MA Global Communication: Politics and Society | Lecture: Academic Consulting for Politics

and Society Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez | Summer Semester 2024

Syllabus: Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer:

Academic Consulting for Politics and Society

Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez

Summer Semester 2024 | Wednesday: 6.15 – 7.45 pm | Room: HS 4 / LG 1

Course Synopsis
The mandatory module KuW – Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer: Academic Consulting for Poli-
tics and Society during the first semester is organized as a lecture series and will be finalized with a written
and oral exam. Students will be introduced into the basics of a profound communication science based con-
sultancy of policy, business, society and the public. Subsequently students will apply their knowledge during
an internship in an internationally active institution or enterprise.
• Introduction of central developments in the blossoming vocational field of communication consultancy
in politics and society exemplified through the areas of specialization of the lecturers, among them
foreign and domestic policy consulting, health consulting, education consulting, journalism consulting,
international cultural consulting
• Reflection of fields of consulting: internal communication (i.e. business communication, media compe-
tence), external communication (i.e. PR, campaigns, public diplomacy) in all societal sub-systems and
their institutions and organizations

Course Structure

April 3 Introduction: Communication Research, Knowledge Transfer and Consulting

Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez

April 10 Foreign/Global Journalism I – A Postcolonial Perspective

Preparatory Session (Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez)

April 17 Foreign/Global Journalism II – A Postcolonial Perspective

Online-Lecture by Dunja Ramadan, Süddeutsche Zeitung

April 24 Domestic Policy I – Public Policy against Discrimination

Preparatory Session (Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez)

May 8 Domestic Policy II – Public Policy against Discrimination

17-20pm
Lecture by MdL Christian Schaft, State Parliament of Thuringia
Excursion
EXCURSION 1: Thüringer Landtag, Jürgen-Fuchs-Straße 1, 99096 Erfurt
May 22 Foreign Policy Communication I – Public Diplomacy and Think Tanks

Preparatory Session (Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez)

Friday Foreign Policy Communication II – Public Diplomacy

May 31
Lecture by Peter Ptassek, Director Strategic Communication Dept., German Federal
11-13am Foreign Office/Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Excursion EXCURSION 2: Auswärtiges Amt, Werderscher Markt 1 10117 Berlin

Tuesday Foreign Policy Communication III – The Role of Think Tanks

June 4
18-20pm Lecture by Dr. Claudia Zilla, German Institute for International and Security Affairs
(SWP), Berlin
LG 4 | D08

June 12 Global Business Communication I – Region Branding

Preparatory Session (Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez)

June 19 Global Business Communication II – Region Branding

18-20pm
Lecture by Dr. Stefan Blechschmidt, State Development Cooperation of Thuringia
Excursion
EXCURSION 3: Landesentwicklungsgesellschaft Thüringen mbH,
Mainzerhofstraße 12, 99084 Erfurt

June 26 Civil Society Communication I – Cloud Communities and the Nation State

Preparatory Session (Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez)

July 3 Civil Society Communication II – Cloud Communities and the Nation State

Lecture by Prof. Dr. Dr. Ayad Al-Ani, Einstein Center Digital Future, Berlin
MA Global Communication: Politics & Society | SS 2024 | Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez

Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer:

Academic Consulting for Politics and Society
Required reading

Apr 3 Introduction: Communication Research, Knowledge Transfer and Consulting

Gera, R. (2012). Bridging the gap in knowledge transfer between academia and
practitioners. International Journal of Educational Management, 26(3), 252-273.
https://doi.org/10.1108/09513541211213336

Apr 10 Foreign/Global Journalism I – A Postcolonial Perspective

Hafez, K. (2011). Global journalism for global governance? Theoretical visions,
practical constraints. Journalism, 12(4), 483-496.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884911398325
Hafez, K., & Grüne, A. (2022). Foundations of Global Communication: A Conceptual
Handbook. Taylor & Francis. [pp. 48 – 74]

Apr 24 Domestic Policy I – Public Policy against Discrimination

Ter Wal, J. (Ed.) (2002). Racism and cultural diversity in the mass media: An overview
of research and examples of good practice in the EU Member States, 1995 – 2000.
[pp. 31-73]
The Ministère, Direction des affaires publiques et des communications (2006).
Towards a government policy to fight against racism and discrimination: Summary
of the consultation document. Montréal, Québec.

May 22 Foreign Policy Communication I – Public Diplomacy and Think Tanks

Zaharna, R. S. (2004). From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy in the Information Age.
In Snow, N. & Kamalipour, Y. (Eds.), War, media, and propaganda: A global
perspective (pp. 219). Rowman & Littlefield.
Melissen, J. (2011). Beyond the new public diplomacy (p. 3). Clingendael Institute.
Castillo-Esparcia, A., Guerra-Heredia, S., & Almansa-Martínez, A. (2017). Political
communication and think tanks in Spain. Strategies with the media. El profesional
de la información (EPI), 26(4), 706-713.
MA Global Communication: Politics & Society | SS 2024 | Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez

Jun 12 Global Business Communication I – Region Branding

Fan, Y. (2010). Branding the nation: Towards a better understanding. Place branding
and public diplomacy, 6(2), 97-103.
Herstein, R. (2012). Thin line between country, city, and region branding. Journal of
Vacation Marketing, 18(2), 147-155.

Jun 26 Civil Society Communication I – Cloud Communities and the Nation State
Al-Ani, A. (2023). Cloud Communities and the Nation State. In China Cyberspace
Research Institute, The Common Space of the Digital World (pp. 144-149). The
Commercial Press (Peking).
Course: Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer:
Academic Consulting for Politics and Society
Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez
Media and Communication Studies, University of Erfurt, Summer Semester 2024

April 3

Introduction – Communication Research, Knowledge Transfer and Consulting

Texts:

Gera, R. (2012). Bridging the gap in knowledge transfer between academia and practitioners.
International Journal of Educational Management, 26(3), 252-273.
https://doi.org/10.1108/09513541211213336
 The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/0951-354X.htm

IJEM
26,3 Bridging the gap in knowledge
transfer between academia
and practitioners
252
Rajat Gera
Institute of Management Technology Marketing, Rajnagar, India
Received 8 March 2011
Revised 8 August 2011
Accepted 10 August 2011
Abstract
Purpose – The paper intends to identify the causes or gaps in transfer of managerial knowledge
between academia and practitioners and to develop a framework that overcomes the gaps through
knowledge management, information technology and human resource practices. The paper aims to
suggest a strategic approach based on the knowledge transfer cycle.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper presents the development of a conceptual model
based on existing research findings and conceptual models in the literature combined with the
experience of academicians.
Findings – There has been very little transfer of research knowledge due to the inherent barriers in
its creation, diffusion, adoption and utilization by practitioners. By enhancing the industry orientation
of academicians and adopting systematic processes of review and dissemination, early adopters
(practitioners) can experiment and learn to apply theoretical knowledge, which, when supported by
institutional mechanisms, of human resource management, information technology and knowledge
management (KM), can minimize or eliminate knowledge transfer gaps, leading to improved
competitiveness and performance of the firm.
Research limitations/implications – The framework has been developed from concepts of KM
and transfer and learning and needs to be validated empirically.
Practical implications – The framework developed can guide researchers in their approach toward
knowledge creation so that their output is adopted by industry and thus has value. Practitioner
industries can develop practices based on the framework to enhance their ability to leverage academic
knowledge for competitive advantage.
Social implications – The paper would enable the framing of policies by higher education
institutions and industry to facilitate more effective and efficient transfer of knowledge between
researchers and practitioners, leading to enhanced organizational competitive advantage, which would
benefit society.
Originality/value – The paper provides a framework based on the knowledge transfer cycle model
for enhancing the effectiveness and efficiency of research knowledge adoption and utilization.
Keywords Knowledge management, Knowledge organizations, Higher education institutions,
Knowledge transfer barriers, Knowledge transfer cycle, Information and communication technologies,
Human resource management
Paper type Conceptual paper

1. Introduction
International Journal of Educational Higher education institutions (HEIs) are responsible for managerial knowledge
Management creation and dissemination in society. However, research-based knowledge has, not
Vol. 26 No. 3, 2012
pp. 252-273 been very successful in guiding management policy and practice (Department of Trade
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited and Industry, 2001). HEIs produce professionals for industry with requisite knowledge
0951-354X
DOI 10.1108/09513541211213336 and skills. These professionals are supposed to create, transform, translate and apply
new and existing knowledge to the production of knowledge workers with the requisite Bridging the
capabilities to enhance organizational performance. However, the managerial knowledge
knowledge produced in academia has been criticized as being too ambiguous,
abstract and incoherent to industry practitioners for decision making (Aram and transfer gap
Salipante, 2000; Berry, 1995; Hodgkinson et al., 2001; Pettigrew, 1997; Pfeffer and
Sutton, 1999; Starkey and Madan, 2001; Tranfield and Starkey, 1998; Van Aken, 2001;
Van de Ven, 1998; Whitley, 1984a, b; Wind and Nueno, 1998). Researchers have 253
attributed the same to academic writing conventions, abstract research orientation and
the different world views and incentives which guide academicians. Kelemen and
Bansal (2002) proposed that academic writing conventions are difficult for
practitioners to follow and make sense of. Van Aken (2001) held that management
research is too focused on theoretical relationships which is descriptive knowledge and
thus unable to provide practical solutions or prescriptions for practitioners. Nutley et al.
(2002, p. 6) suggested that “[. . .] researchers and practitioners exist in different worlds:
they operate on different time-scales, use different languages, have different needs and
respond to different incentive systems”. Thus the varied perspectives and needs of
academicians and practitioners have been held to be the primary cause of ineffective
knowledge transfer (KT) by researchers. Other reasons cited concern the approach to
managerial decisions, which are usually undertaken with very little empirical support
and likely to be based on intuition, experience and managerial judgment and thus
limits the applicability of academic knowledge which is primarily descriptive in nature.
Another reason given is the different timescales in which managers and academicians
operate, i.e. managers are focused on short-term decisions while researchers and
academicians tend to take a long-term view which enables construction of conceptual
models amenable to empirical testing and validation so that they may become
generalizeable to various managerial contexts.
However, corporations and social and government organizations need to create and
access new knowledge in order to survive and grow in an unpredictable world. Leaders
and managers in industry require tacit knowledge (Goldberg, 2005), that is, knowledge
that cannot be fully shared through communication and is not part of one’s ordinary
consciousness (Polanyi, 1958) for organizational competitiveness. Most of the
knowledge created and disseminated by academia, consultancies, companies and
public agencies is of the explicit or codified form i.e. produced, documented and
disseminated in the form of research papers, research dissertations, text books and
opinion-based articles i.e. which needs translation and absorption and thus is of limited
practical utility to trainee managers (students) and practitioner. Thus there is a
structural gap in the way knowledge is created in academia and utilized in industry
that needs to be bridged.
Within the HEIs, the commonly employed pedagogical techniques of lecturing, case
method and simulation in delivery and transmission of academic knowledge are of
little practical use unless the learning produced is absorbed and utilized by recipients.
Tacit knowledge that exists within individual academicians is communicated as
information or explicit knowledge when transmitted to students or practitioners. In
order for it to become useable, it has to be incorporated by the recipients into their
existing knowledge structures. Thus KT would only happen when the recipients use
the new knowledge to generate new ideas and concepts that would require the
application of both procedural and contextual knowledge skills. Thus without
IJEM adequate opportunity to internalize and contextualize the knowledge gained in HEIs,
26,3 trainee managers and students would find little use of the information transmitted
through various pedagogical mechanisms which would thus results in failure of HEIs
in creating skilled managers and knowledge workers capable of taking managerial
decisions based on acquired knowledge.
Tranfield et al. (2004) in their paper suggested a “co-production model of knowledge
254 creation and transfer” based on the KT cycle and recommended specific practices for
dissemination of research knowledge known as “evidence based policy and practice”.
The paper, however, did not suggest any remedies to the barrier of de-codification and
application of research knowledge by practitioners which are essential for successful
transfer of knowledge. Non linear models of knowledge sharing between HEIs and
industry practitioners known as “open innovation” or “collaborative innovation”
(Chesbrough, 2003; NESTA, 2006; Bessant et al., 2007) have also been propagated and
adopted as policy measures especially in UK ( Johnston et al., 2010). Herein HEIs are
perceived as “knowledge-hubs” (Youtie and Shapira, 2008) or “knowledge clusters”
(Evers, 2008, p. 4) with an entrepreneurial mindset with high internal and external
networking and knowledge sharing capabilities so that they drive innovations and
create new industries (Evers, 2008). However, as pointed out by Johnston et al. (2010),
knowledge transfer and exchange (KTE) promotes uncertainty and confusion amongst
different stakeholders due to difficulty of language and perceptions. Mitton et al. (2007,
pp. 730-1) identified eight inhibitors affecting exchanges of researchers involved with
KTE activities which were: misfit of timing between research cycle and real-world
requirements; lack of relationships between researchers and decision makers; poor
justification with traditional academic performance expectations; a perceived lack of
knowledge of the research process; the academic language of communication of
research findings; relevance of research to practice-based issues; lack of timely results;
lack of time and resources to participate in KTE. They highlighted the importance of
social processes in overcoming these barriers and emphasized the importance of
interpersonal contact between researchers and decision makers. However communities
of practice (CoP) have a difficulty is in identifying, and then capturing the exact
knowledge to be exchanged (Mitton et al., 2007). There is therefore a need for creating
the appropriate infrastructure to facilitate the effective capture and exchange of tacit
knowledge (Bessant et al., 2007). This paper attempts to address this gap.
Thus, the existing frameworks and procedures available in literature are partially
successful in transcending the gap in KT between HEIs and industry. The purpose of
this paper is to identify and understand the sources of barriers to academic knowledge
creation and transfer based on review of literature of existing conceptual models of
knowledge types and KT. The KT cycle framework is then adopted to identify barriers
to transfer of knowledge and to develop a framework for creation, transfer, utilization
and adoption of relevant knowledge produced by academia (HEIs) for practitioners
(industry). Recommendations of strategic and tactical nature for both academicians
and practitioners are then derived from existing literature of individual and
organizational knowledge creation and transfer for more effective and efficient transfer
of management knowledge. The paper intrudes the concepts of knowledge,
organizational competitiveness, knowledge creation, KT and knowledge
management (KM) to conceptualize the problem and develop the framework so that
appropriate and actionable suggestions can be derived. There have been previous
studies and conceptual papers which have identified the barriers to knowledge creation Bridging the
and transfer between academia and practitioners and made recommendations for the knowledge
same (Tranfield et al., 2004; Johnston et al., 2010). These papers have partially
addressed the barriers in KT as they do not make recommendations related to transfer gap
knowledge assimilation and application by practitioners. Thus, by leveraging the
existing conceptual models of KT cycle and knowledge types (Nonaka and Takeuchi,
1991, 1995) and meta analysis of existing literature, strategic and tactical 255
recommendations are derived to enhance the effectiveness of knowledge creation,
transfer, utilization and adoption of knowledge produced in HEIs for enhanced
industrial competitiveness.

2. Knowledge and organizational competitiveness:

Knowledge enables an organization to make better decisions and compete effectively
(DeFillippi et al., 2006). Knowledge creates competitive advantage and is instrumental
in enhancing organizational performance. Hamel and Prahalad (1990) found embedded
knowledge and core competencies to be key factors for competitive advantage. Chen
(1996) discovered that organizations with inferior knowledge resources are unable to
outperform competitors. However, knowledge creates competitive advantage only
when it is used to make decisions, solve problems, and produce effective performance.
Thus, successful application of knowledge requires not only the transfer of knowledge
but effective adoption and utilization of knowledge as well. Thus, it is the processes
through which organizations develop, organize, and share knowledge – KM – that can
lead to sustainable competitive advantage (Hatch and Dyer, 2004) for firms. Knowledge
by itself cannot create competitive advantage for an organization except in extremely
knowledge-intensive businesses such as consulting firms and law firms. Therefore,
unless firms integrate the knowledge capability with other strategic capabilities
(Eisenhardt and Martin, 2000), it will not help the firm.
In today’s fast changing business context, it’s imperative for organizations to source
all possible sources of knowledge (whether generated internally or externally) and
employ the same strategically for creating and sustaining competitive advantage.
While knowledge is created within organizations by a process of explication, scrutiny
and transformation of “collective tacit knowledge” into a prototype process, product or
service (Von Krogh et al., 2001), HEI’s and other research institutions are an important
source of “learning from the outside” (Von Krogh et al., 2001, p. 426).
However most organizations are unable to source and use knowledge from external
sources such as HEIs. Of the two forms of knowledge identified in literature, explicit
knowledge is available and transferred in the form of formalized transfer mechanisms
such as publications, operating manuals, software, patents, informal discussions,
collaborative research and the movement of people (Schartinger et al., 2002). However,
transfer of tacit knowledge which forms the basis of firm-specific advantage (Grant,
1996) involves a process of demonstration and learning by doing (Roberts, 2000;
Arrow, 1974) and thus is more sticky and difficult to transfer.
Therefore, in order for organizations to be able to employ knowledge strategically,
they must be able to create the context for relevant knowledge to be accessible,
transferable and usable also known as setting the right context (Nonaka and Konno,
1998) or shared space or common place (virtual, physical, mental). Thus context is
considered essential for developing relationships through which both tacit and explicit
IJEM knowledge can be created, developed and shared. As per Scarbrough et al. (1999),
26,3 organizations would have to examine social and cultural values, motivations and
willingness to share knowledge through individual and team behaviors also known as
the “Human environment” in order to facilitate trust and sharing (Davenport, 1995) for
strategically leveraging knowledge. Goh (2002) emphasized the need for training and
educational programs for skill and competence development of employees for effective
256 KT. Thus, organizations need to provide the appropriate human and structural context
for effective knowledge acquisition and utilization from external sources like HEIs.

2.1 Knowledge
Although there are various definitions and perspectives of knowledge, this paper
adopts the functional perspective wherein knowledge is the capacity (potential or
actual) to take effective action in varied and uncertain situations (Bennet and Bennet,
2004). Knowledge is thus a product of the human mind i.e. its constructed reality based
on associative patterning in the brain. Knowledge is instrumental for learning and is
defined as the creation or acquisition of the ability for people to take action. It involves
identifying and deriving meaning from information and the external environment and
integration with existing knowledge to understand, interpret and make sense of the
possible consequences of alternative decision options (Brauner and Becker, 2006).
Knowledge can be classified as knowledge (informing) and knowledge (proceeding)
or “knowing that” and “knowing how” (Ryle, 1949). knowledge (informing), or KnI, is
the information part of knowledge which is implicit, explicit, tacit or any combination
of these and can be in the form of insights, meaning, understanding, expectations,
theories and principles. Knowledge (proceeding), KnP, represents the process of
selecting and associating information (KnI) which can guide specific actions or
decisions. A part of KnP is implicit or tacit knowledge which involves the process
employed by individuals to find, create and semantically mix the information needed to
take effective action. Kolb (1984) in his theory of experiential learning suggested that
knowledge retrieval, creation and application requires conceptualization of knowledge
as a process and not as a product. This paper adopts the perspective of knowledge as a
process.
Knowledge can also be classified as tacit and explicit knowledge based on its
characteristics. Tacit knowledge is “intuitive and unarticulated knowledge” (Polanyi,
1962) within the human brain. It cannot be easily captured, codified or transferred
(Wong and Radcliffe, 2000; Nonaka and Takeuchi, 1991; McAdam and McCreedy,
1999). It is stored in memory of which individuals are unaware and is only accessible
when triggered (associated) through questions, dialogue, reflective thought, or because
of an external event. Once this knowledge is accessed, the individual may or may not
be able to adequately describe and transfer it to another individual and thus the “why
and how” may remain as tacit knowledge. (Bennet and Bennet, 2008). Thus research
outcomes of HEIs may only be information to practitioners unless they apply thought
or reasoning to it and incorporate it within their existing knowledge networks (Beesley
and Cooper, 2008). On the contrary, explicit knowledge can be articulated and codified
in formal language and is easily diffused amongst individuals (Koulopoulos and
Frappaolo, 1999). It is available in the form of books (Pederson, 2003) and can be
recorded in documents or computer systems (Public Sector Benchmarking Service,
2003).
2.2 Knowledge creation Bridging the
Creation of knowledge is the process that emanates from tacit knowledge within knowledge
individuals (in the unconscious) and results in an outward expression (that drives
effective action): transfer gap
We start from the fact that we can know more than we can tell (Polanyi, 1967, p. 108).
Polanyi (1958) called this pre-logical phase of knowing tacit knowledge, that is, 257
knowledge that cannot be articulated (Polanyi, 1958). Thus, any new knowledge within
academia or the industry has its origin as tacit knowledge within individuals which
when articulated and codified in some form becomes information. This information is
diffused to other individuals which when associated with recipient’s existing
knowledge structure has the potential of becoming useable knowledge which guides
action. The same can be illustrated by the development that occurs when we learn to
drive a car. Initially, each action is slow which when learned through practice (trial and
error) becomes automatic. Thus, initially knowledge is in the form of information
which with learning through practice, becomes natural which has its basis in implicit
knowledge. Over a period of time most of the driving experience is then driven by tacit
knowledge, i.e. the corners, signal lights, traffic patterns are imbibed and exist as tacit
knowledge. However, driving which is based on tacit knowledge can instantly become
explicit when an unexpected event occurs. (Bennet and Bennet, 2008). Thus, tacit and
explicit knowledge exist as a continuum.

2.3 KT
KT is the conveyance of knowledge from one place, person or ownership to another.
This paper adopts the concept and process of KT in-general from Christensen (2003):
Knowledge transfer is about identifying (accessible) knowledge that already exists, acquiring
it and subsequently applying this knowledge to develop new ideas or enhance the existing
ideas to make a process/action faster, better or safer than they would have otherwise been.
Thus KT involves acquisition, internalization and utilization acquire to take more
efficient and effective actions.
Knowledge can be accessed by reading written materials, listening to others, and
through trial and error (experimentation). The two forms of knowledge i.e. explicit and
tacit knowledge often act together (DeFillippi et al., 2006), or coexist, and individuals
create and use varying amounts of both explicit and tacit knowledge in their
decision-making and behaviors (Nonaka and Toyama, 2003). However, although
explicit knowledge is easily expressible and can be easily shared, tacit knowledge
cannot be easily accessed, expressed and shared (Polanyi, 1967), and is the dominant
share of knowledge possessed by individuals (Badaracco, 1991).
Individuals create and acquire tacit knowledge by continuous use and application of
learned explicit knowledge such as during routine activities until it evolves into
sub-conscious knowledge of which the individual becomes unaware (Cohen et al., 1996).
Thus, for example, by regularly practicing swimming which is initially learned
through explicit codified manuals, the learner starts internalizing some of the steps
which can be called as tacit knowledge. Another way in which tacit knowledge can be
gained is through immersion in an activity rather than through formal instruction
(Schutz and Luckmann, 1973). Herein, though the individual is consciously focused on
IJEM some parts of the activity and its outcomes, the information and knowledge in other
26,3 parts of the activity and their outcomes which are not being given conscious attention,
are still absorbed by the brain. Researchers in cognitive psychology have used artificial
grammar experiments to demonstrate that subjects unknowingly learn complex
grammar rules while attending to simple artificial word copying tasks (Reber, 1967,
1969; Reber et al., 1991) i.e. without explicitly being conscious of the rules. Intuition is
258 an example of tacit knowledge accessed and utilized in this way (Hodgkinson et al.,
2009; Woiceshyn, 2009). KT between individuals within and across organizations is
normally facilitated through apprenticeships which are inefficient and costly (Huber,
1991), expert networks and by codification. Expert networks do not involve
codification and knowledge is provided by an expert to a novice. An example is when a
consultant works with users to implement an ERP system that the users must
understand and utilize (Ko et al., 2005).
Tacit knowledge can also be transferred when it can, in part, be made explicit, and
codified. Many of the practices of KM, such as best practices, benchmarking, etc.,
involve the explication and codification of tacit knowledge by observation of its
application and practice (King, 2008). Organizational learning is the sum of all learning
processes within an organization and involves individual and social learning catalyzed
by personal communication, team dialogues and group meetings and is exemplified by
innovation, collaboration, and culture shifts.
Based on the explicit-tacit dimension, KT can be categorized into following four
forms or steps, i.e. socialization, externalization, combination and internalization
(Nonaka and Takeuchi, 1995):
(1) Explicit to tacit (internalization) e.g. team building exercises.
(2) Tacit to tacit (socialization) e.g. team meetings and discussion.
(3) Tacit to explicit (externalization) e.g. discourse within a team.
(4) Explicit to explicit (combination) e.g. e mail of a report.

Socialization is when tacit knowledge is transferred in tacit form through

personalization or socialization for example between an expert and a novice.
Externalization is the transformation of some tacit knowledge into explicit knowledge,
via theories, concepts, models, analogies, metaphors and so on. Combination involves
the conversion of codified knowledge into new forms of codified knowledge by
combination with varied bodies of explicit knowledge. Explicit-explicit transfer is
achieved through various channels of communication within the firm. Internalization
is a process of conversion of explicit knowledge into a tacit form and is a process of
learning by adequate replication of specific tasks.
KT however requires an additional type of knowledge (Seaton, 2002) i.e. “the
knowledge about how to transfer knowledge”. It would imply “this is what my
knowledge means”, instead of just “this is what I know”, which would be possible only
if the received knowledge is also contextualized in a way that will be utilized by the
recipient. This process is known as knowledge transformation. In an organizational
context, it implies, “an organization’s capability to develop and refine the routines that
facilitate combining existing knowledge and the newly acquired and assimilated
knowledge” (Zahra and George, 2002). Transformation of knowledge may even involve
interpreting the same knowledge in a different manner known as “translation” or Bridging the
“interpretation”. As Cranefield and Yoong (2005) explain: knowledge
[. . .] as knowledge becomes more highly specialized, it develops its own terminologies, which transfer gap
typically resides with specialists [. . .] but (this), by definition, restricts the accessibility of the
knowledge to the novice.
This is where “theory of translation” becomes vital. According to some researchers, 259
translation is a highly applicable analogy for exploring the nature of KT (Holden and
von Kortzfleisch, 2004).

3. Methodology
The study consolidates existing research and theoretical models into an integrative
framework of KT between HEIs and industry. The study identifies the barriers to
knowledge creation, transfer, utilization and adoption between researchers in HEIs and
practitioners in industry through review, analysis and application of literature on
barriers to KT and KT categorization into a process model using the KT cycle
framework. The identified barriers to KT between researchers and practitioners were
identified from literature and further refined by discussion with fourteen researchers in
a business management school of North India. A proposed analytical framework was
then developed by integrating the KT mechanisms identified from the knowledge
categorization framework into a process of KT based on the KT cycle to develop
recommendations for enhanced performance outcomes of knowledge creation by
researchers, KT between HEIs and industry and utilization and adoption of research
outcomes by practitioners and industry for better industry competitiveness. The paper
leverages the following conceptual frameworks and theories from literature
.
KT categorization (Nonaka and Takeuchi, 1995).
.
KT cycle (Tranfield et al., 2004).
.
Human resource (HR) systems (Garvin, 2000).
.
KM practices.
.
Innovation adoption curve (Rogers, 1962).

The paper aggregates and consolidates the current body of research related to KT
between HEIs and industry to reveal its limitations and provides directions for future
research. It does not contain empirical research but develops a framework for analysis
and resolution of KT barriers between HEIs and industry. Lack of empirical testing of
the conceptual model could be a major shortcoming of this paper, which requires
further empirical research to validate the recommendations made.

4. KT barriers between researchers and practitioners

KT can be depicted as proceeding through the stages of knowledge creation, diffusion,
adoption and utilization (Figure 1).

4.1 Knowledge creation

A large proportion of managerial knowledge is created in HEIs. Most of it is largely
considered as irrelevant to practice i.e. it is perceived as ambiguous, cognitive, abstract
and intangible (Aram and Salipante, 2000; Berry, 1995; Hodgkinson et al., 2001;
IJEM
26,3

260

Figure 1.
Knowledge transfer cycle

Pettigrew, 1997; Pfeffer and Sutton, 1999; Starkey and Madan, 2001; Tranfield and
Starkey, 1998; Van Aken, 2001; Van de Ven, 1998; Whitley, 1984a, b; Wind and Nueno,
1998).). Based on review of research literature, it is hypothesized that the most likely
explanation is that “management knowledge created by academia and researchers has
its roots in the tacit knowledge possessed by researchers who are likely to be far
removed from the real life application context of managerial practitioners”. Thus a
researcher is likely to frame managerial problems and their solutions in his own
theoretical and abstract context which would have very little relationship to any
particular sector, organization or function of industry and thus become abstract,
irrelevant., incoherent or intangible to practitioners at first glance.

4.2 Knowledge diffusion

Most of the knowledge produced and codified by researchers is compiled and diffused
in the form of articles, books, reports and manuals or/and presented at conferences and
seminars and in the form of electronic information i.e. online databases. Thus,
knowledge diffusion within the few researchers who create knowledge and
practitioners who are expected to utilize the same, would be hampered by
inadequate accessibility as the latter are unlikely to acquire and read journals or
books whose information is partially understandable and difficult to make sense of.
Further, the process of codification (externalization) would lead to partial capture of
knowledge which would still need to be interpreted and applied. Since, most of this
material is inaccessible or difficult to understand by practitioners, its hypothesized that
knowledge diffusion is hampered by the process of externalization and combination
(Nonaka and Takeuchi, 1995) when the most effective method of transfer of knowledge
would require socialization, i.e. when its fashioned as transfer of tacit knowledge
between individuals (Brown and Duguid, 2001; Nonaka, 1994).

4.3 Knowledge adoption

The academic knowledge produced in written and oral form would need to be
meaningful and understood by practitioners before it can be adopted. Sense making
(Weick, 1995) is vital if generalized findings are to be transformed, assimilated,
internalized and crafted for use in practice. Knowledge adoption would thus require
changing of managerial mindset which is a complex and under researched process, but
is crucial as mindsets “define” perceptions (Gear et al., 1989), which become the basis of Bridging the
managerial action. It is hypothesized that adoption would be a lengthy process and knowledge
would follow the Rogers (1962) innovation adoption curve. Thus, early adopters
i.e. practitioners who are more inclined to experiment and apply new knowledge in transfer gap
their specific industrial and functional context would need to be identified and targeted
with appropriate value proposition which is knowledge which has the potential to
enhance managerial or organizational performance. This would require framing and 261
presentation of research outcomes in a manner that is clear, logical, comprehensible
and actionable to managers (Combination).

4.4 Knowledge utilization

The use of research-based knowledge would require application of findings, ideas,
models and propositions developed in academia by practitioners which can guide or
inform decision making in “real world” context. Beyer and Trice (1982) categorized
knowledge use into instrumental, conceptual and symbolic use. Instrumental use is the
specific, direct use of knowledge that requires change in behavior, short-term decision
making or action such as the decision to introduce a new product or service based on
research evidence. Conceptual use is indirect and cognitive and involves a change in
the understanding of a phenomenon or situation. Symbolic use is the use of knowledge
to legitimatize positions or to justify actions and decisions. It is hypothesized that
knowledge use of any of the three kinds by practitioners would require significant
internalization by early adopters (practitioners) initially and later by the groups/teams,
the organization or industry at large, later. This would require significant
transformation of research outcomes into procedural knowledge by practitioners so
that it can guide action or managerial practice. Further, utilization and adoption by the
organization would require a full understanding of organizational change processes
and inter organizational KT mechanisms for the research outcomes transformed into
managerial practice by some practitioners to be institutionalized at the organizational
level.
KT or research outcomes produced by researchers would thus encounter barriers at
all the four stages of the KT cycle i.e. creation, diffusion, adoption and utilization.
Managerial knowledge creation involves exploring, building, testing and validation of
cognitive models of associations and causal relationships between relevant consumer,
product and organizational attributes. The knowledge created through research would
require significant transformation before it is adopted effectively by industry.
Similarly, creation of knowledge workers i.e. managers in the classroom would be
hampered for the same reasons. Thus, for example, cognitive models of marketing
theory available in marketing textbooks would be delivered and presented in a
classroom situation in form of lecture, case or role play et al which would at most be
translated and illustrated by the teacher based on her specific contextual framework.
The knowledge presented by the teacher in the classroom would require contextual
transformation into managerial practice by the future managers before it can be of any
use to the organization where they are likely to be employed. The theoretical
knowledge gained in the classroom would be inadequate for taking marketing
decisions in the real world unless they can contextualize it in the form of managerial
practice in a specific organizational and situational context (create relevant tacit
knowledge). The student would have to be immersed in the specific managerial role for
IJEM some time before she can learn the nuances of applying marketing theory to decision
26,3 situations (transform theoretical concepts into actionable practices). Research
outcomes available as explicit published research would also need contextual
transformation for it to become useable managerial knowledge. The student/future
manager would have to learn how to transform the published research based
knowledge into managerial tasks or routine procedures and adapt regularly so that the
262 KT process is accelerated and usage of the new knowledge gained is automated
(Nelson and Winter, 1982). For example, when learning to play a musical instrument
like the guitar initially, the player would need to consciously think about where each
finger should be for each note to be played. She will then start directing her fingers to
those positions so that she can strum a certain number of strings. Over time, and with
enough practice, the process of strumming the guitar would become automatic and the
she would no longer have to be consciously aware of the commands that her mind is
sending to her fingers. In fact, when she becomes an experienced guitar player, she will
make mistakes or slow down if she tries to become consciously aware of which strings
she is playing. This is because she would have internalized the knowledge in the form
of tacit knowledge, which normally operates with minimal effort by the brain and body
(Chilton and Bloodgood, 2010).
The key barriers to creation, diffusion, adoption and utilization of managerial
knowledge at an individual and organizational level are summarized in Table I. Thus,
significant barriers are likely to prevail in the process of KT from researchers to
practitioners. Based on the barriers identified and the likely reasons there of, the
following strategies and tactics are recommended to overcome the same.

5. Overcoming the barriers for effective KT

5.1 Knowledge creation
For academicians to acquire the tacit knowledge which could produce knowledge
relevant to industry, researchers would have to gain insight into the managerial
challenges faced by practitioners and their practices which could be through
observation, communication and participation. The explicit knowledge available
through published reports would be inadequate and therefore regular socialization
with practitioners would be essential to incorporate their world view which could guide
and scope research endeavors. HEIs would need to create the required human
environment (HE) and adopt HR practices so that researchers are motivated and
incentivized for the same. HEIs would need to create a culture that encourages and
rewards researchers to socialize with practitioners through information sharing, team
work and innovation. Collaborative projects based on the concept of CoP involving
multiple stakeholders from HEIs and industry, would enable minimization of the gap
in the tacit knowledge within researchers. Knowledge Transfer Partnerships (KTP)
program is one such mechanism in the UK which has been partially successful since
HEIs are rated as low importance as a source of knowledge for innovation (Hughes,
2008). Some of the reasons cited are (Bruneel et al., 2010) variance in institutional norms
between HEIs and industry, conflicts over IP and lack of attitudinal alignment between
industry and HEIs.
Another significant factor identified from literature is the time gap in production of
research outcomes which could be relevant to industry. Researching and producing
theoretical knowledge is a long drawn process and may have little relevance to
 Knowledge creation
Individual Research problems and solution
are framed in the context of the
researcher whose exposure to
managerial and organizational
practice is likely to be limited
Organizational Researchers in HEIs would
produce and publish research
motivated by their
organizational (HEI) incentives
which may have very little
relevance to practitioners in
industry
the knowledge transfer
research outcomes using
cycle framework
Barriers to transfer of
Table I.
Knowledge diffusion
Research outcomes are Codified
in a scientific terms and follow a
scientific process which may be
difficult to interpret and make
sense of by practitioners
Researchers in HEIs interact
with practitioners very
infrequently and mostly in
formal occasions, i.e. conferences, whereas researchers outcomes
seminars, management/
executive development
programs where most of the
knowledge exchanged is likely
to be of explicit form therefore
leading to very limited diffusion
of tacit knowledge
Knowledge adoption Knowledge utilization
Researchers and practitioners Utilization of the research
would have very different outcomes produced and
mindsets shaped by their job published by researchers would
requirements and work need significant transformation
environment which makes it before it can become useful for
difficult for them to have shared practitioners
meanings (required for adoption Practitioners would need to be
of tacit knowledge) of the adequately motivated and
context skilled to be able to transform
and utilize the new knowledge
available in the form of research
outcomes
Managerial challenges faced by For organizations to adopt
practitioners in organizations knowledge created by academia,
require context specific solutions they would need to create the
appropriate human
need to be broader in context environment, practices and
and generalize able to be incentives to encourage
considered for publication practitioners to contextualize,
adopt and utilize the research
outcomes
knowledge
Bridging the
transfer gap
263
IJEM immediate problems facing industry. Determining which problems to focus on and
26,3 allocating resources for research which are likely to have a significant impact on those
challenges which industries are likely to face in the medium to long term could lead to a
value added research model. Thus, research focus would have to be strategically
aligned and scoped so that it has value for industry.

264 5.2 Knowledge diffusion

Effective diffusion of knowledge would require interpretation and presentation of
findings in a manner that can be understood by practitioners. Practitioners would not
be familiar with the language and semantics employed by researchers to communicate
their findings to their peers. Therefore, translation of research outcomes in a manner
that is meaningful and actionable by practitioners would be beneficial. Diffusion of
new ideas would also require idea champions in the industry who would be willing to
take the risk and effort of contextualizing the new knowledge created into actionable
practices. Thus practitioners who could be early adopters would need to be identified
and supported. Adequate social interaction between researchers who are producers of
managerial knowledge and practitioners who are potential users would be required for
some time to resolve any cognitive or behavioral barriers likely to be encountered in
the adaptation (translation) process. The process of socialization through observation,
discussions, experience sharing, imitation, or some other social interaction would
enable diffusion of tacit knowledge embedded within researchers.
One of mechanisms identified from literature is Evidence-based Policy and Practice
(EbPP) (Tranfield et al., 2004) which is a method of integration of best research
evidence of a specific problem or issue selected based on practitioner’s pre-existing
experience and expertise on that subject alongwith end-user preferences and concerns
(Hamer and Collinson, 1999; Muir-Gray, 1997; Trinder and Reynolds, 2000). Here in, the
best research evidence available for a particular managerial problem is systematically
reviewed based on criteria evolved from practitioner expertise to identify solutions to
the concerned problem, apply learning’s from previous situations and evaluate the
risks and benefits of potential interventions (Tranfield et al., 2004) while incorporating
the views, values, concerns and expectations of people who are most likely to be
affected by the specific decision or action. Evidence created by systematic review and
integration of research evidence with the knowledge already held within the company
and the “manager’s” pre-existing knowledge and experience (Bero et al., 1998;
Rosenberg and Donald, 1995) would lead to creation and diffusion of a research base
which is meaningful to practitioners. Although EbPP has been found to effective in
replacing primary research as the source of evidence on which decisions are based
(Evans and Pearson, 2001, p. 593). In some disciplines such a medical science there are
problems in adoption and utilization by practitioners (Bero et al., 1998; Rosenberg and
Donald, 1995). Thus, it is suggested that HE and HR practices of user organizations in
the industry would be important factors in encouraging practitioners to adopt and
utilize the evidence available from the research base (Nutley and Davies, 2000).

5.3 Knowledge adoption

Knowledge adoption would practitioners who are end users to re evaluate their
existing cognitive frameworks and experiment with new practices. Early adopters
could be practitioners who are willing to take the risk and wish to benefit from
significant performance enhancement or who are facing serious managerial challenges Bridging the
could make the necessary transition by contextualizing research knowledge to their knowledge
specific business domain. They could then take responsibility for the transfer of
knowledge to other practitioners in the organization. HR practices and culture within transfer gap
the user organization would play an important role in facilitation of knowledge
adoption. Appropriate reward and recognition systems that incentivize innovative
work practices and (bottom-up and top-down) knowledge sharing in the organization 265
would reinforce the knowledge adoption process. Appropriate incentives will motivate
practitioners to experiment and learn new work practices. A work environment that
promotes and celebrates the KM efforts of early adopters and a performance
measurement and feedback system which tracks, reports, analyzes, and set targets
pertaining to adoption of innovative best practices would lead to creation of the
necessary human infrastructure for knowledge adoption.

5.4 Knowledge utilization

Effective utilization of new knowledge adopted by early adopters would still be
hampered if the new knowledge created by researchers does not solve immediate
problems being faced by the organization. Thus internalization of the new research
based knowledge adopted by practitioners would still be required if new knowledge
created and diffused through the earlier three stages of KT are to create new
perspectives and enhance the level of organizational tacit knowledge. While new
practices may be incorporated as new knowledge, it would be considered as utilized
only when the organization can draw upon it to generate new ideas or concepts, a
process largely dependent on the application of both procedural and contextual
knowledge skills. Therefore, knowledge can be said to have been utilized when
practitioners creatively identify new opportunities relating to products, services,
markets, or processes and innovatively tackle their short term managerial challenges
by drawing upon the tacit knowledge embedded in the collective memory of the
organization. Thus in accordance with tenets underlying a knowledge-based economy,
this would then will lead to increased competitiveness (Drucker, 1993).

6. Results
The paper attempts to identify the limitations inherent in existing literature related to
KT between HEIs and industry. The two main approaches identified from literature for
the same were the co-production model (Tranfield et al., 2004) and the open innovation
model (Johnston et al., 2010). The mechanisms for KT suggested within these two
approaches were EbPP (Tranfield et al., 2004) and CoP (Gertner et al., 2011). However,
as mentioned in these papers, these approaches and mechanisms are still inadequate in
effective KT between researchers and practitioners. Some of the reasons given for the
same are related to lack of alignment of perspective, incentives and culture between
HEIs and industry. Other gaps identified from literature relate to inadequate
motivation of practitioners to adopt and utilize the research outcomes in their
organization. The paper argues that the barriers to KT between researchers and
practitioners are structural in nature based on the process ie KT cycle wherein the
identified barriers of perspective, motivation, skill and processes (Table I) need to be
transcended for knowledge created by researchers in HEIs can become a source of
competitive advantage for organizations. The process of KT requires alignment in the
IJEM four stages between researchers and practitioners at various levels which cannot be
achieved by selective mechanisms such as CoPs and EbPP only. A strategic and
26,3 integrated approach is likely to yield better results since various processes and skills
are needed to transcend the barriers of individual and organizational perspectives,
motivations, skills, capabilities and reward. KT between HEIs and industry is not
likely to be successful unless these barriers, identified in section 4, are effectively
266 tackled which requires an integrated approach so that knowledge produced by
researchers in the form of research outcomes can be relevant, understood, transformed,
adopted and utilized by practitioners to create competitive advantage for the
organization. KT mechanisms such as CoPs and EbPP only partially address the
barriers inherent in the various stages of KT identified using the KT cycle.

7. Discussion
Effective KT between HEIs and industry is inhibited by the inherent barriers which
exist in the process of KT. Lack of relevant tacit knowledge within researchers who
create knowledge, ineffective documentation and dissemination of knowledge created
which inhibits knowledge diffusion, lack of adequate motivation within practitioners
to change their current mindset and behavior patterns and ineffective
contextualization and adaptation of knowledge by practitioners inhibits effective
utilization of new knowledge by industry. Strategies aimed at tackling these barriers
need to be supported through institutional mechanisms (HR practices and
environment), information technology (IT) infrastructure and KM systems KT
between HEIs and industry would lead to competitive advantage for both.
The human or HR systems can be developed using Garvin (2000) framework. The
three approaches are:
(1) External learning. External learning would require HEIs to align their research
objectives and processes with practitioners to enhance learning. Researchers
can co-design their research programs and disseminate the outcomes in the
form of practitioner cases and papers that are easily understandable by
practitioners. Collaborative projects such as teaching partnerships between
researchers and practitioners could lead to narrowing of the gap in perspectives.
(2) Internal learning. Internal learning processes could focus on knowledge sharing
amongst researchers and with practitioners through KM processes of
professional dialogue; curriculum development; peer supervision; peer
coaching; and research collaborations so that the context or shared space is
enlarged and a more uniform shared perspective is developed.
(3) Experiments. Experiments can be undertaken by practitioners with help of
researchers to identify means of improving the effectiveness of knowledge
dissemination which could lead to improved practices.
Technological infrastructure i.e. the non-human systems which facilitate the KM
infrastructure could improve the efficiency of KT. The major functions of technology
system consisting of entry, storage, retrieval, and distribution of knowledge in the KM
system could be leveraged for KT mechanisms such as systematic review.
KM practices which facilitate collective and focused perspectives and research
scoping would facilitate the KT process. For example, CoPs consisting of peer groups
of researchers and practitioners with the same research focus could lead to enhanced
KT as already evidenced in the case of KTPs in UK (Gertner et al., 2011). Reward and Bridging the
incentive systems which facilitate KT and would need to be instituted in order to knowledge
accelerate these efforts. Thus a meaningful KM system supported by a performance
measurement system which incentivizes appropriate behaviors would make the KT transfer gap
process more effective and efficient. Mentoring programs and other socialization
mechanisms between researchers practitioners would help overcome the barriers
identified in Table I. 267
Bridging the barriers in creation and transfer of managerial knowledge between
researchers and practitioners would thus require a strategic and integrated approach
on the part of both HEIs and industry for enhanced organizational performance.
Researchers need to acquire the tacit relevant knowledge so that their research
outcomes are aligned with industry needs and requirements. Systematic review and
evidence based practices and policies would ensure diffusion of research outcomes in a
form which is understandable and relevant to practitioners. Further, dissemination of
research outcomes through formal and informal social processes would lead to
meaningful diffusion of research outcomes in the form of procedures and cognitive
models which are adoptable by practitioners. Conscious application
i.e. experimentation and adaptation by early adopters in industry would lead to
effective knowledge adoption by few practitioners who can then become the agents of
change by facilitating adoption of practices based on new knowledge. However, the
organization would gain only when new knowledge thus adopted is utilized in
identifying and leveraging new opportunities, i.e. which enhance its innovativeness
and learning capability. Organizations would need to facilitate the process KT of new
knowledge by creating supporting HR, IT and KM systems and processes.

8. Implications and conclusions

Knowledge is a key source of competitive advantage for industry who need to access
and utilize knowledge produced in HEIs in addition to other sources. Researchers can
contribute by producing relevant knowledge and disseminating the same by
codification and framing of knowledge in the form of easily understood cognitive
models and procedures. Early adopters in industry would need to apply and adapt the
knowledge to their specific context to make it usable. These early adopters would then
be responsible for championing the adoption and utilization of new industrial practices
in their professional group, company and industry. KT between HEIs and industry
would thus require efforts on the part of both to produce and disseminate industry
relevant knowledge and so that industry can adopt and utilize the same. Forming
alliances with industry for knowledge creation and collaboration between researchers
and industry practitioners would only partially address the problem since adoption
and utilization of research outcomes would further require contextualization and
internalization which would not be possible without active experimentation and
adaptation by practitioners. HR practices which are aligned with innovation and KT
have to be instituted by organizations. Thus, it can be concluded that transfer of
managerial knowledge produced by research is inhibited by barriers at various stages
of the knowledge of the KT cycle. Overcoming these barriers would require re
orientation of academicians and practitioners facilitated by institutional mechanisms
and policies of HR, KM and IT which would facilitate and enable the same. Further,
focus is required in knowledge creation by HEIs and by organizations so that there HR,
IJEM IT and KM practices and policies can be aligned with the strategic objectives of the
26,3 firm. Thus, a firm would have to define the kind of knowledge it requires and the kind
of partnerships with HEIs supported by effective supporting policies so that
knowledge based competitive advantage can be realized

268 9. Limitations
The paper develops a theoretical model that draws inferences and conclusions from
published research and conceptual models in literature. The suggestions are based on
existing research findings and experiences of fellow academicians. Thus, the
recommendations cannot be adopted without appropriate testing and adaptation to
specific organizational cultures and systems. Further extrapolation of the issues
identified and discussed is required to build a workable model of KT of research
outcomes from researchers (HEIs) to practitioners (industry).

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Corresponding author
Rajat Gera can be contacted at: geraim32@rediffmail.com

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Course: Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer:
Academic Consulting for Politics and Society
Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez
Media and Communication Studies, University of Erfurt, Summer Semester 2024

April 10

Foreign / Global Journalism I – A Postcolonial Perspective

Texts:
Hafez, K. (2011). Global journalism for global governance? Theoretical visions, practical
constraints. Journalism, 12(4), 483-496. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884911398325
Hafez, K., & Grüne, A. (2022). Foundations of Global Communication: A Conceptual Handbook.
Taylor & Francis. [pp. 48 – 74]
Research Essay

Journalism

Global journalism for global

12(4) 483–496
© The Author(s) 2011
Reprints and permission: sagepub.
governance? Theoretical co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1464884911398325
visions, practical constraints jou.sagepub.com

Kai Hafez
University of Erfurt, Germany

Abstract
Global journalism and foreign news-making are generally extremely limited in agenda
and scope. Except for at times of crisis and a general North–South gap that privileges
the western industrial states over the rest of world, the reality of politics, society and
culture, especially in faraway countries, remains fragmented and often highly distorted
in most media systems around the world. After a brief reassessment of some empirical
basics of existing content analyses, the following paper focuses on the much neglected
question of effects and consequences of the current situation. Are the mass media
around the world ready to meet the needs of cosmopolitan globalism, of modern
‘Knowledge Society’ or of ‘Global Governance’, theoretical concepts and paradigms that
we often use to describe present realities and trends? Coming to a slightly pessimistic
conclusion, the contribution discusses some of the major causes responsible for the
situation and points to various types of possible reforms.

Keywords
content analysis, cosmopolitanism, foreign news-making, global governance, knowledge
society, media systems, reform of global journalism

In the past globalization debate there has been much talk of a ‘global public sphere’ or
even a ‘global village’. Real time coverage around the world and thousands of satellite
TV programs seemed a realization of those visions. The mass media presumably have the
capacity to unite the world behind global events like the Olympic Games or the inaugura-
tion of President Obama, which billions of people watch on their TV sets. The era of
so-called globalization has seemingly arrived after a period of much critique of the
fragmentation of international communication. During the debate of the New International
Communication Order in the 1980s many experts and politicians complained about the

Corresponding author:
Kai Hafez, Professor of Comparative and International Communication, University of Erfurt, Nordhäuser
Str. 63, 99089 Erfurt, Germany.
Email: kai.hafez@uni-erfurt.de
484 Journalism 12(4)

worldwide dominance of western news agencies and other western media. UNESCO’s
famous McBride Report revealed that coverage of the developing countries in the west
was full of irrelevant news, joining disparate facts to artificial world views, that foreign
coverage around the world was loaded with negative concepts of the ‘other’, and the
report complained about a failure to examine significant developments in international
political and economic relations (Many Voices – One World, 1980).
The end of the Cold War plus the technological developments in the media sector,
satellite television and the internet, seem to have changed everything. But is this turn to
globalization a reality or is it a myth (Hafez, 2007)? Have we overcome the problems
mentioned in the Mac Bride report? The following essay is an attempt at reconsidering
some basic empirical facts about how can we describe the foreign news agenda of
mainstream journalism of both nationally and transnationally based media. How are the
events on the media agenda framed in different national media systems? In subsequent
sections the paper reflects on political and societal causes and effects of the current state
of foreign news and global journalism in order to stimulate theoretical debates in that
field. The work ends with a vision of various reform approaches that would close exist-
ing gaps between theoretical visions and practical constraints.

The foreign news agenda, or the tip-of-the-iceberg-

phenomenon
The vast bulk of national or local news produced in any country is never reported in the
foreign news, whether on television or in the press, of any other country. For example, a
long term study on Middle East coverage in German newspapers, analyzing more than
12,000 articles, revealed that renowned national newspapers in Germany only published
two to three full articles per day on a region stretching from North Africa to Pakistan and
consisting of almost 30 countries (Hafez, 2002). If we compare this to the domestic news
produced by newspapers in any of those countries we can easily understand the enor-
mous information gap that exists between foreign and local news. Germany’s biggest
newspapers statistically dedicate something like 0.1 articles to each North African and
Middle Eastern country every day. This is surely not enough to capture the complexity of
the lives of millions of inhabitants of those regions. To make things worse, regular
regional newspapers in Germany publish even less than that.
One might argue that German foreign newspapers are not representative, but there
were some studies in the past which showed that German newspapers publish more for-
eign news than papers in other Western countries (Sreberny-Mohammadi et al., 1985).
These studies are relatively old, but anecdotal evidence indicates that their results are
valid even today. While at regular times even neighbouring countries like England and
France are no big news, German papers extensively cover events like national elections
in those countries. However, when I lived in England for some time in 2005, I was not
even able to follow the German national elections because there was hardly any coverage
in the British press. I had to tune into old-fashioned foreign broadcasting, Deutsche
Welle, or resort to very new forms of internet communication.
The situation of foreign coverage in regular national television programs around the
world is even worse. A number of studies point to a decline in foreign news output in
the big US TV networks in the 1990s after the end of the Cold War (Norris, 1995). The
Hafez 485

same is true for Germany, where producers continually complain about their shrinking
capacity to cover world affairs. The only exceptions are sweeping news like 9/11. The era
of so-called globalization therefore is, in fact, not a time of increasing foreign news
coverage in the mainstream media.
Problems concerning the volume of the foreign news agenda abound. Many countries
never or hardly ever occur in the news of most other countries because they are not
deemed newsworthy. It is mostly during wars or violent crises that we take notice of
them, for example countries like Rwanda or Somalia only gain attention in times of civil
war and flagrant piracy. This means that our perception of the world is not only extremely
limited in scope but also fragmented. We inhabit news geographies containing some hot
spots and many pale areas. The importance of foreign news differs from media system
to media system. Every country in the world has metropolitan and peripheral spheres of
news attention, and it is mostly western countries that get more attention than the rest of
the world, indicating that there is a North–South gap in international news.
Other aspects come to mind. The bulk of foreign news coverage is purely political
news. There is hardly any coverage of economic, cultural or environmental develop-
ments. Around 60–80 per cent of a regular Western newspaper’s news about non-
European countries is purely political (e.g. Hafez, 2002). One may argue that politics is
the natural field of news, because the media are part of international political relations.
However, we must be aware that most of the foreign affairs activities of our own countries
are never reported in the news, not even in the press. We might get to know when our
foreign ministers are on tour, but have we ever heard that the government of George W
Bush, while fighting a war against terrorism and Islamism, had contact with the Muslim
Brethren in Egypt (Al Jazeera, 2007)? That type of news is produced by specialist media
for information elites, but it hardly ever appears in the western mainstream press or
television news.
In sum, the foreign news agenda of mainstream journalism in modern times at best
just touches the tip-of-the-iceberg of all events and news produced daily around the
world. Even though media discourses are always incomplete, foreign news worlds are
incomparably more fragmented than domestic news cultures. For most people – not
experts, not information elites, but ordinary citizens – the era of ‘globalization’ has not
allowed them to leave their information ghettos of national discourses (Pintak, 2006).
The size and diversity of foreign news agendas is tiny and unstable. Foreign news cover-
age is patchwork journalism. The limitation of the world in the mainstream news to tiny
bits of event-centred information leads to an enormous fragmentation, de-contextualiza-
tion and a dangerous loss of complexity. The average westerner holds Iran to be the
forecourt to hell. Why? Because western media reduce Iran to the nuclear issue, Muslim
veiling and Ahmadinejad’s Holocaust denial. At other times the media are fascinated by
civilian protest movements as occurred during the Iranian national elections in 2009. In
both cases, the enormous complexities of the country, which is neither stubbornly
Islamist nor revolutionary in a western sense, go unnoticed. Meg Greenfield of the
Washington Post asked herself in 1979, the year the Iranian revolution broke out, whether
her fellow citizens would be ready to understand those events. And she compared the
American audience to Columbus when he thought he had reached India but had in fact
discovered America (Greenfield, 1979). Are we today really that much further than
Columbus was?
486 Journalism 12(4)

Of course, simple metaphors are inappropriate, and that is not only true for Columbus
but also for my iceberg metaphor. It implies that by far the most important, and for ships
also the most dangerous, part of icebergs lies below the surface. However, this might not
be true for the media. Perhaps foreign news, even though limited, tells us what we need
to know. Why should news about Madagascar be important in Sweden? The world is
simply too complex, you might say, a reduction of complexity is inescapable. All these
interventions are legitimate, but this is also the reason why I would argue that the idea of
globalization in the media sector is at least in part a myth. But before we discuss all this
in more detail, we will continue to collect some more empirical evidence.

Foreign news framing, or: the missing dialogue

Looking closer at the tip of the iceberg of the news on the media agenda, we find events
that are simultaneously covered in most media systems, for example, 9/11, the Iraq war
or more positive events like the Olympic games or the inaugurations of the US American
president Barack Obama. They often create an astounding amount of news output. If
anything seems to prove that we are living in a global public sphere, it is these world
events.
However, there are many problems emanating from how media construct these
events in various media systems. A study done in the Eurovision context shows that
even on the basis of identical sources, media produce different and at times even contra-
dictory interpretations (Gurevitch et al., 1993). Again, some anecdotal evidence to
illustrate this point: I once visited Sweden during the Winter Olympics and Swedish
television broadcast curling all day long. This was the only sports event that was of
Swedish national interest at that time, since the Swedish curling team was one of the
best in the world while other Swedish athletes in other disciplines had no chance of
winning Olympic medals. I had a comparable experience in Syria once, when during the
Summer Olympics Syrian television covered handball all day long. Media systems
construct events according to national preferences. Seemingly homogenous events
like the Olympic Games are simultaneously reported in a very different manner around
the world.
The terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the war in Iraq in 2003 were other examples of such
particularistic tendencies in media coverage. US mainstream media, for instance, told a
substantially different story of the Iraq war to that told by the Arab media. Thus, on the
one side there was much mass mediated gossip of ‘weapons of mass destruction’ while
on the other ‘American imperialism’ was a key issue. Mainstream mass media around
the world sometimes construct an identical media agenda, but they frame events accord-
ing to their own home-grown narratives. Today’s international exchanges of images and
information, it seems, are no guarantee for global intertextuality in news, for a growing
awareness of the others’ stories and perspectives or for more complexity in the mass
media’s world views. 9/11 and the Iraq war demonstrated the enormous fragility of
global journalism. It was Samuel Huntington’s ‘Clash of Civilization’ in TV format, and
it was old-fashioned propaganda in modern disguise. We cannot yet talk of global
journalism as a form of successful, plural and diversified communication. There are, at
best, various zones of transnationality, a western, an American, a European, Muslim,
Hafez 487

Arab or whatever sphere, with different narratives, frames, master-frames of the same
story and often completely divergent definitions of what Daniel Hallin called ‘legitimate
controversy’ (Hallin, 1989). A debate on US imperialism? Not in the US mass media. A
debate on Palestinian terrorism? Not in Arab mass media (Glück, 2007).
Of course, this picture is a little black and white. Discourses in different countries
may also overlap to a certain degree. As a rule: the less involved a country is in a war or
international conflict, the bigger the chance that the conflict is treated in a neutral and
fair manner. The chance that the event is completely ignored is also bigger. A good
example for this is the transnational network CNN. US involvement in world affairs
often dictates that CNN’s coverage has a heavily patriotic bias. CNN prides itself on
being the leading global news network, but during the Iraq war, for example, it was, like
many other US networks, tremendously biased. On the other hand, there are case studies
on CNN’s coverage of the war between Russia and Chechnya in the 1990s showing
that CNN can be quite able to oppose US foreign policy (Koller, 1993). It is true that at
regular times CNN, to stay with the example, is quite capable of integrating various
view points from around the world. Also many European mass media, because their
countries were quite remote from the conflict, were much more critical of the Iraq war
than the big US papers and networks.
However, that culture of global intertextuality and fairness is very fragile. Journalism
cultures around the world are susceptible to patriotic, ethnocentric and other biases. US
NGO Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) complained that the major newspa-
pers, the New York Times and Washington Post, scarcely allowed opponents of the Iraq
war any space to express their views (Naureckas, 2003). My own study of German
Middle East reporting showed that German foreign news concentrates on representatives
of the state and on counter elites, like terrorists, blending out the voices of large parts of
Middle Eastern civil societies (Hafez, 1999a).
Moreover, intertextuality and the ability to integrate the most important voices and
viewpoints of various national discourses into a globalized journalistic product are no
sufficient guarantee for objectivity. There are many theories of an ethics of truth in
journalism; objectivity, balance and neutrality are not at all identical concepts. Factual
truth might be located beyond a given discourse, even though news media might pride
themselves in ‘balanced’ reporting of such discourse (Starkey, 2007). However, inter-
textuality is an approach that reminds us that we need to open up our national discourses
to the discourses of ‘the other’ in order to produce dialogic journalism (Kleinsteuber,
2004). The idea of a global public sphere demands that we not only agree on a global
agenda, but also live up to the idea of transparency in media discourse. It seems to me
that we need much more debate on the specificities of the ethics of global journalism.
Existing codes of ethics hardly ever pay attention to these questions so central to the
globalization issue (Hafez, 2003).

Effects of foreign news coverage on politics and society

Empirical facts alone will not help us to understand the fact or fiction of global journal-
ism. Is the global agenda big enough or too small? Is the degree of intertextuality suf-
ficient or not? Is the glass half full or half empty? All this is a matter of perspective and
488 Journalism 12(4)

of theory. It is my impression that there is a lack of theoretical insight when it comes to

current debates on international reporting. Perhaps one reason is that theoretical debates
in media and communication studies have been concentrating to a large degree on
mid-range theories like agenda setting or cultivation rather than debating macro theory.
There are at least two main roads to follow when analyzing international relations.
The classical realist theory holds that international relations are a loose network of
state interactions. The nation state, in this perspective, is the dominant political actor
and inter-state relations are a framework designed mainly to protect the state, to secure
resources and to safeguard foreign trade and investment (Morgenthau, 1948). A second
approach is systems theory with all its variations from world systems theory (Wallerstein,
1974) to a theory of interdependence (Nye and Keohane, 1977), which argues that
political, economic and environmental interdependencies between states are growing,
that the dominance of the nation state is waning and that the state is not the sole actor of
international relations anymore, with the forces of civil society becoming stronger and
stronger. This kind of interdependence thinking has been at the core of the globalization
debate during the past 20 years.
The reality of international relations, it seems, can be located somewhere between
those perspectives. The nation state is still strong and forecasts of its decline, widely
debated in the 1990s, have proved to be premature. But at the same time there are signs
of growing interdependencies, especially in economic and political fields; just think of the
European Union, the G8 or NATO. There are more specific theories of globalization that
have sought to describe conditions for global system exchange. It is my impression that
they can broadly be grouped around three major categories of theory building that are
important in almost all the social sciences, including media and communication studies,
namely: knowledge, values and human action. In other words, theory building in the
field of international relations and globalization focuses on the cognitive, emotional
and operative sphere of human existence. Most theories of globalization focus on one of
those spheres, largely ignoring the other aspects, for example: Cosmopolitanism concen-
trates on values, the Knowledge Society paradigm on knowledge, and the idea of Global
Governance seeks to explore political action. Let us consider how these variations in
globalization thinking affect our understanding of the current state of global journalism.

Cosmopolitanism
In this field the theory of Global Citizenship by Nigel Dower (2003) is very well known.
It is no coincidence that one of the leading globalization thinkers, David Held, has
reviewed Dower’s work. Dower pleads for global solidarity as a basic value in the era of
globalization. According to this author, we can keep our own separate and at times even
contradictory values, but we also need to develop super-values of tolerance and world-
wide understanding if we want globalization to expand peacefully. To what extent have
the mass media helped to bring about cosmopolitan values? Empirical studies may at
times demonstrate that cosmopolitanism is a weak culture worldwide and that patriotism
prevails. For example, the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia
(EUMC) in Vienna has carried out comparative research on media and racism and
Hafez 489

has found that the image of foreigners and migrants is still distorted in many ways
(ter Wal, 2002). The era of so-called global media, for example, has not affected the
enormous number of stereotypes that exist in the west of Islam and of Muslims. Aside
from within certain cosmopolitan elites the modern media have hardly globalized values
of many ordinary people.
We must surely be fair enough to ask to what extent the mass media are capable of
influencing values. The media can certainly attract attention, ‘hate-media’ have the capac-
ity to stir up violence or biases in war time and they are certainly partly responsible for
the so-called rallying-round-the-flag patriotism in war times, but also for positive solidar-
ity campaigns after a tsunami or other catastrophes. In the end, however, it is doubtful
whether Cosmopolitanism can be a valid theoretical point of departure for the analysis of
global journalism. There is no proof that mass media are very effective in influencing
values. We know from public opinion studies in the field of foreign policy that the media
are able to influence foreign policy opinion only to the degree that they do not contradict
core values that exist within populations concerning, for instance, war and peace (Hurwitz
and Peffley, 1987). In that respect, countries’ political cultures differ as a result of his-
torical experiences, and within any population, people show different either ‘hawkish’
or ‘dovish’ predilections. To a large degree values seem to develop during primary and
secondary socialization, in families and in schools, and we cannot conclude that mass
media affect them substantially. Moreover, Cosmopolitanism is unpractical as a theory
because it can hardly be tested empirically. There are so many intervening variables
affecting values that we simply have difficulty defining the exact role of the media.

Knowledge Society
One of the core assumptions of the Knowledge Society paradigm is that with current
technologies, knowledge need not be constrained by geographic proximity and can
overcome the Eurocentric limitations of the classical Enlightenment. Manuel Castells in
his famous book on the Information Society describes the media as the main place for
modern societies (Castells, 2001). Things that are not present in the mass media, he
argues, are limited to personal networks and have no presence in collective identities
and memories (2001, Vol. 1: 375).
Looking at the realities of the foreign news agenda we must confess, however,
that modern journalism is far from that utopia. It creates fragmented media agendas
and knowledge about the world, especially outside of its native geo-cultural spheres.
There are many more ‘un-knowns’ than ‘knowns’. Of course, the world is too complex
to be explained in foreign news reporting, but one could transform at least some of the
‘unknowns’ into ‘knowns’ and the rest into ‘known unknowns’. From this perspective
we should seek to enlarge the space for international coverage also in mainstream
media, and we should help our audiences to develop a ‘culture of non-understanding’
(Scheunpflug, 2000). In addition, we need paradox interventions that, at least occasion-
ally, turn the routines of agenda-setting and framing upside down. Instead of labelling
countries, journalism needs to enable audiences to develop truly dialogical and intertex-
tual global knowledge.
490 Journalism 12(4)

Global Governance
It is tempting to adhere to the formula: the internet is made for the Knowledge Society,
but journalism is made for Global Governance. If we assume that the task of the main-
stream media is to inform citizens about the most pressing world affairs with interna-
tional relevance, the limited agendas of foreign news reporting seem less depressing.
They might not allow for a post-ethnocentric turn, but they could be used as a tool for
dealing with some major political issues of war and peace. Of course, this is no longer
the vision of a ‘global village’, but an echo of realist theory – and even this view is
problematic.
Can we really separate the global from the local? It is a widespread reaction among
media makers to differentiate between ‘locally’ and ‘internationally’ relevant news. But
this notion is erroneous. When Afghanistan became world news, much of the world was
not prepared for it. The idea that people can understand ‘global issues’ without having
to learn about their local contexts is misleading. We must never forget that the tip of the
iceberg of international reporting is connected to the much bigger iceberg below the
surface. A journalism concentrating on a bundle of global affairs will almost certainly
lose its competence for broader explanations in other countries and other issues, and it
will certainly miss the short moments when the local becomes a global issue. Therefore,
it is my suggestion that even if we accept the idea of Global Governance as a guiding
and somewhat limiting and modest principle of international journalism, we will never
be able to afford to restrict the work of the media to a few global topics. On the contrary,
journalism must seek to diversify the political agenda, fill in the white spots of the
Ruandas, Somalias and Afghanistans in order to make its audience understand world
politics.
How can we define the global core of agenda setting? Terrorism, for example, is not
as important to many countries as it is to the USA. What is news for France is not neces-
sarily news for India. Even if it comes to the most pressing issues, debates in the United
Nations show different predilections around the globe.
How do we deal with the fact that the bulk of national foreign policy and global
policies is not in the news? Horizontal ‘global’ communication can only be successful if
vertical ‘national’ communication between policy makers and civil societies becomes
more transparent and democratized. My immediate concern is, however, that news val-
ues and policy values very often collide. What counts for policy-making is often hardly
attractive to the media. All those dull conferences and diplomatic processes: how do
we cover them? Before we try and integrate nation states into bigger, global systems,
we should not forget to integrate foreign policies and civil society within the nation
state itself. Horizontal and vertical integration in that sense are dependent on each other.
Global Governance is done by state actors, but it can only be successful by peaceful
means if it is part of wider public debates (just think of Immanuel Kant’s ‘Eternal Peace’
and his vision of the intimate relationship between foreign policy and democracy).
Even if we could successfully arrive at a minimal global agenda, is the media’s fram-
ing good enough for Global Governance? The more pressing an international political
problem becomes – war and peace – the less you can trust the mass media as a source for
Global Governance. For journalism to achieve a positive function in Global Governance
Hafez 491

it would have to adhere to the principles of intertextuality and to refrain from biases,
especially at times when its own country is directly or indirectly involved in conflicts and
when the political pressures are very strong (see below).
The easiest way to achieve that would be to establish real transnational media of refer-
ence. But today’s transnational networks like CNN or Al Jazeera are really hybrids of
national media. They are not so much neutral guardians of Global Governance as agents
of patriotic emotions.

Influences on foreign reporting

We started the theoretical debate by considering whether the world is driven by loose
international relations between strong nation states or by growing global interdepend-
ence, or whether both tendencies are effective in our times. It is also quite obvious
from what has been laid out so far that information interconnections and exchanges in
mainstream journalism (television and the press) remain very fragile, from whatever
theoretical angle you look at them. In the following, the reasons for and causes of those
deficits will be debated.
In media studies global journalism has so far been defined by some scholars as a
system of ‘newsgathering, editing and distribution not based on national and regional
boundaries’ (Reese 2008). This definition, however, is incomplete. Potential intercon-
nections are unlimited, but actual interconnections are limited, as we have seen, and
the driving forces behind media are often rather national than global in scope. The deep
structures and the real interdependencies of journalism are in many cases anything but
boundless.
The ‘system’ of Reese’s definition is not the ‘system’ of the systems theory. Nick
Couldry is quite right when he argues that we need a better understanding of what com-
prises the world media system (Couldry, 2006). Manuel Castells’ idea of global networks
is not sufficient. We might be technically connected, but in actual journalism many of the
networking channels are largely ignored beyond their home countries, and the reason is
that foreign reporting in journalism is not globally interdependent. The mass media are a
news gathering machine whose interactions reach beyond borders, but whose system
imperatives remain national or at best regional in scope. With the exception, maybe, of a
small number of media operating transnationally (like CNN, BBC World Service, etc.),
foreign reporting in most national media systems remains dissociated from foreign
markets and its main ties of interdependence are with domestic subsystems of markets,
politics and corporations.
Proof of this can again be found in Afghanistan or Iraq: two media spheres, in the
USA and in the Arab world, interpreted the same events in totally different ways, often
heating up propaganda-like media discourses. Was that proof of the existence of a fully
interdependent global media system? Certainly not, but the situation rather pointed to
the coexistence of national or regional media subsystems. In such disparate systems,
propaganda is quite functional and comprises a substantial element of discourse or even
of political culture, as Jacques Ellul once argued (Ellul, 1965). Audiences in one country
are hardly aware of what kind of media information audiences in other countries get
about them. Media markets are national rather than transnational, which comprises a
492 Journalism 12(4)

substantial difference to the trade sectors where producers in one country want to sell
products in other countries.
We live in an era of growing economic interdependence, but not of growing media
interdependence. The result of this ‘tectonic heave’ (Hafez, 1999b) is a dangerous increase
in international tensions. More and more money and goods are transferred around a
world that we still do not understand so much better than in earlier times.
What are the precise conditions of non-integrated journalistic systems? We can group
them on three different levels, a micro, a meso and a macro level, or, influences exerted
on the journalist, on the media organization / media system and on domestic politics and
society.

Macro-influences
On the macro level one has to deal with influences by consumers, markets and political
actors. How do they influence foreign reporting?
Modern media consumers are certainly not ideal cosmopolitans. Most of them hardly
ever tune into foreign networks using technical means such as satellite television or
internet live stream to access news. They might do so more often for films, but hardly
ever for news. Those small information elites, like migrants or academics, who are
interested in global affairs on a daily basis are neither very large nor well organized as a
social force. Media-watch initiatives acting against stereotypes in domestic media are
nuclear. It was very disappointing to witness that consumers in western democracies
are patriotic enough to let politicians like Blair and Bush get away with the most sincere
media distortions.
The effects of global tourism on the liberalization of world views are often very
disappointing. People see what they want to see and they often stick to existing stereo-
types. It is my impression that the globalization debate around media has almost totally
neglected audiences. There is much anecdotal evidence about individual trans-border
media interactivity, especially through the internet, but solid data on cross-national mass
media consumption are almost non-existent. We must be careful not to adhere to prema-
ture assumptions about the new global human being. To have a more critical and cosmo-
politan consumer at his or her side would be of great value to any critical journalist.
The media markets react to those deficits. Why sell international products to people
who are not internationalized? Europe, by far the best integrated transnational political
zone in the world, has not yet developed any considerable transnational television
networks (except for Euro News, Euro Sports, etc.). With the exception of certain
branches of the entertainment sector like big screen filming, media capital in Europe is
much more national than transnational in scope. Arab transnational markets, because
they comprise a homogenous linguistic area, are better developed and there are certainly
other regionalization tendencies, for instance in Latin America. However, regionaliza-
tion is not globalization. On the contrary, many forms of regionalization serve as a
bulwark against globalization. For example, Arab media capital controls Arab media
markets (Sakr, 2001). The big media giants of the west are comparatively minor investors
in Asian broadcasting and press markets (Compaine, 2002). If they invest transnationally,
their investment is often silent capital with no internationalizing effect. Even what appear
Hafez 493

to be international products, like MTV or CNN, have developed local branches. CNN
today might be considered a mix of Americanized or westernized framing and a slightly
localized agenda. Neither western framing nor the localization of agendas, however, is
an indicator of growing intertextuality in news and an increasingly global media agenda.
Governments interfere in public media sectors and they are, very often, the natural
enemies of independent journalism. Both autocratic and democratic governments very
often misinform the media when feeding them with very one-sided information. The
demarcation line between public policy, public diplomacy and propaganda is very thin,
but also hard to define. Government propaganda is handed down to the media either
directly or through news agencies that are often ill-equipped to check the information,
because the same governments, for instance, do not allow access to battlefields in
wartime. Domestic governments are usually closer to domestic media in the sphere of
foreign news than other governments. The political system is not yet internationalized,
and therefore influences on the media are systematically national in character.
The literature has also debated influences in the other direction, from the media to
politics, the so-called CNN-effect (Robinson, 2002). In short: the more vital the crisis
becomes, the smaller the effects of the media on politics. There are certain cases such as
Somalia, or the Iranian-European dialogue in 1990s, in which foreign policies seem to
have been influenced by mass media. But in most cases, foreign policy seems to remain
firmly in the hands of the political system. George W Bush could go to war in Iraq
despite the fact that world opinion was overwhelmingly against this policy. Public
opinion seems to be a weak factor that can easily be emotionalized (Chouliaraki, 2006)
and exploited by political interest.

Meso-influences
It is my impression that the capacity of media organizations to invest in foreign news-
making in this era of so-called ‘globalization’ is rather shrinking than expanding. The
number of foreign correspondents is much lower than it should be. Many of them are
‘parachutists’ rather than accredited journalists. News agencies are helpful when circu-
lating news, but they are often cash-strapped institutions, and their services certainly do
not replace in-depth journalism that has to be done within the media organizations.
A positive sign is that we are witnessing more cooperation among media of different
nations, for example between German television and Al Jazeera. But this cooperation
mostly leads to an exchange of images rather than of texts and this does not enhance
intertextuality. We do not get the Al Jazeera perspective as part of our own coverage
simply because our media are cooperating in the market with them. Even Al Jazeera’s
images are filtered according to the needs of western media (Samuel-Azran, 2009).
Market pressure is handed down to newsrooms and transformed into gate-keeping
mechanisms in tune with what is considered ‘newsworthy’. However, news values
defined in market terms must not necessarily be compatible with a sensitive definition of
news along the lines of Global Governance or Knowledge Society. Many correspondents
and media makers complain about the limited capacity for new topics in foreign report-
ing. Hierarchies also play an important role in international news. My own study on
Middle East reporting in German newspapers revealed that whenever there is a big
494 Journalism 12(4)

international debate or crisis, chief editors and columnists tend to marginalize the real
experts within their media organizations and take over the lead in interpretation, with the
result that ideology and old-boys networks, even between media and politics, often
prevail over expertise (Hafez, 2002). During the Rushdie scandal, for example, one chief
editor of Die Zeit, the major liberal weekly in Germany, used the front page to inform his
readers that there were millions of potential Muslim murderers on European streets.
CNN is proof of the fact that even though the staff of media organizations might have
an enormously international background from various countries and heritages, power
structures within the media organization can prevail and multicultural representation is
what has sometimes been called ‘representation without participation’.

Micro-influences
However, it would also not be wise to idealize the motivation of the individual journalist
and contrast her or his best global intentions with the repressive mechanisms of the
media organization. Journalists have their stereotypes too, and they often lack the neces-
sary qualifications for internationally and interculturally adapted journalism. Hardly any
German Middle East correspondent, for example, speaks non-European languages, an
enormous hurdle when trying to collect and evaluate sources.

Remedies and reforms

How can we increase interaction and interdependencies between national media and
consumers and the rest of the world? Various approaches are possible. One might be
called the cultural reform approach, and it is based on the hope that perhaps in the
long run our schools and societies will educate a more mature consumer who will ask
for more or better foreign news. Modern developments in information technology like
the internet, blogging, YouTube and Twitter may have some positive effects on the
development of those parts of populations who are interested in international news.
The consumer, however, can hardly be called a ‘system’, because he or she is more a
disperse ‘environment’ for media systems. Therefore it is more likely for international
organizations like NGOs to have positive future influences. However, even in this seg-
ment we must face the fact that public opinion in the field of foreign policy is in most
cases structurally weak and badly equipped to cope with the dominance of politicians
and traditional foreign news makers.
There is not much reason to trust in the globalizing effects of markets on journalism
because corporations tend to sell whatever consumers want to buy. Therefore, presuma-
bly public service media will have to lead any reform of foreign reporting, and we would
call this approach the political reform approach. It is antithetical to the idea of free and
autonomous media, but are we really that free in democratic media systems? What if the
state could help to develop transnational formats based on ideals like the Knowledge
Society or Global Governance. Perhaps it would be logical for the nuclear international
political system, for example the European Union or the United Nations, to take the lead
in any kind of reform of international communication and develop models of ‘good prac-
tice’, like the German-French television network ARTE. Likely plans do exist on EU
Hafez 495

administrative levels (Vissol, 2006), but they do not seem operational yet. The last
time I talked to a German public service director, he seemed very sceptical, because he
assumed that the consumer would not accept new international formats. Perhaps this is
our major problem: that the public service media increasingly think like commercial
enterprises.
Media organizations and even individual journalists can certainly do a lot to improve
the situation, and I would call this the professional reform approach. We should support
journalists in learning languages and following up on international studies. One should
seek ways to better integrate international journalism education into relevant training
programs. It is also vital for journalists to learn how to get access to new sources, not
only through the internet, but also through field research.
All these approaches combined could make a veritable reform in the sphere of inter-
national reporting by big mass media – a reform that would be desperately needed on the
way to globalization.

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Biographical notes
Kai Hafez is Professor of Comparative and International Communication at the University of
Erfurt, Germany. He is the author of The Myth of Media Globalization (Polity, Cambridge) and the
editor of Arab Media – Power and Weakness (Continuum, New York).
2
MASS MEDIA AND THE GLOBAL
PUBLIC SPHERE

One of this book’s theoretical premises is that the dominant mode of communi-
cation used by mass media can be distinguished from that of other social systems
and lifeworlds by a number of traits that are also characteristic of global, cross-​
border communication. Mass media do not establish an interactive relationship
between actors as do politics, the economy or lifeworlds. They are observational
systems. Interaction between mass media or between media and recipients is pos-
sible, but the primary mode of communication is monologic and discursive. Mass
media mostly broadcast in one direction, from producer to consumer. Rather than
a “global community”, then, this gives rise at most to a “global public sphere”.
This means that we have to conceptualize the global communication of the mass
media, as an observational system, differently than in the case of action systems, where
a distinction must always be made between interactive and observational commu-
nicative modes. The greatest challenge for the theory of mass media, meanwhile,
is the ambivalence of the concept of discourse. Media discourses are monologic,
but media producers are capable of arranging the ideas of different social actors in
such a way as to generate an as-​if dialogue, in which people do not actively interact
across borders but are made aware of others’ media agendas and public debates. In
a global context, we coined the term “synchronization of the global public sphere”
in our theoretical chapter (Chapter 1). Hence, the key question here is not, as is
the case with other social systems, what the relationship is between interactive and
observational communicative modes, but whether observational communication is
practised consistently and a global discourse is facilitated by the media.
The structure of this chapter arises from this basic problem. According to our
system-​lifeworld-​network approach, we must first present the fundamental struc-
ture of the system of the mass media, then its feats of discourse and synchroniza-
tion, before exploring, in a final section, whether or not the achievements and
shortcomings of today’s global mass communication suggest that it is capable of

DOI: 10.4324/9781003255239-3
 Mass media and the global public sphere 49

producing a synchronized global public sphere. Here, in addition to functionalist

and systems-​theoretical concepts, we discuss normative democratic and cosmopol-
itan ideas.
Its theoretical independence is probably the reason why global mass communi-
cation is by far the most researched area of global communication. Interpersonal
communication and social communication still tend to be marginal topics in the
discipline of communication studies, which has for many years chiefly operated as
“journalism studies”, especially in the Anglo-​American tradition (Averbeck-​Lietz
2010). In communication studies as well as in other social sciences and humanities
disciplines, the idea of media that are supposedly globally available and that inform
citizens in real time about the furthest corners of the world has an established place,
and this has had a lasting impact on the zeitgeist. The notion of the global power
of new technologies, such as satellite television or the Internet, is one of the cen-
tral myths of the globalization debate, along with the transnationalization of the
economy.
However, this notion has generated a certain amount of opposition, so that today
global mass communication is probably not just the largest but also the most con-
troversial field of research on global communication. Controversial issues include

• the extent to which mass media have developed transnational organizational

structures or have remained chiefly local (and above all national);
• to what extent global or local media ethics and professional standards prevail;
• to what extent mass media are primarily geared towards global or local markets;
• to what extent global or national legal and political parameters play a
decisive role;
• to what extent all of this is bound up with global homogenization or syn-
chronization or, alternatively, with the continued local heterogeneity of media
discourses (Flew 2007, p. 26f.; Hafez 2007a; McMillin 2007, p. 8ff.; Kübler
2011, p. 28ff.).

Finally, therefore, we have to ask whether the new technological possibilities of

digitization have really brought about a new kind of globalization or whether we
have merely seen shifts of emphasis that change little about the basic state of global
communication. Present-​ day scholarship features a number of currents (Hafez
2007a, p. 1ff.; Williams 2011, p. 21ff.; Ulrich 2016, p. 45ff.), with “globalization
optimists” assuming the progressive convergence of structures and content, while
“globalization pessimists” or “globalization realists”, envisage a race between local
and global structures and discourses in which they effectively cancel each other
out. This chapter seeks to tie together and summarize these different research
perspectives at every analytical level –​structure, discourse and theory of the public
sphere. In analysing the contradictions of global mass communication, our goal is
to go beyond broad-​brush and imprecise notions of “glocalization” (see Chapter 1,
Section 1.2) and to bring out fundamental tendencies as clearly as possible. In the
context of the globalization debate, German sociologist Ulrich Beck rightly noted
50 Mass media and the global public sphere

that the simplistic notion of “dialectics” has appeared before in history but was
ultimately “dismissed by all clear-​headed thinkers” (2000, p. 49). We have no desire
to revive this misconceived perspective here.

2.1 Systems and system change

A basic model of global mass communication
Mass media form complex systems that are made up of journalists, their professional
relations and professional ethics (micro-​level), media companies and editorial offices
(meso-​level), and those environmental relationships of importance to the media
system with other subsystems in politics, economy and society (especially audiences)
(macro-​level). Within the meso-​level, there are exchange relations between media,
for example, through economic interrelationships, information procurement or
an orientation towards journalistic opinion leaders, with news agencies occu-
pying a prominent position. There are relations of interdependence between media
organizations and their environmental systems of politics and economy as well as
their non-​organized systemic environments of audiences. Politics, for example, acts
as a social supersystem (Gerhards and Neidhardt 1990, p. 8f.) in that it regulates and
controls the media system legally and politically, although politics is also dependent
on its representation in the media. The economy plays a dual role, as it is part of
the internal media system through ownership, but at the same time it supplies the
media system with economic resources, similar to the paying audience, for example,
through advertising revenue. The relations of the media system to its environments
are dependent, not least, on the character of a given political system. In a liberal
system (democracy), these relations can best be described as a dynamic equilibrium
between autonomy and adaptation. The media system provides society with inde-
pendent (critical) observation but is simultaneously exposed to influences from its
environment that restrict its autonomy (Kunczik 1984; Marcinkowski 1993; Hafez
2002a, vol. 1, p. 123ff.).
While integrated media systems emerge in this way in the national framework,
a global media system does not exist (as yet). Most of the mass media in the world
are geared towards national or even smaller local audiences and are linguistically
limited. This also applies to global mass communication, whenever it is part of
national media systems as “foreign coverage”, because here national media edit the
world for national audiences. National foreign coverage, in which national edi-
torial offices produce international news with the help of foreign correspondents
and the information made available to them by news agencies, is still the dominant
form of global journalism and media use (see p. 54f.). In essence, then, the syn-
chronization of the “global public sphere” is carried out by “egocentric”, that is,
decentralized national media systems. Media systems –​and this is closely related
to their tendency towards discursive rather than interactive communication –​tend
to be more egocentric than political or economic systems. As we shall see, other
social systems have given up some of their sovereignty in favour of transnational
 Mass media and the global public sphere 51

diplomatic spaces, global governance structures and transnational relations of pro-

duction and ownership.
In those cases in which recipients (at the macro-​level) cross borders via techno-
logical means such as direct-​to-​air satellite broadcasting and use the media of other
countries, the audience’s media spaces have certainly expanded beyond national
borders. But regardless of a number of attempts to establish a cross-​border media
policy, and political PR that is distributed worldwide via news agencies, political
regulation is still carried out by nation states, and not by a transnational state, which
of course exists only in rudimentary form, within the framework of the European
Union, for example. At the meso-​level too, the media may maintain exchange
relations through import and export, there may be leading international media
(such as the New York Times) and there may even be joint projects across inter-
national boundaries, as in the case of cross-​border journalism. But once again, the
regulatory environmental systems are always shaped mainly by the national frame-
work. At the theoretical micro-​level, journalists may orientate themselves towards
universal ethics and conceptions of professionalism, including aesthetic and stylistic
standards (see p. 53ff.) –​but they remain employees within the legal framework of
a particular nation state.
The residual local ties in all forms of global mass communication are present in
media that view themselves programmatically as “global media” and whose exist-
ence is often regarded as evidence of a transnational media system –​though ultim-
ately this is not the case.The television channels CNN, Al-​Jazeera English and BBC
World News, for example, operate worldwide, but are tied politically to their home
systems. This is even clearer in the case of so-​called “international broadcasting”,
that is, media established by states that broadcast in a variety of languages (such as
Deutsche Welle, Voice of America, RT and BBC World Service) and that cannot
deny their political mandate as part of their home countries’ public diplomacy. Even
in the twenty-​first century, a global media system not tied, in one way or another,
to specific nation states is still largely a utopia (Hafez 2007a, p. 13).
In order to understand the basic structure of global mass communication, it
is therefore useful to distinguish between three different dimensions (Figure 2.1).
Global mass communication is not a self-​contained global system, but consists of

• national media systems (especially foreign coverage)

• that make use of international communication flows (generated by news
agencies, foreign correspondents, imports/​exports, and so on) and
• that are supplemented by individual transnational media structures (global ethics,
joint productions, cross-​border reception and regulations).

Global communication flows do not constitute a global media system. Local or

national systems remain intact but are exposed to global influences and also form
transnational network structures.
The key maxim here is that, at all levels, the system of the mass media and
journalism is still shaped more by the nation state than by global forces (Hafez
52 Mass media and the global public sphere

national national
media system a media system b

media structures
transnational
international
communication flows
and networks

FIGURE 2.1 Dimensions of global mass communication

2002a, vol. 1, p. 134ff.). As a rule, the prevailing features are a journalism imbued
by national ethics and socialization (micro-​level), national forms of organization
and ownership structures (meso-​level) and national audiences and environmental
influences (macro-​level). For the most part, globalization has remained structurally
weak in the mass media and generally speaking there is no significant cross-​border
convergence of media systems.
At the same time, both international communication flows and transnational
substructures may well be dynamic. According to our basic theoretical model,
namely the system-​lifeworld-​network approach, whether national systems or glo-
bally influenced processes have a greater impact on media discourse cannot be
shown without empirical investigation. Furthermore, while it is unlikely that the
primacy of national media systems will end before the nation state dissolves world-
wide, which is improbable any time soon, we cannot rule out systemic change in
the mass media in future.
The first signs of such change emerged in the debate on the “New World
Information Order” at the turn of the 1980s. Many commentators assailed the
informational pressure exerted by the major Western news agencies, as well as the
Western music and film industries, on the rest of the world (Many Voices –​One
World 1980). There is still a considerable gap between this influence, emanating
chiefly from the superpower of the United States, and the “subaltern contra flows”
issuing from the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America (Thussu 2010, pp. 222f.,
234). In view of the unequal cultural balance of power, it seems premature to refer
to “multi-​centred” globalization (Butsch 2019, p. 214ff.).The strong global presence
of Western communicative flows does not contradict the absence of a global media
 Mass media and the global public sphere 53

system, but points to the possibly increasing impact of international system environ-
ments, which do not manifest as organized environmental systems with formal political
and legal regulatory powers (see p. 56f.), but do shape the informational environ-
ment of national media systems. In the course of this chapter, we will be discussing
the persistent dominance of national systems, but also the international commu-
nicative flows and transnational substructures of global mass communication, at all
levels –​from professional ethics, through media production and reception, to the
political and economic environmental factors affecting media systems.

(Trans)national media ethics and professionalism

Professional journalism can be described in terms of the values of journalists, media
and journalistic representatives (such as press councils), values that influence the
behaviour of the media. These values are in evidence both in formal ethics (ethical
codes) and in the informal practices of media professionals. Comparative country
studies reveal similarities as well as differences between national and regional jour-
nalistic ethics (see, for example, Hafez 2002b, 2003b; Hanitzsch 2006; Löffelholz
and Weaver 2008; d’Haenens et al. 2014). In general, with respect to formal ethics
we can observe a high degree of congruity in the core areas of objectivity and the
search for truth, while the differences are greater when it comes to liberal norms as
well as the journalistic emphasis on individuality and community (Christians and
Traber 1997). The differences between media systems’ media ethics are, however,
fluid and dynamic, and professional role models may generate intercultural “con-
tagion” and demonstration effects that we can also observe in journalistic routines,
news values and journalistic design aesthetics (Sklair 1995, p. 159f.; Machin and van
Leeuwen 2007, p. 8f.). The transnational television broadcaster Al-​Jazeera has been
called the “Arab CNN” in part because it deploys a mode of presentation similar to
that of its Western counterpart.
We should not, however, confuse the harmonization of professional standards
with the harmonization of content. Even with identical standards of objectivity,
the selection and interpretation of topics in journalism are vastly different at the
system level (see Section 2.2.1). Especially at times of war and crisis, conflicting
media discourses are not uncommon, and the synchronization of the global public
sphere remains underdeveloped. Only the kind of vision put forward by Marshall
McLuhan, according to which the medium is itself the message (McLuhan 1964),
can ignore differences in content and take the transnational convergence of the pro-
fession of journalism as evidence of the globalization of mass communication in the
“global village” (see Chapter 1, Section 1.1). How unproductive such an analysis is,
however, becomes clear when we consider that international codes of ethics barely
exist to date and national values, such as internationalism or cosmopolitanism, are
hardly ever mentioned in national codes (Hafez 2008, p. 160f.). The formulation
of a global, cosmopolitan and/​or postcolonial media ethics remains a task for the
future (Ward and Wasserman 2010).
54 Mass media and the global public sphere

(G)local media production

It makes sense to first differentiate between nationally and transnationally oriented
mass media. The foreign coverage produced by national media achieves greater
reach than transnational media. It is true that national foreign coverage is in crisis
worldwide as a result of digitization, declining revenue and a lack of resources
that has made itself felt chiefly in the axing of correspondent jobs (Lewis 2010).
But this changes nothing about the fundamentally strong position of national
foreign coverage. For most recipients, media operating transnationally are more
supplement than substitute, and the entire market share of television channels such
as CNN, Al-​Jazeera English and BBC World, as well as European channels such as
Euronews, Eurosports and Fashion TV, to mention just a few examples, is 10 per
cent at most (Chalaby 2009, p. 118) but probably even smaller. Transnational media
are known the world over and, as the leading media within journalism and the
reference media for informational elites, they have a certain opinion-​leading influ-
ence (see p. 67f.) among recipients (Samuel-​Azran 2009). But their market shares
are often exceedingly small, which means that many of these media are loss-​making
and subsidized by their home countries. We will also be examining whether these
transnational broadcasters can represent global discourses better than national mass
media (Chalaby 2009, p. 228; see Section 2.2.1).
The strong position of national media is, however, put into perspective by
global communication flows and new transnational structures. For some time now,
national news journalism has been supplemented by various cross-​border “collab-
orative journalism” projects, which became widely known, for example, in the
wake of the “Panama Papers” (Alfter 2016, 2019; Heft 2019). Since these projects
are essentially exceptions, national journalism continues to dominate and cross-​
border journalism, like the transnational media, is at best a supplement rather than
a real alternative (Grieves 2012, p. 169). In the news business in particular, as a rule
it is very difficult to establish transnational media structures, since there is always a
need to adapt language, personnel and content to the discursive interests and habits
of consumers in the various countries.
At the same time, it is evident –​and, again, this qualifies our view of national
relations of production –​that fictional entertainment has always been imported and
exported more than news.The best-​known example of this is Hollywood films, but
also Latin American telenovelas, which are watched across the world. Compared
to the news business, which is characterized by national preferences, the entertain-
ment sector can be described as the core of globalization and the centrepiece of a
hybrid cultural development: while national productions are still prominent in this
context, they are sometimes less dominant (Hafez 2007a, p. 82ff.; Straubhaar 2014).
However, the media-​based entertainment industries are still highly local in char-
acter (Kawashima and Hye-​Kyung 2018). National productions have the greatest
reach, especially in the television sector, which is why we should be careful not
to overstate the internationalization of the entertainment industry (Flew 2007,
p. 127; Hafez 2007a, p. 82ff.; Straubhaar 2007). The major film industries in India
 Mass media and the global public sphere 55

(Bollywood), the Arab world, China and Iran, and animated film productions in
East Asian countries, are dominant in their local markets.
However, they have also managed to establish a global “contraflow” in the inter-
national export business that at least provides the still dominant American films
with a degree of competition (Thussu 2019, p. 191ff.). The notion of Western “cul-
tural imperialism” through globalization is simplistic, since it fails to take account of
the simultaneous modernization of cultures centred on a national language and the
potential for globalization in the global “South” (Hafez 2007a, p. 94ff.).

The global reception gap: informational masses and elites

In addition to ethics (micro-​level) and production (meso-​level), reception (macro-​
level) is a key structural feature of global mass communication. Apart from anything
else, the reason why media systems are transnationalizing themselves only haltingly is
that national media are still preferred by the vast majority of consumers. The “relative
unimportance” (Sparks 2016, p. 61) of transnationally oriented broadcasters is due
to the national reception behaviour of a large portion of audiences. No significant
change has occurred in these reception structures, despite the growth of direct-​to-​air
satellite broadcasting since the late 1980s and the Internet since the 1990s (Wessler and
Brüggemann 2012, p. 98ff.). With all due caution regarding the figures produced by
research on global media reach, which are often disseminated by companies themselves
and are not always accurate (Zöllner 2004), it seems clear that both the use of trans-
national media (such as CNN, BBC World, and so on) and the cross-​border uptake of
other national media services remain a marginal aspect of media use (Hasebrink and
Herzog 2009).This finding is by no means trivial, but of the utmost significance. As we
shall see, national images of foreign countries often have a negative or at least stereotyp-
ical character, such that consumers are increasingly exposed to negative stereotypes as
a result of their primarily national media consumption (see Section 2.2.1). The global
reception gap is, to a significant extent, responsible for the problems of nationalism and
racism, including right-​wing populist attacks on globalization.
However, there are also some notable exceptions and countervailing trends to the
general rule of national media use, which are associated with special situations (lan-
guage areas and international broadcasting) and special groups (migrants and global
elites). Media are used across borders chiefly in geolinguistically homogeneous lan-
guage areas if they include several national states, for example, the German-​speaking
world (Germany, Austria and Switzerland), or the Arabic-​and Spanish-​speaking
regions, each of which comprises more than 20 countries (Sinclair et al. 1996). The
development of satellite broadcasting and the Internet has facilitated this “small-​
scale border crossing”, but it is in fact much older and is bound up with a common
history and linguistic relationships. Since this kind of media use is not global, but is
limited to traditional cultural areas, it is effectively regionalization rather than global-
ization. On the one hand, national borders are being crossed. On the other hand, the
notion of “cultural areas” is being revived by technology, which is an impediment
to a cosmopolitan and universal conception of globalization (Hafez 2007a, p. 69ff.).
56 Mass media and the global public sphere

Another special case of media use arises from multilingual international

broadcasting, such as BBC World Service (UK), RT (Russia), Voice of America
(United States), Deutsche Welle (Germany) and Radio China International (China)
(Carvalho 2009).The monolingual middle classes, who do not use foreign language
media, may also turn to international broadcasting (Chouikha 1992).The attacks of
11 September 2001 in particular led to an increase in the number of options avail-
able in this regard and triggered a new media race between the major and medium-​
sized powers (Hafez 2007a, p. 118ff.). Despite these developments, cross-​border
media use is at best a supplementary component of most people’s media menu and
is not evidence of sweeping globalization.
Such globalization may occur, however, among special groups such as global elites
active in the fields of politics, economy and culture, who constantly cross borders,
are mobile, and therefore use media outside their countries of origin to a greater
extent than other people (ibid., p. 61; Wessler and Brüggemann 2012, p. 98f.).
Migrants play a prominent but particular role within the global informational elite.
Often, they regularly use media outside their place of residence –​from their coun-
tries of origin or within a diaspora context (Galal 2014; Robins and Aksoy 2015).
It is difficult to determine the exact size of global informational elites, but even
if they are small in number, the qualitative influence of these “cosmopolitans” on
society is likely to be substantial. Migrants in particular can use their multicultural
media menus to develop a transcultural subjectivity at the interface between media
globalization and postcolonialism, though very little research has been done on this
as yet (Merten and Krämer 2016, see also Brennan 2008). This is in fact the source
of a common misunderstanding, since these mobile elites tend to regard their own
cosmopolitan style of media use as a general trend towards globalization, when in
reality it is a phenomenon special to them.

The environmental system of politics: the hegemony of the nation state

Global media policy is a reflection of most people’s reception behaviour, which is
still strongly influenced by the national context. Where media are rarely used across
borders, there is no need for global legal and political regulation of the media.
Transnational legal regulations are limited to a few commercial or technology policy
fields. The Agreement on Trade-​Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights or
TRIPS, for example, prohibits pirating. The EU television directive harmonizes,
among other things, national regulations on advertising, sponsoring and tele-
shopping. The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) and the Internet
Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), meanwhile, regulate
the technological parameters of satellite broadcasting and the Internet. Ostensibly,
a growing number of such actors seems to point to the increasing importance
of global media policy. However, a “techno-​functional perspective” still dominates
here (Berghofer 2017, p. 365), which certainly involves the global regulation of
technological issues but otherwise defines media policy essentially as national cul-
tural policy and has virtually no effect on the independence of nation states. Even
 Mass media and the global public sphere 57

the European Union, probably the most ambitious confederation of states in the
world, leaves the regulation of the media largely to individual countries (Michalis
2016). This leads to some odd outcomes, as a number of European states are
classified as “partially free” (Italy, Poland, Hungary, and so on) in the international
rankings of media freedom (Freedom House, Reporters Without Borders) because
their governments place excessive restrictions on media freedom, with Brussels or
Strasbourg doing little to counteract this.
Aside from a few capitalist and technological parameters, global media policy
thus remains largely in the hands of the nation state, especially with respect to core
policies on media freedom and concentration (Hafez 2007a, p. 142ff.). Ironically,
in the “era of globalization”, the result has been that freedom of expression and
media freedom are under growing threat worldwide from authoritarian regimes
and –​even within democracies –​authoritarian tendencies (Freedom House
2019). Structurally, the synchronization of a cross-​border global public sphere is
endangered by the hegemony of national media policy (Heft and Pfetsch 2012,
p. 158f.). Media freedom, therefore, ultimately remains a privilege of multilingual
informational elites who, in the event of threats to domestic media freedom, obtain
information from foreign media, though even here the nation state can assert itself
through Internet censorship or by disrupting foreign satellite media.
The persistence of the nation state has prompted a rethinking of assumptions in
recent times. Previously, numerous scholars criticized the “methodological essen-
tialism” (Kleinsteuber and Rossmann 1994; Couldry and Hepp 2009) typical of
comparative research on media systems, with its focus on the nation state. But these
critics are now being upbraided for an excessively optimistic view of globalization
(Flew et al. 2016, p. 5). Of course, we might argue that state media regulation is
only effective to a limited extent.When it comes to the Internet in particular, com-
panies such as Google and Facebook have repeatedly ignored criticism by national
governments, which seems to point to the ascendancy of global Internet com-
panies (Iosifidis 2016, p. 23). When things get serious, however, as exemplified by
the Erdoğan regime in Turkey, which shut down YouTube and Facebook in that
country, the state may well be in position to impose its will. The counter-​cri-
tique of the “methodological globalism” practised by some communication studies
scholars (Waisbord 2014, p. 30) is based on the nation state’s ultimate sovereignty
over media issues. The fact that the state is struggling with global challenges in the
media sector and has made regulatory concessions does not mean that transnational
media structures have finally eliminated the national media system and its control
of international communicative flows.

The environmental system of the economy: the limits of

transnationalization
Global substructures are also found in the field of media economics. American
media groups in particular (such as Disney, News Corporation, Netflix and
Thomson Reuters), but also French and German “global players” (such as Vivendi,
58 Mass media and the global public sphere

Bertelsmann, and so on) are active exporters of entertainment culture and make
direct investments in many media systems around the world. In addition, recent years
have seen the (often rapid) growth of companies in the field of telecommunications,
the Internet and information and communication technology based in the United
States (such as AT&T, Google, Facebook and Amazon) and China (such as Tencent
and Baidu). If we add the major powers’ already strong position in the world news
market thanks to large Western news agencies such as Reuters, AFP and AP, as well
as the limited but still visible reach of Western channels like CNN, then it is clear
that a number of large powerful states dominate the global media market. In the
case of search engines, as non-​traditional mass media, more than 60 per cent of all
inquiries are made on Google. The latter plus Yahoo, Baidu and Microsoft have an
80 per cent market share (Winseck 2011, p. 36f.). Critical left-​wing media scholars
have repeatedly quoted these figures to assail what they regard as media imperialism
under the guise of globalization policy (Herman and McChesney 1997; Artz and
Kamalipour 2003; McPhail 2010).
Against the thesis of global media dominance, revisionist scholars have objected
that, despite their influence in certain fields, the large global corporations are far
from dominating entire media markets.The transnationalization of media capital is
limited and in the nationally imbued media systems of this world it is national (and
to some extent regional) media capital that continues to rule the roost (Compaine
2002, Rugman 2002; Flew 2007, 2009, 2011; Hafez 2007a) as even advocates of
the Western dominance thesis occasionally concede (Herman and McChesney
1997, p. 9). Rather than a homogeneous global media market, there is now a
patchwork of national and regional markets in which transnational substructures
and commercial relationships are embedded. Terry Flew refers here to a “statistical
illusion” (2007, p. 82), since we would have to compare corporations’ impres-
sive international profits with the even larger local profits chalked up in their
home countries (mostly in the United States and Europe). Media corporations
are thus far less global than companies in other fields, making this sector more of
a “laggard” than a pioneer of globalization (Flew 2007, p. 87, 208; see also Hafez
2007a, p. 158ff.).
The second common analytical flaw consists in the fact that a business eco-
nomics perspective on individual media giants tells us nothing about their market
shares in national economies. Yet this is crucial if we want to measure the true
influence of “global players”, who are in fact outdone by local “provincial princes”
of media capital in most countries (Hafez 2007a, p.161ff.; see also Birkinbine et al.
2017, p. 109ff.). There is even much to suggest that, despite increasing foreign
direct investment due to rapidly growing local media markets, US corporations
are less influential today than at the end of the twentieth century: especially in
the press, television and news sectors, “territorialized capital” usually dominates
(Christophers 2014, p. 369). Major Indian corporations such as Doordashan have
responded to global competition (from Rupert Murdoch’s Sky TV, for example) by
expanding their regional services. Similar developments have been seen in Hong
Kong, Malaysia and Latin America, while countries like China and Indonesia set
 Mass media and the global public sphere 59

quotas on international programme imports (McMillin 2007, p. 105ff.). In Arab

countries, for political reasons, foreign media groups tend to make silent media
investments and do not hold majority stakes, so their influence is limited in terms
of both content and politics (Sakr 2001, p. 97). Even the global trade in television
formats consists of cooperation between transnational companies and local partners
(Grüne 2016). Overall, globalization as technologically possible clearly faces major
constraints within local markets.
Against the revisionists, it has been argued with some justification that we need
to take into account not only the producers of media content but also media infra-
structure capital (Fuchs 2010). In the twenty-​first century, the international profits
of the Internet, telecommunications and computer hardware giants have in fact
grown considerably and their degree of transnationalization –​the contribution
of international markets to their sales f­igures –​is higher than that of classic media
groups (Winseck 2011, p. 6f.). More than one hundred thousand employees work
for Dell Inc. worldwide (Gershon 2019, p. 39). The Getty Images picture agency
makes around 40 per cent of its sales outside the United States and has customers in
more than 50 countries (Machin and van Leeuwen 2007, p. 150ff.). But what we are
seeing here is a techno-​functional form of capital globalization. Foreign products
and services are used whenever they cannot be produced locally or when informa-
tional building blocks –​such as ­photos –​are required. However, editorial services
and programmes, especially in the information sector, are provided within most
countries. When it comes to politically and culturally complex media products,
foreign goods and direct investment tend to plug the gaps in local markets, to
supplement and extend rather than replace national products.

Non-​traditional mass media: extended hypermediality

Novel services have emerged that can be described as mass media, especially on the
Internet. The Internet not only extends the reach of the established media of press,
radio and television in a technological sense. It also generates a new basis for media
as diverse as search engine news, social media (such as Twitter), blogs, podcasts,
and alternative news portals (such as WikiNews). Not every form of digital com-
munication can be characterized as “mass media”. Much of it is interpersonal or
community-​oriented (see Chapter 6). However, communicative phenomena that
are publicly accessible and appear periodically, so that they resemble journalistic
services, can be classified as non-​traditional mass media.
To what extent the production and reception structures or the communicative
flows of global mass communication change as a result of the Internet is difficult
to assess. Once again, there are optimistic and pessimistic views of whether the
Internet has really initiated a structural shift in global mass communication. Ethan
Zuckerman has demonstrated that even in the age of the Internet, cross-​border
and above all foreign-​language media use has remained a marginal phenomenon.
In none of the ten most powerful nations in the world is the average share of for-
eign media use online higher than 7 per cent of the population. Often, the usage
60 Mass media and the global public sphere

figures are barely measurable, and things are no different in other parts of the world
(2013, p. 52ff., see also Elvestad 2009; Fenyoe 2010; Finnemann et al. 2012). From
this point of view, digitization has not fostered transnational structural change (in
media use), let alone ushered in a “global media system”. From a historical per-
spective, analogue media revolutions such as the introduction of the telegraph
seem to have had a far more powerful effect on global communications than the
Internet.
Hans-​Jürgen Bucher, however, has pointed out that at times of crisis, global media
use increases (2005). Since the Kosovo War, the attacks of 11 September 2001 and
the Iraq War of 2003, critical sections of the public have been searching the Internet
for information provided by digitized classic and alternative mass media that they
cannot get from their national media.The quality of this extended hypermediality is
a matter of controversy, as some of the sources are questionable (Lewis 2010, p. 123).
But social movements in particular have created media that not only can generate
alternative global public spheres, but also can function as “interlocutors” and may
link media agendas across borders (Volkmer 2014, p. 141ff., see also Chapter 5). At
the same time, given that these processes are temporally limited and restricted to
informational elites, they are far from constituting a global “structural transform-
ation of the public sphere” (Bucher 2005, p. 214).

Interdependence gaps and two-​speed globalization

In summary, global mass media communication today is still overwhelmingly
carried out by national media systems. The worldwide patchwork of egocentric
media systems has, it is true, been supplemented by transnational structures of pro-
duction and reception.This complementarity, however, is governed by the principle
of subsidiarity, which means that national systems not only dominate most news
production, but also much of the entertainment sector, at most supplementing them
with international products.Transnational products –​CNN, Al-​Jazeera, Hollywood,
Bollywood, and so on –​are major prestige projects that add an important global
component to media consumption, but without eliminating the pre-​eminence of
local structures.
When it comes to media policy and media law, moreover, the nation state still
sets the key parameters, which are supplemented rather than replaced by functional
global regulations relating to technology. Media markets are only globally inter-
dependent to a very limited extent. In contrast to the interactive social systems of
politics, the economy, and so on, in its primary mode of (world) observation the
mass media’s cultural production remains highly self-​referential in structural terms.
The exceptions to this tendency are alternative flows of information and public
spheres that point to a “two-​speed” globalization. Global mass communication is a
minority phenomenon, with informational elites, among both producers and con-
sumers, systematically trying to move beyond the national borders of the media
realm and create a stable global public sphere.
 Mass media and the global public sphere 61

2.2 Communicative system connections

According to our system-​lifeworld-​network approach, a purely structuralist view
of global mass communication is insufficient. Media systems communicate across
borders, but does this mean that their feats of observation are synchronized in
the sense of creating a common global media discourse and a transnational global
public sphere? Or are we in fact dealing with separate national media discourses
that remain unconnected to one another? Our analysis involves two steps. First
we review the state of empirical research on, and above all the content analysis of,
global mass communication, before going on to evaluate present-​day realities in
light of the differing requirements for synchrony found in the theory of the delib-
erative public sphere and systems theory.

2.2.1 Discourse analysis

Fundamentals: interdiscursivity, convergence and the domestication of
media discourses
The media’s “worldview” is a discourse that consists –​in terms of text linguis-
tics –​of macro-​and micro-​propositions (van Dijk 1988,; Hafez 2002a, vol. 1,
p. 45ff.). “Topics”, for example, are the macro-​propositions of a text. These are
closely associated with the theory of agenda-​setting within the discipline of com-
munication studies, that is, with the question of what issues the media (and, conse-
quently, its recipients) are thinking about. Topics include micro-​propositions such as
frames and stereotypes, in other words, action-​oriented argumentational constructs
in a text as well as attributive characterizations (of nations or social groups, for
example) (Entman 1993; Thiele 2015). While we may examine topics, framing and
stereotypes on the basis of individual texts, the concept of discourse also includes
relationships between texts (the key term here being intertextuality; see Konerding
2005). Public discourse is not an interactive dialogue in the sense of the shared
production of meaning. It remains monologic but has dialogue-​like attributes in
that we can identify intertextual references to other texts. Intertextual discourses,
meanwhile, have an integrative function and create discursive communities (public
spheres) through their linguistic comprehensibility.
The question is to what extent the national media systems of this world, which
are relatively separate in structural terms, function as transcultural mediators by
synchronizing national discourses with one another and creating a global and
transcultural “interdiscourse” in which understanding of self and other are fused
(Hafez 2002a, vol. 1, p. 163ff.). This would require the producers of foreign
coverage to investigate and “translate” the congruence and difference between local
discourses. Such a role may entail considerable difficulties, not only because topic
choice and interpretations may differ in different discursive communities, but also
because contextual knowledge naturally decreases in line with one’s distance from
international events and has to be imparted by the foreign correspondent (ibid.,
62 Mass media and the global public sphere

vol. 1, p. 65f.). This process is further complicated by the fact that acoustic, visual
and textual signs have different logics within global communication. While music
and images cross borders relatively easily and are seemingly “self-​explanatory”, texts
have to be translated, processed and contextualized. But even the straightforward
character of images is more apparent than real, such that they are often highly
manipulative.
Varying standards are imposed on interdiscursive synchronization. From the con-
vergence perspective, the task of journalism is not only to reproduce the discourses of
other systems comprehensively and precisely, but also to explain them meaningfully
in the context of the reporting system’s own discourse and thus to connect national
discourses and generate global perspectives (Hafez 2002a, vol. 1, p. 24ff.; Stanton
2007).The key attributes are (1) thematic convergence, (2) temporal synchrony and
intensity, and (3) convergence of interpretations and speakers (Tobler 2006; Ulrich
2016, p. 114). The distinction between the convergence of interpretations and the
convergence of speakers is important in that while interpretations of topics may
diverge nationally, non-​national discourses must be represented by speakers in such
a way as to ensure global responsiveness. The idea of convergent interdiscursivity
in the global public sphere takes its lead from the theory of the deliberative public
sphere (see Section 2.2.2).
From the domestication perspective, foreign coverage is designed for national
target groups only. Here the construction of a worldview requires no references
beyond the national, virtually self-​ contained observational system (Renneberg
2011, p. 45ff.). The exponents of this view criticize the convergence perspective
as “methodological connectivism” (Werron 2010, p. 143), which they counter
with a kind of disjointed media modernity. We flesh out these different theoretical
approaches in Section 2.2.2. First, though, we examine the current empirical state
of global media discourse, which is also subject to contestation by media scholars.

A fragmented news agenda: the tip of the globalization iceberg

It is a fundamental paradox that in the era of globalization the attention paid to
foreign news has diminished rather than grown (Norris 1995; Willnat et al. 2013;
Ulrich 2016, p. 118ff.; Russ-​Mohl 2017, p. 162f.). The public’s interest in foreign
affairs is not uniform. It is often greater in smaller countries and intensifies as soon
as local actors are involved (“home news abroad”) (Hanitzsch et al. 2013). But
historical turning points have an impact, with the end of the East-​West conflict
triggering a decline in interest in the world. Talk shows in large, industrialized
countries such as Germany focus overwhelmingly on national issues and very few
international ones (Schultz 2006, p. 168ff.). Interest may, however, fluctuate greatly
over the short term. In particular, international crises and wars of a threatening
character, such as the attacks of 11 September 2001 or the Iraq War of 2003, led to
a temporary increase in attention.
In general terms, an interesting logic seems to govern which countries and
topics receive attention or are ignored in the various national media systems. This
 Mass media and the global public sphere 63

is best explained by a number of key theorems relating to the structure of dis-

course (Hafez 2002a, vol. 1, p. 51ff., 2007a, p. 39ff.). For the most part, foreign news
crosses the reporting threshold only if it comes either from other countries in the
same region or from the “global metropolises” (such as the United States, Russia
and China), in other words from countries with the status of a major power. Such
news often focuses on political affairs, foregrounds elites rather than lifeworlds and
privileges negative reports on conflicts, wars and disasters. This logic is not only
corroborated by numerous empirical case studies, but is based on news-​related
factors such as political and economic importance, an orientation towards conflict,
and cultural proximity or distance (Williams 2011, p. 146ff.; Cazzamatta 2014, 2018,
2020a, 2020b). The result of these gatekeeping processes is the extremely fragmen-
tary worldviews constructed by the media, in which many countries devoid of
acute conflicts or with little power are largely disregarded, while crisis-​hit regions
and major powers are over-​represented and engender a hegemonic global news
scene. Negativism is a general tendency of journalism in domestic reporting as well,
but in the case of foreign news, country images are particularly severely affected
due to time constraints. Developing countries especially rarely make an appearance
and, when they do, the coverage is mostly negative (Hafez 2002a, vol. 2, p. 125ff.;
Zuckerman 2013, p. 79ff.).
However, since every country has a different regional environment, media
systems’ “news geographies” are not uniform. Very different topics and countries
are discussed below the thin “tip of the iceberg” of world news about crisis-​hit
regions and “metropolitan” states. The result is a dual global discursive displacement,
consisting of an extremely narrow global agenda that is shared across the world and
that underscores the North–South divide, and separate national news geographies
and agenda setting. Despite the strong convergence of news values and professional
media ethics worldwide (see Section 2.1), then, there has been little change in the
domestication of global news through mass communication. There is currently no
prospect of the kind of expansion and qualitative consolidation of discourses that
might consciously compensate for thematic gaps and restructure news values in such
a way as to achieve global interdiscursive synchrony. Strong domestication prevails.
Large-​scale comparative studies have attested to this for decades (including
Sreberny-​Mohammadi et al. 1985; Wu 2000, 2003; Pietiläinen 2006; Cohen 2013a;
Heimprecht 2017). Local factors are thus decisive in the selection of topics and
countries in foreign coverage. Regionalism holds sway in every country, though
a little less in developing countries than in industrialized ones, as a metropolitan
orientation and global agenda are more pronounced in the former (de Swert et al.
2013; Wilke et al. 2013). Even within regions such as Europe, while the attention
paid to individual neighbouring countries is greater (due to regionalism), EU issues
and EU actors play a merely secondary role within the nationally fixated public
spheres (Machill et al. 2006; Pfetsch et al. 2008). At the level of content, nationally
imbued and fragmented media agendas challenge the assumption of the global-
ization of media discourses, let alone a cosmopolitan “global village” (McLuhan)
(Cohen 2013b).
64 Mass media and the global public sphere

A number of studies have shown that online journalism and search engines
such as Google News and Yahoo, that is, non-​traditional mass media, have barely
improved anything in this regard, contrary to the hopes harboured by many. The
news geography remains as restricted as ever (Gasher and Gabriele 2004; Wu
2007; Wang 2010). To quote Kevin Williams: “The geography of online content
reflects the imbalances of the traditional mainstream media; web technology has
not drastically changed what is reported as international news” (2011, p. 161). Even
hyperlinks to foreign websites have failed to catch on in online journalism (Chang
et al. 2009).
Only a few topics, such as the climate issue, manage to become firmly established
in the mass media worldwide and feature similar sub-​topics, which is probably
due to the nature of environmental themes, which receive a similar degree of
attention in different parts of the world (Ivanova 2017). When it comes to polit-
ical issues such as the United Nations, what we find is that views of international
institutions are country-​specific or thematic clusters form in particular countries,
with armed conflicts tending to dominate in the media of industrialized coun-
tries and structural crises such as poverty holding sway in the developing coun-
tries’ media (Ulrich 2016, p. 301ff.). Certainly, prevailing professional standards and
news-​related factors, leading global media and news agencies prevent media systems
from being completely self-​contained or sealing themselves off and facilitate the
dynamic opening up and short-​term internationalization of discourses, especially at
times of crisis. But social and cultural developments often tend to be ignored and
are poor predictors of a global media discourse that shows little sign of convergence.
Two-​thirds of the land mass and population of this planet, in Asia, Africa and Latin
America, remain largely invisible in Western media, with just a few, often negative
exceptions (Williams 2011, p. 145f.).

Global framing or domesticated discourses?

In order to assess the synchrony of global media discourses from the perspectives of
convergence and domestication, we have to examine not just macro-​propositions
such as the media’s thematic agenda but also micro-​propositions such as stereotypes
and frames. In contrast to thematic repertoires, the key issue here is not what is
reported, but how this is done. The work of Michael Gurevitch, Mark R. Levy and
Itzhak Roeh is now regarded as the locus classicus of research in this field. As early
as 1991, they showed that one and the same topic can be presented very differently
in different national media systems, a phenomenon they call the “domestication of
the foreign” (1991, p. 206).The idea that we are automatically provided with global
perspectives in a world connected by news agencies and global media corporations
emerges as untenable in view of the media’s character as a national system, with
stereotypes and frames still often being nationally imbued.
This is most clearly apparent in national and religious stereotypes. Unlike frames,
stereotypes are blanket attributions of character traits, of a cultural mentality that
is supposedly typical of a certain group or country. Such ideas have shown an
 Mass media and the global public sphere 65

astonishing capacity for survival even in modern media systems, generating a

vast number of studies that defy easy summation (see the meta-​study by Thiele
2015). Since it is difficult analytically to differentiate between stereotypes (as the
sweeping attribution of characteristics to nations and groups) and frames (as the
argumentational framing of an action) (Hafez 2002a, vol. 1, p. 47f.), researchers
often examine these different micro-​propositions of discourse in combination.
Many studies show the strong tendency to fall back on prejudices in foreign
coverage, when it comes to topics such as Islam, for example (Hafez 2002a, vol. 2,
p. 207ff.; Schiffer 2005; Poole and Richardson 2006; Mertens and de Smaele 2016),
or national stereotypes (Marten 1989; von Bassewitz 1990; Tzogopoulos 2013).
At present, stereotypes are especially in evidence in the field of fiction. Arab
stereotypes in Hollywood films, for example, have been extensively researched
(Kamalipour 1995; Shaheen 2009). Ethnic and religious stereotypes in fictional
and non-​fictional media are not just the raw material for worldviews centred on
racism and right-​wing populist anti-​globalism (Hafez 2014a, 2017a). In a globally
integrated media system they would probably have no chance of survival, as they
would be rejected by those who are discriminated against. Because of the structural
lacunae in the interdependence of global mass communication, however, they can
persist in what are still highly isolated national discursive communities. While mass
media do more than just produce stereotypes, also informing people of facts and
realities, the mere existence of stereotypes in mass media is evidence of the strong
domestication of global mass communication.
Assessment is more difficult with respect to non-​stereotypical frames. However,
numerous studies point to domestication effects in the argumentational mediation
of international issues as well. Just a few examples follow.

• Media discourses after the attacks of 11 September 2001 were diametrically

opposed in Western and Middle Eastern media and showed how strongly
national media systems are exposed to local influences (Hafez 2007a, p. 41ff.,
see also Dimitrova and Strömbäck 2005).
• The Palestinian-​Israeli conflict has for decades been framed extremely differ-
ently by the two sides (Müller 2017).
• The widespread characterization of wars in Africa as ethnic “tribal wars” rather
than wars over power and resources is an exogenous framing (Allen and Seaton
1999; Williams 2011, p. 150ff.).
• While both Western media discourse and its Arab counterpart reject terrorism,
the two are notoriously different, with the former tending to ignore the
way in which Western policies towards the Middle East have contributed to
terrorism, while the latter mostly disregards the Arab world’s own political
failings (Badr 2017).
• Since actors often appear as “speakers” and thus bearers of frames in the media,
it is significant that the speakers’ references are clearly national in character,
even with respect to apparently global topics such as the United Nations
(Ulrich 2016, p. 398f.).
66 Mass media and the global public sphere

• On the subject of Europe too, in spite of increasing awareness of the subject

and transnational speaker references (above all among EU personnel and high-​
ranking European politicians), a number of studies highlight the sometimes
glaring differences in content in a European media discourse that is still highly
segmented (Sievert 1998; de Vreese et al. 2001; Koopmans and Erbe 2003;
Brüggemann et al. 2006; AIM 2007; Hepp et al. 2012).
• Even projects on the Internet rooted in citizen journalism such as OhmyNews
International or Groundreport often generate similar processes of domestica-
tion as in the professional media (Dencik 2012, p. 171).

In the wake of numerous studies over the past decades, authors such as Akiba
A. Cohen (2013b), Kai Hafez (2000b, 2002a, 2007a, 2009, 2011), Richard C. Stanton
(2007), Bella Mody (2010), Kristina Riegert (2011) and Miki Tanikawa (2019) have
emphasized the continued domestication of media content even in the era of glo-
balization (especially at times of crisis) and tend to cast doubt on transnational
convergence. This once revisionist and globalization-​sceptical view, which asserts
that the promise of convergence inherent in global mass communication has gone
unfulfilled, is now regarded as the new “standard” or even the new “orthodoxy”
by scholars (Curran et al. 2015, pp. 1, 14). Some more optimistic authors have
criticized these ideas by underlining that comparative analyses of media content
in different countries do reveal convergence in the framing carried out by mass
media, which they explain in light of the unifying effect potentially exercised by
global news agencies (Curran et al. 2015; see also Bucher 2005, p. 187f.; Wessler
and Brüggemann 2012, p. 91f., Lück et al. 2016; Volkmer 2014, p. 3f.). But even
these analyses reject any return to the convergence-​based metaphor of the “global
village”, which seems a wholly inadequate means of characterizing the current state
of global news.
Furthermore, the more optimistic studies, which assume greater convergence,
ignore the systemic parameters of the news, examining, for example, attitudes to
the Greek government-​debt crisis in countries facing very similar economic issues
or investigating the discourse on the climate crisis as a globally unifying topic.
The domestication of framing usually increases strikingly in tandem with nation
states’ degree of conflictual involvement in a given topic because national systems’
internal self-​interests almost always make themselves felt to hegemonic effect in
the media. In addition, the convergence of frames is not just a matter of whether
given arguments are reflected in various national media discourses, but also whether
their responsiveness relates to the frames central to the conflict –​which is not the
case with respect to terrorism, despite a certain convergence in discourses on this
topic. Copy-​and-​paste journalism, that is, taking material wholesale from the global
agencies, usually gives way quickly to strong influences from national media dis-
course once a public debate has taken off. Convergence in global mass communi-
cation is thus an unstable variable at best. Domestication is still the deep structure
of media globalization.
 Mass media and the global public sphere 67

Visual globalization and stereotypes

Synchrony through interdiscursivity potentially exists not only at the level of texts,
but also in the visual arena. In the international news system, it is above all images
that steer recipients’ emotions when it comes to countries and global developments
(Chaban et al. 2014). There is also a close text-​image relationship: text framing can
influence the perception of images and, conversely, image perception can influence
the understanding of text. Pictures cross borders more easily than words, yet this
simplified access is more apparent than real, because images are just as context-​
dependent and require just as much explanation as texts (Müller and Geise 2015,
p. 24ff.). Because of the lack of an “explicit propositional syntax” (Geise et al. 2013,
p. 52), it is difficult to formulate an image analysis based on the principle of “visual
framing”. Hence, stripped-​down methods of the analysis of “visual stereotypes”
examine only isolated and frequently recurring elements and symbols, rather than
the propositions inherent in images (Petersen and Schwender 2009). In any case,
images do in fact require interpretation in the same way as texts, while journalists
have to approach them “interdiscursively” within a global framework, “translating”
them into national discourses.
Since the image is an integral part of a discourse, it is not surprising that scholars
discuss the same basic problem of convergence and domestication in this context.
At present, for example, women’s magazines are often produced by publishers that
operate internationally, and visual discourses are increasingly aligned thematically
despite differences in gender roles (Machin and van Leeuwen 2007). Nonetheless,
foreign coverage in particular seems to reproduce cultural and political stereotypes
in a variety of ways. The EU, for example, is often presented visually as a bureau-
cratic and crisis-​prone organization (Chaban et al. 2014). Visually, Afghanistan is
almost exclusively a war-​torn country in which women are oppressed –​a wide-
spread image across the world that local photojournalists are keen to correct (Mitra
2017). Although fictional media productions have greater freedom of manoeuvre
in this respect than the news system even in censored media systems, the notion of
transnational hybridity, “glocalization” and convergence in the visual arena requires
major qualification, with local production and reception contexts remaining
important (McMillin 2007, p. 111ff.).

Transnational media: contraflows without cosmopolitanism

Global news agencies are at least strengthening interdiscursive thematic synchron-
ization, as we have seen, although national media convert content only to a very
limited degree. But what role do leading transnational media such as BBC World,
CNN, Al-​Jazeera English, CCTV or Telesur play here? Studies have shown that they
too are essentially the “tip of the iceberg” of established global news and thus gen-
erate an interdiscursive thematic contraflow only to a limited extent (Schenk 2009,
p. 131; Atad 2016, p. 10). However, we can discern subtle shifts towards a more con-
structive and less negative media agenda when, for example, the English-​language
68 Mass media and the global public sphere

channel Al-​Jazeera English no longer presents Africa solely as a continent of poverty

and conflict but also as one of economic success and diverse lifeworlds (Seib 2012;
Robertson 2015). When it comes to framing, however, the literature largely agrees
that global broadcasters tend to reflect the nationally imbued perspective of their
home countries. This even applies to much-​praised media such as BBC World, a
broadcaster that, despite its interdiscursive (“dialogic”) aspirations, cannot deny that
its choice of themes, hegemonic rhetoric and trust in Western institutions reflect
the attitudes and priorities of the UK (Baumann et al. 2011; Dencik 2012, pp. 39f.,
56ff., Atad 2016).
However, certain aspects of transnational broadcasters are worthy of note. The
thematic congruence in their agendas seems to correspond to the minimum def-
inition of the global public sphere as an agenda shared across the world, even if,
as we have stated, the tendency towards the consolidation of power typical of this
transnationalization, driven by major powers, is evident in both topics and frames.
National interpretations also circulate through international communication flows
and although there is no cosmopolitan pluralism within states, we are seeing the
emergence of a globally accessible external pluralism when these media are used
in parallel (El-​Nawawy and Iskandar 2003, p. 54). Finally, we can discern the first
evidence of the adaptation of mass media to transnational audiences and markets,
particularly in their more positive interpretations of topics. A hybrid field of tension
thus arises between the contexts of national production and global reception.
Through global media, transnational substructures are formed in national media
systems. These arenas, having undergone a limited form of global expansion, are
of particular importance to informational elites, who often utilize multiple global
media and thus experience a slightly enhanced form of thematic co-​orientation.
This is certainly not yet an integrated global public sphere in which media syn-
chronize national discourses globally and independently of the nation state as, so
to speak, a UN-​like “United Media”. And it is unclear whether the leading global
media’s external pluralism, which, as evident in the animosity between CNN and
Al-​Jazeera in 2001 and 2003, can be highly conflictual, is stabilizing international
relations or not.

Incomplete synchronization of global media discourses

Overall, the structural characteristics of the mass media largely seem to deter-
mine global media discourse. Fragmented and unreliably networked by egocentric
media systems and a number of centrally controlled news flows and transnational
media, it is apparent that incipient synchronization is occurring through convergent
discourses both thematically and in terms of content, but its most striking attribute
is its diverse forms of local domestication. Global news agencies and transnational
opinion-​leading media foreground key topics with no guarantee of interdiscursive
quality. Especially under conditions of international crisis, we are still a long way
from an integrated global media system or at least a responsive global public sphere
in which national media systems reliably extract global issues and frames from local
 Mass media and the global public sphere 69

discourses on the basis of an emphatically global journalistic ethics. The question

we have to answer is how best to evaluate this state of affairs theoretically and what
alternatives we might identify.

2.2.2 Public sphere theory

Theoretical perspectives on the “global public sphere”
We may assess the discursive practice of global mass communication, as we have
outlined it so far, not just from the vantage point of discourse analysis but also
from a media-​theoretical perspective. The theory of the deliberative public sphere,
which goes back chiefly to Jürgen Habermas (1990, 1992, 1995) but has inspired
many other authors as well, makes high demands on the quantity and quality of
public discourse. It envisages the public sphere as playing a crucial legitimizing role
for democracy (Beierwaltes 2002). The public sphere must also be “ubiquitous”, in
other words, deal with questions of general relevance, “reciprocal”, that is, simulate
listener and speaker positions, be as “open” as possible to various topics, and be
“discursive” in the sense of taking rational objections into account (Peters 1994,
p. 45ff.). It is also imagined as building consensus to solve problems and accom-
plish social integration, though the agonistic theory of the public sphere disputes
this notion on the basis that agreement is often difficult to achieve and integration
takes place through discourse per se (Mouffe 2005, p. 69ff.). These criteria describe
in detail what we have so far referred to as “responsiveness” and “interdiscursivity”.
In the realm of the global, what this means is cross-​border reflection on perspectives
from other countries. The key question from the point of view of public sphere
theory is thus whether national media systems and a small number of transnational
media can adequately represent their system environments –​the public spheres of
other countries –​despite weak system interdependence.
It is interesting to note here that most empiricists of convergence (see Section
2.2.1), regardless of whether they are essentially pessimists or optimists, tend to
endorse the same ultimate goals of convergence –​as articulated in theories of the
public sphere and from a normative perspective –​even if they evaluate their present-​
day realization quite differently. In other words, discourse pessimists too want con-
vergence, but they view domestication as predominant, since both thematization
and framing, as well as visual arrangement, have a strong local hue. A functioning
global public sphere cannot arise if synchronization is restricted in this way (Sparks
1998, 2000; Couldry 2014).
Nancy Fraser has pointed out that the concept of the public sphere has to be
rethought if we wish to apply it to the global realm because, to take just one example,
it is not immediately obvious in which language discourse should be conducted
and who the relevant actors (states, counter-​elites) and publics are (2014, p. 27).
A global public sphere can be achieved either by synchronizing national public
spheres in media systems that are separated along national lines or by establishing a
transnational media system (Ulrich 2016, p. 111ff.). Both models have advantages
70 Mass media and the global public sphere

and disadvantages, since a transnational media system would liberate itself from
the filtering of national systems, but national systems may function as national
“aids to translation” and help contextualize international problems. Most theorists
therefore tend to embrace the pragmatic notion of synchronization by national
systems, though so far this seems to have largely failed to ensure interdiscursivity.
Furthermore, in a technical sense the development of a “consensus” in the global
public sphere is virtually impossible in the national model, so we need to retain
transnationalism, at least as the second pillar of the global public sphere.
From the perspective of another theory, namely systems theory, the theory of the
deliberative public sphere, regardless of whether it is optimistic or pessimistic, is in
any case nothing but an expression of “hyperglobalism” (Werron 2010, see Section
2.2.1). From the point of view of systems theory in the tradition of Niklas Luhmann,
what matters is not so much how nations connect through media discourses and
whether they synchronize with one another, but that they connect, because every
form of connectivity entails the potential for follow-​up societal communication
(Luhmann 1970; Axford 2012, pp. 38, 45). Systems theory foregrounds the reduc-
tion of environmental complexity; the structuring of topics by the media is more
important than any specific participatory and democratic mode we might ascribe
to it (Böckelmann 1975). In Luhmann’s work, “global society” is therefore defined
in a comparatively open way: it emerges out of any kind of cross-​border communi-
cation and is in no way akin to the construct of global civil society (see Chapter 5).
In systems theory, what matters is neither the quality of journalism nor the question
of whether information or entertainment is being communicated. Instead the focus
is on a postmodern assemblage of dispersed individual opinions. From this point of
view, there is nothing wrong with the current state of global media discourse. In
this school of thought, fragmentary thematic agendas and frames, verbal and visual
stereotypes or even deficient speaker references are all legitimate elements in the
postmodern construction of worldviews.

The role of the global public sphere in global society

However, the limits of this perspective become clear when we understand that
it can be used to justify war propaganda and racist constructs in the mass media
(Hafez 2010b, 2017b). It is true that we must recognize the excessive structural
demands made of the theory of the deliberative global public sphere. At the same
time, we need to be alert to the structural deficiencies of systems theory. As a rudi-
mentary macro-​theory, it does not appear to provide a practicable theory of society.
From the perspective of the theory of the deliberative public sphere, the media have
an “ambivalent potential” in that their offerings lay the foundations for creating a
public sphere, yet the media “hierarchize and restrict” the realm of potential com-
munication (Burkart and Lang 2004, p. 63ff.). In the case of global communication,
we can observe the potential effects of global mass communication within and
outside of national systems, effects that may trade under the names of “cosmopolit-
anism” and “global governance”.
 Mass media and the global public sphere 71

Foreign coverage has a direct impact on a society’s attitudes to issues of cosmo-

politanism, multiculturalism and racism. People tend to rely on media knowledge
when constructing their ideas about distant people and events and on their own
experience when it comes to their local counterparts (Kruck 2008). Problems arise
because racism is based on prejudices against the “absent other”, that is, it is not
a reaction to others in the immediate environment, but to the “chaotic world”
constructed in the media, which is then transferred to “others” in local contexts
(“foreigners”, and so on), with whom there is no contact and of whom there is
therefore no direct experience-​based knowledge (Hafez 2002a, vol. 2, p. 261ff.;
Chouliaraki 2006). However, we should not underestimate the influence of other
agents of socialization (family, community and institutions) on people’s core values
(Hafez 2011, p. 488f.).
As far as the question of international impact is concerned, a large proportion of
recipients are considered to be “passive” because they are not much interested in for-
eign news or react mainly to the opinions of elites that they find in the media (though
these in turn anticipate public values and sentiments) (Powlick and Katz 1998). Most
studies, however, seek to establish recipients’ interest in international politics rather
than the world as such (Hafez 2011, p. 490f.), probably because researchers assume
that most audiences react more to specific and conflictual events than to developments
in the lifeworld (Wanta and Hu 1993). In any case, there is agreement among scholars
that without media coverage of the global, there will be no debates about the global.
The greater the quantity of reports about a country, the more likely recipients are to
assume that this country is significant; the more negative these reports are, the more
negative people’s image of the country tends to be (Wanta et al. 2004, see also Iyengar
and Simon 1993). Most people’s media dependence increases in tandem with the
audience’s distance from world events (see also Chapter 9, Section 9.2).

Alternative theories of the public sphere: dialogic, constructive and

cosmopolitan journalism
When it comes to both the impact of foreign journalism within societies and cosmo-
politanism, Hans Kleinsteuber (2004) issued an early plea for a “dialogic” approach.
His idea of greater inclusion of local and cultural perspectives in journalism is an
attempt to stimulate the “dialogue of cultures”. This dialogue is intended to give
fresh impetus to multicultural society and improve interdiscursivity, which should
attach far less importance to negative, elite-​focused and politically oriented news
or stereotypical entertainment products and instead extend the imaginative space
of intercultural relations. In a similar way, Richard C. Stanton has highlighted the
need for a new “conversational model” that ought to complement the informa-
tional paradigm typical of journalism at present (2007, p. 190ff.). On this view, there
should be a shift of emphasis in news reports away from elite action and towards the
interests of citizens and civil society.
If we interpret these approaches in light of the Habermasian theory of the public
sphere, what both authors are pushing for is a shift from coverage of systems to
72 Mass media and the global public sphere

coverage of lifeworlds. Perspectives that foreground “constructive” or “positive

journalism” point in the same direction, aiming to correct the negative bias of
foreign news by embracing lifeworld issues (Hafez and Grüne 2015). Such models
make it clear that the negative fixation of foreign coverage strengthens populism
(Haagerup 2014; Russ-​Mohl 2017). Against this background, they call for the
redefinition of news values.
Approaches centred on “cosmopolitan journalism” have similar goals but set
about achieving them in a different way. Their exponents contend that journalism
should not focus less on negative events such as refugee crises, as in “constructive
journalism”, but instead make a point of discussing them. These events, however,
should be interpreted differently than in conventional media coverage. The focus
should no longer be on the stereotypical portrayal of refugees as a threatening mob,
but on the fate of individuals and, above all, the ways in which the international
political sphere and the major powers have contributed to creating such crises.
Attention should also be given to the complexities of global political and eco-
nomic relations (Chouliaraki 2006; Silverstone 2007; Lindell and Karlsson 2016;
Schmidt 2017).
This perspective has affinities with both dialogic and constructive journalism: in
cosmopolitan journalism too, interdiscursivity is important as a means of improving
reflexivity vis-​à-​vis “self and other” and thus helping inject cosmopolitanism into
societies with significant numbers of immigrants. To a great extent, all three alter-
native currents of public sphere theory merge in Ingrid Volkmer’s approach to
the “reflexive interdependence” of the global public sphere, a new and expanded
framework that fuses interdiscursivity, an orientation towards the lifeworld and
cosmopolitanism (2014, p. 163ff.). Referring explicitly to Habermas, but also to
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Immanuel Kant and John Rawls, she describes
the social changes wrought by globalization as fundamental in the sense that in
global reflexive journalism people appear not as “strangers” but as a global “self ”.
This can mitigate the social reproduction of local identities generated in part by
isolated media discourses.

Global public sphere and global governance: the case of Europe

Europe and the European Union provide an example of how media coverage
affects international politics. The key finding of content analyses is that there is
a certain thematic convergence in coverage of Europe in the continent’s national
media, which is the minimum criterion for a European public sphere. However,
the framing is often nationally imbued and shows little sign of interdiscursivity.
In the academic literature, media domestication is seen as an impediment to the
specific form of global governance within the EU, which is not a federal state but
has been a confederation of states with strong transnational competencies since the
Maastricht Treaties of 1992 (Splichal 2012, pp. 145ff.). The media and media policy,
however, are almost entirely in the hands of the nation states, so the influence of
national politics on the media is enormous, strengthening local perspectives and
 Mass media and the global public sphere 73

hampering European consensus building. Those responsible for policies emanating

from Brussels, meanwhile, face a constant battle to present them in a positive light,
because the EU is the only political force that has no structurally secure media
influence.
In light of this situation, most authors call not so much for the creation of trans-
national media as for better interlinking of national media in order to improve
media interdiscursivity (Habermas 2001, p. 120; see also Gerhards 1993, 2000;
Wessler and Brüggemann 2012, p. 62). The idea of establishing transnational
European media, on the other hand, is referred to as a “naive model”, because
there will “certainly never be” a global news broadcast that reaches a large audi-
ence (Wessler and Brüggemann 2012, p. 65; see also Lingenberg 2010, p. 118). It
is likely, however, that historically no political formation has arisen that lacked
its own media. Just as the modern nation state was accompanied and enabled
by national media, global political constructs will probably only be successful if
there are real transnational media that are no longer linked to nation states in the
manner of today’s media such as CNN, Al-​Jazeera, and so on. The new media
would not have to replace national media, as these are ideally adapted within their
language areas and are potentially important “translators” in the context of glo-
balization. Especially under crisis conditions, however, they would be less suscep-
tible to “going it alone” on a national basis and could thus more effectively offset
European citizens’ informational deficits (Morganti and Audenhove 2011). The
model of the national arena as found in the work of Habermas and others is thus
referred to elsewhere as a “misconception”, indicating a simmering scholarly con-
troversy over the establishment of independent European media (Ambrosi 2011,
p. 240).
Europe is thus exemplary of the complex developmental problems facing other
transnational realms such as Mercosur, NAFTA, the OECD, ASEAN or the United
Nations. If the public sphere is important to legitimizing political authority in the
modern age, then global governance will probably require the support of a com-
plex interplay of more strongly synchronized national media and transnational mass
media established as independent entities. We might also refer to a combination
of horizontal and vertical global mass communication. Both Brexit (from 2016
onwards) and the Greek crisis (beginning in 2010) were due not only to various
political and economic upheavals, but also to the failure of national media with
respect to the EU. Continuing to regard mass media as national cultural goods, as
EU treaties do, while simultaneously holding European elections, is an approach
whose internal contradictions cannot be resolved solely through appeals to pan-​
European media ethics. Existing media systems also require major modification.
In addition to national arenas as sites of transnationalization, then, it is vitally
important to establish a direct media-​based connection between European citizens,
the Parliament in Strasbourg and the Brussels executive through pan-​European
media and improved journalistic networks (Ratavaara 2013). As these pan-​European
media became more popular among consumers, they would grow into a leadership
role for national European journalism as national public spheres are Europeanized,
74 Mass media and the global public sphere

something current media, such as Euronews, have not yet managed to achieve
(Brüggemann and Schulz-​Forberg 2009).

Conclusion: global public sphere, global society and lagging structural

change of the mass media
In summary, global mass communication is characterized by transnational com-
municative flows as well as by an increasing number of transnational media and
transnational media structures at all levels (media ethics, production, reception,
regulation and economics). However, the national or geocultural character of most
media cannot be denied in structural terms, that is, with respect to the organiza-
tional structures and primary environmental references of politics, economy and
markets. Without wanting to argue in excessively structuralist terms, this global
interdependence gap in global mass communication correlates to a high degree
with the fragmentary media discourses of a national or otherwise local hue. So far
there are no indications that the Internet is spawning a genuine global alternative
to particularist journalism to any great extent, apart from niches.
Largely irrelevant from a systems-​theoretical point of view, from the perspec-
tive of theories of the deliberative public sphere the current situation is a challenge
to the notion of the global public sphere because we have yet to see the kind of
structural change in the media that might ensure the desired synchronization in
perceptions of global society. Global civil society would, therefore, do well to estab-
lish its own forms of communication beyond the mass media (see Chapters 5 and
6).The fact that these cannot replace the mass media’s core orienting function with
respect to either domestic or international politics is highlighted by alternative the-
ories of the public sphere and remains a key problem of globalization.
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Course: Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer:
Academic Consulting for Politics and Society
Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez
Media and Communication Studies, University of Erfurt, Summer Semester 2024

April 24

Domestic Policy I – Public Policy against Discrimination

Texts:
Ter Wal, J. (Ed.) (2002). Racism and cultural diversity in the mass media: An overview of
research and examples of good practice in the EU Member States, 1995 – 2000. [pp. 31-73]
The Ministère, Direction des affaires publiques et des communications (2006). Towards a
government policy to fight against racism and discrimination: Summary of the consultation
document. Montréal, Québec.
For the full participation of Quebecers
from cultural communities

Towards a
government policy
to fight against racism
and discrimination

Consultation document
For the full participation of Quebecers
from cultural communities

Towards a
government policy
to fight against racism
and discrimination

Consultation document
June 2006
This document was prepared by the Direction générale des relations
interculturelles and produced by the Direction des affaires publiques et
des communications of the Ministère de l’Immigration et des
Communautés culturelles.
Note: This text generally uses the expression “cultural community”
because it is inclusive. It refers to immigrants, visible minorities, and
individuals born in Québec with neither French nor British origins. Some
parts of the text use the terms “immigrants” and “visible minorities” when
the individuals referred to by these terms are more specifically concerned.
Within the meaning of the Employment Equity Act, members of visible
minorities are “persons, other than aboriginal peoples, who are non-
Caucasian in race or non-white in colour.” According to the 2001 Census
Dictionary, are members of visible minorities, the Chinese, South Asians,
Blacks, Filipinos, Latin Americans, Southeast Asians, Arabs, West Asians,
Japanese and Koreans, among others.

All terms referring to individuals are generic and refer to both genders.

To obtain copies of the document (in French or in English):

Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles
Direction des affaires publiques et des communications
360, rue McGill, bureau 2.09
Montréal (Québec) H2Y 2E9
Telephone: 514 873-8624, Extension 20205
Website: www.micc.gouv.qc.ca
Legal deposit—Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, 2006
ISBN: Print version: 2-550-47495-3
Electronic version: 2-550-47496-1
© Government of Québec—2006
All rights reserved for all countries
Also available in English on the website: www.micc.gouv.qc.ca
A word from the
Minister of Immigration and Cultural Communities

The Québec government has worked for several years to facilitate

the integration and full participation of citizens of all origins by
ensuring equal opportunity and respecting differences. It has made
a priority of building a pluralistic and inclusive society. The public
consultation that will be held this autumn will be an opportunity to
reaffirm this commitment. It will stimulate thinking on the principal
problems associated with racism and discrimination as well as
solutions likely to prevent it. From this exercise will emerge the
guidelines for the government policy to fight against racism and
discrimination, a fight that we want both effective and authentic.

The Québec government wishes to consult the different

stakeholders dedicated to the fight against racism and
discrimination. They include citizens who wish to express
themselves on this issue, representatives of cultural communities
and community groups or corporations, institutions and
organizations from all sectors of society, especially those from the economic, health, education,
justice and public security sectors. Given the demographic challenge that Québec faces with its
aging population, and society’s choice to increase immigration levels in order to respond to this
challenge, the proportion of immigrants and individuals belonging to cultural communities, in
particular visible minorities, will increase. This, however, requires that we be prepared to live in
an increasingly diverse society that is open to the world, and that we work even harder together
to make sure that everyone finds his place and flourishes. Whether in Montreal, Québec City or
the regions, the implementation of a genuine policy to fight against racism and discrimination as
well as the changes that it will bring to society, are essential for the future of Québec.

I therefore invite you to read this consultation document which was prepared in order to nourish
your thoughts on the subject. It documents the situation and proposes orientations to guide our
actions.

I hope that this consultation will enable us to make progress together in understanding the broad
issues associated with the fight against racism and discrimination in Québec. It is also to be
hoped that this consultation will convince all Quebecers of the need to do their utmost so that
immigrants and Quebecers from cultural communities participate fully in Québec society and that
intercultural relations are harmonious.

The Minister of Immigration and Cultural Communities

Lise Thériault

Montréal, June 2006

1
Table of contents

A word from the Minister of Immigration and Cultural Communities.............................. 1

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 5
Issues and challenges ......................................................................................................... 7
Context ............................................................................................................................. 9
Terminological considerations .............................................................................................. 9
Dynamics of racism and discrimination ............................................................................... 12
National and international mechanisms to fight racism and discrimination ............................. 13
Québec mechanism to combat racism and discrimination ..................................................... 14
Assessment of the situation in Québec ............................................................................... 15
Guidelines for a future Québec policy to fight against racism and discrimination and challenges
to overcome..................................................................................................................... 18
Orientation 1: Coordinating efforts ................................................................................ 21

STRATEGIC CHOICE: INVOLVING CIVIL SOCIETY AND EXPANDING PARTNERSHIPS..........................................23

STRATEGIC CHOICE: EVALUATING AND MEASURING DISCRIMINATION .......................................................25

STRATEGIC CHOICE: STIMULATING AND DEPLOYING GOVERNMENT EFFORTS ...............................................27

Implementing the planned policy ....................................................................................... 28

QUESTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE CONSULTATION .....................................................................29

Orientation 2: Recognizing and fighting prejudice and discrimination ......................... 31
STRATEGIC CHOICE: EDUCATING AND RAISING AWARENESS ..................................................................32
Obstacles specific to certain communities ........................................................................... 33
Assessment of education................................................................................................... 35
Information and media ..................................................................................................... 38
Cultural life and symbolic representation ............................................................................ 40
STRATEGIC CHOICE: PROMOTING INTERCULTURAL RAPPROCHEMENT ........................................................42

QUESTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE CONSULTATION .....................................................................47

Orientation 3: Renewing our practices and institutions ................................................ 49
STRATEGIC CHOICE: PROVIDING ACCESS TO EMPLOYMENT ....................................................................50
Private sector ................................................................................................................... 51
Public sector .................................................................................................................... 52
Principal government measures for better integration in the labour market............................ 53

3
STRATEGIC CHOICE: INTEGRATING PLURALISM IN THE DELIVERY OF GOVERNMENT SERVICES .......................... 56
School environment.......................................................................................................... 56
Health and social services ................................................................................................. 57
Police and the legal system ............................................................................................... 59
STRATEGIC CHOICE: IMPROVING RESPECT FOR RIGHTS AND THEIR EXERCISE ............................................. 63
Legal and administrative instruments to fight against racism and discrimination..................... 63

QUESTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE CONSULTATION ..................................................................... 67

4
Introduction

Preliminary remarks

The future policy that Québec wants to adopt targets racism and discrimination based on “race,” colour,
ethnic or national origin and religion against immigrants or persons from cultural communities and visible
minorities. It does not target all forms of discrimination. The expression “cultural communities” implies no
presumption as to the identification with a community of the likely victims of prejudice or discrimination
due to their origins. These individuals may very well identify themselves as Quebecers and still be exposed
to negative attitudes.

Aboriginals are not targeted by this future policy. Although they can be affected by prejudice and
discrimination, just like individuals from cultural communities and visible minorities, and they can benefit
from measures implemented under the policy, solutions to the problems confronting them must be
considered in a broader perspective that goes beyond the scope of this public consultation.

Discriminations based on other grounds prohibited by the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms,
such as sex, handicap, age, sexual orientation or social condition, belong to other social logics.
Consequently, they will be discussed only insofar as they combine with discrimination based on “race”,
colour, ethnic or national origin and religion.

The term “racial discrimination” is used in numerous international texts to designate this type of
discrimination. It will not be used in this consultation document because it does not identify the object of
this future policy. In fact, a good part of the discrimination currently present in Québec cannot be reduced
to the description of “racial” because it is not associated with prejudice or old racist theories, but stems
rather from practices inherited from a former era that have unintended effects on groups with other
characteristics or behaviours. This type of discrimination constitutes a challenge that Québec society must
tackle in terms of pluralism and respect for rights. The notion of discrimination is more appropriate in this
context.

This consultation document highlights principles, practices and actions often already
implemented in accordance with Québec’s international commitments and the provisions
of the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms. It seeks to make explicit the
unofficial government policy underlying the actual orientations of its actions and provide
for better coordination and consistency of these actions.

This initiative is based on a reflection process in Québec marked by maturity and on the
desire to propose preventive measures. Québec is an open and tolerant society. Its
social choices are expressed in the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms and in its
laws. For this reason, it has so far been spared the crises experienced by countries that
were late developing immigration and immigrant integration policies or policies to ensure
the full participation of all citizens. Nevertheless, Québec’s choices were made in an age
when pluralism was less extensive. The time has come to update these choices and,
where necessary, to correct persistent problems before they deteriorate in order to
enable Quebecers of all origins to thrive in an atmosphere of respect and dignity.

Although racism and discrimination are sensitive topics, the government is confident that
Quebecers will be able to meet these challenges responsibly and with serenity. Hence,
this future policy must be considered as proof of their openness, their pride in having
built an original and dynamic society and their determination to preserve and deepen
the gains made with regard to rights and freedoms.

5
The consultation that the Québec government is launching with the publication of this
document, is an opportunity to confirm the contribution of all to ensure the success of
the policy to fight against racism and discrimination. It is also an occasion for all actors
to express their reactions and suggest improvements. This, in order to ensure the
endorsement of all for what will subsequently become the first Québec policy to fight
against racism and discrimination.

It is in keeping with the logic of past government actions. The Québec government
subscribes to international commitments on human rights, in particular the International
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and in this context
has implemented numerous measures to fight prejudice and discrimination. In 1975, it
adopted a Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms that establishes the right to equality
and prohibits discrimination based on "race", colour, and ethnic or national origin, or
religion among other grounds. It also set up a Commission to enforce and promote the
Charter.

The measures already implemented affect several ministries and government agencies.
The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse sees to the
promotion and enforcement of equality rights by a variety of means. The Ministère de
l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport introduced a set of measures to eliminate stereotypes
from school texts, provide education on rights and distribute information on cultural
communities. It also sensitizes school boards and schools to reasonable accommodation,
particularly with regard to freedom of conscience and religion. The Ministère de la Santé
et des Services sociaux adopted an intercultural approach and adapted its services
accordingly. Efforts are expended to sensitize actors in the health and social services
network to the consequences of prejudice and the means to avoid discrimination. The
Ministère des Affaires municipales et des Régions conducted a promotional campaign
aimed at members of cultural communities in the November 2005 election. The
Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles conducted awareness
campaigns to counter prejudice and encourage openness to pluralism. It also supports
projects to fight against racism and discrimination proposed by its community partners
such as Action Week against Racism and Black History Month. Education and the
righting of enduring inequalities remains a long term effort, however.

Despite these efforts, individuals belonging to visible or immigrant minorities have a

persistent feeling of running up against prejudice and discrimination from their fellow
citizens. A public consultation led by a group of parliamentarians on the full participation
of Black communities in Québec society was held in autumn 2005. The presentations
and experiences shared at this consultation demonstrated the importance for the
Québec government to act as quickly as possible and to intensify its efforts in the fight
against racism and discrimination in order to enable Quebecers of all origins to
participate fully in the social, cultural and economic development of Québec and to
enjoy its benefits in full equity.

This document takes into account the remarks and suggestions presented during this
consultation as well as the remarks and recommendations formulated by Mr. Doudou
Diène, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Contemporary forms of racism, racial
discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, following his mission to Canada in
September 2003.

6
Issues and challenges

Today we know that openness to pluralism and the full participation of all citizens are
not only corollaries of the exercise of equality rights, but also factors in economic social
and cultural development. They constitute key elements for the future. Indeed, the
development of Québec is predicated upon the human potential of all of its citizens and
that of the institutions in which the driving forces of society are represented in all their
diversity and complementarity. These elements are indispensable to building a new
social consensuses and new societal projects. They foster synergy among all
components of society and give the latter the flexibility needed to meet the challenges
confronting it.

Exclusion and imperviousness to pluralism can result in social rifts and major tensions
since they translate into poverty, unemployment and related problems while feeding
anger and frustration. The proportion of immigrants and persons from cultural
communities in the Québec population is bound to increase given its demographic
situation and this situation demands attention and urgent action in order to prevent
exclusion. The social costs of inaction in this regard are amply demonstrated by foreign
experiences.

Moreover, cumulative discriminations hamper the integration of immigrants and

individuals from cultural communities. Respect for human rights and the elimination of
prejudice and discrimination, whether founded on prejudice or not, are the building
blocks of democracy, development and sociality.

This consultation aims at challenging the public, the institutions and government, at
improving government action and, thus, at ensuring that the ideals expressed in the
Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms are realized in daily life. The exercise
requires an open mind, a sense of social responsibility and creativity on everyone’s part.
Its ultimate objective is to secure, for all our fellow citizens, respect for their rights and
the opportunity to participate fully in building Québec society. Its first effect will be to
renew our practices and institutions to enable society as a whole to take advantage of
the richness that diversity brings. All of Québec society will emerge a winner.

This consultation paper, which documents the situation, presents the broad directions
and strategic choices defined from past knowledge and experience. The observations,
an overview of the principal measures implemented and the questions that will direct
government choices are presented to define the problem and guide discussions.

A reading of the document will show that different actors and environments have
reacted diversely to the specific situations within their purview that had the potential to
lead to injustice or exclusion. They have resorted to measures that were either
structural or ad hoc and occasional. The challenge today is to respond to the continuing,
albeit under other guises, reality of racism and discrimination, with a broad and
coherent government policy accompanied by a vigorous and realistic action plan.

This consultation should permit a sharing of observations, agreement on priorities and

directions and suggestions for concrete measures. The policy being developed will gain
in credibility and relevance to the needs of excluded individuals and communities, and
the action plan that will accompany it will prove all the more effective.

7
Context

Traces of racism and discrimination appear from the time of New France, specifically
with the enslavement of Aboriginals and Blacks1. This phenomenon is not unique to
Québec since racism in modern Western societies was born and developed with the
colonial adventure. The ancestors of modern Quebecers just shared, in various forms
and degrees due to their specific economic, social and cultural context, the ideologies
and practices of the rest of the Western world.

The end of colonialism and the abolition of slavery did not mean the end of prejudice
and racist ideology. The Black population freed from slavery continued to contend with
racism and discrimination. Many groups who immigrated to Québec from the end of the
19th century onwards encountered similar obstacles, including groups originating from
Europe such as the Jews. Some groups were even prohibited entry into Canada or faced
particularly restrictive entry or residence conditions, such as Asians and individuals from
the Middle East. Racist ideologies that claimed to objectively classify the human “races”
and ascribe different virtues and defects to them served as a pretext to exclude or
exploit these immigrant groups.

These ideologies were discredited by the scourge of Nazism, which pushed to the
breaking point a racist policy imposed on all of Europe: elimination of the “inferior races”
such as Jews and Gypsies and groups that, in their view, affected the quality of the
“master race”, such as handicapped persons, the mentally ill and homosexuals.

As a consequence, the years following the Second World War witnessed an important
movement in favor of human rights along with a questioning of the supposedly scientific
foundations of racist ideologies. The Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man was
adopted in 1948. The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination was adopted in 1965. In 1978, Québec declared that it was bound by this
Convention. Since then, it has periodically reported to the committee monitoring the
implementation of the Convention; at the meeting to examine the report, the Québec
representative answers questions from the committee in the framework of the Canadian
delegation.

Terminological considerations

Considerable confusion surrounds the various terms used when speaking of racism and
discrimination. In current usage, the term “racism” is used vaguely to describe neo-Nazi
racist violence, prejudice, lack of openness to diversity, discrimination based on
prejudice and discrimination arising from institutional practices not adapted to an
intercultural context. All social and economic inequalities and all difficulties stemming or
not from discrimination are also presented by many as manifestations of racism if they
particularly affect immigrants or individuals from cultural communities. The

1
Trudel, M. 1960. L’esclavage au Canada français, Histoire et conditions de l’esclavage. Les Presses de
l’Université Laval. Québec.

9
inappropriate use of these terms trivializes racism and discrimination and largely
discredits those who evoke it in their efforts to raise awareness.

Racist ideology, properly speaking, exploded in the mid-20th century and many aspects
of it have disappeared. However, certain notions such as that of “race” 2, and the
prejudices and discriminatory practices it used to incorporate and legitimize, still survive
within other ideological constructions. Some scholars speak of neo-racism or cultural
racism3.

While classic racism established a hierarchy among human populations based on

biological characteristics, neo-racism does the same on the basis of cultural differences.
Racist and neo-racist worldviews value those communities perceived as culturally close
and therefore amenable to integration into the social and cultural life. Conversely, they
deprecate communities seen as more remote and incompatible with the national culture.
Those who subscribe to this ideological conception of society ascribe differentiated rights
to this hierarchy of cultural communities.

This ethnic or racial hierarchy coupled with a hierarchy of rights is the core of the racist
and neo-racist phenomenon. Everywhere and in all eras, racism has appeared as a
differentiation between full-fledged members of the ethnic group or nation and the other
inhabitants of the territory considered as foreign and inferior and thereby not entitled to
benefit from the same rights and privileges. This conception is by nature political since it
claims to regulate rights and access to cultural, social, economic and political resources.

Depending on the countries and eras, it may find expression in political party programs.
In Nazi Germany and South Africa under the apartheid regime, racism was written into
the programs of the political parties in power. In our day, racism and neo-racism are
generally promoted by marginal parties on the extreme right.

2
The notion of “race” was abandoned about fifty years ago by scientists. In fact, no human population is
perfectly homogenous on the biological level, differences within populations themselves being even broader
than those that exist between the various populations. This is why scientists say that the human species
shows a profound biological unity. For this reason, we always put the term “race” in quotes. Nowadays,
biologists speak of “population” while sociologists use the terms “population,” “ethnic group” or “nation.”
Since people are socially categorized on the basis of their colour and often end up identifying with it,
sociologists also speak of “racized groups” or “racialized groups.”
3
Labelle, M. 2000. « Y a-t-il un néo-racisme? » Communication presented at the international conference
Le racisme : comprendre pour agir. Université du Québec à Montréal. March 21, 2000.

10
 Concepts used

To better account for the fragmented character of current racist and neo-racist ideologies, the
concepts favoured in this text are those of “prejudice” and “discrimination”.

Racism has several dimensions. It can be defined as the set of ideas, attitudes and actions
that aim to belittle persons from ethnocultural minorities on the social, economic and political
level, thereby preventing them from participating fully in society.

Prejudice is a preconceived opinion based on stereotypes. It is a usually unfavorable

judgment held by one individual about another individual that he doesn’t know, attributing to
him the characteristics attached to the group to which he belongs4.

Discrimination is a distinction, exclusion or preference based on grounds prohibited by the

Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms which has the effect of destroying or
jeopardizing the exercise of human rights and freedoms. These grounds are: “race”, colour,
sex, pregnancy, sexual orientation, civil status, age except as provided by law, religion,
political convictions, language, ethnic or national origin, social condition, a handicap or use of
any means to palliate a handicap. Discrimination can appear as much by exclusion as by
harassment or unfavorable treatment.

Harassment is a particular form of discrimination. It may manifest itself, with respect to a

person or group of persons, through words, deeds or repeated gestures of a vexatious or
scornful nature. A single serious deed resulting in a continuous harmful effect may also
constitute harassment.

Direct discrimination5 occurs when the distinction, exclusion or preference is based clearly
on one of the grounds prohibited by the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms. For
example, an employer who refuses to hire a Black person solely because he is Black is
practicing direct discrimination.

Indirect discrimination arises from the application of a practice that is apparently neutral
and applicable to everyone but which has prejudicial effects on defined groups based on
discriminatory grounds prohibited by the Charter. For example, setting a tall height for access
to certain trades for no job-related reason discriminates indirectly against women and cultural
communities who, on average, are shorter. No intention to discriminate is at issue here. The
discrimination arises from arbitrary norms and practices often inherited without critical
examination from earlier eras. An analysis of practices is necessary to identify it.

We speak of systemic discrimination when diverse practices, decisions or behaviours

combine with other practices within an organization or those of other social institutions to
produce discrimination6. The discriminatory practices are, therefore, mutually reinforcing links
in chains sometimes long and complex. The responsibility cannot be attributed to a specific
element. Direct discrimination, indirect discrimination and systemic discrimination can also
combine and reinforce economic or social exclusion.

4
Gaudet, E. 2005. Relations interculturelles, Comprendre pour mieux agir. Groupe Modulo. Montréal.
5
The distinction between the diverse forms of discrimination has lost its relevance since the Supreme Court
ruled that discrimination can be defined from the discriminatory effect. However, these notions illustrate
diverse facets of the process, showing that it can come from individual intentions motivated by prejudice,
practices internal to organizations, the combination of multiple internal practices or internal practices
associated with other organizations. Hence, discrimination goes beyond racism as such.

11
Dynamics of racism and discrimination

Discrimination and the creation of social inequalities are intimately linked and constitute
an integrated set of exclusions and complementary dominations7. Social inequalities are
fertile ground for the development of prejudices which tends to result in discrimination.
The combination of cultural differences and social inequalities strongly stimulates racism.
Indirect discrimination, even in the absence of prejudice, tends to reproduce and amplify
social inequalities. The dynamics of international politics sometimes feeds prejudice
toward certain groups. Islamophobia and anti-Semitism are highly sensitive to the
international situation. Prejudices, discrimination and social inequalities are mutually
reinforcing.

In addition, social conceptions related to classic racism continue to appear in new forms,
since the social and identitarian logics that created this ideology are still at work and
permeate the most diverse worldviews and practices. Thus, individuals of Asian, Black or
Arab origin born in Québec or who have long been integrated into Québec society
continue to be considered by some as foreigners, with values presumed different from
those of Quebecers and excluded on the basis of this difference. The belittling of these
individuals and the denial of their rights occur because of a supposed lack of cultural
adaptation rather than biological inferiority. This in no way removes the unjust character
of the exclusion and does not diminish the prejudice experienced. If account is taken of
these modern forms of discourse and attitudes that fit into the racist logic and of the
resulting discrimination, racism ceases to appear marginal or anachronistic.

Scholars first distinguish a differentialist logic8, which considers cultural differences a

threat to the survival of the society since they cannot be assimilated and are
incompatible with the national culture. This logic is rooted in the desire to preserve
unchanged the customs, habits and practices in all areas of social and cultural life. It is
accompanied by fear and frustration over the institutional accommodations needed in a
pluralistic society, and by attitudes of rejection and hostility towards the communities
that need such measures to be able to fully participate in the economic, social and
cultural life of the country.

The second logic, called universalist, considers all individuals as similar, that is, as
citizens who have the same rights and should therefore be treated in an identical
fashion. Since laws and regulations apply to all citizens, some are prone to conclude that
they automatically have a just and universal character and that any adaptation to a
specific group is unacceptable. This logic, under the cover of universalism, ends up
affirming that the only acceptable culture is that of the majority. It is also accompanied
by frustration and hostility towards groups that refuse to abandon their specificities or
that require special measures to be able to fully participate in the economic, social and
cultural life of the country.

6
Bosset, P. 2004. Les mesures législatives de lutte contre la discrimination raciale au Québec : un bilan
institutionnel. Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse du Québec. Cat. 2.500.116.
7
Renaud, J., A. Germain, and X. Leloup (dirs.). 2004. Presentation. Racisme et discrimination : Permanence
et résurgence d’un phénomène inavouable. Centre d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises.
Université de Montréal. Les Presses de l’Université Laval, pp. 19-27.
8
Wieviorka, M. 1991. L’espace du racisme, Éditions du Seuil. Paris. The analysis of the universalist logic
comes from the same work.

12
Under different arguments and discourses, these logics lead to the same results. Any
excessively rigid definition of the society and the national culture produces forms of
intolerance, discrimination and exclusion. In certain countries, these forms may be co-
opted by political parties and crystallized into political projects that incorporate
discrimination or segregation.

To ensure that cultural communities have the same chances as other citizens to
participate in social and political life, to have access to jobs matching their qualifications
and to services adapted to their needs and characteristics, it is necessary to intervene
simultaneously on racism, prejudice and discrimination in all its forms.

National and international mechanisms to fight racism and discrimination

In the mid-20th century, most countries subscribed to international declarations,

conventions and pacts and translated these commitments into their legislation. In recent
years, however, Western countries have had to accept the evidence that this support is
insufficient, that respect for the rights of minorities cannot be left to the good will of
citizens and institutions, and that it must fit into a broader framework of diversity
management and immigrant integration. With no policy or government support, problem
situations degenerate and transform into social crises. In the long term, these crises
threaten the social peace and impede development.

In Canada, the federal government adopted an action plan to combat racism and
discrimination in 2005. The outcome of consultations and studies spanning five years,
Canada’s Action Plan Against Racism established priority themes around which
government actions revolve. The adoption of Canada’s Action Plan raised expectations
among Québec stakeholders that Québec in turn would adopt a policy and an action
plan to combat racism and discrimination.

In Europe, a recent public consultation led by the European Commission showed a net
support in favor of implementing measures to combat discrimination in the European
Union. Inspired by this support, the Commission presented a framework strategy to
promote an integrated approach in anti-discrimination policy, linking legislative
measures to measures aimed at promoting equality for all.

Most member states of the European Union have in recent years adopted laws
guaranteeing better protection for cultural communities against discrimination. This
legislative action follows two anti-discrimination directives from the European Union
Council in 2000—directives on "racial" equality and employment equality9—that set
minimum standards for equal treatment within the European Union.

In European countries that already had anti-discrimination laws prior to 2000, such as
the United Kingdom and Norway, policies or action plans to fight racism and
discrimination were implemented. In the United Kingdom last year, the government
adopted a strategy to increase “racial” equality and community cohesion, which includes

9
Directive 2000/78/EC of the European Union Council of November 27, 2000, creating a general framework
for equal treatment in employment and Directive 2000/43/EC of the European Union Council of June 29,
2000 to implement the principle of equal treatment between people irrespective of racial or ethnic origin.

13
objectives in the fight against racism and discrimination10. The British government also
established an equal access to employment program for the civil service11. In Norway,
the government adopted an action plan in 2002 to combat racism and discrimination in
employment, the civil service, education, public security, the Internet and local
communities12. In France, the government recently adopted a policy to fight "racial"
discrimination in employment, which includes several objectives of a legal, educational
and territorial order.

The United States and Australia, two federal countries with a long tradition in
immigration matters and the management of pluralism, also have policies to fight racism
and discrimination. In the United States, the most significant legislative measures in this
area arise from the exercise of state responsibility in the field of education. Laws and
policies against "racial" discrimination vary, however, from one state to another. In
Australia, the regional and federal governments have enacted laws against racism and
discrimination and adopted equal access programs to help aboriginal and immigrant
populations to integrate.

Québec mechanism to combat racism and discrimination

As in the rest of the world, Canadian and Québec laws and policies have changed and
have eliminated certain practices identified as discriminatory and contrary to modernity
and the respect for human rights. Discrimination based on “race”, colour, ethnic or
national origin and religion is prohibited by the Québec Charter of Human Rights and
Freedoms, adopted in 1975.

In 1986, the Québec government’s Declaration on Intercultural and Interracial Relations

condemned without reserve racism and "racial" discrimination in all its forms and
undertook to promote the full participation of every individual regardless of colour,
religion, ethnic or national origin in the economic, social and cultural progress of
Québec. At the same time, the Québec government affirmed its determination to secure
the rights of all individuals to equality in employment, housing, health, social services,
education and other public services as well as in access to public places, without
discrimination based on “race”, colour, religion, and ethnic or national origin. To meet
these objectives, it undertook to help implement measures to encourage the economic,
social and cultural development of the different ethnic, "racial" and cultural groups, and
to elaborate equal access programs.

The policy statement on immigration and integration, Let’s Build Québec Together,
made public in 1990, clearly expressed the fact that racism is a question that must
absolutely be contended with. The 2004-2007 government action plan, Shared Values,
Common Interests, made the fight against discrimination of one its priority objectives.

10
Home Office. 2005. Improving Opportunity, Strengthening Society: The Government’s strategy to increase
race equality and community cohesion.
11
Home Civil Service. 2005. Delivering a Diverse Civil Service: A 10-Point Plan.
12
Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development. 2002. National Plan of Action to Combat Racism
and Discrimination 2002-2006.

14
Assessment of the situation in Québec

It is not easy to draw a picture of the situation in Québec and measure the scope of
racism and discrimination. Racist ideology based on biology has largely disappeared. Its
followers are marginal today and are not part of the Québec political landscape. Despite
this marginality, however, vigilance is required. Neo-Nazi movements enjoyed a certain
resurgence towards the end of the 1980s. Even today, people let themselves be
influenced by certain supposedly scientific works that affirm, despite all the studies
showing the contrary, that certain populations are inferior due to their genetic or
biological characteristics. Always liable to resurface and appear as hate crimes13, racism
must be taken into account by the public authorities.

Direct discrimination is often hidden due to the illegality of its actions. Indirect or
systemic discrimination, arising from structural barriers internal to organizations, is
revealed only through analysis. The effects of discrimination are just as difficult to
measure. Available data is scarce and debatable. For example, while prejudice and
discrimination have a certain effect on the unemployment rate of cultural communities
that are its victims, they are not the only factors that enter into at play.

Perceptions of the situation

Nonetheless, some scholars estimate that discrimination is the greatest obstacle to the
integration of immigrants14. According to a study done in June 2005 for the Ministère de
l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles, one Quebecer in five from cultural
communities said he was the object of discriminatory acts during the year preceding the
survey15.

According to the Ethnic Diversity Survey16, individuals from all visible minorities across
Canada feel they are victims of discrimination or unjust treatment, including 50% of
Blacks, 35% of Southeast Asians, 29% of Latin Americans and 26% of Arabs. In the
Montreal Census Metropolitan Area, 31% of visible minorities responded that they had
been victims of discrimination. In the case of Black communities, this proportion rose to
41%.

Persons of the Hindu faith (36%), Muslims (30%), Buddhists (31%), Sikhs (27%) and
Jews (23%) declared that they had been victims of discrimination. With the exception of
Jews, almost all of these respondents also belong to visible minorities.

Second-generation immigrants express the feeling of being victims of discrimination

more often than first-generation immigrants, no matter how long the latter have been
settled in Canada. The obstacles encountered cannot be attributed to the migration

13
A hate crime is a criminal offence against a person or group, motivated by hatred or prejudice. Visible
minorities, ethnocultural and religious groups and sexual minorities are the principal groups targeted by
hate crimes.
14
Frideres, J. S. 2005. « Ethnogenèse : L’origine ethnique des immigrants et le développement des clivages
sociaux qui y sont associés ». Thèmes canadiens, spring 2005, pp. 65-68.
15
Jolicoeur et associés. 2005. Sondage sur l’état des relations interculturelles au Québec. Report prepared
for the Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles.
16
The Ethnic Diversity Survey was done in 2002 by Statistics Canada for the Canadian Heritage Minister.
The sample included about 42,500 persons aged 15 and over in the ten provinces.

15
process since they were educated in Canada and are fluent in one or both official
languages. Difficulties finding a job matching their qualifications or finding housing, for
example, are therefore interpreted in terms of prejudice and discrimination.

The perception of discrimination based on gender is roughly similar for all visible
minorities, but shows a certain variation depending on the communities. Thus, women
from Black communities have a lower perception than men of being victims of
discrimination or unjust treatment, while results are identical in the Chinese community.

As for age, middle-aged persons (25-44 years) have a slightly more acute perception of
discrimination than younger (15-24 years) and older (45-64 years) individuals in the
sample.

Looking at the data in terms of income, it appears that individuals holding a job with an
income between $20,000 and $59,999 are more likely to say that they have been
victims of discrimination, followed by persons who earn $60,000 and more and those
who earn less than $20,000.

The main settings of discrimination or unjust treatment of visible minorities are, in order
of importance, the workplace (64%), stores or banks (40%), in the street (29%) and
with the courts or police (17%).

The perception that racism and discrimination towards cultural and visible communities
exist in Québec is also found throughout the population. An SOM survey in March 2001
showed that nearly 54% of Quebecers believe that native Quebecers practice “racial”
discrimination. The same survey showed that 46% of Quebecers believed that members
of cultural communities also practiced “racial” discrimination. The perception of the
importance of racism also emerges from a study done in 2005 for the Ministère de
l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles.

Vulnerable clienteles
The data from this survey cannot be used as an objective measure of discrimination. It
reflects the perception of the persons questioned and measures their feeling of
exclusion. It highlights a major problem of integration and acceptance.

Some of this data seems to contradict common experience. According to several

scholars, the groups likely to experience situations of discrimination on grounds
prohibited by the Charter experience special difficulties and are poorly served by current
public policies17. These observations match the experience of most front-line actors.

However, these groups are not those who express the strongest feeling of being victims
of racism and discrimination. Various hypotheses can explain the survey results. For
example, these groups could attribute their difficulties to a lesser education, the lack of
parental support in the case of women heads of single-parent families, or to other
socioeconomic reasons.

17
Burstein, M. 2003. « La création d’entreprises, l’entrepreneuriat, le travail indépendant et les marchés de
capitaux ». Les intersections de la diversité, documents de réflexion. Document prepared for the Canadian
Studies Association. Project Metropolis and the multiculturalism program of the Canadian Heritage
Department.

16
Concretely, the combination of discriminations contributes to further reduce the social
horizons of citizens who experience them, such as youths from cultural communities
who feel discrimination both as young people and as members of cultural communities.
Racism also has an impact on the mental health of vulnerable persons since it creates
psychological distress18. The victim’s physical, psychological and moral integrity is
attacked. Relations with institutions, schools or social services are not facilitated.

Groups that suffer the cumulative effects of discrimination, direct or systemic, must
receive special attention from public institutions. These include women, young people,
seniors and sexual minorities.

The difficult situation of several of these groups was frequently raised by persons who
took part in the consultation on the full participation of Black communities in Québec
society in autumn 2005. However, the difficulties evoked are also found in other
communities, even if the forms and degrees of difficulty can vary for one community to
another as a function of the stereotypes and prejudices affecting each community, the
length of their presence here, their level of community organization, etc.

Difficulties specific to women

Women from cultural communities, particularly immigrant women belonging to visible
minorities or heading single-parent families, often experience multiple discrimination.
They are disadvantaged on the job market due to difficulties reconciling family and work
and by their concentration in female job ghettos where their skills and value are still
sometimes poorly recognized and less paid. Their access to the services offered by the
Centres de la petite enfance (early childhood centres) may be difficult when they hold
atypical jobs. Reconciling family and work is a big challenge for women who head
single-parent families.

The fact that they run up against prejudice based on colour, ethnic or national origin or
religion, by virtue of which they are considered less competent than their Québec
counterparts who have been here longer, further reduces their chances of finding a job
in line with their qualifications.

Difficulties specific to youths

Irrespective of the type of family involved, the consequences of combined
discrimination, associated with poor working conditions, poverty and living in low quality
housing, create tensions within the family. Young people who grow up in these families
suffer from it, which can affect success in school, in particular when support for pupils is
inadequate. Poverty, insecurity, the feeling of exclusion and the lack of sports facilities
and community centres contribute to the phenomenon of street gangs.

Certain young immigrants or children of immigrants also experience multiple

discrimination. On the labour market, their job integration is made more difficult by the
fact that they lack the experiences most valued by employers. As a result of prejudice,

18
World Health Organization. 2001. Report on health in the world, Mental health: new conception, new
hopes. Geneva.

17
they encounter additional obstacles, as is shown by unemployment rates that are
sometimes double that of young Quebecers as a whole.

Difficulties specific to sexual minorities

Individuals from sexual minorities within cultural communities often find themselves in a
situation of double discrimination or exclusion. Due to widespread homophobia in many
countries and cultures, these individuals cannot count on the support from their
community of origin to come to terms harmoniously and publicly with their sexual
orientation. More often than not, they are victims of rejection by their family and their
community of origin when their sexual orientation is revealed or known.

Like other gays, lesbians and bisexuals in Québec, they can be victims of discrimination,
exclusion or harassment because of their sexual orientation in different everyday
environments such as the workplace, school or university. They experience difficulty
living openly as homosexuals without fearing reproachful looks, insults or violence.

Moreover, persons of sexual minorities from cultural communities deplore not being able
to count more on the support of the Québec gay and lesbian community, due, notably,
to a lack of sensitization to ethnocultural diversity.

In their view, this double exclusion deprives them of the social support necessary for
them to find fulfillment. It increases their isolation and drives them to live their sexuality
on the margins and clandestinely, making them more vulnerable to serious health
problems such as sexually transmitted infections, drug addiction, depression, suicidal
thoughts, etc.

This situation of double exclusion was raised last autumn by members of the Joint Task
Force against Homophobia in the framework of the mandate that the Minister of Justice
gave to the Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse, to report
on the situation of homophobia in Québec.

Guidelines for a future Québec policy to fight against racism and

discrimination and challenges to overcome

Recognizing the phenomena of racism and discrimination is the first step toward finding
solutions to various problems related to it.

Several guidelines shape the development of the government policy to fight against
racism and discrimination:

ƒ Fighting racism and discrimination requires a comprehensive and concerted

approach and must include, beyond repressing racist violence and discrimination, a
strategy to support the socio-economic integration of immigrants and persons from
cultural communities, to adapt institutions and to sensitize the general public on
these matters.
ƒ It must be linked to other government efforts to reduce social and economic
inequality and deal with social issues shared by individuals from marginalized cultural

18
 communities and the Québec population in general, but which are often experienced
in an ethnic or “racial” way.
ƒ It must have a long-term aim of strengthening social solidarity between groups and
individuals of all origins and the equal participation of individuals from cultural
communities in public life on the basis of common values.
ƒ It must include preventive actions.
ƒ It requires a firm and structured government intervention and the commitment of all
actors in society.

Anticipated orientations
The first challenge facing the Québec government is to ensure that efforts to fight
prejudice and discrimination are consistent and complementary. The comments and
analyses of front-line actors emphasize the ad hoc nature of many interventions, the
relative inconsistency of their efforts, and the absence of leadership that affects the
effectiveness of implemented measures. In addition, the documentation and monitoring
of the situation concerning racism and discrimination requires the collaboration of
stakeholders and front-line actors in all sectors of society. The first orientation,
Coordinating efforts, favors the emergence of proposals aimed at strengthening
government leadership in the fight against racism and discrimination and monitoring the
situation in the field.

The second challenge facing the government is to educate citizens on their rights and
responsibilities and make them aware of the existence of prejudices and discrimination
as well as the importance of avoiding them in Québec society. Although most Québec
citizens having such prejudices are prepared to revise their opinions and change their
attitudes once they are well informed, others continue to defend racist or racism-related
behaviour on the pretext of freedom of opinion. The second orientation, Recognizing
and fighting prejudice and discrimination, aims to stimulate thinking on measures
necessary to fight prejudice, to disseminate more broadly a view of the world in accord
with the modern values of rights and equality of Québec society, and to promote
intercultural rapprochement.

The third challenge facing the government is to ensure real equality and the full
participation of all citizens in the economic, social and cultural development of Québec
by attacking direct, indirect and systemic discrimination and achieving a better
representation of individuals from cultural communities in employment and in diverse
institutions. This equality will be achieved only by improving mechanisms to enable the
exercise of rights. The third orientation, Renewing our practices and our institutions,
must lead to the emergence of solutions to eliminate any discrimination existing in
Québec institutions and secure an adequate representation of Quebecers from all origins
in public and private institutions.

19
Orientation 1
Coordinating efforts

Québec has made major advances in the social area since the mid-20th century. The
great international movement that led to the adoption of charters, conventions and
pacts to recognize and respect human rights contributed to building modern Québec.
Social programs developed during the Quiet Revolution consolidated the social rights of
diverse groups.

In recent years, public debates have taken place on the relevance of modifying
government policies and programs to focus on the essential missions of government and
provide public services that better meet the needs of citizens. This reflection on
government policies and practices must include the dimensions of respect for human
rights and management of diversity. The definition of a new social contract taking shape
must be developed by and for all Quebecers without distinction as to their origin. The
strength of a new social consensuses depends on the adherence of all citizens.

Institutions have sometimes been tardy in taking charge of cultural diversity and have
done so unequally depending on areas of activity and regions. The arrival of persons
from cultures more remote from European cultures produced a culture shock not only
for the public but also among front-line actors who felt ill-equipped when faced with this
new reality. The awareness of the responsibilities of Québec society to welcome and
integrate these new citizens has developed gradually.

The fight against prejudice and discrimination—direct, indirect or systemic—is a

collective responsibility that requires much effort. It calls for documenting the situation,
reviewing and rethinking practices in private and public institutions. It requires changing
the organizational culture of numerous Québec institutions. It calls for Québec society as
a whole to acknowledge the pluralistic reality of modern Québec in everyday life and
adopt an intervention framework to harmonize and make consistent the practices of
various institutions. It represents a long-term effort for the social actors involved.

The efforts made by numerous actors in all domains of social life deserve to be
emphasized, in education as much as in cultural life, the media, work, housing,
community life and the defence of rights, health and social services, police services and
the legal system, institutions dedicated to the promotion and well-being of women,
families, young people, immigrants and persons from cultural communities and sexual
minorities. Interesting initiatives have emerged. Depending on the nature of these
initiatives, their effects have been sometimes major and structuring, sometimes ad hoc
and of limited scope.

These initiatives were sometimes implemented by organizations acting alone to respond

to their internal needs. They sometimes involved several organizations working in
collaboration. They almost always responded to one-time needs and tense moments.
Since the Québec population is diversifying, we must be more proactive and intensify
preventive and concerted efforts.

21
Another observation stands out. The public perception of pluralism is not evolving as
fast as the reality itself, partly because of an uneven diversification of the social fabric of
living environments and regions, and of a cultural representation that is often partial if
not anachronistic. Some people continue to deny the existence of racism and
discrimination or prefer to minimize it by comparing the situation in Québec to that
prevailing elsewhere. Still others continue to consider all individuals from cultural
communities as newcomers. And many continue to think, wrongly, that the responsibility
for integrating immigrants rests entirely on the immigrants themselves and that
institutional adaptation to diversity represents a threat to Québec culture or an
unjustified effort.

Given the task ahead of us and the meager impact of dispersed efforts, the Québec
government must now assume leadership in the fight against racism and discrimination.
It must first involve civil society organizations more and expand partnerships with all
actors concerned to ensure consistent and synergetic efforts. From this flows the first
strategic choice, Involving civil society and expanding partnerships.

To support the economic, social and cultural development of Québec and modernize the
state, the Québec government must adequately document the situation and measure
the phenomena associated with discrimination, including their scope, forms and
dynamics. The second strategic choice, Evaluating and measuring discrimination is
intended to meet this need.

The assessment of the situation prepared by the scholars, with insights provided by
actors from public, private and community institutions, must enable the Québec
government to reflect on its own practices and adjust to the new Québec reality. The
third strategic choice is therefore entitled Stimulating and deploying government efforts.
In this perspective, all ministries and agencies must participate in a government action
plan. This exercise can include exchanges with the diverse actors from civil society. The
government initiatives can in turn serve as a model for other institutions. Québec society
as a whole will emerge revitalized and better equipped to meet the challenges of the
modern era.

22
STRATEGIC CHOICE: INVOLVING CIVIL SOCIETY AND EXPANDING PARTNERSHIPS

The assessment of the situation shows that the front-line actors involved in delivering
diverse services to members of their own organization, their clientele, or to the general
public are not all at the same point in their thinking or actions regarding equal treatment
and respect for everyone’s rights.

Regions and municipalities are increasingly aware of the importance of pluralism and
diversity management. However, they are not all challenged in the same way by the
presence of immigrants or individuals from cultural communities. Some do not perceive
with the same acuity the potential role of immigration as an engine of cultural, social
and economic development of regions and as a means to slow demographic decline.
Nevertheless, individuals from cultural communities are already present in numerous
regions of Québec. Immigrants can play an important part in the vitality of regions.
However, this requires openness to cultural diversity, respect for rights and agreement
to adapt well-established institutional practices.

Openness to diversity and intercultural rapprochement is one of the priorities set forth in
Shine among the best. The Government's Vision and Action Priorities. In this
perspective, immigration was reaffirmed as an important issue at the Forum des
générations held in 2004, and participants agreed to accelerate the signing of
agreements to regionalize immigration with regional conferences of elected officials
(Conférences régionales des élus - CRÉ) and municipalities. At present, the Ministère de
l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles has signed eight such agreements with
CRÉs or municipalities. These agreements, adapted to local needs, aim to achieve
concerted action among the regions’ driving forces. The development of regional action
plans by the stakeholders themselves will make it possible to rally front-line actors, take
charge of this problem at the regional level, and produce structuring measures.

Certain regions where immigration is more recent are at the stage of assessing the
situation. Other regions which have welcomed immigrants for several decades have
already adopted measures to develop harmonious intercultural relations and fight
against racism and discrimination.

In the workplace, as we emphasized above, business people stand out for their diversity
management initiatives. Some unions have also been very active for a long time in
fighting racism and discrimination. Work is continuing with the professional orders.
However, the business community must be further rallied. The government must
propose a project that brings them together to discuss their best practices and ensure
that these exchanges are disseminated. This type of initiative would sensitize Québec
companies to the reality of cultural communities and the importance of ethnocultural
diversity as an engine of economic development for Québec.

The community sector has been involved for many years in the fight against racism and
discrimination. It has promoted awareness of the reality of cultural communities,
sometimes with support from financial aid programs of the Ministère de l’Immigration et
des Communautés culturelles. Certain organizations support and advise the most
vulnerable within the cultural communities, in particular newcomers, in their steps to
find housing or a job. They inform them of their rights and guide them in their
proceedings with the responsible institutions. It would be appropriate to support these

23
efforts and increase community involvement, particularly with awareness tools and
guides.

Moreover, it would be interesting to see associations involved in different circles extend

the Québec government’s initiative in presenting the Québec Awards for Citizenship to
highlight the work of individuals or organizations who distinguish themselves for their
exceptional contribution to Québec society, accommodation of diversity, equal access to
employment, the fight against racism, and intercultural rapprochement. This would help
develop a culture conducive to recognizing pluralism, as Fortune magazine does in the
United States by publishing an honor roll of companies most advanced with respect to
diversity.

24
STRATEGIC CHOICE: EVALUATING AND MEASURING DISCRIMINATION

Review of scholarly research

It is difficult at this time to assess the scope and forms of discrimination that could
affect individuals from cultural communities. Numerous studies done since the 1980s
have tackled the subjects of racism, intercultural relations and discrimination. The
perception of racism by individuals from cultural communities was broadly echoed in
these studies. The factors generating the socioeconomic inequalities affecting various
communities also drew the attention of scholars. These studies advanced our
understanding and showed the existence of prejudice and discrimination. However, they
contained certain limitations from the perspective of developing public policies.

For one thing, they rarely sought to measure discrimination as such. Measurement was
not, except in certain cases, the primary objective of the research. Prejudice and
discrimination often constituted only one dimension of a broader study dealing with the
integration of immigrants, newcomers or well-established immigrants.

Some studies dealt with a particular community or immigrants in general. Some were
interested in second-generation Quebecers. Some communities were studied extensively
while others, particularly those recently arrived, are little known.

It therefore remains difficult to form a clear idea of the situation experienced by diverse
cultural communities and diverse social groups within cultural communities (women,
youths, seniors, sexual minorities).

Gaps still remain to be filled. The problem of cross-discrimination based on the various
grounds enunciated in the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms (ethnic
origin/age, religion/sex) is an emerging field for research. Many studies are still required
to adequately document this problem and make it a topic for public policy consideration.

To correctly evaluate the situation and intervene effectively, it will be necessary to

analyze more closely the various factors that create inequality and obstacles to the
participation of citizens in the social, cultural and economic development of Québec.

Research tools
Several Québec scholars are actively studying the situation of immigrants and individuals
from cultural communities. Following a trend in several fields of scientific research, they
increasingly belong to research centres or networks that also include scholars in other
countries, thus bringing a comparative dimension to the research. For example, several
Québec ministries and agencies are participating in the Metropolis project, a vast
network of scholars engaged in research on immigration and integration. Many studies
done by members of Immigration and Metropolis, the Québec component of the
Metropolis network, have targeted discrimination or taken it into account.

Similarly, the Observatoire international sur le racisme et les discriminations was

established at the Université du Québec à Montréal. Linked with UNESCO, its work has
included defining indicators to evaluate municipal policies aimed at fighting racism and
discrimination.

25
Ministries and government agencies are also engaged in research to better understand
discrimination and exclusionary processes. The Commission des droits de la personne et
des droits de la jeunesse has been particularly active in this area. Other agencies have
produced studies that help improve our knowledge about persons from cultural
communities and the problems they experience. The Institut de la statistique du Québec
also provides important data from a public policy perspective.

Efforts must be made to update our knowledge on the subject of discrimination in order
to clarify the mechanisms at work, measure it and develop indicators. This knowledge is
needed to monitor actions and assess their effectiveness. A government agency could
be given responsibility for coordinating government research, producing a regular
assessment of the situation with respect to discrimination, for developing indicators and
for playing a monitoring and forecasting role in this regard. The measures contemplated
include examining how research-oriented governmental aid programs could support or
strengthen research on discrimination. Cooperation and the exchange of information as
well as the ability of the various social actors, including ministries and government
agencies, to analyze, innovate and take action, should be encouraged.

26
STRATEGIC CHOICE: STIMULATING AND DEPLOYING GOVERNMENT EFFORTS

Ministries and governement agencies have developed, through their individual missions
and clienteles, an unequal sensitivity to the pluralist reality and practices likely to have a
discriminatory effect on cultural communities.

This future policy is the first step in a process of exchange and sharing of a common
vision of the situation and of the objectives to meet. The opinions and exchanges
generated by the consultation will make it possible to identify consensuses, priorities
and courses of action.

The government action plan will then make it possible to coordinate efforts by ministries
and agencies in order to translate these priorities and courses of action into durable
solutions and practices integrated in the functioning of the institution and to fine-tune
measures to fill identified gaps. To do so, objectives and measures must be included in
strategic planning for the representation of minorities likely to face discrimination and
the adoption of measures to correct inequalities and systemic discrimination where it
occurs.

An assessment should be conducted regularly by each ministry and agency to document

how ethnocultural diversity is taken into account. Such a status report would make it
possible to verify practices needing improvement or adjustment and to adopt an action
plan. If necessary, advisory committees could be created by the ministries and agencies
to support their reflection and the adoption of their respective action plans.

Québec is part of a growing movement in Western countries to develop policies to fight

against racism and discrimination. It is making considerable efforts to promote
understanding and intercultural rapprochement, both within Québec and internationally
with the help of the Ministère des Relations internationales. It is helping fight racism and
discrimination by reporting to the United Nations Commission of Human Rights the
measures it has adopted to fight against racism and discrimination and by supporting, in
the institutional context of the Francophonie, the establishment of national human rights
commissions and the ratification of international instruments to protect rights.

The Ministère des Relations internationales also supports international solidarity

programs that contribute to a better understanding of the realities of communities from
the southern hemisphere. It furthers, as well, a commitment by Québec society in
favour of development based on equity and mutual respect. Finally, during Action Week
against Racism, it coordinates international youth exchange projects through the Office
franco-québécois pour la jeunesse, the Agence Québec Wallonie Bruxelles pour la
jeunesse and the Office Québec-Amérique pour la jeunesse. These projects made it
possible to implement, among other things, activities to raise awareness of the fight
against racism and to organize an action week against racism in Brussels.

The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse is also active on
the international scene. It helped set up the Association francophone des Commissions
nationales des droits de l’Homme. The objective of this association is to strengthen the
role of national commissions in order for these to contribute to the protection, respect
and implementation of human rights within the French-speaking world.

27
It is important to follow the situation in other countries and strengthen exchanges with
other countries on policies and expertise in the fight against discrimination.

Implementing the planned policy

The policy to fight against racism and discrimination being developed by the Québec
government is not meant to be a simple statement of principles. After the consultation,
the consensuses and proposals will be submitted to an inter-ministerial committee
composed of the principal ministries and agencies concerned.

Members of this committee will analyze the problem and the structuring measures in
their respective field of activity in order to build a government action plan. Each
measure will have to produce concrete results. Objectives and indicators will have to be
integrated in the strategic plans of the ministries and agencies and will be subject to
accounting.

The success of the anticipated policy and action plan will depend in large measure on
collaboration between the Québec government and civil society. It will also depend on a
regular monitoring.

28
QUESTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE CONSULTATION

Concertation and partnerships

What measures are likely to support and stimulate existing initiatives and the commitment
of public and private institutions which are still little involved in the management of
diversity and the fight against discrimination?

Documentation of the situation

What type of documentation would be most useful to support interventions in the private,
public and community sectors?
Would it be useful for the government to periodically make public a report on racism and
discrimination in Québec?

Stimulating and deploying government efforts

What priorities should the government adopt to fight against racism and discrimination?

29
Orientation 2
Recognizing and fighting prejudice and discrimination

Prejudice and direct discrimination based on it are the first elements to address in the
fight against racism and discrimination.

Québec is tolerant on the whole and its intercultural relations are generally marked by
civility. However, prejudice and discrimination remain present, sometimes without
people being aware of them.

In fact, most persons do not recognize their opinions or practices under the labels of
racism and discrimination. For some people, they stand to reason and very few question
them spontaneously. For example, social and political pressures to give preference to
“people from here” for jobs and promotions, access to housing, and in business
relations, etc., may seem fair and rational. Nonetheless, they carry the seeds of
exclusion and injustice. They are the first step towards a narrow and rigid definition of
society’s identity that leaves no room for the fulfillment of people who do not fit these
narrow criteria. One of the major challenges we face with regard to prejudice and
discrimination is the recognition of their current forms.

Prejudice and discrimination impose burdens, obligations and disadvantages on targeted

persons and groups that are not imposed on other people, as well as limits and
obstacles in accessing opportunities offered by society (housing, work, education,
services) and restrictions on benefits and advantages offered to other members of the
society19.

Prejudice and discrimination are not of the same nature and require different types of
intervention. Prejudice can be countered by education and increased awareness. The
first strategic choice, Educating and raising awareness, examines various means to
reach these objectives. Increased awareness and education can prevent manifestations
of prejudice and rejection attitudes. To be fruitful, however, this work must followed by
the establishment of real and harmonious intercultural relations. The second strategic
choice, Promoting intercultural rapprochement, provides support and complements
sensitization and education.

19
Battaglini, A. 2002. Préjugés, Prévenir le racisme chez les jeunes. Direction de santé publique de
Montréal-Centre. Régie régionale de la santé et des services sociaux de Montréal-Centre.

31
STRATEGIC CHOICE: EDUCATING AND RAISING AWARENESS

Prejudice and stereotypes reflect a partial and deformed view of reality. They lead to
discrimination, exclusion and violence. Since they constitute the raw material on which
racism feeds, it is important to persuade all citizens to become aware of them and to
develop healthy reactions such as openness, the willingness to listen and to dialogue
with Quebecers of diverse origins. Prejudices are not limited to one group and each
group has a certain number.

Prejudices are constructed from several sources. Education, negative intercultural

contacts, partial or incorrect information from school texts, news or diverse cultural
media such as film, books and museums are all liable to fabricate abusive images,
stereotypes and interpretations of the customs, beliefs, attitudes and behaviour of
individuals from cultural communities. They are also liable to throw a deep gulf between
“us” and “them”.

Mechanisms for constructing prejudice

The first step in constructing prejudice is generalization, which shows up as the belief
that all persons in a group are the same. Although it would never occur to anyone to
think that all francophone Quebecers have identical habits, attitudes and values,
regardless of their age, sex, level of education or region of origin, it is self-evident to
many people that all Chinese, Haitians, and Arabs share the same cultural habits,
behaviour, attitudes and values. All individual differences, as well as differences in
language, religion, social class and education within a given cultural community, are
obscured in favour of a few stereotypical images. Moreover, the values, attitudes and
behaviour of persons from cultural communities are always perceived as expressions of
cultural characteristics, whereas they are sometimes related to the social or economic
characteristics of these individuals. The exaggerated importance attributed to cultural
characteristics, real or imaginary, builds a barrier between “us” and “them”.

The second step is to disparage or consider as inferior the attitudes or behaviour

previously generalized and attributed to an entire group. Individuals from cultural
communities are not just different; they are, in the view of some Quebecers, less good
or less adapted to modern Québec. Even when the cultural values are not considered
bad, they can be rejected because, in the eyes of some, the adjustments demanded by
pluralism are unacceptable and automatically discredited.

The disparagement creates a feeling of victimization among the most vulnerable persons
in targeted communities. They in turn can react by generalizing and disparaging groups
perceived as the “majority” as defined by colour or ethnic origin. Some are tempted to
defend themselves by making persons of this majority feel guilty or by rejecting them.
Exacerbated feelings can create a climate of suspicion and hostility.

Distinction between lack of knowledge and prejudice

Simplification is not abnormal and racist in itself. It is necessary to know a little history
and the social, cultural and political life of a group in order to correctly interpret and
nuance what one sees and hears around one and in the media. However, it opens the
door to discrimination and exclusion. Members of cultural communities no longer appear

32
as individuals but as undifferentiated members of a group. This creates tensions and
possible slides into racism.

Many people hesitate to blame an employer who refuses to hire a Black or an Arab,
even without meeting them for an interview, on the pretext that their presumed culture,
education, and customs would make them impossible candidates to integrate
harmoniously in the company. However, this is a generalization that is as unjust and
abusive as those propounded by racist theories of the 19th century. And the effects of
the discrimination that it engenders are just as devastating as those of old-fashioned
racism.

Some members of cultural communities who were born in Québec and received the
same education here as Québec youths are still not considered as full-fledged Quebecers
and do not enjoy the same opportunities as their fellow citizens. They continue to be
seen by some citizens as foreigners and immigrants who have brought little to Québec
and have not contributed to its development.

Type of education preferred

In this situation, education to combat prejudice and discrimination must focus on rights
education. In addition to informing, it must create awareness, that is, permit the
emergence of a social conscience that internalizes the identification of inequalities and
injustices and the determination to make them disappear. It must also make individuals
accountable. All citizens should be able to exercise their rights while respecting the
rights of others, to foresee and assume the consequences of their actions. By
developing their critical spirit and analytic ability, they will be able to rearrange not only
their personal relations, but also the life of institutions. A genuine rights education must,
in the final analysis, transform the world.

Education in rights as described above is an ideal. However, it would be wrong to forget

that modern Québec was created by Quebecers of previous generations who conceived
and introduced the instruments necessary to realize their ideal. Rights education exists
already in a more or less developed form. The pedagogical approaches and tools
necessary to promote it also exist. The effort must focus on examining the conditions to
put in place and obstacles to overcome to enable it to bear fruit. These conditions and
obstacles are of all kinds—consultation, partnerships, variety of programs.

Obstacles specific to certain communities

The image of Black communities is inherited in large part from American culture, film
and media coverage of Afro-Americans and African societies. It is too often associated
with violence, poverty and lack of education. The role models presented by the media
come almost exclusively from the world of sports and the arts. Numerous young people
from Black communities complain that they are very much sought after to join sports
teams, but are excluded from school work teams or neglected by their teachers20.

20
Labelle, M., D. Salée and Y. Frenette. 2001. Incorporation citoyenne et/ou exclusion? La deuxième
génération issue de l’immigration haïtienne et jamaïcaine. Centre de recherche sur l’immigration, l’ethnicité
et la citoyenneté. Université du Québec à Montréal. Published by the Canadian Race Relations Foundation.

33
Arabs and Muslims, wrongly lumped together by some, are often presented as religious
fanatics and terrorists motivated by hatred for Western civilization. In their case, this
image is linked to media handling of the Israel-Palestine conflict and by the
endorsement of this view of the conflict by certain intellectuals21. Inadequate
information in Québec on the Muslim religion and Arab culture, including in the school
environment22, support these prejudices and create tensions. In recent years, the term
Islamophobia has spread. It refers to the fear that the individual, family, community,
society, lifestyle, country or civilization is exposed to some kind of Islamic threat. In its
more moderate form, Islamophobia is “a condescending way of considering Islam as a
deplorable phenomenon or one hardly meriting attention” 23. However, recent vandalism
against two mosques in Laval shows that it also includes a potential for violence that
must not be minimized.

According to several scholars, modern anti-Semitism in Québec feeds on two sources. It

stems in part from old fascist anti-Semitism. Graffiti and opinions inspired by Nazism can
still be observed. Anti-Semitism is also associated with the Israel-Palestine conflict. The
Jewish community as a whole is perceived by some as unconditionally supporting unjust
policies towards Palestinians. Tensions in the Middle East are sometimes reflected in
Québec by acts of violence towards institutions or individuals from the Jewish
community. The arson attack against the United Talmud Torah school in 2004 is a
recent example.

Conversely, some Asian groups seem to enjoy favorable prejudices as good workers,
disciplined, intelligent, etc. However, some individuals from these communities complain
about being limited and hemmed into roles that do not take their personality into
account or match their tastes. Prejudices and attitudes that seem favorable towards
these groups at first glance can prove just as constraining and restrictive as unfavorable
prejudices in the life of individuals who experience them.

Consequences of prejudice and discrimination

In general, prejudice, stereotypes and discrimination contribute to the dehumanization
of individuals. They hinder the development of their sense of belonging to Québec and
contribute to the development of identities based on community membership that are
attributed, sometimes wrongly, to immigrants. Thus, Black, Arab, Latino, and Asian
identities are developing in Québec while they hardly exist, or don’t exist at all, in the
country of origin24.

21
Antonius, R. 2002. « Un racisme “ respectable ” ». Les relations ethniques en question. Under the
direction of J. Renaud, L. Pietrantonio and G. Bourgeault. Presses de l’Université de Montréal, pp. 253-270.
22
Oueslati, B., M. McAndrew with the collaboration of D. Helly. 2004. Le traitement de l’islam et des
musulmans dans les manuels scolaires de langue française du secondaire québécois (histoire, géographie,
éducation économique, formation personnelle et sociale). Rapport de recherche.
23
Sarna, S. 2002. L’islamophobie et les mythes qui la nourrissent, Guide d’atelier. Direction de l’éducation et
de la coopération, Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse.
24
For the Arab community, see Eid, P. 2004. « Être “ Arabe “ à Montréal : réceptions et ré-appropriations
d’une identité socialement compromise ». Racisme et discrimination : Permanence et résurgence d’un
phénomène inavouable. Centre d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises. Université de Montréal.
Les Presses de l’Université Laval, pp. 148-171; for Black communities, see Labelle, Salée, Frenette, op. cit.

34
At the symbolic level, cultural communities are excluded from the collective imagination.
And yet, certain studies show that the founding and history of Québec were significantly
marked by the immigration of people of diverse origins. Few people know that among
the colonists settling in New France, at least 12.5% had diverse European origins,
mainly German and British, with a slightly less marked presence of people from
Mediterranean and North European countries25.

Assessment of education

Several ministries and agencies contribute, in their respective areas of activity, to

educating and raising awareness of the general public.

The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse

Since its founding, the Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la
jeunesse has offered training and information seminars in the workplace, schools and
community settings. The training deals with racism, Islamophobia, diversity
management and, in general, the various questions related to human rights. To support
this training, the Commission produced several pedagogical and andragogical
documents. The Commission also participates, in the context of cooperation activities, to
consultation tables and task forces. Moreover, the mediation process in handling
complaints and the analyses required to implement equal access programs also have a
pedagogical dimension, due to the thinking and dialogue that they generate. Education
is not necessarily synonymous with courses and training.

The Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport and the school environment

The Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport plays a particularly important role
since it is responsible for educating tomorrow’s citizens. In addition to the Ministry’s
responsibilities, school boards and schools are responsible for local management of
problems and situations of racism and inequality that may arise.

The school environment must inform young people, give them an accurate vision of
Québec and its population, and promote intercultural dialogue. Intercultural education in
schools has mainly revolved around the transmission of the knowledge, attitudes and
skills necessary to live harmoniously within a pluralist society, rather than highlighting
racism or situations of inequality.

Since 1998, the intercultural policy of the Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport
has included sensitization on human rights, education in citizenship and developing
awareness of processes that produce racism, discrimination and social, sexual and
« racial » inequalities. It clearly establishes that the legacy and common values of
Québec, especially openness to diversity, must be reflected in all curricula and in school

and Potvin, M. 1997. « Les jeunes de la deuxième génération haïtienne au Québec : entre la communauté
“ réelle ” et la communauté “ représentée ” ». Sociologie et sociétés, vol. XXIX, no 2, pp. 77-101.
25
Fournier, M. 1989. Les Européens au Canada des origines à 1765 (Hors France). Éditions du Fleuve.
Montréal. These figures from diverse sources are valid for the entire period of French colonization.

35
life. It specifies that a pluralist perspective must be included in teaching content,
instructional material and the diverse aspects of school life.

The Ministry has therefore made a sustained effort in recent years to adapt the
curriculum to the pluralist reality of Québec society and to remove stereotypes from
school material. It has also supported the development of instructional material for
school programs with explicit or implicit anti-racist objectives and other material on
sociality. It should be noted in passing that various education projects and codes of
conduct developed by schools include objectives to fight racism. To publicize the reality
and contribution of these communities to Québec society, the Ministry has also
produced, often in partnership with public and community bodies, different documents
intended for pupils and teachers of primary and secondary school on the Black and
Aboriginal communities of Québec. However, the extent to which this material is being
used by theachers has not been assessed.

The Policy Statement on School Integration and Intercultural Education also provides
that CEGEP students in the pre-university programs must master the theories, concepts
and facts pertaining to the domain of intercultural relations and develop professional
and civic attitudes and skills26. In the vocational and technical training stream, the
intercultural dimension is introduced for occupations dealing directly with the public. No
information is available on how the intercultural dimension is effectively implemented.
Data is also lacking on intercultural education at the university level.

The Ministry implemented various measures to support staff and administrators in the
school environment. For staff, it offers an intercultural training program aimed at
preparing trainers in the various settings. It developed a training module for school
administrators to support their decision-making in the management of conflicting values,
notably on the question of reasonable accommodation. Over the past five years, the
Ministry has reached over 2,000 school staff and administrators in the Montréal region
and other regions of Québec on about 15 different subjects related to diversity
management.

It also gives financial support to local projects involving rapprochement, appreciation

and French communication, and partnerships between the school, families and the
community. Finally, it began a series of studies on school success among youths from
various communities, including Black youths, to obtain a more accurate assessment of
the situation.

Schools and school boards have made significant efforts in intercultural rapprochement
and diversity management. For example, the Montréal school board has just held a
public consultation with a view to adopting an intercultural policy. Schools have also had
to manage tensions arising from debates on secularism and reasonable accommodation
(kirpan, veil, etc.). Negative attitudes toward these accommodations can strengthen
prejudices. However, an exhaustive assessment remains to be done.

26
Ministère de l’Éducation. 1998. Une école d’avenir, Politique d’intégration scolaire et d’éducation
interculturelle. Government of Québec.

36
The Ministère des Relations internationales
At the Ministère des Relations internationales, programs offered by the Office Québec-
Amérique pour la jeunesse and, more specifically, the Québec sans frontières (Québec
without borders) program contribute, in some respects, to promote openness to other
cultures among youths and to the fight against prejudices.

The Ministère de la Famille, des Aînés et de la Condition féminine

Child care services are among settings likely to play a role from a perspective of
intercultural education. The child care network and its educational program explicitly
target equality of opportunity and respect for differences whatever they are. The
assessment of work done in this respect remains to be established.

The Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles

Through the Programme d’appui aux relations civiques et interculturelles (support
program for civic and intercultural relations), the Ministère de l’Immigration et des
Communautés culturelles, for its part, has long supported projects promoting
intercultural rapprochement and the fight against racism and discrimination. It also
supports the organization of Action Week against Racism, which presents various
awareness-raising activities. It organizes Québec Intercultural Week and supports the
activities of Black History Month. Both are instrumental in circulating knowledge about
the different communities and their contribution to the social, economic and cultural
development of Québec, and in promoting tolerance and the maintenance of
harmonious intercultural relations.

In the 2004-2007 action plan, Shared Values, Common Interests, the Ministry adopted
objectives to increase openness to diversity by encouraging intercultural rapprochement
and dialogue, and to fight discrimination and inter-community tensions. In this
framework, it provided for a three-year awareness strategy to highlight the value of the
contribution of immigration and the cultural communities and to fight discrimination
towards visible minorities, particularly in employment. The strategy will be implemented
in three parts: general public, employers-workers and youths.

Organizations active in the field of housing

Housing is an aspect of social life where the awareness and education of citizens is
especially important. Studies on discrimination and intercultural relations in the field of
housing are now several years old. New studies would be necessary to assess the
current situation. However, the findings that emerge from research on the subject still
have the support of the majority of scholars and front-line actors.

A survey by the Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse using
the method of field tests revealed in 1988 that one-third of Black francophones and 15%
of Black anglophones were victims of flagrant discrimination27, expressed by forms of
refusal that were disguised to varying degrees. No recent study enables us to measure
this phenomenon, but we know that the problem remains acute for a good number of

27
Garon, M. 1988. Bilan de recherche sur la situation des minorités ethniques et visibles dans le logement.
Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse. Montréal.

37
persons from visible minorities, particularly for underprivileged households, single-parent
families and large families.

When housing is scarce, landlords can be very selective in choosing tenants. According
to several published studies on the subject, they prefer households with a good income,
a condition that, in their eyes, constitutes a better guarantee of regularly receiving their
rent. They also favour households not likely to cause maintenance problems or
grievances from neighbors as a result, notably, of the presence of children. Prejudice
appears to play an important role. Many landlords are wary of persons from cultural
communities, who are perceived as newcomers and presumed incapable of properly
maintaining the apartment. They have greater doubts about their capacity to pay. They
fear cohabitation problems: reactions of neighbors, noise, respect for the environment.
This is why they conduct more examinations and checks about the employer of
candidates, their social and occupational category, their financial resources, the number
of persons in the family, etc.28 Small owner-occupant landlords are particularly selective.

To fight against this form of discrimination, the Ministère de l’Immigration et des

Communautés culturelles, in collaboration with various public, private and community
partners, is contemplating a measure to raise the awareness of associations and
apartment landlords. It aims to prevent tensions associated with the cohabitation of
groups from diverse origins, to facilitate access to housing by immigrants or visible
minorities and to better equip landlords who receive newcomers unfamiliar with the
usages prevalent in Québec with regard to housing.

The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse published a

leaflet and a guide, Logement et droits : Guide virtuel (housing and rights : a virtual
guide), on its website. These tools inform citizens of their rights and help them protect
themselves against discrimination. A training session entitled Logement: discrimination
et harcèlement discriminatoire (housing: discrimination and discriminatory harassment)
is also available. Moreover, during the crucial lease renewal period, the Commission
provides an emergency service to people who are refused an apartment.

In the case of social housing, the Société d’habitation du Québec set up in 1988, the
Programme d’aide à l’initiative communautaire et sociale en HLM (PAICS - support
program for low cost housing community initiatives), to support community action
projects. This program aims to help residents of HLM housing take charge of their
environment and create a family life, community and social setting adapted to the needs
of persons living there. It also encourages inter-generational and intercultural
understanding. Projects eligible under this program must help combat exclusion,
poverty, racism and discrimination as well as isolation and intercommunity tensions
associated with ethnic or national origin, cultural affiliation or religion.

Information and media

Communications occupy an important place in the cultural development of Québec. In

addition to its educational television station, Télé-Québec, Québec has three French
language television networks, three English language stations and about 20 specialized

28
Ibid.

38
and pay channels broadcasting in French and available with cable. About 30 community
television stations recognized by the Ministère de la Culture et des Communications and
one multicultural station in Montréal broadcasting in 25 languages, round out the
Québec television landscape. There were also 143 radio stations in 2002, including
90 private stations, 16 public stations, 31 community stations, 6 university stations and
38 Aboriginal stations.

Journalists are subject to all the laws that govern the life of citizens. In Québec, the
public is protected by the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications
Commission (CRTC), responsible for regulating and overseeing the Canadian
broadcasting system, and by the Québec Press Council, which has primarily a moral
authority. At the request of private broadcasters, the CRTC authorized the creation of a
self-regulatory council of broadcasters, the Canadian Broadcast Standards Council
(CBSC), which is responsible for receiving complaints from the public. It is the principal
recourse for cases of racism involving the electronic media.

The Conseil de presse du Québec handles complaints dealing with racism in the print
and electronic press. As an independent institution, it is responsible for promoting and
protecting the right to information and freedom of the press. The Conseil acts as
ombudsman or referee in any dispute involving the honesty, accuracy, free access and
free circulation of information. Lacking legal or regulatory power, it has moral authority
drawing its weight from the attention and interest it receives from the press and the
public.

Generally speaking, few cases brought to the attention of the Conseil, which receives
complaints from the public, clearly flout the ethical rules by inciting hatred or showing
disrespect for certain social groups. Between 1991 and 2005, about 30 complaints
submitted to this body were related to cultural communities.

Impact of media coverage

The media play a key role in fashioning the representation that citizens develop of
cultural communities and of their contribution to the development of Québec, as well as
in the promotion and dissemination of new ideas into public opinion. They also
constitute a means to fight racist prejudice and intolerance. In general, the large media
refuse all racist content. They aim to be representative of changing mentalities and are
concerned with objectivity and journalistic ethics.

Nevertheless, stereotypical or negative images of groups can still be formed. Some

reporting may convey a lack of understanding of foreign realities or misunderstanding of
the realities of immigrants or individuals from cultural communities settled in Québec.
For example, the coverage of various news items may highlight the criminality of
persons from certain communities. If the overall portrait or positive achievements of
these communities is never reported in the major media, audiences can only forge a
negative image of immigrants or persons from cultural communities.

Even accurate coverage of certain international events, such as the conflicts involving
the Arab or Muslim world, may increase prejudice. For example, the warnings of certain
experts to not confuse Islamism, a political movement seeking to make Islam the basis

39
for regulating all aspects of government, and Islam, the Muslim religion, is often not
echoed among the public, which does not always understand all nuances of meaning.

Journalists are aware of the problem and have made considerable efforts to ensure a
satisfactory handling of information. They have organized several forums to discuss
biases in handling information that can cause prejudice to cultural communities. Their
thinking is reflected in the code of ethics adopted by the Fédération professionnelle des
journalistes du Québec. This code recalls that the media and information professionals
must avoid cultivating or maintaining prejudices. For example, the mention of
characteristics that differentiate persons is justifiable only when the coherence of the
report requires it and it constitutes an essential condition to understanding the report.

However, special attention must be given to general information on cultural communities

settled in Québec, especially those victimized by prejudice and discrimination, and on
aspects of international news that impact on intercultural relations in Québec. A better
dissemination of information is necessary to eliminate current prejudices.

Cultural life and symbolic representation

Artists from cultural communities have long contributed to forging and transforming
Québec culture. The cultural vitality of Montréal owes much to these artists. It is
important to remember that this vitality is also a factor of economic development.
Designers, scholars, professors, artists, computer experts and engineers are attracted by
cities with an intense cultural life.

However, the work of professional artists from cultural communities, just like emerging
artistic expression, is not recognized for its proper value, according to artists belonging
to cultural communities. They demand more equitable access to public funding29. Artists
and artistic bodies from cultural communities are under-represented in professional
networks, cultural institutions and exhibition circuits in Montréal. Moreover, the cultural
community public rarely visits the main artistic outlets.

Two challenges are identified by artists from cultural communities. One is to create
support in cultural circles for the process to include diversity in the arts. The other is to
increase the presence of cultural communities in the main artistic venues.

Principal measures implemented

The obstacles identified by artists from cultural communities include prejudice and a
mono-cultural vision of art and artists, the homogenous composition of evaluators and
juries in current funding programs, and insufficient information to cultural communities
on funding programs. A task force established by the Conseil des arts et des lettres du
Québec is currently examining these questions.

The evolution of Québec society has favoured the implementation of policies to support
francophone cultural life. Québec’s cultural policy, adopted in 1992, seeks to initiate an

29
Delegation on cultural diversity in the arts. 2005. Memorandum presented to the Office de consultation
publique de Montréal on the occasion of the public consultation on the proposed policy on cultural
development for the City of Montréal.

40
intercultural dialogue within Québec society and outside of Québec. In this perspective,
the Ministère de la Culture et des Communications supported the project to inventory
the ethnological resources of Québec’s intangible heritage, in the Little Italy
neighborhood of Montréal in particular. Openness to other cultures and their expressions
is done through international exchanges30. The symbolic representation of the
contribution of cultural communities to Québec’s development is also reflected in its
toponymy—names of parks, streets, commemorative plaques, etc.

There is still work to do to make cultural life better reflect the pluralist reality of Québec
society. At issue are the vitality of this cultural life and equity to artists of various
origins. It is also a matter of a symbolic representation of Québec culture that better
reflects current reality. Cultural life expresses with strength the emotions and worldview
of a given group. It contributes to shaping the Québec identity. A policy or cultural
programs that restricted cultural diversity would contribute to creating or maintaining a
truncated identity devoid of interest to citizens for lack of a closer adequation to reality.

Similarly, a better distribution of information in schools or in the form of educational

broadcasts would be necessary to anchor a more accurate representation of Québec
reality in the public imagination.

30
Ministère de la Culture et des Communications. 2005. Rapport annuel de gestion 2004-2005. Government
of Québec.

41
STRATEGIC CHOICE: PROMOTING INTERCULTURAL RAPPROCHEMENT

Intercultural relations are relatively harmonious in Québec, according to all observers of

social life. The urban social fabric of the Montreal area in particular is very multi-ethnic
and free of ghettos. Quebecers of all origins live together in the same neighborhoods
and, in sharing public spaces, have developed a modus vivendi based on a distant but
peaceful civility. Intercultural contacts properly speaking occur mainly in everyday
settings such as schools31.

First step: getting used to differences

This distant civility is the mark of a gradual habituation to differences. This process is
important, as it is a prerequisite to establishing intercultural dialogue and eliminating
prejudice. This is why social workers invest considerable effort in activities enabling
Quebecers to share sports and recreation activities or to know and appreciate the most
convivial aspects of immigrant cultures in Québec such as music, dance or cooking.
Indeed, socializing is much easier when contacts are voluntary and without consequence
for the great issues of society. Scholars describe this phenomenon as the “paradox of
inconsequence” 32.

However, this first step in establishing intercultural relations cannot be an objective in

itself. It does not guarantee harmonious relations between neighbors, colleagues at
work, or citizens involved in community organizations or institutions. Nor does it ensure
that the needs and aspirations of citizens of all origins and respect for the differences
and rights of all are taken into account.

Second step: treating differences as relative

The second step is to play down differences and treat them as relative. This does not
mean that all values and cultural habits are equally good and that all behaviour must be
accepted, as cultural relativism would maintain. Relativization implies that behaviours
and values are placed in a proper perspective. The process of generalization at work in
constructing prejudice not only assigns behaviours and values to all members of a
group, but greatly exaggerates the importance and significance attributed to these
behaviours or values. The result is that individuals are trapped in the yoke of their ethnic
origin.

In fact, the cultural differences and the particular identities that may be associated with
these differences, constitute only one dimension of complex individuals. Each person has
multiple identities constructed on the basis of age, sex, occupation, sexual orientation,
disability, social condition or public opinion, to name a few. Ethnocultural identity is only
one dimension among others and does not have the same importance for everyone.

It is also important to not underestimate resemblances between persons of diverse

origins. For example, women from different cultural horizons may be distinguished by

31
Germain, A. et coll. 1995. Cohabitation interethnique et vie de quartier, INRS-Urbanisation. Report
prepared for the Ministère des Affaires internationales, de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles du
Québec. Collection Études et recherches, no 12.
32
Ibid.

42
certain values, but they are united on numerous points: education of youth, experiences
of devaluation in the labour market, desire to preserve a harmonious family life. On this
basis, dialogues are possible and fruitful. This starts the process of intercultural
rapprochement and permits a better understanding of the values and experiences of
persons from cultural communities, which is necessary to eliminate prejudice.

Third step: intercultural dialogue involving common values

The last step is that of intercultural dialogue involving more substantial exchanges with
a significant impact on social life. This is the heart of intercultural rapprochement, the
moment when the individual claims of citizens meet.

Intercultural rapprochement does not mean that all cultural values must be accepted
and integrated in Québec society. Québec chose to develop by allowing each of its
citizens to fulfill their potential regardless of sex, age, sexual orientation etc. To do so, it
guarantees their rights through the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms
which reflects societal choices and the common values of Québec. Accommodations
must be made when respect for equality rights is compromised, but they can also be
made in the absence of a real right to promote the fullest participation by everyone.
Reasonable accommodations are intended to find a balance between individual and
collective rights while respecting common values and to promote the harmonious
coexistence of all elements of society.

The challenges go beyond the cultural question and set in motion the transformation of
society. Taking cultural diversity into account implies a transformation of social reality
similar to that brought about by the recognition of the claims of women or other
historically disadvantaged groups. Cultural diversity is only one dimension of the
pluralism of Québec society and like the other forms of diversity, it must contribute to
feeding the public debate and building a new social ethic, permitting democratic
advances for all of society and not only for each group making these claims33.

Obstacles to intercultural rapprochement

In this context, prejudice constitute a major obstacle to democratic life in Québec. Some
Quebecers from cultural communities complain about not being recognized as full-
fledged Quebecers and being defined first and foremost as members and
representatives of their community. According to them, certain Quebecers listen to their
opinions only on the subject of fighting racism or intercultural relations, as if persons
from cultural communities did not have as much right as other citizens to express their
opinions on economic, social and cultural issues in Québec. Some feel they are
considered as second class citizens. This exclusion, real or symbolic, and this
confinement to a limited field of public debate are unacceptable in a modern society.
Pluralism must become a constituent dimension of Québec’s collective identity.

This exclusion can lead Quebecers from cultural communities to self-exclude themselves
from Québec public life and therefore reduce their sense of belonging to the society and
their contribution to cultural and social development. It also contributes to maintaining

33
Azdouz, R. 2002. « Vivre-ensemble en contexte pluraliste : un enjeu identitaire ou une question de justice
sociale? ». Bulletin Vivre ensemble, vol. 10, no 36.

43
tensions. Since the potential contribution of Quebecers from cultural communities is
limited by attitudes of rejection and hostility from some Quebecers and by the self-
exclusion of certain members of cultural communities, the questioning of immigration
tends to resurface periodically in certain segments of the population, particularly when
claims upset well-established habits or when tensions on the international scene revive
fears about security.

Public debates do not always advance intercultural rapprochement. The conditions

conducive to this exercise do not always come together, and individuals sometimes feel
ill-equiped to understand the debates or participate constructively in them. The
parameters of the debate are still confusing for many citizens. Those who take a
humanist approach advocate peaceful coexistence with respect for cultural differences.
However, this approach is incapable of resolving conflicts over values and problems
related to respect for rights on certain thorny issues such as the rights of children or
women. At the other extreme, some refuse any compromise and see as the only
solution, the unconditional acceptance by individuals from cultural communities of norms
and rules anchored in customs, without re-examining the current relevance of these
customs.

Conditions to be implemented in order to foster intercultural dialogue

The central question revolves around the conditions to be implemented in order to take
advantage of the richness of diversity. Constructive intercultural dialogue is a powerful
means of rethinking values, attitudes and behaviours that are considered normal and
never questioned in a homogenous cultural setting. In a social context where old
societal choices must be rethought and new consensuses built, the questioning of one’s
own assumptions and of the method for updating fundamental values, is a healthy and
very valuable exercise. It makes it possible to adapt to global social, political and
economic development while stimulating creativity and expanding choices.

Despite appearances, conflicts can be moments that move the debate ahead and bring
about new solutions to difficulties that arise. They lead to the conception and
distribution of training tools to transform destructive conflicts into opportunities for
success, by setting out rules and processes to follow so that everyone emerges a winner
from the confrontation. Even some lawsuits have clarified and marked out the exercise
of rights.

In this perspective, it is necessary to identify the growing new social consensuses and
divisions, the courses of action to promote, the forums conducive to deliberations
among citizens, questions to debate, obstacles to circumvent and methods to be defined
to secure the participation of individuals from cultural communities34. The challenge is
not to adapt to ethnocultural diversity but to accommodate pluralism, that is, to rethink
management and service practices to respect the rights and needs of the diverse
components of society without discrimination in order to benefit from diversity and avoid
paralyzing conflicts. To do so, the common framework on which intercultural
rapprochement rests must be well defined and methods of functioning must be

34
Azdouz, R. 1995. « Des conflits qui coûtent ou qui rapportent? ». Impressions, no 20, pp. 11-13.

44
developed that allow conviviality, originality and innovation to coexist with the laws,
norms and the consensuses35.

Principal measures in place

Several ministries have implemented measures to familiarize Quebecers with the diverse
cultural baggage that has been added to the Québec heritage and to encourage
intercultural dialogue.

The measures implemented to sensitize citizens, young and old, to the contribution of
cultural communities and the richness of diversity and to promote intercultural
rapprochement were described in the previous section. Certain measures can be added
to this list.

For example, the Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport established the

Programme d’activités de communication et de rapprochement interculturel (program for
communication activities and intercultural rapprochement) between francophone and
non-francophone pupils. The Ministère de la Culture et des Communications supports a
variety of events such as Vues d’Afrique, Danse et rythmes du monde, the Festival
chinois, etc. It also supports different art awareness and artistic training projects that
include the artistic expression of diverse cultures. The world of culture can supply
attractive and accessible meeting places where intercultural rapprochement can
materialize and develop. Exhibition and creative spaces are conducive to the
participation of communities in cultural life. They allow citizens of all origins, as creators,
to nourish the field of symbolic representation in Québec. Under the angle of cultural
practices, the participation of immigrants and visible minorities increases the cultural
vitality of Québec and shows the value of the pluralism of Québec society.

The Concours jeunes scénaristes (young scriptwriters competition), organized by the

Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles in collaboration with the
Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport, the Institut national de l’image et du son
and Télé-Québec, aims to encourage intercultural dialogue among youths and promote
openness to diversity.

Furthermore, the Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles presents

the Québec Awards for Citizenship each year. They include the Prix Jacques-Couture for
the promotion of intercultural rapprochement, the new Prix Charles-Biddle for
exceptional contribution to Québec society, the Prix Anne-Greenup for the fight against
racism, and the Prix Maurice-Pollack for equal access to employment for Quebecers from
cultural communities and visible minorities and the accommodation of ethnocultural
diversity and adaptation of services in the workplace.

These measures are far from being exhaustive and the assessment of diversity
management practices and of the measures for intercultural rapprochement remains to

35
Lussier, M. et R. Azdouz. 1994. « Les limites du relativisme, les défis du pluralisme. Gérer la diversité ».
Impressions, December 1994, pp. 32-35.

45
be done. The measures likely to consolidate gains and stimulate intercultural
rapprochement also remain to be evaluated. Studies would be necessary to properly
document the situation.

46
QUESTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE CONSULTATION

Education
The Québec population is increasingly diverse from both an ethnocultural and
religious viewpoint. What changes would be necessary in instructional material and
the curriculum at the different education levels to act on prejudices, convey an
accurate vision of Québec and its population, and promote intercultural dialogue?

What measures should be implemented to further sensitize the general public and
gain support for these objectives to act on prejudices, convey an accurate vision of
Québec and its population and promote intercultural dialogue?

Dissemination of information
The media play an important role in producing and disseminating information,
specifically in the representation that citizens have of the members of cultural
communities. What measures should be implemented to help Quebecers develop an
accurate idea of the realities of cultural communities and, more broadly, of current
events that challenge them?

Inclusion of diverse cultural expressions

Québec’s cultural heritage is made richer by the increasingly important contribution of
its cultural communities. This contribution, however, remains poorly reflected in the
great events of the cultural life of Québec. What changes must be made to promote
the participation of Quebecers from cultural communities in the cultural life of
Québec, both artists and the public?

Promoting harmonious intercultural relations in housing

What must be done to give citizens of all origins equitable access to housing and
promote more harmonious intercultural relations in the residential area?

Intercultural rapprochement
What measures should be implemented to promote true intercultural rapprochement?

47
Orientation 3
Renewing our practices and institutions

No Québec institution can be described as racist in the ideological sense of the term.
This includes the police, the legal system, social services and schools. However,
inappropriate attitudes or behaviour by certain members can exist. Long-established
rules and procedures that have been perceived as normal and correct can also produce
discriminatory effects without the institutions and persons involved being aware of it.

Pluralism has been an important feature of Québec reality for decades. The institutions
must take this reality into account in their practices. The improvement of the apparatus
and practices of government and their conformity with requirements of equality rights
has been an important concern in Québec for several years. Adapting institutions to
pluralism and managing diversity are also integral aspects of the modernization of public
services and of services that take into account the cultural characteristics of the clientele
they are aimed at.

Private institutions are also affected by the adaptation of their practices and services.
Diversity management brings added value to organizations.

The cooperation of all institutions is important in this perspective. Public and private
employers and front-line public services all contribute to the exclusion of cultural
communities when they do not assume this essential social responsibility. The
fundamental function of employment and the inclusion of members of cultural
communities at all institutional levels leads us to the first strategic choice, Providing
access to employment.

The actions necessary at the institutional level are first and foremost those aimed at
making all employees aware of the prejudice and stereotypes in their environment,
those that provide training in the rights and responsibilities of each individual and, more
generally, those providing information on the ethnocultural reality of Québec. They also
call for examining practices that contribute to the exclusion of cultural communities and
the righting of unsatisfactory practices. They require the involvement of managers of the
institutions involved. The second strategic choice, Integrating pluralism in the delivery of
government services, responds to these concerns.

The exercise of rights must also be facilitated for citizens who feel unjustly treated.
Québec has 30 years of experience applying the Charter of Human Rights and
Freedoms. However, it would be advantageous to re-evaluate the effectiveness of
measures to fight racism and discrimination. The third strategic choice, Improving
respect for rights and their exercise, aims to develop thinking and identify proposals in
this area.

49
STRATEGIC CHOICE: PROVIDING ACCESS TO EMPLOYMENT

Picture of the situation

Since the late 1990s, the Québec labour market has enjoyed a very favorable period
with an average rate of job creation of 2.1% between 1996 and 2004. Since 2000, the
unemployment rate has been among the lowest in the last three decades and the
employment rate reached unprecedented highs (70.3%). The labour force participation
rate stood at 76.8% in 2004, near its historic high of the previous year.

Nevertheless, a significant number of immigrants and Quebecers from visible minorities

have not benefited as much from this economic recovery and they experience serious
job entry difficulties. The unemployment rate for immigrants settled in Québec was
11.7% at the 2001 census, compared to 8.2% for the overall population and 15.4% for
the persons belonging to visible minorities. Education levels do not explain this gap since
university graduates who have immigrated to Québec since 1991 have an
unemployment rate three times higher than that of non-immigrants36.

Along the same line, persons born outside Canada accounted for 18.7% of employment
assistance beneficiaries in 2004-2005 and nearly 25% of employment assistance
beneficiaries who were able to work.

Several factors explain this situation, including changes in the labour market, resources
available to welcome and integrate immigrants, and the perception of immigration and
cultural diversity in Québec society. Newcomers experience special difficulties, including
inadequate knowledge of French or English, difficulties gaining recognition for their
experience and education acquired abroad and updating their skills to meet the needs of
the Québec labour market.

Equitable access to the labour market is a strategic issue for persons from cultural
communities, in particular immigrants and visible minorities. Successful economic
integration is the main factor in the development of individuals and communities. It
influences the ability of individuals to access services they need, achieve a good quality
of life, participate in social and political life and develop a sense of belonging to their
community. Discrimination in employment is a major obstacle to social mobility and a
powerful stimulant to the withdrawal of excluded or marginalized communities.

Obstacles identified
Discriminatory practices in hiring, promotion and training have been identified among
employers. Some companies, particularly small and medium-sized businesses, even
speak with hostility about immigrants and reject candidates stemming from
immigration37. They often assume that it will be difficult or impossible to integrate
persons from certain communities, sometimes based on a single experience or
unverified prejudice.

36
Arrache, R. 2004. « L’apport de l’immigration sur la démographie et l’emploi ». Bulletin du CETECH,
vol. 6, no 2, p. 29.
37
El Yamani, M. 1997. L’emploi des jeunes : un enjeu de société. Report prepared for the Ministère des
Relations avec les citoyens et de l’Immigration.

50
Indirect or systemic discrimination remains important. It takes many forms including
non-recognition of the work experience and education of immigrants. According to
existing studies, down-skilling affects immigrant university graduates to various
degrees38. However, an analysis of the situation must take into account the
requirements specific to jobs in Québec. The requirement for Québec work experience,
which certain employers see as evidence of a candidate’s capacity to integrate, is
discriminatory if the requirement has no connection with the job, as is the hiring process
when personal networks get preference.

The devaluing of pluralism has negative consequences on the employment of individuals

from cultural communities, especially immigrants. Not all corporations have understood
the importance of having employees with differentiated profiles, which breathes
flexibility and life into a company. The requirement that candidates behave in all
respects like native Quebecers has the consequence of immediately eliminating a good
number of candidates who are immigrants or are perceived as immigrants, as is the case
for young people from visible minorities39.

In this context, the processes of human resource management require changes to

respect equal opportunity and provide access to employment for persons from cultural
communities who were born abroad or who belong to visible minorities. The corrective
measures involve job evaluation, pay, staffing, organizational integration, performance
appraisal, training, working conditions and labour relations. The required changes are
not limited to practices but must also reach mentalities and organizational cultures. The
involvement of senior company management is essential.

Certain practices are insidious. In producing the profile of a candidate desired for a
position, recruiters generally base themselves on persons who previously held the
position, in terms of the sex or ethnic origin for example. This creates a disadvantage
for individuals from groups that never held these positions in the past, in particular
women and immigrants40. Communication difficulties also play an important role. The
expressions and attitudes of candidates from cultural communities may be wrongly
interpreted by employers. Behavioural skills (“soft skills”) are especially open to
subjective and arbitrary interpretation. The uncertainty leads a number of employers to
reject the candidates.

Private sector

Some corporations have made significant efforts to eliminate discriminatory practices

and provide a better representation of cultural communities in their personnel.

38
See Ledoyen, A., 1992. Montréal au pluriel, Huit communautés ethnoculturelles de la région montréalaise.
Montréal. Institut québécois de recherche sur la culture. Documents de recherche, no 32.
39
El Yamani. op. cit.
40
Chicha, M.T., cited by Sylvie Lemieux, « La discrimination est encore présente dans les entreprises ». Les
Affaires, Montréal. March 19, 2005.

51
Small businesses seem less equipped to take the problem of diversity into account. Since
they are more fragile, they tend to be more conservative. Some lack a strategic vision
for renewing human resources41.

The data available on pluralism in the private sector covers corporations that have
adopted an equal access employment program, either on a voluntary basis or in the
framework of a contractual obligation program. This program was implemented in 1989
and targets corporations with 100 employees or more that want to obtain a contract or
grant of $100,000 or more from the Québec government. Since then, 288 corporations
have undertaken to act in this direction. In 2003-2004, 175 corporations were subject to
the obligation to adopt an equal access employment program42.

An assessment done in 1998 found that visible minorities had made significant progress
in corporations while the programs were in effect, namely 18,9%, without giving details
on the total number of positions involved43. This advance occurred mainly in professional
and technical positions, followed by semi-skilled and unskilled positions in production
and distribution. Unfortunately, no current data exists to measure the real extent of the
progress made.

This positive report is not explained by particularly favorable economic conditions. In

fact, analyses by the Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse
show that this progress was made during a period when more than half of corporations
were reducing their personnel or undergoing significant restructuring.

Public sector

The Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms calls for the government to
implement equal access employment programs in ministries and agencies whose
employees are appointed under the Civil Service Act. In 2001, these programs were
extended. The Act respecting equal access to employment in public bodies targets all
public bodies that employ 100 persons or more in the municipal sector, institutions in
the education network, the health and social services network and other entities such as
government corporations, institutions of higher education and the Sûreté du Québec for
its police officers.

Data from the Secrétariat du Conseil du trésor show that cultural communities
represented 2.6% of the workforce in 2004-2005 compared to 2.5% in 2003-2004,
despite a reduction in civil service employment44. In contrast, individuals from cultural
communities represented 10.1% of regular employees hired in 2004-2005. This data
covers the civil service and not employees of the public sector in general such as the

41
L’Indice. 1996. Étude sur les producteurs de comportements racistes lors de l’insertion à l’emploi des
jeunes travailleurs de 15 à 29 ans, Le cas des jeunes Québécois d’origine haïtienne. Report produced for the
Ministère des Affaires internationales, de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles. Government of
Québec.
42
Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse du Québec. 2004. Rapport d’activités
et de gestion 2003-2004. Montréal.
43
Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse. 1998. Les programmes d’accès à
l’égalité au Québec, Bilan et perspectives. Montréal.
44
Secrétariat du Conseil du trésor. 2005. Rapport annuel de gestion 2004-2005. Government of Québec.

52
health and education networks. By comparison, individuals from cultural communities
represented 1.7% of the civil service workforce in 1990.

In the public sector as a whole, the representation of cultural communities varies by

network and region. However, the only available data is still partial. It does not allow us
to draw an overall picture of the situation.

A variety of measures were advanced by the Secrétariat du Conseil du trésor to increase

the representation of cultural communities, aboriginals and anglophones in the civil
service. In 2004-2005, information sessions on the selection process and means of
evaluating candidates were offered to 1,130 students in these target groups in eight
regions of Québec. A mechanism to refer candidates from target groups was
implemented. A study to evaluate the intercultural validity of evaluation methods used
by the Secretariat is currently underway.

The concentration of the civil service in Québec City can be an additional obstacle since
persons from cultural communities and visible minorities are mainly settled in the
Montréal region. Family obligations to elderly parents or the professional constraints of
spouses can limit the mobility of some potential candidates.

Public bodies subject to the Act respecting equal access to employment in public bodies
numbered 618 as of March 31, 2004. At that time, 567 agencies had completed the
workforce analysis required to assess the relevance of implementing an equal access
employment program and 185 had been advised by the Commission des droits de la
personne et des droits de la jeunesse that they should implement such a program45. The
work continues. It will take a few more years before it produces conclusive results. The
Commission report shows the need for educational institutions and the Ordre des
conseillers en ressources humaines et en relations industrielles agréés du Québec
(Québec order of certified human resources and industrial relations consultants) to
intensify their training efforts with respect to equal access.

Principal government measures for better integration in the labour market

The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse has been active
in recent years sensitizing and informing corporations and employees of their rights and
responsibilities and providing support essential to implementing equal access
employment programs.

In general, several government action plans incorporate measures aimed at better

supporting job entry by immigrants and visible minorities. They include the government
plan entitled L’emploi : passeport pour l’avenir (employment: passport for the future),
that aims to increase the employment rate within certain labour force segments such as
immigrants and visible minorities. Similarly, the National Strategy to Combat Poverty and
Social Exclusion adopted in 2002, designates recent immigrants and members of visible
minorities among groups more affected by poverty and for which special efforts must be
made in coming years.

45
Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse. 2005. L’accès à l’égalité en emploi,
2001-2004 three-year report, Act respecting equal access to employment in public bodies. Montréal.

53
For its part, in the framework of the 2004-2007 Action Plan Shared Values, Common
Interests, the Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles and its
partners have implemented diverse actions, including some aimed at removing obstacles
associated with the authorization to practice a regulated trade or profession. For
example, information sheets describing the steps to take to obtain the right to practice a
regulated trade or profession are given to immigration candidates and new arrivals.
Tools to evaluate skills were developed and bridge-training for individuals educated
abroad was implemented to adapt skills to the practice environment of Québec.

In addition, the Groupe de travail sur l’accès aux professions et métiers réglementés
(task force on access to regulated trades and profession) and the Équipe de travail sur
la reconnaissance des diplômes et des compétences des personnes formées à l’étranger
(work team on the recognition of the credentials and skills of foreign-trained individuals)
have submitted recommendations to the Minister of Immigration and Cultural
Communities to facilitate access to regulated trades and professions. Some of these
recommendations are already being implemented and the Ministry and its partners are
examining ways to monitor the others.

In May 2004, the Ministère de l’Emploi et de la Solidarité sociale and the Ministère de
l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles, in the framework of an inter-ministerial
agreement to help immigrants and visible minorities integrate in the labour market,
agreed to combine their efforts to sensitize corporations to the advantages of hiring
persons from diverse cultural communities.

Several measures under this agreement are being implemented. The Programme d’aide
à l’intégration des immigrants et des minorités visibles en emploi (PRIIME - employment
and integration program for immigrants and visible minorities), established by Emploi-
Québec, aims to encourage employers to hire persons from cultural communities and
create conditions in the corporation conducive to maintaining their job at the end of the
subsidy period.

Emploi-Québec and its partners have also produced publications to convince employers
to adopt hiring and supervision practices that promote job entry and retention of
individuals of immigrant origin, visible minorities and persons from cultural
communities46. These documents also highlight the advantages of cultural diversity in
the context of globalization of trade.

Emploi-Québec pays particular attention to new arrivals and visible minorities as

members of groups that are generally disadvantaged when it comes to employment. In
2005-2006, persons born abroad represented 14.9% of all new participants in measures
and services offered by Emploi-Québec.

Over the years and depending on regional needs, Emploi-Québec has adapted its
measures to better meet the needs of immigrants and visible minorities, particularly in

46
For example, the Guide pratique de la gestion de la diversité en emploi, produced by the Direction
régionale de Montréal d’Emploi-Québec in collaboration with the Mouvement québécois de la qualité, the
Groupe Conseil Continuum and the Conseil du trésor; Réussir l’intégration des personnes immigrantes en
entreprise : 51 solutions aux questions des employeurs. Produced by diverse regional offices of Emploi-
Québec in collaboration with regional offices of Immigration-Québec and the EducationTables of these
regions.

54
professional immersion activities for newcomers with diplomas and persons from visible
minorities who experience problems integrating in the job market in their field of
competency.

Several measures also target the management of ethnocultural diversity in employment.

For example, the Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles established
the Service-conseil en relations interculturelles in 2004. Part of its mission is to develop
and distribute—to both public and private managers—tools, practical guides, and
training for the hiring and retention of a diversified workforce. The special problems
experienced by persons from cultural communities are taken into account in developing
the different training tools.

In addition, Emploi-Québec, in collaboration with the Ministère de l’Immigration et des

Communautés culturelles, has proceeded in recent years to train staff at local
employment centres on delivering services in an intercultural context so they can work
more effectively with immigrants and persons from cultural communities.

Several measures are aimed at young people from cultural communities and visible
minorities who are grappling with school dropout, under-education and unemployment
rates much higher than those for the overall population. The activities of Québec pluriel
target visible minority youths aged 16-24 and youths aged 16-35 who arrived in Québec
less than five years ago. These young people can receive coaching from a mentor and
occupational counselling. They can participate in job search workshops, social and
occupational training workshops and familiarization workshops intended to acquaint
them with Québec’s reality. Internships in job-entry corporations are also arranged for
youths from visible minorities and cultural communities with exclusion problems.
However, studies would be necessary to evaluate the scope of the needs.

55
STRATEGIC CHOICE: INTEGRATING PLURALISM IN THE DELIVERY OF GOVERNMENT
SERVICES

Integrating pluralism in the delivery of government services means offering services

adapted to the characteristics of the clientele served. In the case of public services, such
as education or health and social services, good communication is required between
staff and the individuals who need services. This calls for attitudes of openness, some
intercultural training and appropriate tools. An adequate representation of individuals
from cultural communities in the diverse work settings is obviously essential to enable
them to participate in the evolution of workplace environments and services.

Changes in practices are also necessary, particularly when religious freedom is at issue,
i.e., when institutional requirements enter into conflict with the sincere belief of a
person in a religious precept. This can affect the usual work schedule in the case of
religious holidays or prayer breaks, menus, given the dietary prescriptions of certain
religions, the wearing of certain clothing or accessories, the availability of space to pray.

Pluralism is never exempt from tensions. For example, conflicting demands between
wearing a uniform and wearing a headscarf or turban can be resolved by seeking an
accommodation between the parties. Reasonable accommodation is, in fact, an
obligation arising from the Canadian and Québec charters of human rights. By virtue of
this obligation, the institution must take, unless doing do would cause excessive
constraints to its operations—with respect to the adjustments that would remedy the
difficulties that institutional requirements pose to freedom of religion—reasonable steps
to agree with the person to whom it offers services. All public or private institutions are
required to respect rights, make reasonable accommodations and manage diversity.

Each request for accommodation is specific and examined individually. However, some
institutions have developed general policies. For example, some school boards have a
policy to tolerate wearing the veil in their schools. Such policies and practices can vary
from one school board to another and from one school to another. Accommodation
practices are therefore seen as inconsistent and reliant, in part, on the good will of the
institutions. This situation creates tension and feeds negative attitudes towards
immigrants and persons from cultural communities and, more specifically, towards
persons of non-Christian faiths.

School environment

The problem of discrimination in schools goes beyond the question of text content and
school curricula. Various inquiries highlight the complaints of young people from cultural
communities about the attitudes and behaviours of some teachers towards them. They
speak of rejection, scorn, insults, negative evaluations, lower expectations from them
and guidance into less valued occupations47. Documented cases remain the exception,
but given the importance of teachers as models, they have a very strong impact on the
imagination of young people and parents. In this situation, teacher training is crucial. In

47
Labelle, M., D. Salée and Y. Frenette. 2001. op. cit.; El Yamani, M. op. cit.; Bataille, P., M. McAndrew and
M. Potvin. 1998. « Racisme et antiracisme au Québec : analyse et approches nouvelles ». Cahiers de
recherche sociologique, no 31, pp. 115-144.

56
the School Integration and Intercultural Education Policy, the Ministère de l’Éducation,
du Loisir et du Sport emphasizes the importance of promoting attitudes of openness to
diversity among school staff.

Other situations must also receive special attention, such as the growing cultural
incomprehension between education professionals and certain pupils and parents, as
well as inter-ethnic tension among high school students48. The resentment of certain
young people and their parents feeds the feeling of victimization by the school and
Québec society in general. These young people therefore have difficulty identifying with
Québec society and tend to withdraw into their community of origin49.

Health and social services

Problem
Since the 1980s, the health and social services network has made considerable efforts to
take intercultural characteristics into account. The question is approached from the
angle of interculturalism, in particular culture shock and cultural incomprehension. Value
conflicts add more obstacles to relations between front-line actors and their clienteles.

Cultural incomprehension and value conflicts are conducive to developing stereotypes

and prejudice and mistakes in diagnoses and evaluations. Identified situations involve
the concept of the family, ways to educate children, unequal relationships between men
and women, the conception of physical and mental health, the conception of social
services and the role of social services50. Values and the different conceptions of needs,
which have a psychological and material dimension, of the well-being of children, the
autonomy of women, the insertion of individuals in the extended family, are all likely to
result in inadequate evaluations of the situation, for example of parental competence,
and inappropriate responses. In 1998, in order to prevent these situations, the Ministère
de la Santé et des Services sociaux and the Ministère de la Famille et de l’Enfance, today
the Ministère de la Famille, des Aînés et de la Condition féminine, gave those who work
with newcomers a manual entitled Avec les familles immigrants, Guide d’intervention
(with immigrant families : a guide for intervention).

In the case of young people referred to youth centres, the decisions of social workers
are questioned in particular to explain the over-representation of young Haitians in the
Québec youth protection system51. Bernard observes an inconsistency between reasons
for reporting and the decisions of social workers. This translates into emergency
removals from the family, court involvement and personalized references significantly
more numerous than with other young Quebecers.

48
Bataille, McAndrew et Potvin, op. cit.
49
Potvin, M. 1997. « Les jeunes de la deuxième génération haïtienne à Montréal : entre la communauté
réelle et la communauté représentée ». Sociologie et sociétés, vol. 29, no 2, pp. 77-101.
50
Legault, G. and M. Lafrenière. 1992. « Situations d’incompréhensions culturelles dans les services
sociaux : problématique ». Santé mentale au Québec, vol. XVII, no 2, pp. 113-121.
51
Bernard, L. 2004. Discrimination systémique des jeunes Haïtiens au sein du système québécois de
protection de la jeunesse. Communication presented to the 4e colloquium of the Association québécoise
Plaidoyer-Victimes. Montréal.

57
As a result of intercultural misunderstandings and failings, real or assumed, by health
and social services institutions, the perception of racism grows among certain individuals
from cultural communities.

Principal measures in place

Health and social services institutions have nevertheless firmly advanced equality
principles and made significant efforts in this direction. For several years now, the
network’s response to public health and welfare needs must take into account the
ethnic, cultural and linguistic characteristics of the communities served. In this respect,
it should be emphasized that in 2004, since the health and social services reform, this
dimension is specifically repeated in the frame of reference for the clinical projects of
local health and social services networks.

In May 2004, the Ministère de la Santé et des Services sociaux created a Comité
provincial with a mandate to advise the Ministry on the delivery of health and social
services to individuals from Québec’s cultural communities. This mandate was also
included in the Act respecting Health Services and Social Services. The committee has
already been consulted with regard to the orientations of services to the elderly with
reduced autonomy, the Plan d’action en santé mentale: La force des liens (action plan
on mental health: the strength of bonds), the Act to Amend the Act respecting Health
Services and Social Services and amending various legislation (2005, Ch 32) and the
frame of reference on the clinical projects. In the framework of public consultations, it
produced opinions on Black communities, the youth action strategy and the regulation
with regard to the socio-sanitary criteria for private residences for the elderly.

The Ministry established, at the same time as the Comité provincial, the Secrétariat à
l’accès aux services en langue anglaise et aux communautés culturelles with a mission to
coordinate ministerial responsibilities with regard to access to health services and social
services for English-speakers and individuals from cultural communities. The Secrétariat
is currently examining questions of access to services and adapting approaches for
individuals from cultural communities. It is also updating ministerial directions in these
areas. The studies done so far show the efforts made by the health and social services
network with regard to the needs of cultural community clientele.

Many projects (studies, programs and services) have seen the light of day over the past
five years at the provincial, regional and local levels to promote access to services and
adaptation of approaches affecting persons from cultural communities. The video and
the guidance manual produced by A. Battaglini and entitled Préjugés. Prévenir le
racisme chez les jeunes, already cited, is one of these projects. The Centre jeunesse de
Montréal (Montréal youth centre) has, for its part, developed a service access plan for
youths from cultural communities. Lastly, some regions offer training in intercultural
relations or have a multipartite regional committee on the accessibility of health services
and social services for persons from cultural communities to meet the special needs of
this clientele.

The efforts deployed by the network also relied on the constant collaboration of different
community organizations working with persons from cultural communities. In 2001, the
Alliance des communautés culturelles pour l’égalité dans la santé et les services sociaux

58
(ACCÉSSS) was mandated by the Ministry to produce a status report on the accessibility
of health services and social services for persons from cultural communities.

An inter-sectoral project, based on the Villes et Villages en santé approach, to fight

poverty and support underprivileged families, in particular those from ethnic minorities
in a Montreal neighborhood (Montréal-North), won an award of excellence at the annual
meeting of the Réseau québécois de Villes et Villages en santé.

The Ministry also produced several practical guides and intervention tools adapted to
cultural communities, including a magazine on sex education for a multicultural
audience52. It was also involved in adapting activities to prevent conjugal violence and
drug addiction as shown by the 2004-2009 government action plan on conjugal violence
and the 2006-2011 inter-ministerial action plan on drug addiction.

The Ministère de la Santé et des Services sociaux has thus expanded its interventions to
sensitize network front-line actors to prejudice and the avoidance of discrimination in
the health and social services network, as well as to promote access to services and
adapt approaches to persons from cultural communities. However, the network is vast
and the sensitizing of front-line actors progresses at different speeds depending on the
institutions and the regions.

Police and the legal system

The police force and the legal system ensure public security and respect for the law. The
police have a very important role as front-line actors. Along with providing order and
public security, they have a role to prevent and repress crime. The legal system is
located downstream from their work and involves judges, prosecutors and lawyers. It is
supported by other stakeholders, social workers, psychologists and criminologists.
Workers in youth centres and detention centres form the last link in the chain.

Police practices
The police have a very special importance. They are part of everyday life and are the
first to respond to problem situations or public complaints. They hold authority by virtue
of the law and have the means to enforce it. They thus become the primary symbol of
order and justice. Prejudice and discrimination in some police officers, even
unintentional, has a very strong social and psychological impact. But all the actors
involved are likely to poorly serve public order and justice if their judgments are
distorted by prejudice and inadequate attitudes and behaviour.

Two types of inadequate behaviour by certain police officers have attracted the
attention of scholars—over-policing of which the best known example is racial profiling

52
Ministère de la Santé et des Services sociaux and Université du Québec à Montréal. 2005. Ça s’exprime.
Embrasser d’autres cultures : L’Éducation sexuelle auprès d’une clientèle multiculturelle. Québec.

59
and under-protecting53. However, the extent of these phenomena remains to be
documented.

Racial profiling can be defined as any action by individuals in authority directed at an

individual or a group of individuals, for reasons of safety, security or public protection,
that relies on factors such as colour, ethnic or national origin or religion, without real
grounds or without reasonable suspicion, and which exposes the individual or group to
undue scrutiny or differential treatment. It is based on various stereotypes, for example
that individuals of a particular group are more likely to be delinquents or criminals, or
that they are all poor, which makes them suspects when they drive a luxury vehicle.

Concretely, racial profiling results in special surveillance and more frequent checks of
persons belonging to visible minorities. It is one form of unlawful profiling. Young
people, particularly in underprivileged neighborhoods, and the homeless can equally be
victims of unlawful profiling. Since they occupy public space to a significant degree, they
are more likely to be watched, questioned or fined, especially in cities with policies to
curb incivility. Visible minority youths in underprivileged neighborhoods are very affected
since this repeated behaviour, often by different police officers, produces a harassment
effect.

The other form of conduct blamed on some police officers is under-application of the
law in dealing with certain cultural communities. This under-application is associated
with the unease and uncertainty that some police officers feel when they must deal with
persons from cultural communities. Indeed, police intervention can sometimes be
problematic in an intercultural setting, for example in cases of family violence with some
newcomers or problems with neighbors related to noise, music, etc. Some police officers
feel ill-equipped to face these situations and they may tend to abstain from intervening
rather than risk being the subject of complaints following inappropriate interventions54.

Both over-application and under-application of the law are perceived by some persons
from cultural communities as expressions of racism by police officers and undermine
confidence in the police institution and justice. As a result, they tend to limit cooperation
with police and not complain when they are victims of crimes.55.

Legal system
With respect to the legal system, the need for greater availability of legal information
intended for immigrants or persons from cultural communities was emphasized, along
with systematic training in cultural diversity for legal actors56. Among other dimensions

53
Brodeur, J.-P. 1993. La police et les minorités ethniques. Conference given at the Centre d’études
ethniques, Université de Montréal. Cited in McAndrew, M. and M. Potvin, Le racisme au Québec : éléments
d’un diagnostic. Centre d’études ethniques de l’Université de Montréal. Report prepared for the Ministère
des Affaires internationales, de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles. March 1996.
54
Brodeur, communication cited; Pelletier, C. 1990. L’apprentissage de la diversité au Service de police de la
Communauté urbaine de Montréal. Les Éditions du CIDIHCA. Montréal.
55
Commission des droits de la personne. 1988. Enquête sur les relations entre les corps policiers et les
minorités visibles et ethniques : annexes. Committee of inquiry between police forces and ethnic and visible
minorities. Montréal.
56
Noreau, P. 2003. Le droit en partage : le monde juridique face à la diversité culturelle. Les Éditions
Thémis. Law faculty, Université de Montréal.

60
that deserve attention, Noreau mentions the language of the courts and legal
translation, which raises the problem of access to justice, and the cultural origins of
judicial actors, which is likely to promote the diversification of references and of cultural
or linguistic skills57.

He recommends specifically that, to humanize legal activity, judges and the Bar should
reflect on the attitudes and perspectives likely to promote better recognition of the legal
process by the litigants of other origins and greater openness by legal actors (police,
lawyers, attorneys and judges) to the diverse realities of the litigants. He also sees
greater use of human and social sciences expertise by the court and cooperation
between social and legal actors. Lastly, in the specific case of reasonable
accommodation, he emphasizes the need for a better understanding of this principle in
the legal environment and more complete training of legal actors on the conditions of its
implementation as well as its possible extension and usefulness in the framework of
current legal relations.

Some studies have concentrated on the system aimed at youths. Indeed, the over-
representation of young people from visible minorities in youth centres raises a great
deal of questions and criticism. The Youth Court as such was not questioned. An
examination of punishments does not show different treatment of youths from visible
minorities58. However, as we indicated in the section on social services, various scholars
think that systemic discrimination and bias seem to exist in the evaluations59 and
recommendations of social workers who prepare pre-sentencing reports60. In their
opinion, these biases could partly explain the over-representation at issue.

Principal existing measures

Various measures were gradually implemented following the Bellemare, Malouf and
Yarovsky reports on the exercise of police functions, the implementation of equal access
programs, police training and the development of ties with the community. The Police
Act adopted in June 2000 raised education requirements, created a national police
school and raised requirements concerning the ethics and supervision of police officers.

To promote closer ties with the community, the Ministère de la Sécurité publique
published the Ministerial Policy Towards a More Community-Based Police in December
2000. The Montreal Police Department had already created a consultation structure
consisting of a strategic committee and oversight committees allowing for dialogue with
the communities and the taking into account of their security concerns and specific
needs61. The police forces of other municipalities with a smaller proportion of cultural
communities are at different stages in their work to take into account the reality of
cultural communities.

57
Ibid.
58
Faille, M. 1988. Pratiques d’intervention des travailleurs sociaux auprès des jeunes de 14-17 ans d’origines
haïtienne, italienne et de souche française. Master’s thesis. Criminology school. Université de Montréal.
59
Faille, M. op. cit.; Douyon, E. 1982. « Les jeunes haïtiens et la justice des mineurs au Québec ». Enfants
de migrants haïtiens en Amérique du Nord. Under the direction of C. Pierre-Jacques. Centre de recherches
caraïbes. Université de Montréal.
60
Bernard, L. 2001. Les trajectoires des jeunes d’origine haïtienne dans le système québécois de protection
de la jeunesse. Doctoral thesis. Université de Montréal.
61
Service de police de la Ville de Montréal. 2004. Plan d’action corporatif 2005 du SPVM. Montréal.

61
In August 2003, following a meeting with representatives of the community
organizations’ network, the Minister of Immigration and Cultural Communities created a
task force on racial profiling. Co-chaired by the Ministère de la Sécurité publique and the
Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles, it includes representatives of
the Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse, the Commissaire
à la déontolgie policière, the École nationale de police du Québec, the Ministère de
l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport, the Ministère de la Justice and a dozen community
stakeholders. The ministries and agencies concerned, as well as the police, are actively
implementing the action plan agreed by the task force. The work is well started.
However, the fight against racial profiling and unlawful profiling is a long term effort.

The Ministère de la Sécurité publique is working with the police forces of Québec’s major
cities to document the problem of racial profiling and develop strategies for prevention,
awareness, and the monitoring of racial and unlawful profiling, adaptable to the special
characteristics of the community served by each police force.

The Ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport and the École nationale de police du
Québec are working together to monitor the integration of the concept of racial profiling
in the training programs of future police officers and to promote harmonization and
consistency between the college curriculum and that of the École nationale de police on
this problem.

The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse has analyzed the
jurisprudence relative to racial profiling. It documented civil remedy perspectives and
developed guidelines to help the search for evidence relative to this problem62.

The Ministère de la Justice undertook to develop a plan to sensitize Attorney General’s

prosecutors to the phenomenon of racial profiling. This work is important given the
discretionary power that prosecutors exercise throughout criminal proceedings. The
Conseil de la magistrature is responsible for sensitizing judges and attorneys.

The Commissaire à la déontologie policière also initiated an information and awareness

tour within diverse cultural communities to better inform them about remedies available
to persons who feel they were victims of police actions that violate the police ethics
code.

With respect to the correctional system and the reinsertion of offenders, Québec
adopted a less repressive approach in 1995 geared to a treatment of criminality that
puts more emphasis on prevention, social empowerment, decriminalization and recourse
to civil and sentencing measures other than imprisonment. In this perspective,
correctional services designed and introduced special resources to guide, assist and
understand diverse clienteles, including immigrants and persons from cultural
communities, and to work in collaboration with numerous community organizations. In
1994, the Ministère de la Sécurité publique created an awareness and training program
for correctional workers.

62
Turenne, M. 2006. Prouver le profilage racial : perspectives pour un recours civil. Commission des droits
de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse. Montréal. Cat. 2.120-1.26; Turenne, M. 2006. Profilage racial :
lignes directrices pour fins d’enquêtes. Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse.
Montréal. Cat. 2.120-1.26.1.

62
STRATEGIC CHOICE: IMPROVING RESPECT FOR RIGHTS AND THEIR EXERCISE

The respect for rights and their exercise are jeopardized in the absence of openness to
pluralism. The espousal by citizens of the values underlying human rights and the
adoption of corresponding attitudes and conducts are essential conditions for
significantly reducing discrimination and inequality.

Even though learning values of respect for each individual’s rights and of openness to
pluralism now begins very early in the life of Quebecers, constant efforts must still be
made so that everyone can adequately appropriate the common civic values in the
Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms.

Not all citizens have an adequate knowledge and understanding of existing laws and of
the rights and responsibilities of all. Nor do they possess to the same degree the skills
necessary to seek pertinent information and use it wisely, for example to resolve their
conflicts in a peaceful manner. Some people do not exercise their rights for they lack
this knowledge and these skills, while others can only conceive of resolving their
disputes through systematic recourse to the courts. Certain immigrants and less
educated citizens often need special support. Social inequality continues to mark the
exercise of human rights.

Legal and administrative instruments to fight against racism and

discrimination

Endorsement, at the international level, of the principal conventions on human rights led
Québec to adopt a charter to implement these conventions. The Charter of Human
Rights and Freedoms of Québec, which came into effect in 1976, is the centrepiece of
Québec’s human rights instruments. It has a quasi-constitutional character since Articles
1 to 38 have precedence over other Québec laws in the absence of an explicit
exemption. It applies to the public and private sectors. It expressly prohibits
discrimination and harassment (Articles 10 to 20.1).

The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse du Québec,

established by the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms, promotes and
enforces the principles set out in the Charter. It is responsible for:

ƒ Conducting investigations on its own initiative or after receiving a complaint;

ƒ Encouraging a settlement between the parties involved;
ƒ Identifying provisions of Québec laws that violate the Charter and making
appropriate recommendations to the government;
ƒ Developing and applying an education program on rights and freedoms;
ƒ Monitoring the application of equal access programs.

In addition to handling individual complaints, the Commission conducts systemic

investigations. These analyze the practices, decisions and behaviour, both individual and
institutional, intrinsic to a given system and which produce discriminatory effects on a
target group. In the domain of racism and discrimination, the Commission led two major
investigations, one on the taxi industry in 1983 and the second on relations between the

63
police force and visible and ethnic minorities in 198863. These investigations have a
structuring effect. For example, the taxi industry investigation made it possible to
eliminate discriminatory practices by offending companies. The investigation on relations
between the police force and visible and ethnic minorities resulted in the adoption of a
uniform ethics code for all police officers and the implementation of equal access
employment programs in several police forces64. The media coverage of this type of
investigations helps raise public awareness on these questions.

The Human Rights Tribunal was created in 1990. It is a specialized court whose
members, judges and assessors, are appointed for their expertise, awareness and
marked interest in human rights and freedoms. This court has jurisdiction in matters of
discrimination and harassment.

When the parties in a dispute cannot reach agreement, the Commission may propose
arbitration or submit the dispute to a court. It can refer the matter to the Human Rights
Tribunal if it considers it opportune, and will represent the complainant. Barring
exceptions, only the Commission may bring a case before this Tribunal.

Accessibility and effectiveness of remedies

Some citizens complain about the accessibility of remedies, the length of processing
times and about the outcomes of the handling of the complaints by the Commission. In
2003-2004, out of 867 files opened, 23% were for reasons of “race”, colour, ethnic or
national origin and religion65. On average, complaints are processed in 370 days barring
certain special files deemed “old” for having remained open for more than two years.
Among files closed in 2003-2004, 22.2% were resolved, 5.2% were transferred for
litigation or led to remedial measures being proposed. In addition, 25.1% were closed
due to the withdrawal of complainants and 47.5% were closed by decision of the
complaints committee for various reasons: insufficient evidence (29.4%), pointlessness
of continuing to search for evidence (15.2%), double remedy exercised by complainants
(1.7%) and lack of cause under the Charter or legal jurisdiction of Québec (1.1%).
These results are global, however, and do not specifically concern files related to colour,
ethnic or national origin or religion.

Effectiveness also remains a concern. Complaints received by the Commission represent

in all likelyhood only a relatively small proportion of cases of discrimination experienced
by persons from cultural communities. The capacity to handle complaints will come into
sharper focus when government awareness measures on discrimination bear fruit and
generate an increased volume of complaints from citizens.

The Commission recognizes that the time taken for investigations is a real and urgent
problem. It has undertaken a thorough review of its processes, in particular for handling

63
Commission des droits de la personne. 1984. Enquête sur les allégations de discrimination raciale dans
l’industrie du taxi à Montréal : rapport. Montréal; Comité d’enquête sur les relations entre les corps policiers
et les minorités visibles et ethniques. 1988. Final report (J. Bellemarre, M. Alcindor, A. Normandeau,
H. Taylor, J. Pelletier). Montréal.
64
Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse. 2003. Après 25 ans, La Charte
québécoise des droits et libertés, vol. 2, Études. Montréal.
65
Ibid.

64
complaints that it receives. It believes that it must act to correct mistaken perceptions of
its action on racism and resume dialogue with leaders of cultural communities.

Ensuring the exercise of rights in these circumstances is a delicate question. The public
debate continues on the best way to improve the effectiveness of remedies and on
potential support for victims.

Hate crimes
Hate propaganda and hatred-motivated crimes are not the most common manifestations
of prejudice and discrimination. However, they require special attention. The slippery
slope to which they lead constitutes a threat to public security. Hate propaganda uses
channels in which the quality of information is neither analyzed nor subject to ethical
rules, such as sensationalist tabloids, letters from readers, Internet websites and phone-
in programs.

In the absence of police statistics, it is difficult to estimate the number of hate crimes in
Québec. According to a pilot survey by Statistics Canada in 2001 and 2002, 57% of hate
crimes in Canada were motivated by “race” or ethnic origin, 43% by religion and 9% by
sexual orientation. In some cases, several motives could be recorded. Persons from the
Jewish community were most often targeted (25%), followed by Blacks (17%), South
Asians (11%) and Muslims (11%)66.

In Québec, B’nai Brith Canada counted 133 anti-Semitic incidents in 200567, amounting
to 16% of incidents counted in Canada. The volume of incidents is lower than in 2004
(204), but remains above the number recorded in 2001 (78) or during the 1990s in
general. These incidents are, in order of importance, harassment (58.6%), vandalism
(33.8%) and violence (4.5%).

Canada’s Criminal Code contains provisions against advocating genocide, publicly inciting
hatred, willfully promoting hatred other than in a private conversation and crimes
targeting places of worship. The Criminal Code also considers as aggravating factors any
evidence that the offence was motivated by prejudice or hatred based on “race”, ethnic
or national origin, language, colour or religion.

The Criminal Code falls under the jurisdiction of the federal government. However, the
Ministère de la Justice du Québec participates in the Federal-Provincial-Territorial
Working Group on Cybercrime established in 2001, which deals with hate propaganda.
In 2004, this group made recommendations to the federal Department of Justice calling
for the creation of a national hot-line to denounce hate propaganda on the Internet and
the establishment of a national coding system for hate-motivated crimes. A research
subgroup took on the mission of monitoring and analyzing trends and new facts
concerning hate propaganda.

66
Statistics Canada. 2004. Pilot survey of hate crime. www.statcan.ca/Daily/English/040601/d040601a.htm.
Consulted February 9, 2006.
67
B’nai Brith Canada. 2006. Report on anti-Semitic incidents, Prejudice and intolerance in Canada, 2005.
B’nai Brith Canada Human Rights League. Toronto.

65
Moreover, an Attorney General’s prosecutor from the Bureau des affaires criminelles of
the Direction générale des poursuites publiques of the Ministère de la Justice du Québec
specializes in propaganda and hate crimes and acts as a resource-person in lawsuits
launched for this type of crime.

A form of assistance to victims of discrimination could also be contemplated. At present,

victims of racism and discrimination have a very limited number of resources to guide
them in their initiatives or to obtain psychological support.

66
QUESTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE CONSULTATION

Access to employment
What remains to be done to ensure equitable treatment of persons from cultural
communities, immigrants and visible minorities on the labour market?

Education
What changes should be made in the school environment to ensure that students develop
in an environment free of prejudice and discrimination?

Health and social services

Prejudice and cultural misunderstandings constitute important obstacles in accessing and
adapting services to persons from cultural communities. Other than the measures already
implemented by the Ministère de la Santé et des Services sociaux, what actions are likely
to produce services that are adequate and free of discrimination?

Public security and justice

What measures should be introduced to further improve relations between cultural

communities and the police?
What changes should be made in the legal system to promote greater openness by
judicial actors to the realities of litigants from diverse origins?

Seeking remedy
Despite a large number of people who feel they are victims of discrimination, the number
of complaints is relatively low. How do you explain this discrepancy?
What improvements could be made in handling complaints and recourse?

Vulnerable groups
What specific measures must be put forth to prevent and respond to the special situations
experienced by vulnerable groups?

Assistance for victims

What form of assistance could the government consider to better support victims of
racism?

67
Course: Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer:
Academic Consulting for Politics and Society
Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez
Media and Communication Studies, University of Erfurt, Summer Semester 2024

May 22

Foreign Policy Communication I – Public Diplomacy and Think Tanks

Texts:

Zaharna, R. S. (2004). From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy in the Information Age. In Snow,
N. & Kamalipour, Y. (Eds.), War, media, and propaganda: A global perspective (pp. 219).
Rowman & Littlefield.
Melissen, J. (2011). Beyond the new public diplomacy (p. 3). Clingendael Institute.
Castillo-Esparcia, A., Guerra-Heredia, S., & Almansa-Martínez, A. (2017). Political
communication and think tanks in Spain. Strategies with the media. El profesional de la
información (EPI), 26(4), 706-713.
 Zaharna / 1

DRAFT: In Nancy Snow and Yahya Kamalipour (eds.) War, Media, and Propaganda: A Global
Perspective (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004).

From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy

In the Information Age

R.S. Zaharna
American University

After 9/11, the need to win “battle to win the hearts and minds” of foreign publics
surfaced within American political consciousness as if it were a new phenomenon when actually
foreign information activities have been a critical component of America‟s war time strategy
since the American Revolution. America‟s historical record, however, reveals a stop-and-go
pattern that appears tied to recycled debates that emerge and submerge with the ebb and flow
between war and peace.

The most salient debate is whether government-sponsored information activities are

manipulative “propaganda” or valid “public diplomacy.” Even during the War on Terrorism, the
propaganda and public diplomacy are viewed as interchange substitutes instead of as two distinct
strategic tools of persuasion. However, according to global opinion polls, America‟s post 9/11
public diplomacy appears to be producing more adversaries than allies. It may be time to re-think
the old thinking of equating propaganda with public diplomacy in the new Information Age.

Historical Trends & Debates

Information activities aimed at informing, influencing and gaining the support of foreign
publics have been an integral part of American history from its founding as a nation to its current
superpower position. In 1776, Benjamin Franklin actively engaged the French government and
distributed pamphlets in an effort to gain the support for American independence. Shortly after
the War of 1812, Thomas Jefferson sought to counter the bad press America was receiving in
Britain. In 1917, during World War I, President Woodrow Wilson created the Committee on
Public Information, also known as the “Creel Commission,” to build support at home and
promote America‟s message abroad.1

Shortly before the start of World War II, President Franklin D. Roosevelt established first
the Office of Coordinator of Information, followed by the U.S. Foreign Information Service. 2
Radio broadcast to Asia began within days after the attack on Pearl Harbor. Broadcasts in Europe
began 79 days after the U.S. entered the war. Both agencies were absorbed into the Office of
War Information in 1942, as part of an aggressive domestic and foreign campaign that included
Hollywood movies, extensive photography collection and patriotic posters.3

During the Cold War, America‟s foreign information programs grew substantially. The
U.S. Information Agency (USIA), established in 1953, conducted a wide range of information
and cultural exchange activities. The Voice of America (VOA) expanded its language broadcast,
while its surrogates, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty sought to breakthrough the Iron Curtain.
As Harold C Pachios, Chairman of the US Advisory Commission for Public Diplomacy, noted,
 Zaharna / 2

“The height of USIA‟s prestige and acceptance probably occurred in the 1960s.”4 Not
coincidentally, this was also the height of the Cold War as well.

In contrast to the steady growth of foreign information programs from the 1950s to the
1980s, the 1990s marked a decade of sharp decline in funds and interest in foreign information
programs. Many of USIA‟s posts abroad were cut back by one-third to one-half.5 American
cultural centers and libraries were closed, while positions dedicated to press and cultural affairs
were eliminated.6 Foreign Service officers practicing public diplomacy dropped 40 percent
between 1991 to 2001.7 The State Department‟s Educational and Cultural Exchange Programs
appropriation declined by more than 33 percent from 1993 to 2001.8 In 1999, the USIA was
incorporated into the State Department, along with its budget and resources.

The dwindling resources and programs reflected a distinct historical pattern in American
public diplomacy. During times of conflict, information becomes a key component of the war
effort – either to win over allies or defeat enemies. Typically, the information campaigns begin
with a strong presidential initiative.9 When the president makes the decision to go to war, the
first priority is to mobilize domestic and foreign support. New resources are pooled and funneled
into an aggressive information initiative. The more intense the conflict, the more aggressive the
information campaign. Often the president creates a new office or agency as well. President
Wilson created the Creel Commission, President Truman the OWI, President Eisenhower the
USIA.

Then, as each war gradually draws to a close, so does the campaign. The extensive
wartime information apparatus is dismantled in the process. The Creel Commission stopped its
domestic activities the day after the pre-armistice agreement was signed to end WWI and halted
its foreign information activities several months later. Within months after the end of WWII,
President Truman signed executive order abolishing the Office of War Information. Similarly,
the decline of USIA‟s extensive programs began soon after the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 and
the Soviet Union in 1991, the symbolic end to the Cold War.

In keeping with this historic pattern, when President Bush launched the war on terrorism,
he spoke out forcefully on the need to “do a better job of making our case” to overseas publics.
However, because America had been enjoying a peacetime economy and mood during the period
prior to 9/11, information programs and apparatus had to be re-established anew. Congress held
hearings and increased funding for public diplomacy. The State Department appointed a new
Undersecretary for Public Diplomacy. The president created the White House Office on Global
Communication to help coordinate America‟s message. A familiar trend.

Another, perhaps less obvious historical trend is that domestic concerns, rather than
foreign policy goals, appear to guide the cuts in overseas information activities. In the case of
WWI and WWII, domestic opposition to the war propaganda spurred Congressional action to
effectively halt war-related information activities, domestic as well as foreign. Americans not
only grow weary with war, but more so with the aggressive tactics used to sustain support for the
war. Indeed, the tactics used during WWI and WWII were particularly aggressive and many of
those involved in the campaign used their expertise to refine propaganda techniques while others
develop American advertising and public relations practices.10
 Zaharna / 3

Not surprising perhaps, the Smith-Mundt Act of 1948 that created the USIA specifically
stipulated overseas information activities could not be used to lobby the American public.
Ironically, many of today‟s commentators continue the tradition of advocating an aggressive
ideological warfare and propaganda abroad yet are outraged if similar strategies are used at home
– even though the Internet has made the separation between America‟s domestic and foreign
publics purely theoretical.

A final feature of America‟s past information activities that appears even today is the
competition between government agencies and departments, particularly between the
departments of Defense and State.11 Historically, the Defense Department appears to have taken
the lead in initiating the information activities. Logically, this makes sense. Information activities
are vital to the war effort because they secure and maintain domestic and foreign support as well
as reduce opposition.

As the duration of the war progresses, the foreign information activities appear to expand
militarily, politically, and economically. Other agencies become involved. Competition emerges.
Noteworthy, the nature and purpose of information appears to shift depending on whether
State or Defense has the upper hand. When the Defense Department is actively involved in the
overseas information activities, the tendency is toward secrecy, control and manipulation of
information. When the State Department or USIA takes the lead, the focus is on truth and
accuracy. 12

This historical trend appears to be repeating itself in the current War on Terrorism. As
David Guth observed shortly after the post 9/11 information campaign began, “The control and
direction of US overseas information program s remain issues at the start of a new century
(2001) as much as they were in the middle of the last.”13

Propaganda and Public Diplomacy in the Information Age

Underlying all of these historical trends appears to be an unresolved debate over whether
America‟s information activities should rely on “truth” or “propaganda” to influence publics.
John Brown speaks to the surfacing and submerging of the American debate over propaganda.14
In writing about America‟s “anti-propaganda” tradition, he observed that during times of war,
the need to win increases the appeal and acceptance of propaganda. As peace looms near,
American suspicions of propaganda resurface with a vengeance. Propaganda again falls out of
favor. All government information activity labeled as “propaganda” is summarily curtailed.

Once again, the debate over propaganda has resurfaced in the War on Terrorism. Yet this
time, “propaganda” is being used interchangeably with a new term “public diplomacy” to
characterize all foreign information activities. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke began his piece in
the Washington Post with the line: “Call it public diplomacy, or public affairs, or psychological
warfare, or – if you really want to be blunt – propaganda.”15 Ambassador Kim Andrew Elliott
began his piece in the New York Times with a similar line, “Public diplomacy – the current and
gentler term for international propaganda…”16
 Zaharna / 4

Interestingly, while Americans appear to be against propaganda because of its content,

they appear to define propaganda by its source, or who disseminates it. Coincidentally, the term
entered American popular parlance tied to sinister foreign sources, “Nazi propaganda,” and later,
“Communist propaganda.” This American tendency to define propaganda in terms of its source
overlooks the fact that all communication is inherently biased, reflecting the perspective, needs,
and desires of the communicator. It also blurs the distinct technical features that make each a
strategic tool of persuasion during times of war.

From a communication perspective, several key features make propaganda the tool of
choice in certain contexts, and public diplomacy in other contexts. Propaganda deliberately
manipulates the communication through a variety of techniques so that some aspect is hidden
from the audience and the audience feels compelled to accept the message. With coercion as the
goal, information control and deception are key to effective propaganda. Propaganda Institute
identified many of the techniques such as “name-calling, labeling, bandwagon, etc” used to
manipulate and control information.

Public diplomacy, by definition is just that – open public communication in a global

communication arena. Because the audience is free to accept or not accept the message,
persuasion through coercion or control is not applicable. Instead, persuasion is achieved through
gaining audience trust and confidence. To gain trust, public diplomacy must be absolutely
credible if the government stands any chance of success. Thus, the persuasive value of public
diplomacy is tied to its credibility: the more credible a government‟s public diplomacy is, the
more persuasive it is.

Context and purpose greatly suggests when and where a government should employ
public diplomacy versus propaganda.

The technical features of propaganda – secrecy, deception and coercion – make it a

highly effective tool of military operations. During war, military strategy demands secrecy and
deception in order to keep the opponent off-guard, demoralized, or confused. Secrecy allows the
communicator to retain control over information and manipulate the element of surprise. The
need to deliberately manipulate information is what makes propaganda and psychological
operations such invaluable strategic tool of warfare.

The technical features of public diplomacy – public, open, interactive global

communication – make it a highly effective foreign policy tool for informing foreign publics of a
government‟s policies and intentions and for gaining their support. However, credibility is vital.
In fact, credibility is the most important asset that a nation seeks attain and to preserve. In the
international communication environment, the slightest hint of deception or manipulation of
information would be fodder for the international media and publics. It is perhaps for this reason
that Professor Joseph Nye‟s prediction that future communication battles will be “a contest of
credibility” is so astute.17 Once a communicator loses credibility through either inaccurate or
contradictory messages, the audience loses trust and confidence in the communicator and
discounts all future messages. If the audience feels that its trust has been deliberately violated
through manipulation or deception, the audience will be even more hostile and all future efforts
to gain support will produce the opposite effect.
 Zaharna / 5

Up until recently it may have been possible to equate propaganda with public diplomacy.
However, the dramatic changes in the international arena and the advent of advanced global
technologies have crystallized the need to distinguish between propaganda and public diplomacy.
In the international political arena, communication and information are used to effectively gain
public trust and support for a government‟s policies. The audience must perceive a nation‟s
public diplomacy as a win-win situation. On the military battlefield, however, communication
and information are used to successfully defeat the enemy. It‟s a win-lose situation. To
substitute propaganda for public diplomacy can undermine the effectiveness of each as powerful
persuasive tools that nations can use during times of war.

ENDNOTES
1
Much has been written about the U.S. Committee on Public Information known as the Creel Commission. For an
overview of its place in American public diplomacy, see, John S. Gibson, “Public Diplomacy,” International
Educator, Vol. 8, no. 2-3, Spring 1998; for an excellent communication analysis of the Creel commission, see,
Marion K. Pinsdorff, “Woodrow Wilson's Public Relations: Wag The Hun,” Public Relations Review, Fall 1999 v25
i3 p309.; and for an international perspective, see, Kazuyuki Matsuo, “American Propaganda in China: The U.S.
Committee on Public Information 1918-1919” Journal of American and Canadian Studies, Journal #14, 1996
(Tokyo, Japan).
available online http://www.info.sophia.ac.jp/amecana/Journal/14-2.htm
2
For more detailed historical overview, see “Daniel Guth, “From OWI to USIA: The Jackson Committee‟s search
for the Real „Voice‟ of America, American Journalism, 19, Winter 2002.
3
For historical record of the Voice of America, see its website: www.voa.gov; for anecdotal account, see Alan Heil,
Voice of America (NY: Columbia University Press, 2003).
4
Harold C. Pachios, The New Diplomacy, Remarks to Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs,
Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey, April 24, 2002
5
Fred A. Coffey, Jr. “Our Crippled Public Diplomacy,” USIA Alumni Association, September 2002.
6
Donna Marie Oglesby, “Dog Food, Diapers, Diplomacy,” Address to St. Petersburg West Rotary, February 19,
2003.
7
Mike Canning, “New focus on public diplomacy,” Friends of the Foreign Service Bulletin, n.d.
8
Harold Pachios, “The New Diplomacy,” Remarks to Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass., December 4, 2002
9
Jackson, op. cit.
10
Edward Bernays has also written extensively about his techniques, see Propaganda (1925) and Crystallizing
Public Opinion in 1923. For analysis of Bernays, see, Larry Tye, The Father of Spin: Edward L. Bernays and the
Birth of Public Relations (NY: Crown, 1998) and Scott M. Cutlip, The Unseen Power: Public Relations A History
(Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1994).
11
Alvan Synder, “U.S. Foreign Affairs in the New Information Age: Charting a Course for the 21st Century,” The
Annenberg Washington Program in Communications Policy Studies of Northwestern University, 1994.
12
For example, William Harlan Hale opened the first American sponsored radio broadcast in Europe on February
24, 1942 with “The Voice of America speaks. Today, America has been at war for 79 days. Daily, at this time, we
shall speak to you about America and the war, the news may be good or bad, we shall tell you the truth."
13
Guth, op. cite. p. 19.
14
John Brown, “The anti-propaganda tradition in the United States,” Bulletin Board for Peace,” June 29, 2003.
15
Richard Holbrooke, “Get the message out,” Washington Post, October 28, 2001, page B07.
16
Kim Andrew Elliott, “Is there an audience for public diplomacy?” New York Times, November 16, 2002.
17
Joseph S. Nye, The Paradox of Power (NY: Oxford University, 2003), p. 68.
Clingendael Paper No. 3

Ten years into the twenty-first century, this short survey of current developments
and trends in public diplomacy attests to a growing recognition of the importance of Beyond the New Public Diplomacy
diplomatic engagement with people. Governments realize that their country’s overseas
attractiveness requires reaching out to transnational civil society, and think tanks and
universities quickly understood that they could have a say in this.
More than five years after the publication of The New Public Diplomacy (2005), Jan
Melissen takes a fresh look at public diplomacy’s evolution, in the Western world
and beyond. His reflections on the subject recognize the potential and the limitations
of public diplomacy, and Melissen places its practice in the context of fundamental
change in the wider process of diplomacy. This paper helps governments to think
critically about a key aspect of today’s diplomatic practice, as well as summarizing
Jan Melissen
lessons learned during the past decade.

Jan Melissen is Director of the Diplomatic Studies Programme and Head of Asia Clingendael Paper No. 3
Studies at the Clingendael Institute in the Netherlands. He is also a Professor of
Diplomacy at the University of Antwerp in Belgium, founding Co-Editor of The Hague
Journal of Diplomacy, and editor of the Diplomatic Studies book series of Martinus
Nijhoff. His most recent co-edited books are Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East
Asia (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), Consular Affairs and Diplomacy (Martinus Nijhoff,
2011), and Economic Diplomacy (Martinus Nijhoff, 2011).

Nederlands Instituut voor Internationale Betrekkingen

Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Clingendael

Published by Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael,

P.O. Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands.
Telephone: +31 (0)70 3245384.
Email: clingendaelpapers@clingendael.nl

This series can be downloaded from www.clingendael.nl/publications.

 Beyond the New Public Diplomacy

Jan Melissen

October 2011

NETHERLANDS INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

‘CLINGENDAEL’
CIP-Data Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague

Jan Melissen:
Beyond the New Public Diplomacy

The Hague, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’

Clingendael Papers No. 3
ISBN: 978-90-5031-158-8

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Introduction ∗)

The debate on public diplomacy now dominates research agendas in

diplomatic studies. Most of the world’s foreign ministries started to identify
‘PD’ as a significant challenge during the last decade, and the subject features
on most training curricula for junior diplomats. With many newcomers from a
variety of disciplines joining this niche sub-field, public diplomacy has
become diplomatic studies’ best export, as shown by a flurry of public and
private advisory reports, books and articles. The launch of a number of
specialized journals makes one wonder how far this market of ideas on public
1
diplomacy can be stretched. With e-bulletins, blogs and other internet-based
resources, public diplomacy is also an activity that seems more at home in the
global communications’ realm than other modes of diplomacy. A growing
number of foreign ministers have their personal blogs or write daily tweets for
their ‘followers’. Policy dialogues with members of the public are becoming

∗) In a somewhat different form this paper will be published in Andrew Cooper, Jorge Heine
and Ramesh Thakur (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Modern Diplomacy, Oxford: Oxford
University Press (forthcoming). The author also contributed on public diplomacy to the
forthcoming textbook edited by Pauline Kerr and Geoffrey Wiseman, Diplomacy in a
Globalizing World: Theories and Practices, New York: Oxford University Press.
1) Three journals focusing on public diplomacy are Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, Public
Diplomacy Magazine, and Exchange: The Journal of Public Diplomacy, while an academic
journal like The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, which is dedicated to the study of diplomacy in
general, has experienced a surge in articles on public diplomacy.

1
more common as a result of the spread of social media. Diplomacy today is
evolving at a much faster rate than in the second half of the twentieth century.
It is no longer a stiff waltz among states alone, but a jazzy dance of colourful
coalitions, and public diplomacy is at the heart of its current rebooting
(Khanna 2011: 22). While traditional diplomatic practice is associated with
actors involved in largely invisible processes of international relations, public
diplomacy is about diplomatic engagement with people (Welsh and Fearn
2008). It has been instrumental in opening up the traditionally closed domain
of accredited practitioners and made diplomats more visible than they have
ever been.
Public diplomacy is, then, ‘an instrument used by states, associations of
states, and some sub-state and non-state actors to understand cultures,
attitudes, and behaviour; build and manage relationships; and influence
thoughts and mobilize actions to advance their interests and values’ (Gregory
2011: 353). It is therefore in a sense a metaphor for the democratization of
diplomacy, with multiple actors playing a role in what was once an area
restricted to a few. Importantly, collaborating with those outside government
and operating in the field is fast becoming a necessary condition of success in
diplomacy. Governments realize that developing their country’s overseas
attractiveness requires reaching out to transnational civil society, and
academics quickly understood that they could have a say in this. It is
important to stress, however, that the comprehensive knowledge network in
which modern diplomacy and public diplomacy are debated extends well
beyond academia (Melissen 2011b). Scholar-diplomats, and others familiar
with diplomatic practice as well as the world of organized learning, have made
a particularly distinctive contribution by articulating the importance of ‘soft
power’ and its implications for contemporary statecraft (Nye 2011).
‘Theory’ followed practice in public diplomacy studies. Just as the end of
the Cold War took international relations students by surprise, the perceived
need for public outreach that preoccupied foreign policy practitioners
preceded most scholarly interest in the subject. As long as foreign ministries
did not pay much attention to public diplomacy, neither did most of those
who studied them. Think tanks such as the Center for Security and
International Studies (CSIS) in Washington DC and the Foreign Policy
Centre in London were among the first to stake a claim, questioning the
changing nature of diplomatic practice in the communication age. Some of
their early insights have stood the test of time (see Burt and Robinson 1998;
Leonard and Alakeson 2000; Leonard et al. 2002). Permeating this work was
the consensus that public diplomacy offered opportunities for expanding and
updating the repertoire of diplomatic tools. The challenge was – and remains
– how to move forward in this field. Some countries started seeing public
diplomacy as a first (and cheap) line of defence, associating it with short-term
political agendas that tended to undermine public diplomacy’s external
legitimacy. For many observers the best example of how not to proceed was

2
US public diplomacy under George W. Bush’s administration, infused with
corporate advertising and marketing approaches that were applied rather
simplistically to the complex world of transnational relations. Other
governments – particularly nations in transition such as the Central European
powers, which desired association with organizations like the EU and NATO
– were quick to incorporate public diplomacy in their foreign policy planning,
viewing it as instrumental in achieving their strategic purposes and interests.
This paper aims to help both students and practitioners think about
public diplomacy’s characteristics and modernization more clearly. It first
outlines criticisms levelled against public diplomacy, as well as some
implications of such criticisms. It then reviews some of the different states’
practices, and points out that the juxtaposition of traditional approaches and
the ‘new public diplomacy’ stifles thinking on its evolution. The paper
examines the public diplomacy of different types of actors, and how their
perspective has a bearing on their working relationship with states, so as to
point in directions where governments may be able to enhance their public
diplomacy potential. The challenge of cooperation between states and official
actors is contrasted with the potential of state collaboration with non-
governmental organizations, international business and civil society.
Box 1

Polylateralism: Diplomacy’s Third Dimension

Geoffrey Wiseman (2010) argues that the twentieth-century evolution of diplomatic
practice has resulted in a third dimension in the conduct of international relations, next
to the familiar bilateral and multilateral diplomacy. Polylateral diplomacy, or state–
non-state diplomacy, is equivalent to governments’ diplomatic cooperation with
transnational civil-society actors. Wiseman defines polylateralism as the ‘conduct of
relations between official entities (such as a state, several states acting together, or a
state-based international organization) and at least one unofficial, non-state entity in
which there is a reasonable expectation of systematic relationships, involving some form
of reporting, communication, negotiation and representation, but not involving mutual
recognition as sovereign, equivalent entities’ (Wiseman 2010: 24). This development
should not, however, be read as part of a supposed decline of the state in international
relations. The state is more resilient than is sometimes suggested and one should not
underestimate the innovative capacity of state-based diplomacy. A number of factors
contribute to state–non-state diplomacy. For example, strong democracies are more
likely than (semi-)authoritarian states to accommodate transnational civil society.
Transnationalism on low politics is more probable than on high political issues such as
security, and long-term transnational relations are more likely to produce success in
diplomacy than short-term campaigns.

The paper takes the view that public diplomacy flourishes in a ‘polylateral’
world of multiple actors (Wiseman 2010) in which the state remains highly
relevant in increasingly diverse international networks. Meanwhile, it
recognizes that in day-to-day practice, the role of government may be both

3
crucial and problematic, and that even public diplomacy itself may be less of
an option in certain international relationships. Finally, this paper’s advice to
practitioners and trainers is that much can be learnt outside their comfort
zone from how public diplomacy is practised in distinct organizational and
cultural settings. (See Box 1)

4
Critique versus acceptance

Most governments today embrace public diplomacy, at least publicly. Few, if

any, see it as a threat to more traditional diplomatic methods. Diplomats after
1945 became more accustomed to diplomacy opening up to society and, in
the words of Harold Nicolson referring to political leaders, ‘the fascination it
exercises upon the amateur’ (Craig 1952: 146). In their reminiscences,
diplomats heavily criticized the proliferation of summit meetings between
political leaders in the second half of the twentieth century (Melissen 2005),
but public diplomacy’s recent rise did not encounter similar resistance from
practitioners. Overt opposition might indeed have a boomerang effect as
public diplomacy empowers the public, at least in the democratic world. At a
time of growing civil discontent with government, official opinion seemingly
designed to curb the voice of the people would not go down well. Lip-service
to public diplomacy is thus de rigueur. Non-democratic countries, however,
are a special category. One might assume that they have more centralized
control over the image they want to project, yet the difficulty for authoritarian
governments lies in persuading foreign publics of something that their own
domestic public may not believe. Where unleashed public opinion is seen as a
threat to governmental control, the more enlightened variant of public
diplomacy is bound to meet scepticism.
Political correctness and professional survival instincts are silencing most
professional critics, who even tend to stay silent after retirement, as seen from
the absence of critiques in diplomatic memoirs. It is mostly in conversation,
sometimes in conference settings and only rarely in writing that one finds
practitioners who refuse to distinguish between propaganda and public
diplomacy. The dismissal of public diplomacy can rather be observed by it

5
being ignored in places and in policy areas where it should, arguably, be
debated. ‘Old School’ diplomats see it as a form of political advertising. They
do have a case, although only partly, when they mention that a host of
bilateral relationships leaves relatively little room for engagement with civil
society, as in authoritarian states.
The challenge of Western outreach to the Muslim world is squarely
confronted with the difficulty of making public diplomacy work in a public
environment that is not congenial to exchange and engagement of the wider
public (Van Doeveren 2011). The recent uprisings in Northern Africa and the
Middle East are presenting other governments with new, and equally
daunting, public diplomacy challenges. Theory and practice are sometimes
worlds apart in the world of public diplomacy. It is not always clear, even in
the closest bilateral relationships, when ambassadors’ actions become an
infringement upon the host country’s domestic affairs, thus violating the
Westphalian principle underpinning the society of states. Outside the
democratic world it is easier to find common appreciation of such limits than,
for instance, in Europe. The European Union has become a true laboratory
for public diplomacy experimentation, constantly pressing the boundaries of
what is acceptable diplomatic behaviour. Among EU member states, walking
the fine, invisible and undefined line between the acceptable and the
unacceptable may nevertheless be problematic, as governments encourage
ambassadors to engage in public debates in their host society. Examples
abound of ambassadors who have run into trouble with their own foreign
ministry, although many such incidents remain hidden from the public. Plus
ça change in diplomacy.
Criticism of public diplomacy is a healthy antidote in a field in which it is
seen to act as a force for good. First, the critique serves as a reminder that its
acceptance is not universal, although most academic writers sign up to a
broad ‘public diplomacy consensus’. Enough governments and individual
practitioners remain, however, that see public diplomacy as intrusive,
threatening and undermining their country’s stability. Second, the critique
invites broader reflection on how diplomacy is changing and how public
diplomacy is an expression of the changing relationship between the
diplomatic establishment and wider society, both at home and abroad.

6
Box 2

The ‘Old School’ Critique of Public Diplomacy

Sceptics among diplomatic practitioners see public diplomacy as interfering with ‘the
real job’. They coincide with a small cohort of traditionalists in diplomatic studies who
prefer to stick to the tried and tested methods of diplomacy. Traditionalists see public
diplomacy as a modern name for white propaganda – that is, propaganda admitting its
source, and directed mainly at foreign publics, but also at the domestic constituency.
Because this ‘fashionable practice’ is not really diplomacy in their view, traditionalists
consider public diplomacy a misnomer and a largely overrated or misunderstood activity
(Berridge 2010: 179, 183). In their assessment, diplomats and their political masters
know best how to conduct international affairs and therefore ‘the public ought to occupy
a position peripheral to diplomacy’ (Sharp 2009: 271). Such authors show no interest
in public diplomacy’s historical pedigree, or in forecasting the salience of this activity in
future international relations. This is also consistent with the traditionalist critique that
public diplomacy remains largely beyond its analytical horizon. Yet one annoying
reality for traditionalists is that the same foreign ministries that are at the centre of their
conception of diplomacy do regard public diplomacy as part of their toolbox.

7
‘New’ versus ‘old’ practice
– and beyond

The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 were the main trigger for the
global debate on public diplomacy. Students of public diplomacy were ready
for a fresh start, but had too little patience to learn from history, and a sense
that contemporary challenges in the global communication sphere had little in
common with the Cold War experience (Cull 2009). Without doing justice to
post-war experience, as reflected in some of the literature (Malone 1988;
Tuch 1990; Manheim 1994), public diplomacy revisionists were quick to
incorporate existing best practices in a ‘new public diplomacy’ model. Neither
public diplomacy nor propaganda were strangers to the post-1945 ideological
stand-off between East and West, the basic difference between the two being
that – unlike public diplomacy – propaganda is generally uninterested in
dialogue or any meaningful form of relationship-building. In the West, the US
government developed a great deal of public diplomacy expertise between the
1950s and late 1990s through the work of the United States Information
Agency (USIA), while European countries such as Germany and the United
Kingdom channelled part of their public diplomacy work through cultural
institutions like the Goethe Institut and the British Council. In the context of
a new Europe, Germany saw an immediate need to develop its public
diplomacy after the Federal Republic’s foundation, despite it being practised
under another name; its relations with neighbouring countries like France and
the Netherlands foreshadowed the later importance of public diplomacy in the
European Union. Late-twentieth-century Europe showed much variety in
public diplomacy practices, serving a range of economic, social and political

8
purposes. As distinct from lobbying, which is focused on policy-making
circles, public diplomacy aimed to influence broader opinion in foreign
societies. Some public diplomacy was defensive in nature, but countries also
took advantage of this tool to support their rise. The Netherlands, for
instance, started focusing on ethical issues such as euthanasia, or liberal
policies on soft drugs and homosexuality that, in the eyes of many foreigners,
were hallmarks of its overly permissive society, while Spain, after its transition
to democracy, started engaging foreign publics with its supposed modernity.
Post-September 2011, the normative call for a ‘new public diplomacy’
(Melissen 2005) was mostly based on a forward-looking analysis of evolving
practices in avant-garde countries in the transatlantic world. It was also,
however, a response to the political climate in which US diplomacy and
public diplomacy became traumatized by the ‘war on terror’ and dominated
by considerations of national security. The perceived need for updated public
diplomacy practices was generally based on a more liberal view of
international relations and a reaction to the United States’ approach, which
was dominated by security concerns and corporate practices. Outside North
America, it was much less common to view public diplomacy mainly in the
context of the threat of terrorism. Many practitioners saw public diplomacy’s
rise as a window to modernizing their profession. Inside government,
advocates of the ‘new public diplomacy’ saw the whole debate, and new
approach, as a way to help change a largely risk-averse and inward-looking
diplomatic culture when it came to dealings with the public. They criticized
existing government practices that conceived of ‘PD’ as mere information
work characterized by one-way communication to foreign publics and
relatively little leeway for embassies in their contacts with the foreign press.
In academia, meanwhile, a new generation of public diplomacy scholars,
with credentials in disciplines like history, politics, communication studies
and public relations, anticipated and proposed new forms of diplomatic
engagement in which contacts with foreign societies were no longer at the
periphery of diplomatic affairs. Outside government, the same think tank
researchers, academics and consultants who had initially been surprised by
public diplomacy’s emergence started acting as advisers to practitioners who,
in their view, needed to be enlightened about what was happening to their
profession. In North America and Europe, foreign ministries produced public
diplomacy manuals guiding their staff at overseas embassies through the
practicalities of public diplomacy work. Including references to public
diplomacy strategy, issues such as the question of prioritization, ‘lessons
learned’ and evaluation of policy, such documents have proven useful tools
for public diplomacy training as well as a reality check for advocates of the
‘new public diplomacy’ (Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2011).
Parallel to such in-house initiatives, practitioners’ seminars on public
diplomacy hosted by foreign ministries or other institutions became
opportunities for policy-sharing among countries. With their gradually

9
widening focus, they also contributed to broader reflection on the
modernization of diplomacy per se (Wilton Park 2010).
In the literature, interest in innovation or ‘newness’ in public diplomacy
did not bring much conceptual clarity to the debate. It did, however, remind
practitioners and policy-makers that public diplomacy today is increasingly
based on listening to ‘the other’, that it is about dialogue rather than
monologue, and is not just aimed at short-term policy objectives but also at
long-term relationship-building. A flood of books and articles conveyed a
growing consensus that governments’ legitimacy and credibility in an
increasingly transnational environment required a greater role for social
actors, and that public diplomacy was not just in the national interest but also
in the common interest (Melissen 2005; Annals of the American Academy of
Social and Political Science 2008; Snow and Taylor 2009). In Europe, which
was much less affected by the anti-terrorist leitmotiv than the United States,
public diplomacy focused on a variety of social concerns, including
immigration and integration, ethical issues, and cross-border environmental
and public health matters. Most initiatives were government-driven, but
public diplomacy in Western Europe did wake up to the importance of
contributions from civil society to strengthen such initiatives’ legitimacy.
Increasingly turning around transnational issues and debates, public
diplomacy thus started moving beyond the notion of being an inter-state
beauty contest. The somewhat old-fashioned idea of public diplomacy as a
form of country promotion and brand projection nevertheless survives today,
mainly in countries with limited experience and capacity in this field, as well
as the trade promotion and tourism sectors of most governments, but,
perhaps surprisingly, also in some advanced countries (Anholt 2007; Van
Ham 2008). The Swedish government, for instance, conceives of public
diplomacy as a sustained effort to develop Sweden’s brand identity, ‘Brand
Sweden’, which featured some remarkable innovations – notably the creation
of virtual meeting places – but is also based on a competitive conception of
the national interest that is still largely defined in economic terms (Pamment
2011: 175–218; Pamment 2011a).
The civil society dimension that is conspicuously present in state-of-the-
art public diplomacy in Europe and North America is traditionally less visible
outside the West, where public diplomacy is largely conceived in terms of
governmental national strategy. East Asia is particularly fascinated with soft
power and the question of how public diplomacy can help the national image
keep up with economic growth, counterbalance existing historical rivalries and
contribute to international regional community-building (Lee and Melissen
2011). China finds it hard to parade a storyline that is as powerful with
Western publics as the democracy/rule of law/human rights triad that is a
major soft-power resource for democratic states (d’Hooghe 2011; 2011a).
China’s public diplomacy style appears to sit rather uneasily with the evolving
concept of public diplomacy in Europe and North America, although it is less

10
constrained by such considerations in international relationships in the
developing world, where foreign aid and public diplomacy go hand in hand.
Lessons from public diplomacy as it unfolds in East Asia and other
cultural settings can only enrich an academic debate that has been largely
centred on Western traditions and practices. Academics and diplomats are
well advised to take a look at China’s experiences and those of other Asian
countries – just as Asians have learned, and are still learning, a great deal from
the West. (See Appendix 1 A Case Study with Learning Points from
East Asian Public Diplomacy).

11
States and international regions

It is hard to generalize about the public diplomacy of states, even in the

seemingly homogenizing European Union. In public diplomacy terms, the
United Kingdom and France, for instance, have professional cultures that
show as many differences as similarities. Also in Europe are (at the end of the
queue) Kosovo, and modern but fractured states like Belgium and Spain, with
powerful sub-state regions practising their own assertive public diplomacy.
Practices vary a great deal among countries, and can often be labelled as fairly
traditional communication and information. Old-style messaging, promotion
activities, nation-branding efforts based on corporate sector techniques and
highly centralized public diplomacy practices, however, do not exclude
governments from learning from the more enlightened principles of the ‘new
public diplomacy’. The challenges facing many young states, or those that
have gone through radical political and economic change, have taught
governments of such states that dealing with foreign publics is not as easy as it
seems and requires a degree of agreement of opinion at home. The
experiences of Central European states like Poland or the Slovak Republic,
for example, show how important a precondition of public diplomacy it is to
have a broad domestic consensus about national identity (Ociepka and
Ryniesjka, 2007; Szondi 2009). When different political factions have their
own reading of a country’s social and political history, the past can be an
obstacle to framing a future-oriented public diplomacy.
In the first decade of the twenty-first century, governments have made
noticeable progress by constructing a ‘self-learning’ national public diplomacy
system, in which best practices are shared, for instance among embassies in

12
the same region, and the level of expertise is upgraded by trial and error. The
effects of public diplomacy projects in some ‘PD’ avant-garde countries, such
as Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom, are also constantly
measured. Nonetheless, evaluation issues remain public diplomacy’s Achilles’
heel (Pamment 2011; Pahlavi 2007), and it is important to bear in mind that
meagre results have made the past decade a sobering experience for many.
The case of the United States’ popularity ratings going from bad to worse in
Pew Research Center polls is well known. Europeans have also learned the
lesson that the requirements of success go beyond the last word in public
outreach, modern management techniques and recalibrated administrative
procedures. Countries that have gone through image crises (the Netherlands
and Denmark), that have been severely affected by severe financial and
economic downturns (Ireland, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain), or that
have suffered serious reputational damage to their body politic (Italy and
some of the Balkan EU members) understand that progress in public
diplomacy is only made in small steps. In recent years most governments have
nevertheless increased their public diplomacy budget, yet often lacking clear-
cut proof that it has been working and in competition with other areas of
policy that usually have a stronger constituency. Expenses for public
diplomacy are modest in comparison with anything else in the foreign affairs
budget, not to speak of defence and intelligence budgets. The US State
Department’s expenditure on public diplomacy of one per cent of its total
budget perfectly illustrates how governments find it hard to put their money
where their mouth is – and the US percentage compares favourably with other
countries.
Where does all this leave public diplomacy within wider diplomatic
practice? Contributions to the study of public diplomacy from a number of
disciplines outside diplomatic studies do not assess public diplomacy in the
context of the conduct of international relations, of which it is an inalienable
part. One could take the view that public diplomacy and diplomacy are
merging into something new, as opposed to the conventional view that each is
driven by a different logic (Melissen 2012). In such an inclusive type of
diplomatic praxis, in which diplomacy and public diplomacy blend, public
diplomacy becomes epiphenomenal – that is, accompanying broader
developments in a morphed diplomacy. Traditionalist authors do not accept
that the increasing linkages between diplomatic institutions and domestic and
foreign societies contribute to diplomacy’s transmutation into a more
‘societized’ form of diplomacy. Ironically, however, such a change is a
palpable development in the day-to-day experience of people working inside
foreign ministries. Advocates of the ‘new public diplomacy’ have contributed
to our understanding of the practice by emphasizing and dissecting the novel
techniques of diplomatic relations with ‘others’. In the final analysis, the
revisionist juxtaposition of traditional and ‘new’ public diplomacy remains
unsatisfactory, however, as far as it fails to analyse its subject in the context of

13
overall change in diplomacy or conceptualizes public diplomacy as the
exclusive practice of states, linked to the ‘club’ model of diplomacy.
In a networked diplomacy model, the public variant of diplomacy is not
the prerogative of states, although states arguably remain the principal actors
in international society. It is hard to generalize about the public outreach of
states. On the European subcontinent alone, the likes of Liechtenstein,
Norway and Belarus share the same social space, as do Germany, France,
Montenegro and the Holy See. The public diplomacy of states can serve
many specific purposes. It may stem from their desire to be noticed by other
countries (or remain unnoticed for the darker side of their social reality) to
spreading universal values to others; from pressing economic concerns in a
climate of enhanced global competition to the ambition to deliver global
public goods; from building a line of defence against foreign criticism to
considerations of national strategy. Rising economic powers outside the West
see public diplomacy as a tool to help them move upwards on the global
league tables (Gilboa 2009; Cooper 2009). In an international environment of
tectonic power shifts, the intense interest in public diplomacy by the BRICs
(Brazil, Russia, India and China), the MIKTs (Mexico, Indonesia, South
Korea and Turkey) and other emerging economies in Latin America, Asia
and Africa can indeed be seen as an expression of the aspirations of the ‘rising
Rest’.
Public diplomacy’s rise outside the Western world throws up intriguing
questions, including how, apart from states, the international regions of which
states are members have entered the sphere of soft power. The public
diplomacy dynamics of regions in Latin America, East Asia or the Middle
East are sometimes strikingly different from those in North America and
Europe. Little comparative public diplomacy research has been undertaken
on such regions outside the Western world. One matter of dispute in many of
the world’s regions is that they have not yet sorted out their common
historical legacy in the way that Western Europe did after the Second World
War. The extent to which, for instance, France and Germany have locked
themselves into a common destiny and even educated their youth with the
same history books is a distant prospect for most other countries in the world.
Elsewhere, past differences tend to cast long shadows over bilateral relations,
reinforcing the tendency for political controversies to be played out by
‘megaphone diplomacy’. East Asia retains the issue of public hypersensitivity
of historical enemies Japan, South Korea and China, even though significant
improvements have been made In the Western hemisphere, economic risers
such as Brazil and Mexico are frustrated that overseas publics sometimes
stress the divisions in their societies rather than their economic successes. One
stark difference between East Asia and Latin America is that public diplomacy
in the Americas is more overtly competitive and political. An encouraging
development in East Asia, meanwhile, is a growing sense that, in the absence
of well-established multilateral structures, the potential for public diplomacy

14
to contribute to regional community-building is recognized. Such
developments in different parts of the world reveal how national public
diplomacy strategies can be tied up with regional power relations in ways that
contribute to international stability and transparency, a perspective that
deserves further scrutiny by practitioners and academics.
Apart from looking at public diplomacy in terms of its potential for
cooperation between states, public diplomacy coordination within states has
the potential to become a bone of contention between different departmental
interests. Governments like to speak with one voice, but national coordination
in public diplomacy is easier on governmental drawing boards than in the
reality of day-to-day bureaucratic infighting. Administrative arrangements
designed for coordination purposes rarely produce the desired results. Public
diplomacy strategy boards come and go, advisory councils tend to lead a
relatively marginal existence in the hands-on world of diplomacy, and
government departments’ rival interests make it hard to deliver the paper
reality of a ‘joined-up’ approach, as experienced even by countries with a
sophisticated public diplomacy. For starters, the public diplomacy perspective
of foreign ministries, defence departments (that generally speak of ‘strategic
communication’) and the ministry of economics (embracing the practice of
economic branding), respectively, tends to vary significantly.
Domestic coordination problems also complicate the informal
synchronization of countries’ public diplomacy. One example of such
international collaboration can be found in the streamlining of Western
policies towards the Islamic world in the interests of stimulating counter-
narratives that are meant to replace radical Islamist discourses. Yet structural
harmonization of public diplomacy policies is hard for individuals and
governments with mental maps that tend to contrast national interests.
Finally, an interesting public diplomacy variant is that democratic
governments sometimes undertake public diplomacy on behalf of autocrats
craving international support. Western European leaders like Tony Blair,
Gerhard Schröder and Jacques Chirac, who all paid tribute to Libyan leader
Muammar Gaddafi, must have realized they did just that when they visited
Tripoli’s eccentric dictator. In a similar vein, US President Obama’s historic
2009 speech in Cairo on relations between the West and the Islamic world
was read as a tacit tribute to Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s ‘last Pharaoh’. Today’s
massive political changes in Libya and Egypt do not, of course, bring an end
to Western public diplomacy in Northern Africa and the Middle East. Rather,
Western public diplomacy will have to address the greater challenge of
working with a turbulent civil society instead of the countries’ former leaders
and their cronies.

15
Collaboration beyond the state

The processes and purposes of international organizations’ public diplomacy

are different from those undertaken by the states that comprise them.
National public diplomacy depends largely on the work of embassies, but
most international organizations see public diplomacy more as a centrally
directed communication effort. Some have ambitious communication units,
such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s Public Diplomacy Division
at NATO’s Brussels headquarters. Other international organizations have
woken up to their public diplomacy mission more recently, sometimes as a
result of reorientation of their mission, or have just started looking beyond the
circle of their traditional institutional stakeholders, such as the Organization
for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in The Hague.
Some of the larger organizations with regional membership, such as
NATO or the EU, now see public diplomacy as an existential necessity. They
focus a great deal of their public outreach, however – indeed the lion’s share
of their communication work – on internal audiences. NATO’s outreach to its
treaty area electorates aims to muster support for its revamped organization
and missions, while an important EU focus is promoting an EU identity and
inculcating EU citizens in the rather distant objective of Union citizenship.
Beyond their membership, NATO’s and the EU’s public diplomacy efforts
are aimed at demonstrating their coherence as an international actor, as well
as their contribution as global norm entrepreneurs. In addition, the EU has
developed some collaborative public diplomacy initiatives that are breaking
new ground: one is the so-called EUNIC scheme, which aims to overcome
the diminishing returns of parallel national programmes and aims at
cooperation among several European countries’ cultural institutes, such as the

16
Alliance Française, the Instituto Cervantes and the British Council; the other
is the highly ambitious European External Action Service (EEAS), the EU’s
own diplomatic service to spread the Union’s influence through a wide
network of ‘embassies’ called external delegations. These are early examples
of a kind of supranational collaborative public diplomacy that is likely to
develop gradually during the twenty-first century, as long as it serves greater
efficiency without eroding the national profile of member states.
The question of cooperation between states and different types of sub-
state actors, especially cities and regions, is of an entirely different nature.
Cities increasingly stress their own representative interests and concerns
about image and reputation. They are open to coordinating their public
relations activities with states when there is a mutually perceived need.
Typically, such coordination is an extension of joint lobbying in favour of
common objectives, as is the case with joint bidding for milestone events such
as the Olympic Games or World Expo, or when trying to attract the
headquarters of international organizations or major non-governmental
organizations (NGOs). By contrast, the independent foreign projects and
activities of cities in fields such as overseas development, post-conflict
reconstruction or collaboration with their immigrant populations’ countries of
origin are perhaps more likely to interfere with the national government’s
foreign policy. What also stands in the way of such state–sub-state
collaboration is the clash of professional cultures. Local civil servants may be
worldly-wise, but usually operate in circles that are markedly different from
the specific habitat of diplomats hovering around national, foreign and
diplomatic spheres. Still, overlapping interests between national and local
governments, in particular big cities, suggest that there is sufficient scope for
cooperation. Foreign ministries would be wise to see the advantages of
informal international networks that are cultivated by local governments
(Wang 2006). Moreover, individual contacts – the proverbial ‘last three feet’ –
in local communities will reinforce outreach to a level of society that is less
familiar ground for those operating in national circles.
Public diplomacy collaboration between states and regions is an entirely
different story. In federal states, regions with special competences in
economic, cultural and educational fields are investing heavily in public
diplomacy. Some, such as Quebec in Canada or Catalonia in Spain, have
been active in cultural and public diplomacy for decades. In the absence of
the trappings of statehood, regions striving for international recognition attach
exceptional importance to public diplomacy. Regional public diplomacy is
often about identity and ‘nation-building’, and the domestic dimension of
such regions’ public diplomacy is well developed. Manifestations of sub-state
regional public diplomacy can also be found in authoritarian countries like
Russia and China, which, interestingly, give carefully controlled leeway in
foreign affairs to regional authorities to help strengthen the reputation and
legitimacy of the central government (Albina 2010; Chen et al. 2010).

17
 In the tug-of-war between regional and national governments in parts of
the Western world, public diplomacy has become a complex affair. Some
federal states find it hard to harmonize regional and national public
diplomacy narratives into one seamless whole. Public diplomacy collaboration
between sub-state regional and national governments is not necessarily
politically sensitive, as can be seen in federal states like Mexico or Australia,
but examples also point in a contrary direction. One would, for instance,
expect the priority capital cities to be targeted by Scotland’s and Catalonia’s
public diplomacy to be London and Madrid, but this does not wash with
these two regions’ political elites. In many other places, emotions do not tend
to run so high, but the public diplomacy of regions seems overall to be more
supplementary than complementary to that of the state. In the knowledge that
they are usually better known at home than abroad, regions have to navigate
between public diplomacy cooperation with the national government and
presenting an alternative to it. The fact that the countries of which they are a
component part are more visible on the international stage, and that some of
the more powerful regions feel purposefully neglected by ‘club’ diplomacy,
has no doubt prompted their often zealous commitment to an independent
regional public diplomacy.
Comparisons of best practices and policy transfers on public diplomacy
are nowadays widespread and traverse different levels of governance, but
actual cooperation among international organizations, national governments,
and regional and local authorities encounters various kinds of resistance.
Coordination difficulties and differences in organizational culture are evident,
and progress in this field is therefore likely to be slow. This can be contrasted
with public–private cooperation between national governments and NGOs, or
government and international business. State–NGO collaboration in the field
of public diplomacy has been well researched. A variety of cases, including
those leading to the Ottawa Treaty (Williams, Wareham and Goose 2008)
and the creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC), are well
documented. Mobilizing international support in such coalitions generally
takes place in a short-term campaign that bears little resemblance to
conventional multilateral diplomacy. Contacts between some governments
and a number of reputable NGOs have even turned into structural exchange
relationships. With the rising number of NGOs and fast-growing
transnational links, a dynamic form of collaborative diplomacy is emerging
that stands in contrast with the rather more stale MFA aim of official policy
coordination. In the small but growing number of countries where such
practices are becoming common, the initiative is by no means reserved to
governments. Non-state actors’ public diplomacy in multiple transnational
networks is taking this further, with civil-society organizations and citizens as
participants at the centre of events. This type of public diplomacy has
surfaced in European relations with the Middle East, where the absence of

18
success with more conventional approaches has led governments to risk
experimenting by keeping government officials in the background.
Finally, three forms of public diplomacy that require a brief mention are:
public–private partnerships between government and business; citizen
diplomacy; and the domestic dimension of public diplomacy. All three push
the boundaries of public diplomacy’s traditional conception. Governments
can learn a great deal from corporate-sector practices in areas such as
marketing, public relations and branding. International business relations now
deserve more attention from practitioners in the context of public diplomacy.
Large companies, employers’ organizations and international chambers of
commerce have become more conscious of the importance of national image
and the cultivation of nations’ economic brands. A series of Western countries
that suffered from image crises has seen business willingly step up to the plate
in this matter. Second, voluntary public diplomacy in the guise of (more or
less) independent citizens’ contributions to international understanding
(Sharp 2001; Mueller 2006) seems far removed from the contributions made
by business. Both cases, however, reflect a belief that private initiatives can
assist in developing a kind of public diplomacy that is not only less
government-driven, but ultimately also more effective. A more conceptual
question for continuing debate is whether it is appropriate to refer to such
private forms of international engagement as ‘diplomacy’. Third, the same
applies to the assumption that governmental engagement with the domestic
public is part of a nation’s overall public diplomacy effort, as it employs
similar communication techniques and its public outreach activities have
much in common with those of classical public diplomacy aimed at foreign
publics. Building on the asset of an active civil society, the domestic
dimension of public diplomacy is not just an attractive proposition, but in the
eyes of governments in, for example, neighbouring Australia and Indonesia
already a fact of modern diplomatic life.

19
 Box 3

Domestic Publics and the Case for a Holistic Public Diplomacy

The difference between public diplomacy aimed at overseas public opinion and
at domestic outreach is defined by the public, but their separation can be
questioned in an interconnected, online and highly mobile world of global
citizens, diasporas and expatriates. The domestic body of citizens becomes
increasingly heterogeneous, with more connections to key segments of other
countries’ populations. Citizen diplomacy and ‘domestic’ public diplomacy
have a people-to-people approach in common, but the state’s role and the link
to foreign policy content are more prominent in domestic public diplomacy.
Domestic groups and citizens are seen as the government’s potential partners.
In such a conception, the support of ‘at home’ citizens for international policy
choices is a precondition for effective public diplomacy abroad. International
messages must resonate at home, and a society’s projected image must be
embedded in its identity to be credible to foreign publics.
Not everyone agrees that public diplomacy can be for domestic consumption.
Partly because of bureaucratic considerations, governments do not always
acknowledge domestic outreach as part of their public diplomacy strategy, but
they often approach their ‘corporate communication’ as such. Opponents also
advise that public diplomacy should be protected from interference by political
actors looking for votes, and that domestic outreach cannot be a cure-all for
dissension and discord within a society.

20
Conclusion

From the perspective of diplomatic studies, one premise of this analysis is that
public diplomacy can only be understood if analysed in the context of change
in the wider process of diplomatic practice. One interesting observation here
in the recent evolution of public diplomacy is that public diplomacy is
becoming less national, not only in terms of the actors involved but even
when considering the themes that states pick to tell ‘their story’. National
governments always have their own interests in mind but, when practising
public diplomacy, they increasingly emphasize common interests as well as
global public goods. Meanwhile, non-state and particularly non-official actors
play an increasingly large role in public diplomacy. In practice as it is
unfolding now, non-state actors can acquire the capacity to act as initiators of
public diplomacy, but even ‘new public diplomacy’, or a morphed variant of
diplomacy that includes public diplomacy, does not do away with the role of
government. Interestingly, public diplomacy at the beginning of the twenty-
first century is moving away from a straightforward promotional perspective.
Governments perceive public diplomacy more as a form of diplomatic
engagement as well as part of a broader collaboration with other actors,
although working with some is easier than synchronizing aims and activities
with others.
Perhaps the greatest chasm between the perspective on public diplomacy
of practitioners and early twenty-first century scholars is that scholars
implicitly play down the connection between public diplomacy and power in
international relations. Scholars who are intrigued by the ‘new public

21
diplomacy’ tend to concentrate more on public diplomacy techniques and
they seem to have a tacit consensus that public diplomacy is ‘a good thing’.
The discussion in this paper suggests that among a variety of actors,
across cultures and regardless of the extant political structures, public
diplomacy has been accepted to such a degree that one could speak of a
global ‘public diplomacy consensus’. Head-on critiques of public diplomacy
are rare in public diplomacy studies, and are seldom voiced openly by
practitioners. Yet critiques should be welcomed, by academics and also by
trainers who want to simulate real-life situations. Similarly, one should keep
in mind that the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ co-exist. Patterns of post-modern
evolution in certain parts of the world cannot be extrapolated mechanically to
places and actors that are trying to familiarize themselves with the basics.
Many states are indeed still struggling to get their public diplomacy act
together, in spite of the fact that exceptional individual talents can be found
anywhere. It would also be rash to overlook the fact that there are still
numerous governments and individuals around that regard the public
diplomacy activities of others as an intrusion in their domestic affairs. These
diplomats or politicians would do well to accept and embrace public
diplomacy as inevitable in international relations, before learning about it the
hard way.
More systematic comparative analysis between actors and across cultures
would highlight the different objectives that public diplomacy serves and
provide an opportunity to look more carefully at the nexus between power
and public diplomacy. Research on its practice in different regions around the
world might yield interesting results for governments that would benefit from
thinking harder about public diplomacy in collaborative instead of strictly
competitive terms. Moreover, comparing different types of actors in public
diplomacy would be instructive for forward-looking diplomats. Recent
practice shows more evidence than previously of not-state-initiated public
diplomacy.
This paper proposes the idea that public diplomacy collaboration
between states and non-official actors is probably more flexible and results-
oriented than states and official non-state entities working independently.
This could be seen as a symptom of a rising collaborative public diplomacy,
boiling down to more official cooperation with non-state actors and greater
involvement by civil society. Such a development presupposes the acceptance
of less governmental control in public diplomacy. Recent trends in this field
do in fact bid farewell to the ‘club’ model of diplomacy, on the assumption
that meaningful ‘connections to others’ in a network of international
relationships will ultimately bear more fruit.

22
Appendix 1
A Case Study with Learning Points from
East Asian Public Diplomacy ∗ )

Some features of East Asian public diplomacy deserve attention in the West.
Taking the risk of generalization, the logic of soft power and public
diplomacy in East Asia shows a fascinating picture. First, there appears to be
a more strategic perspective on public diplomacy than has been observable in
the West. This is probably part of an intrinsically Asian approach that
attaches more importance to the long haul than to correcting short-term
damage to national reputations. Second, the public diplomacies of the East
Asian powers look as if they are increasingly based on a concept of soft power
that is relational, that is less initiated by one actor and working in a single
direction. East Asians are coming to terms with the fact that soft power is not
composed of a mere set of properties that can be projected unilaterally by
means of public diplomacy, and in this respect they are also benefiting from
largely Western debates on public diplomacy. A number of East Asian
countries also recognize the merits of a public diplomacy with a regional
dimension. The importance of more diffuse communication and socialization
processes in East Asia should not be underestimated, and public diplomacy

∗
) Extract from Jan Melissen (2011), ‘Concluding Reflections on Soft Power and Public
Diplomacy in East Asia’, in Lee and Melissen (eds), Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in
East Asia, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

23
may have the capacity to assist in regional community-building and
cooperation. Democratic countries such as Japan, South Korea and Indonesia
have public diplomacy strategies based on shared values and a preference for
multilateralism. Public diplomacy may therefore have potential beyond
national image and reputation. Normative power based on legitimacy receives
more attention than the affective soft-power dimension that is based on
attraction. Finally, public diplomacy’s domestic dimension is no oxymoron
for East Asians. Countries like China and Indonesia, for instance,
acknowledge that public diplomacy has a distinctly introspective dimension,
and that a nation’s soft power is related to its self-perceptions and confidence
in its own institutions.
The experiences of individual East Asian countries are noteworthy for
practitioners elsewhere:
China is going through a difficult stage of diplomatic adaptation to its
rapidly rising great-power status. In a world of ever-growing transnational
relations, China’s centralized public diplomacy style sits rather uneasily with
the evolving concept of public diplomacy.
The Achilles’ tendon of Tokyo’s soft power in East Asia remains its
wartime history. At the same time, it has become clear that Japan’s dedication
to a distinctly liberal, values-based public diplomacy helped Tokyo to tackle
Japan’s soft-power predicament.
Emerging powers like South Korea and Indonesia need public diplomacy
to help tackle their lack of self-confidence in relatively young democratic
institutions. The Indonesian example shows how countries in transition can
be effective in developing a public diplomacy that supports strategic policy
objectives overseas, while underlining the appositeness of public diplomacy in
one’s own civil society for purposes of national cohesion.
The case of Taiwan shows the demonstrative potential of its democratic
political system. State-based public diplomacy can be ruled out in cross-Strait
relations, but a range of social actors that engage with China do enhance
Taiwan’s soft power on the Chinese mainland.

24
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Ten years into the twenty-first century, this short survey of current developments
and trends in public diplomacy attests to a growing recognition of the importance of Beyond the New Public Diplomacy
diplomatic engagement with people. Governments realize that their country’s overseas
attractiveness requires reaching out to transnational civil society, and think tanks and
universities quickly understood that they could have a say in this.
More than five years after the publication of The New Public Diplomacy (2005), Jan
Melissen takes a fresh look at public diplomacy’s evolution, in the Western world
and beyond. His reflections on the subject recognize the potential and the limitations
of public diplomacy, and Melissen places its practice in the context of fundamental
change in the wider process of diplomacy. This paper helps governments to think
critically about a key aspect of today’s diplomatic practice, as well as summarizing
Jan Melissen
lessons learned during the past decade.

Jan Melissen is Director of the Diplomatic Studies Programme and Head of Asia Clingendael Paper No. 3
Studies at the Clingendael Institute in the Netherlands. He is also a Professor of
Diplomacy at the University of Antwerp in Belgium, founding Co-Editor of The Hague
Journal of Diplomacy, and editor of the Diplomatic Studies book series of Martinus
Nijhoff. His most recent co-edited books are Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East
Asia (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), Consular Affairs and Diplomacy (Martinus Nijhoff,
2011), and Economic Diplomacy (Martinus Nijhoff, 2011).

Nederlands Instituut voor Internationale Betrekkingen

Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Clingendael

Published by Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael,

P.O. Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands.
Telephone: +31 (0)70 3245384.
Email: clingendaelpapers@clingendael.nl

This series can be downloaded from www.clingendael.nl/publications.

 POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND THINK
TANKS IN SPAIN. STRATEGIES WITH THE
MEDIA
Comunicación política y think tanks en España.
Estrategias con los medios de comunicación
Antonio Castillo-Esparcia, Sergio Guerra-Heredia and Ana Almansa-Martínez
Nota: Este artículo se puede leer en español en:
https://recyt.fecyt.es/index.php/EPI/article/view/59543

Antonio Castillo-Esparcia is a professor at the Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación de la Uni-

versidad de Málaga. PhD and graduate of the Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona (UAB); author
of more than 130 national and international publications on public relations, strategic communica-
tion, lobbies and think tanks; co-director of the R&D project of the Ministerio de Economía: Lobby
and communication.
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9751-8628
acastilloe@uma.es

Sergio Guerra-Heredia is a researcher at the Universidad de Málaga (UMA). He holds a degree in

Advertising and Public Relations from the UMA and is the author of publications on think tanks
and their communication actions. Promoter of a project on the study and analysis of think tanks in
Latin America and their communication strategies
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5324-6555
seguerr25@hotmail.com

Ana Almansa-Martínez is a professor at the Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación at the Uni-

versidad de Málaga (UMA). PhD in Communication from the UMA and graduate of the Universi-
dad Autónoma de Barcelona (UAB); author of over 100 national and international publications on
communication management, public relations, political communication and ICT; co-director of the
R&D project of the Ministerio de Economía: Lobby and communication.
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0256-6369
anaalmansa@uma.es

Universidad de Málaga, Facultad de Comunicación

Campus de Teatinos, s/n. 29071 Málaga, Spain

Abstract
Think tanks have become increasingly important as political players in Spain having grown in both quantity and quality, and
with greater social, political and communicative presence. This research analyses the presence of think tanks in Spanish
main newspapers. Six principal general information newspapers and two economic information newspapers from 2012 to
2016 were analysed, using the content analysis method. Variables analysed include name and type of think tank, type of
content (information or opinion) and communication technique used to give them journalistic presence. The results show
that El país is the newspaper that provides more information about think tanks, and FAES is the think tank with the greatest
presence in newspapers.
Keywords
Think tanks; Strategic communication; Political communication; Newspapers; Media.

Manuscript received on 9-3-2017

Accepted on 27-4-2017

706 El profesional de la información, 2017, julio-agosto, v. 26, n. 4. eISSN: 1699-2407

 Political communication and think tanks in Spain. Strategies with the media

Resumen
Los think tanks han adquirido una creciente importancia como actores políticos en España con un aumento en número y en
calidad, y con una mayor presencia social, política y comunicativa. Esta investigación analiza la presencia de los think tanks
en los diarios de referencia de España. Para ello, se estudian los seis principales diarios de información general y los dos
principales diarios de información económica en los años 2012 a 2106. Se ha utilizado la técnica del análisis de contenido,
revisando todo el contenido redaccional estructurado en variables como el nombre y tipo de think tank, el tipo de conte-
nido (información u opinión) y la técnica de comunicación que le ha permitido tener presencia periodística. Los resultados
muestran que el diario El país es el que más informaciones ofrece sobre los think tanks, y que el FAES es el que tiene mayor
presencia periodística en los diarios.
Palabras clave
Think tanks; Estrategias de comunicación; Comunicación política; Diarios; Periódicos.

Castillo-Esparcia, Antonio; Guerra-Heredia, Sergio; Almansa-Martínez, Ana (2017). “Political communication and think
tanks in Spain. Strategies with the media”. El profesional de la información, v. 26, n. 4, pp. 706-713.
https://doi.org/10.3145/epi.2017.jul.14

1. Introduction - in a broader sense, this influence would be the power to

Political communication plays an essential role in the flow of
communication between the various political actors. It has
traditionally focused on the role of institutions, political par-
ties and the media. However these political actors are being
joined by new ones that perform activities with high impact
on public policies. These arise from a double conjunction of
gradual state ownership of society, and the socialisation of
the State. This means that the decisions of institutions have
significant bearing on social processes through norms and
regulations, but at the same time, social organisations come
together and participate in the implementation processes
of public policies.
1.1. Think tank concept
“Think tank” is an English term that has been translated into
Spanish as:
- tanques de pensamiento (tanks of thought)
- centros de investigación (research centres)
- laboratorios de ideas (laboratory of ideas)
The diversity of terms used to define think tanks allows the
grouping of social organisations that research various to-
pics, in order to present proposals that lead to political ac-
tion. Those think tanks created from ideas and not for profit,
in most cases, are defined by Castillo-Esparcia as:
“entities that, through research and analysis, put
forward proposals for political action and direct or in-
direct communication strategies to influence public opi-
nion” (Castillo-Esparcia, 2009).
For Rich (2004, p. 11), they are independent, non-political
and non-profit organisations that, based on experience and
ideas, try to influence, in particular, the process of policy
making.
Stone (1996) also thinks that think tanks exert their influen-
ce on policy formulation:
- in a concrete sense, he defines this influence as its direct
impact on legislation or the decisions of the government
in particular;
change the consensus or to preserve the current climate
of opinion.
Montobbio points out that think tanks, as political actors,
share key characteristics that define them even more clearly
when it comes to participating in political processes:
“Think tanks are an instrument of soft power, to ar-
gue, convince, and influence public opinion - directly or
through the media - in other think tanks, government,
institutions and actors of the political system involved in
policy-making, as well as in other relevant national and
international actors” (Montobbio, 2013, p. 22).
Stone (2007, pp. 4-14) has identified three roles of think
tanks:
- to transmit knowledge and information among diverse ac-
tors in the political and social arena;
- to serve the public interest;
- to think (‘think tanks think’).
In think tank studies, almost all researchers agree that the
concept is ambiguous, complex, and determined by several
political factors in the system in which they are created. The
researchers conclude that their definition always implies
multiple and sometimes adverse consequences for empi-
rical studies (Abelson 2001; 2006; Stone, 1996; McGann,
2014; Xifra, 2008; Medvetz, 2008). As Medvetz puts it:
“(…) the fundamental problem is that the central con-
cept is fuzzy, mutable, and contentious. As Simon James
aptly noted in 1998, ‘Discussion of think tanks… has a
tendency to get bogged down in the vexed question
of defining what we mean by ‘think tank’ –an exercise
which often degenerates into futile semantics’” (Med-
vetz, 2008, p. 1).
Recent definitions of think tanks are determined by the con-
textual aspects of social, political and cultural nature. These
are so important in the present, and are the result of the
political systems and institutional characteristics of these
organisations. This contextual aspect shows that the most
recent definitions have evolved alongside the systems in
which they were established. According to Stone:

El profesional de la información, 2017, julio-agosto, v. 26, n. 4. eISSN: 1699-2407 707

Antonio Castillo-Esparcia, Sergio Guerra-Heredia and Ana Almansa-Martínez
“Think tanks are independent or private policy research
organisations present in increasing numbers around the
world. More often than not, think tanks are established
as non-profit organisations. When they operate interna-
tionally, they are usually categorised as non-state actors
in global and regional politics. Within the nation-state,
they are more often described as third sector organisa-
tions emerging from civil society” (Stone, 2005, p. 2).
From the studies of Abelson (2001), Haass (2002) and Wea-
ver (1989), three main periods can be identified, marking
their progression from university, through advisory func-
tions to government, to activism in the international arena:
a) Until the beginning of the XX century and within the fra-
mework of university research with a strictly investigative
function in the pursuit of basic knowledge.
b) Since the Second World War, with focus on technical
issues in warlike conflicts, and continuing within the fra-
mework of US hegemony in the international sphere.
c) The 1970s is the backdrop for the third evolutionary pha-
se of these organisations, which result from the multiplica-
tion of national and international social organisations.
In the late 1960s, McGann, Viden, and Rafferty (2014, p. 21)
found an expansion in both the number of think tanks and
their ideological drive, specialisation, and level of politicisa-
tion. The ideas and the participants in this era are changing
and debates start -on one hand about the integrity of public
processes and debates, and on the other hand, about think
tanks themselves, in reference to their independence, ope-
rational autonomy and academic freedom (McGann; Saba-
tini, 2011; McGann; Johnson, 2006; Stone; Denham, 2004;
Stone; Denham; Garnett, 1998).
McGann and Weaver (2009) focus on the existence of four
basic types of think tanks:
- Academic: university without students;
- Specialised research centres with contract researchers;
- Advocacy think tanks;
- Party think tanks.
To this classification Abelson (2006, pp. 47-48) adds two
types:
- Policy clubs;
- Vanity or Legacy based think tanks.
1.2. The role of communication in think tanks
Taking these definitions of think tanks as a starting point,
their power as an actor lies in “the formulation and promo-
tion of ideas as a dominant paradigm” (Montobbio, 2013,
pp. 14-15, p.18). The role of creation and participation in
public debate does not only refer to the capacities of think
tanks to configure or remodel it, but also in their role as in-
terlocutor or idea broker (Smith, 1991; McGann; Viden; Ra-
fferty, 2014), or as Urrutia points out:
“Creating a space for dialogue between governments
and civil society and playing a mediating role. Equally,
think tanks are conceived as strategic platforms for poli-
tical parties “(Urrutia, 2013, p.1).
Wiarda (2008, p. 100) recognizes that this role of connec-
708 El profesional de la información, 2017, julio-agosto, v. 26, n. 4. eISSN: 1699-2407
ting research with politics is especially important, in what
he calls knowledge broker. He considers the ability of think
tanks to produce knowledge to be their source of public
power:
“The think tanks thus perform liaison functions. They
sift and filter the academic research for ideas that are
useful and will ´fly´ in a policy sense. (…) Then it is the
job of the think tank scholars to translate the genera-
lly abstract prose in which academics write into terms
that a policymaker can deal with. They must cut out the
theory, the ‘conceptual framework,’ and the models and
put the knowledge and information contained in the
scholarly papers into concrete, practical language and
recommendations” (Wiarda, 2008, p. 100).
Think tanks perform communication functions within their
political roles (centred above all on influence) and social ro-
les (education and information):
1. To be organisations that prepare and serve as recruitment
centres for administration and government personnel, since
they are accustomed to researching and working on issues
that affect organisations.
2. To be centres of convergence on certain topics and objec-
tives that specialists investigate in depth. This gives them a
growing specialisation in the fields in which they operate.
3. To generate research places by adding their own resear-
chers and guests.
4. To evaluate the actions, programs and policies of govern-
ment agencies.
5. To raise public awareness of certain issues upon publica-
tion of their investigations.
6. To train researchers and intellectuals through courses.
Some think tanks organise graduate programs aimed at in-
tellectuals and future politicians.
7. To propose and advise on the formation and formulation
of immediate public policies of governmental action.
8. To serve as centres of ideas and proposals for action in
the medium and long term.
9. To defend the ideological hypotheses of the entity throu-
gh reports and studies.
The think tanks also carry out communications and public
relations activities: dissemination of scientific outputs, orga-
nisation of events (conferences, workshops, seminars, and
briefings), media appearances, presentations, networking
and exchange, and support for the creation and expansion
of talented human resources (McGann; Johnson, 2006; Cas-
tillo-Esparcia; Almansa-Martínez; Smolak-Lozano, 2015).
Stone indicates that these also adopt a protective role of
the democratic system:
“It is not unusual to see some think tanks adopt the
mantle of protectors of the principles and philosophies
underlying democratic societies. Furthermore, it is of-
ten in their interests to do so, especially when seeking
grants or aid from foundations or foreign donor agen-
cies keen to promote civil society development” (Stone,
2007, p. 162).
 Political communication and think tanks in Spain. Strategies with the media
Parrilla, Almiron and Xifra warn that:
“The lack of transparency with regard to private dona-
tions, exhibited by the largest think tanks with the grea-
test capacity to exert influence cannot be ignored”.
Think tanks “are consistently linked with political (gover-
nment and party) actors, economics actors, academics
and, to a lesser extent, the media” (Parrilla; Almiron;
Xifra, 2016, p. 355).
In this sense, this research seeks to determine the presence
of Spanish think tanks in the media and the degree of media
exposure to their communicative strategies.
2. Methodology
We will analyse the presence of think tanks in the media
as one of their communication activities. Media presence
provides the possibility to stand as reference actors, and to
obtain a mark of specialisation in a specific subject. This in
essence allows them to be legitimate players in the formu-
lation and formation of public opinion in relevant issues,
which are the subject of public discussion.
In order to carry out the media analysis, the decision was
made to study the presence of think tanks in the main Spa-
nish newspapers since these are one of the sources of infor-
mation for social, political and economic elites. As such, six
general information (El país, ABC, El mundo, La vanguardia,
El periódico de Catalunya and La razón) and two economic
information newspapers (Expansión and Cinco días) have
been revised. A total of 33 think tanks were analysed that
cover all those that maintain media presence and have an
organised communication structure.
A period of five years was studied: from 2012 to 2016, ac-
counting for the presence of think tanks in any editorial area
and in any of the journalistic formats (information, opinion,
reports, chronicles, etc.). The result is 8,493 journalistic
spaces in the eight newspapers cited. The 4 objectives have
been:
O1: To find out the newspaper that most echoes the ac-
tivities of think tanks.
O2: To discover which think tanks have greater media
presence.
O3: To study the journalistic genres with more insights
on the actions of think tanks, whether it be news, opi-
nion or interviews.
O4: To analyse the type of activity of think tanks with
more newspaper presence, such as the presentation of
documents, organisation of events, holding of conferen-
ces, awarding of prizes...
These objectives allow the creation of an x-ray of the pre-
sence of think tanks in Spanish newspapers, the degree of
exposure of each medium and the type and modality of the
communicative activity of think tanks.
3. Results
Table 1 shows the number of occurrences of the 33 think
tanks taken into account in the newspapers analysed.
El profesional de la información, 2017, julio-agosto, v. 26, n. 4. eISSN: 1699-2407
Faes (Foundation for Analysis and Social Studies) is the think
tank with the largest presence in the newspapers analysed
with 1,682 spaces, followed by Funcas with 1,666 and Cír-
culo de Economía (812). There is an overwhelming control
of those dedicated to the analysis of economy from an ex-
clusively business perspective, since 6 of the first 10 have
been created by entrepreneurs or financed by big com-
panies like Funcas (Foundation of the Savings Banks), Cír-
culo de Economía, Instituto de Estudios Económicos, Fedea
(Foundation for the Study of Applied Economics), Círculo de
Empresarios and Cotec. Likewise, in the top ten we find two
think tanks analysing the social perspective from a conser-
vative point of view (Faes) and progressive dimension (Fun-
dación Alternativas). Finally, the Real Instituto Elcano is also
present, specialising in the analysis of the international situ-
ation.
Of the 33 think tanks, the majority (12) specialise in mul-
tiple topics, or are generalists. Eleven focus their activity on
the analysis of economic reality and make proposals in this
field, 7 analyse the international context and 3 are associ-
ated with political and social behaviours.
The newspaper providing most media coverage of the think
tanks analysed is El país with 2,496 spaces (30% of all infor-
mation collected). The second is the ABC newspaper with
1,628 texts (19.16% of the total) and the third is the eco-
nomic newspaper Expansión with 994 articles (11.7%).
If we look at the three main think tanks that appear in the
newspapers we find the following data:
- El país: Funcas, Faes and Real Instituto Elcano.
- ABC: Faes, Funcas and Instituto de Estudios Económicos.
- El mundo: Faes, Funcas and Real Instituto Elcano.
- La vanguardia: Funcas, Cidob and Círculo de Economía.
- El periódico de Cataluña: Funcas, Instituto de Estudios
Económicos, Cidob.
- La razón: Faes, Círculo de Economía and Real Instituto El-
cano.
- Expansión: Funcas, Círculo de Economía and Faes.
- Cinco días: Funcas, Faes and Instituto de Estudios Econó-
micos.
Economic think tanks have a permanent and constant news-
paper presence. So we find Funcas, Círculo de Economía and
Instituto de Estudios Económicos, shaping a communicative
ecosystem with a constant societal presence through their
newspaper appearances.
One of the inherent elements of think tanks is the degree
of specialisation of their research, so their presence in the
newspapers is to provide opinions as experts on the perti-
nent topics. In consequence, those who have the highest
percentage of participation with opinion or analysis articles
are Fundación Alternativas, Cidob and Fride with about 33%
of their appearances in the newspapers.
Exploiting the legitimacy of the newspaper to expose po-
sitions and analyses as experts gives these think tanks the
ability to be consulted on the topic they analyse and to be
representative of that field. In this sense, out of the three
think tanks that achieved greater presence as experts, two
709
Antonio Castillo-Esparcia, Sergio Guerra-Heredia and Ana Almansa-Martínez

Table 1. Distribution of news from think tanks in each newspaper

La El Cinco
Think tanks ABC El mundo El país La razón Expansión Total
vanguardia periódico días

Centre d’Estudis Jordi Pujol 3 1 1 10 6 2 - - 23

Centro de Estudios Políticos y

44 40 45 10 13 41 7 - 200
Constitucionales
Centro Internacional de Toledo
7 6 41 4 4 10 3 - 75
para la Paz
Cidob 11 4 64 78 36 5 198

Círculo de Economía 78 86 235 45 19 138 157 54 812

Círculo de Empresarios 72 17 70 9 5 10 37 37 257

Civismo 33 31 5 1 1 6 27 6 110

Cotec 47 23 37 6 2 25 23 45 208

Faes 435 202 444 29 30 322 133 87 1,682

Fedea 74 37 210 22 8 35 72 46 504

Fundación Alternativas 39 16 171 10 4 7 5 3 255

Fundación Ciudadanía y Valores 20 7 3 3 - - - 1 34

Fundación Cultura de Paz 6 2 19 5 3 13 - 48

Ecodes 15 3 24 17 2 5 4 4 74
Fundación de Estudios Finan-
4 7 9 9 7 8 45 6 95
cieros
Fundación Euroamérica 4 2 13 3 3 2 9 2 38

Fundación Innovación Bankinter 2 3 14 1 6 2 15 12 55

Funcas 296 95 461 171 108 108 215 212 1,666

Fundación Ortega-Marañón 5 - 36 1 12 4 1 1 60

Fride 13 17 40 1 5 19 1 - 96

Fundación Sistema 6 7 13 6 1 4 6 - 43

Iecah 2 6 60 6 - - - - 74

Instituto Estudios Democracia 12 - - - - 1 1 - 14

Instituto de Estudios Económicos 191 54 79 39 48 79 102 67 659

Instituto Estudios Fiscales 18 13 67 9 24 10 26 26 193

Instituto de Estudios Riojanos 13 4 8 - - - - 25

Instituto Europeo del Mediterrá-
14 6 11 10 5 5 - - 51
neo
Institución Futuro 3 2 3 - - - - 8
Instituto Gobernanza Democrá-
4 13 23 3 - - - - 43
tica
Instituto Juan de Mariana 25 15 7 10 - - 14 - 71
Instituto Universitario Gutiérrez
1 2 12 7 - - - - 22
Mellado
Observatorio Nacional
24 10 26 10 1 2 18 12 103
Telecomunicaciones y SI
Real Instituto Elcano 107 82 252 36 12 119 68 21 697

Total 1,628 809 2,496 582 365 977 994 642 8,493

Percentages 19.17 9.53 29.39 6.85 4.30 11.50 11.70 7.56 100

710 El profesional de la información, 2017, julio-agosto, v. 26, n. 4. eISSN: 1699-2407

 Political communication and think tanks in Spain. Strategies with the media

Table 2. Actions generating the information

Inaugu- Confer- Appoint- Inter-

Think tanks Opinion Events Studies Awards Meetings Other Total
rations ences ments views

Centre d’Estudis Jordi Pujol - 1 15 1 3 - 1 - 2 - 23

Centro de Estudios Políticos y
26 9 76 9 16 16 25 12 9 2 200
Constitucionales
Centro Internacional de
19 12 28 - 12 - - 2 - 2 75
Toledo para la Paz
Cidob 62 1 98 12 18 - - 2 - 5 198
Círculo de Economía 42 11 569 - 112 - - 46 29 3 812
Círculo de Empresarios 21 49 59 - 75 3 30 18 - 2 257
Civismo 4 21 32 - 22 5 5 5 15 1 110
Cotec 39 93 11 22 - - 29 11 3 208
Faes 217 290 316 10 369 - - 32 409 39 1,682
Fedea 31 41 185 - 89 - - 16 36 106 504
Fundación Alternativas 86 16 95 - 14 - - 21 14 9 255
Fundación Ciudadanía y
2 10 10 - 10 - - 1 - 1 34
Valores
Fundación Cultura de Paz 1 10 10 - 13 - - 3 10 1 48
Ecodes 2 13 29 2 10 - - 1 10 7 74
Fundación de Estudios
9 12 45 3 10 - - 2 13 1 95
Financieros
Fundación Euroamérica 2 10 5 - 10 - 4 1 4 2 38
Fundación Innovación
1 5 27 - 5 - - 1 10 6 55
Bankinter
Funcas 209 17 596 - 303 - - 17 266 258 1,666
Fundación Ortega-Marañón 5 10 25 - 8 - - - 10 2 60
Fride 32 10 15 - 17 - - 2 20 - 96
Fundación Sistema 12 10 11 - 10 - - - - - 43
Iecah 15 13 20 - 13 - 2 1 9 1 74
Instituto de Estudios
1 2 6 - 5 - - - - - 14
Democracia
Instituto de Estudios
39 113 287 29 57 - 19 14 45 56 659
Económicos
Instituto de Estudios Fiscales 30 20 109 - 4 - 8 17 4 1 193
Instituto de Estudios Riojanos 1 5 11 2 2 - - 1 2 1 25
Instituto Europeo del
1 5 36 2 2 - - 2 2 1 51
Mediterráneo
Institución Futuro 1 5 1 - - 1 - - 8
Instituto Gobernanza
6 6 26 1 1 - - 1 - 2 43
Democrática
Instituto Juan de Mariana 11 3 46 1 5 - - 1 1 3 71
Instituto Universitario
1 - 20 - - - - - 1 - 22
Gutiérrez Mellado
Observatorio Nacional
14 6 59 7 7 - - 1 5 4 103
Telecomunicaciones y SI
Real Instituto Elcano 24 56 207 21 170 - - - 78 141 697
Total 965 788 3,171 112 1,414 24 94 250 1,015 660 8,493
Percentages 11.36 9.28 37.34 1.32 16.65 0.28 1.11 2.94 11.95 7.77 100

El profesional de la información, 2017, julio-agosto, v. 26, n. 4. eISSN: 1699-2407 711

Antonio Castillo-Esparcia, Sergio Guerra-Heredia and Ana Almansa-Martínez
are specialised (Cidob in international relations and Fride in
national and international defense) and one has more gen-
eral objectives (Fundación Alternativas).
However, the most widely used genre is the generation of
news about their analysis and policy proposals, and the
conferences or events they organise. Such news are their
channels of information to communicate their proposals to
the elite, but also to society, through the power of media
irradiation.
The activities that can lead to the presence of think tanks
in the newspapers can be classified into three main groups:
- participation in articles of analysis as experts on the topic
of the think tank;
- organisation of events (conferences, prises, meetings);
- presentation of studies and analysis.
The latter is the most used and the one that allows them to
transmit their main contributions to society through com-
munications, conferences, and press conferences. In these
studies, they discuss public affairs based on their own polit-
ico-ideological origins, especially the more generalist ones
such as Faes, Fundación Alternativas, Fundación Sistema.
Economic think tanks also transmit their ideologies, such
as Círculo de Economía, Círculo de Empresarios, Fundación
de Estudios Financieros, Instituto de Estudios Económicos,
among others.
4. Discussion
From the analysis of the Spanish think tanks that appear in
the reference newspapers, it appears that there is an elite
that monopolises much of this media presence. Thus, we
observe that Faes (with 1,682), Funcas (1,666), Círculo de
Economía (812), Instituto de Estudios Económicos (659)
and Real Instituto Elcano (697) assume 65% of all informa-
tion, opinions and reports on studies and activities of think
tanks. Of these five, three are dedicated exclusively to the
analysis of the economic reality, from the perspective of
large companies and the business sector. This means that
the economic reality in newspapers is described from very
specific hypotheses (companies and entrepreneurs) and vi-
sions of these organisations that have a marked conserva-
tive character. If we add that the main Spanish think tank
according to the number of appearances is Faes, which until
a few weeks ago was an integral part of the Partido Popular,
it results in very specific visions of the social and economic
situation.
During our period of analysis (2012-2016), the economic
crisis that began in 2008 was still in full force, and due to
the greater weight of economic think tanks, it is essential
to include a broader longitudinal study including crisis-free
years.
It is possible that some think tanks with little presence in
the media are used instead as a reference by the govern-
ment. The information from Spanish think tanks most of-
ten published by the media are those on economic issues.
Normally the researchers of these institutions are not only
limited to presenting their studies, but also, they become
expert voices on which the media rely to have an opinion on
712 El profesional de la información, 2017, julio-agosto, v. 26, n. 4. eISSN: 1699-2407
certain subjects (dominant paradigm of Montobbio, 2013).
A few think tanks appear prominently in every newspaper.
Accordingly, Faes appears in the first three places of all the
national newspapers, with the exception of La vanguardia
and El periódico de Cataluña. Funcas appears in all but La
razón.
The presence of the Spanish think tanks in the media takes
place in the form of news about acts, conferences and organ-
ised events, unlike the Americans and British whose experts
and members generally have a very active participation in
the media. This indirect presence in Spain may be one of the
reasons why a large part of Spanish public opinion does not
know what a think tank is, or what their most outstanding
works are. However, the presence of experts in the Spanish
media, with opinion articles, is growing over the years.
The goal of think tanks is to configure and determine the
boundaries that surround solutions and social problems.
Hence their interest in having a presence in the media:
- proposing issues that should be the subject of public de-
bate;
- determining the conceptual limits of problems based on
their ideologies.
5. Bibliography
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Frank Cass. ISBN: 978 0714642635
Da visibilidad a tu trabajo depositándolo en e-LIS, el mayor
repositorio internacional sobre biblioteconomía,
documentación y comunicación
http://eprints.rclis.org
El profesional de la información, 2017, julio-agosto, v. 26, n. 4. eISSN: 1699-2407
Stone, Diane (2005). Think tank transnationalisation and
non-profit analysis, advice and advocacy. University of War-
wick, UK: Department of Politics and International Studies.
Stone, Diane (2007). “Recycling bins, garbage cans or think
tanks? Three myths regarding policy analysis institutes”.
Public administration, v. 85, n. 2, pp. 259-278.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.2007.00649.x
Stone, Diane; Denham, Andrew (eds.) (2004). Think tank
traditions: Policy research and the politics of ideas. Man-
chester: Manchester University Press.
Stone, Diane; Denham, Andrew; Garnett, Mark (eds.)
(1998). Think tanks across nations: A comparative ap-
proach. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN:
978 0719050541
Urrutia, Olivier (2013). “El papel de los think tanks en la defini-
ción y aplicación de las políticas y estrategias de defensa”. Revista
del Instituto Español de Estudios Estratégicos, n. 2, pp. 1-34.
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Weaver, Kent (1989). “The changing world of think tanks”.
Political science and politics, v. 22, n. 3, pp. 563-578.
http://www.medientheorie.com/doc/weaver_changing_
worlds_of_think_tanks.pdf
Wiarda, Howard (2008). “The new powerhouses: Think
tanks and foreign policy”. American foreign policy interests,
v. 30, n. 2, pp. 96-117.
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Xifra-Triadú, Jordi (2008). Els think tanks. Barcelona: Edito-
rial UOC. ISBN: 84 97887832
713
Course: Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer:
Academic Consulting for Politics and Society
Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez
Media and Communication Studies, University of Erfurt, Summer Semester 2024

June 12

Global Business Communication I – Region Branding

Texts:

Fan, Y. (2010). Branding the nation: Towards a better understanding. Place branding and public
diplomacy, 6(2), 97-103.
Herstein, R. (2012). Thin line between country, city, and region branding. Journal of Vacation
Marketing, 18(2), 147-155.
 Original Article

Branding the nation: Towards

a better understanding
Received (in revised form): 16th March 2010

Ying Fan
is a senior lecturer in marketing at Brunel Business School, Brunel University in London. Previously, he has held faculty
positions at Universities of Lincoln, Hertfordshire and Durham. Fan has about 80 publications on marketing and international
business topics. His current research relates to nation branding, soft power and nation image management.

ABSTRACT A nation brand is a complicated multi-facet construct. Even the critics

of nation branding have admitted that nation brands exist. What they dispute is
what nation branding refers to, and how a nation can be branded. This article aims
to clarify some misunderstandings about nation branding. A conceptual framework
is developed to illustrate the origins and different interpretations of the concept.
Detailed comparisons are drawn between nation branding and commercial branding.
A new definition is offered, which emphasises the need to shift from ‘branding’
the nation to nation image management. The use of nation image management
is not only a change of terms but also helps overcome the public scepticism
over the use of branding, and clarifies what can be ‘branded’ and what cannot be
branded.
Place Branding and Public Diplomacy (2010) 6, 97–103. doi:10.1057/pb.2010.16

Keywords: nation branding; place branding; nation image management; soft power

INTRODUCTION problem not the solution (Anholt, 2008).

Correspondence:
Ying Fan
Brunel Business School, Brunel
University, Uxbridge, London
UB8 3PH UK
E-mail: Ying.fan@brunel.ac.uk
Nation branding is at crossroads. On the
one hand, the past 10 years have seen a
huge growth in the interests and activities
in the filed, in the form of publications,
studies and consultancy projects. On the
other hand, there is, disappointingly,
a lack of progress in conceptual
development, which is vital to move the
subject forward (Fan, 2004, 2006; Dinnie,
2007). As a result, nation branding still
faces serious challenges from outright
objection to cynical scepticism among
the public (Olins, 2002; Kabn, 2006).
A worrying development is that the subject
has now been attacked from within:
Nation branding does not exist, it is a
dangerous myth. To brand a country is
vain, naive and foolish, which creates the
What is incredible is not the statement
per se, but that it was made by the right
person who was widely credited with
the creation of the term (Anholt, 1998).
To respond to the public scepticism on
the use of the term branding, Anholt
(1998) has recently re-branded the concept
as ‘competitive identity’, which is described
as a new model for enhancing national
competitiveness, using both public
diplomacy and brand management.
However, he seems to be conflicting
himself to claim on his website, that
although the word ‘brand’ is used, what
he does (in nation branding) has nothing
to do with marketing, advertising or
public relations. The purpose of this
short article is to debunk the myth

© 2010 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy Vol. 6, 2, 97–103
www.palgrave-journals.com/pb/
 Fan
around the nation branding concept, by
examining its origins and various
interpretations, particularly on the meaning
of the concept: what nation branding is and
what it is not. It is hoped that this would
help to clarify misconceptions and point to
directions for future research.
THE ORIGINS OF NATION
BRANDING
Although a relatively new subject, the origin of
nation branding study can be traced to four
different sources, namely, country of origin
(COO) (Papadopoulos and Heslop, 1993,
2002), place or destination branding (Kotler
et al, 1993; Kotler and Gertner, 2002; Morgan
et al, 2002), and more recently, public
diplomacy (Van Ham, 2001; Melissen, 2005;
Fan, 2008a), and national identity (Smith, 1991;
Bond et al, 2003). There are a number of
comprehensive reviews of the literature, for
example, Mselle (2007) and Lee (2009) offers a
good comprehensive review of the literature.
Unlike the studies on COO and place
branding, which have a clear focus on
promoting specific economic interests (export,
tourism or inward investment), nation branding
is concerned with a country’s whole image on
the international stage, covering political,
economic and cultural dimensions (Quelch and
Jocz, 2004; Fan, 2006).
As an emerging area of interest, nation
branding is driven largely by practitioners and
there is an urgent need for conceptual and
theoretical development of the subject. In
this regard, nation branding can benefit from
the rich literature of organisation identity
and organisation reputation (Hatch and
Schultz, 1997, 2000; Stets and Burke, 2000).
Compared with the other three sources,
national identity is under-researched but more
promising. The link between national identity
and nation branding has yet to be fully
understood.
WHAT IS A NATION BRAND?
A brand, according to the classic definition
by the American Marketing Association (1960),
98 © 2010 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy Vol. 6, 2, 97–103
is a name, term, sign, symbol or design, or a
combination of them, which is intended to
identify the goods or services of one seller or a
group of sellers and to differentiate them from
those of competitors. A brand is more than just
a name; it is a complex bundle of images,
meanings, associations and experiences in the
minds of people. A more sophisticated
definition is offered by Aaker (1996, p. 68):
a brand is a multidimensional assortment of
functional, emotional, relational and strategic
elements that collectively generate a unique set
of associations in the public mind. Every
country has a unique name and images in the
minds of people both inside and outside the
country, and therefore a nation does have
brands. A nation brand is the total sum of
all perceptions of a nation in the minds of
international stakeholders, which may contain
some of the following elements: people, place,
culture/language, history, food, fashion, famous
faces (celebrities), global brands and so on.
A nation’s ‘brand’ exists, with or without any
conscious efforts in nation branding, as each
country has a certain image to its international
audience, be it strong or weak, current or
outdated, clear or vague (Fan, 2006, p. 12).
Two distinctions need to be made. First,
a nation brand should not be confused with
a national brand. A national brand refers to a
specific product or service that is distributed or
available nationwide, as opposed to both a local
brand whose sales is confined locally and a
global brand that is recognised in the world
marketplace. Clearly, nation brand is a totally
different concept that refers to the mental
image of the country held by foreign people.
Second, when compared with a commercial
brand, there are more differences than
similarities. Unlike commercial brands (Fan,
2005), many elements in nation brand construct
are not in the control of those engaged in
nation branding management, they are difficult
to change in the short term (Table 1).
WHAT IS NATION BRANDING?
It is widely recognised that nation brands exist,
although opinions differ on what nation
 Branding the nation: Towards a better understanding

Table 1: Comparison between nation branding and commercial branding

Nation brand Product brand Corporate brand

Offer Nothing on offer A product or service on offer Related to the product or sector
Attributes Too complicated to define in Clearly defined Well defined
simple terms
Benefits Purely emotional Functional and emotional Mainly emotional
Image Complicated, diverse, vague Simple, clear Simple, visible or hidden
Association Secondary, numerous and diverse Primary and secondary, relatively Mainly secondary, fewer and
fewer and more specific specific
Purpose To enhance a nation’s reputation To help sales and develop To enhance reputation and
relationships develop relationships
Dimension Political, economic, social and Mainly economic Economic and social
cultural
Ownership Multiple stakeholders, unclear Sole owner Sole owner
Audience International, diverse, ‘significant Targeted segment General public or targeted
others’

Source: Expanded from Fan (2006, p. 7).

Visual symbol
Easy to brand
A
COO/PCI Strapline
Export Branding
Ingredient brand

Co brand B

Umbrella brand
Destination/
Place Branding
Country image

Nation brand
Nation branding Country reputation C

Country positioning
Public Diplomacy
Political Branding Competitive advantage
D
Competitive identity

Soft power E

National Identity National identity F

Cultural Branding Difficult to brand
NEW?

Figure 1: The concept of nation branding: Origins and interpretations.

Source: By the author.

branding refers to, how a nation brand relates
to nation branding and what nation branding
should or could accomplish. The root of such
confusion lies in the diverse interpretations of
nation brands and branding (details are shown
in Figure 1). Their interpretations can be
divided into several levels. At Level A, the
simplest way is to treat a nation brand as a
visual symbol, a slogan or strapline. As such,
it can be easily branded and communicated.
At Level B, a nation brand is regarded as an
umbrella brand that endorses many sector
brands, for example, in tourism or exports
(Dinnie, 2007, p. 200). A nation brand can also

© 2010 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy Vol. 6, 2, 97–103 99
 Fan
be treated as an ingredient brand or co-brand.
At the next level C, a nation brand concerns
the country’s image, reputation and positioning,
a role quite similar to that of corporate
branding (Gilmore, 2002; Teslik, 2007; Roth
and Diamantopoulos, 2009). At level D, nation
branding aims to build and sustain a nation’s
competitiveness (Porter, 1990; Anholt, 2007;
Lee, 2009). At Level E, nation branding can be
used as an important tool in developing and
maintaining a nation’s soft power. Successful
nation branding campaigns will help create a
more favourable image among the international
audience, thus further enhancing a country’s
soft power (Nye, 2004a, b; Fan, 2007, 2008a).
At Level F, nation branding is closely linked to
national identity. Nation branding needs to be
firmly rooted in the reality and essence of the
nation rather than being merely a creation of
brand agencies (Dinnie, 2007, p. 127). This
link may seem to be quite obvious, but in fact
is the most complicated (Skinner and Kubacki,
2007). More research is needed at this level.
A close examination of some major
definitions of the nation branding concept
shows significant differences in the focus and
purpose or outcome of branding the nation:
1. To remould national identities (Olins, 1999).
2. To enhance a nation’s competitiveness
(Anholt, 2007; Lee, 2009).
3. To embrace political, cultural, business and
sport activities ( Jaffe and Nebenzahl, 2001).
4. To promote economic and political interests
at home and abroad (Rendon, 2003; Szondi,
2007).
5. To alter, improve or enhance a nation’s image/
reputation (Gudjonsson, 2005; Fan, 2006,
2008b).
Identity, image and reputation, though often
used interchangeably, are, in fact, different
constructs. They all refer to mental associations
generated by knowledge and past experience.
Identity is about self-perception. A nation’s
identity refers to the essentially irrational
psychological bond that binds fellow nationals
together, and which is supposed to constitute
100 © 2010 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy Vol. 6, 2, 97–103
the essence of national identity (Connor, 1978).
Image refers to what is projected to the other,
whereas reputation is the feedback received
from the other (Whetten and Mackey, 2002,
p. 400). Image and reputation, which is the
reciprocal of image, are both components of a
symmetrical communications process between
the nation (self) and its international
stakeholders (other). Thus, a nation’s image is
a dynamic perception of a specific area of
national distinction (Highhouse et al, 2009,
p. 1487), whereas a nation’s reputation is a
particular type of feedback received by the
nation from the outside world, concerning the
credibility of the nation’s identity claims.
What nation branding concerns is the
image and reputation that a nation enjoys
in the world. A nation’s image is defined by
the people outside the country; their
perceptions are influenced by stereotyping,
media coverage as well as personal experience.
Similar to commercial brands, a nation’s
image can be repackaged, repositioned and
communicated in a professional manner. The
relationship among national identity, nation
branding and nation’s image can be
summarised as follows:
National identity ;Nation branding ↔ Nation’s image
(Self perception) (Nation brand identity) (Perception by others)
WHAT NATION BRANDING IS NOT
It is important to distinguish nation brand identity
from national identity, as these are two related
but totally different constructs. Nation identity,
to paraphrase Albert and Whetten’s definition
of organisational identity (1985), is the
collective understanding by a nation’s people
of the features presumed to be central and
relatively permanent, and that distinguish the
nation from other nations. National identity
embodies the characteristics of a nation, which
its people perceive to be central, enduring and
distinctive in a nation when past, present and
future is taken into account. It refers to the
essentially irrational psychological bond that
binds fellow nationals together and which is
 Branding the nation: Towards a better understanding
supposed to constitute the essence of national
identity. This psychological bond is usually
termed ‘a sense of belonging’, and such
expressions point to the close link established
between each individual and the collective self,
namely the nation (Triandafyllidou, 1998).
National brand identity, on the other hand,
refers to the identity of a specific ‘nation
brand’, not the nation. It is a set of associations
that the brand strategist seeks to create or
maintain (Aaker and Joachimsthaler, 2002,
p. 43). More specifically, it can also refer to the
visual symbol or logo that identifies the brand.
As a country may have a number of different
nation brands, it can have many different nation
brand identities at the same time.
Nation branding is not about ‘building or
remoulding the national identity’ as Olins
(1999) initially suggested. A nation’s identity is
defined by the nation’s people, not by the
branding strategist. Any change in a nation’s
identity is either accomplished or accompanied
by fundamental changes in the country’s
political, economic and social systems. Instead,
nation branding is about to alter the image that
outside people hold about the nation. Nation
branding, in essence, is to align the nation’s
image to the reality. This is particularly
imperative for those countries that have
undertaken dramatic changes in their political,
economic and social systems, as the external
images almost always lag behind the reality. It
is the task of nation branding to narrow the
gap between the images and reality.
The role of nation branding in a nation’s
competitiveness is not as big as Anholt claimed
in his new book (2007). In a commercial
setting, a strong brand is said to bring its
owner certain advantages over the competition
(Aaker, 1996). However, this kind of advantage
depends on the firm’s strength in other areas
such as innovation, and is hard to sustain in the
long term. It is a completely different situation
in nation branding. If a nation has some
advantages because of its favourable country
image, this is normally confined to one specific
industry sector, rather than covering the whole
country. For example, fashion in Italy or
© 2010 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy Vol. 6, 2, 97–103
engineering in Germany. The belief that nation
branding creates sustainable competitiveness for
a nation may turn out to be a fallacy.
FROM NATION BRANDING TO
NATION IMAGE MANAGEMENT
On the basis of the above discussion, a new
definition of nation branding is proposed as
follows:
Nation branding is a process by which a nation’s
images can be created or altered, monitored,
evaluated and proactively managed in order to
enhance the country’s reputation among a target
international audience.
The use of nation image management is not
just a change of terms but has a few benefits.
It not only clarifies the confusion on what can
be ‘branded’ and what cannot be branded, but
also helps overcome the public scepticism over
the use of branding. Nation image management
describes more accurately about the topic
subject as well as its chief objective in nation
branding.
CONCLUSIONS
As a complicated multifaceted construct, nation
branding is dependent on the context such as
other countries, special events or occasions.
Even the critics of nation branding have
admitted that nation brands exist. What they
dispute is whether or how a nation can be
branded. The answer depends on how one
defines and interprets nation branding. Nation
branding is an extremely difficult subject to
research. All published empirical studies of
‘nation’ branding, under close scrutiny, are
merely export branding, or destination
branding, with none of them actually branding
at the nation level. For example, ‘Malaysia:
Truly Asia’ is just a tourism branding.
The biggest challenge in nation branding is
how to communicate a single image or message
to different audiences in different countries.
The image of a nation is so complex and fluid
that it defies the clarity implicit in a term such
as brand image; and different parts of a nation’s
identity come into focus on the international
101
 Fan
stage at different times (O’Shaughnessy and
O’Shaughnessy, 2000). In theory, nation branding
calls for communicating in a coordinated and
consistent manner with multiple stakeholders. In
reality, it is impossible to develop such a simple
core message about a country that can be used by
different industry sectors in different countries
(Fan, 2006, 2007). One slogan, one campaign, no
matter how clever or creative, cannot sell
everything to everyone. It would be more
meaningful and practical to have nation branding
to be conceptualised, measured and executed at
one of the sublevels (as a place brand, event brand
or export brand).
Nation branding is not a myth. The impact
of nation branding should not be exaggerated
or dismissed. Socrates (469 BC—399 BC) once
said: the way to gain a good reputation is to
endeavour to be what you desire to appear.
This remains true in the twenty-first century.
However, this is just one side of the coin. For
a nation to change its image, it first needs to
change its behaviour. Then, equally important,
it needs to tell all people in the world about
the changes. This is because images of a nation
will not automatically change after the changes
in reality. The way for a nation to gain a
better reputation is to communicate to the
international audience as to how good they
are – this practice is called nation branding.
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Article

Journal of Vacation Marketing

18(2) 147–155
Thin line between country, ª The Author(s) 2011
Reprints and permission:

city, and region branding sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav

DOI: 10.1177/1356766711435976
jvm.sagepub.com

Ram Herstein
The Lander Institute–Jerusalem Academic Center, Israel

Abstract
For decades the literature of place branding reflects a picture of separation between country branding,
city branding and region branding. Many researchers tend to perceive these three concepts as three
different concepts that have no conception and should be addressed in different forms of strategies.
Practically, it appeared that country branding, city branding and region branding processes are integral
parts which in some instances can not be separated. The purpose of this conceptual paper is to
describe a new approach of re-branding countries strategy in accordance to two dimensions: the geo-
graphy of the country vs. the range of ethnic groups in the country. These two dimensions create four
types of positioning strategies that reflect the tight linkage between country branding, city branding and
region branding. Each of these positioning strategies is discussed and examples to this linkage are
provided.

Keywords
country branding, city branding, region branding, tourism, marketing strategies

Introduction decision makers. The proposed model focuses

The realm of place branding engages many prac-
titioners the world over who are tasked with
improving the images of countries, cities, and
regions for different kinds of audiences such as
tourists, citizens, investors, governments, and the
media. While in the past, this process character-
ized only developed countries, today, many
emerging and also developing countries allocate
significant budgets in order to create a more pos-
itive and attractive images. Despite the surge in
interest among academics, research on place
branding still remains a complicated and some-
what confused construct (Fan, 2006). The pur-
pose of this article is to suggest both a new
approach to the strategy of rebranding countries
and to explore the nature of the linkage between
country, city, and region branding concepts so as
to provide decision makers with the most correct
and applicable country branding strategies. This
new approach is based on the idea that any
rebranding process of a country should be done
from the perspective of visitors and tourists and
not from the perspective of the marketers and
on two dimensions: the country’s geography and
the population–nationality that are relevant (of
interest) to tourists, and at the same time, appli-
cable to marketers when rebranding countries.
Evolution of place branding
In many countries, mandatory product labeling
requires marketers to disclose a product’s country
of origin (COO). This legal requirement prompted
market researchers and practitioners to study con-
sumer attitudes toward foreign products, which
has resulted in almost four decades of extensive
investigation of the so-called COO effect (Kotler
and Gertner, 2011: 38). Research has shown that
products bearing ‘‘Made in Japan’’ (cars, cameras,
and consumer electronics), ‘‘Made in France’’
Corresponding author:
Ram Herstein, Department of Business Management, The
Lander Institute–Jerusalem Academic Center, 3 Am
Violamo Street, Givaat Shaul, Jerusalem, Israel
Email: ram@lander.ac.il
148
(wines, perfume, and clothing), or ‘‘Made in
Italy’’ (furniture, shoes, and sports cars) labels
are commonly regarded as high quality, due to
the reputation of these countries as first-rate
manufacturers and exporters (Jaffe and Neben-
zahl, 2001). Studies such as that of Johansson
et al. (1994) demonstrated that Russian prod-
ucts have a negative perceived quality and the
study by Khachaturian and Morganosky
(1990), which showed that Costa Rica and
China have the most negative perceived qual-
ity, were the trigger for the evolution of the
field of place marketing/image.
Place marketing/image is derived from a loca-
tion’s geography, history, art, music, famous cit-
izens, and other features (Kotler and Gertner,
2002). Basically, today it seems that govern-
ments (countries), municipalities (cities), and
councils (regions) everywhere are racing to
brand their assets in order to attain a competitive
edge over their competitors. If in the past, a
country’s, city’s, or region’s main assets were the
products created in its environs, nowadays the
assets are the country, city, or region itself.
Accordingly, governments, municipalities, and
regional councils invest great effort in creating
a real, competitive advantage over other coun-
tries, cities, and regions (Kotler et al., 1997), pro-
moting their superiority in terms of tourism and
location (to attract factories, companies, and
talented people) and finding markets for their
exports (Gilmore, 2001).
Branding campaigns designed to attract tour-
ists comprise the bulk of these efforts (Szondi,
2007). Countries such as Thailand (Nuttavuthisit,
2007), Costa Rica, Moldova (Florek and Conejo,
2007), Ireland (Gould and Skinner, 2007;
O’Leary and Deegan, 2003), Turkey (Kemming
and Sandikci, 2007), Spain (Gilmore, 2001),
Britain (Gilmore, 2001; Hall, 2004), Yugoslavia
(Hall, 2002), Australia (Morgan and Pritchard,
1999), and New Zealand (Morgan et al., 2003)
have undergone processes aimed at rebranding
themselves and promoting a positive tourist-
oriented image. Some campaigns were a result
of a global economic crisis, for example, the
case of branding India (‘‘Incredible India’’—
affordable and beautiful), which appeared to be
a very successful process in terms of American
tourists (Bandyopadhyay and Morais, 2005) or
in response to being seen as a terror-ridden coun-
try as in the case of Russia (Wills and Moore,
2008). These countries realized that acquiring a
new image was crucial in order to leverage their
assets.
Journal of Vacation Marketing 18(2)
In addition to countries branding or rebrand-
ing themselves, cities all over the globe have also
opted to undertake the process. Cities such as
Glasgow (Daskou et al., 2004), Manchester
(Ward, 2000), Bradford (Trueman et al., 2004),
London (Anholt, 2006a, 2006b; Hopper, 2003),
Denver (Jaffe and Nebenzahl, 2006: 166), Beij-
ing (Zhang and Xiaobin, 2009), Amsterdam
(Kavaratzis and Ashworth, 2006), Montréal
(Rantisi and Leslie, 2006), and many more have
already completed the design of their new look
and successfully reinforced their positive image
in the minds of millions of foreign tourists. Tar-
geting domestic tourism until conditions improve
during periods of terror, as was the case of Jeru-
salem, for example, is a proven successful alter-
native to targeting foreign tourism (Mitki et al.,
2011). The economies of some cities such as
Barcelona, Venice, and Bangkok are based
mainly on tourism. The phenomenon of city
branding is very powerful in Western Europe.
In Germany, for example, 70% of German cities
already work according to a place-marketing
concept and 10% plan to do so in the near future
(Grabow et al., 2006). Moreover, regions such as
Wales (Pritchard and Morgan, 1998), Western
Australia (Crockett and Wood, 2000), and Florida
(Brayshaw, 1995) have also been branded.
Country branding versus city
branding versus region branding
According to Caldwell and Freire (2004), people
perceive countries, regions, and cities in different
ways. Countries are so functionally diverse that
they are perceived in terms of the representa-
tional parts of their brand identity, whereas
regions and cities, being smaller in scale, are per-
ceived more from a functional point of view.
Despite these differences, marketing a place
(country, region, or city) depends mostly on
understanding how people perceive one another.
Moreover, though the process of rebranding a
country, region, and city is considered to be com-
plex, it appears that branding a city is a much
more involved process than branding countries
or regions (Hankinson, 2001). Since cities lack
the ability to identify themselves with well-
known core competencies, mainly human assets
such as politicians, mayors, artists, and celebri-
ties (Gilmore, 2001), thereby making it difficult
for cities to become individual objects of attrac-
tion in their own right. This major problem is
even more acute for marketers dealing with small
cities and with cities that are not perceived as
Herstein
especially attractive. Yet, according to Savitch
and Kantor (1995), megacities can compete
effectively against much larger units, even coun-
tries and regions, for the limited pool of foreign
direct investment (FDI) capital (e.g. New York,
Paris, and London have larger populations than
many countries and regions).
A significant challenge confronting marketers
attempting to attract FDI to a country, according
to Papadopoulos and Heslop (2002), is the poten-
tial conflict between different levels of govern-
ment within the country that is being marketed.
Provincial or state governments may have goals
and programs that diverge from those of the
national government. O’Shaughnessy and
O’Shaughnessy (2000) claimed that branding a
country will involve more variables than branding
a region of the same country. Countries have cer-
tain attributes that a region within this same coun-
try does not have. In addition, Anholt (2002)
referred to the differences between countries and
their regions from the perspective of the way they
are perceived in different countries. In other words,
the way citizens of different countries perceive a
particular country can differ widely, but views
across a wide spectrum of nationalities regarding
a region tend to be more stable and are, therefore,
easier to manage.
Models of country branding
strategies
In the past marketers and mainly advertisers used
to brand a country by inventing catchy slogans
such as ‘‘Spain—Everything Under the Sun,’’
‘‘Flanders—Europe’s Best Business Location,’’
and ‘‘Scotland—Silicon Glen,’’ or using visual
images or symbols such as the Eiffel Tower for
France, Big Ben for England, Red Square for
Russia, the Statue of Liberty for the United
States, and the Christ the Redeemer Statue for
Brazil (Kotler and Gertner, 2011: 42).
Over the years, marketers have succeeded in
creating a mixture of country marketing tools in
order to brand nations for the long term rather than
for the short term. One of the first country market-
ing models was based on Gardner and Levy’s
(1955) definition that any product brand has two
dimensions of attributes: tangible and intangible
characteristics. Just as they choose any other prod-
uct, consumers (tourists) also choose countries on
the basis of attributes such as climate, scenery,
amenities, and culture (Coshall, 2000). Country
branding, therefore, can be characterized as hav-
ing two dimensions: representational (attributes
149
linked to the individual’s way of self-expression,
analogous to intangible characteristics) and func-
tional (utilitarian aspects of the destinations—sun,
reefs, sky, culture, and so on, analogous to tangible
characteristics). On the basis of Gardner and
Levy’s definition, Gilmore (2001) created the posi-
tioning diamond model, which has four essential
factors that need to be considered for any country
branding process: macrotrends (socioeconomic
trends, political and legal status, emerging
industries, population trends, and cultural and
lifestyle trends), target audiences (stakeholders),
competitors (similar countries, in the eyes of
tourists), and core competencies (the physical
and human assets of the country). Another
well-known model is the hexagon of competitive
identity model developed by Anholt (2002),
which combines six channels or areas of activity
that countries generally undertake: tourism pro-
motion, exported products and services, regional
government policy decisions, the way the coun-
try solicits inward investment, cultural activities
and achievements, and the people of the country
themselves. Another more updated model,
which is based on Anholt’s model, is Morgan
et al.’s (2011) ‘‘virtuous circle of creative coun-
try reputation,’’ which contains six elements—
country tone (its ambience, the attitude of its
people, its heritage, and narratives), traditions
(the collective authenticity), tolerance (social
responsibility, ethical practice, and sustainable
ways of living), talent (the characteristics of the
human capital), transformability (adopting
advanced ways of living), and testimonies (the
reputation of the country based on stories).
Nevertheless, these country branding models
are very limited in their abilities to cope with dif-
ferent kinds of country positioning, and especially
lack the ability to cope with the integral connection
that exists between a country, a city, and a region
within the country or surrounding a specific city,
in a comprehensive country branding process. It
is important to note that given that countries differ
from each other, some will find the process of coor-
dinating national, regional, and local destination
branding aspects to be more complicated, while
others will find it essential to their rebranding posi-
tioning. The latter countries are more internation-
ally oriented and attract more varied audiences.
‘‘Country–city–region matrix
positioning’’ model
The proposed country–city–region matrix posi-
tioning model leverages the interconnection of
150
Heterogeneous
geography
Country Brand = City Brand
Uniform-
nationality
culture
Country Brand ‹ City Brand
Homogeneous
geography
Figure 1. Country–city–region matrix positioning.
these three concepts and enables marketers to
understand when these concepts affect each other
and which one of these concepts is more mean-
ingful, and accordingly should be stressed, in the
comprehensive country branding process. Since
each country has, on the one hand, its own
uniqueness and strengths, and on the other hand,
its own weaknesses, it is impossible to ensure
that each country will—at the end of the rebrand-
ing process—achieve the same results in terms of
equity. Therefore, it is essential to assess each
country’s potential in terms of national, regional,
and local assets (tangible and intangible). Coun-
tries characterized by more tangible and intangi-
ble national assets are more likely to successfully
brand themselves as opposed to those that have
only tangible and intangible regional or local
assets. Accordingly, although marketers tend to
differentiate between national, regional, and
local branding processes and refer to them as
three separate processes that are independent of
each other, this model shows that in reality these
concepts are interdependent and impact on each
other. In some instances, a country cannot be
rebranded without referring to its main regions
or main cities.
The matrix presented in Figure 1 reflects a
new approach for marketers involved in country
branding. This matrix enables marketers to
rebrand a country such that it is more attractive
for tourists, and at the same time, it may leverage
the country’s reputation, so that other audiences
are also attracted. Whereas the literature ignores
the necessity of marketers to refer to a country’s
geography and the population–nationality mix,
Journal of Vacation Marketing 18(2)
County Brand › City Brand +
Regional Brand
Multi-
nationality
culture
Country Brand ‹ Regional Brand
this new matrix shows that the combination of
these two critical dimensions should be taken
into account when dealing with country brand-
ing. The idea behind this new approach is based
on the fact that these two dimensions can define
in the most accurate way the real market posi-
tioning potential of each country.
The significance of this approach is that it
takes advantage of the way tourists’ tend to
make decisions regarding traveling. Other
country branding strategy models are too all-
encompassing and contain too many factors to
be considered in practice—and which tourists
do not necessarily weigh up when deciding to
visit a country. It is essential to work from the
perception of the tourists and understand the
most meaningful aspects that they consider
when deciding where to travel. According to
Krishnan (1996), any attempt to position a
brand in consumers’ minds based on more than
two or three associations is an unreasonable
approach, since people will not be able in the
future to recall it, in a world of endless brands.
According to Woratschek and Horbel (2005)
and Ng et al. (2007), a country’s geography and
the population–nationality are the most relevant
dimensions in the perception of tourists plan-
ning a vacation.
The first dimension—the geography of the
country—refers to the types of different physical
areas such as sea, deserts, mountains, forests,
lakes, and different climates such as snowy,
warm, humid, and chilly. This dimension assists
marketers in defining the potential of the country
to be branded and to whom it should be appeal.
Herstein
Since tourists in general are interested in travel-
ing to countries with a rich topography and geo-
graphic variety (Woratschek and Horbel, 2005),
it is essential to define, first and foremost, the
topographic diversity, and obviously, the more
types of topography the country has, the greater
its branding potential. The second dimension,
which is the range of ethnic groups or national-
ities subsumed under the country’s national flag,
refers to the potential human characteristics each
country offers tourists. Since tourists in general
are more interested in traveling to a country char-
acterized by rich cultures (Ng et al., 2007), it is
essential to define the country’s cultural diver-
sity. Therefore, the more cultures the country
offers, the greater its branding potential. Any
attempt to build a country branding strategy lack-
ing these two dimensions reduces the effective-
ness and potency of the strategy. This new
concept of country–city–region matrix position-
ing enables marketers to use one of four types
of positioning strategies when branding a
country.
The first positioning strategy is the heteroge-
neous–geography–multinationality culture appr-
oach. This positioning strategy is best used when
dealing with countries that have a heterogeneous
topography in which many nationalities live.
Examples of these countries are Spain, Israel,
and the United States. Marketers charged with
branding these kinds of countries should focus
on many attractive regions and cities all over the
country, which, on one hand, differ from each
other in terms of topography, and on the other
hand, offer visitors a chance to meet a range of
cultures. Any attempt to market these countries
to tourists by selling a trip to the country as a visit
to only a few interesting cities or regions instead
of a ‘‘one package infinite vistas all over the
country deal’’ will be missing an opportunity to
create a real advantage over other similar coun-
tries. The idea behind this branding strategy is
that the country brand is larger than the city
brand plus the region brand taken together (coun-
try brand > city brand þ region brand).
Spain, for example, for many years has been
marketed as a country that everyone should visit
it, but practically speaking, the millions of tourists
from all over the world who come to the
country prefer to visit very specific cities (such
as Barcelona and/or Madrid) or regions (Valencia
and/or Andalusia), rather than tour the entire
country. In order to market Spain for tourists as
a country offering a multiplicity of tourist attrac-
tions such as history, art, culture, music, food,
151
sport (first dimension), and varied landscapes
(mountains, beaches) (second dimension), mar-
keters should determine the Spanish cities and
regions that contain these two dimensions. After
focusing on these cities and regions, Spain should
be marketed to tourists as a country, which in
order to feel it and enjoy it, all these places must
be visited—otherwise, the visitor has not seen the
‘‘real’’ Spain. By implementing this strategy,
countries such as Spain will enjoy more tourists
traveling all over the country and staying in the
country for longer periods. The statement ‘‘I vis-
ited Barcelona—I visited Spain,’’ which many
tourists tend to say, is a misleading marketing
strategy that must be corrected.
Similar to Spain, Israel is another country that
suffers from the same problem despite its small
size. Most tourists visit only one city—Jerusalem,
and by doing so miss the enormous tourist oppor-
tunities that this country has to offer in terms of
wide topographies and multiculturalism. In con-
trast, the United States is a very successful exam-
ple of a country that was branded well, and
therefore, tourists tend to travel all over it (the
East coast and the West coast). Cities such as New
York, Niagara Falls, Washington, Miami, Los
Angeles, and Las Vegas are must-visit places/
cities/regions when visiting the United States.
Because of the branding strategy that American
marketers have used for years, tourists who visit
only one coast, or even one city, feel that their
trip to the United States was incomplete.
The second positioning strategy is the hetero-
geneous–geography–uniform–nationality culture
approach. This positioning strategy is most suited
to countries that have a heterogeneous topogra-
phy, that is, fewer more distinctive ethnic groups.
Examples of these countries are Australia and
Japan. Marketers who deal with branding these
kinds of countries should not market these coun-
tries as a ‘‘full range one package country deal.’’
Tourists may find this strategy misleading if they
feel that many of the cities or regions that they vis-
ited were essentially similar in nature or not inter-
esting, resulting in the country brand losing its
equity. Accordingly, marketers should focus
only on the most unique cities, which have
their own distinctive characteristics in terms
of landscape. The idea behind this branding
strategy is that the country brand is equal to
the city (or cities) brand (country brand ¼ city
brand). In order to implement this strategy
properly, marketers should build a few power-
ful city brands that will be perceived as part of
the country brand. This branding strategy will
152
ensure more tourists visit the country, on one
hand, and that these tourists will be more sat-
isfied, on the other hand, because their expec-
tations will have been met.
Japan is an example of a country that has been
branded effectively. The focus of its branding
campaigns has been on only a few cities, each
with its own uniqueness, instead of on many cit-
ies or regions throughout the country. The city of
Hiroshima, for example, has become a real city
brand and almost synonymous with Japan. As
long as marketers of these kinds of countries con-
centrate on conveying the message that visiting a
few select cities is almost tantamount to touring
the entire country, the greater the prospect that
these countries will succeed in being effectively
branded.
The third positioning strategy is the homoge-
neous–geography–multinationality culture app-
roach. This positioning strategy is appropriate
for countries with a uniform topography but with
many nationalities. Examples of these types of
countries are Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Jordan.
Marketers who brand such countries should
focus on a few select regions that reflect the
country’s different cultures and market them as
the main selling point. The idea behind this
branding strategy is to create a region brand that
is more powerful than the country brand (country
brand < region brand).
Accordingly, examining the case of Nigeria in
terms of the proposed model, the mistakes made
by its marketers become obvious. Their branding
strategy erred by trying to make Nigeria’s unique
selling point its being the second largest and
second most powerful country on the African
continent. Its marketers should have worked to
convince tourists from all over the world to visit
Nigeria in order to be exposed to different cul-
tures in several regions of the country—cultures
that do not exist elsewhere in any country in the
world. By not doing this, the marketers limited
their abilities to attract more tourists to this mul-
ticultural country, since the brand Nigeria itself
does not convey a message about the vast multi-
nationality cultures the country has. In contrast, a
branding positioning that would include, for
example, the Mina region (around two hours
from the Nigerian capital of Abuja), where many
African tribes live side by side, should highlight
the tourism added-value of different types of life-
style, traditions, and culture.
The fourth positioning strategy is the homoge-
neous–geography–uniform–nationality culture
approach. This positioning strategy is suitable for
Journal of Vacation Marketing 18(2)
countries that are homogeneous in terms of topo-
graphy and have only a few nationalities. Exam-
ples of these countries are Lithuania, Denmark,
and Portugal. Marketers who deal with the
branding process of these kinds of countries
should focus on the main capital cities rather
on the country itself. Any attempt to market these
countries to tourists by selling the country as a
‘‘one package country deal’’ will fail since these
countries lack the ability to create a real advan-
tage over other competitive countries in terms
of landscape variety and multicultural atmo-
sphere. Marketers should adopt the branding
strategy that perceives the city brand as more
powerful than the country brand (country brand
< city brand). Lithuania’s branding strategy
(‘‘Lithuania—Europe’s bravest nation’’) will not
succeed until marketers replace it with a new
strategy that convinces tourists to visit Vilnius
(the capital) and cities around it, rather than
Lithuania. This requires first and foremost
investing a great deal of effort in branding
Vilnius as a unique city that has a lot to offer
in terms of culture, history, and entertainment.
When people in Europe, first, and then people all
over the world perceive Vilnius as a unique cap-
ital city such as Prague (Czech republic) and
Budapest (Hungary), Lithuania will enjoy an
unceasing stream of tourists throughout almost
the entire year who will be convinced that having
seen Vilnius, they have seen the real Lithuania.
Practical implications
Although place branding researchers and practi-
tioners tend to see three different and distinct
concepts in ‘‘country branding,’’ ‘‘city brand-
ing,’’ and ‘‘region branding,’’ the above-
proposed model describes a new approach for
country branding that amalgamates these three
concepts. In order to rebrand a country, market-
ers should define their country according to the
country’s topography and its range of ethnic
groups and cultures (Table 1).
This model enables marketers to identify the
most appropriate branding strategy for their
country. The branding strategy of a country
that is identified as heterogeneous–geography–
multinationality culture should be to create a
powerful country brand that is derived from
many powerful city and region brands that act
as magnets drawing tourists to visit the entire
country and not simply parts of it. Brazil is an
example of a country that has implemented
this type of branding strategy successfully,
Herstein 153

Table 1. Country branding strategies

Four types of positioning Characteristics Branding strategy

Heterogeneous–geography–
multinationality culture
Heterogeneous–geography–
uniform–nationality culture
Homogeneous–geography–
multinationality culture
Homogeneous–geography–
uniformity–nationality culture
 The country has a lot to offer ‘‘One package country deal’’
in terms of landscapes strategy—make the country
 The country has a lot to offer brand more powerful than the
in terms of cultural city brand and the region
atmosphere brand
 The country has a lot to offer Make the country brand equal to
in terms of landscapes the city (or cities) brand
 The country has no
advantage in terms of cultural
atmosphere
 The country has no Make the region brand more
advantage in terms of powerful than the country
landscapes brand
 The country has a lot to offer
in terms of cultural
atmosphere
 The country has no Make the city brand more
advantage in terms of powerful than the country
landscapes brand
 The country has no
advantage in terms of cultural
atmosphere

convincing tourists to take advantage of its
multifaceted attractions.
The branding strategy of a country that is
identified as having a heterogeneous–geography–
uniform–nationality culture should be based
on the equation that the country brand equals
the city (or cities) brand. Therefore, in order
to implement this strategy, marketers should
identify a few unique cities and or regions that
can attract tourists to visit the country mainly to
see these specific places. Korea is an example
of a country that has succeeded because it
implemented this strategy and markets its most
unique sites.
The branding strategy of a country that is
identified as having a homogeneous–geography–
multinationality culture should be based on the
equation that the region brand is more powerful
than the country brand, and therefore, tourists must
be drawn to visit specific regions that have a very
powerful image and not the country itself, which
suffers from a general negative image. Jordan,
by marketing the Petra region (which appeals
mainly to adventure-seeking tourists), rather than
the entire state, is an example of how to implement
this strategy.
The branding strategy of a country that is
identified as having a homogeneous–geography–
uniform–nationality culture should be based on
the equation that the capital city brand is much
more powerful than the country brand. Cardiff
(Wales) is an example that reflects the use of this
strategy, which has succeeded in attracting tour-
ists every year to visit this city that do not travel
to the rest of the country.
The above discussion is a new study of the
linkage between country, city, and region brand-
ing. Even though marketers leverage this linkage
in their strategic campaigns, it is unclear whether
they do so consciously and with an understand-
ing of its implications. It is essential to deepen
the research on this subject so that the connection
among these three branding concepts—which is
inseparable—is developed in practice and to the
advantage of all concerned.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any
funding agency in the public, commercial, or
not-for-profit sectors.
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Course: Communication Research and Knowledge Transfer:
Academic Consulting for Politics and Society
Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez
Media and Communication Studies, University of Erfurt, Summer Semester 2024

June 26

Civil Society Communication I – Cloud Communities and the Nation State

Texts:

Al-Ani, A. (2023). Cloud Communities and the Nation State. In China Cyberspace Research
Institute, The Common Space of the Digital World (pp. 144-149). The Commercial Press
(Peking).