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Egert Pöhlmann
Erlangen (Germany)
egert.poehlmann@fau.de
Abstract
In 1841, Friedrich Bellermann published two treatises about Greek music, the Anonymi
scriptio de musica and Bacchii senioris introductio artis musicae (Bellermann 1841).
While the second treatise belongs to some Dionysius, a Byzantine musicologist of the
time of Constantine Porphyrogenetos (912-959; new edition Tertsēs 2010), the first
treatise is an agglomeration of five musical handbooks (new edition Najock 1972 and
1975). The available manuscript tradition of the respective headings and the begin-
nings and the content of the different components make it possible to disentangle the
alleged σύγγραμμα into its parts and to describe the original treatises accurately.
Keywords
1 Introduction
The musical handbooks which Carl von Jan assembled in his famous Musici
scriptores Graeci (Jan 1895) fall into several groups. There are Pythagorean trea-
tises like Eucleides’ Κατατομὴ κανόνος (Jan III) and Nicomachus’ Ἐγχειρίδιον
ἁρμονικῆς (Jan V). Also Pythagorean is the Τέχνη μουσική by some Dionysius,
first published under the name of Bacchius by Bellermann (Bellermann 1841;
Tertsēs 2010). Cleonides’ Εἰσαγωγὴ ἁρμονική (Jan IV), an Aristoxenian trea-
tise, is an example of the systematic treatise described by Fuhrmann (1960).
2 Anonymi Bellermann
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The following treatise begins with the heading Ὅρος μουσικῆς. As A and C have
it in the text, B in the margin, the compiler of the archetype pointed to the
beginning of a new treatise by this heading, which is possible for a handbook.
Indeed, § 12 offers two definitions of music, the second of which reappears
at the beginning of Anonymus III (29). A definition of the musician follows.
§ 13 divides music into six branches: harmonics, rhythmics, metrics, organol-
ogy, poetics and acting, of which in §§ 14-8 the first four are described.7 In § 30,
Anonymus III divides music into the same branches, but in § 31 he deals only
with harmonics. The preliminary definition of harmonics in § 14 is interesting:
“it is crucial for harmonics, which is divided into fifteen keys, to distinguish
the genera of the melodies” (τῆς μὲν ἁρμονικῆς εἰς τρόπους δεκαπέντε διαιρου
μένης ἴδιον τὸ περὶ τῶν τῆς μελῳδίας γενῶν διαλαμβάνειν). This sentence, the be-
ginning of which reappears at the beginning of Anonymus IV in § 66, does not
match the traditional division of harmonics into seven parts, namely sounds,
intervals, systems, genera, keys, modulation and melody-making. It is drawn by
misunderstanding from Alypius, 367, 19-21 Jan, as we shall see below (p. 121 f.).
In §§ 19-20, Anonymus II returns to harmonics and lists now correctly the
seven parts of it. In § 21, he compares the φθόγγος with the point in geometry,
with the number one in arithmetic and with the letter in the alphabet, a no-
tion which appears also in the excerpts of Nicomachus § 6, p. 276 f. Jan. After
that, Anonymus II adds the Aristoxenian definition: “the sound is the fall of a
melodic voice on a certain pitch” (καὶ ἔστιν ὁ φθόγγος ἐμμελοῦς φωνῆς πτῶσις ἐπὶ
μίαν τάσιν. In § 22, he introduces διάστημα, in § 23, σύστημα.
In §§ 24-6, Anonymus II describes the three genera like Aristoxenus, using
the tone, the half-tone and the quarter-tone, which he calls δίεσις following
Aristoxenus. But as he curbs the three chromatic and the two diatonic genera
in each case to one genus in § 24, an inconsistency results: “the tone is divided
into two half-tones, but in the chromatic into three dieses, and in the enhar-
monic into quarter-tones” (ὁ τόνος διαιρεῖται εἰς ἡμιτόνια δύο καἱ ἐν μὲν χρώματι
εἰς διέσεις τρεῖς, ἐν ἁρμονίᾳ δὲ εἰς τεταρτημόριον). In §§ 25-6, yet Anonymus II
describes the διάτονον σύντονον (1/2, 1, 1), the χρῶμα σύντονον (1/2, 1/2, 1½) and
the enharmonic (1/4, 1/4, 2) correctly. Anonymus III presents in § 53 the correct
values (1/3, 1/3, 1 5/6) for the χρῶμα μαλακόν: “the soft chromatic, in which the
pyknon consists of three enharmonic dieses less the twelfth of a tone” (ἐν ᾧ τό
πυκνὸν τριῶν ἐστι διέσεων ἐναρμονίων μεῖον δωδεκατημορίῳ τόνου).
Anonymus III begins (29) with the familiar definition of music: “Music is a the-
oretical and practical science of the perfect melos and instrumental music or
the art of proper or improper melodies and rhythms, which aims at the culture
of character” (μουσική ἐστιν ἐπιστήμη θεωρητικὴ καἱ πρακτικὴ μέλους τελείου
τε καὶ ὀργανικοῦ ἢ τέχνη πρεπόντων τε καὶ μὴ πρεπόντων ἐν μέλεσι καὶ ῥυθμοῖς
συντείνουσα πρὸς ἠθῶν κατασκευήν). This definition combines the technical side
of music with the so called ‘Ethoslehre’, the doctrine of the effects aroused by
music.8
In § 30, three branches of music, harmonics, rhythmics, metrics, are intro-
duced by a literally quotation from Alypius § 1 (367.1-7 Jan). Anonymus III adds
three more branches, organology, poetics and acting, but limits his treatment
to harmonics, the seven parts of which (sounds, intervals, systems, genera,
keys, modulations and melody-making) are set out in § 31.
The treatment of sound (φθόγγος) is postponed to §§ 48-9, while §§ 33-47
broadly deal with the Aristoxenian topic of the two movements of the voice
(κίνησις φωωνῆς), which can be continuous as in speech (συνεχής τε καὶ λογική),
or stepwise and melodic, as when singing (διαστηματική τε καὶ μελῳδική).
We find it in Aristoxenus (Harm. 15.4-5 Da Rios) and in Nicomachus (§ 2),
Cleonides (§ 2) and Gaudentius (§ 1). The theory about voice (περὶ φωνῆς) is
not a part of the Harmonics, but gives a good starting point for the discus-
sion of sound and interval. Cleonides (§ 2) succeeded in deriving φθόγγος and
διάστημα completely from the κίνησις φωνῆς.
In § 48, Anonymus III compares, like Anonymus II in § 21, the φθόγγος with
the point in geometry, with the number one in arithmetic and with the letter in
the alphabet, a notion which appears also in the excerpts of Nicomachus (§ 6,
p. 276 f. Jan). After that, an Aristoxenian definition of the φθόγγος on the basis
of the theory of the movement of the voice follows: “sound is the falling of the
melodic voice on one certain pitch” (φθόγγος δέ ἐστιν φωνῆς ἐμμελοῦς πτῶσις ἐπὶ
μίαν τάσιν).
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According to Jan, with the definition in § 66.12-4 a new treatise begins. From
the many branches of music, this treatise singles out harmonics, which is divid-
ed into fifteen keys, the first of which is the Lydian: “the musical science falls in
many branches, one of which is harmonics, which is divided into fifteen keys,
the first of which is Lydian” (τῆς μουσικῆς ἐπιστήμης πολυμεροῦς ὑπαρχούσης
μέρος ἐστὶν ἡ ἁρμονικὴ διαιρεθείσα εἰς τρόπους πεντεκαίδεκα, ὧν πρῶτος λύδιος).
In § 67 the melodic and instrumental notation of the Lydian notation follows,
with the following heading: “the signs of the Lydian key, above the signs for the
sung text, below the signs for the instrumental music” (λυδίου τρόπου σημεῖα, τὰ
μὲν ἄνω τῆς λέξεως, τὰ δὲ κάτω τῆς κρούσεως).
The first sentence of Anonymus IV finds a parallel in the beginning of
Anonymus II (14): “it is crucial for harmonics, which is divided into fifteen keys,
to distinguish the genera of the melodies” (καὶ τῆς μὲν ἁρμονικῆς εἰς τρόπους
δεκαπέντε διαιρουμένης ἴδιον τὸ περὶ τῶν τῆς μελῶδίας γενῶν διαλαμβάνειν). Here
the division of harmonics into fifteen keys has the aim to motivate the analysis
of the genera. In Anonymus IV, however, the aim is to motivate the introduction
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of the musical notation. In both cases, the singular division of harmonics into
fifteen keys is puzzling, given the familiar seven paragraphs of harmonics.
The riddle is solved by Alypius, who is the source of both quotations. Having
set out in § 2 the seven canonical parts of harmonics, Alypius introduces in § 3
a new aim:9 he wants to explain the elements of harmonics better by furnish-
ing the fifteen keys with the help of the musical notation of them, in order
to advance the beginner’s understanding. He does not divide harmonics into
fifteen keys like the Anonymi, but promises an exposition (παράδοσις) with the
help of the fifteen keys. After that, he adds a heading about notation, which
was literally adopted by Anonymus IV (§ 67): “it might be useful for us, and at
the same time necessary for beginners in a more paedagogic way, to submit an
exposition of the elements of harmonics, and before all to divide this exposi-
tion into the so called tunes and keys, the number of which is fifteen. The first
of them is the Lydian. The signs of the Lydian key, above the signs for the sung
text, below the signs for the instrumental music” (§ 3, εὐχρηστόν ἐστιν ἡμῖν ἅμα
δὲ καὶ ἀναγκαῖον διδασκαλικώτερον ἀρχομένοις τῆς ἁρμονικῆς στοιχειώσεως τὴν
παράδοσιν ποιεῖσθαι καὶ πρὸ πάντων αὐτὴν διελεῖν εἰς τοὺς λεγομένους τρόπους
τε καὶ τόνους, ὄντας πεντεκαίδεκα τὸν ἀριθμόν. Ὧν ἐστι πρῶτος ὁ λύδιος. Λυδίου
τρόπου σημεῖα, τὰ μὲν ἄνω τῆς λέξεως, τὰ δὲ κάτω τῆς κρούσεως).
In § 67, Anonymus IV had presented the Lydian key with the names of the
18 steps and their vocal and instrumental notation. § 68 explains the double
series of notation: “the twofold shape of the note-signs was chosen, as their
use was twofold too, for notation of vocal or instrumental melodies” (διπλοῦς
ὁ χαρακτὴρ τῶν φθόγγων εἴληπται, ἐπειδὴ διπλῆν ἔχει τὴν χρῆσιν, ἐπὶ λέξεως γὰρ
καὶ κρούσεως).
Α convincing explanation for the invention of two rows of different nota-
tional signs follows, which is confirmed by the musical fragments:10 “since in
the vocal parts sometimes instrumental interludes intervene, it was neces-
sary to use different note signs for them. For the instrumental melody shall
have a particular beginning of reading, announcing that it must be executed
instrumentally, and that the notation is not a privilege of text, but that either
a vocal melody is developed according to the syllables of the text, or that there
is a transition to an instrumental interlude or postlude” (καὶ ὅτι ἐν τοῖς ᾀσμασί
ποτε μεσολαβεῖ καὶ κῶλα, καὶ διαφόρῳ χαρακτῆρι τοτ’ ἀνάγκη χρήσασθαι. ἰδίαν γὰρ
ἀρχὴν τῆς ἀναγνώσεως λήψεται τὸ μέλος καὶ καταμηνύει, ὡς ἐν κρούσει τὴν χρῆσιν
ἔχει, καὶ ὅτι οὐ ῥητῷ παραλέλειπται ἡ στίξις, ἀλλ’ ἔστιν ἢ παρελκυσμὸς μέλους κατὰ
τὰς τοῦ ῥητοῦ συλλαβὰς ἢ μεταβολὴ ἐπὶ κῶλον μεσολαβοῦν ἢ ἐπαγομένον).
Quite different is the explanation for the διπλοῦς χαρακτήρ of the notation
in Aristides Quintilianus, who assigns vocal melodies (ᾠδαί) to the vocal nota-
tion, and interludes by the aulos or the kithara (τὰ ἐν ταῖς ᾠδαῖς μεσαυλικὰ ἢ
ψιλὰ κρούματα) to the instrumental notation.11
In § 69, Anonymus IV builds up the 5 tetrachords of the Greater System
by enumerating the usual names for the 18 steps of it. As Najock (1972, 200)
has noted, the terminology, and the source together with it, has changed: in-
stead of τόνος we find τρόπος, instead of λιχανός we find διάτονος, and instead
of παραμέση, παράμεσος. In § 70, Anonymus IV defines the intervals between
the 18 steps mentioned before, using half-tones (ἡμιτόνια) and tones (τόνοι)
as the unit of measurement. When analysing the fourth (§ 71), the fifth (§ 72)
and the octave (§ 73), Anonymus IV adds the Aristoxenian quartertone (δίεσις).
Thus, the fourth has two-and a half tones, five half-tones and ten dieses. But
this Aristoxenian reckoning, as we know, is incompatible with the epitritic pro-
portion of the fourth, which is added after: five equal half tones amount to 500
Cent, while the epitritic fourth amounts to 498 Cent. The same holds good
for the analysis of the fifth, which has, according to Anonymus IV, three-and a
half tones, seven half-tones and fourteen dieses, and the hemiolic proportion:
seven equal half tones amount to 700 Cent, while the hemiolic fifth amounts
to 702 Cent. Evidently, from § 69 onwards, Anonymus IV uses a source which
tries to reconciliate the Aristoxenian with the Pythagorean system by adding
Pythagorean proportions to the Aristoxenian addition of equal half tones.
In § 74-6, the Aristoxenian reckoning is abandoned. The whole tone is found
as the difference of the fifth and the fourth or the quotient of 3/4 and 2/3 = 9/8
which cannot be divided into equal parts. Thus, the Pythagorean 9/8-tone is
divided into two inequal parts, the leimma (243:256) and the apotomē (2048:
2187), which is a leimma plus the komma (524288:531441).
Without any connection, at the end of § 77 a survey on the ancient system of
solmisation follows,12 which assigns the border notes (φθόγγοι ἑστῶτες) of the
tetrachord the syllable τα, the inner notes (φθόγγοι κινούμενοι) of the tetrachord
the syllables τη and τω. The lowest note (προσλαμβανόμενος) is τω, its octave
(μέση) is τε. Anonymus IV assigns the respective syllables to the vocal and in-
strumental notes of the five tetrachords of the Greater System. The solmisation
is broadly treated by Aristides Quintilianus, who derives his interpretation of
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the ethical qualities of the respective vowels from the school of Damon.13 This
might confer the solmisation a Pythagorean character.
In § 77, the vocal and instrumental Lydian note signs of the three tetrachords
of the σύστημα ἔλαττον follow, accompanied by a series of numbers starting
with 192. By multiplying this number, which is a multiple of 3×2 (2 in the 6th
power × 3), with the proportions of the intervals 2:1 for the octave, 3:2 for the
fifth, 4:3 for the fourth, 9:8 for the Pythagorean whole tone and 256:243 for
the smaller half tone, you receive the aforesaid series of numbers. It is puzzling
that the archetype omits here the four tetrachords of the σύστημα μεῖζον, which
appears in § 96 with the basic number 324. This list should be inserted before
the σύστημα ἔλαττον in § 77.
Instead, after § 78 the archetype adds in § 79 four pairs of vocal and instru-
mental notes for the steps d’ h’ c’ d’ and four numbers (576, 648, 729, 768) for the
steps e’ fis’ gis’ a’, which do not match the highest Lydian tetrachord (e’ f’ g’ a’).
Evidently, four pairs of notes for e’ f’ g’ a’ and four numbers for the steps d’ h’ c’
d’ are lost. Najock (1972, 60-2, 130f.) has found a splendid explanation for this
severe corruption. Considering further many traces of maiuscle letters in § 77
and 79,14 he reconstructed a precursor of the archetype in minuscles and two
precursors in maiuscles, the first of which, the compilator of the Anonymi, goes
back to late antiquity (V or VI century), the time in which the first corpora of
musical theory were compiled.15 The first corpus of the Anonymi already con-
tained the aforesaid corruption. Evidently, the compilator wanted to provide
a supplement to the σύστημα μεῖζον in § 77, and borrowed his numbers, which
are wrong in § 79, mechanically from § 96.
§ 78 explains the melodic movements of the rising and falling fourth:
“the agōgē is the continuous way from the low,{the analysis is the opposite},
or the movement of sounds from the lower to the higher, the analysis is the
opposite” (ἀγωγὴ προσεχὴς ἀπὸ τῶν βαρυτέρων ὁδός, {ἀνάλυσις δὲ τὸ ἐνάντιον}, ἢ
κίνησις φθόγγων ἐκ βαρυτέρου τόπου ἐπὶ ὀξύτερον, ἀνάλυσις δὲ τὸ ἐνάντιον).
§ 80 has the heading τῶν τοῦ λυδίου τρόπου συμφωνιῶν αἱ καταγραφαί. Ἀγωγὴ
τοῦ διά τεσσάρων κατὰ σύνθεσιν (“Table of the consonances in the Lydian key.
Agōgē of the fourth according to the synthesis). A table follows, the first line
of which gives in instrumental notation the steps d-e-f-g-d-g, and after this,
g-f-e-d-g-d. This series is repeated on each step of the Lydian key until the
highest tetrachord of the Lydian key with the series e’-f’-g’-a’-e’-a’ and after this
a’-g’-f’-e’-a’-e’.
13 Cf. De Musica, 3.13-4, 77.30-81.6 W.-I.; οἱ περὶ Δάμωνα, 3.14, 80.28 W.-I.
14 See also μΕCΗ in § 96.
15 See Pöhlmann 2009, 73-91, esp. 84f.
§ 81, with the heading ἀνάλυσις τοῦ διά τεσσάρων (“analysis of the fourth”),
repeats § 80 in reverse succesion, beginning with the steps e’-a’-e’-f’-g’-a’ and
after this a’-e’-a’-g-’f’-e’. This series is repeated on each step of the Lydian key
until the lowest tetrachord with the series d-g-d-e-f-g, and after this g-d-g-f-e-d.
The ascending and descending successions are explained in § 78 as exercises
for the exact singing and hearing of the corresponding intervals.
Of § 82, only the heading (διαιρέσεις ἢ καὶ μίξεις τῆς διὰ πέντε συμφωνίας,
“analyses or combinations of the consonance of the fifth”) is preserved.
Evidently, tables like §§ 80-1 for the fifth followed, but the archetype has a
strong interpuction (·:·), and a lacuna after this, which is highlighted in codex
Laurentianus by multa deesse videntur, and after this the title of a new treatise,
Περὶ μελοποιΐας.
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§ 95 falls into two parts: the first sentence points to coloraturas and un-
metrical instrumental phrases (κεχυμέναι ᾠδαὶ καὶ μέλη). It might be inserted
after § 85 (and § 3).21 The second sentence (ὁ χρόνος ἑαυτὸν οὐ δύναται μετρήσαι,
τοῖς οὖν ἐν αὐτῷ γινομένοις μετρεῖται, “time is not measured by itself. It is mea-
sured by the events in itself”) is Aristoxenian,22 and finds a better place after
§ 83 (and § 1).23 § 96, a list of notes and numbers from 324 for the σύστημα
μεῖζον, has already found its place before § 77.24 Instrumental pieces follow
(§§ 97-104), interrupted only by § 102, the signs for the values of the pause,
which has found its place after § 83 (and § 1) and § 103, advice for calculating
ratios, which should be inserted after § 76.25
By moving the dispersed supplements to their proper places, Anonymus V
regains a simple structure: §§ 83-93, another version of Anonymus I (§§ 1-11),
are followed by musical examples, the instrumental pieces §§ 97-101 and§ 104.
There is no convincing explanation for the agglomeration of the dispersed sup-
plements after § 93. But the puzzling duplication of Anonymus I by Anonymus V
finds an analogy: in some collective manuscripts which were compiled from
two different sources, Cleonides and Euclides can be found twice.26 The same
might be guessed for the Anonymi: the compiler used two sources, §§ 1-66, 19.11
Najock, and §§ 66, 19.12 Najock-§ 104, which contained different versions of
Περὶ μελοποιίας (§§ 1-11 = §§ 83-93). By gluing these sources together, he pro-
duced the text of the predecessor of the archetype, according to Najock in
the V or VI century AD.
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