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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

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2
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

TABLE OF
CONTENTS
1 Monthly Round Up 04

2 National 08

a. Trying Youth In Pakistan’s Criminal Justice System – Predicaments 09

And Way Forward
b. Revisiting The Education Of Pakistan 12
c. Battling The Revenue Shortfall: The Dilemma Of 18th Amendment 14
20

3 International 24

a. Abysmal State Of Women Rights In Afghanistan 25

b. World Economy Explained: World Bank And The Imf 29
c. Climate Crisis: No Way Out? 32

4 Monthly Press Review 39

5 Essay Special 58

6 Screening Test Alert 64

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3
EDITION 8
VOLUME 3
CSS | CHRONICLES

MONTHLY ROUND UP:

DECEMBER AT A GLANCE

4
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

Dates Events

1 The US budget for 2023 has two small but significant provisions for
Pakistan, $15 million for improving security along the Afghan border
and an unspecified amount of funds to promote gender equality in
the country.

2 The National Security Committee (NSC) categorically asked Afghan-

istan`s Taliban rulers, without directly naming them, to deny safe
haven to Pakistani terrorist groups on its soil and end their patron-
age, while reiterating its intent to crush terrorist groups operating
inside the country with full force.

3 In order to stabilise the economy, the federal cabinet decided to

implement `bold` decisions that include the closure of markets at
8:30pm and wedding halls at 10pm, the use of efficient electronic
appliances, and a 40per cent reduction in power consumption in
government offices.

4 In light of an uptick in the number of militant attacks across the

country, the government buoyed by international support has decid-
ed to adopt `pre-emptive` measures alongside a conciliatory
approach to eliminate terrorism.

5 Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif assured his Chinese counterpart Li

Keqiang of timely completion of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC) project and safe environment for investors.

6 The Ministry of Industries and Production has devised a scheme to

initially produce 100,000 e-bikes in 18 months to diversify fuel con-
sumption as well as help reduce carbon emissions.

7 Noting that the outlawed Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) was

becoming a major irritant in Islamabad`s relations with the Taliban
government in Kabul, a leading think tank has called for reorienting
Afghan policy, civilianising National Action Plan (NAP) and counter
terrorism regime.

8 In a significant move towards commencement of the first ever digital

population and housing census, the National Database and Regis-
tration Authority (Nadra) handed over the last batch of 17,600
Android tablet computers to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics(PBS).

9 Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif asked the International Monetary Fund

(IMF) for a pause in its demands for economic reforms before releas-
ing more financial aid, as the country tries to rebuild after cata-
strophic floods.

10 Warning of another global recession, the World Bank forecast Pakistan`s

economic growth to slow further to two per cent during the current year
down by two percentage points from its June 2022 estimate because of
the devastating floods and slowdown in global growth rate.

5
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

Dates Events

11 Pakistan secured a lifeline of about $4 billion from the United Arab

Emirates and Saudi Arabia to sail through the immediate challenge
of a sovereign default amid rapidly shrinking foreign exchange
reserves, massive flood damages and an overall economic slow-
down.

12 Just hours after regaining the confidence of a majority of lawmakers

in the Punjab Assembly, Chief Minister Chaudhry Parvez Elahi formally
advised the governor to dissolve the provincial legislature.

13 Pakistan has always said that it would welcome the international

community, including the United States, to play their role in promot-
ing peace in the region, including facilitating dialogue and resolution
of the Kashmir dispute.

14 A senior police officer along with two constables embraced martyr-

dom in a midnight militant attack, which officials believe is the first of
its kind where modern gadgets were used to target police, on Sar-
band police station on the outskirts of Peshawar.

15 Pakistan`s average productivity growth remained just 1.5 per cent

from 2010 to 2020, significantly low to achieve the required GDP
growth rate of around 7-8pc on a sustainable basis, a new study
shows.

16 The results of local bodies polls in Karachi and Hyderabad that came
out after a delay of almost 29 hours, surprised many as Pakistan Peo-
ples Party (PPP) emerged victorious from both cities.

17 Ahead of a UN Security Council meeting on the Palestine issue, a

group of around 90 countries including Pakistan called on Israel to lift
the sanctions it imposed on the Palestinian Authority earlier this
month over its push to get the UN top court to issue an advisory opin-
ion on the Israeli occupation.

18 The Punjab government prohibited doing private usury business and

implemented and published the `Punjab Prohibition of Interest Loans
Act 2022` in the gazette.

19 As the government scrambles to save every penny and introduce

cost-cutting measures, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif added another
special assistant to his cabinet.

20 Pakistan and Russia decided to address all technical issues insur-

ance, transportation and payment mechanism to sign an agree-
ment by late March this year for the supply of Russian oil and other
petroleum products at discounted rates.

21 The caretaker chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Azam Khan, was

6
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

Dates Events

administered oath by Governor Ghulam Ali in a solemn ceremony

held at Governor House in Peshawar.

22 Millions of citizens were left without power after a massive break-

down hit the fragile national grid in the morning and kept almost the
entire country without electricity until late in the night.

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has decided to send Leopard 2 battle

23 tanks to Ukraine and allow other countries such as Poland to do so
while the United States may supply Abrams tanks, two sources famil-
iar with the matter said.

24 Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif indicated that the government was

finally ready to swallow the bitter pill of the International Monetary
Fund`s (IMF) `stringent` conditions to revive the loan programme.

25 The United States has reiterated that Pakistan can purchase oil from
Russia at a discounted price even though it has not signed a Wash-
ington-backed price cap on Russian petroleum products.

26 A day after Pakistan removed the exchange rate cap giving way to
over nine per cent depreciation of the rupee, the International Mone-
tary Fund (IMF) announced fielding its staff mission to Pakistan on
Jan 31 for talks on the 9th quarterly review of a funding programme
pending for almost four months.

27 Former director general of Intelligence Bureau (IB) Masood Sharif

Khan Khattak passed away in Karak district due to cardiac arrest. He
was 72.

28 Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari arrived in Moscow on a

two-day official visit.

29 As the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) Working Group of the United

Nations Human Rights Council takes up Pakistan`s human rights
record at its meeting in Geneva, a few countries, including the United
States, have raised specific questions in respect of human rights
issues in the country.

30 Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari expressed the hope that the

United States would not interfere in growing bilateral relations
between Pakistan and Russia.

31 A day after a deadly suicide bombing in Peshawar claimed over 100

lives, a police station in Mianwali came under a gun attack by a
group of heavily armed militants belonging to banned Teh-
reek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

7
 CSS | CHRONICLES VOLUME 3 EDITION 8

NATIONAL

8
TRYING YOUTH IN PAKISTAN’S CRIMINAL
JUSTICE SYSTEM – PREDICAMENTS AND
WAY FORWARD
Malik Huzaifa Saleem
Juvenile delinquents, chil-
dren involved in criminal
enterprises or illegal activi-
ties, are to be dealt sepa-
rately and are not exposed
to the mainstream criminal
legislations owing to the
legal presumption – Doli
Incapax. This Latin phrase
refers to the presumption in
law that a child is incapable
of forming the criminal
intent to commit an offence.
Juvenile delinquency refers
to criminal acts committed
by minors, usually defined
as individuals under the age
of 18. Juvenile delinquency
encompasses a range of
behaviours, from minor
offenses such as truancy
and vandalism to more seri-
ous crimes like theft and
violence. The causes of
juvenile delinquency are
complex and can include
individual, family, and socie-
tal factors. Juvenile justice
systems aim to address this
issue by addressing the
needs of young offenders
and promoting their reha-
bilitation, while also ensur-
ing public safety.
"The juvenile court is the
child's court. It must act in
his best interest." - Judge
Julian Mack.
Developed countries have
formulated robust juvenile
justice systems focusing on
protection of children, by
enacting tailor fit legisla-
tions and establishing sepa-
rate trial courts. In the United
Kingdom, for instance, the
legal system treats juvenile
offenders differently from
adult offenders. The Chil-
dren and Young Persons Act
1933 and the Crime and Dis-
order Act 1998 set out the
9
CSS Chronicles

legal framework for the treatment of

juvenile offenders in England and Wales.
Juvenile offenders in the UK are dealt
with by the Youth Justice Board and the
youth court system, rather than the
criminal courts for adults. The focus of
the juvenile justice system is on rehabili-
tation and reintegration, rather than
punishment or imprisonment. This can
include measures such as community
service, reparation, and supervision by a
youth offending team. Young offenders
may also receive support with educa-
tion and employment, as well as
addressing any underlying social or
psychological issues. The ultimate goal
of the UK's juvenile justice system is to
reduce reoffending and protect the
public, while ensuring that young people
receive the help and support, they need
to turn their lives around.

The juvenile justice system in Pakistan

has faced significant challenges in pro-
viding adequate care and protection to
minors in conflict with the law. The chal-
lenges include but are not limited to lack
of specialized juvenile courts in every
district, insufficient funding for juvenile
institutions, incapacity of police in terms
of resources and training, lack of sepa-
rate police vehicles for juveniles, inapt
custodial mechanisms of jails and pris-
ons, and the widespread prevalence of
child labor and other forms of exploita-
tion. A 2015 report by the Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan found that
many minors in Pakistani prisons were
held in conditions that were in violation
of international standards, including
being held in overcrowded cells, denied
access to education and healthcare,
and subjected to physical and psycho-
logical abuse. Despite some recent
efforts to improve the system, including
the passage of the Juvenile Justice
System Act in 2018, much work remains

10
CSS Chronicles
to be done to ensure that
children in Pakistan receive
the protection and legal
support they need. The
Juvenile Justice System in
Pakistan has faced signifi-
cant challenges in providing
adequate care and protec-
tion to minors in conflict with
the law. Despite efforts to
improve the treatment of
juveniles, many are still sub-
jected to harsh and inhu-
mane conditions in deten-
tion centers. According to a
2019 report by the Aurat
Foundation, approximately
9,000 minors are incarcer-
ated in prisons across Paki-
stan.
Moreover, the system lacks
proper legal representation
for minors and a strong
rehabilitation program to
reintegrate them into soci-
ety. This often results in juve-
niles being trapped in a
cycle of crime and punish-
ment, with little hope for a
better future. In a survey
conducted by the Sahil
organization in 2019, it was
found that children as
young as seven years old
are being held in prisons in
Pakistan, despite the fact
that the minimum age for
criminal responsibility under
Pakistani law is 18 years for a
juvenile. The lack of resourc-
es and a proper infrastruc-
ture also exacerbates the
situation. As a result, it is
imperative for the govern-
ment to take concrete steps
to reform the Juvenile Jus-
tice System in Pakistan to
ensure that juveniles are
protected and receive a fair
chance at rehabilitation and
reintegration into society.
"Reforming the Juvenile Jus-
tice System in Pakistan" by
Farzana Bari, published in
the Lahore Journal of Policy
Studies (LJPS) in 2018 pro-
vides valuable insights into
Volume 3 | Edition 8
the juvenile justice system in
Pakistan and offer sugges-
tions for improvement. The
article provides an overview
of the current state of the
juvenile justice system in
Pakistan, and proposes a
series of reforms aimed at
improving the system's abil-
ity to protect and support
minors who come into con-
tact with the criminal justice
system.
The concept of juvenile pro-
bation is based on the idea
that minors who have com-
mitted a criminal offense
are in need of rehabilitation
and guidance, rather than
punishment. In Pakistan, the
Juvenile Justice System Act
of 2018 provides a frame-
work for the treatment of
minors in the criminal justice
system, including the use of
probation as a form of alter-
native sentencing. Juvenile
probation involves the
supervision of minors by a
probation officer, who pro-
vides support, guidance,
and assistance to help the
youth stay on track and
avoid further criminal
behavior.
However, despite the best
intentions of the system, the
reality of juvenile probation
in Pakistan is far from ideal.
One of the biggest chal-
lenges faced by the juvenile
probation system is a lack of
resources and funding,
which limits its ability to pro-
vide effective support and
11
CSS Chronicles
supervision to minors. The
system is also faced with a
shortage of trained and
qualified probation officers,
which can lead to a lack of
expertise and consistency in
the supervision of minors.
Additionally, the system can
be hampered by cultural
attitudes and beliefs that
view minors who have com-
mitted crimes as beyond
redemption, rather than as
individuals in need of sup-
port and guidance. A 2018
report by the Independent
Monitoring Board found that
over 50% of juveniles in Paki-
stani prisons were held on
charges of theft or robbery,
while others were held on
charges of murder, terror-
ism, and other serious
offenses.
To address these challenges
and improve the juvenile
probation system in Paki-
stan, there are several steps
that can be taken. First, it is
essential to increase funding
and resources for the
system, to ensure that pro-
bation officers have the
resources they need to pro-
vide effective supervision
and support to minors.
Second, efforts should be
made to train and qualify
more probation officers, to
ensure that the system has
the expertise and knowledge
it needs to be effective. Final-
ly, cultural attitudes towards
minors who have committed
crimes must be challenged,
and efforts made to educate
the public and policymakers
about the importance of
rehabilitation and support
for these young people.
Improving Pakistan's Juve-
nile Justice System requires
a multi-faceted approach
that addresses the various
challenges faced by minors
in conflict with the law. The
following are some of the
key steps that can be taken
to improve the system:
1. Adequate funding and
infrastructure: The govern-
ment should allocate suffi-
cient funds to improve the
conditions in juvenile deten-
tion centers and provide
proper infrastructure to
meet the needs of minors.
This includes providing
access to basic necessities
like food, water, and medical
care, as well as creating
separate facilities for juve-
niles to ensure their safety
and well-being.
2. Legal representation: All
minors in conflict with the
law should have access to
legal representation to
ensure that their rights are
protected and that they
receive fair trials. The gov-
ernment should also provide
training to lawyers who spe-
cialize in juvenile justice to
ensure that they are
equipped to handle these
cases effectively.
3. Rehabilitation programs:
Rehabilitation is an essential
component of the Juvenile
Volume 3 | Edition 8
Justice System, and deten-
tion centers should have
programs in place to help
minors reintegrate into soci-
ety. This can include educa-
tion and vocational training,
as well as mental health and
counseling services.
4. Improved training for
police personnel: Police and
personnel working in juve-
nile detention centers
should receive adequate
training in child psychology,
human rights, and the
needs of minors to ensure
that they provide proper
care and protection. This
will help prevent abusive
behavior and neglect and
create a positive environ-
ment for minors.
5. Adopting arrest alterna-
tives: Instead of detention,
alternative forms of punish-
ment such as community
service or fines should be
considered for minor offens-
es, as this can help prevent
minors from becoming
trapped in a cycle of crime
and punishment.
6. Awareness campaigns:
The government should
launch awareness cam-
paigns to educate the
public about the Juvenile
Justice System and the
rights of minors. This can
help reduce discrimination
against juveniles and create
a more supportive environ-
ment for them.
12
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

7. Monitoring and accountability: The

government should establish a
mechanism for monitoring and eval-
uating the Juvenile Justice System to
ensure that reforms are being imple-
mented effectively and that minors
receive proper treatment. This can
include regular inspections of deten-
tion centers and the creation of inde-
pendent bodies to investigate and
address any abuses.

By implementing these reforms, the

Juvenile Justice System in Pakistan
can be transformed into a more
effective and equitable system that
provides proper care and protection
to minors in conflict with the law. In
conclusion, the juvenile justice system
in Pakistan faces numerous challeng-
es that need to be addressed. The
current system is in dire need of
reform to ensure that it is fair, just, and
effective in addressing the needs of
young offenders. It is crucial that the
government and society at large
prioritize the well-being and rehabili-
tation of these individuals, so they
have the opportunity to lead success-
ful and productive lives. The future of
Pakistan depends on the successful
rehabilitation of its youth, and it is our
responsibility to work towards creat-
ing a better system.

Alas! in this system,

the law is stacked
And the chances for
justice oftentimes lack

But still, there's a glimmer

of hope in the night
That justice will shine
and make things right

13
REVISITING
THE EDUCATION OF PAKISTAN
Abdul Samad
The core purpose of the
basic demand for education
is to instill, unveil, resurface,
or enhance the ability to
strike a clear difference
between right and wrong
and good and bad among
others. It demands to chal-
lenge the problematic
status quo—problematic in
the sense that it prevents
the whole education pro-
cess from getting its sole
purpose and being put on
the road to cater to the
interests of some specific
horde.
A well-versed and result-
ed-in-oriented education
system vividly designs its
purposes which might be
educating the people or
students in a way to pave
the way for their contribu-
tion to a healthy and pros-
perous society and even a
nation or country. Imparting
qualitative education pays
back a responsible society.
The real classroom makes a
nation in the real sense. Stu-
dents and even graduates
must have the capacity to
boost the progress of their
nation. They should have the
civic sense to stand for the
provision and protection of
their fundamental rights. A
well-educated horde can
easily be relied on for
making a nation noteworthy
in every field.
A quality-based education
system provides a prosper-
ing bed for the development
of the nation in a multidi-
mensional way. From the
development of information
technology and the econo-
my to socio-politico con-
struction, education plays
an undeniable role. The
prosperous nature of the
Scandinavian model of
democracy is the blessing of
a well-educated system
where the literacy rate has
almost crossed the 90 digits.
14
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

While having a mature
model of democracy, the
country has a well-versed
and result-oriented educa-
tion system.
The term quality education
is usually defined as the
process to get to the deter-
mined purpose. If the edu-
cation system of Pakistan
doesn’t reach its desired
goals, it is just because, inter
alia, of the lacunae of
research-based education.
This in turn languishes the
ability to challenge the pre-
vailing flawed ideas which
need to be addressed.
dren are comprised of girls. The economic survey of Pakistan
2021-22, stages nearly 61% of female literacy rate against 71%
of men. The same survey unveils that nearly half of the pop-
ulation of Pakistan consists of women. One of the main indi-
cators of WEF’s Global Gender Gap report gauges the status
of women based on their educational empowerment and
Pakistan ranks 145 out of 146 in its recent report. Pakistan has
the second largest number of out-of-school children( nearly
22.8m) after Nigeria according to the UN.
The educational triangle in Pakistan impedes the education
system from reaching its desired goals. Each of the three
sectors( public, private, and madrasahs) has its syllabus,
curriculum pattern, way of teaching, and core purpose. The
government sector needs to update its outdated curriculum
status. The minimum education expenditure, poor physical

While keeping such a pur-

poseful nature of the edu-
cation system in mind, Paki-
stan has been moving on
with a contrary model. It
largely fails in determining
the goals of its education
system. It has missed out
deliberately many import-
ant areas regarding the
purposeful function of its
education system.

Pakistan has a model of the

troika in its education
regime: government setup,
private sector, and madra-
sah education. Each of the
above has its realm. The
government sector is usual-
ly reported to be problemat-
ic where there is a lack of
imparting quality education.
Similarly, it has yet to
address the gendered issue
as more than half of the cur-
rently out-of-school chil-

15
CSS Chronicles
infrastructure, lack of quality
education and educators,
and the absence of a
well-versed evaluation
mechanism have handi-
capped our education
system badly.
The madrasah education
has largely embarked on
traditional and outdated
courses. It should also take
the responsibility for incul-
cating the intolerance saga
and stiffing the attitude and
behavior of its students. Ma-
drasah education usually
keeps itself away from em-
bracing modern scientific
education. Despite this fact,
the role of madrasahs’ stu-
dents in the growth and
development of our country
can hardly be ignored as
they are the homes to many
students—a large chunk of
people sends their children
to madrasahs just by virtue
of their religious kowtow and
the economical nature of
madrasah’s education.
Likewise, the education realm
of Pakistan is struggling with
a poor financial account.
Pakistan reserves the record
lowest money for the educa-
tion department. The educa-
tion budget of Pakistan is
lower than most of the devel-
oping world even less than
many of its south Asian
neighbors and counterparts.
It mostly allocates its educa-
tion budget between 1.5 and
2% among which more than
90% is spent on salaries, pen-
sions, and allowances
among others. The remain-
ing few percent sums are
allocated for the develop-
ment, construction, and
maintenance of various edu-
cational institutions. Even out
of this meager budget
reserved to be spent on the
physical infrastructure of
education, a huge chunk
goes into the pockets of han-
dlers. All this shows the bare
picture of the pathetic por-
trait of the physical status of
our education system.
Pakistan lacks a quali-
ty-based education system.
Quality in the sense that it
provides a very minimum
number of researchers and
researched activities. The
QS World University ranking
and other outfits drawing
the rankings of the different
universities on the basis of
their research production
give hardly one or two seats
among the top five-hun-
dred universities in the world
to Pakistani universities. A
bare minimum number of
Pakistani universities make
their way to prestigious
positions among the top
Asian universities.
Such a dirge of quality edu-
cation has been triggered
by a plethora of reasons.
Pakistan has a long-stand-
ing dilemma of rote memo-
rization which has been in
place since the first stage of
KG. It goes through all the
different stages of one’s
educational journey. Even it
Volume 3 | Edition 8
can easily be observed at
the graduation stage where
it is boosted by the notes
culture which in turn paves
the way for copy-pasting
menace. This results in the
intellectual paralysis of
learners which handicaps
them from utilizing their
reason and intellect.
Moreover, our education
system also lacks quality
and talented, and
well-trained instructors. The
instructors are mostly
seniors and feel deficient in
most of the contemporary
teaching techniques. There-
fore, they need proper train-
ing which in turn needs the
provision of a comprehen-
sive infrastructure, e.g.,
budget, time management,
and evaluation process. At
the university level, hardly
any university has had more
than five PhDs. The universi-
ties are struggling with
external or political interfer-
ence in their management,
recruitment on nepotism,
bribery, and refer-
ence-based, poor financial
sources, and pathetic physi-
cal infrastructure among
others.
Similarly, Pakistan has yet to
ensure a well-functioned
technical and vocational
education. As per an esti-
mate, Pakistan throws
nearly three million educat-
ed people into the employ-
ment market annually and
approximately 0.3m to 0.5m
among them are worth
16
CSS Chronicles
enough to be recruited by
the market. The remaining
almost 25 million are jobless
who in turn become an
atomic bomb for the coun-
try: such a huge number of
unemployed people easily
falls into the hands of
anti-state elements who in
turn drive them towards
anti-state activities. The
question here arises is: why
cannot the market provide
jobs to such a huge number
of the educated horde? This
might be answered by
dragging the reason for not
imparting the required edu-
cation and training. The
graduates lack skills and
talent which they might
have had but had not flour-
ished over the course of
their educational careers.
While keeping the
above-drawn portrait of the
education system of Paki-
stan in view, one can reach
the point to deduce the con-
clusion. Multiple questions
arise here: can such a prob-
lematic education system
succeed in meeting its
goals? Has the education
system of Pakistan deter-
mined its goals? Will it bring
forth ones who can chal-
lenge the flawed status quo
and the prevailing deleteri-
ous ideas?
While answering the above
like many questions, one
Volume 3 | Edition 8
can find out an ambiguity in
drawing out the clear goals
of the education system of
Pakistan. Though Pakistan
has taken some steps both
at the federal and provincial
level to pursue the opaque
goals of its education
system like bringing back
the out-of-school children,
and squeezing the inequali-
ty gap regarding the provi-
sion of quality-based edu-
cation via a single national
curriculum, it has yet to
bring back to school the
hundreds of thousands of
out of school children. It has
yet fully ensure the provision
of accessible and free edu-
17
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

cation to children aged 5 to
16 in accordance with Article
25(A) of the constitution of
Pakistan. This was made
compulsory in the Eigh-
teenth Amendment in 2010
and has yet to be ensured.
The deplorable financial
allocation to the education
department unveils the
priority of the state. The
same budget allocates
nearly 72% for defense, in
return for foreign debts and
salaries and pensions. The
development budget usual-
ly bears the burden of aus-
terity conditions put up by
the IMF.
In the area of imparting
impartial quality-based
education, Pakistan sets a
multifaceted realm where
the students of public and
madrasahs sectors have
successfully been outpaced
by those of the private edu-
cational institutions which
comprise the one percent
republic dilemma. This elit-
ism of our education system
craves a society of inequali-
ty where the sum is ruled by
few. This in turn hampers
national integrity.
corrupt and selfish. People
lack authentic knowledge
and information. They are
misguided through the
sponsored media outfits.
In a nutshell, the education
system of Pakistan unequiv-
ocally lacks in defining clear
objectives, achieving the
designed targets, and
making the system a
cost-benefit one. It needs to
revamp the poor physical
infrastructure of the educa-
tion system. A sufficient
amount of education
budget is needed. Getting
back all the out-of-school
children, bringing a single
but consensus-based cur-
riculum, provision of quality
and research-based edu-
cation while eradicating the
rote memorization culture,
and terminating the elitist
dilemma in education are
some of the suggested
reforms. The inclusion of
society and even the com-
munity and public-private
partnerships are also rec-
ommended to cater to the
financial and aware-
ness-spreading problems.
But it must be made sure
that the education system is
under the influence of the
local influencers. Last but
not the least, the gender
gap in education must be
addressed as progress
without women's participa-
tion is a daydream. Pakistan
has to decide whether it
wants to improve its path or
chooses the same way with
zero positive results

The net result of this is that

Pakistan has a balk of blind
followers and rote memoriz-
ers. The learned ones are
easily befooled and brain-
washed. The lack of
well-versed education pre-
pares one to shout and raise
slogans after those who are

18
M PT
HAS BE E
(
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C
A
S
N
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N
S
O
PE
U
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IA
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FPSC
L
ED
EXAM)
BY

Apply Before
14 th March, 2023

19
BATTLING THE REVENUE SHORTFALL:
THE DILEMMA OF 18TH AMENDMENT
Dawood Saleemi - Published in Dunya News Blogs
The recent remarks of the
Honorable Premier Imran
Khan about some points of
the 18th amendment requir-
ing review deserve some
attention. While the remarks
were related to the lack of
devolution of power from
provinces to the local gov-
ernments, they sparked a
general debate once again
about our constitutional
scheme and federalism in
Pakistan – the issue of reve-
nue generation being the
most pertinent one. This
piece will focus, in the con-
text of center-province rela-
tions, on the failure to
enlarge revenue envelope
after the 18th amendment.
The main argument of the
side that wants the amend-
ment reviewed is that the
transfer of a large percent-
age of federal revenues to
the provinces after the 18th
amendment leaves limited
fiscal space for the federal
government to invest in
human capital and eco-
nomic development. There
is, however, a need to realize
that the locus of this prob-
lem lies not as much with
the 18th amendment itself
as it does with a poorly
functioning taxation regime
both at the federal and pro-
vincial levels.
First, despite the fact that all
provinces have dedicated
institutions to mobilize reve-
nues, the existence of a
plethora of parallel taxation
authorities has resulted in a
coordination gap and scat-
tered data of taxpayers. In
Punjab, for instance, three
separate revenue authori-
ties i.e. Board of Revenue,
Punjab Revenue Authority,
and Excise & Taxation
Department operate with
different jurisdictions and
20
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

they have no formal admin-
istrative connection and
information-sharing mech-
anism. The Cantonment
Areas have their separate
tax collection mechanisms,
administered by MLCG offi-
cers working under the Min-
istry of Defense.
Second, these institutions
also lack the necessary col-
lection expertise, adminis-
trative capacity, and skilled
human capital to meet their
objectives and are often
dependent on the federal
officers to run their affairs. In
the absence of necessary
human capital and a har-
monized working frame-
work, the collective efficien-
cy of these institutions is
undermined significantly.
Third, after the devolution of
GST on services to provinc-
es, five economic jurisdic-
tions i.e. four provinces and
ICT are operating with
different regulations and
policies. The resulting cum-
bersome complications
create an incentive for busi-
nesses to evade taxes. This
arrangement causes
disagreements over the
definitions of goods & ser-
vices and places a high
compliance burden on busi-
nesses by requiring them to
file GST returns with all five
jurisdictions every month
based on five different sets
of rules. The absence of a
Unified Tax Portal with a
standardized format for
paying and filing taxes is a
big hurdle in streamlining
the taxation regime.
Fourth, the absence of a
robust coordination mecha-
nism between federal and
provincial tax bodies results
in the evasion of tax at mul-
tiple points. To give one
example, the evasion of
income tax on account of
agricultural income by
landlords is a recurring phe-
nomenon because FBR does
not have access to the data
of agricultural income tax-
payers that lies with prov-
inces.
Finally, the federal govern-
ment loses a big chunk of its
revenue due to inefficiencies
in the federal revenue col-
lection machinery. Accord-
ing to the World Bank, the
potential of total tax collec-
tion at the federal level is
26% of the GDP while the
actual Tax-to-GDP ratio has
remained fairly low in recent
years even before the
Covid-19 pandemic. The
existing structural organiza-
tion of FBR, absence of ade-
quate performance-based
incentive structures for tax
collectors, lack of security of

Board of Revenue
Legal Revenue Punjab Revenue
Agriculture Income Tax Authority
Stamp Duties General Sales
Tax on Services

Board of Revenue
Urban Immoveable Board of Revenue
Property Tax All local taxes are collected
Tax on Professions by Military Lands &
Motor Vehicle Tax Contonment Group
(Ministry of Defense)

Provincial Tax Machinery of Punjab

21
CSS Chronicles
tenure for the top leadership
and lack of autonomy in
internal matters on the
model of State Bank of Paki-
stan are some of the issues
that need to be addressed
in this regard to enhance
the functional capacity of
FBR.
The proposal for the estab-
lishment of the Pakistan
Revenue Authority (PRA) by
the current government,
notwithstanding the hap-
hazard manner in which it
was presented, did have
some merits from a func-
tional point of view. The con-
solidation of all fragmented
revenue authorities at the
provincial level in a single
authority and establishment
of an effective coordination
mechanism between the
provincial authorities and
FBR organized along func-
tional lines are commend-
able ideas. In this regard,
however, a few steps must
be taken to ensure that the
reform process is imple-
mented smoothly.
First, the concerns of the
political leadership of prov-
inces regarding the federal
encroachment upon the
provincial domain must be
addressed. In principle,
there is no issue in the
establishment of PRA since
the constitution allows for
such arrangements. All the
details can be discussed in
the Council of Common
Interest under Article 153,
while the long term over-
sight can be established
through the National Eco-
nomic Council under Article
156. Our democratic proce-
dures want different points
of view to engage with each
other through these consti-
tutional forums and they
must be put to effective use.
Even if there are some legal
complications afterward,
Article 144 can be utilized
which allows a provincial
assembly to delete its legis-
lative authority to Parlia-
ment on a subject not enu-
merated in the Federal Leg-
islative List.
Second, the rules and regu-
lations related to GST within
all economic jurisdictions
must be harmonized on the
model of other federations
such as the USA by main-
taining a balance between
the federal-provincial juris-
dictions. Some mechanisms
can also be devised to give
the right to levy agricultural
income tax to center and
the center can hand over
sales tax on goods to the
provinces. Third, each prov-
ince must establish an
effective Grievance Redres-
sal Mechanism (GRM) relat-
ed to tax machinery to
increase the trust of the
public in the process. One
way to do this is by mandat-
ing an autonomous office of
Provincial Tax Ombudsman
strengthened with penal
and oversight powers.
Volume 3 | Edition 8
Fourth, there is a need to
enhance the administrative
capacity and technical
acumen of the provincial tax
authorities by investing in
the human resource capital
to decrease their reliance on
the federal government.
Finally, no coordination
mechanism can work effec-
tively without the modern-
ization of the tax collection
regime through extensive
use of information technolo-
gy for the detection of
under-reporting and under-
standing the patterns of tax
evasion in different seg-
ments.
Whatever the reform
agenda is, the senior lead-
ership of FBR must be taken
into confidence on all mat-
ters. The process should be
multi-staged, inclusive, and
give due weightage to the
concerns of all involved
stakeholders.
No one can deny the exis-
tence of post-18th amend-
ment fiscal challenges. How-
ever, addressing those chal-
lenges would require a
forward-thinking mindset, a
spirit of cooperation, and a
belief in the idea that a strong
federal framework is in fact
the right way ahead for our
country in the long term. The
issue is not the 18th amend-
ment. The issue is the poorly
functioning and flawed taxa-
tion regime and that is where
the focus should be.
22
EARLY BIRD DISCOUNT

50
%
OFF

23
 CSS | CHRONICLES VOLUME 3 EDITION 8

INTERNATIONAL

24
ABYSMAL STATE OF WOMEN
RIGHTS IN AFGHANISTAN
SANIA SALEEM
The Taliban took over power
in Afghanistan in 2021, after
twenty years of their ouster
by U.S. troops. The Taliban –
de facto rulers of Afghani-
stan – have imposed harsh
regulation, notwithstanding,
pledges to respect the rights
of women, religious, ethnic
and minority communities
of Afghanistan. Since
regaining control, the Tali-
ban have taken actions
evocative of their brutal rule
in the late 1990s. The UN mis-
sion in Afghanistan has
documented various
human rights violations. The
Taliban have bulldozed jour-
nalists and their unreason-
able control of press free-
dom, has led to the closure
of more than two hundred
news organizations. The
de-facto Taliban govern-
ment has violently cracked
down on demonstrations,
protesters and social activ-
ists are either being moni-
tored or have forcibly disap-
peared. Under their punitive
rule, they have cracked
down on women’s rights –
inviting global condemna-
tion – and neglected basic
human rights of people in
Afghanistan.
“I am sad and angry and
want the world to know, she
was killed in darkness, but
the Taliban build their
system of gender apartheid
in full daylight!” tweeted
Hannah Neumann, a
member of the European
parliament, in response to
the killing of a former law-
maker, Mursal Nabizada in
Kabul (January 2023).
Women have seen their
rights gradually extirpating
as during previous Taliban’s
reign. The recent move of
Taliban government to not
to allow female students to
sit university entrance
exams next month, under-
scoring its policy to restrict
women from tertiary educa-
25
CSS Chronicles
tion and another motion to
restrict women from travel-
ling long distances without
male escort is an illustration
of how the Taliban’s regime
is limiting their basic rights.
In December 2022, the Tali-
ban rulers prohibited
women from working at
local and international
non-governmental organi-
zations (NGOs). According
to the estimates of UN
Development Program
(UNDP) restricting women’s
employment could cost up
to five percent (5%) of
Afghanistan’s gross domes-
tic product (GDP).
An extremist Taliban regime
is pushing the life of Afghan
people to the brink. The situ-
ation of women in Afghani-
stan is that of the can-
on-fodders in a chauvinistic
society. Living under Taliban
rulers is the most adverse
women’s right catastrophe
in the history of earth. Since
coming to power, Taliban
led de-facto rulers imposed
harsh restrictions on the
basic rights of people of
Afghanistan however, the
harshest of the restrictions
were reserved for women.
They initiated with imposing
a ban on girls’ secondary
education, which is in place
contemporarily as well irre-
spective of the national and
international demands to lift
the ban. Taliban rulers also
imposed restriction on
women’s movement without
a male escort. Furthermore,
they have in place restric-
tions on women’s dress,
making it mandatory for
women to cover their heads
in public. Girls and women
are also not permitted to
participate in sports.
The Global Women, Peace
and Security Index, 2021/22
ranked Afghanistan 170th,
last in the list of 170 coun-
tries. In another move, UN
legal experts described the
“collapse of the rule of law
and judicial independence”
in Afghanistan as “a human
rights catastrophe”. UN-ap-
pointed independent
human rights experts, who
met in Geneva, referring to
the Taliban attempt to
effectively ban all women
participating in legal system
as “an act of brazen
discrimination”. The state-
ment further vindicated that
over 250 women judges,
hundreds of female lawyers
and prosecutors, have
already been removed with
many Afghan women
judges having left the coun-
try or gone into hiding. In
December 2022, Afghani-
stan’s Taliban rulers issued
another sweeping embargo
on women in public life, pro-
hibiting female Afghan em-
ployees from working at
domestic and international
non-governmental organi-
zations. The United Nations
has condemned the NGO
order seeking clarity from
Taliban. A U.N statement
maintained that, “Taking
Volume 3 | Edition 8
away the free will of women
to choose their own fate,
disempowering and exclud-
ing them systematically
from all aspects of public
and political life takes the
country backward, jeopar-
dizing efforts for any mean-
ingful peace or stability in
the country.”
All the Afghan women work-
ing for the government,
except those doing jobs in
the education and health
sectors, were told to stay
home and not report back to
work. The Taliban have also
dissolved the Ministry of
Women’s Affairs and the
Afghanistan Independent
Human Rights Commission.
These steps have left female
victims of domestic abuse
and violence with no legal
remedy or backing at a time
when there are various
reports of surge in forced
marriages, including child
marriages. When a reporter
inquired Abdul Salam
Hanafi, the Taliban’s Deputy
Prime Minister for Adminis-
trative Affairs of Afghani-
stan, about the lack of wom-
en’s participation, he replied
that women would be par-
ticipating, in a way, because
their sons would be attend-
ing. This type of rhetoric,
along with the newfangled
directions, endorses a
demeaning narrative about
women and their position in
society and invalidates two
decades’ worth of positive
changes in behavior of
26
CSS Chronicles
people about the social and
political roles that should be
available to women.
UN Secretary-General Anto-
nio Guterres denounced the
“unprecedented, systemic
attacks on women’s and
girls’ rights”, which he said
“are creating gender-based
apartheid”. In a clear mes-
sage to Kabul’s de facto
rulers, a high-level UN dele-
gation – met Taliban in Jan-
uary 2023 led by UN deputy
Secretary General Amina
Mohammad – has warned
that isolating women will
also isolate Afghanistan.
Furthermore, the delegation
cautioned the de-facto
rulers that the country faces
a terrible humanitarian
crisis, it cannot afford to be
isolated. Much has to be
said than done. UN dedicat-
ing world education day to
girls (January, 24) isn’t
enough since the women
are deprived of their basic
rights. The response of inter-
national community, as
above-mentioned, over all
these episodes of events is
that of mere condemnation.
The UN Human Rights Coun-
cil is yet to establish a
robust, well-equipped
accountability mechanism
for Afghanistan in spite of
repeated calls from the
human rights community.
Diplomats, including those
representing the United
States, continue to interact
with Taliban leaders at
international conferences
Volume 3 | Edition 8
and bilateral talks. Resul- the region to increase their
tantly, the Afghan women at engagement beyond the
the forefront of the nonag- Western world. The women’s
gressive resistance to the rights movement should
Taliban are mostly on their also devote in long-term
own. social and cultural changes
in Afghan society via pro-
This absence requires ducing and disseminating
women rights organizations content and material about
in Afghanistan to question women’s rights in local lan-
the will and influence of guages, strategic collabo-
international community to ration with the Afghan
help Afghan women. Under- media, and finding resourc-
standing that foreign part- es for educational and cul-
ners are not going to show tural exchange programs
up requires changing the
approach of these organi-
zations working on the
ground. The focus for the
Afghan women rights
movement should be to
strengthen its unity and pre-
vent any disagreement
between the diaspora and
social activists inside the
country. Additionally, the
Afghan women’s rights
movement also needs to
encourage and foster new
allies inside the country and
also in the region including
but not limited to Afghan
writers, cultural activists,
and moderate religious
thinkers. These organiza-
tions also need to strength-
en their collaboration with
other women rights organi-
zations in Pakistan, Iran,
Qatar, and other countries in
27
CSS Chronicles
for Afghan youth especially
girls. Even though the wom-
en’s movement needs to
look up to engagement with
Western countries and
international human rights
bodies, nonetheless, expec-
tations from the internation-
al community should be
based on a clear-sight of its
near to nonexistent
response over the past
years since Taliban became
de-facto rulers of Afghani-
stan.
Henceforth, besides stand-
ing up against the Taliban
and battling patriarchy
inside Afghanistan, women
rights activists have also
had to contend with chau-
vinism, gaslighting, and
exclusion at the hands of
Western representatives
and alleged experts on
Afghanistan. Even though
Western leaders have reiter-
ated for the last two
decades about supporting
Afghan women, at perilous
junctures, where women’s
rights and lives are con-
cerned, Western countries
have provided limited sup-
port for them or their cause,
in the form of condemna-
tion, exposing a deep
hypocrisy.
It is pertinent to mention that
not much can be achieved
without increasing regional
and domestic pressure on
the Taliban rulers. Addition-
ally, Afghan women in the
diaspora can play their role
by supporting the civil soci-
ety organizations in Afghani-
stan in an effort to save the
Volume 3 | Edition 8
rights of women. The strate-
gic goal, in the longer run, of
the movement must be
broader cultural and social
transformation in support of
women’s rights among
Afghans, and not just exert-
ing external pressure on the
Taliban. The systematic sub-
jugation of women will have
devastating consequences
for generations to come. To
change the situation in
Afghanistan, social activists
must go beyond exploring
the same avenues for help
and hearing only the same
halfhearted statements of
backing. Meanwhile, if the
international community
continues its superficial
approach to women’s rights
in Afghanistan, it will lose its
credibility on the subject
matter across the globe.
28
WORLD ECONOMY EXPLAINED: WORLD
BANK AND THE IMF
Qaiser Rizwan Abbasi
In an increasingly connect-
ed global village, it is
important to comprehend
the world economy and how
it works under the major
International Financial Insti-
tutions (IFI): World Bank
(WB) and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF). These
IFIs play the significant role
in the economic growth and
economic development
around the globe by pro-
moting those economic pol-
icies that are feasible in
enhancing productivity, job
creation and monetary
cooperation. Poor and
underdeveloped countries
like Pakistan has been the
recipient of aid, assistance,
grants, financial packages
and loans and much more
which is needed to improve
the economic prospects of
the country in the best pos-
sible manner.
A: The World Bank
Let’s start with the signifi-
cance and functions of the
WB and how it impacts the
world economy. It is signifi-
cant to highlight that WB
has prioritized two goals
that it seeks to achieve by
the end of 2030: (I) Eliminate
poverty and destitution by
decreasing the percentage
of people living on less than
$1.90 a day to no more than
3%. (II) Promoting shared
progress and prosperity with
the help of ensuring income
growth of the bottom 40%
for all and sundry.
In addition to this, WB seeks
to provide financial and
technical assistance to
developing countries across
the globe. It seeks to build a
much-needed partnership
to eliminate poverty and
encourage development. It
was established in 1944, it’s
headquartered in Washing-
ton, D.C. WB provides finan-
cial products and services in
the shape of low-interest
29
loans, zero to low-interest
credits, and most impor-
tantly, grants to developing
countries.
WB provides critical support
in a wide range of the
investments such as social
sector development includ-
ing education, public
administration, health,
financial and private sector
development, health, agri-
culture, and natural
resource management.
Besides, WB also offers inno-
vative knowledge sharing.
It provides support to devel-
oping countries by providing
research and analysis,
policy advice, and above all,
technical assistance. One of
the core objectives of the
WB is to make sure that the
countries can easily secure
excellent global expertise
and help produce the best
knowledge. This is aimed at
promoting global competi-
tiveness and capacity
building of the developing
and poor nations in a highly
effective manner.
30
CSS Chronicles

B: International Monetary pile up their international tainable development and

Fund (IMF)
International Monetary Fund
(IMF) is yet another interna-
tional financial institution
that aims to achieve the
sustainable growth and
progress for all the member
countries i.e. 190 countries.
One of the principal ways to
achieve this is by promoting
those economic and social
policies with the help of
which financial stability and
monetary cooperation can
be ensured. These policies
are important to enhance
productivity, promote
well-being of the general
public and most significant-
ly, make sure job creation to
the greatest possible extent.
reserves, stabilizing the cur- growth for the betterment of
rencies, along with restoring the general public. The
the conditions for the robust trainings and research work
economic growth. help the countries to deal
On the other hand, IMF with the various challenges
ensures the provision of the in the form of the gender
technical assistance and equality, income inequality
training to the governments and climate change and the
that may consist of the rev- corruption.
enue administrations, the
central banks and the
finance ministries and
others. The coordination
with these wide range of the
governmental bodies is
important to make sure that
the countries are seeking
those policies that would in
turn help them achieve sus-

The resources that IMF have

comes from the financial
resources that the countries
need to pay in the form of
the capital subscription
(quotas) once they turn out
to become the members.
This pool of the financial and
economic resources is then
given to the countries that
are confronting the financial
hardships or the economic
crisis
.
IMF offers loans to the
member countries which
are facing the wide range of
the economic crisis that
may include the balance of
payment crisis or the similar
to that. In these difficult
times, IMF comes for the
rescue to the debt-ridden
countries by helping them to

31
CLIMATE CRISIS: NO WAY OUT?
Bakhtawar Narejo
We are living on this planet
as if we have another one
to go to. The Global
Climate change crisis has
been the greatest collec-
tive threat faced by the
human family. Every time
we tune into news chan-
nels we're either hearing
about cloud bursts, raging
wildfires, or deadly floods.
In the words of Ban
Ki-Moon, Secretary General
United Nations, ‘‘We’re the
first generation that can
end the poverty and the
last generation that can
take steps to avoid the
worst impacts of climate
change.’’ The future gener-
ations will hold us
accountable and judge
harshly if we fail to uphold
our obligatory moral and
historical responsibilities.
Climate Change crises are
real, it doesn’t need any
theory or research to be
carried out or verified to
prove their existence. If
your tap has running water
it does not mean that there
isn't a water scarcity prob-
lem or If you ate today that
won’t vanish the world
hunger problems. Similarly,
The extensive and deadly
threat of climate change is
upon our heads; We need
to bring in action for eradi-
cating it today rather than
waiting for an apocalypse
maybe.
Is it too late to prevent
climate change?
It's been long established
that climate change is a
reality that we must face.
Climate change is an
increase in global tempera-
tures due to increased
carbon emissions in the
atmosphere. The results of
climate change have been
far-reaching, leading to
increases in natural disas-
ters, floods, and droughts,
along with rapid habitat and
species loss. Climate
change is a global issue that
we are facing today, and the
situation seems to be get-
ting worse and worse. With
global temperatures rising,
extreme weather conditions
32
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

are becoming increasingly

frequent and widespread,
causing harm to people and
ecosystems across the
planet.

There is no doubt that we

must take action to reduce
emissions and slow down
climate change. Govern-
ments have set targets for
renewable energy and
green infrastructure, and
initiatives have been taken
to improve energy efficien-
cy. However, all these efforts
alone may not be enough to
stop the rising tempera-
tures.

The scientific consensus is

clear: The only way to
reverse climate change is to
significantly reduce our use
of fossil fuels and adopt
more renewable sources of
energy. This can only be
achieved by implementing
strong policies to move
away from the current car-
bon-intensive model of
development, as well as
large-scale shifts in how
people live, work, and pro-
duce.
The challenge of climate
change is daunting and its
solutions are complex. We
cannot deny the facts any
longer; if we want to save
our planet, we must make
changes now. There is no
way out - we must come
together and make the hard
choices required for a safe
future.
60 PERCENT OF PRIMATES ARE ON THEIR WAY
TO EXTINCTION DUE TO FOREST FIRES
WWF
Educating Masses to Play lot of ways that we can help
their Part slow down climate change
Fortunately, we are now and move toward a more
more aware of how we can sustainable future.
help slow down and miti-
gate the effects of climate One thing that often gets
change. From simple overlooked, however, is the
lifestyle changes such as role of education in
switching to more ener- addressing climate change.
gy-efficient appliances and Many studies have shown
avoiding plastic to that people who are well-in-
large-scale shifts such as formed about the science
supporting renewable and realities of climate
energy sources, there are a change are more likely to

33
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

act on their beliefs and take

steps to reduce their carbon
footprint. Educating our-
selves, and especially our
youth, about climate
change and the importance
of sustainability will play a
crucial role in ensuring that
our society takes meaning-
ful action on this global
issue
.
We all have a role to play in
the fight against climate
change. Educating our-
selves and our communities
about this global problem
will be essential if we want to
see meaningful and sus-
tainable change. So, make
sure you spread the word
about the importance of
sustainability and climate
change - every little bit
counts!

Now or Never
If not now, when?
According to Jim Skea,
co-chair of IPCC Working
Group III, which produced
the most recent report, "it's
now or never if we want to
limit global warming to 1.5°C
(2.7°F); without quick and
deep emissions reductions
across all sectors, it will be
unachievable."
When carbon dioxide emis-
sions are net zero, the plan-
et's temperatures will stabi-
lize. According to the IPCC
assessment, 1.5C (2.7F),
means achieving net zero
global carbon dioxide emis-
DUE TO ARCTIC WARMING THERE ARE ONLY
20,000 POLAR BEARS LEFT IN WORLD
WWF
sions in the early 2050s; for Concluding Remarks
2C (3.6°F), it's in the early As we all know, climate
2070s. change is one of the great-
est threats to our planet and
This analysis demonstrates our way of life. For years
that, in order to keep global now, scientists have warned
warming to 2C (3.6F), us about the consequences
greenhouse gas emissions of burning fossil fuels and
must peak before 2025 at how it has accelerated
the latest and be cut in half climate change, yet here we
by 2030. are – still struggling to find
effective solutions that can
help to mitigate its effects.

34
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

It is true that governments

and businesses are invest-
ing in renewable energy and
green technology, but more
must be done to address
the root causes of climate
change. One key strategy is
reducing our reliance on
fossil fuels. We must switch
to clean and renewable
energy sources such as
wind and solar power, while
also investing in research
and development to further
reduce the costs of transi-
tioning away from dirty
energy sources.

At the same time, it is essen-

tial that we prioritize pro-
tecting the natural environ-
ment. We need to ensure
that habitats, like rainforests
and coral reefs, are pre-
served and restored so they
can serve as carbon sinks
and provide the essential 52 PERCENT OF OF SEA TURTLES AROUND THE
services they offer to both WORLD HAVE EATEN PLASTIC WASTE
human and wildlife popula- WWF
tions.

Furthermore, we must
reduce our individual emis-
sions and make more sus-
tainable lifestyle choices,
such as eating plant-based
foods and using public
transportation. Every small
action can have an impact
and help us to turn the tide
on climate change.
Finally, we must support pol-
icies and investments that
are aimed at transitioning to
a more sustainable future. Let’s all work together to
We need to push for strong fight the greatest challenge
laws that hold polluters of our times. Together, we
accountable and set targets can protect our planet and
for reducing greenhouse its inhabitants for future
gas emissions. At the same generations.
time, governments must
increase funding for
research into new renew-
able energy technologies
and allocate financial
resources for building a
clean energy economy.

35
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M PT
HAS BE E
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BY

Apply Before
14 th March, 2023

38
 CSS | CHRONICLES VOLUME 3 EDITION 8

MONTHLY REVIEW

39
CSS Chronicles
Joe Biden’s effort to
remake the economy
is ambitious,
risky—and selfish
Published in The Economist
Get behind the wheel of an
electric vehicle made in
Detroit and drive south. The
outline of a city that was
once a byword for industrial
decline fades in the
rear-view mirror. Head into
Ohio, where the battery
under your feet was made.
The semiconductors that
regulate its charging speed
were made there too, in a
vast new factory that counts
the Pentagon among its
biggest customers.
Recharge with electricity
transmitted from one of
West Virginia’s new nuclear
plants, then start the long
journey into the heartlands.
After the endless wind farms
of Kansas, you drive through
Oklahoma’s vast solar fields,
then loop back to the gulf
coast. The trip ends by the
water, the bright sun glinting
off a spanking-new
green-hydrogen plant.
This is America in 2033, if the
Biden administration has its
way. In the past two years
Congress has passed three
bills, on infrastructure, semi-
conductor chips and green-
ery, that will make $2trn
available to reshape the
economy. The idea is that,
with government action,
America can reindustrialise
itself, bolster national secu-
rity, revive left-behind
places, cheer up blue-collar
workers and dramatically
reduce its carbon emissions
all at the same time. It is the
country’s most ambitious
and dirigiste industrial
policy for many decades. In
a series of articles beginning
this week, The Economist will
be assessing President Joe
Biden’s giant bet on trans-
forming America.
Mr Biden is taking an
epoch-making political
gamble. He is acting on so
many fronts because he
had no choice. The only way
to build a majority in Con-
gress was to bolt a Demo-
cratic desire to act on
climate change on to hawk-
ish worries about the threat
from China and the need to
deal with left-behind places
in the American heartland.
On its own, each of these
concerns is valid. But in
terms of policy, the necessi-
ty to bind them together has
led America into a sec-
ond-best world. The goals
will sometimes conflict, the
protectionism will infuriate
allies and the subsidies will
create inefficiencies.
To grasp the scale of what is
under way, follow the
money. The Infrastructure
Act makes $1.2trn available
over ten years for roads,
bridges and cables for a
new green grid. The chips
Volume 3 | Edition 8
Act, which promotes making
semiconductors in America,
contains $280bn of spend-
ing. The Inflation Reduction
Act contains $400bn in sub-
sidies for green tech over
ten years; some analysts
suggest the true figure will
be $800bn. The money is
only part of the picture. With
it comes a plethora of rules,
from requirements that bat-
teries be made in North
America, to restrictions on
tech imports and exports on
grounds of national security.
A giant plan that has so
many disparate objectives
does not simply succeed or
fail. Its full consequences
may not become clear for
many years. However, you
do not have to be Ayn Rand
to question whether the
government is up to man-
aging such an ambitious set
of projects. For example,
because American environ-
mentalism has put preser-
vation first, it takes more
than a decade to obtain the
necessary permits to con-
nect a renewable project in
Wyoming to California’s
grid. Likewise, if industries
are encouraged to focus on
lobbying rather than inno-
vating and competing, then
costs will rise.
And some of the aims are
contradictory. Requiring
jobs to be in America would
be good for some workers,
no doubt. But if green prod-
ucts such as wind turbines
40
CSS Chronicles
become more expensive,
then the green transition will
become more expensive,
too. And if other Western
countries lose vital indus-
tries to America as they
chase subsidies or duck
import restrictions, then the
alliances that underpin
America’s security will suffer
as a result.
Indeed, the entire enterprise
may be hard to pull off for
lack of affordable workers.
The plan would never create
lots of solid working-class
jobs: in today’s manufactur-
ing, robots staff the assem-
bly lines. But America may
also struggle to find enough
of the short-term construc-
tion workers needed to build
out green infrastructure.
Unemployment is at 3.5%, a
50-year low. More immigra-
tion could help fill vacancies,
but it is restricted. Policies
intended to help women
rejoin the labour market,
such as early education,
were stripped out of Mr
Biden’s plans. Green subsi-
dies therefore risk being
diverted into higher wages.
The administration has an
answer for its critics. It says
that, if America can develop
new technologies, build
supply chains that are less
dependent on China and
drive down the cost of clean
sources of energy, everyone
will be better off. And Ameri-
ca has significant advan-
tages: a rich internal market,
vast landscapes for solar
and wind farms, pipelines
for transporting hydrogen
and reservoirs in which to
store carbon. Its universities
and venture capital make it
a hub for green innovation.
The country is already suck-
ing in foreign investment to
work alongside the subsi-
dies. And the policy enjoys a
degree of political consen-
sus. Although Republicans
are less keen on the green
bits, they are even more
hawkish on China and even
more protectionist.
To help the plan realise its
good intentions, three things
need to happen. First, the
effort going into boosting
domestic industry needs to
be matched by a sustained
programme of trade diplo-
macy. One way to build a
bloc in favour of a cheaper
green transition would be to
give foreign-made goods
access to American subsi-
dies (so long as they are not
Chinese, Iranian or Russian).
Second, subsidies should tilt
towards technologies that
are not yet commercially
viable, such as new types of
nuclear reactor and carbon
capture and storage. Public
money spent reshoring the
manufacturing of solar
panels that could be pro-
duced more cheaply else-
where will be wasted. Third,
to build new subsidised
infrastructure, America
needs reform of its permit
laws, perhaps with a federal
Volume 3 | Edition 8
law that supersedes state
and local concerns.
Half-full
For better or worse, Mr
Biden’s blueprint for remak-
ing the economy will
change America profoundly.
It may succeed in helping
deal with an authoritarian
China, keeping voters at
home from embracing a
more radical and destruc-
tive politics, and defying the
gloomier predictions about
the effects of climate
change. But be under no
illusions, it is audacious to
believe that the way to cope
with three problems which
are too hard to tackle sepa-
rately is to deal with them all
at once.
Hindu Nationalism on
Display in India’s G20
Presidency
Published in The Diplomat
From December 2022 to
November 2023, India holds
the presidency of the G-20,
an intergovernmental forum
comprising the world’s 20
largest economies — 19
countries and the European
Union. Domestically, the
G-20 is presented as an
opportunity for India to set
the agenda and promote
itself on the global stage.
However, amid the great
marketing opportunity that
41
CSS Chronicles
the G-20 appears to consti-
tute for India, there is a real
concern that India will
market a version of itself
that is exclusionary, by cau-
tiously erasing parts of its
society that do not align
with the current Indian gov-
ernment’s vision of India.
This is already visible in the
choice of emblems and
venues that will be spot-
lighted throughout G-20
meetings, which selectively
display a singular religious
identity despite India’s reli-
gious and identity pluralism.
The current Indian govern-
ment under Prime Minister
Narendra Modi has been
characterized as Hindu
nationalist, and it is no sur-
prise that this ideology
shines through in several
places in regard to the G-20.
Take, for instance, the
choice of outing during an
early diplomatic briefing,
when India invited diplo-
mats to visit the prison cell
of Savarkar, a Hindu nation-
alist leader imprisoned
during the British colonial
era. Savarkar was a leading
advocate for exclusionary
Hindu nationalism and
remains an icon for the ide-
ology to date.
Consider also India’s
discourse on its “culture”
work group. India writes that
this component involves
“conserving India’s cultural
heritage” and showcasing
“unity in diversity.” Yet, refer-
ence to cultural heritage
from Sunni Islam — India’s
second largest religion —
does not exist on the web-
site. While monuments such
as the Qutb Minar in Delhi
and the Taj Mahal in Agra
are UNESCO World Heritage
sites, and have typically
featured in India’s “Incredi-
ble India” tourism branding,
here they are simply absent.
Similarly, the website touts
Modi’s outreach to the Jain,
Sikh, Buddhist, Christian, and
Tribal communities in India,
but India’s Sunni Muslims
are not mentioned.
This is a warning sign: As
part of its Hindu nationalist
project, the government
arguably constructs Mus-
lims as permanent outsid-
ers. While the culture work
stream of G-20 claims to
want to support diversity,
cultural industries that do
not subscribe to Hindu
nationalism’s worldview are
simply erased.
This erasure is dangerously
reminiscent of past instanc-
es of violence, such as the
demolition of a the 16th cen-
tury Babri Mosque in Ayod-
hya, and recent threats to
destroy the Gyanvapi
Mosque in nearby Varanasi,
which Hindu nationalist fac-
tions claim to be standing
on the ruins of a Hindu
temple demolished by
Muslim invaders. A petition
in the Supreme Court seek-
Volume 3 | Edition 8
ing to prohibit Muslims from
entering the Gyanvapi
Mosque is ongoing.
The desire to erase the pres-
ence of Islam even resulted
in removal of a bus stand in
November 2022, as a BJP
politician alleged that
domes on its top resembled
a mosque. More recently, in
January 2023, authorities in
the state of Uttar Pradesh
demolished yet another
mosque, reportedly as part
of a road-widening project.
As Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay
writes, the meetings India
has organized since the
start of its presidency may
have already helped India
secure international legiti-
macy and widespread rec-
ognition for Hindu national-
ism. This is because India is
deliberately wielding its
G-20 presidency as a form
of soft power, through stra-
tegic communication to
shape discourse about
India. India’s cultural diplo-
macy, which has for a
long-time focused on its
capacity to absorb peoples
and their cultures into a land
of possibilities, is now in
stark contrast with Hindu
nationalist cultural diplo-
macy.
As Ravinder Kaur argues in
her book “Brand New
Nation,” India is branding
itself internationally to
investors as an attractive
investment destination for
42
CSS Chronicles
global capital, and domesti-
cally to its citizens by prom-
ising the restoration of lost
ethnonational glory. There is
a real worry that India’s
strategic brand communi-
cation at the G-20 will only
further legitimize Hindu
nationalism. After all, Hindu
nationalism may have been
born in Indian towns, but
that is not where it gained its
strength. Rather, as Kaur
concludes, “it was achieved
in the cosmopolitan sur-
roundings of Davos and in
the posh studios of brand
managers eager to ‘serve
their nation.’”
India has declared the
theme “Vasudhaiva Kutum-
bakam” — or “One World,
One Family” — to guide its
presidency. The G-20 can
take this theme in two ways:
They can either conceptual-
ize the family as a homoge-
nous entity, thereby legiti-
mizing exclusion. Or they
can recognize the inherent
diversity of the world, and
use the theme as a true
opportunity to honor nation-
al and international diversi-
ty.
India must promote and
support its diverse cultural
heritage, and counter the
erasing of minority culture.
Others must do their part,
too: G-20 states must insist
that the discussions center
on promoting diversity and
inclusion, by encouraging
interaction between com-
munities. One thing is clear:
What must be avoided with
utmost care is giving legiti-
macy to an exclusionary
nation-branding project in
which minorities are ban-
ished to the sidelines.
Brexit to Bregret: Why
Britain might make a
U-turn on EU ties
Published in TRT World
IAs the worst economic
crisis in decades squeezes
the kingdom, Brits are forced
to count the cost of leaving
the European Union.
Despite Brexit once domi-
nating UK political discourse,
leading British politicians
are now reluctant even to
discuss it. Meanwhile, an
increasing number of Brits
are rethinking the costs of
Brexit, including those who
voted to leave or didn't vote.
As I write this, we are in
between two key Brexit mile-
stones: the day the UK's flag
was removed from the Euro-
pean Union (EU) on January
31, 2020, and the end of the
transition period for Brexit on
December 31, 2020.
For many people being
denied hospital treatment
amid crippling nationwide
strikes in recent months,
worsened by a cost-of-liv-
ing squeeze, it may seem
Britain has not fared partic-
Volume 3 | Edition 8
ularly well in the post-Brexit
era.
Indeed, even those who
support Brexit have now
been feeling “Bregret” – as
it's been called in the British
newspapers. A recent
YouGov poll showed most
Brits feel it was wrong to
leave the EU, while one in five
who voted Brexit now regrets
their decision.
Moreover, 65 percent of Brits
said they would support
holding another referendum
on rejoining the bloc. While a
smaller number said they
would support holding one
immediately, it indicates
that discussions over Brit-
ain's future within the EU
could resurface. And should
Brexit continue failing to
deliver, widespread support
for it could eventually go
extinct.
Worsening domestic
situation
While an eminent Vote
Leave pledge was to spend
the £350 million ($400 mil-
lion) per week sent to the EU
on the healthcare system,
nothing has materialised.
Not only is this due to the
Conservative Party's neglect
of public services – espe-
cially the healthcare system
– there is also an acute
shortage of caregivers since
Brexit.
According to research by
the London School of Eco-
43
CSS Chronicles
nomics, increased bureau-
cracy and formalities over
UK-EU trade from Brexit
added £210 to each family
household's food bill. Wors-
ening living standards are
also a knock-on effect of the
stagnating GDP, which is
estimated to be 5.5 percent
smaller by the second quar-
ter of 2022 than if Brexit had
not occured, with a loss of
£33 billion ($40 billion).
It's not just the costs that are
bothering people. The British
Chambers of Commerce
said Brexit is "not delivering"
after its researchers found
77 percent of businesses
surveyed saying that the EU
exit hasn't helped their busi-
ness growth, while a small
majority are struggling to
adapt to new trade regula-
tions.
Even farmers, who were
touted as one of the biggest
winners of Brexit, have been
unhappy with new trade
deals, namely with Australia,
as they fear the price of
lamb and beef will be
undercut by that of Austra-
lian produce.
It's true that people across
the world are facing similar
issues and worsening living
standards due to the Covid
pandemic and the impact
of the war in Ukraine on
energy and food staples.
Yet, UK's case has been
further exacerbated by
Brexit, mainly as it's predict-
ed to have the worst eco-
nomic contraction in the G7
in 2023.
While some have suggested
the UK's rapid Covid-19 vac-
cine rollout was a positive
outcome of leaving the EU,
it's important to note that
while the European bloc
tried to encourage member
states to follow its own vac-
cine programme, this was
not legally binding. Indeed,
Britain still had many free-
doms within the bloc, such
as being outside the Schen-
gen Zone and keeping the
Pound Sterling.
So, what was all this for?
While there were many rea-
sons for Brexit – such as
fears about immigration
and opposition to globalism
– the brazen psyche about
sovereignty which the
now-resigned Boris John-
son's government promot-
ed, is also a key factor.
One of the benefits of Brexit,
the British public was told,
would be that a sovereign
Britain would be free to con-
trol its trade deals. And that
we could easily replace EU
trade with solid economies
in the Commonwealth and
other fast-growing econo-
mies. Other ideas were
toyed with, such as promot-
ing the Anglosphere to rival
the EU.
Pitfalls of “Global Britain”
While all this sounds ambi-
Volume 3 | Edition 8
tious, it has arguably yet to
be practical in the real
world. So far, the UK has
signed a grand total of three
new trade deals – with Aus-
tralia, New Zealand and Sin-
gapore. While minister
Michael Gove wrongly
claimed that the UK had
signed 70 new agreements
worth £800 billion ($968
billion), these were, in fact,
continued or re-confirmed
contracts from when the UK
was in the EU and therefore
do not add extra value to the
UK economy.
The Conservative govern-
ment has often overesti-
mated London's pulling
power, and the stalling trade
talks with India – despite a
deadline set for October
2022, showcase this. While
the country is an attractive
target, as it has recently
eclipsed the UK as the fifth
largest economy in the
world, ministers in New Delhi
may be thinking: “What
would we get out of these
trade talks?”
Indeed, Britain may realise
that trade with India on its
own terms and that of other
countries is not a guarantee.
Britain is also pursuing other
trade deals such as with
Canada, the Gulf and the US
- which would not provide
anything substantially new
or replace EU trade.
Amid what some commen-
tators in the UK have
44
CSS Chronicles
described as “imperial nos-
talgia”, many ministers have
seemed oblivious that Brit-
ain is, in fact, neither a
superpower nor no longer
an empire.
There are other symbolic
moves that are symptomat-
ic of Britain’s global ambi-
tions. Along with Johnson's
gambit to play an outsized
role in providing military and
humanitarian aid to Ukraine
amid its war with Russia -
while simultaneously hiking
its defence budget – goals
like Britain becoming a “sci-
ence and green energy
superpower” have been
promoted.
However, along with other
visions like empowering the
Commonwealth, all these
plans need money. And
should Britain's economy
continue to stagnate and
domestic pressure for eco-
nomic reforms grow louder,
London may have to rethink
its ambitious outlook.
Indeed, the 2021 Integrated
Review, which championed
the mantra of “Global Brit-
ain” and highlighted the
Indo-Pacific as a critical
target for trade, does not
account for last year's eco-
nomic shocks from the war
in Ukraine.
Going forward
As Britain endures these
post-Brexit challenges, even
citizens across Europe have
seemingly become more
favourable towards remain-
ing in the EU, according to
recent polls. While issues like
the Ukraine war may also
play a role in uniting Europe-
ans, witnessing the woes of
Brexit has prompted people
to want to stay in the bloc.
Even traditionally Euroscep-
tic parties like Italy's recent-
ly-elected government
have focused the debate on
reforming the EU rather than
quitting it.
While current Prime Minister
Rishi Sunak has displayed
more pragmatism towards
some EU countries, such as
France, cross-party MPs
also oppose the govern-
ment's plans to scrap
remaining EU laws in Britain.
And as the Tory party crum-
bled in the last year, Labour's
Keir Starmer has called for
closer trade ties with the EU,
amid speculation that he
may even consider a bid to
reassess London's ties to
Brussels in the probable
event his party comes to
power.
These new economic and
security uncertainties that
did not align with Britain's
initial post-Brexit ambitions
may further prompt the UK
to look more towards Europe
and scale back its gambit in
the Indo-Pacific - as it argu-
ably should.
Indeed, there have been
Volume 3 | Edition 8
suggestions that the UK may
emulate other European
models even if it did not
rejoin the bloc such as
Norway or Switzerland.
Given that the British public
is increasingly showing
signs of Bregret, this shift will
almost certainly continue
should Brexit continue failing
to deliver. In this case, British
politicians may seek honest
discussions about reassess-
ing Britain’s ties with the
bloc.
Kashmir is bleeding.
So is its economy
Published in Al Jazeera
On January 1, 2023, as the
world celebrated the start of
a new year, several families
were mourning in the Rajouri
district of Indian-adminis-
tered Jammu and Kashmir.
Armed men stormed a
village and killed four civil-
ians, injuring six others. Two
more civilians were killed the
following day.
Just a few weeks earlier, on
December 13, India’s Minister
of State for Home Affairs
Nityanand Rai had present-
ed investment data for
Jammu and Kashmir. The
numbers spoke for them-
selves: investments have
fallen by 55 percent over the
past four years.
Together, the killings and the
declining investments con-
45
CSS Chronicles
tradict two central argu-
ments that have been at the
heart of the Indian govern-
ment’s rationale for the 2019
abrogation of the semi-au-
tonomous status that the
region previously enjoyed:
that the move would help
improve security and spur
economic development.
In the past, federal govern-
ments in New Delhi have
often blamed Jammu and
Kashmir’s woes on local
governments in power in the
region. That’s no longer an
excuse that works.
When the Hindu nationalist
government of Prime Minis-
ter Narendra Modi eliminat-
ed Article 370 of the Indian
constitution — which gave
Kashmir “special status” — it
also carved out the territory
of Ladakh from the region.
Kashmir’s statehood was
withdrawn, and it was made
a union territory, directly
controlled by New Delhi.
Jammu and Kashmir
doesn’t even have the
disempowered legislature
that other union territories
have — the region hasn’t
had elections in seven years.
Yet it should now increas-
ingly be clear, if it wasn’t
previously, that sidelining
democratic processes and
principles, and steamrolling
constitutional provisions,
aren’t working in improving
the region’s security or eco-
nomic allure.
Follow the money
The abrogation of Article 370
allowed non-residents to
buy and own land in Jammu
and Kashmir for the first
time. Critics of the region’s
previous special status
frequently cited restrictions
on land ownership as a
major reason why private
sector industries were reluc-
tant to set up businesses
there.
However, data published by
the Indian government’s
Ministry of Home Affairs —
and made public by Rai —
calls a bluff on those claims.
Total investment in 2021-22
in Jammu and Kashmir
stood at $46m, down from
$50.5m the previous year,
and dramatically less than
the $102.8m spent in 2017-18.
While the COVID-19 pan-
demic no doubt affected
Kashmir’s economy, the sta-
tistics suggest that wasn’t
the biggest factor in invest-
ments drying up. After all,
the steepest fall in invest-
ments came the year that
the Indian government
ended Kashmir’s semi-au-
tonomous status, before the
pandemic, halving from
$72.3m in 2018-19 to $36.3m
in 2019-20.
Track the bullets
Things aren’t much better
on the security front.
Although political protests
have subsided because
most pro-independence
Volume 3 | Edition 8
leaders have been impris-
oned, armed groups appear
to have changed their tac-
tics.
Attacks on civilians have
increased in the last few
years and are increasingly
being directed at non-resi-
dent Hindus and the minori-
ty Kashmiri Pandit commu-
nity. A S Dulat, the former
chief of the Research and
Analysis Wing, India’s exter-
nal intelligence agency,
recently highlighted the
sophistication of these
attacks. The targeted
killings, he said, demon-
strated that the armed
groups have a strong intelli-
gence network and possibly
have members within the
government.
At least 18 Kashmiri Pandits
and non-resident Hindus
have been killed in Kashmir
since the abrogation of Arti-
cle 370.
As with the economy, the
Indian government’s own
data does not support
claims that armed groups
have been contained. The
number of attacks by such
groups was 229 in 2021, not
significantly different from
many previous years: There
were 279 incidents in 2017,
322 in 2016, 208 in 2015, 222 in
2014 and 170 in 2013, the year
before Modi came to power.
46
CSS Chronicles
What’s really at play
The Indian government had
claimed that Article 370
restricted people’s partici-
pation in the political pro-
cess and led to a few fami-
lies dominating the politics
of the region. However, since
2019, Modi’s Bharatiya
Janata Party has taken
steps to further disempower
local Kashmiris.
First, constituency boundar-
ies for the region’s legisla-
ture were redrawn in a way
that gives Hindu-majority
Jammu a greater say in
elections than its popula-
tion, relative to Muslim-ma-
jority Kashmir’s, merits. In
effect, that strengthens the
chances of the BJP coming
to power in Jammu and
Kashmir.
Then a revision of the voter
list was carried out, giving
voting rights to outsiders.
Jammu and Kashmir is
home to hundreds of thou-
sands of migrant workers
and army personnel — if
allowed to vote, their elec-
toral influence is going to be
significant.
Some Kashmiri leaders have
invoked the region’s 1987
elections which were alleged-
ly rigged and were consid-
ered a tipping point when
the armed separatist move-
ment in Kashmir took off.
Meanwhile, armed groups
may continue to adopt
attacks on non-local civil-
ians as the mainstay of their
strategy to signal their
opposition to demographic
changes attempted by New
Delhi.
While Kashmiris and non-lo-
cals alike suffer, there is no
reason to expect that Modi
and his government will
change their policy towards
the region. The BJP’s hard-
line approach towards
Kashmir helps it bolster its
image in the rest of India as
a party that is tough on “ter-
rorism” and “separatism”.
The truth, of course, is more
complicated. The BJP’s poli-
cies have led to increased
insecurity for people living in
the region — whether they’re
Hindu or Muslim. And there
has been no economic
payoff, either.
Death and
destruction return to
the streets of Israel
and Palestine
Published in Arab News
Once again, Israelis and Pal-
estinians are on the brink of
a full-blown confrontation,
and maybe one that will be
worse than any before.
Despair and the perception
of there being no alternative
have taken hold of both pro-
tagonists.
Volume 3 | Edition 8
Recent events in Jenin, Jeru-
salem and other parts of the
occupied West Bank, which
claimed the lives of scores
of Palestinians and Israelis,
have left both peoples star-
ing into the abyss of another
prolonged period of blood-
shed, destruction and
trauma, but this time with-
out either the hope of a
political solution or any firm,
proactive international
involvement to prevent even
deadlier escalation.
The recent visit by US Secre-
tary of State Antony Blinken
did little to reassure that
Washington is ready to put
its full weight behind efforts
to prevent such an eventu-
ality.
It would be completely futile
to consider, out of context,
the deadly attack that killed
seven Israelis in Jerusalem
on a Friday night a week
ago, or the shooting of two
Israelis the following day, as
mere revenge for an Israeli
raid on Jenin two days earli-
er in which nine Palestinians
were killed.
That would be to over-sim-
plify a complex situation
that has left both sides blind
to any peaceful solution.
Most Jewish Israelis believe
that the continuation of the
occupation, oppression and
blockading of Palestinians is
the only method of guaran-
teeing Israeli security.
Meanwhile, an increasing
47
CSS Chronicles
number of Palestinians con-
sider resorting to armed
struggle as the only way left
to them if they are to see
their aspirations for self-de-
termination and living with
dignity materialize.
Jenin might have become a
hub of Palestinian militancy,
and Israeli raids inside refu-
gee camps there are meant
to prevent attacks on secu-
rity forces and civilians on
both sides of the Green Line.
But for decades, Israel has
resorted to the very same
methods of applying the
disproportionate use of
force, carelessly harming
civilians in the process, while
failing to achieve its objec-
tive of living without fear for
its security.
For too long the Israeli secu-
rity forces have been treat-
ing attacks on civilians and
their property, and other
violations of their human
rights, as no more than col-
lateral damage in a process
of containing militancy. All
that this achieves, however,
is the radicalization of the
local population, especially
the younger generation, and
increasing calls for senior
Israeli Defense Forces offi-
cers to be investigated by
the International Criminal
Court for war crimes.
Nothing can justify the
random shooting of wor-
shippers leaving a syna-
gogue, and whatever led a
lone shooter to commit this
atrocity, beyond deep-root-
ed hatred, went with him to
the grave when he was killed
by Israeli police officers as
he tried to escape. He prob-
ably knew that his chances
of fleeing the scene alive
were slim, as has been
demonstrated by previous
similar incidents.
The following day it was a
13-year-old Palestinian who
shot and wounded two
Israelis, before being shot
himself, injured and arrest-
ed. The Israeli government’s
promise of a response, in
which it used the phrase
“strong, swift and precise,”
suggested it would be
inflicting further bloodshed
and other forms of suffering,
mainly on innocent Palestin-
ian civilians, with no hint of
reflection on how to trans-
form this vicious cycle of
violence into peaceful dia-
logue.
The wall-to-wall interna-
tional condemnations of the
killing of Israeli civilians is
understandable and justi-
fied. However, it cannot and
should not be taken out of
context. Last year was,
according to Israeli human
rights organization B’Tselem,
the deadliest since 2004, in
which 144 Palestinians were
killed by Israel’s security
forces in the West Bank (ex-
cluding East Jerusalem).
Most of them, according to
this and other reports, were
Volume 3 | Edition 8
unarmed and the victims
included children.
Hamas and Islamic Jihad do
not cover themselves in
glory by hailing the killing of
civilians. But depriving these
organizations of support will
only be achieved by chang-
ing the circumstances that
empower them in the first
place — first and foremost
being the occupation and
blockade, which must be
ended.
The factors that suggest we
might be headed for an
escalation in violence that is
more severe than any we
have seen for a very long
time include a combination
of: The coming to power of
the most far-right govern-
ment in Israel’s history,
which is dead set on igniting
tensions with the Palestin-
ians; the unpopular and
dysfunctional administra-
tion of Palestinian President
Mahmoud Abbas, which is
entering its twilight period,
as is the Palestinian Authori-
ty; and the rivalry between
Fatah and Hamas, with
growing support among
Palestinians for a return to
armed struggle. Meanwhile,
the international communi-
ty remains a mere bystand-
er, refusing to take a stand
either politically or morally.
These adverse conditions
deepen the political impasse
and exacerbate the condi-
tions that provoke further
escalation.
48
CSS Chronicles
The recent incidents mark
the first time that such
violence has taken place on
the watch of the new Net-
anyahu government, in
which the extreme reli-
gious-nationalists Itamar
Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smo-
trich serve as senior minis-
ters and are very much in
charge of security, both
inside Israel and in the
occupied territories.
This is uncharted territory for
them and a situation for
which they cannot blame
others, as they have done
for many years. Instead, it is
now up to them to provide
solutions when security
crises emerge. Their answer,
however, so far seems to be
mainly in the form of more
collective punishment, pro-
motion of legislation for the
death penalty for terrorists
(as long as they are Pales-
tinians), and handing out
more weapons to the Jewish
population.
The seizing and demolition
of houses was tried, tested
and failed in the past, and so
this continuing tactic is no
more than a twisted act of
revenge against innocent
people, merely because
they are related to a killer —
or simply for being Palestin-
ian.
What good can come out of
this? It is immoral, it violates
international law and it
reveals the even uglier face
of the occupation while
breeding ever-greater
hatred and radicalization.
The death penalty for terror-
ists is a populist measure
the security forces have
always opposed. In most
cases the perpetrators are
killed during their attacks
and should anyone be
caught and sentenced to
death it would turn them
into instant martyrs, only
serving to encourage others
to emulate them.
Similarly, handing out more
weapons to untrained civil-
ians, in many cases extreme
right-wingers, can only lead
to unnecessary killings and
the evolution of militias
answerable to Ben-Gvir and
his ilk, who do not believe in
the democratic process.
After all, this is an Israeli
government controlled by
elements who are one-trick,
collective-punishment
ponies, who disregard Pal-
estinian lives and rights, and
demand the expansion of
Jewish settlements in the
occupied West Bank and,
ultimately, the annexation of
that land to Israel, which
would leave millions of Pal-
estinians stateless and
without rights.
The international communi-
ty is watching what is hap-
pening to Israel with dread,
as the very democratic
system of the country is
Volume 3 | Edition 8
under attack and relations
with the Palestinians head
toward confrontation and
bloodshed.
But it should not be sur-
prised, as this arena has for
too long been left to domi-
nation by those who believe
in conflict until victory, while
those who believe in peace
and coexistence have been
marginalized and are now in
danger of being silenced.
The world economy’s
inflation problem is
easing
Published in The Economist
After three chaotic years,
investors have several rea-
sons to be cheerful about
the world economy. In
America inflation is tum-
bling, raising hopes of a “soft
landing”, in which price
growth comes under control
without a recession. Fortune
has smiled on Europe, where
a mostly warm winter has
caused energy prices to
plummet. And China’s
economy, freed from Xi
Jinping’s destructive “ze-
ro-covid” policy, is poised to
rebound. Markets are
joyous. The s&p 500 index of
American stocks has risen
by 5% since the start of the
year. Share prices in Europe
and emerging markets are
up by even more.
Alas, it is too soon to declare
49
CSS Chronicles
an end to the world econo-
my’s problems. In America
consumer prices fell in
December, and annual
inflation may dip below 2%
this year thanks to cheaper
energy and goods. Yet as
price growth is plunging, so
too is gdp growth. Retail
sales and industrial produc-
tion fell in December and
leading indicators of output
are down sharply—which
usually indicates that a
recession is nigh. The
healthiest part of the econ-
omy is the labour market.
But the red-hot demand for
workers is not entirely good
news: the Federal Reserve
will find it harder to be sure
that inflation has been
tamed.
Despite headline-grabbing
lay-offs by the big technolo-
gy firms, America’s unem-
ployment rate remains just
3.5% and new claims for
unemployment benefits are
at their lowest in three and a
half months. Annual wage
growth has fallen according
to some measures, but
remains around 5%; on Jan-
uary 24th Walmart said it
would raise starting wages
from $12 an hour to $14.
Because workers’ productiv-
ity is growing by only about
1% a year, fast wage growth
portends price rises that far
exceed the Fed’s 2% inflation
target.
Some policymakers hope
that companies, whose
profits surged in 2021, can
absorb rapid wage growth
without prices having to rise
further. Yet by last autumn,
higher profit margins
accounted for only an
eighth of pandemic-era
inflation. Given that Wall
Street is expecting disap-
pointing earnings for the
fourth quarter of 2022, this
suggests that firms will raise
prices in line with their
labour costs.
Markets expect the Fed to
start cutting interest rates
within a year as growth
slows. But if the Fed is seri-
ous about reducing inflation
to 2% and keeping it there, it
will need to keep rates high
until wage growth
cools—even if that brings
about a recession.
Should America face a
downturn, it is likely to take
Europe with it. Despite falling
energy prices, the euro zone
also has an underlying infla-
tion problem, as is apparent
in rising wage growth. Chris-
tine Lagarde, the head of the
European Central Bank, has
warned that interest rates
will have to rise significantly,
contrary to the more
doveish expectations of
investors. A stronger dol-
lar—which is likely if the Fed
keeps raising rates and
investors take fright at the
consequences—would raise
imported inflation and make
the ecb’s job harder still,
while also paring back the
Volume 3 | Edition 8
rally in emerging markets.
The end of zero-covid in
China has lowered the
chance that supply chains
will gum up. However, its
rebound is not an unalloyed
good for the rest of the
world, which has an inflation
problem, not a shortage of
spending. China’s extra
imports will add more fuel to
overheated economies.
Europe’s gas storage is so
full in part because China’s
demand for liquefied natu-
ral gas in 2022 was 20%
below its usual level.
Demand is now likely to
bounce back, which could
cause prices to surge once
again next winter. Only when
the twin foes of overheated
labour markets and the
energy crisis have been
vanquished will the world
economy be out of the
woods.
Shifting sands
Published in Dawn
TRAVELLING abroad often
offers an opportunity to
interact with influencers of
public opinion in India, many
of whom tend to believe that
India’s attention has gener-
ally shifted away from Paki-
stan and towards its larger
concerns viz Indo-Pacific
strategy, relations with
China, and the goal of
making India a $5 trillion
economy. Pakistan, they say,
is not on the radar of Indian
50
CSS Chronicles
public consciousness as it
once was.
Given its growing global and
regional profile and eco-
nomic weight, it appears
that India’s appetite for dia-
logue with Pakistan has
reduced. The impression in
Pakistan, on the other hand,
is that the pursuit of Hindut-
va-driven objectives of the
BJP government are shrink-
ing space not just for Indian
minorities, especially Mus-
lims, but also for ties with
Pakistan.
Many do agree in principle,
however, that a prolonged
communication gap with
Pakistan will not be
cost-free for India, and that
for the latter’s long-term
prosperity, there is a need to
engage with its western
neighbour. Ideally, India
would not want its growing
profile to be undermined by
a turbulent neighbourhood,
and should, therefore, nor-
malise ties with all its neigh-
bours. Pakistan, too, would
benefit from a peaceful
neighbourhood as that
would give it space to put its
economic house in order. In
the evolving global geopoli-
tics, South Asia must not
become a ground for camp
politics. Instead, India and
Pakistan would be better off
focusing on the region itself.
By working on peace con-
stituencies such as connec-
tivity, trade and peo-
ple-to-people contacts, the
two countries would not only
help overcome mutual mis-
trust but also make South
Asia a bastion of peace and
development.
Meanwhile, the Pakistan-In-
dia relationship is com-
pletely at a standstill; the
two countries are not
engaging at any level. Even
the recent peace initiatives
that Pakistan took elicited
little reciprocity from India:
the Kartarpur Corridor;
responsible conduct after
the Indian strike on Balakot;
the voluntary release of the
captured Indian pilot as a
peace gesture; and a
restrained response to the
landing of India’s BrahMos
missile in Pakistan. The only
initiative where the Indian
side was keen to engage
with Pakistan was in the
context of maintaining a
ceasefire along the Line of
Control. Some reports indi-
cate backchannel contacts
but no tangible outcome
has emerged.
The two core issues domi-
nating the discourse
between India and Pakistan
are the Kashmir dispute and
terrorism. On fighting terror-
ism, much of India’s con-
cerns have already been
addressed as Pakistan has
achieved notable success in
apprehending militants and
terrorists. In fact, the shoe is
now on the other foot, as
Pakistan is discovering
fingerprints from across the
border on many of the
recent terrorist incidents in
Volume 3 | Edition 8
this country. Nevertheless,
this is one issue on which
both countries should
engage, as terrorism is a
common enemy.
On Jammu & Kashmir, the
positions of both sides seem
to have hardened. Paki-
stanis are convinced of the
political, moral and legal
righteousness of their
stance that the people of
J&K ought to be given their
right to self-determination.
Indians insist that J&K is an
integral part of India. The
situation on the ground is
that the freedom movement
continues, and India is
obliged to keep a large
number of security forces in
the held Valley.
The events of August 2019
have complicated matters.
Pakistan believes that
making J&K Union territories
was a breach of the relevant
UN Security Council resolu-
tions which do not permit
changing the status of the
disputed territories. India,
however, maintains that
these were internal admin-
istrative measures and that
Pakistan has also made
administrative changes in
the territories under its con-
trol. The larger concern for
Pakistan is that efforts are
afoot to change the
demography of occupied
Kashmir through new domi-
cile rules and opening of
voter lists to non-Kashmiri
residents.
51
CSS Chronicles
Clearly, some out-of-the-
box thinking is required to
break the logjam and find a
solution acceptable to both
countries. One possibility
that could have traction on
both sides is to revisit the
four-point formula that was
successfully negotiated in
2007 but could not be
agreed on formally. That
formula envisaged self-
governance for the two units
comprising areas controlled
by India and Pakistan, grad-
ual demilitarisation, joint
mechanism on matters of
interdependence, and
review of the arrangements
subsequently. The formula
has potential for further
negotiation and improve-
ment. However, revisiting it
can only be done when both
countries engage in dia-
logue or take it up in the
backchannel. This could
happen after elections in
Pakistan this year and India
next year — provided the
newly elected governments
muster enough political will
to move in that direction.
Talking to IMF:
where’s the plan?
Published in The Express
Tribune
We are once again at the
table with the IMF team
looking at our report card
like a naughty student
made to re-learn the
lessons that he failed to
remember. In the develop-
ing world, going to IMF is bad
news, just like going to a
doctor who gives you bitter
pills, asks you to discipline
your eating habits and to do
some exercise to remove
unwanted fats. But the
question is: why do you end
up in the emergency ward
every now and then, after a
brief and fragile recovery? It
means that you don’t give
up bad habits and your
doctor has no permanent
cure for your disease.
Whenever we are faced with
a situation when we need to
go to IMF, we are faced with
two extreme views, both
equally unreasonable. One
totally against going to IMF
and the other looking
towards it as a messiah for
all our economic ills. A bal-
anced view has always
been missing.
We find such extremism in
our economic managers as
well, for example in handling
of our Foreign Exchange
rates. Our former Finance
Minister, Dr Miftah Ismail,
believed that leaving the
exchange rates to “market”
(actually a cartel) was the
most efficient way. Investi-
gations by the State Bank
found manipulations by
market players. On the other
hand, the present Finance
Minister Ishaq Dar continued
to believe for several
months that he could bring
down the dollar rate to less
than two hundred rupees
Volume 3 | Edition 8
while witnessing foreign
currency disappear from
the market. A balanced
handling would have been
to check the rates manipu-
lations while allowing
market adjustments as per
demand.
Similar divergence in views
was held by the former
Finance Minister Dr Hafeez
Shaikh who was ready to
sign on the dotted line on
the very first day of his arriv-
al from Dubai. Shaukat
Tareen thought that rene-
gotiating the IMF deal was
possible even though the
former Governor State Bank
did not share his views.
It is very clear now from the
global experience that IMF
programs by themselves
are no solution to any econ-
omy’s ills. With a 3-year
timeline, an IMF program is
mostly an exercise in win-
dow-dressing through
induction of more debts,
some monetary adjust-
ments, short-lived fiscal
discipline and leaving with
charts looking good for the
time being. Without struc-
tural improvements, econo-
mies go back to the same or
even worse conditions in a
couple of years after the
program or even during the
program. The recent eco-
nomic catastrophes in
Argentina and Egypt should
inform us enough about the
viability of IMF programs.
52
CSS Chronicles
But then it is asking too
much from a lender who
comes to rescue a sinking
boat, fixes some visible
holes, and leaves. Expecting
it to rebuild a new boat for
us would be unrealistic. In
order to fix a difficult econo-
my as ours, we need to have
a consensus economic plan
with clear objectives and
economic targets for 20-30
years, which covers our
long-term fiscal and mone-
tary policies, energy plan
and policies, trade policy,
agricultural policy, and
industrial and investments
policies. Do we make our
budgets with targets
towards achieving
long-term economic,
energy and food securities?
We have one set of econo-
mists who believe that the
western economic model
can be applied as it is to our
economic conditions. The
mindless pursuit of “Wash-
ington Consensus” based
reforms led us into the pres-
ent economic challenges
such as trade deficit, current
account deficit, circular
debts and premature dein-
dustrialisation — all having
their nemesis in our
“reforms” initiatives of 1990s
and early 2000s. While it
would be unfair to conclude
that we were led into the
present economic black
hole solely by our “imported
reforms prescriptions,” we
have always treated them
either as sacrosanct or as
some conspiracy against
our economy.
We need to improvise an
economic plan customised
to our conditions and not on
assumptions that are not
applicable here. In simple
words, such an economic
plan is to be based on
making the best use of our
resource bank — human
resource, mineral resources
and agricultural land — by
making them more efficient,
more productive, with better
use of science and technol-
ogy, and access to finance.
It should be time bound to
eliminate wasteful expens-
es, losses and subsidies
from the public exchequer,
making our defence setup
and public sector leaner
and smarter. Policy frame-
work should be freed from
the capture of rent-seeking
elite, be supportive of honest
entrepreneurship and pro-
vide financial and policy
inclusion for SMEs.
At present we don’t have
any such consensus eco-
nomic plan owned by us as
a nation, like the Constitu-
tion of Pakistan, which could
give our economic manag-
ers a basis to negotiate the
future course with our eco-
nomic partners and lenders.
In the present situation of a
rudderless economy, there
is no other option but to take
IMFs bitter pills while trying
to make such a consensus
economic plan and policy
Volume 3 | Edition 8
framework.
We should hope that our
political leadership devel-
ops such a vision of a bright
future that takes us into the
league of those economies
having successfully turned
around. Our establishment,
public sector institutions
and businesses will have to
sacrifice their institutional
and business interests for
such a future.
Indus Water Treaty:
The past, present
and future
Published in The Nation
Since 1947, Pakistan and
India have faced multiple
obstacles in establishing
amicable ties with one
another. Such obstacles
started, inter alia, with
disagreements over the
territorial jurisdiction of each
nation at the time of sepa-
ration, which then transi-
tioned into (what Pakistanis
believe to be) an unfair divi-
sion of assets between the
two neighbours. The most
major issue to grab the
headlines, even presently, is
the dispute surrounding
Kashmir. Pakistan has
labelled Kashmir as its ‘jug-
ular vein’, and both coun-
tries have always main-
tained the harshest possible
stance on the matter.
Another major issue, which
seemingly dissipated from
53
CSS Chronicles
the forefront over the past
50 years, was related to
water and the hydropower
related thereto.
This issue is related to the
water resources of both
Pakistan and India. By virtue
of the fact that Pakistan and
India share the river Indus
and its tributaries, there
arose multiple issues with
regards to water manage-
ment. As both countries are
agro-based economies, the
Indus River supplies water to
multiple agricultural farms
located within its vicinity,
which contribute towards
the economies of their
respective nations. There-
fore, this became a major
bone of contention between
the two nations and was
used on multiple occasions
to stifle the other’s agricul-
tural output as well as their
economy. This led to the
signing of the Indus Water
Treaty. The Indus Waters
Treaty is a bilateral agree-
ment between India and
Pakistan signed in 1960,
which governs the distribu-
tion and management of
the Indus River and its tribu-
taries. This treaty, brokered
by the World Bank, remained
one of the most effective
and robust water agree-
ments in the world and has
remained, for the most part,
largely unaffected by the
constant political tensions
(or border skirmishes)
between the two countries.
Pakistan holds a central role
in the Indus Waters Treaty as
the lower riparian state,
located downstream from
India, and therefore heavily
reliant on the Indus River
and its five main tributar-
ies–Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi,
Beas, and Sutlej. These wa-
terways play a vital role in
the economic and social
development of Pakistan,
supplying water for irriga-
tion, hydropower, as well as
for domestic and industrial
purposes. The Indus Water
Treaty establishes a com-
prehensive framework for
the sharing of the Indus
waters between the two
countries, with India retain-
ing control over the eastern
rivers (Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej)
for the purposes of, inter alia,
hydropower generation and
storage, while Pakistan
retains exclusive rights over
the western rivers (Jhelum
and Chenab). In the finer
points of the treaty, there is
a dispute resolution mecha-
nism, which entails that all
technical disputes shall be
resolved through the
appointment of a neutral
expert, along with a Com-
mission, hosting represen-
tatives from both countries,
to ensure effective imple-
mentation of the treaty and
resolution of any other
disputes.
Since its inception, the Indus
Waters Treaty has faced
several challenges and
disputes, primarily due to
Volume 3 | Edition 8
differences in the interpre-
tation of certain provisions
and the changing water
needs of both countries.
However, the treaty has, for
the better part of 50 years,
withstood the test of time
and proven to be flexible
enough to accommodate
such changes, and the
Commission has success-
fully resolved most disputes
through negotiations. In
recent times, one of the
most major disputes relat-
ing to the Indus Water
Treaty, has been the con-
struction of large dams and
hydropower projects on the
eastern rivers by India,
which has been vehemently
opposed by Pakistan. Paki-
stan is of the opinion that
India violates the treaty pro-
visions and reduces the flow
of water to its territories.
However, India has main-
tained that these projects
are within the limits of the
treaty and are necessary for
its own economic develop-
ment.
Despite these challenges,
the Indus Waters Treaty has
continued to play a critical
role in promoting coopera-
tion and stability between
India and Pakistan. It has
provided a platform for dia-
logue and cooperation on
water-related issues and
has helped to mitigate the
risk of water conflicts
between the two countries.
The treaty has also had a
positive impact on the eco-
54
CSS Chronicles
nomic development of both
countries, particularly Paki-
stan, by providing a reliable
source of water for irrigation
and hydropower generation.
As a result, the Indus Waters
Treaty has been one of the
most successful and endur-
ing water agreements in the
world and has played a crit-
ical role in promoting coop-
eration and stability
between India and Pakistan.
Usman Wazeer successfully
defends WBO Youth World
title
However, most recently,
disputes relating to the
Indus Water Treaty are
threatening to reach an
unprecedented high. Paki-
stan holds the opinion that
with the power projects in
the works for India, the flows
of the shall be severely
impacted, leading to cata-
strophic eventualities for its
irrigated agriculture. In this
regard, Pakistan has
approached the Court of
Arbitration to settle this
dispute, while the same has
been boycotted by their
Indian counterparts. Con-
currently, India has request-
ed Pakistan (through notic-
es exchanged over diplo-
matic channels) to agree to
amend the Indus Water
Treaty. India proposes to bar
any third-party from inter-
vening in disputes relating
to the Treaty and any
disputes resulting there-
from.
Volume 3 | Edition 8
dispute waiting to see where
On the other hand, Pakistan the dust settles in this histor-
believes that such matters ic dispute between Pakistan
should be placed before the and India, with only one
Court of Arbitration and hope; to avoid what will be a
resolved accordingly (with cataclysmic blow to Paki-
the representation of both stan’s brittle economy.
nations), in order to ensure
transparency and justice for
all those concerned. There is
a fear that without the inter-
vention of an unbiased third
party for dispute resolution,
Pakistan risks being bull-
dozed in negotiations. It is
worthy to note, Pakistan’s
reliance on this treaty
stretches far beyond the
supply of water in their
rivers, as it is directly linked
to our economic standing,
which is in dire straits as it
stands. The World Bank has
allowed for two separate
proceedings to resolve this
long-standing dispute in
order to prevent an impasse
between the two nations,
which shall be detrimental
to the Treaty itself.
To this end, the questions
which arise are: Will the
Indus Water Treaty be rene-
gotiated? Can the Court of
Arbitration enforce its law on
India despite their decision
to boycott? Can the Indus
Water Treaty remain effec-
tive in the coming times?
Without running streams of
water, how will Pakistan (an
agro-based economy)
meet its agricultural
demands to support its
economy? As of now, we are
all mere spectators in this
55
M P
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57
 CSS | CHRONICLES VOLUME 3 EDITION 8

ESSAY SPECIAL

58
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

CSS ESSAY PAPER 2023

The essay paper is an important aspect of the civil services exams. It
can make or break your outcome. Your general studies preparation
is not enough to cover possible topics, you have to study separate
content for the essay paper. You do have to remember certain
aspects of writing a good essay. A lot of CSS aspirants make the mis-
take of not focusing on the essay paper because of its general
nature. While analyzing the 2023 essay paper one thing that aspi-
rants need to remember is that a crammer cannot pass this paper
you have to study more books and start writing on different topics.
The essay paper is an area where you can let loose your creativity
while displaying your knowledge about the topics.

How to select the essay topic.

Go through all the given topics well.

Choose a topic you know most and have significant knowledge

about.

Try to avoid provocative issues where personal opinions can be

controversial.

Select the topic only if you are sure of the meaning. For example,
know what IT refers to in a given case – information technology or
income tax.

Don’t necessarily pick a topic because it excites you. You should

have content and a balanced approach while writing about it.

59
CSS Chronicles
Features of a good essay
It should resonate with the topic given. Don’t
stray from the topic merely to fill up the word
count.
It should engross the reader. A good essay
should ignite the reader’s curiosity about the
topic. It should not be boring. The reader
should feel like going on reading it.
It should be multi-dimensional. Don’t have a
single viewpoint. Analyze the topic from
different perspectives. You can provide new
insights into the topic and impress the
examiner.
It should be simple but effective and
coherent. You need not write the Queen’s
English but let the language drive home
whatever point you are trying to make.
It should be grammatically perfect. Not only
does it enhances your essay’s clarity it also
avoids a negative impression.
It should be neat. This is why it is important to
think about what you want to write before
starting. This avoids scratching.
There should be continuity in your essay.
Don’t jump from one point to another. Make
your shifts seamless and smooth. Let there
be a natural flow of points. This indicates
clarity of thoughts.
It should contain quotes, headings,
sub-headings, and diagrams if required.
It should be structured appropriately.
Volume 3 | Edition 8
Things to avoid in the essay question paper
Avoid writing in the first person.
Avoid being too aggressive in your writing.
You want to portray an image of a
composed person with balanced views.
Aggressiveness can also show inflexibility.
Avoid being pessimistic in your writing. FPSC
wants aspirants with a cheerful and positive
disposition.
Avoid writing in points. Remember you are
writing an essay.
You don’t have to agree with the stand taken
by the question. Sometimes, a question can
be a statement giving a particular view. You
can write both negative and positive
aspects of it.
Don’t stray away from the topic.
Don’t get too personal and name politicians
or political parties unnecessarily. You are
going to be a bureaucrat, not a politician or
journalist!
Avoid giving quotes that you are not sure of.
Don’t attribute quotes to the wrong people.
And, definitely do not create your own
quotes. You can’t fool the examiner. Doing so
will certainly get you penalized.
You can write good essays if you develop
the habit of reading on a regular basis.
Incorporate reading more books as a part of
your essay preparation. Also, do note that
referring to CSS’s previous year’s essay
papers will help immensely. Remember,
practice makes perfect!
60
CSS Chronicles

The following tips will help improve your writing skills for the CSS Exam

1. Increase your reading count

You can improve your writing by reading books, research

papers, newspapers, magazines, and CSS chronicle.
Sure, you have to read a lot for your CSS preparation, but
the next time when you read a newspaper or magazine,
do focus on the written content style also. Reading more
familiarises you with good writing practices
subconsciously and this will be reflected in your writing
as well. So, reading more is the first step in knowing how
to improve answer writing in the CSS exam.

2. Keep your outline consistent 3. Do not use unnecessary

jargon or technical terms.
The outline refers to the basic structure of
Also, avoid clichés
your written piece, in your case, answers.
You should have an introduction, body, While writing essay paper
and conclusion to your piece. And they restrict the use of unneces-
must be consistent as much as possible. sarily technical words and
clichés. Don’t write just to fill
up the word count. Remem-
ber that quality is better
4. Avoid generalizations appreciated than quantity.

In any writing, generalizations are

best avoided. Always give material
that you can substantiate with basic
facts and information.

61
CSS Chronicles

5. Do not overdo the embellishments

You must definitely give quotes in your answer. They certainly
show your erudition. But avoid giving too many quotes. Also,
you can give a few metaphors and similes in your answers. But
only very rarely and when you think they are absolutely
essential to the point being told. Otherwise, save the
embellishments for the English literature optional paper!

6. Be original
This point is self-explanato-
ry. Don’t just reproduce what
you read as it is onto the
answer paper. Write in your
own words. Don’t invent stuff
up. But don’t curtail your
creativity in writing.
7. Practice makes perfect
Nothing can be perfected or at least
improved without practice. Practice answer
writing for the Civil Services exam as it can
make the difference between winning and
losing in this high-competition exam.

8. Make your writing error-free as much as possible

Inculcate all the above-mentioned tips in your writing practice daily and
you will see yourself becoming more adept at this art. Mere knowledge is
not enough to pass the CSS essay exam. You need to convince the
examiner correcting your answer booklet that you have good knowledge
and ideas to become a first-class civil servant. This is possible by writing
simple yet effective answers that not only give the required information
but also are a pleasure to read as well.

62
EARLY BIRD DISCOUNT

50
%
OFF

63
 CSS | CHRONICLES VOLUME 3 EDITION 8

MCQS COMPILATION

64
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

Current Affairs
1. Who won the 2023 Men’s FIH Hockey 6. As of 28 September 2022, the current
World Cup? policy rate by the state bank of Pakistan is
(A) Germany (A) 11%
(B) Belgium (B) 13%
(C) Netherlands (C) 15%
(D) New Zealand (D) 17%

2. State Bank of Pakistan on 23 January 7. The next general elections in Pakistan

2023 has raised the policy rate to are sched uled to be held in
(A) 11% (A) 2022
(B) 13% (B) 2023
(C) 15% (C) 2024
(D) 17% (D) 2025

3. The Men’s Hockey World Cup 2023 was 8. IMF finally revived the stalled financing
played from 13 to 29 January 2023 in package for Pakistan on
(A) India (A) 25 August 2022
(B) Holland (B) 27 August 2022
(C) Germany (C) 29 August 2022
(D) Australia (D) 31 August 2022

4. Pakistan has won the Hockey World for 9. Currently in August 2022, who is the
a record ________ times. Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of
(A) two Pakistan?
(B) three (A) Ahsan Iqbal
(C) four (B) Khawaja Asif
(D) five (C) Bilawal Bhutto
(D) Hina Rabbani Khar
5. Who is the current federal minister of
finance in Pakistan? 10. Currently in 2022, the estimated
(A) Miftah Ismael population of Pakistan is about
(B) Ishaq Dar (A) 214.8 million
(C) Ahsan Iqbal (B) 224.8 million
(D) Khawaja Asif (C) 234.8 million
(D) 244.8 million

65
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

Pakistan Affairs
1. The Stock Exchange of Pakistan is 6. Pakistan has a 1046 kilometer coastline
regulated by in Sindh and Baluchistan. The coastline is
(A) state bank located along the
(B) finance ministry (A) Arabian Sea
(C) SECP (B) Gwadar Coast
(D) ECO (C) Iranian Sea
(D) Gulf Sea
2. The “Indus Waters Treaty” between
Pakistan and India was signed on 19 7. Which from the following countries is
September not bordered with Pakistan?
(A) 1960 (A) India
(B) 1966 (B) Afghanistan
(C) 1972 (C) China
(D) 1976 (D) Bangladesh

3. According to the population, Pakistan is 8. The only country with which Pakistan
________ largest country in the world. shares a maritime border (and not the
(A) fourth land border) is
(B) fifth (A) Iran
(C) sixth (B) Oman
(D) seventh (C) UAE
(D) Saudi Arabia
4. How many federating units Pakistan
has? 9. K2 the second highest mountain in the
(A) 3 world is located along the border of
(B) 4 Pakistan and
(C) 5 (A) India
(D) 6 (B) Afghanistan
(C) China
5. Pakistan is located in the (D) Iran
(A) East Asia
(B) West Asia 10. According to the constitution of
(C) South Asia Pakistan, the chief executive and the most
(D) Central Asia powerful person in Pakistan is
(A) President
(B) Prime Minister
(C) Army Chief
(D) Chief Justice

66
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 8

Islamic Studies

1. Prophet Yousuf A.S and Prophet Yaqoob 6. For how many times “Paradise” is
A.S met each other after _______ years. mentioned in the holy Quran?
(A) 35 (A) 130
(B) 40 (B) 140
(C) 45 (C) 150
(D) 50 (D) 160

2. Which Prophet’s nation committed 7. How many idols were worshiped by the
embezzlement in trusts? nation of Prophet Noah A.S?
(A) Prophet Haroon A.S (A) 3
(B) Prophet Musa A.S (B) 4
(C) Prophet Shoaib A.S (C) 5
(D) Prophet Essa A.S (D) 6

3. Which Prophet got the title of “Najeeb 8. Prophet Ibrahim A.S remained in the fire
Ullah”? for ________ days.
(A) Prophet Ibrahim A.S (A) 35
(B) Prophet Nooh A.S (B) 40
(C) Prophet Musa A.S (C) 45
(D) Prophet Dawood A.S (D) 50

4. When did the ablution was made 9. In Surah Kahf, which animal is mentioned
obligatory? along with the Ashaab-e-Kahf?
(A) 4th A.H (A) Dog
(B) 5th A.H (B) Cat
(C) 6th A.H (C) Horse
(D) 7th A.H (D) Woodpecker

5. When did the interest was prohibited in 10. Al-Hudaibiyah treaty was scribed by
Islam? (A) Abu Bakr Siddique (R.A)
(A) 5th A.H (B) Umar Farooq (R.A)
(B) 6th A.H (C) Usman Ghani (R.A)
(C) 7th A.H (D) Ali Al-Murtaza (R.A)
(D) 8th A.H

67
 Current Pakistan Islamic
MCQ
Affairs Affairs Studies

1 A C B
2 D A C
3 A B D
4 C B B
5 B C D
6 C A C
7 B D C
8 C B B
9 D C A

PT
10 B B D

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