, the work of
the great scholar Bhartrihari. It contains 25,000 slokas,
which treat of the principles of human affairs and of gram-
matical science, and relates also the source of the rise and
fall of many families. Bhartrihari was intimately acquainted
with (the principles of the doctrine of) " Only Knowledge "
(vidyâmâtra), and well versed in logic ( lit. in the reason, hetu
and in the example, udâharaza). This scholar was very
famous throughout the five divisions of India, and his virtues
were known everywhere. He believed deeply in the " Three
Jewels, " and meditated on the " Twofold Voidness." Having
desired ( to embrace ) the excellent religion , he belonged to
the priestly order, but, overcome by worldly desires, he re-
turned again to the laity. Thus he seven times became a
priest, and seven times returned to the laity. Unless one
believes well in the truth of cause and effect, one cannot act
like him. He wrote the following verse with self- reproach :
66
Through attachment I returned to the laity,
Being free from desire I again wear the priestly cloaks.
Why do those two things play with me like a child ? "
He was contemporaneous with Dharmapâla . '
This Dharmapâla was most likely the teacher of Silabhadra,
who was an old man when he received Hiouen-thsang at
Nâlanda in 633. Dharmapâla's name is mentioned in con-
nection with a grammatical work, the Sabdavidya- samyukta
sastra (sangraha sâstra), and his time would therefore well
agree with Bhartrihari's time, supposing that, as I-tsing says,
he died 650 A.D.
I-tsing goes on to tell some other stories about Bhartrihari
which make it not unlikely that he is speaking of Bhartrihari,
the author of the three Satakas on Kâma ( love) , Nîti (disci-
pline) , and Vairagya (tranquillity) . Once, ' he says, ' Bhar-
trihari was a priest, living in a monastery. Overcome by
worldly desires, he was disposed to return to the laity. Yet
he remained firm, and asked a student to get a carriage ready
at the outside of the monastery. A man asked the cause .
" It is," he replied, " the place where one performs meritorious
actions, and it is designed for the dwelling of those who keep
the moral precepts. Now passions already predominate within
me, and I am incapable of following the excellent law. One
such as I am should not intrude into an assembly of the
priests from every quarter." Then he returned to be a lay
devotee (upâsaka), and, wearing a white garment, continued
to exalt the true religion in the monastery.'
' It is forty years since his death .'
"There is besides, the Vakya-discourse (Vakyapadika),
which contains 700 slokas, and 7,000 (words) in its explana-
tion . It is also Bhartrihari's work, a treatise on observation
and inference according to the scriptures.'
As the second work is the Vakyapadîya, we can see in the first
a commentary only on the Mahâbhâshya by Bhartrihari, i.e. the
Mahâbhâshya-vyâkhyâ¹ . We might think of the Kârikâs, which
This work exists in the Dekhan, fragments at Berlin .

are mentioned by Târânâtha (pref. to Siddhanta-kaumudi , vol .

ii, p. 2 ) as between Bhartrihari's commentary on the Maha-
bhashya and his Vakyapadiya (also called Vâkyapradîpa), but
they would probably have been described by a different name.
Here then we should have the famous Bhartrihari, so often
described as the elder brother of king Vikramaditya in the
first century B.c. as a Buddhist , a man tossed about between
kama and dharma, between the world and the monastery, a
poet, a grammarian, a philosopher, the contemporary of Dhar-
mapâla, known , it would seem, to some of the eminent men
whom I-tsing visited in his travels through India, and re-
ported to have died not more than forty years ago, say 650 ,
that is, shortly after Hiouen-thsang's return to China. That
there was a Buddhistic flavour about Bhartrihari's Satakas,
has long been perceived ; still, even those who did not believe
in the Augustan Court of Vikramaditya and his brother
Bhartrihari in the first century B.C. , hardly ventured to do
more than place him hesitatingly in the first or second century,
instead of the seventh century A.D.
There is one more difficulty which we have to meet.
After having told us all this about Bhartrihari, I-tsing
continues : Next, there is the Pina or Pida or Vina . It
contains 3,000 verses of Bhartrihari, and 14.000 (words ? ) in
its explanation by Dharmapala, an author of treatises. It
fathoms the deep secrets of heaven and earth, and treats of
the philosophy of man. A person who has reached the study
of this work (after having learnt gradually the foregoing
works) is said to know grammatical science very well, and
may be likened to one who has learnt the nine Kings and all
the classics ( in China) . All those above mentioned are studied
by both priests and laymen, otherwise they cannot be called
well-informed.'
The text from which this translation was made, is very
imperfect, and Mr. Kasawara wishes his rendering to be con-
sidered in many places as tentative only, hoping to publish a
better one as soon as he has returned to Japan. I asked him,
as a mere conjecture, whether it was possible that Pida could
represent Bhatti, and he thought it was just possible, but no
more. It is clear that the book must have been a grammatical
work, and the Bhattikâvya (or Râvanabadha) may be called a

grammatical work. It is also well known that the authorship
of that poem has frequently been assigned to Bhartrihari.
Among the various commentators, Kandarpakakravartin calls
the author Bhartrihari, the book Bhatti ; Vidyâvinoda calls
the author Bhartrihari, the son of Sridharasvâmin ; Bharata
Mallika calls him Bhartrihari. The oldest manuscript calls
the poet Bhatti-brâhmana, the son of Sridharasvâmin of
Valabhî ; the oldest commentator, Gayamangala, calls him
Bhatti, Harihara does the same, while Pundarîkâksha in
his Kalâpadîpikâ speaks of him simply as Bhatti¹ . Bhao
Daji and Bhandarkar inform us that Bhatti was believed by
some to have been the son of Bhartrihari, and to have lived
under Sridharasena of Valabhî.
After all this, we can well understand that I -tsing should
have been told that the Bhatti was the work of Bhartrihari,
always supposing that Bhatti could in Chinese have been
represented by Pida . As to the date of the Bhattikâvya we
know very little beyond the fact that its author lived under
Sridharasvâmin of Valabhî. Lassen 2 identified this king with
Sridharasena of Valabhi, the son of Guhasena, 530-545, but
this too is a mere guess, and need not by itself invalidate
I-tsing's statement .
I may add in conclusion the little we know of Bhartrihari
as a grammarian, from Brahmanic sources.
Tarkavakaspati, in his edition of the Siddhânta- kaumudi ³,
reminds us very properly that Somadeva's Kathâsarit-sagara
is only an extract from the Brihatkathâ, a work in 70,000
Slokas, supposed to have been composed by Katyâyana, and
taught by him to Kânabhûti. He then tells the story of
Vararuki, called Kâtyâyana, and his fellow-pupils Vyâi and
Panini. They were all three the disciples of Upavarsha . Pânini,
the least clever of them, having been vanquished in a disputa-
tion by the others, went to propitiate Mahâdeva, and, having
been taught by him, composed a grammar in four parts.
¹ See Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, Aug. 1881 .

2 Ind. Alterthumskunde, iii, 512.
3 See also Sabdartharatna by Târânâtha Tarkavâkaspati, Calcutta, 1852 ,
Bhumika, p. 2 ; and Z. D. M. G. xiv, 566.
(the Sûtra-patha, the Ganapatha, the Dhatupâtha, and the

Lingûnusâsana), which he afterwards proclaimed before Upa-
varsha. Vararuki, recognising the excellency of that new
grammar, composed the Vârttika by way of completing and
briefly explaining it, while Vyadi composed a work, called
Sangraha, consisting of 100,000 Slokas, intended to explain
by arguments the principles of Pâzini's grammatical system .
These works became so famous that the Aindra and other
popular grammars of the time fell into disrepute and were
lost.
It is added that Panini was the son of Dakshi¹ ; that
Vararuki was the son of a Brâhman Somadatta of Kausâmbî
and of Vasudattâ, and that, after composing the Brihatkatha,
and other works, he became Minister of King Nanda ; while
Vyadi, the son of a Brahman Karambha, dwelt at Veta-a.
Tarkavaka-pati then quotes another story, taken from the
Vakyapadiya, a work which he ascribes to Bhartrihari, the
elder brother of Vikramaditya. He first states himself that
in the course of time the Sangraha by Vyâdi became neglected ,
and Panini's work too had suffered considerable damage, when
the Bhagavat Pataйgali resolved to compose the Mahabhashya,
containing first the essence of the Sangraha, namely the Sûtras,
Vârttikas, and the comment, and secondly the arguments.
laid down in the Sangraha 2.
But in this form also the system of Panini was again
neglected, though one copy of the original grammatical work,
made by Ravana, was preserved in the South on the mountain
Kitrakuta. This copy was carried off by some Rakshas, in the
guise of a Brahman, and given to Vasurâta, Kandra and other
teachers, and from them descended to their pupils, Bhartrihari
and others. Bhartrihari explained the Mahâbhâshya, com-
posed the explanatory Kârikâs, and also the Vakyapadiya,
sometimes called Vakyapradipa, consisting of three parts, the
Brahma, Vakya, and Padakânda ³.
See Pân. I, 1 , 20, Kårikå in Mahâbbâshya.

* This agrees well with Kielhorn's correct description of the character of the
Mahâbhashya, given in his essay Katyayana and Patangali ( 1876), p. 7 seq.
* See Goldstücker, Pánini , p. 237 ; Weber, Indische Studien, v, 159 ; Stenzler,
ibid. p. 447 ; Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 285.
He then quotes from Bhartrihari's Vâkyakânda the following

verses :
प्रायेण संक्षेपरुचीनल्पविद्यापरिग्रहान् ।
संप्राप्य वैयाकरणान्संग्रहेऽस्तमुपगते ॥१ ॥
कृतेऽथ पतंजलिना गुरुणा तीर्थदर्शिना ।
सर्वेषां न्यायवीजानां महाभाष्ये निबंधने ॥ २॥
अलभंगाधे गांभीर्यादुत्ज्ञान इव सौष्ठवात् ।
तस्मिन्नकृतबुद्धीनां नैवावास्थित निश्चयः ॥ ३ ॥

वैजिशौभवहर्यक्षैः शुष्क तर्कानुसारिभिः ।
सार्ये विप्लाविते ग्रंथे संग्रहप्रतिकंचुके ॥ ४ ॥
यः पतंजलिशिष्येभ्यो भ्रष्टो व्याकरणागमः ।
काले स दाक्षिणात्येषु ग्रंथमात्रे व्यवस्थितः ॥ ५॥
पर्वतादागमं लभा भाष्यवीजानुसारिभिः ।
स नीतो बहुशाखत्वं चंद्राचार्यादिभिः पुनः ॥ ६ ॥

न्यायप्रस्थानमार्गीस्तानभ्यस्य स्वं च दर्शनं ।
प्रणीतो गुरुणास्माकमयमागमसंग्रहः ॥ ७ ॥
• When the Sangraha (of Vyadi) had been lost, having

come down to grammarians who mostly preferred short
manuals, and possessed but a small stock of knowledge,
' And when afterwards by the venerable and studious PataЛ-
gali the Mahâbhâshya had been composed, a work containing
the original Satras (viga) , and the argumentations,
'Unfathomable from its depth, and yet almost shallow from
its perfect method 2 ; then men of small minds were yet unable
to understand it.
And when this work of the Rishi, which contained the
(substance of the ) Sangraha, had been perverted by Vaigi,
Saubhava, and Haryaksha, because (in attempting to explain
it) they followed their own sterile reasoning only,
“
The tradition of the grammar, which had fallen away from
the disciples of Patangali, existed in time as a text only
(without being understood) among the people in the South ³.
अलंघ्य.
2 Read paripath , in the commentary.
3 It is no doubt very easy to discredit the native traditions with respect to
the early literary history of India. They are certainly not historical, in our sense
But Kandrakarya and others (Vasurâta, etc.) received the

tradition again from Parvata (the mountain Kitraka or
Trikuta ?), and following the original Sûtras (viga) and the
Bhashya, they made it branch off into many schools¹.
'Then, after having studied the different lines on which
the (grammatical ) arguments rest and his own grammatical
system also, the Guru (Kandra or Vasurâta) brought to us
this resumé of old grammars.'
We have now examined a considerable number of names ,

famous in Sanskrit literature, most , in fact, of the Mahakavis
and the Mahakavyas, and we have seen , I think, that not one
of them could be referred to a date beyond the fifth century
A.D. Kalidasa , formerly represented as the contemporary of
Augustus, has become the contemporary of Justinian, and the
very books which were most admired by Sanskrit students as
specimens of ancient Indian poetry and wisdom, have found
their natural and rightful place in the period of a literary
renaissance, coinciding with a period of renewed literary
activity in Persia, soon to be followed there, as later on in
India, by the great Mohammedan conquests.
I have confined myself chiefly to what used to be called the
art poetry of India, nor could I attempt to examine here the
whole of our post-Vedic literature, partly for want of space,
partly for want of knowledge.
There was no necessity, considering what our immediate
object is, for going beyond the ninth century, for it is not
likely that any literary works that can be referred to so late a
date, would ever be claimed for the four blank centuries
between 100 B. C. to 300 A.D.
of the word, but, on the other hand, they possess this merit that , as a rule, they
are not invented with a purpose, or intended to support any preconceived
system . What purpose, for instance, could the author of the Uttara-kanda of
the Ramayana sect. 36, vv. 44 seq .) [this curious passage was pointed out by
Muir, Sanskrit Texts, iv, p. 490] have had in saying that Hanumat, when he
was studying grammar, studied it, Sa-sûtra-vritty-arthapadam mahartham sa-
sangraham, that is, according to the commentary, the Mahabhâshya (Pata@gali),
containing the Sutras, the commentary, and the Varttikas, and the Sangraha
(Vyadi), thus making the Ramayana, at all events, more modern than Vyadi ?
¹ See Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 245 .
A a
In the eighth century we enter already on the age of com-

mentaries and glosses. We have Sankara, the great commen-
tator of the Vedanta Sûtras, born in 788, and he was preceded
by Govinda and Gaudapâda, to whom a commentary on the
Sânkhya-kârikâ is ascribed . If we may accept Burnell's con-
jecture, Bhavasvâmin, the commentator of the Baudhâyana
Sûtras, belonged to the same age, though I must confess
that his arguments do not seem to me quite convincing¹.
Epic Poems.
Nor have I said anything of the two great epic poems, the
Mahâbhârata and Râmâyana, beyond noting their being men-
tioned by name among the popular literature of the sixth
and seventh centuries. We want a great deal more of truly
scholarlike work² , and a great deal less of truly unscholarlike
theories on the Mahabharata and Râmâyana, before any clear
light will dawn on the sources, the growth, and the final
redaction of these Indian epic cycles. But whatever date
may in the end be assigned to these poems, as we now have
them, or to their first collection, or to their gradual augmen-
tation, our views on the literary blank between 100 B.C. and
300 A.D. could hardly be affected thereby. Epic poetry, as
we know, if it is popular, and not artificial, like that of Kâli-
¹ Burnell, Catalogue ( 1870) , p. 13, says that Madhava quotes Bhaskara Misra's
commentary on the Black Yagur-veda, and that the Pandits place him 400 years
before Sâyana. Bhâskara, again, quotes not only the Mânava-dharina-sastra, and,
what is more important, the last book of it (xii , 100), but also Bhavasvamin, the
commentator of the Baudhâyana Kalpa Sûtras, ' who may therefore have lived
in the eighth century ' (Cat. p. 26) . It is well known that Sâyana also wrote a
commentary on Baudhâyana (Cat. Southern Division, Bombay, fasc. i, p. 8 ), and
that in his Yaguatantra-sudhânidhi, which gives the Âdhvaryava as well as
the Hautra and Audgâtra of the principal sacrifices, he chiefly follows Bau-
dhâyana. He there calls himself the son of Mâyanarya, and the brother
(sahodara) of Madhavârya. See also Bühler, Sacred Books of the East, vol.
xiv, p. xlii.
2 Adolf Holtzmann, Agni , nach den Vorstellungen des Mahabharata, 1878 ;
Arjuna, ein Beitrag zur Reconstruction des Mahâbhârata, 1879 ; Über das
alte indische Epos, 1881 ; Über das Mahabharata. Weber, Über das Rama-
yana, 1870. K. T. Telang, Was the Râmâyana copied from Homer ? 1872 ; R
G. Bhandarkar, Considerations ofthe date of the Mahâbhârata, Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, x, p. 81 (1872).
dasa, may live on among the people, when all other literary
activity has ceased . It forms, so to say, the literary bread
and water, without which no nation can long subsist . What
we want to know is to what period the work of Vyasa , the
Diaskeuast, can be ascribed, how many such Vyâsas were
employed in giving some kind of form to the enormous masses
of floating epic poetry in India, and lastly, how much should
be ascribed to their individual genius, particularly in the case
of Valmiki, in what we now admire in the two great national
epics of India, the Râmâyana and Mahâbhârata ¹ . I ought to
add, that I do not think that hitherto any facts or arguments
have been produced to justify us in admitting any Greek
influences in the growth of epic poetry in India, still less any
Christian influences in the production of that famous episode
of the Mahabharata which is known under the name of the
Bhagavadgitâ Upanishads.
Popular Stories.
And what applies to epic poetry, applies also to what we

call Folk-lore. No people is ever without popular stories, and
no country was probably richer in them than India. It has
lately become the fashion to ascribe all these popular stories
in India to a Buddhistic source, nor can there be a doubt of the
truth of Benfey's great discovery that the fables which we
find collected in the Hitopadesa, the Paikatantra, and similar
works, belonging to the Renaissance period of Sanskrit litera-
ture, presuppose Buddhistic collections of them. But that is
very different from saying that the Buddhists invented them.
The Buddhists used them, improved them, added to them, but
they invented them as little as the brothers Grimm invented
Rumpelstiltzchen .' There is one Buddhist collection of
so-called Gataka- stories, in Sanskrit, the date of which can
be fixed in the fourth century A. D. It is ascribed to Ârya-
sûra ; and another work of the same author is stated to have
been translated in the year 434 A. D. We also know that the
1
¹ The occurrence of the name of Vyasa and Valmiki in the Lankâvatâra is
of interest, but the date of the chapter in which they occur is doubtful,
A a 2
fame of these stories had reached Persia at the time of Khosru

Nushirvan (531-579 A. D.), and that he sent Barzôî to India
to bring them to his Court and translate them into Pahlavi¹.
But the original from which Barzôî translated has not yet
been discovered, and the Brahmanic collections of fables which
we possess, the Pañkatantra, Hitopadesa , etc., are of a later
date.
The Kathâ- sarit-sagara, again, by Somadeva, is as late as
the beginning of the twelfth century, having been written to
console Queen Suryavatî, the mother of King Harsha of
Kasmîra, on the death of her son who was killed 1101 A. D.
It should be remembered, however, that Somadeva too did
not invent, did not even claim to have invented, the tales
collected in his Ocean of the Rivers of Stories,' and that
their existence can probably be traced back to the time of
Pânini.
As this is of importance with regard to certain historical
or semi-historical statements contained in Somadeva's work,
it may not be out of place here to explain why I con-
sider some of them quite as trustworthy as, for instance ,
Kalhana's History of Kasmîra, so far as it bears on early
times. It is easy to say that what Somadeva tells about Pâini
6
and his friends is only a story. To me only a story ' carries
more weight than history made on purpose, such as we know
Kalhana's history to have been. We must take Indian litera-
ture as it is, and try to make the best of it . And in
doing this we must, as much as possible, divest ourselves of
the idea that Hindu writers always wish to impose upon us,
and to make everything as old as possible. First of all, these
writers never thought of us ' outer barbarians,' in writing
down what they knew, or what they imagined they knew, of
their ancient history. Secondly, what we should call ‘ old, '
would not seem at all old to them, to whom ten thousand
years more or less is a mere nothing.
My impression is that Somadeva, when telling us about
Pânini, Vyâdi, and Kâtyâyana, tells us simply what he knew,
¹ See Selected Essays , vol. i, p. 527.

and that what he knew came to him from tradition, which in

India was more tenacious than anywhere else . We know ,
besides, thanks chiefly to the researches of Burnell and Bühler,
that Somadeva was not left entirely to depend on tradition .
He tells us that his book contains the essence of the Brihat-
katha, written originally in the Paisâki dialect by Gunâdhya,
and that it differs from its original in language only, and by
its being more condensed¹ . The story of Gunâdhya is no
doubt legendary too , but it need not therefore be considered
as a pure invention, so far as Gunâdhya himself is concerned .
We are told that originally the stories of the seven Vid-
yadhara Kakravartin's or Fairy Kings were told by Siva to
Parvati. They were overheard by an attendant, Pushpadanta,
who repeated them to his wife Gayâ. For this he was cursed
by Parvati and condemned to be born as a man , and his
brother Malyavat, who interceded for him, received the like
sentence. Afterwards Pârvatî relented so far that she decreed
that Pushpadanta's curse should end when he had met a
Pisaka, called Kanabhûti, and told him the stories ; while
Malyavat should be free when he had heard the Brihatkathas
from the mouth of Kânabhûti, and spread them over the
earth.
Pushpadanta, we are then told, was born as Vararuki
Katyayana, and became a great grammarian and Minister of
Yogananda, the last of the Nandas. Having communicated
the stories to the Pisaka Kanabhûti, he returned to his
heaven.
Some time later Malyavat, who as Gunilhya of Pratish-
thana had become Minister of Satavahana, went with his two
pupils, Guzadeva and Nandideva, to the dwelling of Kâna-
bhuti, and received from him the seven stories in the Paisaki
dialect. Then he wrote them down with his own blood in
100,000 Slokas each, and sent them to Satavahana. Sâtavâ-
hana, however, rejected them ; upon which Gunâdhya burnt
six of the stories. The seventh only was preserved , and
Satavahana, after studying it with the help of Guzadeva and
1 See Buhler, Indian Antiquary, 1871 , p. 302.

Nandideva, wrote the introduction to it , likewise in the Paisâkî

dialect.
Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall¹ was the first to show that this legend
was not entirely a legend, for Dandin in his Kâvyâdarsa ( I, 38),
mentions a Brihatkathâ written in a Bhûta (Pisâka) dialect ;
and Subandhu, the author of the Vâsavadattâ, knows a Brihat-
kathâ divided into Lambakas. Dandin, we know, is at least as
old as Bâna, the court-poet of Harshavardhana in the seventh
century, while Vasubandhu must be older than Bâna , being
praised by him in his Harshakaritra.
Thus it may be accepted as a fact that a Brihatkathâ
in a Bhûta dialect, and divided, like Somadeva's work, into
Lambas or Lambakas, existed at least before the seventh
century of our era.
Nor is this all. Dr. Bühler, during his literary researches
in Gujarât, discovered a work very similar to the Kathâsarit-
sagara of Somadeva, namely, the Brihatkathâ- mañgarî of
Kshemendra Vyasadâsa2. This Kshemendra wrote during
the second and third quarters of the eleventh century, and he
too seems to have based his own work on the Paisâkî text ofthe
<
Brihatkathâ, ascribed to Gunâdhya . He says³ : Sarva pro-
claimed it first ; Kânabhûti heard it from the Gana (Pushpa-
danta-Vararuki) , and told it to Gunâdhya, who delivered it in
turn to his pupils and to Sâtavâhana. The story which thus
had come to be written in the Pisâka language gave trouble to
the readers, and was for this reason rewritten in Sanskrit.'
Although Somadeva was perhaps two or three generations
later than Kshemendra, Dr. Bühler has shown that he could
not have copied from Kshemendra, but that both must have
used the same original in Paisâkî or Prakrit.
We thus arrive at the very unexpected result that the
stories told by Somadeva in the twelfth century were known,
at all events, before the seventh century, and, if we could
accept the historical character of Sâtavâhana and Yogananda,
of Kânabhûti and Vararuki-Kâtyâyana, in the first century
1 Vasavadattâ , pref. pp. 22-24 ; Bühler, 1.c., p. 303.

2 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877, p. 46.
3 Bühler, Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 307.
A. D. , or even, it may be, before the end of the Nanda dynasty.

Without as yet wishing, however, to make Kâtyâyana-Vara-
ruki, the original promulgator of the Seven Stories, the same
person as Katyayana Vararuki , the author of the Varttikas
and the contemporary of Pânini, we may at all events say
this, that Somadeva's much-despised Kathâ-sarit- sâgara carries
really as much historical weight as Kalhana's Ragatarangini,
the Chronicle of Kashmir, 1148-57 . Kalhana wrote in the
middle of the twelfth century , and was therefore later than
Somadeva. What his ideas of history were has been well
shown by Dr. Bühler ', who writes : An author who boasts
that "his narrative resembles a medicine, and is useful for
increasing and diminishing statements of previous writers
regarding kings, place, and time," must always be sharply
controlled, and deserves no credit whatever in those portions
of his work where his narrative shows any suspicious figures
or facts.'
Philosophical Sûtras.
A second class of literature which I have not touched upon

consists of the philosophical Sûtras. These were and are still
supposed by many scholars to belong to the centuries preced-
ing our era. All I can say is, I know, as yet, of no sound
arguments, still less of any facts in support of such assertions.
Neither in the Pali nor in the Sanskrit canon of the Buddhists
have any references to or quotations from the six collections.
of philosophical Sûtras been discovered .
It is different with the philosophical systems themselves.
The names of the three Vedas, possibly of four, such words also
as Vedanta and Upanishad (upanisâ), and Yoga, occur in Pâli,
but they do not prove the existence of our Vedanta or our
Yoga Sutras. In the Buddhist Sanskrit canonical books there
are constant references to tirthaka or heretical systems of phi-
losophy. The names of the founders of six of these are mentioned
again and again, but we hear nothing of literary works ascribed
to Badarayana, the founder of the Uttara -mimâmsâ, of Gaimini,
1 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877 , p. 58.

the founder of the Pûrva-mîmâmsâ, Kapila, the founder of the

Sankhya, Patangali, the founder of the Yoga, Kanada, the
founder of the Vaiseshika, and Gotama, the founder of the
Nyâya. The occurrence of the names of Kanâda , Kapila,
Akshapâda and Brihaspati in the Lankâvatâra is curious, but
requires verification. What is still more curious is that in the
literary works which we have referred to the sixth, seventh , and
eighth centuries no actual quotations from the Sûtras of the
six Darsanas have yet been met with . It is true, that Varaha-
mihira mentions Kapila and Kanabhug¹ , and that Bâna in his
Harshakarita knows of Aupanishadas, Kâpilas, and Kânâdas ,
but even this does not establish the existence of the Sûtras,
containing their doctrines. And yet we know now, thanks to
Mr. K. B. Pathak ( Ind . Ant . 1882 , p. 174) 3, the date of Sankara .
Âkarya , to whom most, if not all of these Sûtras must have
been known. He was born 788 A.D., and he must have lived
to a considerable age, if he accomplished all that is ascribed to
him. The date 3921 Kali, i . e. 820 A. D., cannot be intended
for the date of his death , but is meant for that of his becoming
a Muni, which we are told took place in his 32nd year
(dvâtrimse).
The first tangible evidence of the existence of a system-
atic treatise on any of the six systems of India would
really seem to be the Chinese translation of the Suvarna-
saptati-sâstra, that is, the Sânkhya-kârikâ, with a com-
mentary . It is said by the Chinese translator to have been
composed by the Rishi Kapila, a heretic, and to explain the
twenty-five truths (tattvas ). Towards the end of the work
it is stated that there were 60,000 gâthâs composed by
1 Bribatsamhitâ, ed. Kern, pref. p. 29.

2 Vâsavadattâ, ed. Hall, pref. p. 53.
He quotes from a MS. the following list : Siva (Sankara), Vishnu, Brah-
man, Vasishtha, Sakti, Pârâsara, Vyâsa, Suka, Gaudapâda, Govinda, Sankara.
He also mentions Râmânuga as the pupil of Yâdavaprakâsa, and Madhva as
pupil of Akyutapreksha.
It is his descent from Siva which is alluded to in calling him Sankara-
kâryanavâvatâram .
5 I am informed by Mr. Kasawara that this commentary resembles the com-
mentary of Gaudapâda, but that the name of Gaudapâda is not mentioned .
6
• See Sâakhya-sâra, ed. Hall, pref. pp. 6, 42.
Pankasikha (Kapileya), the pupil of Âsuri, the pupil of Kapila,

and that afterwards a Brahman, named Isvara Krishna,
selected 70 gâthâs out of the 60,000 . As this work was
translated into Chinese by Kan-ti, i. e. Paramartha, during
the Khan dynasty, 557-589, we have proof positive that
İsvara Krishna's work, such as we now possess it, and a
commentary, belonged at least to the sixth century, and that
the author, who has actually been identified with Kalidasa¹,
may at all events have been a contemporary of the great poet.
But it follows by no means that what we call the Sânkhya
Sutras must have existed before that time. The metrical
Kârikâ seems in this case older than the Sutras, and where
there are literal coincidences between the two, it has been
shown that the metrical version is the more original 2.
With regard to the Vaiseshika also, we can prove the
existence of at least one work, the Vaiseshika-nikâya- dasapa-
dârtha-sâstra, composed by Giânakandra 3 , previous to Hiouen-
thsang's time, because he translated it into Chinese, and his
translation is still in existence. In this case, however, the
Sanskrit original has not yet been discovered .
It certainly would be going too far were we to conclude
from the fact that Hiouen-thsang did not translate and did not
even mention the authoritative Vaiseshika Sûtras by Kanada
that therefore they did not exist at his time . Much less
should I venture to apply this line of argument to the Sarva-
darsana-sangraha. Still we ought to take note of it . Hiouen-
thsang evidently knew the Vedanta-philosophy, for he speaks
of Aupanishadas, which can only be an older name of the
followers of the Vedanta. He tells us that he studied Nyâya
under a Brahman, and he mentions several works on Nyaya,
which were written by Buddhists :-
1. Nyâya-dvâra-târaka-sastra by Gina Bodhisattva (i, 188 )
or Nagarguna (i, 102 ) , explained by Dharmapâla (i , 191 ).
2. Nyâyânusâra-sastra by Sanghabhadra (i , 93 ; ii , 183 ;
227), edited by Vasubandhu (i, 108).
He mentions the Sankhya and Vaiseshika systems by name
.
1 See Sankhya-sara, ed. Hall, pref. p. 29. Hall, 1. c., p. 11.

* See above, p. 312.
(i, 225), and relates how Gunamati had defeated a famous stu-
dent of the Sankhya-philosophy, called Mâdhava (ii, 442).
It is difficult to say anything about the Yoga-philosophy,
because that name was adopted by the Buddhists themselves.
Gina Bodhisattva was a teacher of Yoga (iii, 110) , and Hiouen-
thsang's chief object in going to India was to study there (i,
144) that very Yoga-philosophy which he had studied already
in China from such books as the Saptadasa-bhûmi-sâstra (by
Maitreya Bodhisattva, iii, 109) , afterwards called Yogakarya-
bhûmi-sâstra (i, 13 ; 118) . One of the books which he most
carefully studied during his stay in India was the Yogâkârya-
bhûmi-sâstra-kârikâ (i, 211 ) .
If we turn to the literature of the Gainas, we find in the
Kalpasûtra (ed. Jacobi, p . 35) only one system of philosophy
mentioned, the Shashți-tantra, and this is explained by the
commentator (p. 101 ) as Kapilîya-sâstra, so called on account
of the sixty padârthas¹ . In other passages, however, this Sha-
shti-tantra is mentioned by the side of the Kâpila, the system
of Kapila, and it becomes extremely doubtful, therefore, whether
the two were originally identical, or whether the Kâpila system
is a later form of the Shashti-tantra² . In the Anuyogadvâra-
sâstra, quoted by Weber, the principal systems of philosophy
mentioned are : Vaiseshika, Buddhasâsana, Kâpila, Lokayata,
Shashtitantra, while in the later Shaddarsana - samukkaya the
author refers to the Sânkhya, Vaiseshika, Naiyâyika, Gaiminîya,
Bauddha, and Gaina systems³.
It is probably in the Sanskrit literature of the Buddhists
that we find the earliest mention of these systems . Thus
we read in the Lalita-vistara, p. 179, that the young Bodhi-
sattva had to study, besides many other subjects, the
Sankhya, the Yoga, the Vaiseshika, the Bârhaspatya, the
1 See also Bhagavatî (ed. Weber), ii, pp. 246-648.

2 According to Dr. Leumann, the Berlin MS. of the Nandisûtra leaves out
Kâvila. The Calcutta edition has it, and the Aupapâtika-Sûtra (§ 76) mentions
'the followers of the Sânkhya and the Yoga-philosophy, and of Kâpila, &c.'
3 Hall, Bibliography, p. 165. In Merutunga's Shaddârsanavikâra the six
systems discussed are : Gaina, Bauddha, Sânkhya, Gaiminiya or Mîmâmsà,
Aulûkya or Kânâda, and Gautamiya. See Journal of Royal Asiatic Society
of Bombay, ix, p. 147.
4 See above. p. 17.
Hetuvidya ' , &c. But again, these are but titles of philo-
sophical doctrines, and they cannot strictly be used to prove
the existence of the six collections of Sûtras which at present
are considered as the classical text-books of these systems.
Similar names, as is well known, occur in the Upanishads and
Brahmanas, and the first germs of the later growth of philo-
sophical thought may be discovered even in the hymns of the
Veda . But all this does not concern us at present, and with
regard to what does concern us, namely, the date of the six
Darsanas, as we now possess them, all we can say is that , as
yet, nothing has been produced to prove that they were com-
posed previous to 300 A.D.
Metrical Law- books.
There remains one more class of Sanskrit literature which

will no doubt be appealed to by many Sanskrit scholars as
being post-Vedic, and yet decidedly more ancient than the
1 In Ku Fa-hu's translation (A.D. 308 ) the whole paragraph is left out. This
does not, however, prove that it did not exist, as pas-ages referring to subjects
ofno immediate interest to Buddhists, or, it may be, unintelligible to them, are
sometimes passed over bythe translators. In Divâkara's translation ( A. D. 683) we
find certain portions ofthis paragraph rendered into Chinese, but others likewise
left out. Among the subjects in which the Bodhisattva excelled, are mentioned :
Quick jumping, racing, wrestling langhite, prákkalite) , writing, seals, counting-
numbers ( lipi-mudrâ-gananásankhyâ), archery, riding, going on the water,
cleverly managing horse and chariot, and (fishing with) a hook and line (sâlam-
bhadhanurvede gavite, plavite, asvaprishthe, rathe, ankusagrahapâsagrahe) ;
Matma (1) , gambling (akshakridá), physiognomy or expression of face (kâvya-
vyakarane ¹), drawing (grantharakite rûpe), carving (rûpakarmani), playing on
musical instruments (vinàyâm), singing and dancing (vâdyanritye), theatrical
performance (gitapathita âkhyâte), shampooing ( samvàhite), changing several
precious things, magic (manirage vastraråge måyåkrite), divining a dream
(svapnadhyaye), the marks of six kinds of animals (cows, horses, sheep, pigs,
dogs, and fowls) , and several mixed sorts of polite accomplishments (strilakshane ,
purushalakshane, asvalakshane, hastilakshane, golakshane, agalakshane, misrita
lak-hane) ; the Sastras of Keita (kaitabhesvara-lakshane) , Ni-ken-dzu (Nir-
ghantau), Pu-ra-na (Purâne), I-ki-ka-sha ( Itihase), I -da ( Vede), Ni-ro-ki
(Nirukte), Shik-sha (sikshâyâm ) , Shi-ka (Sânkbye !), Bi-shi-ka (Vaiseshike),
[could Kriyakalpe be meant for Gaiminlya ?] A-ta (arthavidyayam), king or
kings (Barhaspatye ?), A-bi-ri ( ?) , all birds and beasts (mrigapakshirute), the
science of sound (sabdavidyiyâm ?) , the science of cause (hetuvidyâyâm) . All
the polite accomplishments of men and gods he thoroughly understood. '
fourth century A.D., namely, the metrical Dharmasâstras, and

more particularly those of Manu and Yâgñavalkya.
It is generally supposed that Manu was a purely mythological
name, that it meant measurer, and therefore law- giver, that
it naturally became the name for moon, as the measurer of
times and seasons, and lastly a recognised name for man in
general, the measurer, the thinker. There is some truth in
all this, but it is curious nevertheless that Manu, the law-
giver, often discloses some personal traits of character even in
the vague traditions which are related of him.
When we read in the Rig-veda, VIII , 30, of ' the thirty-
three gods, the gods of Manu,' we ought no doubt to take
Manu as a representative of man in general. Yet, the definite
number of his gods, the Thirty-three, leaves an impression
that even here an individual man , or rather an individual
clan, was meant.
When we read in the Taittirîya- Samhitâ, II, 2 , 10 , 2 , ' What-
ever Manu said is medicine ',' we have again a kind of
suspicion that Manu must be more than a general name for
mankind, and that the saying possibly refers to a sage whose
utterances were remembered and recorded.
In the Brahmanas, Manu, as saved from the Deluge 2 , is no
doubt a mythical character, but as the father of Nâbhâne-
dishtha, and as laying down the law on inheritance (avava-
ditri), the historical element begins again to betray itself ³ .
It has been supposed that even our Manu Svâyambhuva is
sometimes referred to as a legal authority in very early times.
There is a curious passage in the Nirukta ( III, 4 ) in which
Manu Svâyambhuva is quoted, and again on the very subject of
inheritance. It is true the passage comes in rather incon-
gruously, but unless we start with the a priori conviction that
there can be nothing incongruous in an ancient Sanskrit
author, we can hardly off-hand reject the passage as a forgery.
6
The verse (sloka) quoted says : The share of sons, of boys and
girls, is the same according to law, Manu Svâyambhuva said
so in the beginning of the creation .'
¹ M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 89 .

2 Ibid. p. 425. 3 Ibid. p. 423 .
This seems indeed to imply the existence of a legal au-

thority under the name of Manu Svâyambhuva, but though the
wording strongly reminds us of the phraseology of our Manu ,
the doctrine is not his, unless we completely twist the mean-
ing of Manu IX, 105, where it is said that the eldest brother
takes possession of the patrimony, while the others live under
him , as they lived under their father. This would hardly
be the same thing as that all children take equal shares as
heirs . The Nirukta goes on quoting the opinions of other
teachers : Some say that daughters do not (inherit ). Hence
it is known that a male is an heir (dâyâda) , not a female.
Therefore they expose a female, not a male child. Females
are given away, sold, and exposed , not males ; though some say,
males also, as we see in the case of Sunahsepa.'
I pointed out (see p. 235) that Manu, a real Manu, seems
to have had something to do with the first introduction.
of Sraddhas, and in a passage of the Sankhâyana Grihya
Sûtras (II, 16) Manu's name is again quoted in support of the
doctrine that at Sraddhas, or, more accurately, at a sacrifice in
which the Pitris are the deities, also at a Madhuparka and a
Soma sacrifice, the killing of cattle is allowed . This is not
only the teaching of Manu, but the very words, as here
quoted by Sankhâyana, have been incorporated in our text of
Manu (V, 41 ) . There are many more such references to a
Manu ' , as well as quotations, both in prose and in verse, occur-
ring in the Dharmasûtras and embodying Manu's own peculiar
doctrines, so that we can hardly doubt that there was, during
the Brahmana and Sûtra periods, some real Manu, or some
real clan claiming descent from Manu, and possessing some
collection of legal saws.
It is well known also that the Mahabharata contains many
verses ascribed to Manu, some of which form part of our
Dharmasastra, others do not.
But when we come to the question whether a metrical
Mânava Dharmasastra, or a Bhrigu-samhità in twelve books,
is ever appealed to either during Vedic times, or in early
Buddhistic writings where there was so much opportunity for
¹ See Buhler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, pp. xvii-xx.
it, or even during the first centuries of the Renaissance period ,

our answer must be in the negative.
I am willing to admit that Bâna's mention in the Harshakarita
of Dharmasâstrins¹ and Paurânikas proves the existence of cer-
tain Dharmasâstras and Purânas in the seventh century A. D. I
may admit even that the fact ofVarâhamihira quotingfrom Manu
a number of slokas, proves his knowledge of a Manu- Dharma-
sâstra, though certainly not of the one which we possess. But it
is well known that what we call the Manu-samhitâ is in reality
a Bhrigu-samhitâ² , and certainly the spirit of the lines quoted
by Varâhamihira as coming from Manu, is very different from
the spirit that pervades our Manu-samhitâ in its chapter on
Women. Nor is it likely that these verses, a string of regular
slokas, were taken from the Mânava-dharma Sûtras, the cha-
racter of which has lately been so well described by P. von
Bradke in his careful essay, ' Über das Mânava Grihya Sûtra .'
They may be taken, however, from earlier editions ofthe Manu-
samhitâ, which are often quoted under the names of Vriddha
and Brihat Manu³.
And here it should be remembered that even Vriddha Manu
was acquainted with the Greek zodiacal signs, for in a passage,
quoted in the commentary on the Gobhiliya Grihya Sûtras, he
speaks of the sun entering the sign of Kanyâ, i.e. Virgo 4.
From whatever source therefore these verses are taken ,
they would in no way prove the existence of our twelve
books of Manu at the time of Varâhamihira. How much
later than the fourth century A. D. our Manu- samhitâ may
prove to be, I do not wish to discuss at present, as, I have
no doubt, that this question will soon be treated by far
abler hands, by Dr. Burnell and Professor Bühler in their
promised translations of Manu. All I am concerned with is
the absence of any proofs of its existence previous to 300 A.D.
¹ Hall, Vasavadattâ, pref. 53.

2 See Sankhya-sâra, ed. Hall, pref. p. 8. Pankasikhah sûtrakâra âsuri-
sishyah. Kâpilam iti prasiddhis tu sampradâya-pravritteh, Bhriguproktasam-
hitâyâm iva Manusamâkhyâ.
3 On Vriddha and Brihat, see Sarvadhikâri's Tagore Lectures, p. 168.
Madhye vâ yadi vâpyante yatra Kanyâm vraged ravih
Sapakshah sakalah sreshthah srâddhashodasakam prati.
NOTE H, p. 137.
TEXTS ON THE DELUGE.
The Varaha or Boar.
Taittiriya Samhità VII, 1 , 5, 1¹ : -

Apo va idám ágre salilám âsît, tásmin pragapatir vâyúr
bhutvakarat, sá imẩm apayat , tẩm varihó bhutvabarat, tấm
visvákarma bhûtva vỳamârf.
Saprathata, sa prithivỳ abhavat, tát prithivyaí prithivítvám .
Tásyâm asramyat pragapatih, sá devan asrigata, vásûn rudrấn
âdityan.
Té devah pragapatim abruvan, prá gâyâmahâ íti . Sò 'bra-
vit 1 yáthâhám yushmams tápasasrikshy evám tápasi
pragánanam ikkhadhvam íti.
Tébhyo ' gním âyátanam prayakkhad , eténâyátanena srâm-
yatéti. Tè 'gnínâyátanenâsrâmyan, té samvatsará ékâm gam
asriganta, tấm vásabhyo rudrébhya âdityébhyah prẩyakkhan ,
etam rakshadhvam íti, tẩm vásavo rudra âdityấ arakshanta.
Taittiriva-Brahmana I, 1 , 3, 5 seq.:-
Apo va idám ágre salilám âsit . Téna pragapatir asram-
yat 5 Katham idám syâd íti . Sò 'pasyat pushkaraparnám
tishthat. So ' manyata ásti vaí tát, yásminn idám ádhitishtha-
tîti. Sá varâhó rûpám krítvópanyàmaggat. Sá prithivẩm
adhá ârkkhat, tásya upahátyódamaggat. Tát pushkaraparné
'prathayat. Yád áprathayat # 6 tát prithivyaí prithivitvám .
Ábhûd va idám íti, tád bhumyai bhůmitvám.
Satapatha-Brahmana XIV, 1 , 2 , 11 : —
Atha varâhavihatam, iyaty agre âsid îtiyatî ha vâ iyam
agre prithivy asa pradesamâtri. Tâm emûsha iti varaha
* See Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, i, 75 ; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts,

i, p. 52.
uggaghâna so ' syâh patih pragâpatis tenaivainam etanmi-

thunena priyena dhâmnâ samardhayati kritsnam karoti.
The Kurma or Tortoise.
Satapatha- Brahmana VII , 5, 1 , 5 :—

Sa yat kûrmo nâma, etad vai rûpam kritvâ pragâpatih
praga asrigata yad asrigatâkarot tad yad akarot tasmât kûrmah
kasyapo vai kûrmas tasmâd âhuh sarvâh pragâh kâsyapya
iti 15. Sa yah sa kûrmo ' sau sa âdityah .
Taittirîya-Âranyaka I, 23 , 1 : —
Yo rasah so ' pâm antaratah kûrmam bhûtam sarpantam tam
abravît, mama vai tvanmanasâ samabhût. Nety abravit,
pûrvam evâham ihâsam iti. Tat purushasya purushatvam
iti.
The Annual Deluge.
Plutarch De Solertia Animalium (ed. Reiske, 10, p . 37):-

Οἱ μὲν οὖν μυθολόγοι τῷ Δευκαλίωνί φασι περιστερὰν ἐκ τῆς
λάρνακος ἀφιεμένην, δήλωμα γενέσθαι, χειμῶνος μὲν, εἴσω πάλιν
ἐνδυομένην, εὐδίας δὲ, ἀποπτᾶσαν.
Page 153. The following passage from the Aitareya-Âran-

yaka III, 1 , 2 , 2, shows that during a heavy rain people used
to say that heaven and earth embraced each other : Tad utâpi
yatraitad balavad anûdgrihnan sandadhad ahorâtre varshati
dyâvâprithivyau samadhâtâm ity utâpyâhuh. See Sacred
Books of the East, vol . i, p . 249 : ( ' The first half is the earth,
the second half the heaven, their uniting the rain, the uniter
Parganya. ) And so it is when it ( Parganya) rains thus strongly,
without ceasing, day and night together, then they say also,
" Heaven and earth have come together."
NOTE I, p. 194.
ON PARGANYA IN GERMAN.
I am afraid that Slavonic scholars may think that I have

represented the identity of Parganya and the Lithuanian Per-
kuna as more certain than it really is . Though I have pointed
out one difficulty, namely, the Lithuanian guttural tenuis k
taking the place of a Sanskrit palatal media, I ought perhaps
to have added that the transition of Perkuna into the Old
Slav. Perunŭ is not free from difficulties either. G. Krek
(Einleitung in die Slavische Literaturgeschichte, Gratz, 1874,
p . 101 ) still keeps to the old derivation of Perunŭ (thunder)
from a root pr, ferire, and looks upon the k as a phonetic
intrusion, as in Lith. arklas Old Slav. oralo. The name
Perkuna, however, seems older than the forms without the k,
for it occurs in the Lithuanian Dainos ( Schleicher, Handbuch
der Litauischen Sprache, vol. ii, p. 1 seq. ). In Russian the
name of Perun is mentioned by Nestor (about 1100 A.D. ) ,
while Perkunŭ still occurs in old Russian documents of the
thirteenth century (Kerk, 1. c., p . 101 , n . 3 ) . All this is diffi
cult to explain ; yet Slavonic scholars would hardly feel
inclined to admit two different deities, one Perkunů, the
other Perun. Here we must wait for further researches, par-
ticularly with reference to the phonetic laws of the Slavonic
languages.
But if the identification of Parganya with Perkuna is not
quite free from doubt, this is much more the case with another
identification of Parganya with the Gothic fairguni, first
suggested by Grimm in his Teutonic Mythology, and sup-
ported by him, as may be expected , with very powerful
arguments. Fairguni in Gothic means mountain, and Grimm
thinks that the chief mountains, being considered originally
as the seat of the thunder-god , may after a time have been
B b
called by his name, as we speak of the St. Bernard, instead of

the Mount of St. Bernard, and that, still later, the name of the
chief mountain may have become the name for mountain in
general. As relics of the proper name he points out Fer-
gunna, an old name of the Erzgebirge, and Virgunia, the tract
of wooded mountains between Ansbach and Ellwangen, etc.
The name of the god, if it had been preserved in Gothic, would
have been Fairguneis, and the existence of that name is con-
firmed by the Old Norse Fiörgyn, fem. , gen. Fiörgynior, the
goddess of the Earth, the mother of Thor, and by Fiörgynn,
masc. , gen. Fiörgyns, the father of Frigg, the wife of Odin.
A young and talented scholar, Professor Zimmer, has lately
supported the same view by some more and very ingenious
arguments, in the Zeitschrift für Deutsches Alterthum, Neue
Folge, vol. ii, p. 163 seq. According to him, the Northern
nations formed a feminine deity Fiörgyn by the side of the
masculine Fiörgynn . This Fiörgyn, as a feminine, was meant
for the Earth, just as Parganya's wife was Prithivî, the
Earth. Ôtinn , who took the place of Tŷr (Dyaus), and of
the male Fiörgynn (Parganya), was the husband of Iörd, the
Earth, and became naturally the husband also of Fiörgyn,
the Earth, while Fiörgynn himself became absorbed in Thorr.
If therefore Thorr is called the first son of Odinn, this is the
same as Parganya being called the son of Dyaus, and if
Thórr is called Iardar burr and Fiörgynjar burr, this is the
same as Parganya being called the son of Prithivî, though
being her husband also.
Grimm in his German Dictionary, vol. i, p. 1052 , thinks
that Greeks and Romans, changing f into h, represented
Fergunna or Fergunnia by Hercynia, and he traces in the end
both berg and burg back to Parganya.
NOTE K , p. 227.
ON THE PITRIS OR FATHERS.
In Manu the belief in the Pitris or Fathers and the rules

for their worship have assumed a most complicated character,
and there are many passages that might be quoted by those
who hold that in India also a belief in the Fathers came first,
and a belief in the Devas followed afterwards. There are
other arguments too that might be used in support of such
a theory, and I wonder they have not been used, though I do
not think they can be upheld against the mass of evidence on
the other side. The name of the oldest and greatest among
the Devas, for instance, is not simply Dyaus, but Dyaush-pitâ,
Heaven-Father, and there are several other names of the same
character, not only in Sanskrit, but in Greek and Latin also.
Does it not look as if Dyaus, the sky, had become personal and
worshipful, only after he had been raised to the category of a
Pitri, a father, and that this predicate of Father must have
been elaborated first, before it could have been used to com-
prehend Dyaus, the sky, Varuna, and other Devas ? This
sounds plausible, nor do I deny that there may be some truth
in it. But it is not the whole truth, and nothing, I believe, is
so constant a source of error as this mistaking of some truth for
the whole truth. The Vedic poets believed in Devas, gods,
if we must so call them, literally, the bright ones ; Pitris,
fathers ; and Manushyas, men, mortals '. Who came first
and who came after is difficult to say, but as soon as the three
were placed side by side, the Devas certainly stood highest,
then followed the Pitris, and last came the mortals . Ancient
thought did not go so far as to comprehend the three under
one common concept, but it paved the way to it . The mortals,
after passing through death, became Fathers, and the Fathers
¹ Atharva-veda X, 6, 31.
Bb 2
became the companions of the Devas. This answered for

a time- it was some truth, but not the whole truth .
In Manu there is a decided advance beyond this point.
The world, all that moves and rests, we are told (Manu III,
201 ), has been made by the Devas, but the Devas and Dânavas
were born of the Pitris, and the Pitris of the Rishis. The
Rishis were originally the poets of the Veda, where their
number is given as seven, the Sapta Rishayah¹. How they
came to be placed above the Devas, and above the Pitris, is
difficult to understand ; still so they are, at least at the time
of Manu. He gives even their names and genealogy 2.
Manu Hairanyagarbha
His sons, the seven Rishis.
Virag Marîki Atri Kavi ( Bhrigu) Angiras Pulastya Vasishtha
Their sons, the Pitris.
Somasads Agnishvâttas Barhishads Somapas Havishmats Agyapas Sukalins
Their descendants.
Sâdhyas Devas Daityas Brahmanas Kshatriyas Vaisyas Sûdras
He then mentions the Pitris who belong exclusively to the

Brahmanas :
Agnidagdhas, Anagnidagdhas, Kâvyas, Barhishads , Agnish-

vâttas, Saumyas.
The first book of Manu tells us of seven Manus (I, 61 ) .
These were :
Svâyambhuva, Svârokisha, Auttami, Tâmasa, Raivata,

Kâkshusha, Vaivasvata.
Svâyambhuva Manu is said by Kullûka to have been the
grandson of Brahman or Svayambhu, and would therefore have
to be taken as the son of Virâg (I, 32 ). But in another place
(I, 58) we read of Manu Svâyambhuva receiving the law from
Brahman, and teaching the code to the Munis ( Rishis) , viz .
Marîki and the rest, including Bhrigu . Again, our Manu
Svâyambhuva tells us that he first created ten Pragâpatis, viz .
Mariki, Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Praketas,
Vasishtha, Bhrigu, Nârada,
and that these created the seven Manus.
1 Rig-veda IV, 42, 2 Manu III, 193 and 198.
8.
ON THE PITRIS OR FATHERS . 373
These Manus are intimately connected with the theory of

the Yugas and Kalpas.
( 1 ) The Krita-Yuga 1,728,000 years

(2 ) The Tretâ-Yuga 1,296,000 years
(3 ) The Dvâpara-Yuga 864,000 years
(4 ) The Kali-Yuga 432,000 years
A Mahâyuga 4,320,000 years

71
A Manu period = 306,720,000 years

14
4,294,080,000 years
With fifteen intervals
of 1,728,000 each . 25,920,000 years
4.320,000,000 years,
which is one short day of Brahman.
In this way the tradition about the Fathers and the Rishis
and the Manus and Pragapatis goes on growing, different
conceptions being mixed up together, each family or school
adding their own legends, till in the Purânas the confusion.
exceeds all bounds, and the original germs of sense are
smothered beneath a thick layer of mere nonsense.
NOTE L, p. 242 .
ON SRÂDDHAS.
In the Nirnaya-sindhu the Srâddhas are classified under

twelve heads1 :-
1. Nitya-srâddha ; perpetual, obligatory, daily offerings to
ancestors, without the Vaisvadeva offerings². A man who is
unable to offer anything else may perform this srâddha with
water.
2. Naimittika-srâddha ; occasional, as, for instance, the
ekoddishta, i. e. the srâddha intended for a person lately de-
ceased, and not yet incorporated with the Pitris. This, too, is
without the Vaisvadeva offering, and the number of Brâhmanas
invited should be unequal.
3. Kâmya-srâddha ; voluntary, or rather, offered for a special
object.
4. Vriddhi-srâddha ; offered on occasions of rejoicing or
prosperity, such as the birth of a son, etc.
5. Sapindana-srâddha ; performed when the recently de-
parted is incorporated among the Pitris. For this srâddha
four pâtras or vessels are required, full of sesame and scented
water for argha, and the vessel of the recently deceased person
is poured into the vessels of the Pitris, with the two verses
' ye samânâh.' It is in one sense an ekoddishta, and for the
rest to be performed like the nitya-srâddha. It can be offered
for a woman also ³.
6. Pârvana-srâddha ; performed on a parvan day, i . e. new
moon, the eighth day, the fourteenth day, and full moon.
7. Goshthî-srâddha ; performed in a goshthî (house of
assembly), for the benefit of a number of learned men.
8. Suddhi-srâddha ; performed for the expiation of some sin,
1 See Colebrooke, Life and Essays, vol. ii, p. 196 ; Wilson, Vishnu-purana,
p. 314.
2
Vishnu-purâna, p. 326. 3 See Yâgnavalkya I, 252-253-
ON SRADDHAS . 375
and including the feeding of Brahmanas. It forms part of a

prâyaskitta, or expiatory rite.
9. Karmanga-srâddha ; forming part of some other ceremony,
such as the Samskâras or sacraments at birth, etc.
10. Daiva-srâddha ; offered for the sake of the Devas.
11. Yâtrâ-srâddha ; performed by a person going on a
journey, for his safe return.
12. Pushti-srâddha ; performed for the sake of health and
wealth ; also called aupakâyika.
The four principal Srâddhas are the Pârvana, Ekoddishta,
Vriddhi, and Sapindana srâddhas.
Sraddhas may be performed in one's own house, or in some
secluded and pure place. There are besides certain localities
which are considered particularly favourable to the perform-
ance of the ancestral rites, and these naturally vary during
different periods of Indian history. In the Mahabharata the
following are mentioned as particularly sacred : Kurukshetra,
Gaya, Ganga, Sarasvatî, Prabhâsa, Pushkara . In the Âditya-
purâna Gayâkshetra is described as five krosas, Gayasiras as
one krosa, west of the great river as far as the mountain
Gridhresvara, north of Brahmayapa, as far as Dakshina-
mânasa (?) . Other localities are mentioned also as particularly
unfavourable for the performance of Srâddhas, and a careful
study of these places, both favourable and unfavourable to
the performance of Sraddhas, would be very instructive as to
the geographical horizon of successive generations.
The number of Sraddhas to be performed each year by those
who can afford it varies considerably, but ninety-six seems to be
a generally received number. Mr. Bourguin, in his translation
of the Dharmasindhu (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of
Bombay, 1881 , p. 22), enumerates them as follows : - Twelve
Amâ or new-moon rites ; four Yuga and fourteen Manu rites
(i . e. on the anniversary days of the beginnings of the fourteen
Manvantaras and the four Yugas) ; twelve Krânti, corre-
sponding to the twelve passages of the sun into the zodiacal
mansions ; twelve Dhriti, performed on the day of the month
the sun and the moon are on the same side of either solstice,
but of opposite direction ; twelve Pâta, performed on the day
of the month the sun and the moon are on opposite sides of
either solstice and their declination is the same ; fifteen

Mahalaya, great funeral rites and sacrifices performed at the
end of the Hindu lunar year in the month of Bhadrapada
(which is the last month of the year of the era of Vikramâ-
ditya, but not of Sâlivâhana, showing that Vikramâditya's era
was once followed by all Hindus (?), as now even those who
follow Sâlivâhana's era still perform those rites according to
Vikramaditya's calendar in the month of Bhadrapada) ; five
Ashtakas, performed on the eighth day of five months of the
year ; five Anvashtakas, performed on the ninth day of five
months of the year ; and five Pûrvedyuh, performed on the
seventh day of five months of the year.' This is summed up in
the following verse :
अमामनुयुगक्रांतिधृतिपातमहालयाः ।
अन्वष्टक्यं तु पूर्वेद्युः पणवत्यः प्रकीर्तिताः ॥
It should be remarked, however, as Colebrooke pointed out ,
that different authorities do not concur exactly in the number,
or in the particular days, when the Srâddhas should be
solemnized.
Note to page 328. I have received the following note from

Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio with reference to the Chinese transla-
tion of the Amara-kosha mentioned by Stanislas Julien . It
shows how careful we ought to be in using the statements
even of the very best Chinese scholars.
' I venture to say a few words on this statement of M.

Stanislas Julien. According to the Khâi-yuen-lu (compiled
A. D. 730), fasc. 7 , fol. 6 a, the titles of the Chinese translation
in question are-
1
. Fân-wai-kwo-yu, lit. " translation-
foreign ( outside ' )-country-word .”
‘2. 1! ↑ Kü-shö-lun-yin-yuen-sh', lit.

66
Kosha-sâstra-hetu -pratyaya-vastu . ”
3. Tsâ-sh', lit. " Samyukta-vastu.”

'The two latter titles are given in a note under the first title.
ON SRADDHAS. 377
The work is said to have been in seven fasciculi, and already

missing in A. D. 730, when the Khâi-yuen-lu was compiled.
From the second title, I can judge that the work might
have been one which treated or explained the subject of the
six kinds of cause ( Hetu) and the four kinds of co-operating
cause (pratyaya)-these being the subjects fully discussed
in the second chapter of the Abhidharmakosha- sûstra, by
Vasubandhu. But there is no trace in the three different
titles of the Amara-kosha.
The name of the translator may be Kulanatha, instead of
Gunarata ; because this name is translated Tshin-i ,
lit. " intimate-relying, " though it is transliterated Kü -nâ-lo-
tho (Kü -lo-nâ-tho ?) . See my Catalogue, col. 423 (Appen-
dix II), No. 104.
Kulanâtha (Guzarata) or Paramartha first worked at trans-
lations, A. D. 548-557, under the Liân dynasty, A.D. 502-557 ;
then A. D. 557-569 , under the Khan dynasty, A. D. 557-589 .
He did not, however, work during the reign of the Emperor
Wou-ti, of the Tcheou (Keu) dynasty, who reigned A.D.
561-577 (not 566, when the name of the year was changed
into a new one, which happened once more in 572 ) . Anyhow
it is strange that Julien mentions this Emperor, who be-
longed only to a secondary dynasty, contemporaneous with
the Khan, and was one of four famous sceptical Chinese rulers
with regard to Buddhism.
B. N.'
INDEX .
ABBA Seen river, the, p. 173 note. Âkhyânas, 88.

Abhidharma-gana-prasthâna - sâstra, Akshapada, 360.
309. Akshayamati, 303 note, 305.
Abhidharmakosha-sâstra, 302 note, Akyutapreksha, 360 note.
304, 309, 377. Alankara, 331. See Dharmakirti.
Abhiriki dialect, 295. Albiruni, 282 note, 283, 294, 320,
Abraiaman, 56. 337.
Abu Fazl . 57- Alexander, 19.
Active side of human nature in Eu- Indian river names, at the time
rope, 99. of, 169.
Adam and Eve, 29 . army of, turned back on the Vipås,
Adhvaryava, the, 354 note. 172.
Indian rivers known to, 172, 173.
Adhyaraga, 331. effects of his conquest of India,
Adi Brahma Samâj, 143 note. 274.
Adisura, court of, 329 note. Ali Musjid Tope , 294.
Aditi, meaning of, 196. Allahabad, 77.
connected with the Dawn, 197. All-Sacrifice, the, 67.
Alphabet, 18, 203.
Aditya, 138-195- whence derived, 18.
Adityas, the, 185, 196, 219, 223, 322. Ionian and Phonician, 203.
Adrogha, not deceiving, 65. two used in Asoka's inscriptions,
Adrogha-vak, 65. 206.
Aeneas, 29. Ama, twelve, 375.
Aerial gods, 148. Amara, or Amarasimha, 327.
Aeschylos, 205. Amaradeva, 327.
Afghan, 37. Amara-kosha, the, 334, 342, 376,
Afghans or Pushtus, 170. 377-
Afghanistan, 139. Chinese translation ofthe, 318, 376.
Agita, 305. Amaru, 339.
Agita Kesakambala , 336. Amitabha worship , 87.
Agni, 144, 145, 148, 155, 176, 226, Amrita-bhuvana, the, 316.
230, 245, 252. Amsa, 196.
- presence of, 177. Ananta , 300.
Agni ignis, 23, 182. Anaxagoras, 157, 205.
Agnihotra sacrifice, 127. Anaximander, 205.
Ahin Posh Tope, 293. Anaximenes, 105.
Ahura Mazda, 224 note. Ancestor worship, 221.
Αίλουρος, 262, 266. Herbert Spencer on, 221.
Aindra grammar, the, 351 . Ancestors, spirits , 220, 233-
Air, gods of the, 244- Ancient myths, 152.
Aitareya Brahmana, on heaven and Ancient Sanskrit literature, 88, 89,
earth, 156. 95.97.
Akbar, 57- Afigana, 313. 316.
Axeairs Asikni, 165, 173. Angiras, 225, 372.
380 INDEX.
Anhilpura dynasty, 284. Aryan man, the, 95.

Animal enmities, 264. race, ancestors of the, 117.
Animism , 109, religion, 141.
Annals ofthe After Han Dynasty, 275. Aryans of India, 12, 15.
Annals of the Sui dynasty, 275.
Annual Deluge, 368. Âryasûra, 211 note, 355.
Anrita, 64. Âryâvarta, 282.
Ansik or Parthia, 275. As, the root, 26.
Antiochus the Great, 259. -to breathe, 26.
Antipodes, the, 198. Asanga, 282, 302 , 303, 305, 306, 309,
Anumâna, 346. 312.
Anushtubh, wife of Mitra, 145 note. his Yogâkâryabhûmi -sâstra, 303.
Anuyogadvâra-sâstra, 362 . his pupils, 305.
Ashâdha, full moon of, 128 note.
systems of philosophy in the, 362. Ashâdha Sudi, 286.
Anvâhârya Srâddha , 240. Ashtadhâtu, 344.
Anvashtakas , five, 376.
Ashtakas, five, 376.
Âpastamba, 92 note, 237. Asikni, Akesines, 165, 165 note, 172.
Apes, 10. Asmi, I am, 25, 26.
Aphrodisius, 320 note. Asoka, 87, 206, 216, 297.
Aphrodite, Io. his edicts in local dialects, 77-
Apollo, 108, 201, 217. his inscriptions , 292.
Âra, suffix, 296, 296 note. his date, 306.
Arab Lunar Stations , 130. Assyrian treasures at Mykenae, 259.
Arabia, 32, 33. Astronomers, early Indian, 318.
Aranya-mârgâra, wild cat, 264. Astronomy, ancient, in India, 129,
Aranyaka, 209. 130, 133.
Aratus, 322. - in China, 132.
Araxes, 166. Asu, âs, ôs, ôris, 26.
Archæology in India, 8. Asuras, 219.
Archæological Survey of India, 8. Âsuri, 361.
Ârgîkîyâ, 165 note, 166, 166 note, 172 Asvagosha, 312.
note. Asvins, the, 145, 197.
Arklas, Lith. = oralo, Old Slav. , 369. Atharva-veda, 66, 265.
Arrian, pupil of Epictetus, 55. Atharvans, 225.
Indian rivers known to, 171, 172. Athene, 217.
Art poetry of India, 353. A0λov and aλa, 164 note.
Artabanus, 274. 'Alλopópos = vâgambhara, 164 note.
Artaxerxes Mnemon, 54. Atithi, or guest, 49.
Artemis , 108. Âtman, the Self, 245-6, 251 , 252.
Aruna Aupavesi, 72. Âtmanepada, 342.
Aryabhata the elder, the astronomer, Atri, 372.
294, 318, 319. Audgâtra, 354 note.
- born at Pâtaliputra, 319. Aufrecht, Professor, 341.
- - his works, 319. Augustus, 353.
- mentions the Zodiac, 322. Aulûkya or Kânâda system, 362 note.
Aryabhata the younger, 319 note. Aupanishadas, 360, 361 .
Aryabhatiya Sutra, 319. Aupapâtika-Sutra, 362 note.
-divisions of the, 319 . Avaiki, the shades, 151.
Avatâra of the Fish, 133.
Aryadeva, disciple of Âkârya Nâgâr-
guna, 304. Tortoise, 133.
Boar, 133 .
Aryadeva, a Brahman pupil of Vasu-
bandhu , 305. Avataras of Vishnu, three, 133 , 138.
Aryaman, 196. Avyayavritti, 334 note.
Arya- mangu, 337 . Ayin Akbari, the, 57.
Ayodhya, 170.
Âryâ metre, its chronological charac- Azor, the hawk, 265.
ter, 320.
Aryan family, 23. BABEL, tower of, 29.
-seven branches of the, 23. Babrius, 263.
separation, 23. Babylon, 15, 18.
- or Indo- European, 27. Babylonian division of time, 18.
INDEX. 381
Babylonian Bull, 30. Bhadrabahu's Kalpasútra, 336.

-influences on Vedic poems, 125. Bhadrapada, the month, 376.
-on Vedic astronomy, 126. Bhaga, 196.
-Zodiac, 138, 139. Baga, Bogu , 182.
Bactria, 139, 259, 274- Bhagadatta, king, 131 note.
Bactrian conquests in India, 298. Bhagavadgitâ, the, 90, 252.
Badami, inscription of, 297. Bhagavat, Supreme Lord, 252.
Badarayana's list of the Zodiacal signs, Bhaktâmarastotra , Gain commentary
324. on, 330 note.
founderoftheUttara- mimâmsa, 359. Bhandi, 288.
Baga, Bhaga, and Bogă, 182. Bhao Daji, 306, 313 note, 336.
Baladitya, 317. 332. on inscription with Kalidâsa's
Balance, sign of the, 322. name, 91 note.
Letronne on the, 322. on the Samvat era, 284.
Balasastrin, 340, 341. --- Saka era, 294.
Balavaya, 266. - Max Müller's discussion with, 301
Ballabhi, 77. See Valabhi. note.
Ballantyne, 4. on the true date of Kalidasa, 312.
Bana, 307, 308, 315, 328, 330, 331. - on the identification of Matrigupta
331 note, 332, 334, 338, 358, and Kalidasa, 313, 315 note.
360, 366. Bharata, 70, 332 .
his account of Siladitya, 287. Mallika, 350.
author of the Harshakarita, 329. Bharavi, 91 , 93, 301 , 328.
- not Dhavaka, 329 note. Bhartribhatta, or Bartrimentha, 314
-works quoted by, 331. note.
Bappapada, see Sri Bappapâda. Bhartrihari, 310, 347, 348, 349, 350,
Barhaspatya, 362 . 351.
Barzoi, 93, 356. sentences of, 90.
Bastian, on the Polynesian Myths, - the brother of Vikramaditya, 349,
150 note. 351.
Bauddha system, 362, 362 note. various names for, 350.
Bauddhasangati or sangiti, 332. Bhartrimentha, or Bhartribhatta, or
Baudhayana, 92 note. Bhartrihari, 328.
-mention of some Zodiacal signs, Bhasa, a dramatist, 331.
322. Bhashya, 353.
Baudhayana Sûtras, 354, 354 note. Bhaskara Åkarya, 320.
Bazodeo - Vasudeva, 297. Bhaskara- bhatta = Vidyapati, 320 note.
Beal's Catalogue of the Buddhist Bhaskara Misra's commentary on the
Tripitaka, 342. Black Yagur-veda, 354 note.
Bedd Gelert, Chinese version of, the Bhaskaravarman, king of Kamarûpa,
date of, 264. 288.
Bedia-ad-din, on the date of Becker- Bhatta, 335-
madul Vikramaditya, 317. Bhattara Harikandra, 331.
Bedi ezr Zenan, his account of the Bhatti, same as Bhartrihari, 350.
Indians, 271. Bhattikavya, 350.
Bedouins, 130. Bhattogidikshita, 340, 341 , 342.
Behar, people of, 37. Bhattotpala, 320.
Behat, 166, 173. Bhavabhuti, 314, 328, 332, 334, 339.
Benga!, people of, 37. Bhavasvamin , 354, 354 note.
villages in, 47 note. Bhavaviveka, 311, 312.
schools, 62 note. Bhavnagar, 250.
Bengalese, 37- Bhayabarastavana, 338.
Bengali , 82, 141 . Bhils. 49 .
Perg and burg, traced by Grimm to Bhishma, death of, 70.
Parganya, 370. Bhoga, the older, or laditya Prata-
Beryl , 266. pasila, 289 note, 330, 334 note.
-mines of, 266. Bhoga, king of Dhara, 184, 321 note,
Beyond, the, 105, 201 , 219, 243. 331 note.
-a, 175. Bhogaraga, 334 note.
- how named, 163. Bhoomka, 269.
Bhadra, 349. Bhrigu samhita, 365, 366.
382 INDEX.
Bhrigus, 176 , 225 . Buddhapâlita, 304.

Bhuta dialect, 358.
Bhúta sacrifice, 229 . Buddhasamgiti -sûtra, 332 note.
Buddhasasana , 362.
Bias, or Byah, 172 . Buddha Viragas, 299.
Bibasis, 172 note. Buddhism, 13, 89.
Bible, 119.
- Sanskrit words in the, 10. chief source of our fables, 9, 355-
- teaches us little of the whole rise of, 87 , 215 .
Jewish race, 119. adopted by Asoka, 87.
Bibliographical survey of India, 83. Mahâyâna form of, 87.
literature of, 89.
Bi- metallic currency, 19. Conference on, 278 .
Biot, 130.
in Ceylon, 278 .
Bipasis, 172 note.
Black Yagur-veda, 354 note . and Christianity, coincidences be-
Boar and the Deluge, 134. tween, 279.
Buddhist collection of Gâtaka-stories,
Bodhi-tree destroyed, 287 note.
Bodhihridayotpâda- sâstra, 309 note. 355.
Bodhikittotpada , 308, 309.. Birth Stories, Rhys Davids', 11 note.
Bodhiruki, 299 , 308 . pilgrims , 55.
Bodhisattvas, studies of the, 362, Tripitaka, 88.
Chinese translation of, 338.
363 note. literature, 94.
Boehtlingk, Professor, 339.
inscriptions of Asoka, 206.
Bogu, Bhaga, and Baga, 182. their language, 216.
Bolor or Balur-tâgh, 267, 267 note. prophecies, 299.
Books read by ancient nations, 121 .
assembly in Vihara in Kasmira,
Bopp, 28. 304.
his Comparative Grammar, 28. --- writings in Kasmira, 304.
Botany in India, 8.
Bradke, Mânava Grihya Sûtra, 366. - teaching, influence of, on the Mi-
Brahma sacrifice , 229 . mâmsâ and Nyâya, 308 note.
literature, revival of, 309.
Brahma Samâj of India, 143 note, 249. Buddhistic religion , 89.
Brahmagupta, the mathematician, 295,
Bühler, Professor, on the Vikrama
320, 337.
Brahman, 66, 360 note , 372. era, 285.
on Somadeva, 357-
- a short day of, 373.
Brahmana, a, or twice-born man , 142 . Bullion brought into India in Pliny's
time, 8 note.
- period, 134 , 207, 365. Bundaha sh, 132.
the, 209.
Brahmanas , the, 66, 90, 221 , 227, 363 , Bunyiu Nanjio, on the Chinese trans-
lations of the Amara -kosha, 376.
364. Burnell, Dr., 354, 354 note, 357-
-on truth, 66.
— or twice-born, high caste, 214, 236, - on dates in Târânâtha's History,
372, 374. 308 note.
Brahmanism, 13. Burnouf, 94, 267.
Brahmans , I- tsing's account ofthe, 212. Burri ndu, 173 note.
Bushmen, 123.
Brahma Sphuta- siddhânta , 320.
Brihaspati, 93 note, 360. see K.
Brihatkatha, the, 331 , 332 , 350, 351, C, Cabul, 77.
357, 358. Cabul river, 166, 173.
Brinatkatha- mañgarî, 358. - - tributaries of the Indus, above the,
Brihat-samhita, the, 320.
British India, number of villages in, 173 note.
Cæsar, on the Druid songs, 215.
47 note. Cæsar ius first mentions the cat, 261
Buchanan, 4.
Buddha , 77. Calcutta, higher natives in, 41.
Camboga, inscriptions of, 288 note.
his pupils use dialects not Sanskrit, Canaan, 119 .
78 . Capital sentences, number of, in Eng-
Buddha's birth, 306 note.
land and Bengal , 44, 44 note.
- Nirvâna, 306 note. Cappeller, Dr., on the date of Vamana,
Buddha- Gaya, temple at , 327.
Buddhaghosha, 336. 339, 340.
Carey, 4.
INDEX. 383
Carian coins, 8. Coins of Kadphises and Huvishka, 293 .

Carlyle, 16. Roman, in India, 293.
Caste, system of, 95 note. Colebrooke, Thomas, 4.
-in the Laws of Manu, 95 note. on Hindu religious ceremonies, 227.
-in the Rig-veda, 95 note. -on Sraddha, 239, 239 note.
Cat, not known to ancient Aryans, 24. Colenso , 64 .
-names for, 24. Commercial honour in India, 63.
-came from Egypt to Greece and Comte, 123.
Italy, 24, 261. Confucius, 212, 306 note.
domestic, 261. - his studies, 212.
first mentioned by Cesarius, 261. Conquerors of India, 13, 38 , 54.
-no bones of, at Pompeii, 262. Controversy , 114.
A. S., 263 note. Council of Kasmira, 296.
cata, Prov., 263 note. Counsellors, 95 note.
Gael., 263 note. Cowell, Professor, his preface to the
Irish, 263 note. Kusumangali, 308, 308 note.
and mouse, 263. Cramming, effect of, a.
when known in India, 264. Cratylus, 9 note, 10.
-names for, in Sanskrit, 264. Crawfurd, 4.
Cath, Welsh, 263 note. Croesus, 19.
Cati, catti, 261 . Cunaxa, battle of, 54.
Cats, pictures of, at Pompeii, 262. Cuneiform inscriptions, 20.
Cats and dogs, 264. Cunningham , General, 259.
Catta in Martialis, 261 note. -Ancient Geography of India, 174
Catus, 24, 262. note.
Celts, 15 . on the Samvat era, 284.
Chalukya inscriptions, 285. Cuvier, on cat mummies, 262.
-dynasty, 317. Earlier form, Cha- Cylinders of Babylon, 118 note.
lukya.
Chang Kien, 274. Aάa = Dacians, 274 note.
Charon of Lampsakos, 204 note. Dacians, 274 note.
Chat, chatte, French, 263 note. Dacoits, 61.
Chazza, O. H. G. , 263 note. Dada II, date of, 285.
China, a modern name, 131 note. Dainos, 369.
Chinab or Asikn!, 173. Daisios, Gk., 292 note.
Chinese chronicles, 86. Daityas, 372.
Lunar Stations, 130. Daiva-sraddha, 375-
three aspects of religion in, 244. Daksha, 196 .
version of the tale of Bedd Gelert, Dakshi, father of Panini, 351.
264. Damodaragupta, 335, 339.
- translation of the Sata-sâstra, Danavas, Danes, 274 note, 372.
309 note. Dandin, 358.
-embassy to Kandrápida of Kas- - author of the Kavyadarsa, 314.
mira, 333. 332.
-to Lalitàditva, 333- - his Dasakumarakarita, 319 note,
- pilgrims in India, 338. 332.
translation of the Amara-kosha, Daradas, 131 note.
376. Aapaya, capital of Yueh-chi, 275 note.
Chourasees, circles of villages, 47. Darius, 19, 259.
Christian religion, true knowledge of, Hystaspes, 170.
founded on a study of the Jewish Darsanas, the Six, 360, 363.
race, 17. Darwin, 64.
-influence in the Bhagavadgitâ - Origin of Species, 120.
Upanishads , 355- Dasagramis of Pânini, 276.
Chronology in India, 293. Dasaratha, king of Ayodhya, 67, 68.
Circumnavigations, 203. Dasyus or non-Aryan races, 131 note.
Citto, Arm , 263 note. Davis, 4.
Civil Servants in old times, 39. Dawn, the, 153, 177, 198.
Code of Justinian, 92. -as Aditi, 197.
Coins of India, 8. Dayananda's Introduction to the Rig-
- of Gondophares and Kanishka, 293. voda, 85.
384 INDEX.
Dekkan , 122. Diphthera, 204.

Delhi, 170 . Directorium, 265.
Deluge, the, 133, 137. Divâkarabhatta, 322.
in Hindu literature, 134, 139. Divi manes, 222.
Departed spirits, 219. Dobrowsky, derivations from peru, to
Departed, regulations in honour of strike, 192 .
the, 227, 230. Domitian, coins of, 293 . ?
Deva, 309, 309 note, 312. Donkey in the lion's skin, 9, 9 note,
meaning of, 159. 10.
deus, 218. in the tiger's skin, 10 note.
sacrifice, 229. Dravidian , 37.
Devapatnis, wives ofthe gods, 145 note. Dravidians of India, 12.
Devâpi's prayer for rain, 185. Droghavak, 65.
Devarddhigani Kshamâsramana, 336. Druh, dhrut, dhruk, 189.
Devas, the, 108, 162, 199 , 217-219, Druids, their memory, 215.
222, 251, 252, 371 , 372, 375. Dubois, 42.
-offsprings of Heaven and Earth, Dugald Stewart, 28.
159. Durlabhaka Pratâpâditya, 333-
Devatâs, 147. Durlabhavadhana , 333.
Developement of human character in Dushyanta, king, 71 .
India and Europe , 96 et 8q., 117. Dvâpara -Yuga, 373.
Dhanvantari, the physician, 329, 329 Dyaus, 146 note, 158, 162, 180, 188,
note. 194.
Dharasena, see Sridharasena. Dyaus and Zeus, 182.
Dharma on Sâmayâkârika Sutras, 12. Dyaus, the sky, 371 .
Dharmakirti, pupil of Ârya Asanga, Dyaush-pitâ, 371.
305, 308, 308 note, 332. Dyava-prithivi, 195 .
Dharmapala, 308 note, 309, 310, 310 Dyavâprithivyau , 158.
note, 346, 348, 349, 361 . Dyu, sky, 158.
Dharmaraksha, 332 note. Dyunisya and Dionysos, 183.
Dharmas, the, 9, 298.
Dharma-sâstras, or Law-books, 92 note, ÉABÂNÎ , 138.
364, 365 , 366. Earth, gods of the, 145, 244-
Dharmasastrins, 366. East, we all come from the, 31-32.
Dharmasindhu, translated by M. Bour- Ecliptic, Indian, 133.
guin, 375. borrowed by the Arabs, 133.
Dharma-sutras, 92 note, 365. Education of the Human Race, 89.
Dharmatrata, 304.
in India, I-tsing's account of, 211 ,
Dharmayasas, 332 note. 212.
Dhâtri, 162, 246. Egypt, 15, 18 , 20, 119, 274.
Dhâtu, or Dhâtupâtha, 344. - home of the domestic cat, 261.
Dhatutarangini, 334 note, 339.
Egyptian Sphinx, 30.
Dhâvaka, 229 note, 331 note. Ekoddishta-srâddha, 375.
Dhenâ, wife of Brihaspati, 145 note. Elephanta, 4.
Dhriti srâddhas , twelve, 375. Eleven signs only for the Zodiac, 322.
Dhruvabhata of Valabhi, 336 note. Elliot , 4.
Dhruvapatu, 318 note. Ellis , 4.
Dhruvasena of Valabhi, 318 note. Elphinstone, Mountstuart, 59.
Dhruvasena, king of Ânandapura, 336, on the difficulty of really knowing
336 note. natives, 59.
Dialects of India at the time ofAsoka, on the Hindus, 61 .
77. English Official and Native Law
Dialogues of Plato, 121. Officer, 51-53.
Dignaga, pupil of Arya Asanga, 305. Eos , 197 .
-- adversary of Kâlidâsa, 307. Eos and Ushas , 182.
- same as the writer on Nyâya, 307, Epics, the great, 354.
308. Epistles of Horace, 121 .
his date, 308. Erinnys and Saranyu, 183.
Dikshâ, wife of Soma, 145 note. Estates of villages in India, 268.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 157. Esthonian prayer, 193.
Dionysos and Dyunisya, 183. Ethnology in India, 8.
INDEX. 385
Eudoxus , 321. Gaina authorities , 337.
Euripides, on the marriage of heaven system , 362 , 362 note.
and earth, 157. Gainas, sacred writings of, 79.
Euthydemus of Bactria, 259. literature of the, 262,
Evagrius scholasticus, 261.
Examinations, work produced at, 3. --or Bauddhas , 342.
Gainism, 284 .
Galandhara, Kanishka king of, 304.
FABLES, migration of, 9. Γαλή, 262, 263.
Fa hian, 264, 327. 338. Galileo, 64, 114.
Fa-hu, 332 note. Gambhirapaksha, patron of Asanga,
Fairguneis in Gothic, 370. 282 note, 306 note.
Fairguni, Gothic, 369. Gamitra, Jacobi on the word, 326.
Falcon, 265. Ganga, Ganges, 165, 170.
Fathers, the, hymns to, in the Rig- Ganges, 122, 140, 165, 168 , 170, 171.
veda, 221 , 223 , 224 , 225. water, oaths on the, 51, 53.
two classes of, 223 . and Jumna, sources of, 77.
hymn to, 225. Garga, 297 note.
Feles , 24 .
Gargi, 297 note, 325.
Felis domesticus , 262 , 263. Gargi samhita, 297, 297 note.
Fergunna, Erzgebirge , 370. Garib, the Runner, 169 note.
- or Fergunnia Hercynia, 370. Garpugree, 269.
Grimm on, 370. Garutmat , 245.
Fergusson on the Saka and other eras, Gataka, 12 note.
282 , 283 , 291 . Singhalese translation of, 11 note.
Ferret, 262. stones , 355 .
Finite, the, impossible without the In- Gatakamála, the, 211 , 211 note, 346.
finite, 105. Gatavedas, 65, 226.
Fiorgyn, feminine deity, genitive Fior- Gatha dialects, $8.
gynior, 370. Gathakosha, 331.
Fiorgynn, masculine deity, genitive Gatha-sangraha, prophecies in, 299.
Fiorgyns, 370. Gathas, 88.
Parganya, 370. Gato, gata, Span., 263 note.
Fire, names for, in Aryan languages, Gatto, gatta, Ital., 26 ; note.
23. 24. Gats and Yueh- chi, 86.
- a terrestrial deity, 176. Lassen on, 86 note.
- its value, 177- Gaudapida, 360 note.
why worshipped, 177, 178. commentary of, 360 note.
Five nations, the, 95 note. Gaudapada and Govinda, 354-
Five sacrifices, 229 . Gaudhra
Focus. 24. , from godha, 296.
Folklore, Indian, 355. Gautama, 92 note.
- allows a lie. 70.
Forchhammer, on the treasures found Gautamlya, 362 note.
at Myk ena e, 259.
Fravashis in Persia, 221 , 224 note. Gayabhata, date of, 285, 286.
Gayaditya, 340, 341, 345, 346.
Frederick the Great, 16. Gayamangala, 350.
French. Bishop of Lahore, 280. Gayantipura. 331 note.
Freya's cats, 263. Gayapida, 334 339, 340.
Friar Jordanus. 56. Gayasena of Surashtra, 310.
Frigg, wie of Odin, 370. Gayatri, wife of Vasu, 145 note.
Full and New-moon sacrifices, 127. -the , 231 .
Funeral ceremonies, 233, 234.
Gavendra, 313, 316, 317.
Futo - Buddha, 276. Gayendra-vitra the, visited by
Hiouen-thsang, 316.
g and k, 191 note. Geminus. 322.
Gadarah and pandârah, 296 note, Gems, 262.
Gagati, wife of Aditya, 145 note. Genesis , Maori, 154, 155 .
Gaimini, 359.
Geology in India, 8.
Gaiminiya or Mimamsa system, 362, Germany, study of Sanskrit in, 4.
362 note. Getae, the, 86.
Gaina literature, 335- Glasha, 135 .
canon, 336. Ghatakarpara, 329.
cc
386 INDEX.
Gill, Rev. W., Myths and Songs of Grimm, identification of Parganya

the South Pacific, 150 , 214. and Perûn, 192.
Gina, 346. on the Dacians, 274.
- his hymns, 303. Growth of ancient religions seldom
- Nyâyadvâratâra , 307. known to us, 107 .
ka
Bodhisattva, 361, 362. Grunau, on Old Prussian gods, 192.
Ginendiabuddhi , 342 . Guide-books, Greek, 204.
Girnar, 251 note. Gujarât, Bühler's literary researches
Gishnu. 320. in, 358.
Gñanakandra, 312, 361. Gunabhadra, 299.
Gobhiliya Grihya Sutras, 366. Gunadeva, 357-
Gods in the Veda, number of, 145 . Gunadhya, author of the Brihatkatha,
— meaning of, 159. 331 , 332, 357, 358.
Gods and goddesses, 147. of Pratishthana, 357.
Goethe's West-östlicher Divan, 4. Gunamati , pupil of Vasubandhu , 305,
Gokulaji, native statesman, 250. 305 note, 309, 310 note, 362.
his study of the Vedanta, 250 note. Gunaprabha of Parvata, pupil of Va-
Gold treasure found in Bengal, 9 . subandhu, 305, 309.
Goldstücker, Prof., on the date of Gunarata of Uggayini, 328.
Vâmana, 340. Gunda, 167 note.
Gomat, 166, 173 note, 174 note. Gupta, king of Gauda, 288.
Gomati, 166, 173 note, 174 note. - era, 294.
Gonardiya dynasty, 333. dialect, 318 note.
Gondophares, coins of, 293 , 293 note. Guptas, the, 297.
St. Thomas's visit to, 293. Guru , 214.
Gonds, the, 49. Gushan = Kouei-shuang, 276.
Goshthi- srâddha, 374- Gymnosophists , Indian, 102.
Gotama, 360. Gyotirvidabharana, 281 note.
Gothic and Anglo- Saxon, family like-
ness between, 22. HADES, 108 .
how explained, 22 . Haeckel, 8.
Goths or Gothi, 86. Hâla or Sâtavâhana, 331 note.
Govinda, 360 note. Half-yearly sacrifices, 127.
Govinda and Gaudapâda, 354. Hall, Dr. F., his discovery of the Har-
Grahavarman, 288. shakarita, 287.
- killed by the king of Mâlava, 288. Han-ki, 276.
Grammar, I -tsing on, 343. Hanumat, 353 note.
Grassman, translation of Sanskrit Han Yô, 276.
words, 164 note. Haradatta, 341.
Greek coins, 8. Haridikshita, 342.
our philosophy is, 20. Harihara, 350.
- - alphabet, age of, 202 . Hariprabodha, the, 339.
- - letters in Kanishka's inscriptions, Hariskandrakandrikâ, 80.
292. Harita, 93 note.
- influence in India, 321. Harivamsa, 332.
Zodiac, 321. Harsha of Uggayinî or Vikramaditya,
astronomy in India, 326. 282 , 282 note .
- influence on the Indian Epics, era, 282.
355. Harsha, or Harshavardhana Silâditya,
- Zodiacal signs known to Vriddha 288, 288 note, 330 note, 331 .
Manu, 366 . Harsha, king ofKasmira, 356.
Greek and Latin , study of, congenial Harsha, the later, son of Hira, 287
to us, 3. note, 330 note.
similarity between, 22 . - his writings, 330 note, 331 note.
- how explained, 22 . Harshakarita , by Bâna, 316 note, 329.
Greeks and Romans, 15, 17, 18. 334, 358 , 360, 366.
Greeks in India. 298. Haryaksha, 352.
Gregorian calendar, 283 note. Haupt, 28.
Gregory of Nazianzus, 261. Hautra, the, 354 note.
Grihya, or domestic ceremony, 232 . Hayagrivavadha, the, 314 note, 328.
Gribya Sutra, 227. Heaven and Earth, 149, 162.
INDEX.
387
Heaven and Earth, Maori legend of,
154, 155- Hiouen - thsang, his translation of the
Vedic legends of, 155 , 156 . Vaiseshika- nikaya - dasapadartha-
Greek and Roman legends of, 156, sastra, 361.
157. studied Nyaya , 361 .
epithets for, in Veda, 158. studied the Yoga system, 362 .
Universal Father and Mother, 159. Hipparchus, 18 , 322.
were they gods ? 159, 160. Hiranya, 313.
Heber, on the Hindus, 60. Hiranyagarbha, 144 , 162 .
Hebrew religion, foreign influences in, Historian , work of the true, 16.
124. History, study of, almost impossible,
Hehn, on the meaning of talpa, 261. 16.
Hekatæos, 204 note. - object of knowing, 16, 17.
Helariga , 334 note. in its true sense, 26, 27.
Helios , 197. of India, Elphinstone's, 59.
and Surya, 182 . Hitopadesa, 5, 9 note, 355 , 356.
Hellanikos of Mitylene, 204 note. fab les of the , 90 .
Henotheism, 147 . Hiung-nu, the, 274, 275.
Henotheistic phase of religion , 163. Hol tzmann , on the era of Vikramâ-
Hephastos , 108 . ditya, 283 note
Hercules, 9 note. 153. Homer, 29, 254. .
Hermann, Gottfried, 28 . Ho meric hymns, 119 , 121.
Hermes and Sarameya, 183. - Heaven and Earth in the , 156 , 157-
Herodotus, 204. Horace, Epistles of, 121 .
on the cat , 262 note. Horasastra, by Varahamihira, 320 ,
Hesychius, 173. 326.
Hetuvidya, logical science, 346, 363 . Hottentot river names, 169 note.
Hieratic texts, 20 . Houghton , 4.
Hieroglyphic texts, 20. Hu-fa Dharmapâla, 310 note.
Highest Heaven gods of, 194 . his works. 310 note.
Himatala, the king of, 306 note. Human mind, India all important for
Himmal: h mountains , 45, 84. the study of the, 14-15.
Hinayina , 310 . Human character, development of, in
Hindhu, 170. India and Europe , 96 et 8q ., 117.
Hindu character , testimony of strang- Humboldt, Alexander von, on Kali-
ers to the, 54-61 . dása , 90 .
Law of Inheritance , 221 note. Huvishka , coins of, 293.
Hindus, 34. - date of, 294 .
truthfulness of, 34- Ooerki, 297.
different races all classed by us as Hwa, the Emperor, 277.
one, 37- Hwui Seng and Sung Yun, 338.
Professor Wilson on the , 40. Hyarotis of Strabo, 172 .
Mill on the, 42 43- Hydaspes, 165 , 165 note, 173 .
litigiousness of the, 43- Hydraotes, 165 note.
Sir Thomas Munro on the, 43. - of Arrian , 172.
Colonel Sleeman on their truthful- Hymn to the Fathers , 225.
ness, 50. Hypanis, 172 note.
deserve our interest, 116. Hypasis of Pliny, 172 .
Hindustani, 37, 76, 82. Hyphasis , 172 .
Hiouen - thsang , 55 , 308, 310, 311, 329,
ICHNEUMONS and serpents 26
338. 344 , 348 , 349. , 4.
travels in India, 286. Idà, 136.
ge
his dreamabout King Sliditys, 286 . Idrisi's ography, 56.
toleration in India at the time of, Ignis, 176.
289. Ignis and Agni , 182.
his mention of Vasubandhu, 302 , Ijjar , April-May, 138.
302 note. Ίκτι ς, 262, 263 .
becomes a pupil of Vasubandhu, India, 32 , 33. 34.
305. its natural wealth, 6.
list of his teachers , 311 , 311 note. study of the problems of life in, 6.
returned to China, 317. of the villages, 7.
- of the towns, 7.
CC 2
388 INDEX .
India, full of problems, 7. I-tsing, his account of the Buddhist

geology of, 8. priests, 211.
botany of, 8. visits Nalanda, 311.
zoology of, 8. - his lists of teachers , 312.
ethnology of, 8. - and of friends , 312.
archæology of, 8. - his travels, 343-
coins of, 8. on grammar, 343.
mythology of, 9. date of his book, 345 .
fables of, 9. Ivory, 10.
and Solomon, 10. Izdubar, or Nimrod, poem of, 138.
inhabitants of, 12.
conquerors of, 12. JACOBI, Dr., on the word gâmitra,
jurisprudence in, 12 . 326.
village life in, 13. Jehovah, 181.
study of religion in, 13. Jewish race, study of, necessary to
-belongs to Europe, 14. true study of the Christian re-
all important for the study of the ligion, 17.
human mind, 14, 15. - relation of, to the rest of the an-
- what have we derived from, 21 . cient world, 17.
- a knowledge of, necessary to a Jewish and Semitic, our religion is, 20.
liberal education, 29. Jews , 17.
ancient literature of, 116. Jilam or Behat , 173.
- vast extent of, 122. Jitsu-nan, 277 , 297.
-- from Sindhu , 170. Jobares of Arrian, 171.
- Chinese account of, in A. D. 231 Jomanes of Pliny, 171.
and 605, 271 , 276. Jones, Sir William, 32, 90, 267.
sends tribute to China, 277. - on the Laws of Manu, 91 note.
Indian literature, its influence on our Joshua's battle, 182.
inner life, 6. Judgment of Solomon, 11 .
character transcendent, 105. Julian period, 283 note.
- philosophy, 244, 249. Julien, Stanislas, on the meaning of
patriarchs, 309 note. Men-tse-kia, 344.
Indias, two different, 7. Jumna, 165 , 168.
Indoi , 170 . Junagadh, 250.
Indo-Scythians, invasion of the, 85. Jupiter, 153 , 180, 195, 201 .
Indos , 170. - Pluvius, 161.
Indra, 65, 95, 155 , 161 , 172 note, 179, Dyaus and Zeus, 182.
183 , 189, 195 , 199, 252. Jurisprudence in India, 12 .
-nane peculiar to India, 182. Justice of the Indians, 55.
Indus, 140, 166 note, 170 , 171, 173 Justinian, 353.
note.
-valley of the, 122 . K , see C.
Infinite, the, 105, 107. Kábul, 274.
Irgle, Scotch, 23. Kadambari, 329.
Inner life, influence of Indian litera- Kadmos of Miletos, 204 note.
ture on our, 6. Kadphises, coins of, 293.
Inscriptions in India, 206. Kaegi, Professor, 182 .
Intellectual ancestors, our, 17. Kaikeyî, 67.
Ionian alphabet, 203 . Kâkolukam, 264.
Ionians beginning to write, 204. Kakuda Katyayana, 336.
Jörd, the Earth, 370. Kalapadipika, the, 350.
frâvati, Ravi, 165, 172. Kalhana Pandita, 315 note, 339-
valley of, 288 note. Kalhana's History of Kasmira, 356.
Isana, 329. Ragatarangini, or Chronicle of
Isidorus, 261. Cashmere, 359.
Iskardo, 267. Kâlidâsa, 5, 79, 331 note, 339, 353.
Ismenian Apollo, temple of, 203 note. 355, 361 .
Isvara Krishna , 361. plays of, 90, 91.
Itihasas. 88. Humboldt on, 90.
I - tsing, the Chinese traveller, 210, 302, date of, 91, 93.
310, 338 , 342, 349. mentioned in an inscription, 91.
INDEX .
389
Kalidasa , real date of, 301 , 301 note,
Kasika Vrittik , 338, 339. 340, 341 .
307, 312.
tolerance felt in his time, 307. 342, 346, 347-
same as Matrigupta, 313. Vamana and Gayâditya, the joint
authors of the , 341 .
synonyms of, 314.
a Brahman, 315 note. vritti- panyika, 341 .
mentions Greek astronomy, 326. Kasmira, on the Hydaspes , 315 , 330,
on eclipses of the moon, 327. 332, 333.
Kalikut, prince of, 56. Almanack of, 283 note.
Kali-Yuga , 373. Council of Northern Buddhists at,
Kallimachos , 263 . 296
Kalpas the , 373. Bud dhist writings in, 304 .
Kalpasútra, the, 336, 362 . Vas ubandhu studies at, 303, 305.
Kamal- eddin Abd- errazak Sam kings of, 313. 335.
ar- Kalhana's History of, 356 .
kandi, 56.
Kamandaka- niti, 339. Kasyapa, 138 .
Kamarupa, kings of, 288 note. Kataka, 335, 339.
Kamasutra of Vatsyâyana, 332. Káte, Lith., 263 note.
Kambogas, 131 note. Katha-Upanishad , 67 .
Kamya-sraddha, 374. Kathaka , 138 .
Kanabhug, 360. Kathaka or reader , 81.
Kanabhúti, 350 , 357, 358. Katha-sarit- sagara, 356 , 358 , 359.
Kathen otheism , 147 .
Kanada, 360, 361 .
Kandali dialect, 295 . Катта, 261.
Kandarpakakravarti 350 . Katti, Finn ., 263 note.
n, Katto, Lapp. , 263 note.
Kand , a scold, 330.
Kandika, 330 . Katurasiti, circles of villages, 47.
Kandra. 351. Katyayana, 93 note, 266, 309. 350,
Kandrabhaga or Asikni, 173. 356.
Kandragupta, 206, 216, 297. Katze, M. H. G., 263 note.
Kandrakarya, 353 . Kaura, or Kaurisurata- pankāsikā, 331 .
Kandrapala, 311. Kausika, 71 .
Kandrapida , 333 . Kavi Bhrigu, 372.
Chinese embassy to, 333. Kavi inscription, 285 .
Kanerki - Kanishka, 297 . Kavila system , 362 note.
Kanishka, the Saka king, 87 , 292 , Kaviraga, 331 , 331 note, 339, 340.
296. Kavyadarsa, the, 314, 357-
Kav yakamadhenu, 341 .
- his inscriptions , 292 .
date of, 293, 297. Kavyalankara-vritti, 339 , 340.
coins of, 293. Kâvyaprakasa, the, 329 note .
coronation of, 297 , 306 note. Kedy, Turk. , 263 note.
birth of, 304, 306. Kent oku, Shindoku - India, 276.
Kanjur, 11. Ker n, Dr. , on the Salivahana era, 300.
Keshub Chunder Sen , 41 , 80, 249.
story of the women and child in
the , 11. Khai- yuen -lu , 3; 6 , 377 .
Kankana, gold coloured , 131 note. Khakan , the , 56.
Kant, 6. Kh an dynasty, 377-
Kan - ti- Paramartha, 361 . Khandovikiti, 332.
Kanyakubga, 286. Khiang or Kanka, 275 .
Kapila , 360, 361. Khilas, the three, 344-
Khosru Nushirvan, 93. 356.
Kapila system, 362 , 362 note.
Karana, the, or Pankasiddhantika, Khun-tahu and Yih - king, 347-
319, 320. Kielhorn , on the Mahabhashya, 351
Karika , the metrical , 361. note.
Kirikas, 348. 351. Kieou-tsieu-kio, 276.
Karmanga - sraddha, 375. Kinas, or Chinese, 131 , 131 note.
Karmikaras, 131 note. Kiratârguniya, 301 .
Karva, Karvaka, 341. Kiratas, 131 note.
Kasawara , on 1-tsing, 344, 349. Kitrakta, mountain of, 351. 353-
Kasika Vrittik , quotes cat and mouse, Klaproth , on the Gomal river, 174 note.
Kleostratos of Tenedos , 321.
210 note, 204. Kodzulo Kaphises , 297.
390 INDEX.
Kôfu Kábul, 276. Lankâvatâra, 355, 360.

Kophen, 166-173. Lankâvatâra-sûtra, prophecies in the,
Koran, oaths on the, 51, 53. 298, 298 note.
Koppavos, Gushan, not koipavos, 276 translations of the, 299.
note. Lares familiares, 222.
Korur, battle of, 282, 282 note, 283, Lassen, 130, 131 note.
289. his derivation of the Zodiacal signs
Kosha, the, 346. from Babylon, 324.
Kot, Koti, Boh., 263 note. Law of Nature, 243.
Kot, Kotke, Pol. , 263 note. Law-books, metrical, 88, 227.
Kot", koška, Russ., 263 note. Laws of Manu, 12 , 91 , 92 , 142 .
Köttr, O. N., 263 note. - date of, 12, 91.
Kozola-Kadaphes, 297 . -- - Sir W. Jones on, 91 note.
Krânti, twelve, 375. - system of caste in the, 95 note.
Krita-Yuga, 373. Legends of India and the Jews, coin-
Kritiyas, defeated by the king of cidences between, 10, 11 .
Himatala, 306. Leibniz, 28.
Krittikâ, full-moon of, 128 note. Letronne on the sign of the Balance,
Krumu, 166, 173 note, 174 note. 322.
Lettic, 190.
Kshapanaka, 329.
- or Bhartrihari, 329 note. Leyden, 5.
Kshatriya, a, 142 . Lian dynasty, 377-
Kshatriyas, 214, 372. Liberal, the, 80.
Kshemendra Vyâsadâsa, 358. Life, a journey, 99.
Kshira, the commentator, 334, 339. Lightning, son of Parganya, 186 note.
Ktesias, on the justice of the Indians,Li-men-lun - = Nyâyadvâra-taraka- sâs-
55. tra, 346.
Ktisis, 204. Literature, Sanskrit, 76, 77, 83, 84,
Kubhâ, 166, 173. 88, 89.
Kuenen, Professor, on the worship of - of Greece, 89.
Yahweh, 252 note. of Rome, 89.
Kulanâtha or Gunarata, 377. of Germany, 89.
Kulindas, king of, 131 note. of Buddhism, 89.
Kullavagga, 78. Little Thibet, 275.
Kulluka, 372. Lituania, 190.
Kumara, the title, 288, 288 note. See Lituanian, 190, 192.
Srikumâra. Parganya in, 191 .
Kumara-sambhava, 326, 339. prayer, 192.
Kumaragiva's translations of Vasu- Lizards and snakes, 262.
bandhu's works, 308, 309, 309 Logographi, 204.
note. Loka-kala, 294.
lives of old teachers, 312 note. Lokayata, 362.
Kumarila, 308 note. - Sect , 310.
Kunene, 169 note. School, 342.
Kurma, 138. Lokottaralalita, the, 340.
or Tortoise, 369. Lost Tribes, the, 139.
Karnikrit, 347- Lubbock, 109.
Kurum, 166, 173 note. Ludlow, on village schools in India,
Kuvalâyâpida, 334. 62 note.
Kwan, the Emperor, 277. Ludwig, translation of Sanskrit words,
164 note, 166 note, 167 note.
LADAK, the, 173 note. Lunar Zodiac, 126, 129.
Lakshmana, brother of Râma, 68, 334- Stations, 126.
Lalitâditya, 315 note, 333, 334- . Vedic , 129.
Lalita-vistara, 362 . - Arabic, 130.
Ku Fa-hu's translation, 363 note. - Chinese, 130.
-- Divâkara's translation, 363 note.
Lambas, or Lambakas, 358. MACAULAY'S History, 120.
Lam-shi-Keng, 275 note. Macedonian coins, 8.
Language, a Museum of Antiquities, Mackenzie, 5.
30. Mâdhava, 341, 354 note, 362.
INDEX. 391
Madhavagupta, 288. Mankha, 328.

Má havárya, 354 note. Manning, Judge, 154.
Madhuparka sacrifice, 365. Manorama, 341 .
Madhuvridh, 167 note. Manoratha (Mano'rhita), the Bud-
Madhva, 360 note. dhist, 289, 302, 335, 339.
Madhyadesa, 298. Mano'rhita ( Manoratha), 289 note,
Madras schools, 62 note. 302 note.
Magadha, 287. Mantra period , 207.
Magadhi, 78. Manu, 5, 222 , 265, 364. 371 , 372.
Magha, 339. Laws of, 12, 47, 91, 92 note.
Mahabharata, 59, 70, 71 , 88 , 90, 142, date of, 12, 91.
354, 354 note, 355, 375. metrical code of, 92 note.
still recited in India, 81. Samhita, 92 note,
publicly read. 273. Law-book, 92 note.
allusions to Manu in the, 365. - and the Fish, 134-6.
Mahabhashya , the, 264. 334, 347, 348, on the cat, 264.
349.351, 352, 353 note. on Truth. 273.
Mahadeva, 350. - Svayambhuva, 364.
Mabakavis and Mahakavyas, 353. Dharmasastra, 366.
Mahalaya, fifteen, 376. samhita, 366.
Mahiraga Kumara raga, 287. period , 373.
Maharyasiddhanta, 319 note. Hairanyagarbha, 372.
Mahayagias, the five, 127, 228. rites, fourteen, 375.
Mahayana, the, 303. Manus, seven, 372, 373-
- form of Buddhism, 87. Manushya sacrifice , 229.
- doctrine, 305, 310. Manushyas, mortals , 371.
Mahayana-bodhi-sattva-vidŷa- sangîti- Manvantaras, fourteen, 375.
astra, 332 note. Manzil, Arab Lunar Stations , 130.
Mabayuga, 373- Maori Genesis , 154, 155 .
Mahesvara, 211 , 243. 287 note. Marathon, 19.
Mahmud of Gazni, 54, 294. Marco Polo, 4. 56.
Maine, Sir Henry, 48. Margara, cat. 24, 264.
Maitrayani Upanishad, 322. --mushakam, 264.
Maitreya, 305. 309, 309 note. Mariki , 372.
- Bodhisattva, 362. Mars, 153.
Malavika, 339. and the Maruts, 182.
Malcolm, Sir John, on the Hindus, 61. Marsden, 5.
Mallanaga Vatsyayana, 332. Martanda, 300.
Mallinatha, 306, 307, 307 note. Marten, 262.
Malyava', 357- Marudvridha, 165, 165 note.
Man of Bagdád, 125 note. Maruts , Storm-gods, 95, 145 , 180, 181,
Mana, a golden, 125, 126. 185, 189.
Manah, 125. and Mars, 182.
Manatunga Sûri, the Gaina, 307, 330, Maskarin Gosaliputra, 336.
337- Mätarisvan, 144, 176, 245.
Matanga, 330 note. Mathura, 298.
-converts Vikramaditya, 338. Matri, the name , 314 note.
Manava-dharma Sastra, 91 , 92, 354 Matrigupta, the poet, 313, 314, 314
note. 365. note.
Manava-dharma Sûtras, 366. -king of Kasmira, 289, 313. 315
Manavam, 91. note.
Manavas, Laws of the, 74. - same as Kalidasa, 313.
Mand, manda. 345. Kaligupta, 314
Manda or mandaka, 345- friend to the Buddhists and Gains,
Mandûka, 345- 315 note, 328.
Mandükeyas, grammatical works of Matriketa, 302.
the, 345. -the poet, 210.
Manes, 220, 221. becomes a Buddhist, 301.
Mangaia, 150. - his hymns, 302.
Manikyala, Roman coins at, 293. Ma Tuanlin, Chinese historian, 287.
Masika, 344, 345. | Maui, son of Ru, 151, 153.
INDEX .
392
Muktâpida or Lalitâditya, 333.
Mâui, legend of, 151 , 152 . Multân , battle of, 282 note.
- - Potiki, 155. Mummies of cats, 262.
Mayanarya, 354 note. Munda , inhabitants of India, 12.
Mayûra, 307, 338. Muñga, the, 331 note.
Mayuraka, 329, 330. Munis, or Rishis, 372.
- son-in-law of Bâna, 329. Munro , Sir T., on the Hindus, 41 , 62 .
wrote the Mayûrasataka, 330.
Meditative side of human nature in Mûs, O. H. G., 24.
India, 101. Mus et mustela, 263.
Meer Sulamut Ali, 57. Mush, mus, 24.
Mussulman conquest of India, 54-
Megasthenes , 55 , 166 note, 206, 207. Mustela furo, ferret, 262 .
- on Indian village life, 48. foina, or stone marten , 262.
Bejah known to, 172. putorius , polecat , 262.
Meghadûta, 339. different sorts of, 263 note.
Mehatnu , 166. Mustelae , 261 .
Melanippe, 157. Mustella, 24.
Men-tse-kia, or Mandaka, 344.
'Mere names,' 201. Mutopi, or Muktâpida, 333.
Merutunga's Shaddarsanavikâra, 362 Mykenae, 259, 260.
- Persian character of treasures
note. found at, 259.
systems of philosophy in, 362 note.
Mesopotamiac, 20, 119. Myse, Slav., 24.
Metamorphi changes in religions, NABHANEDISHTHA, son ofManu,
107.
Metaphor, 109. 364.
Metrical Law-books, 363. Nâgabodhi, 304.
Nâgânanda , 329, 331 note.
Mill , 262.
History of British India, 42 . Nâgaraga , 338.
- view of Indian character, 43 . Nagârguna, the Akârya, 304, 312 , 361.
Mina, 125. Nagesa , 340 , 342.
its weight, 125 note. Naimittika-srâddha, 374.
Minerva, 201 . Naiyâyika, 362.
Mithradates II, 274. Nakshatras , the, 27, 126, 128.
Mitra, 136, 162, 185 , 196, 245- Nakshatravidyâ, 332.
Mitrasena , teacher of Hiouen-thsang, Naktâ and Nyx, 182.
309. Nakula sarpah, 264.
Mlekkhas , 281 . Nala, 90, 94.
Modern Sanskrit literature, 88. Nalanda, monastery of, 286, 305, 346,
Mohammed, 130. 348.
Mohammedan coins. 8 . -Hiouen -thsang at, 310.
conquerors of India, 54, 56. Nâmamâlâ, 339.
sects, number of, 57. Nandideva, 357-
- rule , 72. Nandisûtra, 362 note.
Nan-hae-ki-kwei-chouen, by I-tsing,
conquests, 353-
Monasteries in India, 346. 342.
Moon, the, determines the Vedic Nârada, 93 note.
seasons , 127, 128. Narayana, 300, 329.
- author of the Venisamhara, 329
Moral Law, 243 .
Morality, we are Saxon in our, 20. note.
Mordvinians, the, 192 . Narendra, 288 note.
Mount Everest, 84. Narendrâditya, 318.
Native scholars, 63.
Mrig, mrish, 189. - traditions on the literary history
Mrikkhakatika, 295, 339.
Mris, 189. of India, 352 note.
Mrishta, participle of mrig, 189. Nearchus, 207.
MSS. of Rig- veda, 202. on Indian writing, 207.
Nerbudda villages, 270.
Muhurtaganapati, 300. Nerbuddah river, 45.
Muhurtamartanda, 300.
Muir, 5. Nestor, 369.
-- translation of Sanskrit words, 166 New and Full-Moon sacrifices, 231 .
New Testament, Revised Edition, 120.
note, 167 note.
INDEX.
393
Newspapers , Sanskrit, 79, 80. Paisaki dialect, 357 , 358.
- in vernaculars, 80 .
Ni. the verb, 342 . Paka- sacrifice, 136.
Nikula friend of Kalidasa, 307. Paktys, 170 .
Palestine , 15, 17.
Nine gems, or nine classics, 93, 281 , Pali dialect, 88.
281 note 320, 327 , 328. Palimbothra, 170.
Nineveh , 18 . ,
Palladius on the cat, 261 .
Nirnaya sindhu, 374.
Nirukta or Nighantu = Men - tse-kia, Palor, Balors, Balornts, Iskardo, 267
note.
344 364, 365. Pan and Pavana, 183.
Nitipradipa , 328 .
Pandavas, 131 note.
Nitya-sraddha , 374- Pandit, newspaper, 79.
North West provinces, villages in, Pandits , 40 .
47 note. Professor Wilson on the, 41.
Northern conquerors of India, 86 , 87 .
Panini , 211 , 295. 350 , 351 , 356.
Aryans, 96, 100, 102. on animal enmities, 264.
mountains, 135.
invasion of India, 291. his derivation of vaidûrya, 266.
Buddhists, Council of, at Kasmira, Panini's grammar. 338 , 339, 342 , 343-
its divisions, 351 .
296. Pankala country , the, 298.
Buddhist era , 306 note.
Numerals, Pronouns, and Verbs in Pankasikha Kápileya , 361.
Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, 29. Pankatantra, 93, 355, 356.
Nyisa, the, 342. mention of the cat in the, 264,
Nyasakara Ginendra, 341. 265.
Nyaya, 360, 361. Pankti, wife of Vishnu, 145 note.
-studied by Hiouen thang, 361. Papa, Earth, 154.
Papúas, 123 .
- works on, by Buddhists, 361.
Nyaya-dvâra- taraka sastra, 308 note, Papyri, 118 note.
361. Papyros, the, 205.
Paradise, 29.
Nyayanusara- sastra, 361 . Paramahamsa Sakkidananda, the an-
Nyayasthiti, 332.
chorite, 251 note .
Nyaya-varttika, the, 300. Paramartha, life of Vasubandhu, 312
Nyx and Naktá, 182.
note, 377-
ÔDINN, 146 note, 370. Parasara, 360 note.
Okavango, 169 note. Parg, parganya, 189.
Old Testament , 17. Parganya, 181, 183 , 189 , 194, 199,
Oldenberg, Professor, on Saka era, 296, 368, 369.
297 asura, 184.
Ooemo- Kadphises, 297. - hymn to, 186, 187.
Ooerki Huvishka, 297. - who is, 188.
its derivations , 189, 190 .
Ophir, 10. found in Lettic , 190 , 191.
Orange river, 169 note. and Perûn, 192.
Orissa, 77 .
Orme , 42. identified by Grimm, 192 .
Perkuna, Perun, 193 .
Orpheus and Ribhu , 183.
Òs , ôris, 26. Pars, parsh, 189.
Oude, 170. Parsu, prisui, 189.
Parsva , 304.
Ouranos, 195.
Oxus, 259. Parsvika, 306 note.
Parthia, 139 , 274, 275.
treasures found on the, 259, 260. Parthian coins, 8.
- or Kwai-shui, 275. Parushai , 172.
PADALIPTA, 337. Iravati, 165.
Parvana Sraddha, 240, 374 , 375-
Padaliptakarya, 337-
Parvata, 353-
Padama gari, 341 . Parvati, 315 note, 357-
Pahlavi, translation of the Panka Pata, twelve, 375.
tantra, 03. Patalibothra, 206.
- Buddhist stories, 356.
Pataliputra , 170,
Pai-lun, Sata sástra, 309, 309 note. - Patna, 55.
394 INDEX.
Pâtaliputra, kings of, 298. Pitkne, Pitcainen, 193 note.

Patangali, author of the Mahâbhâ- Pitri-sacrifice, 229.
shya, 264, 267, 296, 360. Pitris, fathers, 220, 222, 237, 371 ,
Mahabhashya, 339, 347, 351 , 352. 372 , 373, 374.
called Kurnikrit , 347. the deities, 365.
Pâthan inscriptions, 285. of the Brahmanas, 372.
Pathyâ, wife of Pûshan, 145 note. Pitriyagña-sacrifice, 225, 228, 229,
Patna, 77, 170. 230, 231.
Patollo, 192. two , 231 .
Patrimpo, 192 . Plato, 6, 254.
Pattâvalis, the, 337. Dialogues of, 121.
Paulus Alexandrinus , 320 note. Pliny, on bullion in India, 8 note.
Paulus al Yunâni, 320 note. Indian rivers known to, 171, 172.
Paurânikas, 366. Poetry, 109.
Peacocks, 10. Poland and Lituania, 191 .
Peisistratos . 205. Polecat, 262 .
Peraun, Bohemian, 192, 194. Political communities, 12 , 13.
Percuna, prayer to, 192. Politics, we are Roman in our, 20.
Percunos, thunder, Old Prussian, 191 . Polykrates of Samos, 205.
Periegesis, 204. Polytheism, its meaning, 145.
Perikles, 205. Pompeii, no bones of cats at, 262.
Periodos, 204. pictures of cats at, 262 .
Periplus, 203, 204. Poseidon, 108.
Perjury, common in India, 48 note. Pota and Kipin, 276.
Perkons , thunder, Lettish, 191 . Pr, the root, ferire, 369.
Perkun-kulke, thunder-bolt, 191 note. Prabandhakosha, 329 note.
Perkuna , 193 , 369. Prabhakara, or Prabhakaravardhana,
- transition of, into Perună, 369 . 287.
Perkúnas, Lituanian god of thunder, - a worshipper of the sun, 288.
191 . - his date, 289.
-- and parganya, 191 note. Prabhâmitra . 312.
Perkuno, 192. Pragapati, 137, 246, 258.
- gaisis, storm, 191 note. Pragapatis, the, 372, 373-
Persia, 18, 20, 32, 33 , 139. Prâkrit, used in plays. 79.
Persian coins, 8. dialects, five, 295 note.
- treasures found on the Oxus, 259. Prakrita-sarvasva, 295 note.
found at Mykenae, 259. Pramâna logic, 305. 308.
Persians, 18. Pramantha, wood rubbed for fire, 176.
what we owe the, 19. and Prometheus, 183.
Personification, 109. Pratapa-rudra, the, 314.
Perun, 194, 369. Pratapasíla and Yasovati, parents of
Perûn, Old Slavonic , 192. Siladitya, 288.
Perună, 369. Pratikas, 251.
Pesas, ποικίλος, 189. Prâtisâkhyas, 213.
Petersburg dictionary, 164 note. Pratna-Kamra-nandinî, 79.
Phalguna, full-moon of, 127 note. Pravarasena, king of Kasmira, 313,
Pherekydes of Leros, 204 note, 205. 314, 315, 316, 332.
Philosophical works, early Greek, 205. Prayer to Picker, 193 .
Philosophy, we are Greek in our, 20. Preta, gone away, 220.
Phlegyas, 176. Primitive state of man, 113, 123.
Phoenicia, 18, 20. Vedic poets not, 123.
Phoenician letters, 203, 203 note. Vedic poets are, 124.
Phoenicians , 18. Prince Consort, Life of, 120.
Picker, Picken , Esthonian god, 193 . Prinsep, 5.
Pida Bhatti, 349. Prishata, prishati, 189.
Pina, or Pida, or Vina, 349. Prithivi, 137, 188, 370.
Pinda pitriyagña, 228. wife of Agni, 145 note.
Ping, pish, pis, 189. the broad earth, 158 .
Piorun, Polish, 192, 194. Prithivyapida, 334.
Pipal tree, 50. Prithudaka, quotation from Arya-
Pisaka dialect, 358. bhata, 319.
INDEX. 395
Prometheus, 176. Ramayana, Zodiacal signs in the, 322

and pramantha, 183. note.
Πρόξ (ω ), περινός, 189. Ram Comul Sen, 41.
Proto-Aryan language, 25. Ramla, 166.
Prussian , Old, 190. Ram Mohun Roy, 143 note, 249.
- gods, 192. Ramaditya, 318.
Ptolemy, 18. Rangi, Heaven, 154.
Indian rivers known to, 171 , 172. Rangimotia in Mangaia, 151.
Pulakesin of Kalyâna, 287. Rasa, 166, 173 note.
Pulakesin II, Satyasraya, 287 note, Ratnadharmaraya's Life of Bhagavat
288 note. Buddha, 304.
Pulastya , 372. Ratnavali, 329.
Pumice stone, 152, 154- Ravana, copyof Pânini's Grammar, 351.
Pundarikaksha, 350. Rawi, 172 .
Punjab, 122, 164. Readers, not many in ancienttimes, 120.
Purana, 88. Real and Right, 65 note.
Kasyapa, 336. Recitation of the old Epics in India,
Puranas, 88, 142, 221 , 298 , 332, 366, 81, 102 , 273.
373- Reformers, religious, 336.
the deluge in the, 133. Religion in India, 13.
Purushapura, monastery of, 302 note. we are Jewish and Semitic in our,
Purushottama, 340. 20.
Purva mitamsà , 360. — and a religion, 106.
Purvapaksha, 115. the life ofthe ancient Indians, 108.
Pürvedyuh, 376. of Rome, various ingredients in
Pushan, 162, 185, 197. the , 124.
Pushkale tra, battle of, 339. Rémusat on the Goths and Yueh -chi,
Pushpabhuti , 288. 86.
- a worshipper of Siva, 288. Renaissance, literary, in India, 85, 90,
Pushpadanta. 357. 358. 93.
Pushti sraddha, 375. age of, 93.
Pushtus, 170. Sanskrit, 355 .
Rennell, 5.
RAGA Kamadeva, patron of Kavi- Revised New Testament, 1 20.
raga, 331 note. Rhys- Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories,
Ragasekhara, 328, 329, 331 note. II note.
author of Prabandhakosha, 329 Ribhu and Orpheus , 183.
note. Ribhus, the, 181.
Ragatarangint, the, 313, 315 note, 316, Rig- veda, 80, 85. 95.
328, 333. 334- 339, 358. -editions now publishing, 80.
Raghava Bhata, commentary on Sa- known by heart, 81.
kuntala, 314 note. - Dayananda's Introduction to the, 85.
Raghavapandaviya, 340. - publication of the, 143 note.
Raghu , 68. length of, 208.
Raghuvamsa, 326, 339. handed down by memory , 208.
Ragyavardhana, 287, 288. Max Muller's edition of, 280, 341.
date of, 289. Rimmôn , 139 .
Rágyasri, wife of Grahavarman, 288, Ringold , first Duke of Lituania, 190.
334- Rishi , 148.
Rahulabhadra. 304. Rishis, the Vedic, 224-
Rajendralal Mitra, on Sacrifices, 231 . the seven, 372, 373-
Rama, 67 , 68 , 69. Rita, 64, 66, 243-
- and the Brahman, 68, 69 . Ritv-ig, a priest, 127.
Rama Bava, the Vedanti anchorite, River systems of Upper India, 168.
251 note. Rivers, as deities, 163.
Ramanuga, 360 note. hymn to, 164.
Ramarama, 314, 316, 317. in India, their names, 169.
Ramiyana, 67 , 88 , 90 , 332, 354, 354 Robertson's Historical Disquisitions
note, 355. concerning India, 43.
plot of the, 67. Romaka-siddhanta, 285 note, 320 note,
-- still recited in India, 81. 337-
396 INDEX .
Romaka-vishaya, 320 note. Sakuntalâ, commentary on, by Rag-

Roman coins in India, 8. hava Bhata, 314 note.
at Manikyâla, 293. Sakyadeva's hymns, 303.
at the Ahin Posh Tope, 293. Sakyamitra Simhala, 304.
Roman, our politics are, 20. Sakyamuni, 336.
Roumanian, no traces of catus in, 262. Sakyas, 282 note.
Ru , legend of, 151 . Salisuka, king, 298.
- bones of, 152, 154. Salivahana or Satavahana, author of
Rückert's Weisheit des Brahmanen, 4. the Gâthâkosha, 331.
Rudra, the Howler, 181 . -or Hala, 331 note.
Rudras, the, 223. Sâlivâhana era, 300, 376.
Runes, 203. Samangadh plate, 285.
Samayakârika Sûtras, 227.
S, pronounced as h in Iranic lan- Samhitâ of the Rig-veda, 144.
guages, 170. Samhitâs, 92 note.
Sabdakaustubha, the, 341 . Samskâras, or sacraments at birth,
Sabdânusâsana, 334 note. 375-
Sabdavidya, 343. Samvat era, 90, 281 , 284, 337.
Sabdavidya-samyukta -sâstra, 348 . Samvatsara, 65 note, 292 note, 293.
Sabina, wife of Hadrian, coins of, 293. Sandal-wood, 10.
Sacred Books of the East, 280. Zavdapopayos = Kandrabhaga, 173.
Sacrifices to the Departed , 227. Sandhimat, 335, 339.
- various sorts of, 228. Sandrocottus , 55.
Sadharano Brahma Samâj, 143 note. Sangayin Vairattîputra, 336.
Sâdhyas, 372. Sanghabadra, teacher of Vasubandhu,
Sâhasanka, not the same as Sasanka, 303, 304, 305, 309, 312.
-- his Nyâyânusârasâstra, 307.
287 note.
Sahitya-darpana, 295. Sanghabhadra, 361 .
Saint Thomas visits Gondaphares, Sangraha, 351 , 352, 353 note.
293. Sangramâpida, 334.
Saka, the prince, 282 note. Sankara, Âkârya, the commentator,
Saka Era, 91, 282 note, 291 , 294, 296, 354, 360, 360 note.
297. his descent from Siva, 360 note.
- legends, 87. his date, 360.
bhupa-kala, 294. Sankhadatta, 335, 339.
Saka-Kala, 282. Sankhayana Grihya Sûtras, 365.
Sakakorranos, a coin of Heraos, 276 Sankhya philosophy, 84, 310, 360,
note. 361, 362, 362 note.
Sakamedhâh, 128. sûtras, 361.
Sakanripâlât, not Sakanripântât, 295 Sankhya-kârikâ, 354.
note. Sankhya-kârikâ, Chinese translation
Sakanripânte, 295 . of the, 360.
Sakaparthiva, 296 note. composed by Rishi Kapila, 360.
Sakâra = barbarians, 295 . Sanku, 329 .
= Sa-sayer, 295. not Sanku, son of Mayûra, 329 note.
sakârî, 295. Sanskrit, 15, 21 , 22 , 27 , 28, 31 , 116.
its derivation, 295. -study of, not appreciated in Eng-
from Saka, 296. land , 4.
Sâkâra, or Sâkâri era, 296. - study of, in Germany, 4.
Sakari, the, 295. use of studying, 5, 254.
Sakâri dialect, 295, 296. words in the Bible, 10.
Sakas, invasion of the, 85. its claim on our attention, 22, 30.
defeated by Vikramaditya , 99, its antiquity, 22.
281 . its literature a forgery , 28.
Sakendra-Kâla, 294. literature, 76, 77, 83, 84, 88.
Saketa, old name of Oude, 170, 298. -- a dead language, 77, 78.
Sakki dialect, 295 . yet universal in India, 79, 216.
Sakti, 360 note. - newspapers, 79.
Saktivarman, minister of Lalitâditya, - scholars from east and west con-
333. versing in, So.
Sakuntalâ, 5, 71 , 90, 94, 339. texts, number of, 82 , 83 , 84.
INDEX.
397
Sanskrit all living Indian languages
draw their life from , 82. Saxon, our morality is, 20.
Saxons , 15, 17.
grammar, importance of, 82.
attracted the notice of Goethe and Sayana, 167 note, 354 note.
Herder, 90. Sayana's Dhatuvritti , 341 .
Schi efner's abstract of Ratnadhar-
first known by works of the second
period, 90. maraga's work, 304.
- of the Vedas, 216. Schliemann's discover ies , 260.
- importance of, 254- Schools in Bengal and Madras, 62 note.
Sch
—- names for village officials, 269 note. Sci openhauer on the Upanishads, 253.
corruptions of the Greek signs of ence of Language , 12.
the Zodiac , 326 . to be studied in India, 12.
MSS , 83. 213 . Scythian coins, S.
taken to China, 213. Scythians, invasion of the, 85.
Season sacrifices , 127.
not used by students in India,
213. Sel ucus, 55 , 206.
Santanu, 185. Self, 74 , 104.
Santhals, 49 . the highest, 74, 253.
San-thsang - fa - sse = Trip objective and subjective , 252.
itakakarya, Semitic stock, the, 17.
name for Hiouen- thsang, 305 note.
Sântideva, 304. Sena ; see Siddhasena, and Srishena .
Sapindana-sraddha, 374, 375- Sena , wife of Indra, 145 note .
Sapindikarana, 238 . Sens , præsens , 64.
Setubandhu of Kalidasa, 332.
Saptadasa or Yogàkârya - bhûmi - sâs-
tra, 362. Setu-kavya, a Prakrit poem, 314, 315 ,
Sapta Rishayah, 372 . 315 note.
Sapta Sindhavah, 122 , 171. Seven Rivers , the, 122 , 171 .
Sarabara, sarawil, 259 . land ofthe , 95 note.
Sarada alphabet, 329 note. Sh, transition of, into g, 189 , 189 note.
Shabatu , 139-
Sarameya and Hermes, 182.
Sarameya margàrâh, 264. Shaddarsana-samukkaya , 362.
Saranyu and Erinnys, 183. systems of philosophy in the, 362.
Sarasvati, Sursûti, 165 , 331 note. Shad - darshana Chintanika, So.
Sarva, 358. Shahj ahanabad , 170.
Sarva-darsana- sangraha, 361 . Shankar Pandurang Pandit , 307 note,
Sasanka, enemy of the Buddhists, 287. 327.
Sastras , 228. Shashti - tantra or Kapiliya- sastra, 362 .
Sat, satya, truth, 64. Sha uyook, the , 173 note.
Satakas, three, on Kâma, Niti, andVai- Shekel and Stater, 19.
raya, 34 , 349. Shem, Ham, and Japhet, 29.
Satapatha Brahmana, 72, 134, 137- Shen- tuh, India, 275.
Sata- sastra, Pai-lun, 309, 309 note. Shi- hoang -ti, 131 note.
-- ascribed to Deva , 309 . Siddhanta , 115.
Sâtavâhana, 357, 358 . elementary, 343-
kaum i. 340, 350.
Satrunjaya Mäbâtmya, 282 note. Siddhantud asiromani, 320.
Satya, 64. Siddhasena Divakara.336,337,337note.
-Vedic gods are , 64.
-or Kita, 65 note. — or Kumudakandra , 337-
astronomer, knows the Zodiac, 323. converts Vikramaditya, 337.
324. and Srishena, 337-
Satyam, a neuter, 65 . Sūri, 336, 336 note.
Satyavadin, 71. Sidh, to keep off, 170 .
Saumilla, a dramatist , 331 note. Sieu, Lunar Stations, 130.
Saurashtra, 250 . Sighrabuddha, 312 .
Savage nations, study ofthe life of, 109 . Sikh , 37 .
Sik din, 79.
- we only know their modern his- Sikhan shananda, 299.
tory. 110.
age of, 110 . Sila, sonof Sriharsha, 282 note, 306note.
1- laws of marriage among, 110. Silabhadra Dharmakosha, 310, 345.
Savari dialect, 295 note. Sladitva (Harshavardhana Kumira-
Savitri, 162, 197. raga), ruler of North India, 2×6,
297, 309, 317, 329.
398 INDEX .
Silâditya, received Hiouen-thsang, 286. Srâddha, at birth or marriage, 239.

received Syrian Christians, 286. Colebrooke on, 239.
his death, 287. monthly, 240.
- called also Silâditya of Kânya- quarrels about, 241 .
kubga, 287. very early, 241 .
his true date, 288. Sraddhas or Agapes, 68, 228.
Silâditya Pratapasîla, 288, 313 . introduced by Manu, 365.
- date of, 289. twelve , 374.
called also Bhoga, 290. where to be performed, 375, 376.
- favours the Buddhists, 302 note. localities favourable and unfavour-
restored to the throne of Uggayinî, able for, 375-
313. number to be performed, 375.
Silamâ, meaning of, 167 note. Sramana-brahmanam, 264.
Silamâvati, 167 note. Srauta, or priestly ceremony, 227, 232 .
Silver, relation of, to gold, 19. Sreshthasena, 313.
Simhagiri, 337. Sri Bappapada, grant for the monas-
Sindhu, 164, 167, 170. tery of, 318 note.
- meaning of, 170, 171. Sridharasena of Valabhi, 350.
- Indus, 171 . Sriharsha, 282 note, 283 , 306 note, 330.
Sinim, the, 132 note. Srikumara, king of Eastern India,
Si-ri-fa-sai, 343, 345. 287 note.
Sitâ, wife of Râma, 68. Srishena and Sushena, 288 note.
Siva, 315 note. calculations of, 320 note.
-Sankara, 360 note. Srita-sena, or Srutisena, 337-
Sutras, 343. Sron-tsan-gam-po, king of Yârlang,
Sivan, May-June, 139. 308 note.
Sixty, greatest number of divisions in, Srotriyas, the, 208, 210.
19. their memory, 208.
---- minutes, division of hour into, Stallbaum, 28.
Babylonian , 18 . Stanley, 64.
Sky, eleven gods of the, 145, 244. Stephanites, 265.
-Polynesian myth of the, 150-152. Sthânesvara, 275 note.
Skylax, 170. Sthiramati, pupil of Arya Asanga,
Sleeman's Rambles, 42, 44-54. 305, 310 note, 318 note.
his life in Indian villages, 46. Sthitamati, 310, 310 note.
-- his view of the moral character of Stoat, 263 note.
the Hindus, 49. Strabo, Indian rivers known to, 172.
Slokas, 91. Strattis, comedies of, 10.
Soanos, 166 note. Subandhu, 305, 308, 328, 331 , 331
Sokrates, 157, 201 . note, 332, 357.
Solar myths, 198. -books known to, 332.
Solomon and India, 10. Sudâs, king of the Tritsus, 172, 181 .
- - judgment of, 11. Suddhi-srâddha, 374-
Soma, 145, 155, 162 , 189 , 224, 226, 230. Sûdra, a, 142.
Somadeva, 356, 357, 358, 359. Sûdraka, 339.
his Kathasarit- sagara, 350. Sûdras, 372.
Soma-sacrifice, 365. Sugar-cane on the Indus, 167 note.
Somnath, capture of, 294. Sui-shih, 212.
Sooth, sat, 64. Suka, 360 nite.
Southern Aryans, 96, 102 . Sukhavati , 304.
Buddhist era, 306 note. Sulba = copper, 296.
-- Sea Countries, I-tsing's book on Sulbâri = sulphur, 296.
the, 343 . Suleiman range, 167 note.
Speusippus, 320 note. Sun, 177.
Spinoza, 254. Sun and solar myths in Aryan my-
Srâddha, 234, 235, 237-242. thology, 197, 198.
many meanings, 235, 235 note, Sunahsepa, 365.
236. Sûra, 304.
mitra, 237. Surkhab, 274, 275.
number necessary for the Sa- Sursati, 165.
pindana, 238. Surya, 148.
INDEX.
399
Surya and Helios , 182 , 197 , 199 .
Suryavati, Queen, 356. Thôrr, called Iardar burr and Fiörgyn-
Susartu, 166. jar burr, 370.
Sushena, the physician, 288. Thracian coins, 8.
Sushoma, 165 note , 166, 166 note. Three Beyonds, 201 , 219, 243.
Sutledge , battle of the, 172 . classes of witnesses , 51 .
Sutlej, 165 . Thsin dynasty, 131 note.
Sûtra, 343- Thuggs, Thuggee, 46, 49, 61 .
period, 207, 365. Thunder, word for, in Lettish, etc.,
Sutras, 88, 90, 211 , 221 , 228 . 191.
legal, 91. Esthonian prayer to, 193.
original, 352, 353. Thunder-storms, 179.
philosophical. 359. Tibetan translation of the Tripitaka,
- never mentioned in the Buddhist II.
canon, 359. - translations , 308 note.
six collections of, 363 . list of Hiouen -thsang's teachers,
Sutudri, Sutlej, 165 , 171 , 172 note. 311 note.
--known to Greeks , 172 . Tien-chu India, 276.
Suwan, 166 note. · prod ucts of, 276.
Suwe's visit to the Indus, 271. Tin-yût, 275 note.
Svasrigalam, 264. Tishri, September- October, 139.
Svayambhuva Manu, 372. Tochari , the , 274.
Tokharistán, 274.
Sveti, 166.
Sydrus of Pliny, 172 . Toramana, 313 , 316 .
Sy Hermaios , 297. Tortoise , the story of the, 134, 137 .
Syria, 274 Towers of Silence, 4.
Sze- ma-Tsien, 275. Towns, names of, in India, 169, 170 .
Trajan, coins of, 293 .
TA- HIA , the, 274. Treta -Yuga, 373-
Tai-Chin, the country of, 276. Tretin , 167 note.
Taittiriya Samhitâ, 137. Tribhuvana Malla, 285 note.
Talpa, 261. Tripitaka, the Buddhist, 11, 88.
Tamil, 76, 82 . Chinese master of the, 305.
Tamralipti, 342. Trishtama, 166.
Tane- Mahuta, Forest - god , 154 . Trishtubh, wife of Rudra , 145 note .
Tritsus , the , 172 .
Tanjur, the , 308 note.
Tapara, village of, 300 . Troy, siege of, 153 .
Taraka , the astrologer, 288. Truth, regard for among the Indians,
Tara Kien - hoci, 305. 54.
Taranatha, 282, 2 × 3 . 348. T-ak-tin-mo-hau , the Queen, 343 .
his history of Buddhism, 303 , 303 Tuk lar as, 131 note.
Tumatauenga, God ofWar, 154.
note, 308 note. Turanian invasion , 85.
Tarápida, 333-
Tárás, stars , 131. -or Northern tribes, 86.
Tarkavakaspati, 350 , 350 note. Interregnum, 318.
Tattvabodhini, 80. Turnour, 5.
Tattvasatya-sastra, 309 . Turushkas , invasion ofthe , 85.
Tawhiri- Matea, god of the winds , 155 . Turviti Vayya, 181 .
Tcheou - Keu dynasty, 377- Tushita, 305.
Teka, 151 . Twelve divisions of the heavens,
Tennant, 42. 321.
Terrestrial gods, 148. Two women and child, story of, in the
Testimony of foreigners to the Indian Kanjur, 11.
love of truth, 54, 57. periods of Sanskrit literature, 84.
Tentoni mythology, 146 . 87.
Thakriya, 335 . Tylor, 109.
Thebes in Borotia, temple of Apollo Tŷr, 146 note.
at, 203 note. - and Tiu, 195-
Theogony , 217 . - and Dyaus , 370 .
Thirty- three Vedic gods, 145 . UD
Thôrr, 146 note, 370. DYOTAKARA, author of the
Nyayavarttika, 308, 332.
400 INDEX .
Uggvaladatta, 189 note. Vâmana, the rhetorician, 339.

Ugnis, Lith., 23. the poet of Mahârâshtra , 340.
Unadi-sûtras, 265, 341 , 344. Vanaraga, 285.
Universities, what they should teach, Vana-vidala, 265.
I, 2. Vans Kennedy on Mill's account of
Untruthfulness of Hindus, 35. the Hindus, 44.
Upanishad, found in Pâli, 359. Varâha or Boar. 367.
Upanishads, 84, 90, 246, 251 , 332 , Varâhamihira of Uggayini, 92, 93,
363. 266, 294, 298, 319, 337, 360, 366.
dialogue with Yama in the, 247. books quoted by, 320.
their beauty, 253. his list of the signs of the Zodiac,
Schopenhauer on, 253. 325, 326.
Upavarsha, 350. - quotes Manu , 366.
Upham, 5. Vararuki Katyayana, 329, 350, 351,
Uranos and Varuna, 182 . 357, 358, 359.
Úrnâvati, 167 note. - his Vârttika, 351.
Urvasi, 90, 339. Vardhamana Mahavira Giâtaputra,
Ushas and Eos, 182, 197 , 199 . 336.
Uttara-kânda of the Ramayana, 353 - his true date, 336.
note. - his Nirvana, 336.
Uttara-mimâmsâ, 359. Varman, names ending in, 288 note.
Uttarapaksha, 115 . Varro, 322 .
Vârttikas, 353 note.
VAGA, 164 note. Varuna, 136, 162 , 164, 185 , 195, 196,
Vagambhara, 164 note. 199, 245, 371.
Vagas as plural, 165 note. - and Uranos, 182.
Vagasâti , 164 note. - hymns to, 195 , 199.
Vagin, 166 note. Varunapraghasih , 127 note.
Vaginîvati , 166 note. Vasavadattâ , the, 288, 305, 308 note,
Vagrâditya, 334. 331, 358.
Vagrendra, 313, 316. Vasishtha, 65 , 74, 122 , 360 note, 372.
Vaidalya, 265. Vasubandhu , 282 note, 289, 302, 302
Vaidûrya, cat's eye, 266. note, 303, 305, 306, 312 , 358, 361.
Pânini's derivation of, 266. his studies , 303.
Vaigi, 352. his recitations, 304.
Vaiseshika, 310, 360, 361 , 362. his death, 304.
nikâya-dasapadârtha-sâstra, 361. his pupils, 305.
Vaishnavas, the, 315 note. his works, 308, 309, 309 note.
Vaisvadeva offering, 230, 374. Vasu Deva, 293.
Vaisvadevam, 127 note. = Bazodeo, 297-
Vaisya. a, 142. - coins, 294 .
- or Vaidya , 286. Vasumitra, disciple of Gunamati, 304,
Vaisyas, 214, 374. 305 note, 306 note, 309, 309 note,
Vaitána Sutra, 145 note. 310 note.
Vaivasvata, 223 note. Vasurâta, 351, 353.
Vâk, wife of Vâta, 145 note. Vasus, the, 185, 219, 223.
and Vox , 182. Vâta, the wind, 180.
Vakpati, author of the Gaudabaha, and Wotan, 182.
333. Vâtsyayana, 332.
Vakyakanda, Bharthari's, 352. Vâyu, or Indra, 148, 186, 189.
Vakyapadika, the, 348, 349. Vayu-purana, 332 note.
Vakyapadiya, or Vakyapradipa, 351. Veda, 84.
its three parts, 351. -or Knowledge, 88.
Valabbi, rulers of, 297. - shows us theAryanman, 95, 112, 113.
- era, 318. age of the, III.
monastery of, 346. not yet thoroughly studied, 113.
Valmiki, the poet, 81 , 328, 332, 355 , useless, 142.
355 note. three religions in the, 217.
Vâmana, 335. highest authority, 250.
-- the grammarian, author of the importance to us, 254.
Kasika, 339, 341. - hymns of the, 363.
INDEX.
401
Veda, seven poets of the, 372.
Vedanta philosophy, 84, 104 , 244, Vi kramarka, 337.
250, 253 , 361. Village life in India, 13.
Veda-end , 249 . Village communities in India, 46 , 47,
its present influence , 251 . 268.
its beneficial influence , 253 . number of, 47 note.
found in Pali , 359. account of, by Col. Sleeman, 47, 48.
known to Hiouen-thsang , 361 . noticed by Megasthenes , 48 .
Vedanta- sutras, 354- morality in , 48, 49.
Vedas, 83, 116. Village servants, 268 , 269.
not written, 212 . Village officials, Sanskrit names for,
three, mentioned in Pali, 359 . 269 note.
Vedic religion, 89, 97 , 108, 118. Vim okshasena, pupil of Vasubandhu,
- no extraneous influences in the, Vin 305.
124, 125. ayabhadra Sanghabhadra, 305.
- polytheistic or monotheistic, Vipas , 166 note, 172, 172 note.
144. Virag, wife of Varuna, 145 note, 372.
mythology , 9. Virgil, 29, 254.
hymns nearly free from mythology , Virgunia, near Ansbach, 370.
108. Vis, vishta , 189.
Visakha , II .
hymns, age of 111 , 119 , 122 , 216.
India, 122. , Visakhila, 339.
poets, 122. Vishnu, 93 note, 133 , 197 , 306 note.
the world known to the, 174- Vishnugupta hanakya, 220 note.
poems, 123. Vishnu-purana , passage on truth, 273-
literature, 89, 94 , 97 , 113 . Visvakarman , 137 , 162 , 246 .
Vitast
-no foreign influence traceable Viv a, 165 , 165 note, 173-
in, 140. asvat, 164 , 164 note.
its age, 207. Viverra genneta, the gennet , 262.
three periods of, 215. Vopadeva , 341 , 342 note.
sacrifices, 127. Vox and Vak, 182 .
- students how taught, 209. Vriddha and Brihat , Manu , 366.
Vriddh avadin, 337-
- Sanskrit , 141 . Vriddhavadisuri 337
gods, thirty-three , 145 . , .
how classed , 148 . Vriddhi - sraddha , 374 , 375-
polytheism, 146. Vri shala, low-caste people , 298 .
Kishis, 149 , 160 , 372. Vritti Sûtra, 345 , 347 .
Veluriya and Veruliya, Prakrit, 266. Vyadi, 350 , 351 , 353 , 356.
Venial untruths , 271 . his Sangraha, 351 .
Ventsamhara, the, 329 note. Vyakarana, grammar, 343.
Vetalabhatta , or Vetalamentha, 328. Vyakaranas, Buddhist prophecies, 298.
Vibhasha- sastra, 302 note. Vyasa, the poet and Diaskeuast, 81 ,
Vidala, cat , 24, 264. 93 note, 332, 355, 360 note.
Vidûra or Balavâya, 266.
Vidyadhara Kakravartins, the seven, W A I TZ, 109.
Wallich, 5.
357. Ward, 42 .
Vidyanagara, king of, 56.
Vidyanatha, author of the Pratapa- Warren, 5.
rudra, 314. Warren Hastings and the Darics , 8, 9.
Vidyavinoda, 350. -on the Hindus , 60 .
Vidyodaya, the , 79. Warriors, 95.
Viharas or Colleges, 8. Wassiljew's translation of Târân.tha's
Vikrama era, 289, 337- history, 303 note, 306 note.
Vikramaditya Harsha of Ugayint, Waters , divers gods of the, 145.
90, 281 , 289, 309, 313 , 317 , 327, We as el , 263.
328, 332 . and woman, 10.
era of, 282 , 284, 376. Weber, on Kalidasa's date, 301 note.
true date of, 286, 306, 312. Weisheit des Brahmanen, Ruckert's , 4.
his treatment of the Buddhist Wes termann, 28.
Manoratha, 289, 302 note. West -ostlicher Divan, Goethe's, 4.
Wilkins, 5.
- period of literature , 301.
Wilson, Prof., 5, 39 , 46.
Dd
402 INDEX.
Wilson, Prof., on the Hindu charac- Yavanas, 131 note.

ter, 40. Yavanesvara and Gârgi, Zodiacal
Wisula or wisale, O.H.G., 262. signs known to, 325.
Witnesses, three classes of, 51. Yavanesvara Asphugidhvaga = Speu-
Wolf, age of Homeric poems, 202. sippus, 320 note.
Wolf's dictum, 204.´ Yoga, found in Pâli, 359.
Working men, 95 note. Yoga system, 360, 362, 362 note.
Wotan and Vâta, 182. studied by Hiouen-thsang, 362.
Wou-ti, Emperor, 377. Yogananda, last of the Nandas, 357,
Writing, commercial, in India, 207. 358.
Written literature , 203. Yogasastra, 310.
Yudhishthira, 318.
XANTHOS, the Lydian, 204 note. Yueh-chi, the, 12 , 86, 274-277 , 297-
YADAVAPRAKASA, 360 note. and Goths, 86.
horses, sent to the king of Siam ,
Yag, ishta, 189. 271 .
Yagñadattabadha, 90. Yueh-ti, 274.
Yagnatantra-sudhânidhi, 354 note. Yuga, four, 373, 375.
Yagnavalkya, 74, 92 note, 364.
Yahweh, worship of, 252 note.
Yama, 144, 219, 223 , 226, 245, 246. Piscium, initial point of sphere, 320.
lord of the departed, 67. Ζαδάρδης οι Ζάραδρος, 172 .
as the first man, 224. Ζάραδρος οι Ζαδάρδης, 172 .
dialogue on death, 247. Zeus , 108, 180, 195, 217.
Yamuna, Jumna, 165, 171 . Zeus, Dyaus, and Jupiter, 182 .
known to Greeks, 171 . Zimmer, Prof., on polytheism, 146
Yâska, 166 note, 172 note. note.
- division of Vedic gods, 148 . -translation of Sanskrit words, 166
Yasomitra, pupil of Vasubandhu, 305, note, 167 note.
309. Zodiacal signs, known to Sanskrit
Yasovarman, king of Kanyakubga, astronomers, 322-326.
334. Zoology in India, 8.
Yâtrâ-srâddha, 375- Zoroastrianism, 13 .
•
394 INDEX .
Pâtaliputra, kings of, 298. Pitkne, Pitcainen, 193 note.

Patangali, author of the Mahâbhâ- Pitri-sacrifice, 229.
shya, 264, 267, 296, 360. Pitris, fathers, 220, 222, 237, 371,
Mahabhashya , 339, 347, 351 , 352. 372 , 373 , 374-
called Kurnikrit, 347. the deities, 365.
Pâthan inscriptions, 285. of the Brahmanas, 372.
Pathyâ, wife of Pûshan, 145 note. Pitriyagña-sacrifice, 225, 228, 229,
Patna, 77, 170 . 230, 231 .
Patollo, 192 . two , 231 .
Patrimpo, 192. Plato, 6, 254.
Pattâvalis, the, 337. Dialogues of, 121.
Paulus Alexandrinus, 320 note. Pliny, on bullion in India, 8 note.
Paulus al Yunâni, 320 note. Indian rivers known to, 171, 172.
Paurânikas, 366. Poetry, 109.
Peacocks, 10. Poland and Lituania, 191 .
Peisistratos . 205. Polecat, 262.
Peraun , Bohemian, 192, 194. Political communities, 12 , 13.
Percuna, prayer to, 192. Politics, we are Roman in our, 20.
Percunos, thunder, Old Prussian, 191. Polykrates of Samos, 205.
Periegesis, 204. Polytheism, its meaning, 145.
Perikles , 205. Pompeii, no bones of cats at, 262.
Periodos, 204. pictures of cats at, 262.
Periplus , 203, 204. Poseidon, 108.
Perjury, common in India, 48 note. Pota and Kipin, 276.
Perkons, thunder, Lettish, 191 . Pr, the root, ferire, 369.
Perkun-kulke, thunder-bolt, 191 note. Prabandhakosha, 329 note.
Perkuna, 193, 369. Prabhakara, or Prabhakaravardhana,
transition of, into Perună, 369. 287.
Perkúnas, Lituanian god of thunder, a worshipper of the sun, 288.
191 . - his date, 289.
- and parganya, 191 note. Prabhâmitra, 312.
Perkuno, 192. Pragapati, 137, 246, 258.
- gaisis, storm, 191 note. Pragâpatis, the, 372 , 373-
Persia, 18, 20, 32, 33, 139. Prakrit, used in plays, 79.
Persian coins, 8. dialects, five, 295 note.
- treasures found on the Oxus, 259. Prâkrita-sarvasva, 295 note.
found at Mykenae, 259. Pramâna logic, 305. 308.
Persians, 18. Pramantha, wood rubbed for fire, 176.
- what we owe the, 19. and Prometheus, 183.
Personification, 109. Pratapa-rudra, the, 314.
Perun, 194, 369. Pratapasila and Yasovati, parents of
Perûn, Old Slavonic, 192 . Siladitya, 288.
Perună, 369. Pratikas, 251.
Pesas, ποικίλος, 189. Prâtisâkhyas, 213.
Petersburg dictionary, 164 note. Pratna-Kamra-nandini, 79.
Phalguna, full-moon of, 127 note. Pravarasena, king of Kasmira, 313,
Pherekydes of Leros, 204 note, 205. 314. 315 , 316, 332.
Philosophical works, early Greek, 205. Prayer to Picker, 193.
Philosophy, we are Greek in our, 20. Preta, gone away, 220.
Phlegyas, 176. Primitive state of man, 113, 123.
Phoenicia, 18, 20. Vedic poets not, 123.
Phoenician letters , 203 , 203 note. Vedic poets are, 124.
Phoenicians, 18. Prince Consort, Life of, 120.
Picker, Picken, Esthonian god, 193 . Prinsep, 5.
Pida = Bhatti, 349. Prishata, prishatî, 189.
Pina, or Pida, or Vina, 349. Prithivi, 137, 188, 370.
Pinda pitriyagña, 228. wife of Agni, 145 note.
Ping, pish, pis, 189. the broad earth , 158.
Piorun, Polish, 192, 194. Prithivyapida , 334.
Pipal tree, 50. Prithudaka, quotation from Arya-
Pisaka dialect, 358. bhata, 319 .
INDEX. 395
Prometheus, 176. Ramayana, Zoliacal signs in the, 322

-and pramantha, 183. note.
Πρόξ (ω ), περινός, 189. Ram Comul Sen, 41 .
Proto-Aryan language, 25. Ramhâ, 166.
Prussian, Old, 195. Ram Mohun Roy, 143 note, 249.
-gods, 192. Ramaditya, 318.
Ptolemy, 18. Rangi, Heaven, 154.
Indian rivers known to, 171 , 172. Rangimot a in Mangaia, 151.
Pulakesin of Kalyana, 287. Rass, 166, 173 note.
Pulakesin II, Satyasraya, 287 note, Ratnadharmaraya's Life of Bhagavat
288 note. Buddha 304-
Pulastya, 372. Ratnavall, 329.
Pumice stone, 152, 154- Ravana, copyof Panini'sGrammar, 351 .
Pundarikaksha, 350. Rawi , 172.
Punjab, 122, 164. Readers, not manyin ancient times, 120.
Purana, 88. Real and Right, 65 note.
Kasyapa, 336. Recitation of the old Epics in India,
Puranas, 88, 142, 221 , 298, 332 , 366, 81, 102, 273-
373. Reformers, religious, 336.
the deluge in the, 133. Religion in India, 13.
Purushapura, monastery of, 302 note. -we are Jewish and Semitic in our,
Purushottama, 340. 20.
Purva mimamsà, 360. -and a religion, 106.
Purvapaksha, 115. the life ofthe ancient Indians, 108.
Pürvedyuk, 376. — of Rome, various ingredients in
Pushan, 162, 185, 197. the, 124.
Pushkale tra, battle of, 339- Rémusat on the Goths and Yueh chi,
Pushpabhati, 288. 86.
- a worshipper of Siva, 288. Renaissance, literary, in India, 85, 90,
Pushpadanta. 357. 358. 93.
Pushti - sraddha, 375- age of, 93.
Pushtus, 170. Sanskrit, 355.
Rennell, 5.
RAGÂ Kimadeva, patron of Kavi- Revised New Testament, 1 20
raga, 331 note. Rhys-Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories,
Ragasekhara, 328, 329, 331 note. II note.
author of Prabandhakosha, 329 Ribhu and Orpheus, 183.
note. Ribhus, the, 181.
Ragatarangin , the, 313, 315 note, 316, Rig veda, So, 85. 95.
328, 333, 334. 339, 355. -editions now publishing, 80.
Raghava Bhata, commentary on Sa- known by heart, 81.
kuntala, 314 note, - Dayananda's Introduction to the, 85.
Raghavapandaviya, 340. publication of the, 143 note,
Raghu, 68. length of, 208.
Raghuvamsa, 326, 339. handed down by memory, 208.
Ragyavardhana, 287, 288. Max Muller's edition of, 280, 341.
date of, 289. Rimmon, 139.
Ragyasri, wife of Grahavarman, 288, Ringold, first Duke of Lituania, 190.
334. Rishi, 148.
Rahulabhadra, 304- Rishis, the Vedic, 224
Rajendralal Mitra, on Sacrifices, 231 . the seven, 372, 373-
Rama, 67 , 68, 69. Rita, 64, 66, 243-
and the Brahman, 68, 69. Ritv-ig, a priest, 127.
Rama Bavà, the Vedanti anchorite, River systems of Upper India, 168.
251 note. Rivers, as deities, 163.
Ramanuga, 360 note. hymn to, 164.
Ramasrama, 314, 316, 317. -- in India, their names, 169.
Ramiyana, 67, 88, 90 , 334 , 354, 354 Robertson's Historical Disquisitions
note, 355. concerning India, 43-
plot of the, 67. Ron aka-siddhanta, 255 note, 320 note,
still recited in India, 81 . 337-
396 INDEX .
Romaka-vishaya, 320 note. Sakuntalâ, commentary on, by Rag-

Roman coins in India, 8. hava Bhata, 314 note.
at Manikyâla, 293. Sakyadeva's hymns, 303 .
at the Ahin Posh Tope, 293. Sakyamitra Simhala, 304.
Roman, our politics are, 20. Sakyamuni, 336.
Roumanian, no traces of catus in, 262 . Sakyas, 282 note.
Ru, legend of, 151 . Salisûka, king, 298.
bones of, 152, 154. Salivahana or Satavahana, author of
Rückert's Weisheit des Brahmanen, 4. the Gâthâkosha , 331.
Rudra, the Howler, 181 . -or Hala, 331 note.
Rudras, the, 223. Salivahana era, 300, 376.
Runes, 203. Samangadh plate, 285.
Samayakarika Sûtras, 227 .
S, pronounced as h in Iranic lan- Samhita of the Rig-veda, 144.
guages, 170. Samhitas, 92 note.
Sabdakaustubha , the, 341 . Samskâras, or sacraments at birth,
Sabdânusâsana, 334 note. 375.
Sabdavidya, 343. Samvat era, 90, 281 , 284, 337.
Sabdavidya-samyukta-sâstra, 348. Samvatsara, 65 note, 292 note, 293.
Sabina, wife of Hadrian, coins of, 293. Sandal-wood, 10 .
Sacred Books of the East, 280. Zavdapopáɣos = Kandrabhaga, 173.
Sacrifices to the Departed , 227. Sandhimat, 335, 339.
- - various sorts of, 228. Sandrocottus , 55.
Sadharano Brahma Samâj, 143 note. Sangayin Vairatliputra, 336.
Sadhyas, 372. Sanghabadra, teacher of Vasubandhu,
Sahasanka, not the same as Sasanka, 303, 304, 305, 309, 312.
-- his Nyâyânusârasâstra, 307.
287 note.
Sahitya- darpana, 295. Sanghabhadra, 361 .
Saint Thomas visits Gondaphares , Sangraha, 351, 352, 353 note.
293. Sangramâpida , 334.
Saka, the prince, 282 note. Sankara, Akârya, the commentator,
Saka Era, 91 , 282 note, 291 , 294, 296, 354, 360, 360 note.
297. - his descent from Siva, 360 note.
-- legends, 87. his date, 360.
bhupa-kâla, 294. Sankhadatta, 335, 339.
Saka -Kala, 282. Sankhayana Grihya Sûtras, 365.
Sakakorranos, a coin of Heraos, 276 Sankhya philosophy, 84, 310, 360,
note. 361, 362, 362 note.
Sâkamedhah, 128. sûtras, 361.
Sakanripâlât, not Sakanripântât , 295 Sânkhya -kârikâ, 354.
note. Sankhya-kârika, Chinese translation
Sakanripânte, 295. of the, 360.
Sakaparthiva, 296 note. composed by Rishi Kapila, 360.
Sakara = - barbarians, 295. Sanku, 329 .
-Sa-sayer, 295. not Sanku, son of Mayûra, 329 note.
- sakârî , 295. Sanskrit, 15, 21 , 22 , 27 , 28 , 31, 116.
its derivation, 295. study of, not appreciated in Eng-
from Saka, 296. land , 4.
Sakâra, or Sâkâri era, 296. study of, in Germany, 4.
Sakari, the, 295. use of studying, 5, 254.
Sâkârî dialect, 295, 296. words in the Bible, 10.
Sakas, invasion of the, 85. its claim on our attention, 22, 30.
defeated by Vikramaditya, 92, its antiquity, 22.
281 . its literature a forgery , 28.
Sakendra- Kala, 294. literature, 76, 77 , 83, 84, 88.
Saketa, old name of Oude, 170, 298. a dead language, 77, 78.
Sakki dialect, 295. yet universal in India, 79 , 216.
Sakti, 360 note. newspapers, 79.
Saktivarman, minister of Lalitâditya, scholars from east and west con-
333. versing in, So.
Sakuntalâ, 5, 71 , 90, 94, 339. - texts, number of, 82 , 83, 84.
INDEX. 397
Sanskrit all living Indian languages Saxon, our morality is, 20.
draw their life from, 82. Saxons, 15, 17.
grammar, importance of, 82. Sayana, 167 note, 354 note.
attracted the notice of Goethe and Savany's Dhatuvritti , 341.
Herder, 90. Schiefner's abstract of Ratnadhar-
first known by works of the second maraga's work, 304.
period , 90. Schliemann's d scoveries, 260.
of the Vedas, 216. Schools in Bengal and Madras, 62 note.
importance of, 254. Schopenhauer on the Upanishads, 253.
names for village officials, 269 note. Science of Language, 12.
corruptions of the Greek signs of to be studied in India, 12.
the Zodiac, 326. Scythian coins, 8.
MSS , 83, 213. Scythians, invasion of the, 85.
- taken to China, 213. Season sacrifices, 127.
--not used by students in India, Sel ucus, 55. 206.
213. Self, 74, 104.
Santanu, 185. the highest, 74, 253.
Santhals, 49. objective and subjective, 252.
San -thsang- fa- sse = Tripitakâlârya, Semitic stock, the, 17.
name forHiouen-thsang, 305 note. Sena; see Siddhasena, and Srishona.
Sântideva, 304. Sena, wife of Indra, 145 note.
Sapindana-sraddha, 374. 375. Sens, præsens, 64.
Sapindikarana . 238. Setubandhu of Kalidasa, 332.
Saptadasa or Yogakarya - bhûmi - sâs- Setu-kavya, a Prakrit poem , 314. 315,
tra, 362. 315 note.
Sapta Rishayah, 372. Seven Rivers, the, 122 , 171.
Supta Sindhavah, 122, 171. land of the. 95 note.
Sarabara , sarâwil , 259. Sh, transition of, into g, 189, 189 note.
Sarada alphabet, 329 note. Shabatu , 139.
Sarameya and Hermes, 182. Shaddargana-samukkaya, 362.
Sarameya mârgårâh, 264. systems of philosophy in the, 362.
Saranyu and Erinnys, 183. Shad - darshana Chintanika, 80.
Sarasvati, Sursûti, 165, 331 note. Shahjahanabad, 170.
Sarva, 358. Shankar Pandurang Pandit, 307 note,
Sarva-darsana- sangraha, 361. 327.
Sasanka, enemy of the Buddhists, 287. Shashti- tantra or Kapiliya-sastra, 362.
Sastras, 228. Shauyook, the, 173 note.
Sat, satya, truth, 64. Shekel and Stater, 19.
Satakas, three, on Kama, Niti, andVai- Shem, Ham, and Japhet, 29.
raya, 34 , 349. Shen-tuh, India, 275.
Satapatha Brahmana, 72, 134, 137- Shi hoang-ti, 131 note.
Sata-sâstra, Pâäi-lun, 309, 309 note. Siddhanta, 115.
- ascribed to Deva, 309. - elementary, 343-
Satavahana, 357. 358. -- kaumudi, 340, 350.
Satrungaya Mahatmya, 282 note. Sid llantas romasi , 320.
Satya, 64. Siddhagena Diväkara,336,337,337note.
-Vedic gods are, 64. - or Kumudalandra, 337-
-or Rita, 65 note. converts Vikramaditya, 337-
- astronomer, knows the Zodiac, 323. and Srishewa, 337-
324 Suri, 336, 336 note,
Satyam, a neuter, 65. Sidh, to keep off, 170.
Satyavadin, 71. Sieu, Lunar Stations, 130.
Saumilla, a dramatist, 331 note. Alghrabuddha, 312.
Saurashtra, 250. Sikh , 37-
Savage nations, study ofthe life of, 109. Skhandin, 79.
-we only know their modern his- Sikshananda, 299.
tory, 110. Sila, sonofSr harsha, 282 note, 306note,
-age of, 110. Sulabhadra D. aru akosha, 315, 345.
- laws of marriage among, 110. Shaditya (Harshavardhana Kumira-
Savari dialect, 295 note. raga), ruler of North India, 256,
Savitri, 162, 197- 297, 309, 317, 329.
398 INDEX.
Silâditya, receivedHiouen-thsang, 286. Sraddha, at birth or marriage, 239.

received Syrian Christians, 286. Colebrooke on, 239.
-his death, 287. monthly, 240.
-called also Silâditya of Kânya- quarrels about, 241 .
kubga, 287. very early, 241 .
his true date, 288. Sraddhas or Agapes, 68, 228.
Silâditya Pratâpasila, 288, 313. introduced by Manu, 365.
date of, 289. twelve , 374.
I called also Bhoga, 290. where to be performed, 375, 376.
favours the Buddhists, 302 note. localities favourable and unfavour-
restored to the throne of Uggayinî, able for, 375 .
313. -number to be performed, 375.
Silama, meaning of, 167 note. Sramana-brâhmanam, 264.
Silamâvati, 167 note. Srauta, or priestly ceremony, 227, 232.
Silver, relation of, to gold, 19. Sreshthasena, 313.
Simhagiri , 337. Sri Bappapada, grant for the monas-
Sindhu, 164, 167, 170. tery of, 318 note.
-- meaning of, 170, 171 . Sridharasena of Valabhi, 350.
· Indus, 171 . Sriharsha, 282 note, 283 , 306 note, 330.
Sinim, the, 132 note. Srikumara, king of Eastern India,
Si-ri-fa-sai, 343, 345. 287 note.
Sitâ, wife of Rama, 68. Srishena and Sushena, 288 note.
Siva, 315 note. - calculations of, 320 note.
- = Sankara, 360 note. Srita-sena, or Srutisena, 337-
-Sûtras, 343. Sron-tsan-gam-po, king of Yârlang,
Sivan, May-June, 139. 308 note.
Sixty, greatest number ofdivisions in, Srotriyas, the, 208, 210.
19. - their memory, 208.
-- minutes, division of hour into, Stallbaum, 28.
Babylonian, 18. Stanley, 64.
Sky, eleven gods of the, 145, 244. Stephanites, 265.
-Polynesian myth of the, 150-152. Sthânesvara, 275 note.
Skylax, 170. Sthiramati, pupil of Arya Asanga,
Sleeman's Rambles , 42 , 44-54. 305, 310 note, 318 note.
his life in Indian villages, 46. Sthitamati, 310, 310 note.
- his view of the moral character of Stoat, 263 note.
the Hindus, 49. Strabo, Indian rivers known to, 172 .
Slokas, 91.. Strattis, comedies of, 10.
Soanos, 166 note. Subandhu, 305, 308, 328, 331, 331
Sokrates, 157, 201 . note, 332, 357.
Solar myths, 198. -- books known to, 332.
Solomon and India, 10. Sudas, king of the Tritsus, 172, 181.
- judgment of, 11. Suddhi-sraddha, 374-
Soma, 145, 155, 162 , 189 , 224, 226, 230. Sûdra, a, 142.
Somadeva, 356, 357, 358, 359. Sûdraka, 339.
his Kathasarit- sagara, 350. Sûdras, 372.
Soma-sacrifice, 365. Sugar- cane on the Indus, 167 note.
Somnath, capture of, 294. Sui-shih, 212.
Sooth, sat, 64. Suka, 360 n te.
Southern Aryans, 96, 102 . Sukhavati , 304.
Buddhist era, 306 note. Sulba = copper, 296.
-- Sea Countries, I-tsing's book on Sulbâri = sulphur, 296.
the, 343. Suleiman range, 167 note.
Speusippus, 320 note. Sun, 177.
Spinoza , 254. Sun and solar myths in Aryan my-
Sraddha, 234, 235 , 237-242 . thology, 197 , 198.
many meanings, 235, 235 note, Sunahsepa, 365.
236. Sûra, 304.
- mitra, 237. Surkhab, 274, 275.
- number necessary for the Sa- Sursûti, 165.
pindana, 238 . Surya, 148.
INDEX. 399
Surya and Helios, 182, 197 , 199. Thorr, called Iardar burr and Fiorgyn-
Suryavati, Queen, 356. jar burr, 370.
Susartu, 166 . Thracian coins, 8.
Sushena, the physician, 288. Three Beyonds, 201, 219, 243.
Sushoma, 165 note, 166, 166 note. classes of witnesses, 51 .
Sutledge , battle of the, 172. Thsin dynasty, 131 note.
Sutlej , 165. Thuggs, Thuggee, 46, 49, 61.
Sutra , 343. Thunder, word for, in Lettish, etc. ,
-period, 207, 365. 191.
Sutras, 88, 90, 211 , 221, 228. Esthonian prayer to, 193.
legal, 91. Thunder-storms, 179.
original, 352 , 353- Tibetan translation of the Tripitaka,
philosophical. 359. II.
-never mentioned in the Buddhist - translations, 308 note.
canon, 359. list of Hiouen-thsang's teachers ,
six collections of, 363. 311 note.
Sutudri , Sutlej, 165 , 171 , 172 note. Tien-chu India, 276.
known to Greeks, 172. products of, 276.
Suwan, 166 note. Tin-yût, 275 note.
Suwe's visit to the Indus, 271. Tishri, September-October, 139.
Svasrigalam, 264. Tochári , the , 274.
Svayambhuva Manu, 372. Tokharistán, 274-
Sveti, 166. Toramana, 313, 316.
Sydrus of Pliny, 172. Tortoise , the story of the, 134 , 137-
Sy Hermaios , 297 . Towers of Silence, 4.
Syria, 274. Towns, names of, in India, 169, 170.
Sze- ma-Tsien, 275. Trajan, coins of, 293.
Treta -Yuga, 373.
TA-HIA, the, 274. Tretin!, 167 note.
Tai-Chin, the country of, 276. Tribhuvana Malla, 285 note.
Taittiriya Samhità, 137. Tripitaka, the Buddhist, 11 , 88.
Talpa, 261. Chinese master of the, 305.
Tamil, 76, 82. Trishtama, 166.
Tamralipti, 342. Trishtubh, wife of Rudra , 145 note.
Tane- Mahuta, Forest-god, 154. Tritsus, the , 172.
Tanjur, the, 308 note. Troy, siege of, 153.
Tapara, village of, 300. Truth, regard for among the Indians,
Taraka, the astrologer, 288. 54.
Târâ - Kien - hoei, 305. Tak- tin-mo-hau, the Queen, 343.
Taranatha, 282, 23. 348. Tukharas, 131 note.
his history of Buddhism, 303, 303 Tumatauenga, God ofWar, 154-
note, 308 note. Turanian invasion, 85.
Tarápida, 333- -or Northern tribes, 86.
Taras, stars, 131 . Interregnum, 318.
Tarkavahaspati , 350, 350 note. Turnour, 5.
Tattvabodhini, 8o. Turushkas, invasion ofthe, 85.
Tattvasatya-sastra, 309 . Turviti Vayya, 181.
Tawhiri-Matea, god of the winds , 155. Tushita, 305.
Tcheou Keu dynasty, 377- Twelve divisions of the heavens,
Teka, 151 . 321.
Tennant, 42 . Two women and child, story of, in the
Terrestrial gods , 148. Kanjur, 11.
Testimony of foreigners to the Indian -periods of Sanskrit literature, 84.
love of truth, 54, 57- 87.
Teutoni mythology, 146. Tylor, 109.
Thakriya, 335. Tyr, 146 note.
Thebes in Boeotia, temple of Apollo and Tiu, 195 .
at. 203 note. and Dyaus, 370.
Theogony, 217.
Thirty- three Vedic gods, 145. UDDYOTAKARA, author of the
Thôrr, 146 note, 370. Nyayavarttika, 308, 332.
400 INDEX .
Uggvaladatta, 189 note. Vâmana, the rhetorician, 339.

Ugnis , Lith., 23. the poet of Mahârâshtra, 340.
Unadi -sûtras, 265, 341 , 344. Vanarâga, 285.
Universities, what they should teach, Vana-vidâla, 265.
I, 2. Vans Kennedy on Mill's account of
Untruthfulness of Hindus, 35. the Hindus , 44.
Upanishad, found in Pâli, 359. Varâha or Boar. 367.
Upanishads, 84, 90, 246, 251 , 332 , Varâbamihira of Uggayinî, 92, 93,
363. 266, 294, 298 , 319, 337, 360, 366.
dialogue with Yama in the, 247. books quoted by, 320.
their beauty, 253. his list of the signs of the Zodiac,
Schopenhauer on, 253. 325, 326.
Upavarsha, 350. quotes Manu, 366.
Upham, 5. Vararuki Katyayana, 329, 350, 351,
Uranos and Varuna, 182. 357, 358, 359.
Ürnâvati, 167 note. - his Vârttika, 351.
Urvasi, 90, 339. Vardhamana Mahavira Giâtaputra,
Ushas and Eos, 182, 197 , 199. 336.
Uttara-kânda of the Râmâyana, 353 his true date, 336.
note. his Nirvana, 336.
Uttara- mimâmsâ , 359. Varman, names ending in, 288 note.
Uttarapaksha , 115 . Varro, 322 .
Vârttikas, 353 note.
VÂGA, 164 note. Varuna, 136, 162, 164, 185 , 195 , 196,
Vagambhara , 164 note. 199, 245, 371.
Vagas as plural, 165 note. - and Uranos, 182 .
Vagasati, 164 note. - hymns to, 195, 199.
Vâgin, 166 note. Varunapraghasih, 127 note.
Vaginîvati, 166 note. Vasavadattà, the, 288, 305, 308 note,
Vagrâditya, 334. 331. 358.
Vagrendra, 313, 316. Vasishtha, 65, 74, 122 , 360 note, 372.
Vaidalya, 265. Vasubandhu, 282 note, 289, 302, 302
Vaidurya, cat's eye, 266. note, 303, 305. 306, 312 , 358 , 361.
--- - Pânini's derivation of, 266. his studies . 303 .
Vaigi, 352. his recitations, 304.
Vaiseshika, 310, 360, 361 , 362. his death, 304.
nikâya-dasapadârtha-sâstra, 361 . his pupils, 305 .
Vaishnavas, the, 315 note. his works, 308, 309, 309 note.
Vaisvadeva offering, 230, 374. Vâsu Deva , 293.
Vaisvadevam , 127 note. - Bazodeo, 297-
Vaisya. a, 142. · coins , 294.
-or Vaidya, 286. Vasumitra, disciple of Gunamati, 304,
Vaisyas, 214, 374. 305 note, 306 note, 309, 309 note,
Vaitâna Sutra, 145 note. 310 note.
Vaivasvata, 223 note. Vasurâta, 351 , 353.
Vak, wife of Vâta, 145 note. Vasus, the, 185, 219, 223.
and Vox , 182. Vâta, the wind, 180.
Vakpati, author of the Gaudabaha, and Wotan, 182.
333 . Vâtsyayana, 332.
Vakyakanda, Bharthari's, 352. Vayu, or Indra, 148, 186, 189 .
Vakyapadika, the, 348, 349 . Vayu-purana, 332 note.
Vakyapadiya, or Vâkyapradipa, 351 . Veda, 84.
its three parts , 351 . - or Knowledge, 88.
Valabhi , rulers of, 297. - shows us the Aryanman, 95,112, 113.
- era, 318. age of the, 11I.
-monastery of, 346. not yet thoroughly studied, 113.
Valmiki , the poet, 81 , 328, 332, 355 , useless, 142.
355 note. three religions in the, 217.
Vâmana, 335 . - highest authority, 250.
the grammarian, author of the - importance to us, 254
Kasika, 339, 341. - hymns of the, 363.
INDEX.
401
Veda, seven poets ofthe, 372. Vikramarka, 337-
Vedanta philosophy, 84, 104, 244,
Village life in India, 13.
250, 253, 361. Village communities in India, 46 , 47,
Veda -end, 249 .
influe 268.
its present nce, 251. number of, 47 note.
its beneficial influence , 253 .
found in Pali , 359- -ac count of, by Col. Sleeman, 47, 48 .
known to Hiouen-thsang, 361 . noticed by Megasthenes , 48 .
Vedanta- sutras, 354- mora lity in, 48, 49.
Vedas, 83, 116. Village servants , 268 , 269.
- not written, 212. Vill age officials, Sanskrit names for,
three, mentioned in Pali, 359. 269 note.
Vedic religion, 89, 97, 108, 118. Vimok hasena, pupil of Vasubandhu ,
-no extraneous influences in the, Vinayabh 305.
124, 125. adra Sanghabhadra, 305.
polyth monot Vipa s, 166 note, 172, 172 note.
- eistic or heistic, Virag, wife of Varuna, 145 note, 372 .
144. Vir gil 29, 254 -
mythology, 9. ,
Virgunia, near Ansbach, 370.
hymns nearly free from mythology, Vis , vishta , 189.
108. Vizikhi , II .
- hymns, age of, 111, 119 , 122, 216. Visakhila, 339-
India, 122.
Vishnu, 93 note, 133 , 197, 306 note.
poets, I 22. Vishnugupta Kanakya, 220 note.
the world known to the, 174-
Vishnu- purana, passage on truth, 273-
poems, 123. Visvakarman , 137, 162 , 246.
literature , 89, 94, 97, 112. Vitasta , 165 , 165 note , 173-
no foreign influence traceable Vivasvat, 164, 164 note.
in, 140.
Viverra genneta, the gennet, 262.
its age, 207 . Vopadeva, 341, 342 note.
three periods of, 215 . Vox and Vak, 182 .
sacrifices, 127.
students how taught, 209. Vriddha and Brihat, Manu, 366.
Vriddhavadin , 337-
Sanskrit, 141. Vriddhavadisüri , 337-
gods, thirty-three , 145 . Vriddhi-sraddha, 374, 375.
how classed, 148.
Vrishala, low-caste people, 298 .
polytheism, 146. Vritti Sutra, 345, 347-
Rishis, 149, 160 , 374 .
Veluriya and Veruliya, Prâkrit, 266. Vyadi, 350, 351 , 353 , 356.
Venial untruths , 271 . - his Sangraha, 351.
Ventsamhara, the , 329 note. Vya karana, grammar, 343.
Vetālabhafta, or Vetalamentha, 328. Vyakaranas, Buddhist prophecies, 298 .
Vibhasha-sastra, 302 note. Vyasa, the poet and Diaskeuast, 81 ,
Vidala, cat, 24, 264. 93 note, 334, 355, 360 note.
Vidura or Balavâya, 266. WAITZ, 109.
Vidyadhara Kakravartins, the seven, Wallich, 5.
357. Ward, 42.
Vidyanagara, king of, 56. Warren, 5.
Vidyanatha, author of the Pratapa- War
rudra, 314. ren Hastings and the Darics, 8, 9.
Vidyavinoda, 350. -on the Hindus, 60.
Warriors, 95.
Vidyodaya, the, 79 .
Viharas or Colleges, 8. Wassiljew's translation of Taran.tha's
Vikrama era, 289. 337- history, 303 note, 306 note,
Vikramaditya Harsha of Uggayint, Waters, divers gods of the, 145-
Weasel, 263 .
90, 281 , 289, 309, 313, 317 , 327, and woman, 10.
328, 332. Weber, on Kalid isa's date, 301 note.
-era of, 182 , 284. 376. Weisheit des Brahmanen, Rückert'», 4-
- true date of, 186, 306, 312. Westermann, 28.
his trea tment of the Budd hist
Manoratha, 289, 302 note. West- ostlicher Divan, Goethe's, 4-
Wilkins, 5.
- period of literature, 301. Wilson , Prof., 5, 39, 46.
D d
402 INDEX .
Wilson, Prof. , on the Hindu charac- Yavanas, 131 note.

ter, 40. Yavanesvara and Gârgi, Zodiacal
Wisula or wisale, O.H.G., 262. signs known to, 325.
Witnesses, three classes of, 51. Yavanesvara Asphugidhvaga = Speu-
Wolf, age of Homeric poems, 202. sippus, 320 note.
Wolf's dictum , 204 . Yoga, found in Pâli, 359.
Working men, 95 note. Yoga system, 360, 362, 362 note.
Wotan and Vâta, 182 . - studied by Hiouen-thsang, 362.
Wou-ti, Emperor, 377. Yogananda, last of the Nandas, 357,
Writing, commercial, in India, 207. 358.
Written literature, 203. Yogasastra, 310.
Yudhishthira, 318.
XANTHOS, the Lydian , 204 note. Yueh -chi, the, 12 , 86, 274-277, 297.
--- and Goths, 86.
YADAVAPRAKÂSA, 360 note. - - horses, sent to the king of Siam ,
Yag, ishta, 189. 271 .
Yagñadattabadha, 90. Yueh-ti, 274.
Yagnatantra-sudhânidhi, 354 note. Yuga, four, 373, 375.
Yagnavalkya, 74, 92 note, 364.
Yahweh, worship of, 252 note.
Yama, 144, 219, 223 , 226, 245, 246. Piscium, initial point of sphere, 320.
lord of the departed , 67. Ζαδάρδης οι Ζάραδρος, 172 .
-as the first man, 224. Ζάραδρος οι Ζαδάρδης , 172 .
dialogue on death, 247. Zeus, 108, 180, 195, 217.
Yamuna, Jumna, 165, 171 . Zeus, Dyaus, and Jupiter, 182.
known to Greeks , 171 . Zimmer, Prof. , on polytheism, 146
Yâska, 166 note, 172 note. note.
division of Vedic gods, 148. -translation of Sanskrit words, 166
Yasomitra, pupil of Vasubandhu, 305, note, 167 note.
309. Zodiacal signs, known to Sanskrit
Yasovarman, king of Kanyakubga, astronomers, 322-326.
334. Zoology in India, 8.
Yâtra- srâddha, 375. Zoroastrianism , 13.
L
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This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized

by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the

barvard College Library

ESTABLISHED IN 1875 BY THE

WHAT CAN IT TEACH US ?

DELIVERED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

F. MAX MÜLLER , K.M.

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

[ All rights reserved. ]

PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND FELLOW OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE

As these Lectures would never have been

written or delivered but for your hearty encourage-

ment, I hope you will now allow me to dedicate

them to you, not only as a token of my sincere

friendship, now more than

friendship which has grown from year to year, has

for what to both of us may remain of our short

I must add , however, that in dedicating these

any responsibility for the views which I have put

with some of my views on the ancient religion and

regard to the recent date which I have assigned to

the whole of what is commonly called the Classical

friendship can claim any voice in the courts of

science and literature, let me assure you that I

shall consider your outspoken criticism of my Lec-

greatest honour if real scholars, I mean men not

only of learning, but of judgment and character,

and searching criticism, and I have cared far more

for the production of one single new fact, though it

spoke against me, than for any amount of empty

studies and an unswerving love of truth ought to

able to flattery or abuse, and with a vizor that

shuts out no ray of light, from whatever quarter it

more combination of facts, these are his quest.

failures are sometimes the condition of victory, and

calls the vanquished .

You know better than anybody else the present

state of Sanskrit scholarship . You know that at

ship means discovery and conquest. Every one of

manent occupation of new ground . But you know

much still remains terra incognita. No doubt this ex-

mark lately made by a distinguished member of

work hard, even at the risk of seeing their labours

unrequited ; we want strong and bold men who are

not afraid of storms and shipwrecks. The worst

those who only dabble in puddles and are afraid

William Jones, Thomas Colebrooke, and Horace

Sanskrit scholarship if they had not rushed in

will become of Sanskrit scholarship if their con-

ledge ? You know best that there is more to be

Sakuntalâs, and surely the young men who

the spirit of enterprise, or even of adventure ?

Why then should it be said that the race of bold

world, has well -nigh become extinct, and that

England, which offers the strongest incentives and

the most brilliant opportunities for the study of

India, is no longer in the van of Sanskrit scho-

If some of the young Candidates for the Indian

wiped out, if a few of them at least determined to

follow in the footsteps of Sir William Jones, and to

real political genius the material conquest of India,

conquest entirely to other countries, then I shall

indeed rejoice, and feel that I have paid back, in

which I owe to my adopted country and to some