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The Ocediffifti,
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Scofte
Prophetic Faith
of
Our Fathers L EROY EDWIN FROOM iS special in-
structor in the Historical Development of Pro-
phetic Interpretation at the Seventh-day Ad-
ventist Theological Seminary of Washington,
D.C.; former secretary of the Ministerial Associ-
ation of the General Conference of Seventh-day
Adventists; for several years editor of The
Ministry, official organ of the association; and
author of various other religious works.
VOL. I The four volumes comprising this ex-

tensive work, which covers the Christian
Era, are the result of more than sixteen
years of intensive research in Europe as
well as in America. The result of this per-
sistent quest, including three extensive
trips to Europe, has been the assemblage
of thousands of source documents now
LEROY comprising the unique Advent Source Col-
lection. This, in turn, forms the documen-
EDWIN tary basis for these volumes, which are
here presented to the Christian church at
large as a contribution to the sound and
FROOM scientific study of the development of pro-
phetic interpretation.
Sado:geed di ride
"Iftfreopal
he aetic hit of 011E i at angs
This Set Brings the Sweep of Centuries lint° View
These volumes have been accorded a remarkable
reception in the religious press of all faiths—some Volume I — Early Church Exposition, Subsequent Deflections, and Medieval
150 favorable book reviews in the weekly, monthly, Revival
and quarterly religious and church history journals
in the United States, Canada, Great Britain, conti- Volume II — Pre-Reformation and Reformation Restoration, and Second Departure
nental Europe, and other lands. Few scholarly re- Volume III — Colonial American and Nineteenth-Century Old World Awakening
ligious works have ever been given such recognition
by the press—and reviews are still appearing in the Volume IV — New World Recovery and Consummation of Prophetic Interpretation
United States, Great Britain, and the various coun-
tries of Europe, Australia, Asia, and Africa. Each Volume an Entity, Completely Covering Its Field
They have received high commendation from
such recognized scholars as Dr. Wilbur M. Smith of
Fuller Theological Seminary; Dr. Sidney E. Mead 7WAze deitoewa 4410 PP/4/rdeeee '741e4
of the University of Chicago; Dr. W. A. Visser 't
Hoof t of the World Council of Churches (Geneva);
Dr. H. H. Rowley of the University of Manchester;
Dr. William W. Sweet of; the Southern Methodist
A BLE scholars in America and These expressions come from men of
Europe have collaborated in the standing in Union Theological Sem-
University; Dr. Andrew W. Blackwood of Prince- checking and translating of key sec- inary, Harvard, Yale, University of
ton; Dr. Kenneth H. Latourette of Yale; Dr. W. tions of this work. The finished prod- Chicago, Southern Methodist Univer-
Graham Scroggie of London; Dr. John W. Brad- uct has received the commendation of sity, the British Museum, Library of
bury, chairman, International Congress on Bible
Prophecy; Dr. Martyn Lloyd-Jones of Westminster
prominent clergymen (both conserva- Congress, New York Public Library,
Chapel, London; Dr. Edmund Schlink of Heidel- tives and liberals), teachers, editors, and Fuller Theological Seminary.
berg University; Dr. Ernst Staehelin of Geneva; and librarians of various beliefs. Here ,are some of their reactions:
Dr. Robert S. Bilheimer of the World Council of
Churches, Geneva; Dr. T. T. Shields of Toronto; CHRISTIAN CHURCH INDEBTED.—
Dr. Milton Anastos of Harvard Research School;
Dr. Albert Hyma of the University of Michigan; "There is nothing like this work for exhaustiveness, freshness, and dependability in
Dr. Raymond Albright of the Evangelical School our language. . . . An indispensable, monumental survey of this particular field of
of Theology; Dr. F. E. Whiting, Baptist Bureau of literature. I am amazed at the amount of material that is here, and all the labor that it
Publications; Dr. Homes Rolston of the Presby- required. . . . The Christian church will be indebted . . . for exploring this vast litera-
terian publications. ture and bringing the results before the Christian public."—DR. WILBUR M. SMITH, Fuller
Theological Seminary, Pasadena, Calif.
In North America favorable reviews have ap-
peared in Christian Century, Bibliotheca Sacra, PAINSTAKING SCHOLARSHIP IN PREPARATION.—
Crozer Quarterly, Watchman-Examiner, Church
History, Church Management, Christian Life, The "This review might well begin with an expression of appreciation of the painstaking
Gospel Witness, Baptist Leader, Presbyterian Trib- scholarship which has gone into the preparation of this series of volumes in which the
une, Lutheran Quarterly, Theology, Christendom, whole history of the interpretation of prophecy has been attempted. . . . There is no
Converted Catholic, Living Church, Muslim World, doubt of the historical importance of this story as told in these four volumes or of the
Religion in Life, Lutheran Companion, Moody honesty and scholarship which has gone into the telling of it."—DR. WILLIAM WARREN
Monthly, Pulpit Digest, Interpretation. SWEET, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, Texas.
In Great Britain they include British Weekly,

Baptist Quarterly, Congregational Quarterly, Evan- REFERENCE WORK FOR STUDENTS.—
gelical Quarterly, Scottish Journal of Theology.
"The work is well documented and annotated, with references from original sources,
And on the Continent such journals as Ecumenical
and so indexed as to be a ready reference. . . . I wish to commend the scholarship, thor-
Review of Geneva. Several Catholic journals have oughness, and carefulness manifested throughout.".—W. E. BE LENT, chief of reading room,
reviewed them, including Verbum Domini of the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
Pontifical Biblical Institute of Rome, and Byzan-
tinische Zeitschrift of Germany.
REVIEW AND HERALD PUBLISHING ASSN., non OIPMECT IIS T DEE S IEIIV Di IE 1Y TEAT
TAKOMA PARK, WASHINGTON 12, D.C. 1UNIDOCKS TIME liolrYSTERIIIES OIF rETIISTOIDIY
OFFSET IN THE U.S.A.
The
PROPHETIC FAITH
OF OUR FATHERS
The Historical Development
of Prophetic Interpretation
by
LE ROY EDWIN FROOM
VOLUME I
Early Church Exposition, Subsequent
Deflections, and Medieval Revival
REVIEW AND HERALD

WASHINGTON, D.C.
TO ALL Students of Bible Prophecy, Who
Desire to Trace the Luminous Torch of
Prophetic Interpretation in Its Transmis-
sion From Hand to Hand Through the
Centuries, and to Watch the Course of Ad-
vancing and Increasing Light That Guided
the Feet of Our Spiritual Forefathers in the
Early Church, and in Medieval Times, This
Volume Is Sincerely Dedicated
COPYRIGHT, 1950, BY THE

REVIEW AND HERALD PUBLISHING ASSOCIATION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Contents
FROM THE AUTHOR TO THE READER 9

1. THE SCOPE AND PURPOSE OF INSPIRED PROPHECY 17
2. THE BOOK OF DANIEL AND THE OLD TESTAMENT CANON 35
3. THE RELATIONSHIP OF DANIEL TO THE APOCRYPHA 67
4. THE BOOK OF REVELATION AND THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON 86
5. FOUNDATION LAID IN THE OLD TESTAMENT 110
6. PROPHETIC PEAK REACHED IN APOSTOLIC AGE 135
7. PRE-CHRISTIAN INTERPRETATIONS OF DANIEL .167
8. THE BRIDGE TO THE CHRISTIAN ERA 181
9. SECOND-CENTURY WITNESS OF APOSTOLIC FATHERS 205
10. THE PERIOD OF THE APOLOGISTS 219
11. IRENAEUS OF GAUL AND TERTULLIAN OF AFRICA 241
12. HIPPOLYTUS AND JULIUS AFRICANUS 268
13. NON-,CHRISTIAN INFLUENCES ON CHRISTIAN INTERPRETATION 283
14. ATTACKS ON THE ADVENT HOPE AND ON PROPHECY 309
15. CYPRIAN, VICTORINUS, AND METHODIUS 331
16. THE TRANSITION HOUR OF THE CHURCH 349
17. POST-NICENE REVERSAL ON PROPHETIC INTERPRETATION 373
18. VARYING VOICES IN DIFFERENT PLACES 401
19. HERALDS OF THE NEW FULFILLMENT 433
20. REVOLUTIONARY CONCEPT OF THE MILLENNIUM INTRODUCED 465
21. GRADUAL EMERGENCE OF THE PAPAL POWER 492
22. ANTICHRISTIAN PRINCIPLE DENOUNCED BY CHURCHMEN 518
23. GRADUAL REVERSAL OF TICHONIUS TRADITION 544
24. ANTICHRIST COLORS MEDIEVAL THINKING 569
25. BRITISH EXPOSITORS EXHIBIT GREATER INDEPENDENCE 595
26. TWO MOVEMENTS THAT STRENGTHEN THE PAPAL POWER 628
27. THE SUMMIT OF PAPAL POWER ATTAINED 664
28. JOACHIM OF FLORIS-NEW INTERPRETATION 683
29. STRANGE TEACHINGS AMONG THE JOACHIMITES AND SPIRITUALS 717
30. VILLANOVA-A PHYSICIAN'S CONTRIBUTION 743
31. THE SECOND GENERATION OF SPIRITUALS 763
6 PROPHETIC FAITH
32. ANTICHRIST A SYSTEM, NOT AN INDIVIDUAL 786

33. HERESIES AND EVANGELICAL REFORM MOVEMENTS 807
34. ANCIENT ROOTS OF THE WALDENSES OF ITALY 829
35. WALDENSIAN DEFIANCE OF ROME 860
36. SUMMING UP THE EVIDENCE OF VOLUME I 887
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 911
APPENDICES 915
BIBLIOGRAPHY 953
INDEX 988
ABBREVIATIONS
In the footnote references certain large collections of source materials
have been abbreviated as follows:
ANF, The Ante-Nicene Fathers.
MBVP, Maxima Bibliotlzeca Veterum Patrum.
MGH, Monumenta Germaniae Historica.
NPNF, A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene
Fathers.
PG, Patrologia Graeca (Migne).
PL, Patrologia Latina (Migne).
Illustrations and Charts
TRANSMITTING THE LUMINOUS TORCH OF PROPHETIC INTERPRETATION ____ 2
PROPHETIC PORTRAYALS AS RECOGNIZABLE AS RUSHMORE FIGURES 22
THE GREAT PROPHETIC DRAMA IN THREE MAJOR ACTS 38
INSPIRATION'S ANIMATED CARTOONS OF THE NATIONS 46
NEBUCHADNEZZAR'S BABYLON: ARTIST'S RECONSTRUCTION BASED ON AC-
TUAL REMAINS 48
EXAMPLES OF COMPOSITE BEASTS FAMILIAR TO THE BABYLONIANS 50
THE LION AND ITS ADAPTATION IN BABYLON IAN ART 52
APPROXIMATE TIMING OF OLD TESTAMENT PROPHETS SYNCHRONIZED
WITH SUCCESSIVE WORLD POWERS (CHART) 58, 59
COMPARATIVE LISTS OF OLD TESTAMENT BOOKS, SHOWING SEPTUAGINT
AND ROMAN CATHOLIC ENLARGEMENTS (CHART) 78, 79
PANORAMIC VIEW OF FIRST CENTURY, WITH CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF
NEW TESTAMENT WRITINGS (CHART) 98, 99
PROPHECIES EMPLOY COMMON NATIONAL SYMBOLS 129
GOAT SYMBOL A FAMILIAR FIGURE ON GRECIAN COINS 130
THE GRECIAN "GOAT" SMITES THE PERSIAN "RAM" 132
THE PALATINE, ONE OF ROME'S SEVEN IDENTIFYING HILLS 159
ROMAN COINS REFLECT ROMAN HISTORY 160
TEXT OF VATICAN MA N USCRIPT OF DANIEL 8:14 READS "2300" 179
COLISEUM, SCENE OF EARLY CHRISTIAN MARTYRDOMS 218
THE CATACOMBS-SUBTERRANEAN CHAMBERS OF THE CHRISTIAN DEAD 228
WHEN ROME RULED AS FOURTH PROPHETIC POWER 230
PROGRESSIVE DEVELOPMENT OF PROPHETIC INTERPRETATION (CHART
1) 238, 239
PROPHETIC SYMBOLS FIND COUNTERPARTS ON ROMAN COINS 259
HIPPOLYTUS, BISHOP OF PORTUS ROMAN US 269
THREE NOTED MOLDERS OF PROPHETIC OPINION 327
RUINS AT DIOCLETIAN 'S HOME CITY 345
BATHS OF DIOCLETIAN AT ROME, POSSIBLY BUILT BY CHRISTIAN SLAVES 350
CONSTANTINE PROFOUNDLY CHANGED THE COURSE OF HISTORY 360
PROGRESSIVE DEVELOPMENT OF PROPHETIC INTERPRETATION (CHART
2) 370, 371
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT DOMINATES THE FOURTH CENTURY 384
CASTING DOWN OF PAGANISM MEMORIALIZED ON ROMAN COINS 387
PROPHETIC EXPOSITORS ON FRINGE OF EMPIRE 400
JEROME-LAST OF THE EARLY PROPHETIC EXPOSITORS 438
EARLY CHURCH PERIOD: LEA DING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL EXPOSITORS
OF DANIEL (CHART) 456, 457
7
8 PROPHETIC FAITH
EARLY CHURCH PERIOD: LEADING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL EXPOSITORS

ON REVELATION (CHART) 458, 459
AUGUSTINE, BISHOP OF HIPPO, OUTSTANDING LATIN FATHER 474
TRIUMPHAL ARCH AND JUDICIAL BASILICA OF CONSTANTINE 494
EPOCHAL COMPILATION OF JUSTINIAN AND THE EMPEROR'S PORTRAIT 506
THE CROWNING OF CHARLEMAGNE BY LEO III 534
CHARTING OF THE TICHONIAN INFLUENCE FOR SEVEN CENTURIES 545
EARLIEST ORIGINAL DRAWINGS OF PROPHETIC SYMBOLS EXTANT 576
SELECTED DRAWINGS FROM BEATUS' WORK 578
ILLUSTRATED BAMBERG APOCALYPSE OF ELEVENTH CENTURY 592
FURTHER ILLUSTRATIONS FROM BAMBERG APOCALYPSE 594
THE VENERABLE BEDE DICTATING TO HIS ANAMUENSIS 610
MATTHEW PARIS, ENGLISH CHRONICLER 626
MANUSCRIPT AND PRINTED TREATISES OF JOACHIM OF FLORIS 684
THREE GREAT MEDIEVAL FIGURES 685
PSEUDO-JOACHIM MANUSCRIPT ATTRIBUTED TO MONK OF BAMBERG 718
ESCHATOLOGICAL WRITINGS OF ARNOLD OF VILLANOVA 746
EMPEROR AND POPE WHO EXCHANGED PROPHETIC EPITHETS 794
EBERHARD II, FIRST TO APPLY LITTLE HORN TO HISTORICAL PAPACY 797
WALDENSIAN MISSIONARY TRAINING SCHOOL IN PIEDMONTESE ALPS 828
WALDENSIAN COLLEGE, TORRE PELLICE, AT ENTRANCE TO VALLEYS 838
MILAN CATHEDRAL AND PANORAMA OF WALDENSIAN VALLEYS 850
MILTON, THE BLIND POET, DICTATING TO HIS DAUGHTERS 857
WHERE THE WALDENSES LIVED AND SUFFERED FOR THEIR FAITH 864
WALDENSIAN CONTRIBUTION TO THE REFORMATION 885
EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD: LEADING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL EXPOSITORS
OF DANIEL (CHART) 894, 895
EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD: LEADING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL EXPOSITORS
ON REVELATION (CHART) 896, 897
SECOND ADVENT PAINTING, HIDDEN FOR CENTURIES, RESTORED 900
TABULATION OF SOURCES ON WALDO AND THE ORIGIN OF THE WALDENSES 944
From the Author to the Reader
THROUGHOUT the ages godly men have seriously sought to
understand and to interpret the prophecies recorded in God's
Holy Word. They have sought to know where they were in the
unfolding of the divine plan of the ages—and what was coming
hereafter in God's scheme of things. An earnest endeavor has
here been made to trace this quest of man back through the
centuries by systematically gathering and analyzing the essential
records of all leading expositors of Bible prophecy from apos-
tolic days down to the twentieth century; yes, beginning, in fact,
with Jewish expositors prior to the Christian Era.
Bearing of Prophetic Interpretation on Church History

Even the best of historians and biographers have usually
overlooked, or at least underrated, the influence of prophetic
interpretation in the religious thinking of past centuries. There
is customarily an extensive treatment of dogmatic and organiza-
tional problems in church history. These issues were often
highly disturbing, and have left their marks—and often their
scars—upon both church and state, as well as upon the records
of the times.
But this oft-forgotten element of Biblical prophecy has
frequently exerted an even greater influence than some of the
commonly emphasized factors, not only upon the leaders of the
people, but also upon the masses as well. It has often arrested
the attention and gripped the imagination of men. And not
infrequently it has stirred whole groups to important action. It
has at times shaped the very course of empire, and materially
affected the welfare of the church. This recital, then, is in a
sense a phase of church history, and proffers a key that will
9
10 PROPHETIC FAITH
unlock scores of otherwise baffling mysteries in the record of

the years. It is therefore a valid and vital field of study.
The interpretation of prophecy has not been simply a
by-product of Bib]e study. It has been not merely an occasional
interest but a remarkably constant one over long periods of
time. Nor has it been attempted chiefly by obscure and ignorant
men. Instead, the expositors of the years have usually been men
of prominence, learning, and influence, whose lives and teach-
ings not only have molded their own generation, but often have
lived on, influencing other generations to come. Very frequently
these expositors were the key men of their times. They were
fearless men, many going to the stake for their faith. And they
represented all walks of life—churchmen, statesmen, teachers,
historians, scientists, mathematicians, physicians, philosophers,
discoverers. They included Jewish rabbis, Catholic clerics,
Christian ministers, dissentients, prominent laymen, and even
monarchs on the throne. They constituted a remarkable cross
section of humanity, and were usually the intellectual leaders
of their day. These facts have necessitated a study of the men
themselves, that the character of their exposition might be
evaluated—hence, the biographical approach and emphasis
that has been followed.
Impelling Motive Back of This Search

The challenge of a great need was the impelling motive
back of this really huge undertaking—the obvious need for a
thorough work of this sort, and the lack of anything of its kind
extant in any language. The history of past interpretation should
have a direct bearing on prophetic interpretation today. But
the sheer inaccessibility of many of the thousands of source
documents required for a work of this character, the prohibitive
costliness of extensive travel and of acquiring them, the excessive
time required for such a task, and the need of expert assistants
to overcpme the multiple language barriers, all combine to
place a task of this kind utterly beyond the range of most
INTRODUCTION 11
students, no matter how competent they may be or how desirous

of undertaking such a study.
The proffered provision, then, of the facilities and the
means necessary for carrying through such a tremendous task,
was regarded by the author as a summons to undertake such an
investigation.
Difficulties Involved in the Quest

In order to present the development of prophetic inter-
pretation in its proper historical setting, it was necessary, of
course, first to collect, so far as possible, all the available books,
manuscripts, and other materials bearing on the subject, for
study and evaluation. It was no small task even to discover
many of the rarer items. Prophetic interpretation has for,
decades been a neglected study, and all too many of its
source materials have been untouched for a long period of time.
Many a gem of prophetic interpretation has been reposing
for scores of years, if not for centuries, on the dusty shelves of
the great book collections of the Old World and the New. These
jewels of prophetic exposition are scattered among the extensive
holdings of great national libraries and large universities, the
archives of smaller colleges and old theological schools, and the
libraries of ancient churches and monasteries, as well as notable
private collections. Some, indeed, are in the possession of rare
book collectors, or, perchance, in quaint old bookshops.
It was to seek out these expositions from among the musty
tomes that clutter the crowded shelves of the world's great
archives, and to make them available to all students of prophecy
in usable, documented form that three research trips to Europe
were undertaken—in 1935, in 1938, and again in 1948. This
search for the prophetic interpretations of the centuries was
consequently undertaken in the favoring lull between the two
world wars. And fortunate—or providential, it would surely
appear to be—was the timing.
Such unhampered research is no longer possible today on
12 PROPHETIC FAITH
the continent of Europe, and there is no assurance concerning

the future. Moreover, many of the libraries from which these
materials were secured have been damaged or destroyed by the
ravages of World War II, along with many of the almost irre-
placeable originals of these rare prophetic treasures that they
housed, but many of which are now in our possession in micro-
film or photostatic form, in extract if not in entirety. The photo-
stat copies are therefore the more valuable, and in the case of
certain manuscript materials they may be the only copies now
in existence.
Meanwhile the seemingly endless bookshelves of the New
World have also been combed for significant prophetic
materials. And we are happy to report that the results of this
extensive quest, on both sides of the Atlantic, have far exceeded
all earlier hopes and expectations. One is reminded of the apt
expression in Ezra 6:1: "Search was made in the house of the
books, where the treasures were laid up." (Margin.) The
materials assembled, forming the bulk of the source documents
for all four volumes of The Prophetic Faith of Our Fathers, com-
prise what is known as the Advent Source Collection, the largest
in its field ever to be brought together in one place. It is
housed in a special vault in the Seventh-day Adventist Theo-
logical Seminary at Takoma Park, Washington, D.C.
Matches Findings of Archaeologist's Spade

The archaeologist's spade has restored the long-lost—or at
least long-unknown—supporting evidence of secular historical
testimony in vindication of the Biblical record. In like manner,
in the field of prophetic interpretation this systematic quest
has brought to light these interpretations of the past. We
believe that their issuance in this documented form will make a
definite contribution to Christian evidences and apologetics.
And as the revealing clay tablets and papyrus rolls of old,
and the priceless carvings in stone, had to be deciphered by the
archaeologists in order to read their treasured messages, so have
INTRODUCTION 13
many of these rare expositional treatises been locked away in

old medieval Latin, in unvoweled Hebrew, or in the early
forms of German, French, and English. Some medieval manu-
scripts were written with almost unseparated words, and many
of these in the difficult abbreviated forms of the Middle Ages.
Many of these treatises had, therefore, to be translated by
experts.
The Safeguards of Group Endeavor
This search for the prophetic expositors and their writings

has never been a one-man quest. Through approximately sixteen
years of endeavor there have always been associates, first in
searching out and finding the sources in the various libraries
of Europe and America, and then in the reading and the
analyzing of the materials collected. It was also necessary to
have the help of competent translators from the Latin, German,
French, Spanish, Hebrew, Greek, Syriac, Scandinavian, and
other foreign languages in which many of these sources are
found. So always it has really been a group project, with the
safeguardings that the application of various minds—of investi-
gators, linguists, historians, consultants, and verifiers—would
bring. Often these have been the most eminent men in their
fields. Due credit to such appears in the Acknowledgments at
the close of each volume.
Earnest endeavor has been made to present these materials
accurately and to evaluate them fairly. The undeviating purpose
has been to present all the essential facts, that the reader may
weigh and evaluate for himself. To this end, comprehensive
tables, charts, and covering statements, at the close of each major
epoch, epitomize the principal interpretations of the leading
expositors within the period. Thus the combined evidence of
the period is made available at a glance. The author and his
colaborers recognize that, despite all the safeguards thrown
around the procedures, there is still the possibility of error or
inadequacy in some phase of the presentation.
14 PROPHETIC FAITH
The Author's Viewpoint Set Forth
Any author must necessarily have a viewpoint. His opinions

of his subject matter arc bound to be visible to some degree,
if only in the choice and treatment of the materials, though he
reserves the direct expression of these for his summaries and
conclusions.
This author is an evangelical Christian—a Protestant con-
servative—who believes first of all, andi without reservation, in
the divine inspiration of the Scriptures (2 Tim. 3:16), and the
fundamental provisions of the gospel; second, that the "sure
word of prophecy," written by the prophets of old as they were
"moved by the Holy Ghost," was divinely given to man as "a
light that shineth in a dark place, until the day dawn" (2 Peter
1:19); and third, that "no prophecy of the scripture is of any
private [idios—independent, isolated, personal, solitary] inter-
pretation" (2 Peter 1:20).
The author believes, further, that according to His promise,
"God will do nothing, but He revealeth His secret unto His
servants the prophets." Amos 3:7. He also believes that God
has declared "the end from the beginning, and from ancient
times the things that are not yet done, saying, My counsel shall
stand" (Isa. 46:10); further, that the "path of the just" is
designed of God to be "as the shining light, that shineth more
and more unto the perfect day" (Prov. 4:18); and finally, that
prophecy has been given unto us to establish sound and sub-
stantial faith—that "when it is come to pass, ye might believe"
(John 14:29; cf. 13:19 and 16:4). Incidentally, the only direct
command our Lord ever gave to understand the Word was
directed to the understanding of the prophecy of Daniel.
(Matt. 24:15.)
This, then, is the Biblical justification for the study of
prophecy, and consequently of the propriety of man's honest
and reverent attempt to understand its meaning and to read
its lesson.
INTRODUCTION 15
God's Witnesses to Recognized Fulfillments

Extensive research such as this, with its voluminous find-
ings, which have been carefully analyzed and organized, inevi-
tably develops certain definite conclusions or convictions by the
time the author rounds out his work, and comes to the task of
recording his findings in systematic form.
For example, your investigator has been brought slowly
but irresistibly to the conclusion that prophecy has been pro-
gressively understood just as fast as history has fulfilled it, step
by step, down through the passing centuries. And, further, that
always at the time of fulfillment of each major epoch and event
of prophecy there have been numerous men of eminence and
godliness, widely scattered geographically, who have recognized
that a fulfillment was taking place before their very eyes. They
have sensed where they were on the timetable of prophecy, and
have left the record of that recognition. Such is the evidence.
These men we shall denominate God's "witnesses" to a
recognized fulfillment, and their writings as constituting their
"testimony" to that understanding. They bear a confirmatory
testimony to the inspired character of Scripture and the fore-
knowledge of God, through attesting the recognized historical
fulfillment of the divine predictions of Bible prophecy. They are
the expositors, or interpreters, of prophecy, who have held aloft
the luminous torch of truth through the centuries, as pictured
in the frontispiece.
Mankind Needs the Light of Prophecy

Mankind greatly needs the beacon light of prophecy, for
there is a divine purpose and blessing in prophecy. Mankind
needs its guiding rays, and its inspiring hope and steadying
assurance, in order to find the harbor of eternity in safety.
Without the light of prophecy the future is a vast and im-
penetrable unknown, a trackless desert, an uncharted sea. But
prophecy is God's index finger pointing the way out for a
world engulfed in growing confusion, disillusionment, and
16 PROPHETIC FAITH
despair. The general quest for knowledge and certainty con-

cerning the future of the world, the church, and the individual
is pathetic. Prophecy is God's answer to man's anxious question-
ing. Yes, mankind needs prophecy and the reverent interpreta-
tion of the centuries. Only thus does the darksome journey
across the years become the lighted way.
In a time of frustration, fear, and uncertainty, it is good
to know that there are some things that are sure and steadfast.
The inspired apostle Paul assures us, "Nevertheless the founda-
tion of God standeth sure." 2 Tim. 2:19. These certainties of
God are disclosed in Holy Writ, particularly in its inspired
prophecies. And they stand fast, unmoved and immovable, in
a world that is crumbling, because they are rooted in the mind
and purpose of God. They are therefore foundational in God's
scheme of things.
The title chosen for this work, The Prophetic Faith of Our
Fathers, was selected because it would appropriately embrace
the prophetic faith of the fathers of the early Christian church,
the fathers of the Reformation church, and of the colonial
American church, as well as of those of more modern times.
The results of this quest are here presented to the Christian
church at large as an aid to sound investigation of this important
phase of Holy Writ, with the earnest hope that they will prove
to be as inspiring and faith-building to the reader as they have
been to the author.
LEROY EDWIN FROOM.
Washington, D.C.
CHAPTER ONE
The Scope and Purpose

of Inspired Prophecy
I. The Torch of Prophecy Illuminates the Centuries

The profound influence of the Bible prophecies on the
vital concepts of mankind, and hence on the welfare of the
church and the course of empire, stretches across the centuries.
The testimony of an unending procession of competent exposi-
tors of prophecy and its fulfillment is found in every major
epoch, and appears at every important turning point of history.
Bible prophecy may aptly be likened to a flaming torch,
lighting up the darksome highway in the passage of the cen-
turies, illuminating the unfamiliar surrounding scenes, and
identifying the advancing time and place of mankind in its
march across the pages of history—ever onward toward the goal
of ages. From generation to generation the lighted torch of
prophecy has been passed on from one hand to another, and
from one group to the next—sometimes flaming high, some-
times burning low. But always there are hands to transmit it to
the next in line. And never has the prophetic torch gone out
completely. Always there has been at least a flickering ray to
disclose the path to those who have sought its guiding light.
1. PROFOUNDLY AFFECTED THE JEWISH ATTITUDE.—The
molding, energizing force of Old Testament prophecy was
already evident in Jewish history long before the dawn of the
Christian Era. The Messianic hope of the Jews, and their
national aspirations, which were based on prophecies, pro-
17
18 PROPHETIC FAITH
foundly affected their fundamental attitude toward other

nations. It permeated their entire thinking and action, and
it often determined, in turn, the treatment that the Jews them-
selves were accorded by the Gentile world.
An early example, although perhaps traditional, may serve
to indicate the influence of Biblical prophecies even in the
pagan world—the story of how Alexander the Great was
induced to spare Jerusalem after hearing himself described
from the Jewish sacred scrolls as the "first king" symbolized by
the notable and victorious horn on the head of the Grecian
goat, which was one of Daniel's symbolic beasts of prophecy.
It is, of course, well known to all that Christ applied many
Old Testament predictions to His own life and death, and
that the popular Jewish misconception of those very prophecies
was the cause of His rejection by His own nation. Nevertheless,
the Messianic hope continued to play a dominant part in the
life and aspirations of the Jews during the later centuries of
the Diaspora. And various pseudo-Messianic movements, spring-
ing up among them, gave false courage and strength to many
for a time, while others led to definite disaster and setbacks.
2. JESUS THE STAR WITNESS OF ALL TIME.—JeSUS' state-
ments,concerning His own ministry—that He came just as "the
time" was due to be "fulfilled," that He was the long-foretold
Anointed One who was to preach deliverance to the captives,
and His many other references to the prophecies of the Old
Testament—reveal only too clearly the importance that Christ
assigned to inspired prophecy. He was the Star Witness of all
time in the field of prophecy. He ennobled and elevated sacred
prophecy and prophetic interpretation, putting the seal of
divine approval upon it.
3. PROFOUND INFLUENCE ON THE EARLY CHURCH.—The
development of the early Christian church was definitely based
on the prophetic hope of the Saviour's speedy return at the
end of the age, with its tremendous events—the rolling back
of the heavens as a scroll, the appearing of the Son of man,
THE SCOPE AND PURPOSE OF INSPIRED PROPHECY 19
the resurrection of the dead, and the fearful yet glorious judg-
ment scenes—followed by the eternal heavenly kingdom to
come. In ardent expectation of. this glorious future the early
Christians were constrained to spread the gospel of salvation
with zealous haste. And it was this concept that nerved them
to withstand the terrible agonies of mutilation by wild beasts
and an ignominious death in the amphitheater, the searing
flames of the martyr's stake, and all the other manifestations of
the wrath of the pagan Roman "dragon," warring upon the
church.
Thus it was with Justin Martyr, of the second century, in
his famous Apologies to the pagan Roman rulers. Their under-
standing of the times caused these Christian stalwarts to pray
repeatedly for the continuance of the restraining Roman
Empire, lest the dreaded worse times of Antichrist, expected
to follow upon its fall, should overtake them in their day.
Prophecy was a beacon light guiding the church of the centuries
following, showing them where they were in the march of
time—as they first awaited and then apprehensively watched the
fateful breakup of the Roman Empire.
4. A CHANGE IN EMPHASIS.—When hope of a speedy return

of the Saviour grew dim, because several centuries had rolled
by, a revolutionary view of prophecy was introduced which
resulted in a new orientation and a new ideology. It started the
church off in another direction. Did not prophecy speak of a
glorious thousand-year reign of the saints? Perhaps this period
was not heavenly but earthly. Perhaps, after all, it was not
future but present, beginning with the first instead of the
second advent.
Augustine, in his treatise, The City of God—which molded
the concepts of the Christian West for a thousand years there-
after—definitely placed the accent upon an earthly fulfillment
of those age-old prophecies. On the assumption that the millen-
nial reign had already begun on earth, and that the church was
God's only true exponent and representative, the Roman church
20 PROPHETIC FAITH
soon asserted power over body, soul, and spirit, as well as over
peasant, king, and sage. It claimed to be the sole guardian of
truth and the only custodian of salvation.
5. TORCH AGAIN UPLIFTED IN MIDDLE AGES.-It was the
uplifting of the prophetic torch again, after A.D. 1000, that illu-
minated the winding pathway through the Middle Ages. Under
such men as the Venerable Bede, Bernard of Clairvaux, and
Joachim of Floris, within the Roman church, prophecy came
again into the thinking of many. (See frontispiece.)
The fires of enthusiasm for the crusades, kindled among
the masses, were kept aflame through asserting that the Sara-
cenic "Antichrist" had taken possession of God's holy city, and
that God had definitely directed the Christians to rout these
diabolic hordes of Gog and Magog. But the church had grown
vain and arrogant. Earnest, spiritual-minded souls were dis-
tressed and aggrieved. They were disgusted with what they
saw of sin, pride, and gross corruption in high places among
those who administered the holy sacraments, and now claimed
to be on a level high above the simple laymen.
6. PRE-REFORMATION PATHFINDERS GUIDED BY PROPHECY.
—And when the common folk came into possession of the Bible
they found in its prophecies the portrayals of "Babylon," the
great courtesan, and of "Antichrist," the oppressor of God's
truth and people. Could it be that these were allusions to the
church, fallen from its high calling and place? Whole move-
ments sprang up, which found their invincible strength and
consolation, despite peril and persecution, in the prophecies
that spoke of the final glory of God's loyal little band and of
their acceptance in the councils of heaven as those clad in white
robes, and with palms of victory in their hands. The irrepressible
Waldenses were fortified for the stake and the sword by their
study and application of prophecy.
Prophecy inspired some of the trenchant poems of Dante
and soul-searching sonnets of Petrarch in the early Renaissance.
Prophecy soon after guided Wyclif in his epochal contest with
Rome. It was prophecy that fortified Huss and Savonarola for

the flames of the martyr's stake. It was prophecy that Columbus,
faithful son of the Roman church, cited as foretelling his voyages
to the New World, as he rejoiced in the thought of helping to
bring about the preaching of the gospel to all before the end
of time. He considered his astonishing discoveries but a fulfill-
ment of Bible prophecy, a subject that occupied his thoughts
to such an extent that, famous discoverer though he was, he even
wrote a treatise on the prophecies.
7. FLAMES HIGH IN REFORMATION TIMES.—And it was by
the flaming torch of prophecy that Luther sought to identify
his mortal foe, and was encouraged to make his epochal break
with Rome. Prophecy definitely molded the aggressive course
of the Reformation in Germany, Switzerland, Britain, Scan-
dinavia, and the Low Countries, and even penetrated to France
and Italy.
The influence of the prophetic note on the Reformation
is well-nigh incalculable, though largely unrecognized and
unheralded by historians and biographers. When Luther saw
the hopelessness of reforming the church from within, he began
to think of her as apostate from God—a body from which he
must separate. When he burned the pope's bull as the bull of
the prophesied Antichrist, he sounded the battle cry to with-
draw from her communion and to fight against the Antichris-
tian system. This clarion call soon echoed throughout all Europe
with tremendous effect. Its repercussions were felt everywhere.
So it was not merely the medieval mind which stressed prophecy.
The highly educated Reformation leaders used prophecy as
one of their mightiest weapons in calling upon the faithful to
separate from Babylon, the fallen church, and to break with the
Antichrist who had usurped the place of God, and who sat
enthroned in the temple of God.
But they did not stop there. They wrote a veritable stream
of tractates and commentaries, and made the common people
familiar with the interpretations of the four world powers of
GUTZON BORGLUIlh•OEStONER AND SCULPTOR
PROPHETIC PORTRAYALS AS RECOGNIZABLE AS RUSHMORE FIGURES

Inset Shows Figures of Washington, Jefferson, Theodore Roosevelt, and Lincoln in Process of Carv-
ing. In Early Stages Identity of Each Could Not Be Determined Until Sufficiently Developed. So
With the Prophesied Nations—Time and Historical Development Identified the Predicted Four
World Powers of Daniel. The Washington Head Is Sixty Feet From Forehead to Chin; Nose,
Twenty-one Feet High; Mouth, Eighteen Feet Wide
Daniel and the phrasings of the other prophetic symbols of the

book. From the Reformation stems a long line of prophetic
expositions which molded Protestant thinking for centuries
after their day. These were based on what came to be known
as the Historical School of prophetic interpretation—the pro-
22
gressive and continuous fulfillment of prophecy, in unbroken

sequence, from Daniel's day and the time of John, on down to
the second advent and the end of the age.
It was these established principles of prophecy that nerved
the English Reformers for the cruel fires of Smithfield, in the
days of "Bloody Mary." The key prophecy of Daniel 7 furnished
the text for Knox's powerful first sermon, which moved all
Scotland. And it was actually the force of prophecy that King
James I of England invoked in his astonishing appeal to the
other potentates of Europe in 1609, based on the premise of
the prophecies of the Antichrist in the Apocalypse.
All the leading Protestant scholars wrote on the principal
prophecies of the Bible as a matter of course, just as they wrote
on the rest of the Bible. And among these commentators were
often names not usually connected by us with prophetic exposi-
tion—brilliant scientists and mathematicians, for example, like
John Napier, Sir Isaac Newton, and William Whiston. All walks
of life were, in fact, represented. (See illustration in frontis-
piece.)
8. OLD WORLD WITNESSES PARALLELED BY NEW.—At the
same time the Old World witnesses were paralleled by vigorous
writers in colonial America. Familiar names appear in a new
role—John Cotton, the Mathers, Jonathan Edwards, and
Timothy Dwight, to name but a few—as effective expositors of
prophecy. Prophecy held a key place in the thinking of colonial
leaders in all vocations—physicians, legislators, governors,
judges, teachers, college presidents, historians, and poets, as well
as the theologians. All were gripped by the force of fulfilled
prophecy, and gave utterance to remarkable expositions that
have become unknown today to the vast majority.
Prophetic terms were woven into the speech and literature
of the times, as, for example, the famous New England Primer.
Not only did Harvard College have a lecture series based on
Bible prophecy, but also several of her earlier presidents wrote
on prophecy. In the struggle for religious freedom in the
24 PROPHETIC FAITH
American colonies, Roger Williams was, of course, the outstand-

ing figure. He too considered religious intolerance a heritage
from the persecuting "beast" of prophecy, and this he boldly
published and pressed upon Parliament.
9. PROPHECY AND THE COUNTER REFORMATION.—But if
prophecy was a forceful weapon in the hands of Protestants, it
was also turned to effective account by the Catholics. Forced
to the defensive by the uncomplimentary prophetic symbols
and epithets applied by Protestant expositors to the Papacy, the
Jesuits produced two counterinterpretations of these selfsame
prophecies, called Futurism and Preterism. These were designed
to parry the force -of Protestant Reformation teachings and to
shift the application of the Antichrist and similar prophecies
away from the pope and out of the Middle Ages. And these
systems left their indelible mark upon history. They have pro-
foundly influenced multitudes, not simply within the Catholic
Church, but, strangely enough, outside—in the very ranks of
Protestantism as well. In fact, they have split Protestantism as
regards prophecy.
10. FRENCH REVOLUTION ANTICIPATED.—Moreover, it was
prophecy that led a line of men for more than a century before
the French Revolution to look for a violent upheaval in France
shortly before 1800, and to leave the record of their considered
expectation of the time and the nation involved. So the search
for the understanding of prophecy has been the pursuit of some
of the greatest minds this world has ever known, and in all
epochs and areas of the Christian Era. That has been its unde-
niable influence.
11. PRODUCTS AND BY-PRODUCTS OF PROPHECY.—III other
fields, such as art, literature, pedagogy, and even medicine and
statecraft, we can trace the same telltale marks of the prophetic
influence. Noted teachers, like John Wyclif, Joseph Mede, and
even Johann Comenius, drew inspiration from the prophecies.
Martyrologists, like John Foxe, were engrossed with the pro-
phetic picture painted by the lives of their martyred dead.
Artists like Rembrandt and Michelangelo wove the prophetic

scenes into their canvases and murals.
Certain aspects of prophecy have made their influence felt
in quarters only indirectly related to prophecy and its inter-
pretation—for example, the Fifth Monarchy movement and the
politics of Cromwell's day. It might be even less apparent on the
surface that a belief in the restoration of the Jews induced
political repercussions in the history of England in the seven-
teenth century. Yet this was the case. Manasseh ben Israel,
leading Jewish rabbi of Amsterdam, influenced some of the
English Puritan leaders through his prophetic interpretation.
As a result Oliver Cromwell gave protection to the Jews in
England. And the Puritans took an interest in mission work
among them, and even gave credence to the strange concept
that there were Jews among the North American Indians.
Indeed, it is a fact that John Eliot, colonial New England
apostle to the Indians, thought he was evangelizing the descend-
ants of the "ten lost tribes" of Israel. And, for that matter, when
the well-known European missionary and traveler Joseph Wolff
came to America, he too inquired after the lost tribes of Israel
among the Indians.
The awakening of interest in the prophecies in England
during the early nineteenth century caused considerable effort
to be put forth to convert the Jews, and it is not improbable
that public interest in their behalf hastened the relief of English
Jews from civil disabilities. Certain it is that one of these
English missionary enterprises resulted in making Lewis Way's
influence felt in obtaining a measure of emancipation for the
Jews of Russia.
In more recent years the strong support Zionism has found
in numerous Christian circles is based mainly on the belief that
the return of the Jews to Palestine will fulfill their interpreta-
tion of certain prophecies. Coming to our day, current secular
writing boldly borrows the terms of the Apocalypse. To note
but one, the very word "Armageddon" has become a household
term in recent years, though its prophetic connotations are but
26 PROPHETIC FAITH
vaguely understood. But that is outside the range of our present

quest.
12. AN UNSUSPECTED MOTIVATING FORCE.—Prophecy has
therefore been vastly more of a motivating and guiding force
in the lives of men in the leadership of the church and the
nations than has been recognized. This conclusion has been
clearly borne out by the dust-covered evidence available in the
archives of both the Old World and the New.
This photoflash picture of the past here presented—
glimpsed fleetingly as the curtain is briefly drawn aside—gives
an idea of the fascinating path across the centuries that we shall
traverse through the pages of these four volumes of Prophetic
Faith. Here will appear, in documented form, the long-neglected
and largely unknown evidence concerning the prophetic faith of
our spiritual forefathers. Here this rough sketch will be filled
in, and the picture completed. We shall view the past that we
may better understand the present, and in turn, may discern
with greater confidence the grand outline of the future in the
light of prophecy. That is the ample justification of this
extensive quest.
II. Prophetism—Its Nature, Scope, and Method

In Old Testament usage the term prophet had several
shades of meaning, and included various functions. These
functions involve not only foretelling but forthtelling as well
—guiding and counseling, admonishing and warning, as well
as predicting. A prophet is one inspired,' or instructed by God,
to speak in His name, often to announce future events. His
office is to deliver a message. The word prophet is derived from
Hebrew words meaning "a seer" or "speaker." The old term
for prophet, seer, is usually translated from the Hebrew roeh,
meaning "to see." (1 Sam. 9:9.) Another word, chozeh (to see),
is used less frequently.
1 Inspiration is that influence of the Spirit of God upon the mind of the prophet by which
is conveyed knowledge of religious truth or future events, and which is also guarded against
error in delivery.
This involved visions from God, conveyed through pro-

phetic symbols and other appropriate and adequate means! A
prophet, then, is primarily one who "sees," who "pierces
through the veil that hides the world of Divine things, or one
for whom this veil is lifted occasionally so that he obtains an
inner knowledge of the realities beyond."'
And what the prophet sees, of these divine realities, is to
be declared to others. This further part of the prophet's respon-
sibility is expressed in the most common Hebrew word for
prophet, nabi, literally to speak forth. So, a prophet was a man
of inspired speech, one who "giveth forth" words from God.
The difference between these two Hebrew words is thus clear
and consistent. One expresses the manner of receiving his
message; the other, the transmission of the message he has
received. Prophecy is therefore a divine idea imparted by
God to men through His chosen instrumentality.
The two thoughts involved in the two Hebrew words unite
in our one English word prophet, which is itself taken from
the Greek, meaning not only "foreteller," but "for-speaker,"
or "forthspeaker"—i.e., one who speaks for God. Hence the
word prophet has the twofold meaning of "seer" and "pro:
claimer" (Eze. 3:17, 18), or the proclaimer of a revelation.
These two distinct phases of the prophetic gift are clearly set
forth in the experience of the prophet Daniel:
"In the first year of Belshazzar king of Babylon Daniel had a dream
and visions of his head upon his bed: then he wrote the dream, and
told the sum of the matters. Daniel spake and said, I saw in my vision
by night, and, behold, the four winds of the heaven strove upon the
great sea." Dan. 7:1, 2.
Daniel was a prophet. The Lord appeared to him in a

vision and spoke to him in a heaven-born dream, and what he
saw and heard lie wrote in a book. In this way he made known
what was revealed to him, and functioned as a prophet.' This
2 Arthur P. Stanley, Lectures on the History of the Jewish Church, vol. 1, p. 380.
Andrew C. Zenos, "Prophecy, Prophet," Funk and Wagnalli New Standard Bible Dic-
tionary. n. 739.
4 This same twofold concept is bottle out in Ezekiel 40:4.
28 PROPHETIC FAITH
central idea, therefore, of the word prophet, is clearly one to

whom God reveals Himself and through whom He speaks. This
revelation may or may not relate to the future.' The prophet
is a forth teller, not necessarily a foreteller. The essence of
prophetism is "immediate intercourse with God."
The prophet is consequently one who is lifted up by the
Spirit of God into communion with Him, so that he is enabled
to interpret the divine will and to act as a medium between
God and man. He is a channel of communication, and not the
source thereof. He is a speaker, or spokesman, for God. His
message is not his own, but comes from a higher source. He is
a seer, seeing things outside the domain of natural sight; a
hearer, who hears things beyond the range of the natural human
ear.' He is a chosen messenger, who communicates the revela-
tion he has received from God. God's declaration is specific: "I
the Lord will make Myself known unto him in a vision, and
will speak unto him in a dream." Num. 12:6. So Daniel, Jesus,
Paul, and John, whose prophecies we are soon to trace, were
pre-eminently among the prophets.
The prophets of Israel were the moral and religious
teachers of their nation. They were the authoritative preachers
of righteousness. They guided the religious life, which lay at
the foundation of the nation's welfare. They were the coun-
selors of kings, the revivalists and reformers of the nation, who
awakened the religious sense of the people and forewarned
of the certainty of divine judgment on sin. They proclaimed
the divine plan of the ages, the goal toward which the nation
was to move.' The prophet was the mouthpiece of God, His
ambassador to man, informing him of the divine will not
ascertained by human wisdom or experience.
5 Revelation is a disclosure of something that was before unknown. And divine revelation
is the direct communication of truths, before unknown, from God to men. (M'Clintock and
Strong, Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature, vol. 8, P. 1061, art.
"Revelation.")
6 Marvin R. Vincent, Word Studies in the New Testament, vol. 1, pp. 325, 326.
7 C. von Orelli, "Prophecy, Prophets," The International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia,
vol. 4, p. 2459.
Peloubet's Bible Dictionary, p. 532, art. "Prophet."
The term prophetism may be said to include four particular

functions:
1. REFORMATION AND GUIDANCE.—The major burden of
most of the Hebrew prophets, especially the earlier ones, was
that of reform and spiritual guidance—the aspect that receives
the major emphasis among theologians today. Samuel, Ahijah,
Elijah, Elisha, Amos, and Jeremiah functioned largely in this
capacity, denouncing individual, social, and political sins,
uttering admonitions to righteousness, and sustaining the true
worship of God against idolatry. (See 1 Samuel 15; 1 Kings 14,
18, 20, 21; 2 Kings 6, 7, etc.)
2. PREDICTION OF IMMEDIATE EVENTS.—These were gener-
ally specific, immediate, and short range, and were often
employed in addition to, or in connection with, the reforming
message, such as the outcome of a war or the fate of a wicked
king. Samuel, Nathan, and even Jeremiah, Isaiah, and Jonah
exemplify this function. (See 1 Samuel 15; 2 Samuel 7, 12.)
3. FLASH PICTURES OF THINGS TO COME.—Scattered long-
range predictions—like those uttered by Joel and Zephaniah
on the "day of the Lord" (Joel 3; Zephaniah 1, 2), the Messianic
prophecies of Isaiah 7 and 9 and Micah 4 and 5, the utter
desolation pictured in Jeremiah 4, and the triumph of right-
eousness in Habakkuk 3—form this third category.
4. COMPREHENSIVE OUTLINE PROPHECIES.—Then there are
the long-range, comprehensive, apocalyptic prophecies. Such
prophecies, largely symbolic, extend to the end of the age, and
involve the various aspects of eschatology—or the "doctrine of
the last or final things"—as death, the resurrection, the judg-
ment, the future reward of the righteous and final destruction
of the wicked, the end of the age, the second advent of Christ,
and the like. These are most fully exemplified by Daniel in
the Old Testament and by John in the New Testament. The
main points are laid down by Jesus in the so-called "synoptic
apocalypse," and are touched upon by Peter and Paul.
30 PROPHETIC FAITH
III. The Scope of This Treatise
1. DANIEL AND REVELATION THE PRINCIPAL FIELDS.—In

tracing the historical development of prophetic interpretation
through the centuries, it will be necessary to limit the study
to certain main lines of prophecy--of the so-called apocalyptic
or eschatological prophecies. We shall therefore trace, princi-
pally, the unfolding exposition of the two books of the Bible
which present the most outstanding prophecies of the end of
the age, and the events leading thereto—the books of Daniel
and the Revelation—and also of the great prophecy of Jesus
concerning the last days, and of certain related passages, such
as Paul's discussion of the Man of Sin.
Again, the organization of the subject matter of these
various prophetic interpretations will be centered on five
principal topics that will be found to be the key factors which
have conditioned the prophetic outlook of the Christian church
through the centuries. These are: (1) the outline prophecies,
(2) the resurrection, (3) the millennium, (4) the Antichrist,
and (5) the visible kingdom of God. It will be pointed out that
these five factors, influenced, of course, by the historical and
spiritual background of the church, reacted to exert strong
influence on the thinking and development of the church
through the ages.
2. THE PLAN OF THIS WORK.—Pursuant to this plan of
studying the unfolding interpretation of the books of Daniel
and the Revelation, it is essential at the very outset to under-
stand the relationship of Daniel's prophecy to the other writings
of the Old Testament, which together constitute the Jewish
canon of Scripture, as well as its relationship to the great
epochs and events in Israel's history, and to the dominant Neo-
Babylonian and Medo-Persian empires under whose control
the Hebrews lived in Daniel's day. It is equally desirable to
have a clear grasp of the relationship of Paul's second letter
to the Thessalonians, and especially of the apostle John's book
of Revelation, to the historical timing and circumstances of the
apostolic writings which comprise the New Testament canon
of the Christian church. To aid in obtaining this over-all
perspective, chapters two, three, and four will deal with the
book of Daniel and its relation to the Old Testament canon
and the Apocrypha, and then the Apocalypse in its relation
to the New Testament canon. An understanding of this is
fundamental.
After this background material of the first four chapters,
the next two will give a brief survey of the content of these
prophetic scriptures, as a basis for the study to follow of the
successive interpretations of the prophecies that will form the
body of this work. These preliminary chapters may seem rather
expansive. However, they are not unduly extended for an
introduction to a four-volume work of this character. They
cover a relatively brief space in which to sketch the significant
and illuminating background for the development of major
prophetic interpretation through the centuries.
Indeed, the entire four volumes of this work afford space
for only a survey of the subject of prophetic interpretation
as it has ebbed and flowed through the ages, from the time of
Daniel on to approximately the middle of the nineteenth
century. And the ramifications of the numerous varieties of
eschatological beliefs from the later nineteenth century to the
present must be passed by; they would require several more
volumes, but their taproots can be seen in the early nineteenth
century. The present work is therefore primarily a survey of
the past—of the historical antecedents of current views—
rather than a study of present-day exposition.
IV. Definition of Prophetic Terms Employed

Certain terms pertaining to prophetic interpretation,
which will occur with increasing frequency throughout the
four volumes of The Prophetic Faith of Our Fathers, should
be defined at the very outset. Especially should the following
expressions be clearly understood:
32 PROPHETIC FAITH
I. OUTLINE PROPHECIES.—First, there are what may be

called the outline prophecies, by which is meant a long sequence
of epochs and events spanning the centuries, such as the four
commonly recognized successive world powers of prophecy—
Babylonia, Persia, Grecia, and Rome—as found in the great
metallic image of the kingdom of man outlined in Daniel 2; or
in the same four world empires portrayed by the four beasts in
Daniel 7. These are commonly recognized as covering the centu-
ries, and reaching to the same great climax of the ages. A similar
outline of epochs and events is several times repeated in the
Revelation. Here the seven churches, the seven seals, and the
seven trumpets cover long stretches of time in chronological
sequence, and each leads to the same final climax. These we
shall consistently denominate the outline prophecies.
2. TIME PROPHECIES.—Prophetic time periods appear fre-
quently in Daniel—such as the seventy weeks, the 1260 days,
the 1290 and 1335 days, and the 2300 days—and there are paral-
leling time periods in the Revelation (the five months, forty-two
months, three and a half times, three and a half days, ten days,
et cetera). These are connected, of course, with definite events
and activities, and their beginnings or endings are often marked
by significant occurrences. These predicted time periods will
be referred to as time prophecies, though they are tied
inseparably into, and form a part of, the sequence of events
depicted in the grand outline prophecies. They are the
inspired measuring lines of prophecy. They constitute the
inspired timetable of the centuries.
3. BEAST.—Another term, common to symbolic Bible
prophecy, is that of "beast." Nations were effectively cartooned
or portrayed by various well-known or unknown beasts, just
as some are today: the British lion, the Russian bear, or the
American eagle. In Daniel's day a lion, a bear, a leopard, and
a fearful monster without an earthly replica appeared in Daniel
7, and the ram and he-goat of Daniel 8 are expressly explained
by the prophet as symbols, respectively, of "Media and Persia"
and "Grecia." (Dan. 8:20, 21.) Similar "beasts" are pictured

in the Revelation. These terms are not epithets of derision;
they are simply the divine method of cartooning nations and
their careers through the centuries. So a prophetic "beast"
merely means a kingdom or nation, no more and no less.
4. HORN.—"Horn" is likewise frequently used to symbolize
divisioris; or nations, that develop out of a great parent king-
dom. Thus the ten horns appearing on the fourth beast of
Daniel 7 (compare the paralleling beasts of Revelation 13 and
17) are expressly stated to be ten kingdoms, or divisions, that
would arise out of the territory of the fourth world kingdom.
5. WOMAN.—Still another term, sometimes causing per-
plexity, needs explanation—that of a symbolic "woman," which
occurs frequently in the Revelation. It is used by the prophet
to symbolize a church, true or false. The intent is obvious—a
chaste woman, arrayed in pure white (Revelation 12), indicat-
ing a pure church; and a fallen woman, garbed in suggestive
scarlet (Revelation 17), portraying a fallen or apostate church.
In logical harmony with the figure the impure woman is called
a "harlot," or a "whore." Her illicit, compromising relations
with paganism and with the nations of the earth are denomi-
nated spiritual "adultery" or "whoredom," after the similar
Old Testament reference to the lapses of Israel and Judah into
idolatry and national sins. (Jeremiah 3; Ezekiel 16.)
These opprobrious terms refer to spiritual adultery, or an
unholy mingling of the sacred and the secular, churchly apostasy
and illicit union with the world. They therefore refer not to
personal impurity but rather to departure from God.
6. MILLENNIUM.—Basically, the millennium is the reign
of the saints with Christ during the thousand years of Revelation
20. The term "millennium" is given in the Merriam-Webster
unabridged dictionary, second edition, as:
"1. A thousand years. . . . 2. Specif., the thousand years mentioned
in Revelation xx, during which holiness is to be triumphant. Some
believe that during this period Christ will reign on earth."
2
34 PROPHETIC FAITH
This is a more exact definition than that generally given, as,

for example, in The New Schaff-Herzog, limiting it to the
concept of an earthly kingdom:
"The term millennium denotes in theology the thousand years of
the kingdom of Christ on earth referred to in Rev. xx. 1-6. Millenarian-
ism (or the corresponding word of Greek derivation, chiliasm) is the
belief in the millennium; more specifically, the belief that Christ will
reign personally on the earth with his saints for one thousand years
or an indefinitely long period before the end of the world."
The only specific millenarian passage in the Bible is in
Revelation 20, where, however, there is no mention of the
saints' reigning on the earth. And not all Christians so interpret
it. Therefore the first definition being less specific than the
second, is more accurate and Biblical.
According to the Webster dictionary, "premillennialism" is
"the doctrine that the second coming of Christ precedes, and
ushers in, the millennium," in opposition to "postmillennial-
ism," the theory that the second coming of Christ will be after
the millennium, which is to come as the result of the Christiani-
zation of the world, presumably without miraculous interven-
tion," and to "amillennialism," a more recent term, used some-
times of the view which eliminates the thousand years entirely,
but more often regards it as the Christian age in general, or the
supposed reign of the departed saints in heaven during this
time—in either case throwing emphasis on the personal coming
of Christ at the end of the age, followed immediately by the
general resurrection and judgment and the eternal state.
So, after this statement of the scope and purpose of the
present work, the next step will be to consider the Biblical
background of the prophecies—primarily the books of Daniel
and the Apocalypse in relation to the canon of Scripture.
9 Clarence Augustine Beckwith, "Millennium, Millenarianism," The New Schaff-Herzog

Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, vol. 7, p. 374.
CHAPTER TWO
The Book of Daniel

and the Old Testament Canon
I. Daniel—Unique Statesman-Prophet, and His Times
1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BOOK OF DANIEL.—AS a

' result of apostasy, Israel, the northern kingdom, had come to its
end in the century preceding Daniel's time, when the armies
of Assyria had invested Samaria, captured the city, and taken
into captivity the surviving remnant of the ten tribes. (2 Kings
17:1-41; 18:9, 10.) The apostasy spread to Judah, the southern
kingdom. It grew steadily worse, until "they mocked the
messengers of God, and despised His words, and misused His
prophets, until the wrath of the Lord arose against His people,
till there was no remedy." 2 Chron. 36:16.
Finally Judah fell before Babylon, which was called by
inspiration "the hammer of the whole earth" (Jer. 50:23), con-
quering and punishing the nations. The kingdom of Babylon
had, under Nabopolassar, taken advantage of the Scythian
invasion to throw off the political yoke of the Assyrians and
had allied itself with Media to hammer at the crumbling
empire. Nineveh' fell about 612 B.c., and finally the resistance
of the last Assyrian king, who moved the capital to Harran,
ceased by 606, or possibly 608; and thus the Chaldean dynasty,
founded at Babylon in 626/5 by Nabopolassar, became firmly
established.' Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II, the Neo-
1 Sidney Smith, "Babylonia and Assyria: Archaeology," Encyclopaedia Britannica (1945
ed.), vol. 2, p. 851. The fact that Nineveh fell several years before the end of the Assyrian
monarchy was not known until the publication of an ancient Babylonian chronicle in 1923.
(See Daniel David Luckenbill, ed., Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, vol. 2,
pp. 417-421.)
35
36 PROPHETIC FAITH
Babylonian Empire became the political as well as the cultural

center of the civilization of the time.
The first stroke of the Babylonian hammer upon rebellious
Judah fell in the third year of Jehoiakim, when Jerusalem was
besieged and Judah was conquered, and part of the vessels of
the Temple were carried to Babylon. This invasion, with which
the book of the prophet Daniel opens, was the first of a series
that climaxed with Nebuchadnezzar's complete destruction of
Jerusalem in his nineteenth year (2 Kings 24, 25; 2 Chron.
36:5-21; Jer. 52:1-23), or in 586 B.c. Daniel may have been
captured about the time the youthful Nebuchadnezzar was
recalled from a military campaign by news of Nabopolassar's
death. As commander of his father's forces, Nebuchadnezzar
had moved west to put down revolts, and Jewish prisoners were
among the captives sent to Babylon. In any event, this fits the
year of Daniel's captivity.
The agreement of the sources is impressive. Josephus says
that Nebuchadnezzar had Jewish captives sent to Babylon
shortly after the death of his father; Daniel indicates that he and
his companions were captured by Nebuchadnezzar and taken
to Babylon in the third year of Jehoiakim; and Jeremiah
makes it clear that the third year of Jehoiakim was that
immediately preceding the first year of Nebuchadnezzar.' Thus
it would seem that Daniel was transported to Babylon in what
is now called the "accession year" of Nebuchadnezzar, which
would be, according to the Babylonian tablets, in the late
summer or autumn, 605 B.c.'
2. REMARKABLE CHARACTER OF PROPHET DANIEL.—Daniel
the Prophet was probably a prince from the royal line of Judah.
Born perhaps about 623 B.C. into a family of prominence, he
had many educational and social advantages. Physically without
blemish, and intellectually skilled in knowledge, wisdom, and
science, Daniel was chosen as one of a small group to be trained
2 Compare Flavius Josephus, Against Apion, book 1, chap. 19, and Antiquities, book 10,
chap. 11 (in Loeb Classical Library, Josephus, vol. I, pp. 217, 219, and vol. 6, pp. 279, 281,
respectively) with Dan. 1:1 and Jer. 25:1.
8 For the explanation of the accession date of Nebuchadnezzar, see Appendix A, part 1.
THE BOOK OF DANIEL AND THE OLD TESTAMENT 37
"to stand in the king's palace." Taken to Babylon at the

beginning of the seventy years' captivity, he "continued even
unto the first year of King Cyrus" of Persia, whose reign
marked the ending of the seventy years' captivity.
If Daniel was about eighteen when brought into this
heathen court, in service to the king of Babylon, he lived to
be nearly ninety years of age. After the course of special training
in what we might call the royal college, Daniel and his three
companions graduated with honors, with the final examination
given by Nebuchadnezzar himself. Thenceforth they were
employed in the service of the government.
In the very year that Daniel and his companions entered
the service of the king of Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar had a
dream of a great metallic image—a dream which he himself
could not remember, and the Chaldean wise men could not
explain, but which the Hebrew youth interpreted for him. As
a result, he made Daniel "ruler over the whole province of
Babylon, and chief of the governors over all the wise men of
Babylon." Daniel also sat "in the gate of the king." This
would indicate, in Old Testament usage, that he held the
position of judge, since the "gate" commonly refers to the
place whence judgment was dispensed. Thus Daniel rose
speedily to a high position in the government, and later under
Belshazzar, on the eve of the fall of Babylon, was proclaimed
third ruler in the kingdom. And throughout the reign of
successive monarchs, the downfall of Babylon, and the establish-
ment of the Persian Empire, his statesmanship, wisdom,
integrity, and fidelity to principle were such that he became
prime minister under the new ruler who took over Belshazzar's
kingdom.
II. Historical Background of Daniel's Prophetic Symbolism

1. ROYAL DREAM OF THE METAL COLOSSUS.—A study of
the Babylonian religious beliefs current in Nebuchadnezzar's
day shows that the symbolism of the great image (Daniel 2) was
peculiarly appropriate for conveying the message of God to
4,1
"*Amil
1444, 11Y 14. & 14.
THE GREAT PROPHETIC DRAMA IN THREE MAJOR ACTS
Act I. Predicted Sequence of the Nations Act II. Final Shattering of All Nations Act III. Eternal Kingdom of God
The Prophesied Four World Powers, in Succes- The Crash of All Nations Takes Place as the The Everlasting Kingdom, Established as the
sion, Symbolized by Daniel's Metallic Man, Are Stone Smites the Image Upon the Feet and Toes, Stone Becomes the Mountain That Stands For-
Followed by the Divided Kingdoms of the Latter Accomplished Through Divine Intervention, Not ever, Succeeds All Earthly Powers—the Eternal
Days Human Endeavor Home of the Saints
THE DIVINE OUTLINE OF PROPHECY—GOD'S ADVANCE HISTORY OF THE WORLD
THE BOCK OF DANIEL AND THE OLD TESTAMENT 39
the royal auditor in understandable terms of the time. The

youthful Daniel explained to the king that God had honored
him with a far-reaching vista of the future destiny of nations;
that the veil hiding the unknown was lifted to show "what
should come to pass hereafter."
In the dream a huge colossus of a man seemed to stand
before the king, scintillating in the sunlight. The head was of
glittering gold, the breast and arms were of shining silver, the
waist and thighs of glowing brass, the legs pillars of dull iron,
with the feet of mingled iron and clay. Then a mystic stone,
cut out of a mountain without human agency, and self-
propelled, struck the image upon the feet, grinding the colossus
to powder, which the great wind carried away like chaff. But
the stone itself "became a great mountain and filled the earth."
These four metallic divisions, Daniel plainly declared,
signified four consecutive world powers beginning with Nebu-
chadnezzar's empire. And back of these four empires God's
hand was disclosed, amid the scenes, working out His divine
purpose through the course of history. Like the metals, each
succeeding kingdom was less magnificent but stronger than- the
preceding, until the iron and brittle clay—the mixture of
strong and weak divisions of the fourth empire—refused to
cohere. Then the stone—a new power from without, -not
originated by man—smote those divided kingdoms with sudden
violence and shattered the whole, ending man's rule and making
way for God's eternal kingdom, which supersedes it. That was
the prophetic picture. (Artist's representation on page 38.)
2. NEBUCHADNEZZAR'S RELIGION.—The symbolism ex-
plained by Daniel—the metals, the stone, the mountain, and the
wind which blows away the fragments—was highly significant
to Nebuchadnezzar and his court in the light of certain aspects
of Babylonian religion. It is impossible to say that Daniel's
various symbols meant exactly this or that to his hearers, for
the later Babylonian mythology (or theology, from their
point of view), modified from that of the early non-Semitic
40 PROPHETIC FAITH
Sumerians, was extremely complex, and differing at various

places. But when we consider Nebuchadnezzar's worship of
the Babylonian god Bel-Marduk (the Biblical Merodach) as
the supreme deity and the source of his kingly authority, we see
that the symbolism of the dream must have been exceedingly
significant, as he listened to Daniel's explanation of the awe-
some metal image—which probably seemed to the pious king
to represent a god—shattered to bits by a mystic stone and
blown away by the wind. Obviously God seized upon the
well-known symbolism of the day to convey to a pagan king
the tremendous truths of the coming kingdom of heaven,
revealed through the prophet Daniel.'
3. THE FUTILITY OF THE BABYLONIAN GODS.---There is
a God in heaven," said Daniel, "that revealeth secrets." (Dan.
2:28.) Nebuchadnezzar knew the god Nabu 5 as the patron of
wisdom, the revealer of secrets, and the messenger of the gods,
recorder of the destinies of mankind on the Tablets of Fate;
yet Marduk himself, the keeper of the Tablets, presided over
the council of the gods every New Year, when the fates were
determined' Why, then, could not the wise men of Babylon,
the servants of Marduk, or of his son Nabu, tell the king
what this captive Hebrew youth could reveal? Was Marduk
not as powerful as Daniel's God?
"The God of heaven," continued Daniel, "hath given thee
a kingdom." Dan. 2:37. Nebuchadnezzar believed that Bel-
Marduk had done this. Had not he himself every year, during
the eleven-day New Year's festival, received from Bel his divine
authority to rule as a faithful vassal of the god?'
4 This is not to say that any part of the Bible is derived from Babylonian myths, but
that the appropriateness of the message as suited to Nebuchadnezzar's understanding can be
seen in the light of his religious beliefs. See Appendix A, part 2.
5 Biblical Nebo, the son of Marduk, whose chief temple was in Borsippa, just across the
river, and whose name the king himself bore—Nabu-kudurri-usur, or Nebuchadrezzar.
6 Stenhen H. Langdon, Semitic Mythology, pp. 102, 158.
Ibid., pp. 318, 319. Perhaps Daniel's words reminded him of what he had heard of
Anu, the father of all, the "god of heaven" (see Appendix A, part 2), who had in earlier days
been regarded as the original bestower of kingly authority, but who had in later times become
rather remote in his contact with man, and was in that day almost a theological principle
rather than a personal deity to be worshiped. (Ibid., pp. 65, 92-94.) Daniel did not use the
specific. personal name of God in the Hebrew, Yahweh or Jehovah, but the generic term
Elah (El), God, a root familiar to Nebuchadnezzar. (Ibid., p. 65; see God in an analytical
concordance.)
4. BABYLON—FITLY CALLED THE GOLDEN KINGDOM.—

"Thou art this head of gold." Certainly that pleased Nebuchad-
nezzar, and it must have seemed to him an eminently suitable
symbol—that of headship and dazzling splendor. In this
second year of his reign he was possibly only planning the
work, but his lavish building program of the palace and temple
areas eventually remade Babylon into a worthy capital of the
golden age of a great civilization. He added to, if he did not
indeed introduce, the lavish use of gold in the sanctuaries,
which was possibly responsible for the use of the very adjective
"golden" by the contemporary Jewish prophet Jeremiah. (Jer.
51:7; see also Isa. 14:4.) A century and a half later the Greek
poet Aeschylus (d. 456 B.c.), similarly wrote of Babylon as
"teeming with gold," and Herodotus (d. c. 424 B.c.) was
amazed at the lavishness of the gold within the sanctuary of
Bel-Marduk.8
Nebuchadnezzar declared, in one of his own inscriptions,
that nothing was too precious to be bestowed upon his beloved
Babylon.° Fitly, then, did the symbolic head of gold stand for
Babylon, the glittering head of the prophetic pageant of nations
from Nebuchadnezzar's day onward.
5. PERSIA—APPROPRIATELY REPRESENTED BY THE SILVER.—
There is no evidence that Nebuchadnezzar saw any indication
of the identity of the silver kingdom as the Persian Empire.
Daniel probably never named the Medes and Persians as the
successors of Babylon until he read the handwriting on the
wall, the night before Babylon fell (Dan. 5:28), years after
Nebuchadnezzar's death. Yet the future Persian Empire, as
Boutflower points out, may be most appropriately represented
by silver, in the sense of "money"—the criterion of value and
Aeschylus, The Persians, line 52, in Loeb Classical Library, Aeschylus, vol. 1, p. 115.
Herodotus tells us that in the smaller temple, on top of the tower, was a table of gold. In the
temple below was an image of Marduk, "all of gold;" seated on a golden throne with a golden
base. And placed before it was a golden table. Outside the temple there was also an altar of
"solid gold." He relates further that he was told of a huge statue of solid gold, which had
been in the temple in the time of Cyrus, and was later removed by Xerxes. (Herodotus, History,
book 1, chaps.. 181, 183, in Loeb Classical Library, Herodotus, vol. 1, pp. 227, 229; see also
Charles Boutflower, In and Around the Book of Daniel, p. 25.)
9 The "India House Inscription"; see Boutflower, op. cit., pp. 95, 25, 26. I am indebted
to Boutflower for much of the data used in this section on the metals.
42 PROPHETIC FAITH
medium of exchange employed in Persia—the money of the

realm. Babylon's ornamental golden magnificence was displaced
by Persian treasures, collected by systematic taxation. The Per-
sian kings were bent on raising money, and exacted tribute from
their subject states, paid mostly in silver talents." The Persians
were more renowned for wealth than for magnificence; the
fourth king was to be "far richer than they all," and through
his riches was to "stir up all against the realm of Grecia"
(Dan. 11:2), said Daniel shortly after the fall of Babylon.
6. BRAZEN-COATED GREEKS CONSTITUTE THIRD EMPIRE.—
Nebuchadnezzar was, in all probability, already acquainted with
Greeks—representatives of the coming world power symbolized
by the brass (or bronze) following Persia—the empire of
Alexander and his brazen-clad Greeks, or "another king from
the west, clad in bronze," as Josephus aptly phrases it." The
Greek armor was in noticeable contrast to the soft hats, sleeved
tunics, and trousers of the Median and Persian soldiers. And
Ezekiel's reference to Javan's "vessels of brass" (Eze. 27:13)
takes on new significance when "Javan" is seen to mean the
Ionian Greeks, and the "vessels," the equipment or armor of
soldiers."
Herodotus tells a story of Psammetichus I of Egypt, an
older contemporary of Nebuchadnezzar's father, which indicates
widespread knowledge of the Greeks as noted for their bronze
armor. Psammetichus was told by an oracle that he would have
vengeance on his enemies "when he saw men of bronze coming
from the sea." This he regarded as fulfilled when the news
came that "men of bronze"—actually armed Greek pirates—
had landed in Egypt and were foraging along the coast. Enlist-
ing their aid Psammetichus won control of all Egypt, and settled
his allies on the land."
to Herodotus, op. cit., book 3, chaps. 89-95, in Loeb Classical Library, Herodotus, vol.
2, pp. 117, 119, 121, 123; Boutflower, op. cit., pp. 26, 27.
11 The Hebrew for "Grecia," yaran, appears in the margin of some Bibles.
12 Josephus, Antiquities, book 10, chap. 10, sec. 4, in Loeb Classical Library, Josephus,
vol. 6, p. 273, and note i.
11 13outflower, op. cit., pp. 29, 30; see note 11.
14 Herodotus, op. cit., book 1, chaps. 152, 154, in Loeb Classical Library, Herodotus,
vol. 1, pp. 463, 465, 467.
7. ROME—THE "IRON MONARCHY."—Though it is possible

that Nebuchadnezzar saw bronze-clad Greeks in his western
campaigns, it is not to be expected that he would recognize
the next metal, iron, for the world power which succeeded
that of Alexander was only an infant city-state in the sixth
century B.C. By the time Roman military strength showed the
fitness of iron as a vivid description of Rome's basic charac-
teristic, bronze weapons were already sung of by Roman poets
as belonging to olden times. The distinctive Roman weapon
was the iron-headed pi/um (the pike, or javelin). But the
chief characteristic which later made both Jews and Christians
identify iron with Rome was its superior strength. Daniel's
phrase is: "strong as iron; forasmuch as iron breaketh in pieces
and subdueth all things." Dan. 2:40."
8. SEQUENCE OF METALS NOTED BY OTHER NATIONS.—The
choice and sequence of these four particular metals was not
without definite significance in Nebuchadnezzar's day. The
same series of gold, silver, bronze, and iron had long before
been enumerated on the great triumphal inscription of Sargon
II," and it was employed about the same time in Greece by
Hesiod in designating (with the addition of "demigods" or
heroes after bronze) the consecutive ages of man." Also a
Babylonian tablet names Enlil—a prototype, it will be remem-
bered, of Marduk—as the god of gold, and Anu and Ea the
gods of silver and brass respectively; " and in Ninib, god of
15 So inescapable was the fidelity of this prophetic portrayal to historical fulfillment that
even when Edward Gibbon, a historian with an anti-Christian bias, pictured the progression of
ancient nations, he was constrained to use the very symbolism of the gold, the silver, the brass,
and the iron of Daniel's prophecy. (Edward Gibbon, the History of the Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire, chap. 38, general observations, vol. 4, p. 161.)
Each kingdom was different: Nebuchadnezzar's Neo-Babylonian kingdom was a Semitic
despotism; the Persian Empire was an Aryan absolute monarchy; the Macedonian, or Hellenistic,
Empire was a fusion of Greek and Asiatic elements, falling apart into four—and later three—
monarchies; Rome developed from republic to monarchy and military despotism, and was
shattered into smaller kingdoms, some strong and some weak, forming the nuclei of the
nations of modern Europe, which have never succeeded in reuniting permanently.
le Boutflower, op. cit., p. 24.
Hesiod, Works and Days, lines 109-178, in Loeb Classical Library, Hesiod, The
Homeric Hymns, and Homerica, pp. 11, 13, 15, 17. Numerous later classical writers refer to the
four ages. Plato, Ovid, and Claudian name all four metals; Aratus the first three. The race of
heroes, not found in any other version, was probably introduced by Hesiod because the Homeric
heroes were too important to omit. (Heber M. Hays, .Notes on the Works and Days of Hesiod,
pp. 98, 211, 216.)
18 Cuneiform Texts From Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, part 24, plate 49,
and Introduction, p. 6.
44 PROPHETIC FAITH
strength," Boutflower finds evidence pointing to identification

with the god of iron.'
III. The Symbolism of the Great Mountain and the Wind
But there were other more intriguing aspects of the sym-
bolism of Daniel 2, which must have tremendously impressed
the king and his court. The stone cut out of the mountain,
which smote the image on the feet of iron and clay, and shat-
tered the metals into particles fine enough to be blown away
like chaff, may have evoked memories of a Sumerian myth which
tells how Ninurta, son of Enlil, and prototype of Marduk," was
attacked by the various stones, and how he subdued them. In
his address to the stones, condemning some to be pulverized
the victor significantly gives a place of unparalleled honor to
the "Mountain Stone":
"0 praised one, the light of whose eyes is cast abroad,
O mountain stone who in the hostile land hast raised a roar of
wrath,
Who utterest a roar in battle, wrathfully, terribly,
Him whom my hand conquered not victoriously,
Whom with the cruel ones I bound not,
Shalt thou scatter at the feet of thy people.
Like gold shall they treasure thee.
0 hero whom I bound, not have I rested until I gave thee life."
In contrast, Daniel is saying that God's Mountain Stone
is itself to triumph, and is to pulverize the metallic image—
the series of kingdoms which began so auspiciously. Then it
is to grow into a great mountain and occupy the whole earth.
1. BABYLONIAN FAMILIARITY WITH "GREAT MOUNTAIN."—
Perhaps the most typical edifices of Babylonia were the ziggurats,
or temple-towers--built in imitation of mountains—such as
that of Marduk in Babylon, which Nebuchadnezzar rebuilt.'
He was constantly building or beautifying temples, towers,
palaces, and fortifications, which he described as lofty—"moun-
12 Ibid., plate 50, and Introduction, p. 9.
Boutflower, op. cit., p. 34. Documentation given by Boutflower.
21 Langdon, op. cit., p. 296. See Appendix A, part 2.
22 Ibid., p. 123. (Italics supplied.)
23 Morris Jastrow, Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria,
pp. 57, 282-.2tD.
tain-high." A Who, then, could more appropriately dream of

a mountain-cut stone filling the whole earth, than this king
whose ambition was to heap up mountainous edifices?
In the days of Nebuchadnezzar, Marduk had replaced the
older god Enlil, the "Great Mountain," as "lord of the lands." "
This simple fact throws a floodlight on Daniel's employment
of the term "Great Mountain" (Dan. 2:35) to describe the
coming kingdom of the God of heaven, which would become
the Great Mountain, filling the whole earth.' To Nebuchad-
nezzar, it could only mean that the supremacy that had been
taken away from the Sumerian god of Nippur, and bestowed
on the god of Babylon, would, after passing on to a series of
four world empires in succession, ultimately be given to the
God of heaven, whose kingdom would fill the earth forever.
2. BABYLONIAN CONCEPT OF THE "GREAT WIND."—But
there is still another aspect of the symbolism—that of the great
wind which was to sweep away forever the fragments of the
broken image. Enlil's traditional role as "Lord of the wind"
also belonged to Marduk. In the fight with Tiamat, the female
dragon of primeval chaos, not only does Marduk summon the
four winds to his aid, but he creates seven winds. Riding to the
attack in his storm chariot, he renders his opponent helpless
by blasting a terrific wind down her throat, and so slays his
enemy.'
Consequently, Nebuchadnezzar and his companions would
doubtless see this vivid descriptive action of the wind of the
prophecy as no less of a marvel and an act of God, the true
"Lord of the wind," than that of the stone becoming the great
earth-filling mountain—indeed the "Lord of the Lands." It
is scarcely possible to conceive of any more telling figures by
• "Imade a great wall of huge stones the product of great mountains, and like the
mountains I reared its summit." He built the famous Hanging Gardens for his favorite wife,
to remind her of the mountains of her native Media. (Boutflower, op. cit., p. 49.)
• Boutflower, op. cit., pp. 45, 46, 43.
2° E-kur, "the house of the mountain," was a designation not only of Enlil's temple at
Nippur but also of the whole earth. (Langdon, op. cit., p. 99.)
• Langdon, op. cit.. p. 92.
28 Ibid., pp. 294, 300, 302.
Boutflower, op. cit., pp. 48, 49.
© 1949. BY R. A N. KREION COLLINS. ARTIST
INSPIRATION'S ANIMATED CARTOONS OF THE NATIONS

As This Quartet of Beasts Rose Out of the Sea of Nations, the Prophet's Interest Was Focused
on That Dreadful Fourth Creature of Daniel 7, With Its Talking and Seeing Horn. These Sym-
bolic Beasts Were Early Held to Parallel the Four World Powers of the Metallic Man, Following
the Same Sequence of Kingdoms as in Chapter 2.
which the great truths of the coming Messianic kingdom could

be conveyed to a Chaldean king and his courtiers.
3. SYMBOLIC INTENT GRASPED BY NEBUCIIADNEZZAR.—From
Nebuchadnezzar's spontaneous response it is evident that he
grasped the essential meaning of the prophecy almost immedi-
ately, because of his familiarity with the leading terms of the
symbolism. Notice his sweeping acknowledgment: "Of a truth
it is, that your God is a God of gods, and a Lord of kings, and
a revealer of secrets, seeing thou couldest reveal this secret."
Dan. 2:47.
It is significant that, to Nebuchadnezzar, Marduk was the
"Sun-god of the gods." " And he was lord of kings, in token of
which Nebuchadnezzar himself every year "took the hands of
Bel" to receive anew his kingly authority." Marduk was also
the keeper of the Tablets of Fate, and revealer of secrets,
through the agency of his son Nabu, god of wisdom, the scribe
and messenger, the prophet and proclaimer of the gods." Yet
neither Marduk nor his messenger could offer Nebuchadnezzar
any help in this case. Only the God of heaven, whom Daniel
proclaimed, could reveal the meaning of the vision and open
to the king the future course of empires and the establishment
of the final heavenly kingdom.
IV. Symbolism of the Prophetic Beasts of Daniel 7

1. COMPOSITE BEASTS WERE COMMON PORTRAYALS.—
Daniel's prophetic vision, in the first year of Belshazzar, like-
wise harmonizes with Babylonian symbolism. Like the four
metals of Nebuchadnezzar's dream, the four beasts rising out
of the sea represent the sequence of kingdoms. Daniel's symbolic
beasts—the lion with eagle's wings, the bear holding three ribs
in his mouth and raising himself up on one side, the four-
headed leopard with four wings, and the strange and terrible
beast with ten horns—may all seem fantastic to us. Yet the
3° Langdon, op. cit., p. 294, quoting the Babylonian Epic of Creation.
31 Ibid., pp. 318, 319.
32 Ibid., pp. 102, 158.
FROM UNOCR. BABYLON, DIE BEILIGE STADT
NEBUCHADNEZZAR'S BABYLON: ARTIST'S RECONSTRUCTION BASED

ON ACTUAL REMAINS
Procession Street, Flanked by Walls Decorated With Glazed•Brick Lions (Lower Right), Leading
Through Ishtar Gate (Center), Resplendent With Colored Glazed Bricks and Decorated With
Alternate Reliefs of Dragons and Bulls. In Background Is Seen Fabled "Hanging Gardens" and in
Distance Great Temple•Tower of Babylon
idea of picturing nations as animals should, after all, be

familiar to moderns who cartoon Great Britain as a lion, Russia
as a bear, the United States as an eagle, and the like. And the
strange and composite forms of Daniel's animals were not at all
fantastic to the prophet and his contemporaries in Babylon,
but were familiar figures.
We are familiar today not only with the man-headed
winged bulls and lions, dating from Assyrian times, but also
with Nebuchadnezzar's glazed-brick reliefs of animals, including
the composite sirrush or mushussu,' on the famous Ishtar Gate,
and those of the lions along the walls of the approach to
Nebuchadnezzar's palace quarter, flanking the sacred Procession
Street, which entered this towered gate.
2. LION WITH EAGLE'S WINGS SYMBOLIC OF BABYLON.—

Daniel's first beast, a lion with eagle's wings, was peculiarly
appropriate for representing Babylon. Not only were lions
symbols of both Marduk and Ishtar,' but also composite lion-
eagle creatures were common, in representations of Bel and
the dragon, as alternatives for the serpent monster, and as
symbols, therefore, of their conqueror.'
Thus it can be seen that Daniel's lion with eagle's wings
represented to the contemporary mind the supreme god of
Babylon, and was a familiar decorative figure in N,ebuchad-
nezzar's day.
3. LION THE ROYAL BEAST OF BABYLONIA.—"The lion
figures in art throughout the whole course of Mesopotamian
history," 8' not merely in the Neo-Babylonian Empire of the
Langdon, op. cit., p. 127. This was one form of the primeval monster allegedly slain
by Bel-Marduk. It had a snake's head with horns and forked tongue; the neck, body, and tail
were covered with scales, and the tail was tipped with a scorpion sting; the forelegs were those
of a lion, and the hind legs those of an eagle, or some such bird of prey. Berosus tells of
seeing designs of all sorts of composite and double-headed creatures of primeval chaos in the
temple of Bel at Babylon. (Ibid., p. 290.)
Jastrow, op. cit., p. 57; Langdon, op. cit., pp. 30, 36.
a, The Sumerian eagles with one, sometimes two, lion heads were replaced by the
Babylonian lions with eagle's wings and clawed hind feet. Sometimes the lion had an eagle head
or tail. and sometimes lacked the talons. (See Langdon, op. cit., pp. 116-118, 277, 278, 281, and
Fig. 51, following p. 106.) Winged lions were portrayed in connection with Enlil and his son
Ninurta, and it is well known that Marduk, in Babylonian mythology, succeeded both these
deities. (Ibid.! pp. 131, 296, note 42 on p. 396.) Marduk is pictured driving a chariot drawn
by a winged lion-dragon, or riding a winged lion which belches flames or (on a Neo-Babylonian
cylinder seal) in combat with a winged sp-hinx and a winged lion. (./ba, pp. 118, 278, 282, 280.)
36 E. Douglas Van Buren, The Fauna of Ancient Mesopotamia as Represented in Art, p. 3.
EXAMPLES OF COMPOSITE BEASTS FAMILIAR TO THE BABYLONIANS
Winged, Man-headed Bull of Assyria, Considered a Guardian Spirit; There Were Similar Lion
Figures (Upper Left); Goat-Fish Symbol of Ea, Supporting Ram's Head (Upper Right); Early
Babylonian Vase, Adorned With Dragons Combining Serpent, Leopard, and Eagle Characteristics
(Lower Left); Lion-headed Eagles in Combination (Lower Right)
Chaldean dynasty, but from early Babylonian times and the

succeeding dominance of the Assyrian Empire, down to the
magnificent art of the rejuvenated Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar
and his successors. Van Buren states that the lion is "endlessly
repeated," and "represented to satiety on cylinder seals," and
50
even on the shell inlay of gaming boards. The heads, and

possibly the foreparts, of four lions were found in front of an
early temple facade. Van Buren suggests that they were possibly
"the precursors of the colossi which flanked the entrances to
Assyrian temples and palaces." " Moreover, a lion guarded the
entrance of the sanctuary of Gatumdug, back in the time of
Gudea, and on Gudea's stele a lion sat beside the god's throne.
From Assyrian times comes a series of weights of the standard
"of the king" in the form of lions. So, Van Buren declares, "A
lion was then regarded as a royal beast," and adds "Nebukad-
nezzar stamped a lion as his device on the clay bricks for his
buildings." "
At Assur in Assyria, which borrowed the culture of Baby-
lon, a "couchant lion of gypsum" was discovered in the stone
foundations. In Assyrian times lions guarding an entrance
were always represented as "standing, or striding towards the
enemy," and the symbolic "lion colossi with wings" were like-
wise not uncommon. Layard discovered a pair of stone lions
guarding the entrance to the temple of Belit-mati at Kalah.
Within the palace of Nebuchadnezzar, in the principal fortress
at Babylon, numerous fragments of basalt lions were discovered."
A bronze lion was found firmly planted in the ground at the
doorway of the palace at Khorsabad. And the lion was "fre-
quently represented in the glazed and coloured bricks which
adorned the walls of temples and palaces." Also, "lions of
glazed brick walk to right and left of the entrance of the temple
of Ningal at Khorsabad." Finally some sixty lions were repre-
sented as pacing forward on both sides of the Processional Way,"
leading through the famous Ishtar Gate in Nebuchadnezzar's
Babylon.
The reason, then, for choosing the lion as a prophetic
symbol of Babylonia must be apparent to all. No similitude
37 Ibid., p. 5.
38 Ibid., p. 6.
39 Ibid., p. 7.
40 Ibid., p. 8.
THE LION AND ITS ADAPTATION IN BABYLONIAN ART
Lion in Glazed Brick on Wall of Nebuchadnezzar's Procession Street (Upper); Cylinder•Seal
Impression Showing Marduk's Combat With Lions Having Wings and Faces of Eagles (Center);
Mushussu or Sirrush, Dragon of Chaos, With Scaly Body, Serpentine Head and Tail, Forelegs of
a Lion, Hind Feet of an Eagle, in Glazed Brick on Wall of Ishtar Gate (Lower)
could be more appropriate or more easily discerned contem-

porarily."
V. The Character of the Book of Daniel
1. NEW TYPE OF PROPHECY BEGINS WITH DANIEL.—The
series of prophecies in the book of Daniel differs from the
inspired predictions of the prophets of earlier times, which
were more often like isolated glimpses of single events to
come, not progressive pictures, with motion and sound. The
time of their fulfillment was not always located; the picture often
had no identifying caption. One isolated flash picture might
refer to the first advent of Jesus, with key events of His earthly
life or death disclosed. Another, in close proximity, might
concern His second coming in power and glory at the end of
the age. The location had often to be determined later byINew
Testament usage or by context, such as the scattered prophecies
of Christ's second advent. There was no grand outline, with
events in sequence and historical perspective. Few clear con-
nectives were revealed. There was little descriptive relationship
of part to part.
But for the first time Daniel covers the divine plan
ages in long-range prophetic outline, reaching from his day
onward until the great consummation, and forming a matchless
preview of things to come--God's advance epitome of hitory.
His forecasts disclosed the sequence of empire—major epochs
that would develop in the rise of nations, in connection with
the conflicts and departures of the church, the afflictions of the
people of God, the church's restoration to purity, and the con-
summation of all things. Not only that, but the major outline
was repeated several times over, to bring out this aspect or that,
and to emphasize various factors in the over-all picture. These
may well be called outline prophecies.
41 The series of Daniel's beasts needs only the starting point—Babylon, which has already
been graphically pointed out—to make it clear that the lion, bear, and leopard represent
Babylon, Persia, and the Macedonian Empire; and in that case, the identity of the fourth beast
with the iron monarchy of the image is likewise made clear by the parallel specifications—
the superlative strength or ferocity of the fourth kingdom in each case, the same breaking of
all things in pieces—the ten toes or ten horns representing the smaller kingdoms growing out
of the parent fourth empire. See pages 125-134
54 PROPHETIC FAITH
The two great focal points of prophecy, and consequently

of all history, are the first advent of Christ, some nineteen
centuries ago, and His second coming in glory and majesty at
the last day. Around these nearly all the major prophecies
cluster.
2. TRIPLE CHARACTERISTICS OF DANIEL'S PROPHECY.
There are three basic characteristics of Daniel's multiple
prophecy that emerge as increasingly apparent under study of
the book, and which we do well to bear in mind. These are:
v (1) Its Continuity.—Its prophecies extend from Daniel's
own day until the end of time, or end of the world or age, and
the subsequent setting up of God's everlasting kingdom that
supersedes all human kingdoms and provides for His people
forever. There is no indicated break or gap in the line.
(2) Its Comprehensiveness.—It gives a view of the basic
history, from the divine viewpoint, of the sequence of nations,
as they affect the people of God, or His church, in relation to
the developing conflict between Christ and Antichrist, and
the final establishment of the eternal kingdom of Christ on earth.
V (3) Its Repetition.—It goes back and covers the same
grand outline four successive times (in chapters 2, 7, 8, 11),
from Daniel's day to the end, repeating for emphasis and
amplification the same great waymarks on the highway of
the centuries, to bring out first one aspect and then another.
Through the continuous course of human events it shows the
hand of God in history, that man at all times might recognize
his place in the divine plan of the ages, and understand the
major coming events in the outline. Such is the threefold
characteristic of Daniel.
VI. Relation of Book of Daniel to Old Testament Canon
1. FOURFOLD ATTACK ON THE BOOK OF DANIEL.—Having
traced some of the important features in the background history
of Daniel, the prophet, and the book of Daniel, let us now
note the place this book occupied in the sacred writings of the
Jews, and its relationship to the Old Testament canon. In our

Bibles today we find the book of Daniel classified among the
major prophets, following Ezekiel. But such was not the place
assigned to Daniel in the Jewish sacred scrolls. This difference
in position, together with the singularity of its prophecies—
which differ markedly from the other prophetic writings of
the Old Testament—have encouraged modern critical scholars
to make most persistent attacks (1) against the Daniel author-
ship of the book, (2) against its authenticity, (3) against an
early composition, and (4) against its prophetic value in general.
2. THE ARGUMENT FOR A LATE COMPOSITION.—These
attacks against the book of Daniel are in no sense a purely
modern invention, but were first made by Porphyry, the Syrian
sophist (c. A.D. 233-304), head of the Syrian school of Neo-
platonism.' In his extensive work against Christianity, Porphyry
discussed the book of Daniel and placed its composition much
later, in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, in the second century,
B.C., giving citations from certain Greek authors to sustain his
position. This was a distinct innovation. But his work exerted
no particular influence at the time, and the patristic view of
Daniel dominated the Middle Ages. Christians and Jews, Catho-
lics and Protestants, were generally agreed that the book was
written during the exile, in the sixth century B.C. Only in
modern times has the question been raised again, introduced
by Johann S. Semler (d. 1791) and Wilhelm A. Corrodi (d.
1793).
Only a few of the leading criticisms will be pointed out,
because a discussion of this question is not a primary objective
in this work. The general attack against the early date long
claimed for the writing of the book of Daniel, and its authorship
by the saintly Jewish captive and statesman, Daniel, is centered
chiefly on chapter 11, which, it is widely assumed, offers a
detailed description of the period of Antiochus Epiphanes and
the wars of the Maccabees, in the second century B.C.
42 See Porphyry, in chapter 14.
56 PROPHETIC FAITH
No one, the critics claim, except a compatriot of that ruler,

would be able to refer with such exactitude to actual events of
the time. Therefore the writer of the book of Daniel must
evidently have been a learned man, or one whose heart was
filled with a holy desire to impart strength and fortitude to
his people, living in those exacting times of war and persecu-
tion during the Maccabean period. He must, they aver, have
been a man who took the name Daniel, a well-known figure
of earlier times, as his pseudonym, to give greater weight to his
exhortations and predictions.
Added plausibility for this view has been claimed through
the fact that the book of Daniel is not mentioned among the
"prophets" in the Jewish canon; nor is Daniel mentioned in
the list of important men in the book of Ecclesiasticus (Sirach),
which was written about 190-170 B.C. The conclusion is there-
fore drawn that the book of Daniel must have been written at
a later date, probably about 165 B.c."
Modern criticism came into its own, and today a great
number of expositors accept the late date for the redaction of
the book of Daniel. But these attacks on Daniel, like most of
the modern attacks on the sacred books, are built upon the
assumption that religious ideas and conceptions were a natural
development in human thinking. Under such a basic premise
the direct intervention of a supernatural force—that is, a
revelation of the divine will as it is represented in prophecy—
has, of course, no place. Books which contain prophetic
elements, say the critics, or are of an apocalyptic nature, are
at best considered pious fiction, in which the writer designedly
uses the future tense to convey the impression of prediction;
whereas in reality he is simply relating past and contemporary
events."
ta F.Buhl, "Daniel, Book of," The New Schaff-Herzog, vol. 3. p. 348.

a "problems
any of interpretation" raised by critics are based on the unwillingness to
allow the possibility of miraculous prediction. "The fact that predictions were made and were
later fulfilled is one of the strong proofs for the inspiration of Scripture. Radical criticism
seeks to avoid the force of this apologetic in two ways. One way is to say that the supposed
prophecy was uttered after the event that it was supposed to predict. The other is to give an
interpretation to the passage that will keep it from being a prediction of a future event. One
If that contention were actually true, it would be incon-

ceivable that Christ, who was Truth incarnate, should put His
approval in a signal way upon the book of Daniel. (Matt. 24:15.)
Christ admonished the people to read and understand the book
of "Daniel the prophet"; and the special name that He cherished
more than any other—the "Son of man," because it expressed
His very mission—is taken in this connection from the same
book. (Dan. 7:13.)
3. THE ARGUMENT FROM THE ARAMAIC.—The book of
Daniel was written partly in Hebrew and partly in Aramaic—
chapter 1:1 to 2:3 and chapter 8 to the end of chapter 12 being
in Hebrew, but the section from chapter 2:4 to 7:28 is in
Aramaic. This point has often been played up, and has led
to numerous conjectures. Although closely related to Hebrew,
the Aramaic was considered by the Hebrews to be a foreign
tongue. However, in the postexilic period it became the ver-
nacular of the people and their customary idiom. The claim
that Daniel is of rather late origin is based in part upon the
language employed in the book. This Aramaic section, it is
held, corresponds to the Aramaic used in the second and third
centuries B.C., and not to that used in the sixth century B.c.
Yet the mere form of the language in itself is no definite
proof in establishing the age of any text, or time of writing, for
the copyists of that time were accustomed to "modernize" the
style of spelling or wording.
4. RECENT DISCOVERIES THROW LIGHT ON DANIEL.—It
may be well to refer here to the bearing upon this subject of
recent archaeological finds which tend to confirm the authen-
ticity of the book and to jar the skepticism of the critics. For
example, fragments of the book of Daniel were found among
the group of Hebrew manuscripts which were taken from a
of these must be done by one who does not believe in the possibility of the miraculous."
(Samuel A. Cartledge, A Conservative Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 110.) "It is clear
that Radical criticism is forced to take the interpretation that places the composition of 'the
book in the times of Antiochus Epiphanes. because it is impossible for a true Radical to believe
in real predictive prophecy; no one living in the time of the Exile could have predicted so
accurately the rise and fall of the various empires." (Ibid., p. 220.)
Egyptian Dominance Rise of Assyria
Period of the Judges (Israel's Dark Ages)

Israel in Bondage
tPusession of Promised Land-7 Oppressions; 14 Judges) Samuel
IE., Nom., Nut., josh./ !judges 1-1 Sam. I/ Unites
ir Nation
00
O
O
N —
Samuel
Moses
Joshua Saul
(After time of Moses and Miriam, no
prophet or prophetess mentioned until Deborah/
Mae of Cod
11 Sam. 2:27—/
Miriam Deborah
0 t-,1E7! Baleen. Unnamed PrOphet
(Judges 61-1
APPROXIMATE TIMING OF OLD TESTAMENT PROPHETS

Above the Century Scale Is Given the Sequence of Near Eastern World Powers, With Periods of
Israelitish History Below. Below the Century Scale Is Given the Approximate Dating and
Distribution of National Leaders and Ministry of the Hebrew Prophets; on Bottom Line Are
the Minor Leaders and Oral Prophets
cave near the Dead Sea in 1947, among which were rolls of the
complete book of Isaiah and several non-Biblical works, includ-
ing previously unknown apocalyptic writings.
This sensational find was announced in 1948 as "the most
important discovery ever made in Old Testament manuscripts."
If the early estimates of the scholars are justified, the Isaiah
scroll is very old—dated by W. F. Albright as of the second
century B.c. "This is amazing," says the editor of the Biblical
Archaeologist, "for complete Hebrew manuscripts of Isaiah, or
for that matter of any part of the Old Testament, have hitherto
been unknown before the ninth century A.D." The Daniel
fragments, tentatively dated somewhere near the Isaiah scroll,
were a surprise to scholars, because Biblical critics have been
wont to give a second-century date to the writing or at least to
the finished form of the book. This discovery of parts of two
rolls of Daniel—containing the names Daniel, Shadrach,
Meshach, and Abednego, and including the point where the
Aramaic portion of the book begins—in such an early text
was "something that no one had dared to hope for in Old
Testament study."
45 G. E. Wright, "A Phenomenal Discovery," The Biblical Archaeologist, May, 1948

(vol. 11, no. 2), pp. 22, 23; and "Archaeological News and Views," The Biblical Archaeologist,
May, 1949 (vol. 12, no. 2), p. 33.
58
Period of Assyrian U.I.46or)Ve
finlike)
Neo-Babylonian Persian Dominance
std.karoDominance ,Siege of Dominance Cr. C"q"."""
troyske Samaria Siege of !emote.
The Monarchy The Divided Kingdom Exile The Restoration

dant—David--Solornoril 11 Kings 12-2 Kinp 25; 2 Chron. 19.361 I In Captivity), 1Post.Eank Period,
11 Sam. 9-1 Kings II;
1 0.0.10-2 Citron. 91
Israel. or Northern (Jeroboam to Hosheal
19 dynasties)
F:
Samaria
1
t
12 .g
y,
..
E . .. 3
O.
•
I. Judah. or Southern 1Rehoboam to Zedekiahl g i e-1 Ea i a
.S% lOne.tootin dynasty,
g7.7 j'i .1 1.1 0
2 0 0 0 o
0 0 0 0
0 I
.- - a CO I% V art it Li••
(Note) 111.Propheseed In Israel; III Prophesied to Judah,.
Jonah (I) Isaiah (I)
Jeremiah 91 Zech. (J) Malachi (J) go
David
Zeph. (J) Ezekiel (J)
Elijah (I) Joel (f) Amos (I) (1) Ezra —
Micah
Solomon Elisha (II Hosea (I)
N.h. ( ) Daniel (J) Nehemiah
Hab. (1) Obad. ( I Hag. (j)
NafMn 12 Sara. She.aiah 111
Idde 11.1) Mireiah Ill "1: ki.421
Z"`"t `d ("
Gad 12 San 24:111 AIWA 111
Jew 1114) lehaliel 11) Holdall
Hem. 11 Citron. 25)11 (2 Man of Geri
M"e CM hi' Marian ill Hiner Ill
Jedothun 1 " / Henan( 11)
Aleph 12 Om. 29301
SYNCHRONIZED WITH SUCCESSIVE WORLD POWERS

Authorities Differ Widely on Biblical Chronology Prior to the Time of David and Solomon, at
Least, and in Some Later Details. This Chart Is Not Meant to Be Dogmatic but Rather Intended
to Indicate the Relative Chronological Placement of Daniel and the Prior and Subsequent
Prophets of the Old Testament Canon
Biblical scholars tell us that it will take years of research

to evaluate and utilize the material in these manuscripts, but
the first reports on the Isaiah and Daniel texts are very
interesting.
"From this point of view, the most significant fact about the Isaiah
manuscript is the degree to which it agrees with our traditional Hebrew
text. The agreement is by no means exact in every detail. In the spelling
of the words there are a great many differences. . . . In some cases the
grammatical forms are different from those to which we are accustomed
in our Hebrew Old Testament." Even in wording "there are differences,
as always, for manuscripts are never perfect copies of their originals. . . .
The remarkable fact is that there is nothing which can be called a major
addition or omission, comparable to the additions and omissions to be
found in the Septuagint, for example." "
"The text [of Daniel] is substantially the same as that of our cur-
rent Hebrew Bibles (the Masoretic text). The chief differences, like
those in the Isaiah manuscript, have to do with the spelling of words." "
Another side light on the language of Daniel is furnished

by a papyrus fragment, a letter written in Aramaic. A Pales-
tinian or Syrian kinglet, perhaps from Ashkelon, appeals to the
Pharaoh of Egypt for help against the invading king of Babylon,
40 Millar Burrows, "The Contents and Significance of the [Newly Discovered Jerusalem]
Manuscripts," The Biblical Archaeologist, September, 1948 (vol. 11, no. 3), pp. 60, 61.
47 G. E. Wright, "Archaeological News and Views," The Biblical Archaeologist, May,
1949 (vol. 12, no. 2), p. 33.
59
60 PROPHETIC FAITH
presumably Nebuchadnezzar. The principal value of the frag-

ment is its indication "that Aramaic was already before the end
of the 7th century becoming the international language of
state." "
"It has long been known that Aramaic became the official language
of the Persian empire, at least in its western part, almost a century later.
But until now it had not been dreamed that this development had begun
so early. It is true that Aramaic had begun to enjoy wide use as a com-
mercial language in the Assyrian empire since the Sargonids. . . . But
this letter of Adon is the first evidence that Aramaic had begun to oust
Akkadian as the language of official diplomatic correspondence before
the Persian period. The horizon of this development is thus pushed
back the best part of a century. Indeed it is probable, though not
proved, that the Babylonians administered the western part, at least,
of their empire in Aramaic and that the Persians merely took over the
existing custom together with much of its machinery." 40
This letter will serve as a t`warning against overmuch
skepticism," such as that which formerly branded as a forgery
the Aramaic of Ezra, which, however, "takes on a more
authentic flavor with each such discovery." If scholars will admit
that the Aramaic portions of Ezra, presented as diplomatic
correspondence, could have been taken from authentic fifth-
century records and afterward put into later language form,
then there is no valid objection to the idea that the similar
Aramaic sections of Daniel could have come from sixth-
century originals in the language then used in international
administration, and afterward passed through the same process.
The differences in language form between the second century
and the time of the Masoretic text would lead one to expect
just such a situation. As the report concludes, "That courtiers
should address Nebuchadnezzar in Aramaic as the story in
Daniel 2:4 has it, no longer appears at all surprising."
Thus we find language objections fading in the light of
fuller knowledge. It is well known that the language of the
Hebrew Bible was definitely fixed, word by word and letter
48 John Bright, "A New Letter in Aramaic, Written to a Pharaoh of Egypt," The
Biblical Archaeolorist, May, 1949 (vol. 12, no. 2), p. 51,
40 Ibid., p. 52.
50 Ibid.
by letter, under the influence of Rabbi Akiba, A.D. 50-134. Pre-

vious to Akiba's time spelling was not considered sacred and
fixed, and many variant versions of the holy text existed. Hence,
later copies may well have used the spelling current at the time
of copying, and not have followed the more ancient forms. It is
not, therefore, at all conclusive to attempt to prove the age of
the text from the form of language employed.
"Later redactors and learned scribes until the time of the Masso-
retes readjusted the old text—and probably several times—to the lan-
guage of their times. The idea that they could be suspected of being
fakers by their compatriots or certain scientists of the twentieth century
never entered their minds. Their intention was solely to replace the
ancient expressions and orthography which had become obsolete in
their time by such as gave their contemporary readers the chance to
understand these texts, and to get the feeling of the original. . . .
"Taking all the facts together without bias, one is led to the
conclusion, as I believe, that the assertion that the manuscripts of the
Book of Ezra cannot be older than the present Aramaic Ezra because
of linguistic reasons, will not stand a thorough and scrupulous investi-
gation which takes all the facts into consideration." a1
afore-mentioned recent discovery of the remnants of a
second century B.C. Hebrew library in a cave near the Dead Sea
provides the proof for the assumption that the text of Biblical
books was modernized in form by copyists from time to time.
Four of the preserved manuscripts show four different copying
practices—earlier and later types of script, earlier and later
forms of spelling—existing in the same library. Fragments of
the book of Leviticus showed that book written in a script a good
deal like the alphabet used in the Siloam inscription, in use
before the exile." The Habakkuk commentary and some other
fragments are written in the postexilic square script with the
exception of divine names, for which the old venerated script
61 Translated from Rud[olf] Kittel, Ceschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. 3, pp. 530, 531.
The revision of spelling is a practice constantly followed in the reprinting of Old English works.
A modern example is our English Authorized Version of the Bible, generally thought of as the
translation of 1611. But since then its repeated and systematic revisions, "always tacit, made
thousands of small changes, especially in the direction of keeping the spelling abreast of the
changing English practice. . . . All modern printings of King James represent the revision
of Benjamin Ilayney, Oxford, 1769." (Edgar J. Goodspeed, New Chapters in New Testament
Study, p. 82.) A future imaginary textual critic who possessed only a 1948 printing would likely
date the Authorized Version much later than 1611 on the basis of the language.
52 0. R. Sellers, letter to the editor, quoted in Wright, "Archaeological News and Views,"
The Biblical Archaeologist, May, 1949 (vol. 12, no. 2), p. 32.
62 PROPHETIC FAITH
was still used The now-famous complete Isaiah scroll has

different spelling and grammar from that of the Masoretic text;
it uses the plene, or full, spelling which adds letters, perhaps
to aid in pronunciation. But another Isaiah manuscript, of
which only chapters 44-66 are preserved, found also in the same
cave, uses the later, "defective," or abbreviated, form, repre-
senting a text almost identical with the traditional Hebrew text
still in use today.' Everyone will readily admit that the ortho-
graphical and grammatical differences of the two Isaiah manu-
scripts, for instance, reveal at most the period of their respective
copyists, but that they do not give any clue to the date of the
original composition of the book. By analogy one can safely
say that any third-century forms of language found in the
present Aramaic portion of Daniel are no proof that the book
was written as late as the third century. If on other grounds a
sixth century authorship can be established, the linguistic
variations can be easily explained.
5. THE ARGUMENT CONCERNING BELSHAZZAR AS KING.--
Formerly, the mention of Belshazzar as king in Babylon was
held as definite proof that the writer of the book of Daniel
could not have been a contemporary of this "king"; otherwise
he would have known that Belshazzar was never king of Baby-
lon. Today, however, through the painstaking work of many
archaeologists, that opinion has been definitely reversed. For
example, Dr. Raymond Philip Dougherty, in his most thorough-
going study reaches the following impressive and highly signi-
ficant conclusions as to the historicity of Belshazzar:
"The foregoing summary of information concerning Belshazzar,
when judged in the light of data obtained from the texts discussed in
this monograph, indicates that of all non-Babylonian records dealing with
the situation at the close of the Neo-Babylonian empire the fifth
chapter of Daniel ranks next to cuneiform literature in accuracy so far
63 Wm. H. Brownlee, "Further Light on Habakkuk," Bulletin of the American Schools

of Oriental Research, April, 1949 (no. 114), p. 10; G. Lankester Harding, "The Dead Sea
Scrolls " Illustrated London News, October 1, 1949, p. 493, fig. 6 on p. 494.
It G. E. Wright, "Archaeological News and Views," The Biblical Archaeologist, Septem-
ber, 1949 (vol. 12, no. 3), p. 65. See also Siegfried Herbert Horn, "The Aramaic Portion
of the Book Daniel," The Ministry, May, June, July, 1950 (vol. 23, nos. 5-7).
as outstanding events are concerned. The Scriptural account may be.

interpreted as excelling, because it employs the name Belshazzar, because
it attributes royal power to Belshazzar, and because it recognizes that
a dual rulerskLip existed—in the kingdom. Babylonian cuneiform docu-
ments of the sixth century B.C. furnish clear-cut evidence of the
correctness of these three basic historical nuclei contained in the Biblical
narrative dealing with the fall of Babylon. Cuneiform texts written
under Persian influence in the sixth century B.C. have not preserved
the name Belshazzar, but his role as a crown prince •entrusted with royal
power during Nabonidus' stay in Arabia is depicted convincingly. Two
famous Greek historians of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. [Herodotus
and Xenophon] do not mention Belshazzar by name and hint only
vaguely at the actual political situation which existed in the time of
Nabonidus. Annals in the Greek language ranging from about the
beginning of the third century B.C. to the first century B.C. are absolutely
silent concerning Belshazzar and the prominence which he had during
the last reign of the Neo-Babylonian empire. The total information
found in all available chronologically-fixed documents later than the
cuneiform texts of the sixth century B.C. and prior to the writings of
Josephus of the first century A.D. could not have provided the necessary
material for the historical framework, of the fifth chapter of Daniel." ss
The essential point, of course, is that a writer in a late

period could not have given such exact statements concerning
a prevailing situation which was no longer correctly recorded
even only a century later.
As further internal evidence, one must also consider the
intimate knowledge of Babylonian mythology represented in
the different prophetic terms and symbols used, considered in
the earlier part of this chapter,' which were easily understood
in the Babylonian period, but which would be utterly foreign
to the thought and phrasings of the Jews centuries later, in
the time of the Maccabees. And though there are other points
of difficulty in the book of Daniel, these may also be as effectively
cleared when further material becomes available through
excavations or other circumstances.
6. THE IMPLICATION OF CANONICITY.—Let us now con-
sider the position of the book of Daniel in the Old Testament
55 Raymond Philip Dougherty, Nabonidus and Belshazzar, A Study of the Closine Events
of the Neo-Beibylonian Empire (rale Oriental Series Researches, vol. 15), pp. 199, 200.
58 See sections II-IV, pages 37-53.
64 PROPHETIC FAITH
canon, and in brief outline trace the canon in general. The

word canon means primarily a straight staff, a rule, a measuring
rod, then a list. But as applied to Scripture, it long ago came
to have a special meaning. It designated the books of the Bible—
the books which were accepted as inspired and authoritative.
It was first applied in this sense by the church fathers at the
Council of Laodicea, about the middle of the fourth century.
But the concept of the canonicity of a book had a much earlier
origin. It was long prevalent among the Jews, although they
did not use the same term."
The formation of the canon is, of course, of much later
date than the writing of the different books which compose it.
The idea of setting apart a certain number of books—of
canonizing them for religious use—as having a divine and
authoritative character, could only have been suggested when
the amount of religious literature had increased to the extent
that need of such a selection became imperative. We find a
hint of this kind as early as in Ecclesiastes 12:12, where the
writer warns that there is no end of the making of books, and
that too much reading is a weariness to the flesh. That means,
in other words, that one should concentrate on those books
which are of accepted origin, as verse 11 might also indicate.
In later times we find in the Mishnah that the canonicity
of the Holy Books is expressed indirectly by the doctrine
that those writings which are not canonical "render the hands
unclean."
Which books were considered among the Jews to possess
this particular quality? And when was this determined?
According to the traditional view, the greater part of the Old
Testament canon was fixed in the time following the Exile,
in the days of Ezra and the century or so following, by the
Great Synagogue, the supposed body of learned scribes which
compiled the collection of sacred books. The Old Testament
contained "twenty-four books, the five of the Pentateuch,
57 See T. Zahn, "Canon of Scripture," The New Schaff-Herzog, vol. 2, pp. 388 ff.
6'3 Ibid.
eight books of the Prophets (Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings,

Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, the Minor Prophets), and eleven
Hagiographa (Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Song of Solomon, Ruth,
Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra [including
Nehemiah], and Chronicles). Samuel and Kings form but a
single book each, as is seen in Aquila's Greek translation. The
`twelve' prophets were known to Eccl[esiastic]us (Sirach) as
one book (xlix.10), and the separation of Ezra from Nehemiah
is not indicated in either the Talmud or the Masorah." " These
are. precisely the same books that we find in the canon of
the Protestant Bible today," although they are arranged in a
different sequence.
The well-known Jewish tripartite division of the Old
Testament is made up of (1) the Law, or Torah; (2) the
Prophets, or Nebiim; and (3) the Writings, or Kathubirn,
which in Greek were called Hagiographa. Just why this tri-
partite division was adopted by the Jews is difficult to explain.
It is not continued in the Septuagint. Modern commentators
seek to prove, in harmony with their theses, that it indicates
a chronological order—which would, of course, mean that the
books of the Torah were canonized earlier than those of the
other two sections, and hence, that the Hagiographa (including
Daniel) were the latest to be added to the canon.
However, the more conservative commentators hold to
the concept that the division was made on the ground of
difference in subject matter. These have a confirmatory witness
in behalf of their view, in the passage in Josephus (Against
Apion, book 1, chap. 8), in which the eminent Jewish historian,
writing about A.D. 100, expresses his conviction, and that of his
coreligionists, that the Scriptures of the Palestinian Hebrews
formed a closed and sacred collection from the days of the
Persian king Artaxerxes Longimanus (465-425 B.c.). A further
reference is found in the Baba Bathra, 14.b, a Talmudic tractate
° Ludwig Blau, "Bible Canon," The Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. 3, pp. 141, 142.
6' George L. Robinson, "The Canon of the Old Testament," The International Standard
Bible Encyclopaedia, vol. 1, p. 555.
3
66 PROPHETIC FAITH
(between A.D. 200 and 500) which mentions the aforenamed

number of books under the same classification.
In this Jewish classification of the books of the Bible we
note that Daniel is placed not among the prophets but among
the writings of the Kathubinr, or Hagiographa, whereas in the
Septuagint and in the Latin Vulgate it is placed among the
Major Prophets, just as in the modern Protestant and Catholic
versions of the Bible. Because of this those who maintain that
the tripartite division of the canon represents the chronological
order of canonization, also claim that Daniel is of late origin,
as the prophetical part of the canon had been closed. However—
"it is more probable, that the book was placed in this part of the Heb.
Canon, because Daniel is not called a nabhi (prophet!), but was rather
a heneh (seer') and a hakhcim (wise man'). None but the works of the
nebhi'im were put in the second part of the Jewish Canon, the third
being reserved for the heterogeneous works of seers, wise men, and
priests, or for those that do not_ mention the name or work of a prophet,
or that are poetical in form. . . .
"Some have attempted to explain the position of Daniel by assum-
ing that he had the prophetic gift without holding the prophetic office.
It must be kept in mind that all reasons given to account for the order
and place of many of the books in the Canon are purely conjectural,
since we have no historical evidence bearing upon the subject earlier
than the time of Jesus ben Sirach, who wrote probably about 180 B.C."
el R. Dick Wilson, "Daniel, Book of," The International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia,
vol. 2, p. 783.
CHAPTER THREE
The Relationship of Daniel

to the Apocrypha
We must consider still another aspect of the book of Daniel

—its relationship to the Old Testament Apocrypha, since part
of the Apocrypha was appended to the Greek, or Septuagint,
version of Daniel. But first let us trace briefly the historical
background of that interesting period in Jewish history that
lies between the close of the Old Testament and the beginning
of the. New. The genuineness or spuriousness of the Apocryphal
additions to the book of Daniel is therefore a definite phase of
our inquiry.
I. The Interim Between the Two Testaments

Four centuries stretch across the interim that separates
the close of the Old Testament from the beginning of the New.
This period is sometimes referred to as the "Blank Leaf"
between those earlier and later pages of church history that
are familiar to all. Others call them the "silent" centuries.
Let us draw aside the veil that obscures them, and glance at
the high lights of these intriguing years. Tremendous changes
took place between the falling of the curtain at the close of
the Old Testament, and its rising again with the New Testa-
ment. At the close of the former period Palestine was part of
a Persian satrapy. At the beginning of the latter the Holy Land
was part of a Roman province under the iron heel of Rome,
which then ruled the Mediterranean world.
67
68 PROPHETIC FAITH
It was an era of violent changes. Persia had passed. Greece

had come and gone. And religion had been affected as well.
At the time of Ezra neither Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes, nor
Herodians had yet developed as sects in the Jewish church.
This so-called silent interim was not, however, a voiceless age.
In some sections men were still very vocal, and tremendously
active. During this period a sizable amount of religious litera-
ture was produced, a portion of which found entrance into the
Greek translation of the Old Testament. And not long there-
after Christianity was destined to spring from the bosom of
Judaism.'
With the return of more than forty thousand Jewish exiles
to Palestine, under the edict of Cyrus of Persia—about two
hundred years before Alexander the Great—a new name was
entered upon the page of history. It was the term Jew, or
Judean. Originally restricted to the tribe of Judah, it was
henceforth extended to cover all Hebrews. The exiles returned
to a land of desolation and hostilities; nevertheless, with
invincible courage and vigor they soon developed a degree of
order out of the confusion. The decree of Cyrus marked the
natal day of the restored church. Other edicts followed, and
Jerusalem became again the honored center of the nation.
It was a time of protest against a developing conformity
to heathen customs. The Samaritans sought admission into what
might have been a reunited church, but their exclusion made
them schismatics. The caste concept was introduced into the
Jewish church. Race purity and perfection through the law
were stressed. Prophetism died away into silence when
"scribism" took over the guardianship of the spiritual welfare
of the people by making a hedge about the law. The high
priesthood grew in dignity and power, and became the rallying
point of the nation. It was a living symbol that the church and
the nation were one. The Sanhedrin, as a political organization,
1 C. M. Grant, Between the Testaments, Introduction. Though the facts hereafter

presented are gathered from many sources, Section I of this chapter follows rather closely
Grant's general outline.
THE RELATIONSHIP OF DANIEL TO THE APOCRYPHA 69
came into being. A change in language had taken place, the

exiles having learned the language of their conquerors. And
when they returned from exile a new speech was on their lips
—the Chaldee, or Eastern Aramaic.
Then came Alexander the Great. Until his day Greece
had been largely oblivious of Palestine. Despite the loyal
fidelity .of the Jews to their treaty with Persia, Alexander's
favor and patronage were won. Next followed the fourfold
division of Alexander's empire 2—and Palestine lay on the
frontier between Syria and Egypt, the most powerful two of
the four. For a century Palestine was chiefly held by the
Ptolemies of Egypt. Then the Syrian kings asserted their
supremacy, with the climax coming under Antiochus Epiphanes.
During the Persian period large groups of Jews had
remained outside the Holy Land, with Babylonia as their
center. Now in the Grecian period, Alexandria of Egypt became
the new center. The founding of the city, which for a period
became the metropolis of the Mediterranean world, was
designed to perpetuate the fame of Alexander, and was akin
to Constantine's selection of Constantinople as the new capital
of that later empire. Thousands of Jewish emigrants settled
in Alexandria, forming a prosperous and influential section
of the populace. Greek ideas, customs, and speech made their
impress, and were readily accepted. The Jews were fascinated
by the charm of Greek art and literature, and the nation began
to be swayed by its enticing customs and culture. These
Hellenizing influences also penetrated into Palestine.
Jewish liberalism was sympathetic toward Greek learning,
but the conservatives of the day fought against it. Two systems
of thought developed: the Pharisees, who were in reality inno-
vators, believing that besides the written Torah—the Law of
2 The long struggle between Alexander's generals after his death—the successive regents
of the two heirs against those who would divide the empire—resulted, in 301 B.C. in the
victory of the coalition of Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander at the Battle of
Ipsus. They cut the territory into four independent kingdoms, three of which survived until
they were absorbed successively by Rome. (See W. W. Tarn, "The Heritage of Alexander,"
The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 6, pp. 462, 499, 504.) For the territories of the four
divisions, see the map "The Break-up of the Empire of Alexander," in H. G. Wells, The
Outline of History.
70 PROPHETIC FAITH
the Old Testament—there is an unwritten one (the rabbinical

tradition) which unfolds the meaning of the Torah with ever
greater clearness, covering those points which are not expressly
mentioned in the written Torah. They made the Torah, written
and unwritten, the supreme guide of life in thought, word, and
deed.' But the Sadducees, who were guardians of the ancient
order, denied flatly the validity of the unwritten . Torah.
Although in full allegiance to the Torah, they considered it
fully justifiable to make use of their own intelligence in the
conduct of public affairs.'
Then followed the Maccabean Wars, during the reign of
Antiochus Epiphanes (c. 176-164 B.c.), who, while seeking to
unify his kingdom by the medium of a common religion,
suppressed all resisting elements with utmost cruelty, forbidding
all distinctive Jewish customs. He desecrated the temple. The
worship of the Jews was forbidden, and the temple was trans-
formed into an idolatrous sanctuary. But let us draw the curtain
over the ensuing wars, and come to 100 B.c.
In the political life of the nation we find the Herodians,
who were partisans of the Idumean dynasty, and the Zealots,
who were extreme nationalists. The Pharisees had the masses
on their side, and the Sadducees, the classes. These latter became
the party of privilege, prestige, and often of the priesthood.
They could be compared with the conformists, whereas the
Pharisees were the nonconformists, similar to the rigid Puritans
of English history, or the stern Covenanters of Scottish lore.
They stood for the resurrection of the dead, for human proba-
tion, and future judgment. On the other hand, the Sadducees
considered themselves the superior ones; they sought to com-
promise and to soften the Jewish asperities.
And now the Roman was at the gate. The successful cam-
paign against the kings of Asia Minor was closing, and Jerusalem
was invested. Then Pompey appeared on the scene. The Holy
City fell, and with it went national independence. But Pompey,
3 R. Travers Herford, "Pharisees," The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. 8, pp. 473-475.
Herford, "Sadducees," The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. 9, pp. 308, 309.
puzzled by the lack of any idol in the inner shrine of the temple,
refused to touch its accumulated treasures. He appointed
Hyrcanus to be high priest, calling him an ethnarch, and
depriving him of the title of king. And he restricted the territory
to the confines of the old kingdom of Judah. This was in 63 B.c.
Jewish history now emerges from obscurity and stands
revealed in the light of Roman literature. At the time of Cicero,
Crassus, Cassius, Caesar, Antony, Octavius, and Cleopatra,
Palestine was suddenly brought to the attention of the Western
world. Thousands of Jewish captives were sold as slaves, and
many others compelled to settle in Rome. Thus the Jewish
colony in the imperial city was established, and grew to
great size. Julius Caesar had just become the Pontifex Maxi-
mus, and was about to enter upon his conquests in Gaul and
Britain. Then the storm broke over Jerusalem for the second
time within the century, as it was once more invested by a
combined Roman and Herodian army. After the horrors of a
six-month siege, it fell, in 37 B.c. Thus we come to Herod, the
king of the Jews when Jesus was born in Bethlehem of Judea.
Prophetism had died out of the church, and various sub-
stitutes had taken its place. The first was scribism, as noted.
To the scribe the law was perfect. It was the end goal. Grant
summarizes it in this way:
"To add to it was presumption; to alter it was sin. All that the
Church could do was to comment on it, to annotate and defend it. The
Law was to be the instrument of Israel's glory. Therefore it was to be
placed first, more precious and more to be prized than even national
independence." 5
Scribism looked forward to a triumphant law, not to a
secular independence—not even to a prophesied Messiah to
come. And the Pharisee was the logical product of scribism.
Then there was Sadduceeism. It was essentially rationalist and
worldly. It set itself to make the most, or perhaps the best, of
this present life, for the Sadducee believed in no other. He
5 Grant, op. ca., p. 136.

72 PROPHETIC FAITH
dismissed "illusions," and was content with what he held to
be realities. "A triumphant Law, an expected Messiah, a
universal dominion," were all simply shadows and delusions.
Instead, pontifical state, priestly prestige, and high ecclesiastical
office were to him the substantial realities to be sought.
And then there were those to whom scribism and Saddu-
ceeism were alike unsatisfactory. To such the magnificent law
and the glorified temple were both of small moment. The
important thing was that men should be pure, that they should
be separate from an impure world. This group cared little for
either the written Word or oral tradition, for priest or temple.
These were the Essenes.
There were also a scattered few who based their hopes on
the visions of the canonical prophets of the past.' Like Abraham,
they rejoiced to see Messiah's day. Their hope lay in the coming
and reign of the prophesied Messiah. They looked to a dispen-
sation of the future. Theirs was the protest of spiritual religion
against the formalism of the scribes and Pharisees and the
secularism of the Sadducees. They kept alive the blessed
prophetic hope. Such was the strange admixture to be found
in Jewish religious leadership as we come to the prophesied
times of the Messiah.
II. Much Apocryphal Literature Produced

After having outlined some of the important events and
developments during the postexilic period of Jewish history,
we will readily understand that these three or four centuries
so filled with action and drama could not represent a literary
vacuum. It would have been most unusual if during such a
span of time no religious or other literature had been produced
by the Jews. Especially after Judaism had come in contact with
the Hellenistic culture and philosophy there must have been
a reaction, either positive or negative, in accepting or rejecting
these ideas, else the nation would have been spiritually dead.
Ibid., pp. 135-141.
That, of course, was not the case. Therefore, we find during this
period a rich and widely divergent literature—historical and
legendary, didactic and homiletic, mystic and apocalyptic.
1. SLIPPED INTO OLD TESTAMENT CANON.—SOIDe of these
works became so commonly known and accepted that, when
the sacred writings were translated into Greek, they slipped
in as canonical with the greatest ease, and came to form
an integral part of the Septuagint and later of the Vulgate.
Certain of these later writings also found entrance into the book
of Daniel. They are: the Prayer of Asarias, and the Song of
the Three Holy Children, which are interpolated in chapter
3 between verses 23 and 24. The former is a prayer which
Asarias (Azariah) is supposed to have offered in the midst of
the flames of the fiery furnace, and the latter is a hymn of
strength, fortitude, and praise which the three young men
allegedly sang during their fearful trial.
A further addition to Daniel is the History of Susanna, or,
as it is also called, the Judgment of Daniel, showing the wisdom
of Daniel in the conviction of the real culprits who had suc-
ceeded in condemning an innocent victim. This is added as
chapter 13. And chapter- 14, generally referred to as Bel and
the Dragon, comprises two stories which show, with a touch
of mockery, the futility of idol worship as well as the fantastic
element of Babylonian legend in Daniel's slaying such a
mythical creature as Bel's dragon.
2. THE TERM APOCRYPHA IN ITS CHANGING APPLICATION.
—These additions to Daniel, along with a number of other
books—First and Second Esdras, Tobit, Judith, the Rest of
Esther, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus (Sirach), Baruch, the Epistle of
Jeremy, the Prayer of Manassas, and the First and Second
Maccabees—are, in Protestant circles, called the Apocrypha,
denoting therewith the collection of religious writings which
the Septuagint and the Vulgate contain in addition to the
books constituting the Jewish canon which forms the accepted
Protestant canon of today.
74 PROPHETIC FAITH
The word apocryphal carries with it a kind of depreciating

flavor, which was not implied in the original meaning of the
Greek word d.TrOxQvTos. It means "hidden," or "concealed," as
regards a material object. In the Hellenistic period it took on
the meaning of something "hidden away from human knowl-
edge." In the patristic writings it came to be applied to Jewish
and Christian writings containing secret knowledge about the
future, intelligible only to an initiated group, so that the mean-
ing became equivalent to "esoteric," and was applied mostly to
apocalyptic literature.
Originally Christianity had nothing corresponding to the
idea of a doctrine for the initiated, or a literature for a select
few. This was an idea which entered through Greek philosophy,
and helped to spread Gnosticism in the rank and file of the
early Christian church. These Gnostics were, in turn, deeply
influenced by Persian and Babylonian mysticism.
The next step in the development was to designate as
apocryphal those books which did not receive the recognition
of the churches in general. That is, they became known as
noncanonical. Such was the meaning of the word as used by
Irenaeus, as well as Tertullian. But both meant by "apocrypha"
what are now called the "pseudepigrapha," largely the apoca-
lyptic writings which circulated in the church (see chapters
8 and 10), not the Old Testament Apocrypha proper as printed
in Bibles today.
The assembling of the writings of the Apocrypha into a
separate collection was due in large measure to the critical
work of Jerome, who separated many of the Apocryphal addi-
tions from their original context because he suspected their
genuineness. Through the Protestant Reformation this term
finally came to stand for the books listed at the beginning of
this section.'
These books which we designate as "Apocryphal" in
Protestant circles, are fully accepted in the Greek church at
7 See Thomas Witton Davies, "Apocrypha," The International Standard Bible Encyclo-
paedia, vol. 1, pp. 178-183.
present, and with some reservations in the Latin church. They

are an integral part of the Septuagint. Besides these writings
there are known to be a large number of other so-called apoca-
lyptic writings which were not accepted by the translators of
the Septuagint, as well as pseudepigraphic writings, in which
the name of a well-known figure of the past had been adopted
to cover the authorship of a later writer. Neither were these
ever accepted.
3. SEPTUAGINT IS FIRST TRANSLATION FROM HEBREW.—
The Septuagint is the most ancient translation of the Old
Testament. It is the earliest version of the Old Testament that
we possess, made about a millennium earlier—and its oldest sur-
viving manuscripts are several centuries earlier—than the earli-
est (ninth century) Hebrew manuscript known until recently.'
It was the first attempt to reproduce the Hebrew Scripture in
another tongue. The legendary view that it was made by
seventy or seventy-two priests who, in separate cells, translated
all the books of the Old Testament and that when their com-
pleted translations were compared they were all alike, of
course has to be discarded.
The commonly accepted view at present is that during
the last two or three centuries B.C. the Jews had settled in great
numbers in Egypt. By adopting Greek as the lingua franca they
ceased to understand the Hebrew, and were in danger of
forgetting the law. Therefore it seems quite natural that some
men, zealous for the law, should have undertaken to compile
a translation of the Pentateuch. And after a certain period the
Prophets and Hagiographa were likewise translated. Just when
the work of translation started and when it was completed, is
hard to ascertain. In general, it is believed the Hexateuch may
be placed in the third century B.c., the Prophets mainly in the
second century B.c., and the Writings largely in the second and
first centuries B.C.'
8For the recent discoveries. see pages 57-61.
0H. St. J. Tharkeray, "Septuagint." Thr International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia,
vol. 4, pp. 2722-2731.
76 PROPHETIC FAITH
III. Crept in Through Medium of the Greek

The Septuagint translation rose in importance to the level
of the Hebrew original. And not only did this translation
become the Bible of the Hellenistic Jews, but it brought the
Jewish religion to the knowledge of nations before unreached.
It was undoubtedly a factor in bringing about "the fulness of
the time" for Christ's first Advent. Any comprehensive tracing,
therefore, of the book of Daniel must include the Septuagint.
1. ADDED TO ALEXANDRIAN, NOT PALESTINIAN, LIST.—The
greater freedom of mind and the lessened conservatism of the
Jews of Alexandria would make them more ready than those
of Palestine to receive new books seeking admission into the
canon. Thus it was that, as the writings that form the Apocrypha
came into acceptance in Alexandria, they were added to the
Septuagint but were not added to the Hebrew canon of Pales-
tine. They came to form part of the Jewish Scriptures in the
Greek version alone, and not in the Hebrew. They were
accepted abroad, but not at the Jerusalem base.
We repeat, for emphasis, that "the Apocrypha never was
included in the Palestinian Canon." '° The Septuagint was, of
course, the Old Testament of the early Christian church, used
by the apostles and their converts. As mentioned, the translators
had taken liberties with the text—enlarging, abbreviating, trans-
posing, and otherwise modifying it—but the most noteworthy
departure was, of course, the inclusion of the books now known
as the Apocrypha. All these books were of late date and were
soon called in question. They had not been segregated, but were
interspersed among the canonical books in the Septuagint.
Notwithstanding this enlargement of the canon, the Apocryphal
books attained no recognition from the writers of the New
Testament. Moreover, the more scholarly of the church fathers
adhered to the Hebrew list, and drew a sharp distinction
between the Hebrew canonical books and these Greek additions.
10 Grant, op. cit., p. 116.

Nevertheless, the constant use of the Apocrypha could but tend

to break down the limits set by the Hebrew canon."
2. JEROME PROTESTS THE ALEXANDRIAN ACCRETIONS.—It is
not difficult to understand how, having once got into the Alexan-
drian canon, these Apocryphal books slipped easily into the
Catholic canon. The overwhelming majority of the converts
of the early church spoke Greek and read the Septuagint. They
thus became accustomed to the Apocrypha. And as Latin ver-
sions of the Scriptures were being made, the Apocryphal books
were translated along with the rest. Jerome, the great scholar
of the Roman church of his day, who began revising these
versions and forming the famous Latin Vulgate, declared
strongly against the Alexandrian accretions. This brought him
into sharp conflict with others, including Augustine. Finally,
however, Jerome was pressed into modifying his position, and
all the books of the Apocrypha were admitted into the Vulgate
except 1 Esdras and the Prayer of Manassas.'
3. CONTRASTING TABULATION OF THE VARIOUS LISTS.—The
accompanying tabulation (on pages 78 and 79) indicates the
enlargements in the Septuagint and later Roman Catholic
listings, which latter list superseded the original list of the
early church. The later Waldensian and Protestant views of
the Apocrypha will likewise be observed, the latter returning
to the original canon under Reformation influences. The
seven groupings are placed in parallel columns to facilitate
comparison with the Apocryphal books or parts thereof, as they
occur, set off in italics. Although the Septuagint lists more
Apocryphal books by name than the Catholic Bible, the latter
has incorporated with other books most of those not separately
named, so in reality the two lists are virtually alike in content
of Apocryphal material.
The general use of the Septuagint in apostolic times, as
enlarged by the Apocryphal additions, produced effects in the
11 James Orr, "Bible, The," The International Standard Encyclopaedia, vol. 1, pp.
461, 462.
12 Grant, op. cit., p. 116.
78 PROPHETIC FAITH
COMPARATIVE LISTS OF OLD TESTAMENT BOOKS, SHOWING

It Will Be Observed That the Later Waldensian and Protestant
1 2 3 4
PALESTINIAN ALEXANDRIAN EARLY CHURCH POST-NICENE CHURCH
JEWISH SEPTUAGINT
(Hippo, Third Council of
("Larger" Canon) t (Melito, 2d Cent.) Carthage, 4th Cent.) §
(Standard List )*
The Law Genesis Genesis Genesis

Genesis Exodus Exodus Exodus
Exodus Leviticus Numbers Leviticus
Leviticus Numbers Leviticus Numbers
Numbers Deuteronomy Deuteronomy Deuteronomy
Deuteronomy Joshua Joshua Joshua
Judges Judges Judges
The Prophets Ruth Ruth Ruth
Joshua 1 Kings 1 Samuel 1 Kings (1 Samuel) 1 Kings 1 Samuel)
Judges 2 Kings 2 Samuel 2 Kings (2 Samuel) 2 Kings 2 Samuel)
1 Samuel 3 Kings 1 Kings 3 Kings (1 Kings) 3 Kings 1 Kings)
2 Samuel 4 Kings (2 Kings 4 Kings (2 Kings) 4 Kings 2 Kings)
1 Kings 1 Chronicles 1 Chronicles 2 Books of Paraleipomena
2 Kings 2 Chronicles 2 Chronicles (Chronicles)
Isaiah 1 Esdras Psalms Job
eremiah 2 Esdras (Ezra and Proverbs Psalms of David
E zekiel
The Twelve
Nehemiah)
Psalms
Ecclesiastes
Song of Songs
5 Books of Solomon
12 Books of the (Minor)
(Hosea Proverbs Job Prophets
Joel Ecclesiastes Isaiah Isaiah
Amos Song (of Songs) Jeremiah Jeremiah
Obadiah Job The 12 (Minor) Daniel
Jonah Wisdom of Solomon Prophets (1 book) Ezekiel
Micah Wisdom of Sirach, or Daniel Tobias
Nahum Ecclesiasticus Ezekiel yudith
Habakkuk Esther, with additions Ezra (including Nehemiah y
Esther
Zephaniah Judith in 1 book) 1 Esdras
Haggai Tobit 2 Esdras
Zechariah Hosea 1 Maccabees
Malachi) Amos 2 Maccabees
Micah
The Writings Joel
Psalms Obadiah
Proverbs Jonah
Job Nahum
Song of Songs Habakkuk
Ruth Zephaniah
Lamentations Haggai
Ecclesiastes Zechariah
Esther Malachi
Daniel Isaiah
Ezra Jeremiah
Nehemiah Baruch
1 Chronicles Lamentations
2 Chronicles Epistle of Jeremy
Ezekiel
Daniel, with additions of
Song of the Three
Children
Susannah
Bel and the Dragon
1 Maccabees
2 Maccabees
3 Maccabees
4 Maccabees
Psalms of Solomon
Enoch
Odes, including the
Prayer of Manasses
SEPTUAGINT AND ROMAN CATHOLIC ENLARGEMENTS

Lists Return to the Original Canon, Under Reforming Influences
5 6 7
ROMAN CATHOLIC WALDENSIAN PROTESTANT
(Vulgate, enumerated by (Morel's Confes- (Standard Notes
the Council of Trent) II slots of Faith))Versions) * *
The Holy Scriptures according
Genesis Genesis Genesis to the Masoretic Text, a New
Exodus Exodus Exodus Translation.
Leviticus Leviticus Leviticus
Numbers Numbers Numbers f The Old Testament in Greek
Deuteronomy Deuteronomy Deuteronomy According to the Septuagint, ed.
Josue (Joshua) Joshua Joshua by Henry Barclay Swete, vols. 1-3.
Judges Judges Judges
Ruth Ruth Ruth Melito of Sardis, quoted in
I Kings (1 Samuel) 1 Samuel 1 Samuel Eusebius, Church History, book 4,
2 Kings (2 Samuel) 2 Samuel 2 Samuel chap. 26, in A Select Library of
3 Kings (1 Kings) 1 Kings 1 Kings Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers,
4 Kings (2 Kings) 2 Kings 2 Kings 2d series, vol. 1, p. 206.
1 Paralipomenon (1 1 Chronicles 1 Chronicles
Chronicles) 2 Chronicles 2 Chronicles § Charles Joseph Hefele, A His-
2 Paralipomenon (2 1 Ezra Ezra tory of the Councils of the Church,
Chronicles) Nehemia Nehemiah vol. 2, p. 400; see also pp. 395,
1 Esdras (Ezra) Esther Esther 396, 407, 408 for the re-enactment
2 Esdras (Nehemiah) Job Job at Carthage. Presumably, since
Tobias (Tobit) Psalms Psalms this list follows the enlarged Sep-
Proverbs Proverbs tuagint canon, 2 Esdras is the
Esther [10:4 to 16:24 Ecclesiastes Ecclesiastes canonical Ezra and Nehemiah; and
added] Song of Solomon Song of Solomon Jeremiah, Daniel, and Esther in-
Job Isaiah Isaiah clude the noncanonical additions.
Psalms Jeremiah Jeremiah
Proverbs Lamentations Lamentations II Canons and Decrees of the
Ecclesiastes Ezekiel Ezekiel Council of Trent (trans. by Schroe-
Canticle of Canticles (Song Daniel Daniel der), session 4, April 8, 1546,. pp.
of Solomon) Hosea Hosea 17, 18.
Wisdom Joel Joel
Ecclesiasticus Amos Amos ¶ Samuel Morland, The History
Isaias (Isaiah) Obadiah Obadiah of the Evangelical Churches of the
Jeremias [including Lam- Jonas Jonah Valleys of Piemont, pp. 30, 31.
entations], with Baruch Micah Micah —See also Jean Paul Perrin, His-
Ezechiel Nahum Nahum toire des Vaudois, translated in
Daniel [3:24-90 (Song of Habakkuk Habakkuk History of the Ancient Christians,
the Three Children), Ch. Zephaniah Zephaniah p. 51. This Waldensian confession
13 (Susanna) , and Ch. Haggai Haggai includes the Apocryphal books at
14 (Bel and the Dragon) Zechariah Zechariah the end of the Old Testament, but
added Malachi Malachi notes that "we reade them (as
Osee (Hosea) (Apocryphal books, saith St. Hierome in his Prologue
Joel appended, but as to the Proverbs) for the instruction
Amos extracanonical) of the People, not to confirm the
Abdias (Obadiah) Authority of the Doctrine of the
Jonas (Jonah) Church."
Micheas (Micah)
Nahum ** Most English Protestant Bibles
Habacuc (Habakkuk) today omit the Apocrypha entirely,
Sophonias (Zephaniah) although some include them be-
Aggeus (Haggai) tween the Testaments as recom-
Zacharias (Zechariah) mended for use, but not canonical
Malachias (Malachi) or authoritative for doctrine.
I Machabees
2 Machabees
80 PROPHETIC FAITH
history of the Old Testament canon that can be plainly seen

among early Christian writers. In proportion as the early fathers
were more or less dependent on the Septuagint for their
knowledge of the Old Testament, they gradually lost the dis-
tinction between the canonical books and the Apocryphal. The
customs and opinions of individuals in time naturally became
the custom of the church. And their public use obliterated the
distinction between the two, which could be discerned only
by the scholar. However, the custom of the church was not as
yet fixed in an absolute judgment."
IV. Generally Rejected Prior to Trent

An important point in the Christian Era was reached with
Jerome's Vulgate. He was the first to use the term Apocrypha to
mean the Greek additions in the Septuagint; he recognized only
the Hebrew Old Testament Scriptures as canonical." But under
pressure Jerome hastily yet reluctantly translated the Greek
books of Judith and Tobit. In reality he disparaged the reading
of the Apocrypha.
"Let her understand that they [the Apocrypha] are not
really written by those to whom they are ascribed, that many
faulty elements have been introduced into them, and that it
requires infinite discretion to look for gold in the midst of
dirt." "
Feeling was running strongly in favor of the other books
of the Apocrypha. Ere long these were added to Jerome's Latin
Vulgate, though information as to the extent of Jerome's
revision of the Old Latin of some of these texts is very meager.
It was this enlarged Vulgate that later received official recogni-
tion, under pain of anathema, at the Council of Trent in 1543,
with revision from Clement VIII in 1592.18
1. ILLUSTRIOUS FIGURES REJECT GREEK APOCRYPHA.—NOW,
13 M'Clintock and Strong, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 78.

14 Jerome, Preface to Samuel and Kings, in A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene
Fathers t hereafter abbreviated to NPNF). 2d series, vol. 6, pp. 489, 490.
16 erome, Letter 107 (to Laeta), in NPNF, 2c1 series? vol. 6, p. 194.
1, rr, op. cit., p. 462; E. Schiirer, "Apocrypha," in The New Schaff-Herzog, vol. 1,
p. 216.
with rapid steps, let us traverse the centuries from Melito in

the second century, on to the Council of Trent in the sixteenth
century, noting the succession of illustrious figures who reject
the Greek Apocrypha and hold to the original Hebrew canon."
Note the array:
Melito, bishop of Sardis, whose record is preserved by
Eusebius, lists only the books of the Hebrew canon as canonical."
Irenaeus (d. 202) and Tertullian (d. 230) differentiate between
the "canonical" and "apocryphal" books, but they meant the
apocalyptic writings." Origen (d. c. 254) expressly states that
the canonical books admitted by Jews and Christians were
twenty-two in number—the same as the number of letters in
the Hebrew alphabet.' Hilary of Poitiers (d. 367) in like fashion
named and numbered the Old Testament canon as twenty-two,
although he states that some by adding Tobit and Judith make
the number agree with the 24 letters of the Greek alphabet."
Athanasius (d. 373) limited them to the twenty-two (although
he included Baruch and the epistle with Jeremiah)." But these
are not all.
Gregory Nazianzen, or Gregory of Nazianzus (d. 391),
excludes the Apocrypha and lists the twenty-two canonical
books.' Jerome (d. 420) also, in his Prologus Galeatus (Hel-
meted Preface) to the books of Samuel and Kings, addressed to
Paula and Eustochium, gives us a catalog of the Old Testament
books identical with ours, and excludes as Apocryphal all books
11 One such survey of source quotations giving various lists of the books of the Bible is
given by Brooke Foss Westcott A General Survey of the History of the Canon of the New
Testament, Appendix D pp. 21-571.
" Eusebius, The Church History of Eusebius, book 4, chap. 26, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1,
p. 206. The phrase translated "Wisdom also" in this edition really means "even Wisdom," so
that when he enumerates "the Proverbs of Solomon, also called Wisdom," he is giving two
names for one book, not inserting the Apocryphal book called Wisdom. See the translator's
footnote 36 on page 206 and the reference to this usage on page 200 and note 17.
io Davies, op. cit., p. 180. Note the difference between "The Apocrypha" and "apocryphal
writings"; see pp. 73, 74.
20 Eusebius, Church History, book 6 chap. 25, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 272.
"When among the Fathers and rabbis the tiT is made to contain 22 [not 24] books, Ruth and
Lam are joined respectively! to Jgs and Jer." (Davies, op. cit., . 181. Brackets in the original.)
21 IIilary, Prologus in Librum Psalmorutn, sec. 15, in J.-P. Migne, Patrologiae Cursus
Completus, Series Latina (hereafter referred to as Patrologia Latina, abbreviated to PL),
vol. 9, col. 241.
22 Letters of Athanasius, 1. Festal Letters, "From Letter XXXIX," in NPNF, 2d series,
vol. 4, p. 552; Schiirer, op. cit., p. 215.
Gregory Nazianzen, Epe (Carmina), book 1 section 1, no. 12, in Migne, Patrologiae
Cursus Completus; Series Graeca (hereafter referred to as Patrologia Graeca, abbreviated to
PG), vol. 37, cols. 473, 474; see also Westcott, op. cit., p. 547.
89 PROPHETIC; FA 1114
outside this canon." The same is true of Cyril of Jerusalem

(d. 386), in his Catecheticat Lectures, who lists twenty-two
and urges avoidance of the Apocryphal, and of Epiphanius
(d. 403), who omits the Apocrypha in his Liber de Mensuris
et Ponderibus (Book Concerning Weights and Measures).'
2. INTRODUCED UNDER INFLUENCE OF AUGUSTIN E.—But

when we come to Augustine (d. 430) seven disputed books are
introduced into the canon—Tobit, Judith, the two books of
Maccabees, the Apocryphal 1 Esdras, Wisdom, and Ecclesias-
ticus—in his work On Christian Doctrine,.' and in his cele-
brated City of God he cites not only the canonical books of the
Hebrews but also the Apocrypha." Notwithstanding opposite
theories, the ordinary practice of Western theologians was to
use the Apocryphal writings as they did the canonical. The
Synods at Hippo (393) and Carthage (the 3d, 397), held under
Augustine's influence, included the Apocrypha.'
Jerome, Preface to Samuel and Kings, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, pp. 489, 490; see
also his Preface to Daniel, on pages 492, 493, the summary of the Preface to Tobit and Judith,
on page 494, and his Letter to Laeta, p. 194; Davies, op. cit., p. 181.
25 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechetical Lectures, Lecture 4, secs. 33, 35, in NPNF, 2d series,
vol. 7, pp. 26, 27; Epiphanius, Liber de Mensuris et Ponderibus, chap. 4, in Migne, PG, vol.
43, col. 244; see also Westcott, op. cit., p. 443.
26 Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, book 2, chap. 8, in NPNF, 1st series, vol. 2, pp.
538, 539. Augustine mentions "the two of Ezra," or Esdras. The footnote in NPNF says,
"That is, Ezra and Nehemiah," which would be in accord with the modern Catholic Bibles.
But Augustine, who used the Septuagint, evidently included the Apocryphal Esdras, for he
cites an incident from that book. (City of God, book 18, chap. 36, NPNF, 1st series, vol. 2,
p. 382.) The numbering of the books of Ezra in different versions of the Bible leads easily to
confusion. In Protestant Bibles we have only one book of Ezra and the book of Nehemiah.
These two books are named in the modern Catholic Bible editions first and second Esdras
respectively. But in the Vulgate both combined went under the name of 1 Esdras, whereas in
the Septuagint they are the 2 Esdras or Esdras B.
Besides these two canonical books of Ezra, there exist two Apocryphal books—one of
them even classed as pseudepigraphical—which are not in the Protestant canon. In modern
Catholic Bibles, if added they classify under 3 and 4 Esdras. In the Vulgate we find them
under 2 and 3 Esdras, and the earlier of the two was already in the Septuagint as Esdras A. (See
J. H. Lupton, Introductions to 1 Esdras and 2 Esdras, in Apocrypha edited by Henry Wace),
vol. 1, pp. 1-6, 71. The following diagram visualizes the line-up:
Septuagint
(ree Vulgate Modern rrotestant
protestant
(Gree k) Catholic
Canonical Ezra ) 1 Esdras ) Ezra
(Including 2 Esdras 1 Esdras i 2 Esdras i Nehemiah
Nehemiah)
Apocryphal 1 Esdras 2 Esdras [3 Esdras] 1. Esdras
(in Greek)
3 Esdras [4 Esdras] 2 Esdras
(in Latin)
27 See the index of texts cited, in NPNF, 1st series, vol. 2, p. 615.
28 Schiirer, op. cit., p. 215.
Though the opinion of Augustine was followed by many,

on the other hand many of the most learned of the fathers and
later writers from the fourth century on to the time of the
Council of Trent held the opinion that some or all of the books
in dispute were Apocryphal: Gregory Nazianzen, Anastasius,
patriarch of Antioch (d. 559), Leontius 6th century),
Junilius, commonly known as Junilius Africanus, sixth-century
ecclesiastical writer, Gregory the Great (d. 604), the Venerable
Bede (d. 735), John of Damascus (d. 754), Alcuin (d. 804),
Rupert (12th century), Peter Mauritius, Hugh of St. Victor,
the Saxon (1141), Richard of St. Victor (d. 1173), John of
Salisbury (1182), Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274), Hugo, the Car-
dinal (13th century), Nicholas of Lyra (d. 1349), William of
Occam, of Oxford (14th century), and Thomas Anglicus (15th
century), Paul of Burgos (d. 1435), Alphonso Tostatus (d. 1454),
Cardinal Ximenes (d. 1517), Giovanni Pico della Mirandola,
Faber Stapulensis of Paris (d. 1537), Luis Vives (d. 1540),
Erasmus (d. 1536), and even Cardinal Cajetan (d. 1534).'"
Outside the Roman church, the Waldenses rejected the
Apocrypha, but retained them in the Bible as useful although
noncanonical.
3. PRE-REFORMATION AND REFORMATION REJECTION.—In
the pre-Reformation period Wyclif showed himself the fore-
runner of the Reformation in this as in other matters, and
applied the term Apocrypha to all but the recognized canonical
books of the Old Testament."° The churches of the Reformation
went back generally to the Hebrew canon, giving only qualified
sanction to the reading and limited ecclesiastical use of the
Apocrypha—for instruction, but not to establish doctrine. The
early English versions (Tyndale, Coverdale) included the
Apocryphal books but separated them from the canonical
writings."' Carlstadt was evidently the first Protestant to pay
53 Based on Archibald Alexander, The Canon of the Old and New Testaments, pp. 56-65;
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 459-461, 466, 467, 471 and especially Appendix D; Samuel Davidson,
The Canon of the Bible, pp. 90-112.
3° M'Clintock and Strong, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 291.
3 Orr, op. cit., p. 462.
84 PROPHETIC FAITH
special attention to the canon, siding with Jerome in designating

the added writings as Apocryphal, or noncanonical."
4. LUTHERAN, ANGLICAN, AND CALVINIST POSITIONS.—Mid-
way between the supporting Romanist and rejecting Calvinist
positions is that of the Anglican and Lutheran churches. Luther
placed the Apocrypha between the Old and the New Testament,
with the statement:
"Apocrypha; that is, books which, although not estimated equal
to the Holy Scriptures, are yet useful and good to read."
Article VI of the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of
England explains the Anglican attitude:
"And the other bookes, (as Hierome sayth) the Churche doth
reade for example of lyfe and instruction of manners: but yet doth it
not applie them to establishe any doctrene." "4
The Calvinistic objection is recorded in the Westminster
Confession:
"The books commonly called Apocrypha, not being of divine
inspiration, are no part of the Canon of the Scripture; and therefore are
of no authority in the Church of God, nor to be otherwise approved,
or made use of, than other human writings."
Although the Reformers did not consider the Apocrypha
canonical and did not use them to support any point of dogma,
they were still combined as a separate collection in the Bible,
bound between the Old and the New Testament. But there
was a growing opposition in Protestant circles, which found
strong expression in a remark by Lightfoot.
"In a sermon preached before the House of Commons in 1643 the
well-known scholar Lightfoot complained of the custom of printing the
Apocrypha between the books of the Old and New Testament. 'Thus
sweetly and nearly should the two Testaments join together, and thus di-
vinely would they kiss each other, but that the wretched Apocrypha doth
thrust in between.' Like the two cherubins in the temple-oracle,' the end
of the Law and the beginning of the Gospel would touch one another,
'did not this patchery of human invention divorce them asunder.' "'e
32 Schiirer, op. di., p. 215.

33 Ibid.
34 Philip Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, vol. 3, pp. 490, 491.
3-5 Ibid., p. 602; see also Grant, op. cit., p. 117.
" George Salmon, "General Introduction," Apocrypha (Wace ed.), vol. 1, p.
5. EVIDENCE ON APOCRYPHA SUM MARIZED.—We therefore

conclude that these Apocryphal works are not canonical, as
evidenced by the following considerations:
(1) The original Hebrew Bible does not include them,
though in Old Testament times the oracles of God were com-
mitted to the Jews. (Rom. 3:2.)
(2) There is no conclusive evidence that any of them were
composed originally in the Hebrew language. Certainly almost
all of them, probably all, were written originally in the Greek,
which was not employed by the Jews until after the penning
of their inspired writings had ceased, and the canon of the
Old Testament had been closed.
(3) Only the Old Testament as the Protestants now have it
(but numbered as either twenty-two or twenty-four books) was
received as inspired in the Hebrew canon. The Apocryphal
additions in the Septuagint were never officially sanctioned
by the Jews, and have been completely rejected by them through
many centuries to the present day. Philo (20 B.C. TO C. A.D. 50)
spoke against adding to the law of Moses, and Josephus (d.
c. A.D. 100) expressly declared, "Our books, those which are
justly accredited, are but two and twenty." "
(4) There is silence respecting these writings in the New
Testament. They .are never quoted by Christ and the apostles.'
(5) The writers of the Apocrypha sometimes disclaim
inspiration, and confess to a lack of the prophetic gift. (1 Macc.
4:46; 9:27; 14:41.)
(6) The Apocrypha teaches doctrines at variance with the
Scriptures—superstitious quackery, deceit, purgatory, reincar-
nation, and prayers for any of the dead. (Judith 9:10; Tobit
5:12, 13; 6:1-8; Wisdom 8:19, 20; Baruch 3:4; 2 Macc. 12:43-46.)
(7) The Apocrypha contains historical errors, inconsist-
encies, and fictitious stories and events. (For example: 1 Mac-
cabees 8; Additions to Esther 11:2-4; Bel and the Dragon.)
" josephus, Against Apion, book 1, chap. 8, in Loeb Classical Library, Josephus, vol. 1,
p. 179. On the twenty-two, see p. 81, note 20; see also Orr, op. cit., p. 461.
38 A few passages are regarded by some as showing sufficient similarity as to indicate the
authors' familiarity with the Apocrypha in the Septuagint, but there are no direct references to
the Old Testament Apocrypha. See Davidson, op. cit., p. 54; Orr, op. cit., p. 461.
CHAPTER FOUR
The Book of Revelation

and the New Testament Canon
I. The Book of Revelation—Its Writing and

Its Original Recipients
I. JOHN THE WRITER.—The book of Revelation is desig-
nated as "The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave
unto Him . . . ; and He sent and signified it by His angel
unto His servant John: who bare record of the word of God,
and of the testimony of Jesus Christ, and of all things that he
saw." Rev. 1:1, 2. But although the author is Christ, the
inspired penman is "His servant John," an exile on the island
of Patmos.
Although such Aegean islands as Patmos were used as
places of banishment during the Roman Empire, little is known
of its ancient history. To men of ordinary status, like John, such
banishment generally meant hard labor in mines or quarries
for life. It is possible, of course, that he was released when
Domitian's acts were annulled at his death. There even grew
up a tradition that John's exile lasted only two years, but there
is no way of actually knowing how long it was, or precisely
when the Apocalypse was written.'
It is outside the province of this volume to establish the
Apocalypse as written by John the apostle in the reign of
Domitian, but reasons for accepting that conclusion might
1 William M. Ramsay, The Letters to the Seven Churches of. Asia, pp. 85-91. The
testimony of Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen , Eusebius, Victorious, and Jerome places
John's exile in the time of Domitian. For discussion of date, see Henry Barclay Swete, The
Apocalypse of St. John, pp. xcix-cvi.
86
THE BOOK OF REVELATION AND THE NEW TESTAMENT 87
properly be pointed out in passing: There is first the widespread

belief of the early church, which conforms to the belief that the
apostle John lived in Ephesus and ministered to the churches in
Asia Minor, for which Paul had previously cared. Then there is
the internal evidence of the conditions in the churches, and the
developments in the Roman state at that period, as well as the
intimate knowledge and authority shown in the writer's attitude
toward the seven churches.'
Dionysius of Alexandria (d. 265) put forward a later,
unknown John the Presbyter, or Elder, as author, based on
differences of style.' But the dissimilarity between the simple
language of the fourth Gospel and the totally different literary
form of the Apocalypse can easily be accounted for by the
difference in subject matter. Ramsay remarks that the experi-
ence of Patmos is necessary to explain the mystery of how the
John depicted in the Synoptic Gospels could ever write the
lofty spiritual style of the fourth Gospel.'
By the end of the reign of Domitian, in A.D. 96, John,
evidently the youngest of the apostles, must have been about
ninety—the only survivor of the personal associates of Jesus.
For seventy years he had witnessed the triumphs and trials of
Christianity, and now he lovingly rebuked or commended his
fellow sufferers to prepare them for the trials ahead and to
assure them of final victory. In writing the Apocalypse he did
not aim so much at literary style as at vivid prophetic depiction.
He did not use the more artificial form of Greek, as perpetuated
from the past, but the common speech of the day, which was
often emancipated from the classical grammatical rules, but
was spirited and vigorous, a true living speech.'
2. THE DOUBLE FORM OF THE BOOK.—The Revelation
combines two literary forms, epistolary and apocalyptic. The
parallel messages addressed directly to the seven individual
churches are not actual, separate letters, but together compose
2 Ramsay, op. cit., pp. 74. 75, 79-81.
See page 324.
. Ramsay, op cit., p. 89 .
5 Ibid., p. 209.
88 PROPHETIC FAITH
an introductory section—a sort of covering letter admonishing

the recipients to study carefully the second part, the Apocalypse
proper, which is cast in the symbolical form. "He that hath an
ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the churches." Yet
the entire book is a message to the entire church. And the seven
messages, although literal to their original readers, were also
obviously symbolical of the universal church as represented
by these local churches.
The Apocalypse, meaning the uncovering of that which is
concealed, was written under symbolic figures. This was partly
in order that enemies might not understand it, because they are
described as being judged and destroyed whereas the Christians
are to be delivered. But the message is for all time, and cul-
minating in the last days. It uncovers the future, comforting
both the sufferers under Domitian and those of subsequent
ages, predicting the course of both political and ecclesiastical
empire, of apostasy in the church, of the revival of truth, and
the glorious final triumph of Christ and righteousness.
3. THE DOUBLE APPLICATION OF THE BOOK.—The Apoca-
lypse is twofold not only in form but also in meaning and
application. It was never regarded as restricted to the seven
literal congregations in John's former field of labor. They were
recognized as representing the whole church in both space and
time. The Revelation is given by Christ for the benefit of "His
servants"; "he that readeth, and they that hear the words of
this prophecy, and keep those things which are written therein"
are blessed without qualification (Rev. 1:1, 3); and "he that
bath an ear, let him hear" is of universal application. Further-
more, the various lines of prophecy carry the reader down
through the ages to the second coming of Christ, and the new
heavens and earth.
Through the later centuries the long-range view of the
Revelation has often obscured in the reader's mind the original
impact of the book on John's contemporaries. It is inconceivable
that an inspired revelation could be addressed specifically to
certain contemporary groups without having a definite meaning

for its recipients. Yet the fact of an immediate significance or
fulfillment does not exclude the more remote, or subsequent,
application, for there are other prophecies of a dual nature.
Jesus gave such a twofold revelation a few days before His
crucifixion. His answer to the disciples' double question con-
cerning the destruction of the temple and the end of the world,
was_a double prophecy which combined the signs of the two
events so that it is often difficult to disentangle them. (Matthew
24; Mark 13; Luke 21.) Certainly the fact that certain of the
conditions were applicable to some extent in both situations,
or that Jesus' hearers did not understand the twofold meaning,
did not invalidate either view."
The early Christians understood a double application of
the prophecy of Antichrist, for although John assured them
that there were many antichrists in his time (1 John 2:18; 4:3),
yet they looked for the supreme manifestation of Antichrist as
still in the future.
The Preterist finds only the contemporary meaning of the
Revelation as applicable to the early church, and the Futurist
sees the prophecy as projected into a remote age to come, but
the Historicist sees that the Revelation had its function first in
couniaing and encouraging the early Christians in the vicissi-
tudes through which they were passing, while at the same time
extending its prophetic pictures beyond their range of vision
to the final victory. Otherwise its portrayal of the second advent,
the judgment, and the kingdom of God have no meaning for
our day.
4. ORIGINAL RECIPIENTS OF THE BOOK.—The Apocalypse
was addressed primarily to seven actual, contemporary churches
chosen, presumably, for their character as representative of the
universal church of all time. They were not the only, or the
most prominent churches in the province of Asia. Ephesus,
Smyrna, and Pergamum, along with Sardis, were indeed rival
6 Hosea 11:1; Matthew 2:15, 17, 18; and Jeremiah 31:15 furnish other examples of
prophecies with two fulfillments. For a discussion of this prophecy of Jesus, see chapter 6.
90 PROPHETIC FAITH
claimants to the leading position, but the other three did not
rank next in importance.'
Ephesus and Smyrna were ancient Greek colonies, Perga-
mum and Sardis were old Anatolian cities, but Laodicea, Phila-
delphia, and Thyatira were rather new cities, founded, or
refounded, by Hellenistic kings—the successors of Alexander's
divided empire—who wished to dominate and Hellenize their
Oriental subjects through their strong and prosperous garrison
cities. Consequently, western Asia Minor, where these seven
churches were located, became a melting pot of Greco-Asiatic
civilization.'
When the Romans conquered this territory from Antiochus
the Great, they gave it to their ally, the king of Pergamum (189
B.c.). Then when his adopted son Attalus III bequeathed his
kingdom to Rome in 133 B.c., this region became the Roman
proconsular province of Asia.' This wealthy and civilized
province suffered from greed and misgovernment under the
late Roman Republic, but Augustus brought peace and pros-
perity. Therefore the Asians became fervently loyal to the
emperors, and worshiped Augustus as the Saviour of mankind.
During the first century, says Ramsay, emperor worship was
chiefly a matter of form, but always more important in the
East than in the West. Under the customary Roman toleration
the heterogeneous citizens of Asia could worship their own gods
—so long as they also made offerings to the imperial god. But
in the second century, emperor worship became the principal
test of loyal citizenship, and was increasingly used as a weapon
against Christians." At such a time the warnings and reassur-
ances of the Revelation were peculiarly appropriate.
5. ROME IN APOCALYPTIC SYMBOLISM.—Later chapters will
7 Ramsay, op. cit., pp. 171, 172, 175, 181, 182. It is interesting to note, however, that
they were all strategically located on main highways, forming a comjlete circuit a rcumstance
which is regarded by Ramsay as significant in relation to the early custom of sending letters
from church to church. Such letters were carried along the main lines of travel by Christian
messengers, because the imperial post service was not for the use of the public. (Ibid., pp.
186, 189 and map preceding p. 1 )
Ibid., pp. 128-130.
0 Ibid., p. 114.
10 Ibid., pp. 114, 115, 123, 124, 293, 294.
show that the early readers of the Apocalypse saw in most of the
symbolism the shadow of Rome—imperial Rome at that time,
of course. The woman seated on seven hills was unmistakable,'
and in the beast they saw the imperial persecuting power, which
they sometimes tried to identify as an individual emperor.
Although they were not too clear on the details at times,
they saw plainly the issue between Christ and paganism;
and the promises to the overcomer and the prospect of the
coming of Christ in victory strengthened them to withstand
the persecutions.
Although later Christians were to see a lengthening vista
in the apocalyptic prophecies, it was no more to be expected
that the original recipients of the book should see the later
phases than that the disciples should understand the distinction
between the immediate and the future applications of Christ's
double prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem and the end
of the world.
6. THE LETTERS TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES.—Each of the
seven letters of chapters 1-3 deals with the distinctive character-
istics and problems of the church in question. This evidently
indicates—unless the messages had no meaning at all to their
immediate recipients—the actual condition of the individual
churches. It is interesting to find that each church is addressed
in terms which are eminently appropriate, locally and histori-
cally, to each city, and significant to the citizens. We note them
briefly:
(1) Ephesus seems to show fewer points of analogy than
some others, but the keynote of the church is that of change—
it has fallen away from its first love. The admonition to repent-
ance is accompanied by the alternative penalty—"I will . .
remove thy candlestick out of his place." This particular warn-
ing must have seemed rather a vivid illustration to the Ephe-
sians, more so than to any of the other churches, for before
John's time the city had already been compelled to move to
11 See pages 158, 159. (For illustration see page 160.)

92 PROPHETIC FAITH
keep up with the receding shore line of its harbor, which

eventually became completely filled by silt."
(2) To Smyrna "these things saith the first and the last,
which was dead, and is alive." Rev. 2:8. Sometimes the particular
qualities attributed to the divine Author in the salutation seem
to be selected for appropriateness to the city addressed. Smyrna
had once been destroyed, and for about three hundred years
there was no city, but a state composed of the scattered neigh-
boring settlements; then it had been restored as a self-governing
Greek city. "Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee
a crown of life," was not only a literal promise to the Christian
but also a peculiarly appropriate phrase, reminding the
Smyrnaeans of their city's reputation for singular faithfulness
to their alliance with Rome, and of their "crown of Smyrna"—
the well-known circlet of public buildings around a hilltop.
A first-century Greek philosopher reminded Smyrna that
"though it is the most beautiful of all cities, . . . yet it is a
greater charm to wear a crown of men than a crown of porticoes
and pictures of gold"; Christ offers the still better crown of
life."
The reference to tribulation and to the false Jews brings
to the modern reader the picture of the later martyrdom of
Polycarp at Smyrna, in which the Jews played such a zealous
part as to break the Sabbath by bringing fagots into the
stadium to light his fire.'
(3) Pergamum (Pergamon, Pergamus, Pergamos), formerly
capital of the Attalid kingdom, but then a Roman center,
probably the seat of provincial administration, was headquarters
of the emperor cult in the province of Asia. The first, and for
a long time the only, temple of the imperial cult was that of
Augustus at Pergamum. There were other temples there,
including the huge Altar of Zeus, which was famous for its
relief sculptures." The characterization of the city as "where
" Ramsay, oh. cit., DD. 244-246.
"Ibid., pp. 256-259, 275.
n Ibid., p. 273.
15 Ibid., pp. 282-284, 289, 290.
Satan's seat is" seems eminently suitable in this connection.

Nothing certain is known to church history of a martyr
named Antipas, although the Catholics have a martyr Antipas
in their Acts of the Saints. But the persecution here "where
Satan dwelleth" would fit the increased enforcement of emperor
worship." There are varying traditions, but nothing positive
is known of the Nicolaitans except from the Revelation. It
would seem from this description to be a group in the church
which was advocating a compromise with paganism, and which
it was necessary to denounce in the strongest terms.
(4) Thyatira, as Ramsay notes, was the smallest and weakest
of the seven cities, yet it was promised the irresistible power
of the rod of iron. But the same evil practices taught in "the
doctrine of Balaam," which were accepted by a few in Perga-
mum, were countenanced in the leadership of the church in
Thyatira. Quite possibly this danger to the church involved
not only a spiritual compromise with paganism but also the
literal question of Christians' attending actual feasts, such as
the trade-guild banquets with their idolatrous aspects and their
probable tendencies to immorality. Certain it is that such
problems had been real in Paul's day (Acts 15:20; 1 Corinthians
8; 10:20-28), and that the trade guilds, so necessary to the
prosperity of the Christian craftsmen, were particularly numer-
ous and important in Thyatira."
(5) Sardis was the home of a church whose past glory and
present failure called forth the rebuke that it had the name of liv-
ing but was dead. This must have reminded the Sardians of the
lost glory of their city, the once proud capital of Lydia, and of
the fact that twice its impregnable fortress had been captured
through negligence—an unnoticed fault in the crumbling rock
of the cliff had offered foothold to the enemy. How significant
was the warning, "Be watchful, and strengthen the things which
remain." "
" Ibid., pp. 293, 294, 298.

" Ibid., pp. 330-353.
" Ibid., pp. 359-362, 375-378.
94 PROPHETIC FAITH
(6) To Philadelphia speaks "He that is true"—to the

church which has "kept my word," and is promised protection
in the coming hour of trial. Philadelphia had suffered from
earthquakes more than any other city of Asia. One in A.D. 17
was followed by years of repeated minor shocks which hindered
rebuilding and induced a large proportion of the population
to flee to safety outside the city. The Philadelphians who
remembered that long period of instability and dread would
appreciate the assurance: "Him that overcometh will I make
a pillar"—the symbol of stability—"and he shall go no more
out." 10 Furthermore, "I will write upon him My new name."
The new name was appropriate, for the city had formerly, during
a number of years, taken a new name in honor of an emperor;
and now the Philadelphian church was to be given the name
of the true God.'
(7) Laodicea, a Phrygian city, has hardly any distinctive
features, says Ramsay, and its church is described as lacking in
decision and initiative. Successful in commerce and mixed in
population, it was probably tolerant and easy going, with a
tendency to compromise." It was so self-sufficient that it
recovered from the great earthquake of A.D. 60 without the
imperial aid furnished to other cities.' This prosperous financial
center, feeling "rich" and in "need of nothing," had to be
counseled to obtain the heavenly gold. It was offered white
raiment, in place of the locally produced black wool for which
it was noted, and eyesalve for the blindness which found no cure
in its famous medical school—a school which was noted for
medicinal remedy, and in all likelihood was the source of the
powdered "Phrygian stone" used for weak eyes."
7. OTHER SYMBOLS OF THE APOCALYPSE.—The symbolism
of white garments as the garb of triumph and religious purity
was familiar to these Greco-Roman converts from paganism."
The white stone (Rev. 2:17) is regarded by Ramsay as difficult
10 Ibid., pp. 406-408. 21 Ibid., pp. 422-425. 28 Ibid., pp. 416-419, 428, 429.
20 Ibid., pp. 410-412. "Ibid., p. 428. 24 Ibid., pp. 160, 386-388.
to explain except as a new conception of the familiar tessera,

which entitled the holder to certain privileges, the secret divine
name being a symbol of the divine power accessible to the
holder of the stone' But others find in it the inscribed stone
which is broken in two, the halves to be kept as tokens, the
holders of the matching halves being identified as entitled to
guest-friendship.' The new name, of course, implies a new
character.
II. The Prophetic Character of the Book
The Revelation, like Daniel, is a book of symbolic prophecy
—in other words, an apocalypse. This medium for conveying
truth was not a new device, but was then already a familiar
form in Jewish literature. John's Revelation, however, stands
out in sharp contrast to the various apocryphal apocalypses
devised by human ingenuity. And like Daniel, the Revelation
is a multiple prophecy, with the same pronounced character-
istics of (1) continuity—extending from John's day to the end
of time, and the subsequent setting up of God's everlasting
kingdom, or the earth made new;- '(2) comprehensiveness—based
on the framework of world events as these form the setting for
the life of the church and accentuate the conflict between
Christ and Antichrist; and (3) repetition—going back and
covering the same general outline seven times,, through the
line of the seven churches, then the seven seals, the seven
trumpets, the two witnesses, the dragon, the beast, and the
mystery woman on the scarlet beast; and finally comes the
millennium and the New Jerusalem in the new earth for-
evermore.
As the crowning prophecy of the Bible, John's Revelation,
the complement and unfolding of Daniel's prophecy, gives the
most complete New Testament outline of the divine plan of
the ages, and forms the climax of the divine canon. It begins
with a blessing on him "that readeth," and those "that hear the
25 Ibid., pp. 302-306.
See Henry Blunt, A Practical Exposition of the Epistles to the Seven Churches of
Asia, pp. 116-119.
96 PROPHETIC FAITH
words of this prophecy" (Rev. 1:3), and closes with the warning
to "seal not the sayings of the prophecy of this book: for the
time is at hand" (Rev. 22:10). Spanning the Christian Era
through several repetitive lines, this vast, multiple prophecy,
returns line upon line to give amplification and emphasis,
beginning with the sevenfold church of the true followers of
Christ, spanning the centuries, from John's day to the second
advent..g
III. The Revelation and the New Testament Canon
In order to discuss the book of Revelation in relation to

the canon, it will be necessary first to outline the formation
of the New Testament canon—the story of the writing of the
New Testament, its assemblage or compilation, and its accept-
ance by the church at large as a canon of inspired writings.
1. THREE PERIODS IN DEVELOPMENT OF CANON.—The
formation and acceptance of the New Testament canon may
be divided, for convenience, into three approximat6 periods,
as given by Westcott: (1) the period of writing, then circulating,
and early collecting (c. A.D. 70-170); (2) the period of separa-
tion from other ecclesiastical writings (c. 170-303); (3) the
period of general acceptance (303-397).'
The history of the canon, then, covers a gradual process of
forming an authoritative and then a closed collection. It
required time, for the Bible of the first century was still the
Old Testament. And at first there was evidently no thought of
a complete New Testament, as such, to be placed along beside
the Old. But as the Judaic system was superseded by the
revelation of redemption in Christ, one thing was lacking to
give permanence to this revelation of truth—that was a body
of inspired writings, such as the Jews possessed. The Christians
obviously needed a similar body of writings to give authority
and weight to their mission and message.
47 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 14, 15.

2. APosTouc AUTHORITY TRANSFERRED TO WRITINGS.—

Jesus did not write; He taught orally. The apostles were His
authorized representatives, whose oral messages, when later
written, became the authoritative sources for the life and teach-
ings of Jesus. This transference of authority from the apostles
to their writings finally placed these books alongside the Old
Testament as a part of the Scriptures.
The authority of the New Testament is discovered, then,
externally, or objectively, by apostolic authorship, and accept-
ance and transmission by the oldest apostolic churches; but it
is also attested internally, or subjectively, through the inherent
power by the which the several books authenticate themselves as
inspired—the moral credential, which constitutes proof to the
individual receiving it, and can scarcely be made evidence to
another. Further, the moral power of the Scriptures in changing
the lives of men constitutes visible evidence to others as well as
to the individual himself.
CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF NEW TESTAMENT WRITINGS IN

CONTEMPORARY SETTING (Chart on Pages 98, 99)
Panoramic View of First Century, Showing Sequence of New Testament Writ-
ings. The Natural Groupings, the Sequence, and the Surrounding Events Make
Significant the Timing of Second Thessalonians and the Revelation, the Principal
Sources of Prophetic Interpretation
There are three general periods of writing: First, in the Beginning Period,
appear six Pauline epistles, missionary and doctrinal; Second, in the Central
Period, are included the three Synoptic Gospels, another group of Paul's letters,
the Acts; and Third, in the Closing Period, come the farewell writings of John.
There is progression from the earlier epistles in the infancy of the church,
dealing with the simpler, foundational things of faith. Then, as questions press
for solution, faith needs buttressing, as Gnosticism and discussions of the person
of Christ come in. Maturity must wrestle with the philosophy of its faith. Hence,
the pastoral and instructional aspect of this central group.
For the allocation of books in the accompanying chart, the works of fifty
of the most learned of the conservative scholars have been consulted and the
preponderant evidence tabulated on disputed points as to dating—such as that
of James, Galatians, the Synoptics, Jude, and Peter. Absolute certainty cannot be
claimed, but the key hooks are securely anchored, and the essential outline may
be considered dependable.
4
to
00
PANORAMIC VIEW OF FIRST CENTURY—With Chronological Order of New Testament Writings
Period Natural Name of Place of Roman
Year Charac Name of Book Contemporary Events Emperor Year
teristics Grouping Author Writing
11 11- 111
-,.
E?..
—I- Pontius Pilate, Procurator
6,
--t
.
Crucifixion, Resurrection, Ascension
Pentecost
.. ._
Martyrdom of Stephen
Conversion of Saul of Tarsus
.-...-35
,.,
Recall of Pontius Pilate _
.
By the Apostles of Christ
( Succeeded by Marcellus )
tyli '
2. _
ORALTEACHING
Caiaphas Deposed -
nw
EMIRDILIFIJOIld
_
0
1 11 1 1 1 11 1
Z
Caligula Orders Image Placed in • -•`..40
...
Temple _
C
-,C
n.
' ,', '
nF
Herod Agrippa I, King of Judea
Conquest of Britain Completed
a Martyrdom of James the Apostle by
C laudius, poisonedh im to
bring her son Nero to the
throne, but was in turn
( Agrippina, fourth w i fe of
Herod —
0
.
Famine: Paul and Barnabas Bring .-45

Relief to Jerusalem
murderedby him. )
—
I
Paul's First Missionary Tour _

( Acts 13, 14. Antioch in Syria, Cy-
I I I 1 II
prus, Salamis, Paphos, Perga, Anti

och in Pisidia, Iconium, Lystra —so
`'e;
Derbe, Return to Antioch in Syria. )

BEGINNINGPER IOD
Paul's Second Missionary Tour —

Laying Foundations
First Pauline Group ( Acts 15:36-18:22. Antioch, Syria

Initial Instructions
I Thessalonians Paul Corinth —

( Missionary Epistles) H THESSALONIANS Paul Corinth and Cilicia, Derbe, Lystr a, Galatia,
Troas, Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea,
Athens, Corinth, Ephesus, Jerusalem,
Zf:5,
0
I.
Return to Antioch.)
.
.
Paul's Third Missionary Tour .-55

1 I 1 I I
( Acts 18:23-21:6. Antioch, Galatia,

Paul Ephesus Ephesus, Macedonia, Corinth, Troas, —
Second Pauline Group I Corinthians Miletus, Jerusalem, Cxsarea With
II Corinthians Paul Macedonia
( Doctrinal Epist. ) Galatians Paul Corinth Two-year Imprisonment, Rome.) —
Romans Paul Corinth
.
60-•
Mark Mark Rome ( ?) Festus Succeeds Felix 60
First Gospels Matthew Matthew Palestine Paul's Arrest at Temple
( Synoptics) Luke Luke Cmsarea
James James Judea Paul's First Imprisonment at Rome
Colossians Paul Rome (shipwrecked en route)
Third Pauline Group Philemon Paul Rome
( Prison Epistles) Ephesians Paul Rome Burning of Rome ( A.D. 6 4 )
Philippians Paul Rome Persecution of Christians 1
THE BOOKOF REVELATION AND TH ENEW TESTAMENT 99

65- Acts 1 .-65
Luke Rome
History and Doctrine Hebrews Paul Italy
I Peter Peter Babylon Paul's Second Imprisonment at Rome
Jude Jude Palestine Paul's Martyrdom
Last Pauline Group I Timothy Paul Macedonia Galba
( Pastoral Epistles) Titus Paul Macedonia Otho
II Timothy Paul Rome Vitellius
Peter's Legacy II Peter Peter Rome Peter's Martyrdom; War in Judea; Vespasian —70
Destruction of Jerusalem
End of Jewish State and Sanhedrin
E4 U9—
c k
a 0
d
Colosseum Begun -tv 45,0 8
.. of
° v a
Vesuvius Destroys Pompeii Titus
0 —t —60
Writings of Josephus Domitian
Cerinthus and Ebionites —Is

85
o
' a
8 Emperor Worship Stressed
44%5, a
awe
Ow Second Persecution of Christians —90
r. John (Gospel)
I John
John
John
Ephesus
Ephesus
II John John Ephesus
John's Legacy III John John Ephesus
Banishment of John to Patmos —9 5
95 to 0.,
Tacitus
0
REVELATION John Patmos Several Apocryphal Writings Nerva
John's Death
100 PROPHETIC FAITH
As the New Testament was gradually assembled by the

acceptance of individual books in various churches, the test
of what writings were to be read publicly in church helped to
determine the canon. The principle of selection was apostolic
authorship; works of apostles, or companions of the apostles (as
Mark and Luke), came to be authoritative. From the second
century onward, the rise of various heresies and the challenge
of spurious writings claiming apostolic authority increased the
incentive to lay emphasis on the true apostolic writings. This
test was rational, Scriptural, and harmonious, for an apostle
is one sent to teach with authority. (Matt. 28:18-20.)
3. RISE OF VARIOUS PARTS TO AUTHORITY.—The formation
of the completed canon is not the same as the rise of its several
parts to authority. The distinction is fundamental between the
initial acceptance of individual books, the general recognition
(the real canonization), and the later formal inclusion in full
official lists and catalogues. It was a process of centuries, which
ended when the church at large became satisfied that the
apostolic books, which had been individually accepted in this
first period, constituted the full New Testament canon to the
exclusion of apocryphal writings. The hesitation over a few
disputed books, which were finally received, marks the careful-
ness of the church, and indicates that their ultimate acceptance
was based on sufficient and convincing evidence.
The materials of the canon, in the sense of being received
by scattered churches, may be regarded as complete within
approximately the latter half of the first century, but they were
not yet collected and accepted by the church at large. Numerous
small collections grew up, of which the larger churches had sets
more or less complete. The four Gospels and Paul's epistles—
indeed the bulk of the New Testament—were regarded as
authoritative from the first. Soon after the middle of the fourth
century, says Schaff, the doubts regarding the "Antilegomena,"
or disputed books, of the New Testament had largely dis-
appeared, and in time the full canon was recognized by the
churches of Christendom at large as the writings bearing the

message of God. The complete New Testament canon represents
the decision of the universal church in the sense of the authori-
tative acceptance by Christian consciousness, carefully tested for
three centuries. It is thereby given a value and a recognition
that transcends any and all particular ecclesiastical councils
which came to take formal action."
4. TESTIMONY FOR THE CANONICITY OF THE APOCALYPSE.
—It is essential for us to have a comprehensive grasp of the
testimony of the leading churchmen of the early centuries
relative to the Apocalypse. We need first to sense the commonly
assigned place of the Apocalypse in the New Testament canon
during the first three hundred years of the era. We must also
understand the occasion of its temporary omission from certain
fourth-century New Testament lists and its reinstatement later.
It was usage that prepared the way for recognition of the
authority of the various books of the New Testament. The
reading of the writings of the apostles formed part of the weekly
services of the early churches, and that reading was based on
the conviction of the apostolicity of the various books, including
the Apocalypse. The array of names we shall cite on this subject
may at first seem a bit dry and formidable, like an assemblage
of dry bones, but these names are destined to be clothed with
flesh, as it were, in later chapters, for these are the very men
we must bring forward as witnesses in our quest for the early
interpretation of Bible prophecy, principally in the books of
Daniel and the Revelation." So these men will soon take on a
very real meaning and acquaintance. We now turn to the
record of their convictions on the question of the New
Testament canon.
In the survey of the witness of the leading writers of the
early church concerning the standing of the Apocalypse here
2s Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, vol. 2. pp. 519, 523. For a survey of
the development of the New Testament canon, see Appendix B.
29 In addition to Daniel and the Revelation, other related eschatological prophecies,
enunciated by Jesus, Paul, Peter, and John, are treated elsewhere, but do not come within
the scope of this chapter on the canon.
102 PROPHETIC FAITH
given, the evidence will be seen to sustain Westcott's impressive

statement on the canonicity of the Revelation: "From every
quarter the testimony of the early Latin Fathers to the Apostolic
authority of the Apocalypse is thus decided and unanimous." "
Westcott begins his comprehensive survey of the Apocalypse
with PAPIAS (probably early second century) in Phrygia, who
maintained the " 'divine inspiration' of the Apocalypse." "
Then follows Justin Martyr (2d century), first Ante-Nicene
church father, who was born in the Roman colony of Flavia
Neapolis, but of whose actual race little is known. He cites the
fulfillment of the prophecies of Holy Writ as the unique proof
of Christianity. In addition to the Gospels, the Apocalypse is
the only other New Testament book Justin cites by name, and
this he definitely ascribes to John the apostle:
"And further, there was a certain man with us, whose name was
John, one of the apostles of Christ, who prophesied, by a revelation that
was made to him, that those who believed in our Christ would dwell a
thousand years in Jerusalem." 32
The fragmentary Latin manuscript on the canon (from
c. 170) published by Muratori in 1740 lists the Apocalypse of
John. The V etus Latina (Old Latin Version of the Bible, c. 170)
contains, says Westcott, the same books as those listed by the
Muratorian Fragment.' A similar fragment from MELIT0,
bishop of Sardis (fl. c. 170?), who speaks of the "Old Testament"
so as to imply the New Testament books as a collection, wrote
a treatise on the Apocalypse." THEOPHILUS of Syrian Antioch
"Westcott, op. cit., p. 371. This preliminary summary on the canon in relation to the
book of Revelation is based largely on the findings of authorities whose sound and reverent
scholarship has been recognized, and which are here brought together in organized form to aid
in reaching sound com-lus;ons. Outstanding in the New Testament field was Brooke Foss
Westcott (1825-1901), English scholar and theologian. He was canon of Peterborough from
1869 to 1883; from 1870 onward he was also regius professor of divinity at Cambridge. In 1883
he was appointed canon at Westminster, and in 1890 became bishop of Durham. He was joint
editor of Westcott and Hort's The New Testament in the Original Creek (1881), and author
of numerous scholarly works. He has rendered a distinct service to Christian scholarship and
the search for truth through his classic treatise on the New Testament canon, based on the
original sources, and fully documented. This work, Samuel Davidson and Archibald Alexander's
on the canon of the Bible, and similar treatises on the canon of the Bible have been followed
extensively in this discussion.
ai Ihid pn. 76. 68.
32 Justin Martyr, Dialogue With Trypho, chap. 81, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 240; see also
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 120, 166; Alexander, The Canon of the Old and New Testaments, p. 236.
33 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 216, 254; Davidson. op. cit., p. 75.
34 Eusebius, Church History, book 4, chap. 26, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, pp. 206, 204
(see also Westcott, op. cit., pp. 218, 219).
(c. 180) quoted the Apocalypse,' and IRENAEUS, bishop of Lyons

(d. c. 202), uses it as the work of "John the Lord's disciple."
At the close of the second century, according to Westcott,
the Apocalypse was acknowledged as apostolic and authoritative
throughout the church except for its omission in the Syriac
version."
Coming now to clearer and fuller evidence, TERTULLIAN
of Carthage (d. c. 240?), continually quotes from the Revelation,
which he ascribes to "the Apostle John," " and which he dates
about the end of the reign of Domitian. It is quoted often, and
referred to as an unquestioned work of John, by CLEMENT of
Alexandria (d. c. 220)." And ORIGEN, also of Alexandria (d.
c. 254), similarly declares that it was John the apostle, evan-
gelist, and prophet, who wrote the Apocalypse.4° CYPRIAN, bishop
of Carthage (d. 258), also receives the book as Holy Scripture,
but does not mention authorship."
HIPPOLYTUS, called bishop of Porto (d. c. 236), and
VICTORINUS of Pettau (d. c. 303) both ascribed it to John the
apostle," and each wrote a commentary on it.
But after Origen the Apocalypse became the subject of
controversy on purely subjective and internal grounds.
DIONYSIUS, bishop of Alexandria (c. 247-265), a successor of
Origen as head of the famous catechetical school there, entered
upon an extended discussion of the canonical authority of the
book of Revelation. It is felt by some that, after having been
almost universally received by the fathers, the Apocalypse fell
&.5 ibid., chap. 24, p. 202; see also Westcott, op. cit., pp. 225, 385.
Irenaeus, Against Heresies, book 5, chap. 35, sec. 2, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 566. "Is it then
possible." says Westcott, "that he who was taught of Polycarp [who knew Johnl was himself
deceived as to the genuine writings of St. John?" See also Westcott, op. cit., p. 337.
ar Westcott, op. cit., p. 334. The Syriac Bible, which Westcott calls the "Peshito," is
regarded by newer authorities as an earlier version, a prototype of the Peshitta, which is now
generally dated in the fourth century, and which omits the Revelation of John.
Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 3, chap. 14, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 333; see also
Westcott, op. cit., p. 370; Alexander, op. cit., pp. 237, 238.
39 Clement of Alexandria, The Stromata, book 6, chap. 13, in ANF, vol. 2, p. 504; see also
Westcott, op. cit., p. 353; Alexander, op. cit., p. 237.
so Eusebius, Church History, book 6, chap; 25, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 273; see
also Westcott, op. cit., pp. 355, 359; Alexander, op. cit., p. 238.
41 Cyprian, Treatise 8, "On Works and Alms," chap. 14, in ANF, vol. 5, P. 479; see also
Westcott. op. cit., p. 370; Alexander, op. cit., pp. 240, 241.
42 Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chap. 36, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 211;
Victorinus, -Commentary on the Apocalypse, comment on 10:11 and 11:1, in ANF, vol. 7, p. 353;
see also Westcott, op. cit., p. 376.
104 PROPHETIC FAITH
temporarily into discredit, largely because of the position taken

thereon by Dionysius in opposition to the chiliasts, or millen-
arians, who held that the saints would reign with Christ visibly
on earth for a thousand years. Some of their extreme views, based
on other sources, but connected with the thousand years of
Revelation 20, were so repugnant to some in the third century
that they were led to doubt the authority of the Apocalypse and
to disparage its value. Dionysius says that before his time some
had rejected the Apocalypse, and ascribed it to Cerinthus, but
that he himself believes it was written by an inspired man,
not, however, the apostle John."
But even until the fourth century the book of Revelation
was almost universally received, no writers of credit calling it
in question, and most of them ascribing it to John the apostle.
METHODIUS, sometimes referred to as bishop of Tyre (d. 309),
received the Apocalypse as of "the blessed John" and as possess-
ing undoubted authority; and PAMPHILUS (d. 309), presbyter
of Caesarea and friend of Eusebius, in the commencement of
a work which bears his name, indicates his belief that the
Apocalypse is the work of John."
Westcott summarizes the status of the Apocalypse at the
end of the third century:
"But one of the disputed books was still received generally without
distinction of East and West [the Greek and Latin churches]. With the
single exception of Dionysius all direct testimony from Alexandria,
Africa, Rome, and Carthage, witnesses to the Apostolic authority of the
Apocalypse." "
Then, beginning with the fourth century, we find doubts
mentioned for a time, partly because of its mysterious content
and partly because of the encouragement it was supposed to
give to the chiliasts. In the East there was difference of opinion.
Some of the fathers either omitted the Apocalypse from their
.3 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 274, 275, 403; Alexander, op. cit., pp. 239, 240. For a discussion
of chilissm. se't• napes 101-308.
44 Methodius, "From the Discourse on the Resurrection," part 3, chap. 2, sec. 9, in ANF,
vol. 6, p. 375; Pamphilus. Apologia Pro Orieone. chap. 7, in Migne, PG, vol. 17, cols. 596, 597;
see also Westcott, op. cit., pp. 382, 383, 389-391.
45 Westcott, op. cit., p. 392.
catalogues of the books of the New Testament or nowhere

quoted it. Cyril of Jerusalem (d. 386) and Gregory of Nazianzus
(d. 389) exclude it; their contemporary, Amphilochius of
Iconium, rejects it but mentions difference of opinion; and
Chrysostom of Constantinople (d. 407) nowhere quotes it
(although he must have been acquainted with it), and Suidas
credits him with accepting it as apostolic."
The fourth-century council of Laodicea, in Phrygia (some-
times dated variously as A.D. 336, 364, or 365, although the exact
date is unknown)," was the first synod in which the books of the
Bible were the subject of "special ordinance." There were
"xxxii fathers" in attendance, according to Gratian. The
catalogue of books as it appears in the printed editions of the
councils omits the Revelation, although the authenticity of
this catalogue has been challenged by such authorities as Spittler
and Bickell. Two Greek manuscript copies omit the catalogue
entirely, and other manuscripts have marks on them that may
indicate, says Westcott, that the list was not a part of the original
text but was incorporated gradually. The complete Latin
versions are nearly balanced, the earlier form (6th century)
omitting the catalogue, and the later (9th century) containing
it, except in two copies. The Syriac manuscripts (6th or 7th
century), says Westcott, turn the scale. All three contain the
fifty-ninth canon without the catalogue; and there were other
collections and synopses which omit reference to the catalogue."
Westcott therefore concludes:
"On the whole then it cannot be doubted that external evidence
is decidedly against the authenticity of the Catalogue as an integral part
of the text of the Canons of Laodicea, nor can any internal evidence be
brought forward sufficient to explain its omission in Syria, Italy, and
Portugal, in the sixth century, if it had been so." "
So, the evidence of the catalogue of Laodicea is materially
neutralized because of the cloud on the authenticity of the final
40 /bid.. pp. 4-43, 441. 438: Davidson, op. cit.. pp. 91, 93, 94.
4, See Charles Joseph Hefele, A History of the Councils of the Church, vol. 2, p. 298.
48 Westcott, 0O. cit., pp. 427-433.
49 Ibid., p. 433.
106 PROPHETIC FAITH
paragraph of its last canon." Too much must not be made of it.
EUSEBIUS of Caesarea (d. c. 340), sometimes called "the
Father of Church History," after listing the acknowledged New
Testament books, names "if it really seem proper, the Apoca
lypse of John" at the close of the "accepted writings," but says
that opinion is somewhat divided concerning it; some question
it but others reckon it among the "accepted books." Con
stantine's personal reading of the Scriptures led him to charge
Eusebius with preparing fifty copies of the divine Scriptures.
These were written on prepared skins, by skilled artisans, for
use in the new capital. Constantine's zeal exerted a powerful
influence upon the Greek church. The distinction between
the controverted and the acknowledged epistles had largely
ended; only on the Apocalypse did doubts remain with some.
But ATHANASIUS soon gave a clear judgment; otherwise the
canon of Eusebius and that of Athanasius are the same. Thence-
forth the question was practically decided."
ATHANASIUS' Easter epistle of 367 enumerates the books of
the New Testament and includes the Revelation." In 393 the
North African council of Hippo included the Apocalypse in
the New Testament; likewise the third council of Carthage, in
397, at which Augustine was present, re-enacts the canons of
Hippo, listing the books of Holy Scripture, closing the list
with "the Apocalypse of 'John,' " and declaring this to be the
catalogue of books "received from our fathers," to be "read in
the Church." The same canon listing the Scriptures was
renewed in canon 24 of the Codex Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae
by the sixth (sometimes numbered seventeenth) council of
Carthage in 419." This, be it noted, is the voice of a general
African synod on the content of the canon. In Rome, INNOCENT
I listed the New Testament (405) as we have it. A canonical
50 Some authorities separate the catalogue of books and make it the sixtieth canon.
si Eusebius, Church History, book 3, chap. 25, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 156; see
also Westcott, op. cit., pp. 414-421; Alexander, op. cit., pp. 241, 242.
52 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 422, 423; Davidson, op. p. 80.
7.5 Athanasius, from Letter 39, sec. 5, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 4, p. 552; see also
Westcott, op. cit., p. 444; Alexander, op. cit., p. 242; Davidson, op. cit., pp. 91, 92.
54 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 435, 436; see also Hefele, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 400 (cf. pp. 395,
396, 407, 408).
55 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 436, 437; Hefele, op. cit., pp. 465, 467, 469 (cf. 400).
list appears in three different forms, bearing the names of

DAMASUS (366-384), GELASIUS I (492-496), and HORMISDAS
(514-523), all including the Apocalypse."
By the fifth century all doubts concerning the canonicity
of the Apocalypse seem to have disappeared not only in the
West but also in Asia Minor." GREGORY OF NYSSA (late 4th
century) refers to the Apocalypse as Saint John's and as a part
of Scripture; and BASIL of Caesarea (d. 379) calls the book a
work of John the apostle,' ANDREW, bishop of Caesarea (5th
century), prefaces his commentary on the Apocalypse with the
statement that he need not prove the inspiration of the book,
which had already been attested by Papias, Irenaeus, Methodius,
Hippolytus, and others."
ErIPHANtus (d. 403), bishop of Constantia in Cyprus, in his
work against heresies, gives a canon of the New Testament that
contains our complete list; although he mentions the doubts
of others concerning the Revelation, he includes it without
hesitation, accepting it as the "spiritual gift" of the holy
apostle.' And the noted JEROME (d. 420), taking cognizance of
the contrary view, nevertheless accepts the Revelation, "follow-
ing the authority of the ancient writers." " This was also the
considered judgment of the church at Rome, for Jerome under-
took his work on the Scriptures at the request of the bishop of
Rome, his canon being republished by later popes. And this
judgment was confirmed by AMBROSE at Milan, RUFINUS at
Aquileia, and PHILASTRIUS at Brescia." And finally the famous
AUGUSTINE, bishop of Hippo (d. 430), similarly received the
book of Revelation and quoted it frequently. His list of the
5f1 Davidson, op. cit., pp. 101, 102.

se Westcott, op. cit., 443.
58 Gregory of Nyssa, 'In Suam Ordinationem," and Adversus Ahollinarem, chap. 37, in
Migne, PG, vol. 46, col. 549, and vol. 45, col. 1208, respectively; Basil of Caesarea, Adversus
Eunomium, book 2, chap. 14, in Migne, PC, vol. 29, col. 600; see also Westcott, op. cit.,
p. 442; Davidson, op. cit., pp. 92, 93.
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 442, 443. If Arethas (c. 860-940) is correct in his commentary
drawn largely from Andrew of Caesarea, Andrew also added the name of Basil to the list of
witnesses on the canonicity of the Apocalypse.
85 Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses, book 3 tom. 1, Haeres. 76 (Aetii Capitum Confutatio
5), also book 2, tom. 1, Haeres. 51, chaps. 3, 35, in Migne. PG. vol. 42, col. 561, and vol. 41,
cols. 892, 953, respectively; see also Westcott, op. cit., pp. 443, 444; Davidson, op. cit., pp. 93, 94.
a Jerome, Letter 129 (to Dardanus), sec. 3, in Migne, PL, vol. 22, col. 1103; see also
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 447, 448, 451.
ez Westcott, op. cit., pp. 449, 450.
108 PROPHETIC FAITH
New Testament books agrees exactly with ours. From this time
on the canon of the New Testament in the West was no longer
a problem."
The Syrian, Abyssinian, Armenian, and Georgian church
records are more fragmentary and unsatisfactory.' Naturally
the Syriac-speaking churches of Mesopotamia, Syria, and Pales-
tine tended to follow the canon of the Peshitta version of the
Bible. This did not contain Revelation and several epistles.
Junilius, a sixth-century bishop of Africa, tells us that the
schools of Nisibis in Syria taught the Bible, and in enumerating
the books, he says that there was much doubt among Eastern
Christians about the Apocalypse. EPHRAIM THE SYRIAN (d.
373), of Edessa, quotes the Apocalypse only once in his extant
Syriac works, although the Greek text of his works, if authentic,
shows him using all the books of our New Testament canon.'
About 750 we find COSMAS of Jerusalem omitting the Revela-
tion, but his contemporary and friend, JOHN OF DAMASCUS,
lists our complete canon.'
There were two revisions of the Peshitta in the sixth and
seventh centuries, the Philoxenian and Harkleian. Source in-
formation has been so scanty that authorities disagree, but one
of these later revisions added the four minor epistles (2 Peter,
2 and 3 John, Jude) and the Apocalypse. The first of these was
made by Polycarp under the authorization of Philoxenus, bishop
of Mabug, in eastern Syria, in 508. Of this the four minor
general epistles were edited in Europe in 1630, but the Apoca-
lypse of this version was not published until 1897."
To continue the list of names in the West after Augustine,
we find the Apocalypse attested by Eucherius of Lyons (5th
century), Cassiodorus of Italy (6th century), Bede of England
(7th century), Sedulius of Ireland (8th or 9th century), and so
63 Ibid., pp. 450, 451; Alexander, op. cit., p. 242. See Augustine's list in his On Christian
Doctrine, book 2, chap. 8, sec. 13, in NPNF, 1st series, vol. 2, P. 539.
64 Davidson, op. cit., pp. 104-108.
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 437-440.
66 Ibid., pp. 441, 440, 538.
67 Caspar Rene Gregory, Canon and Text of the New Testament, pp. 402, 403; Frederic
Kenyon, Our Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts, pp. 164, 165.
on But such multiplication of names is unnecessary; late

witnesses are less important than early ones. It is noticeable
that the African bishops in the fourth century, as well as
Jerome, decided the question on the basis of what had been
handed down to them from their fathers.' Westcott notices that
"the Apocalypse was recognized from the first as a work of
the Apostle in the districts most immediately interested in its
contents," " that is, Asia Minor, and indeed, that the disputed
epistles generally were accepted exactly in those places where
they were most likely to be known."
Thus we see the book of Revelation—first accepted, then
doubted for a while—is recognized in the canon of the church.
The very fact of varying opinions, rather than universal
acceptance of any list arbitrarily imposed by a general council,
shows that the general acceptance of the contents of the New
Testament was the result both of the inescapable voice of divine
authority, and of human attestation. The New Testament is
different from all other books. It is not the product of the
writers' literary genius, or of the selective instincts of the eccle-
siastical councils, but springs from the inspired and inherent
truth of the writings themselves—God's message to man.
Now that we have examined the historical backgrounds
and the canonicity of the two major books of the Bible dealing
with eschatological prophecy, the brief consideration of the
content of Biblical prophecy is next in order. A survey of the
prophetic source material, which forms the basis for the later
prophetic interpretations will serve to introduce the starting
point of the long development which we are to trace through
the centuries in these four volumes.
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 450, 451.

8° See pages 106, 107.
7° Westcott, OP. Cit. p. 384.
71 Ibid., pp. 325. 349, 350.
CHAPTER FIVE
Foundation Laid
in the Old Testament
I. The Long-Range View of Bible Prophecy
The central theme of the Bible, from Genesis on through

to Revelation, is the redemption of man. The lofty purpose of
all Sacred Scripture, from the first whisper of hope in Eden to
the last triumphant note of the Apocalypse—"They shall see
His face, and His name shall be in their foreheads"—is the
//
restoration of the image of God in the soul. This is ts dominant
note and undeviating provision, about which its many prophe-
cies cluster. And all this is wondrously wrought out through
Christ, the center and circumference of man's hope, the source
of all grace, the desire of all ages, and the hope of the world.
The story of Christ's mysterious incarnation at the first
advent, His sinless life on earth, followed by His atoning, sub-
stitutionary death on Calvary, as "the Lamb of God, which
taketh away the sin of the world," then His triumphant resur-
rection and ascension, His priestly mediation in the courts
above, and finally at its fateful close His second glorious advent
to redeem His saints and destroy sin, runs like a golden thread
throughout all Scripture, and gives us the full sweep of the
glorious plan of salvation.
1. CLIMAX OF THE PLAN OF REDEMPTION.—The foretelling
of it all, and its glorious climax, and often the unfolding
sequence and relationship of part to part, is the burden of the
prophets; and the eschatological prophecies that we are about
110
FOUNDATION LAID IN THE OLD TESTAMENT 111
to trace, embodying the doctrine of the last things, are simply

concerned with the last phases of the redemptive plan of the
ages. Prophecy discloses God's creative and redemptive energy
in action, for the restoration of man and the "restitution of all
things." (Acts 3:21.) The first and second advents of Christ are
the two grand foci around which this entire redemptive plan
of God revolves. All history moves toward these two transcendent
events. And the events of the latter days, that cluster about
Christ's second coming, have long been looked to by the
expositors of prophecy through the centuries as the climactic
features of all prophecy and promise.
2. THE TWIN CENTERS OF PROPHECY.—For ages astrono-
mers studied the star-spangled heavens to find the secret of the
movements of the spheres. They pondered the millions of suns
sweeping through boundless space, and the planets wandering
among them without confusion or conflict, swinging on with
intricate precision in their ceaseless cycles. Even after men
discovered that the earth and the planets moved in orbits about
our sun, they tried in vain to calculate the path of their orbits
on the basis of circles through the heavens. Their thought was
fixed on a single center for each orbit. But such calculations
would not work out. They led only to confusion, conflict, and
chaos. Finally Kepler found that these celestial orbits are
ellipses, therefore having two centers, as it were, or foci. Then
astronomical calculations of the courses of the planets became
harmonious and exact. This basic law of the solar system had
been found.
There is a striking parallel in contemplating the plan, or
orbit, of salvation. Multitudes have sought to fathom the provi-
sions of God's great redemptive movements, but have thrown
the orbit around a single center—the first coming of Christ
nineteen centuries ago. Redemption, however, has two foci. It
circles around the second coming. of Christ as well as around
the first. These twin points—the tragedy of the cross and the
triumphant return of Christ—are inseparable. Only thus does
112 PROPHETIC FAITH
the plan of salvation become complete and harmonious. Only

in the light of this sublime truth can we understand otherwise
confusing and seemingly contradictory lines of prediction in
the Old Testament concerning the coming Messiah—some
telling of His coming in weakness and humiliation, in sorrow
and grief, with visage marred and hands pierced; others pro-
claiming a glorious and resistless sovereign, purging the earth
of sin and sinners, delivering His people and inaugurating
everlasting peace.
But once grasp this mighty truth of the two comings, and
one possesses the key to the divine movements of the ages—
past, present, and future; the solution of a thousand confusing
problems, and the rational basis of the only true philosophy
of history. Around these two events revolve the issues of time
and eternity.
3. ABRAHAM AND THE "LONG-RANGE VISION."—The Hebrew
prophets of old, God's special messengers of the time, not only
called for a return to God in their own day, but also spoke
concerning the final restoration to come. Often their earlier
prophecies were but fragmentary—flash pictures, as it were,
of vital events along the way. The sequences were not always
clearly given, and the relation of part to part not always expressly
revealed. But they set forth one aspect or another of this funda-
mental purpose of God for the restoration of man. However,
Daniel and, later, John give us full outlines in chronological
sequence which furnish the setting and locate in time some of
these earlier fleeting glimpses. Prophecy is therefore a means
to a glorious end—the disclosure of the plan of God in opera-
tion, that men might recognize its unfolding fulfillment, that
they might believe and accept the Christ of the gospel. (John
14:29; Acts 10:43.)
Abraham was an early prophet, though not understanding
the full significance of his own message. (Gen. 20:7.) Partial
and restricted views have been frequent along the way. It has
been here a little glimpse of the plan of God, and there a little
further unfolding of His redemptive purpose. Abraham thought

of Isaac as the divinely promised "seed," and looked at first for
an immediate, literal, fleshly fulfillment, though later he did
look for, and rejoice in, Christ's day. (Gen. 12:1-4; 15:13; 21:12;
John 8:56.) But the apostle Paul was shown by inspiration that,
when speaking to Abraham, God's promise was not to the
literal seed but to the spiritual "seed" to come, even Christ.
(Gal. 3:16, 29.) So Abraham is plainly the father of spiritual
Israel—those who individually choose to be governed by God.
This was the larger, "long-range vision," as it has aptly been
called, that clarifies many an otherwise baffling prediction con-
cerning Israel and its restoration.
Because Abraham obeyed Him, God made an oath that
He would bless all nations through him, and that Abraham
would lead the royal line to come from every kindred. But
because the descendants of Abraham lost sight of this spiritual-
nation concept, Moses sought to correct their self-complacency
and perverseness. (Deut. 7:7-9; 4:32-40; 8:3.) However, this
attempt was also largely in vain. So Moses was a prophet-spokes-
man, who because of his voluntary, self-sacrificing love for
Israel, thus became a type of Christ, and was the leader of
spiritual Israel. (Ex. 32:30-32.) And to him it was granted to
appear with Christ on the mount of transfiguration. (Luke
9:28-36.)
4. CRISIS IN DAYS OF AHAB.—The tendency to localize and
materialize the great prophetic promises of God was the bane
of Israel all through the years, and ultimately proved her
undoing. But prophetic guidance in material things, during
the early days of Israel's occupancy of Palestine, was given with
the primary thought of illustrating and assuring God's guidance
in spiritual things. (Hosea 12:13; Judges 10:10-14.) Note three
crises in the years of the divided kingdoms that illustrate this
principle. And mark the large group of the prophets raised up
to meet each issue. This indicates God's concern for His ancient
people.
114 PROPHETIC FAITH
First, the issue which culminated, in the days of Ahab, was:

Who is God—Jehovah or Baal? Many prophets—Ahijah (1
Kings 11:29), Shemaiah (1 Kings 12:22-24), Hanani (2 Chron.
16:7), Jehu, son of Hanani (1 Kings 16:1-7; 2 Chron. 19:2),
and Micaiah (2 Chron. 18:7-16)—had borne messages from God
which, if heeded, would have helped to give the answer. But
Elijah was the pre-eminent spokesman who, by his teaching and
his living, did most to bring a revival of true worship, and to
give the people the true concept of the restoration of the image
of God in man's heart. (1 Kings 17 if.) His part was so marked
and so vital that he, like Moses, was recognized and honored
by association with Christ on the mount of transfiguration.
(Luke 9:28-36.) From this period, however, we have no
prophetic writings.
5. SECOND CRISIS AT DESTRUCTION OF SAMARIA.—The
second crisis was in the closing period of the northern kingdom
of Israel, preceding the destruction of Samaria. The issue was
their independence of God. During the reigns of Amaziah,
Jeroboam II, and Uzziah, Israel and Judah had extended their
borders up through Syria to the Euphrates country, and had
become very wealthy. In their self-sufficiency they laughed at
Hezekiah's entreaties to return to the Lord. (2 Chron. 30:5-10.)
Selfish materialism characterized the day. And the second group
of prophets that appear about this time—Jonah, probably Joel,
Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah—likewise seek to correct this
gross materialism. And each has likewise the long-range vision,
which was constantly emphasized.'
6. THIRD CRISIS IN DAYS OF JERUSALEM'S DESTRUCTION.--
And finally, in the days of the destruction of Jerusalem and the
Babylonian Exile, rebellion against God was the grave issue.
Evidently because the prophecies of Isaiah were not immediately
and literally fulfilled in their day, Judah rebelled against God's
leadership, rejected His spokesmen, and refused allegiance
1 See, for example, Jonah 2:7-9: 4:11; Joel 2:32; 3:18-21; Amos 9:11-15; Hosea 14:1-9;
2:14-23; Isa. 35:3-10; 7:14-16; 9:6; Micah 6:8; 5:3, 7, 8; 7:18.
to the Creator. Jeremiah complained of their obstinacy. (Jer.
25:1-11; 36:1-30.)
The prophets of this time—Nahum, Obadiah, Zephaniah,
Habakkuk, Jeremiah, Daniel, and Ezekiel—similarly sought to
get their fellow Jews to accept the long-range plan of God for
them,' and the coming day of God. But again this endeavor was
largely in vain.
II. Eschatological Emphasis of Old Testament Prophets

Now let us turn briefly to these Old Testament prophets,
other than Daniel, and see their emphasis on the long-range
plan of redemption, especially its eschatological, or last-day,
phase. Brief surveys must suffice, our fundamental objective
being to trace the full outline prophecies revealed through
Daniel and in the Apocalypse. (On the chronological place-
ment, or sequence, of the Old Testament prophets, see pages
58, 59.)
As noted, we find in the book of Daniel the most compre-
hensive eschatological and apocalyptic prophecies in the Old
Testament. That is the reason for the marked emphasis upon
it in this work. But there are other prophecies of a similar
character—some very much earlier—in the messages of the
prophets of Israel and Judah who were known chiefly as re-
formers. Yet along with their burden of religious, political,
and social reform for their own times, they also gave definite
eschatological messages concerning the latter day.
Some would make a distinction between "prophecy" and
"apocalyptic," and between "ethical" prophecy and prediction;
but these are unjustifiable distinctions. When "the burden of
the Lord" came upon a "son of the prophets" or a priest, a
plowman or a gatherer of sycamore fruit, he spoke for God.
His "thus saith the Lord" might rebuke idolatry or injustice
in the palace of the king or in the lowly market place. It might
predict the fall of a city or the coming of the Messiah. It might
2 See Nahum 1:3-15; Obadiah 15-21; Zeph. 1:7-18; 2:1-3; 3:2-16; Hab. 2:1-14; Jer.
50:17-20; Eze. 28:24-26.
116 PROPHETIC FAITH
herald the time of the end or the resurrection of the body

at the latter day, or perchance the punishment of the wicked.
But whatever the emphasis, the ethical and moral element
is constantly there. "Thus saith the Lord''—therefore amend
your ways.
Ezekiel was summoned by the vision of the wheels within
wheels to the task of calling a rebellious people back to obedi-
ence to God. (Ezekiel 1, 2.) Daniel's interpretation of Nebu-
chadnezzar's second dream was followed by the admonition,
"Wherefore, 0 king, let my counsel be acceptable unto thee,
and break off thy sins by righteousness, and thine iniquities
by shewing mercy to the poor." Dan. 4:27. The essence of the
teaching of the prophets on the "day of the Lord," and the
future kingdom, was definitely ethical. First note some of the
typical expressions.
1. "DAY OF THE LORD," AND ITS INVOLVEMENTS.—Many
Old Testament prophetical books contain passages describing
"the day of the Lord," "the latter day," or "that day." This day
of the Lord is the day of divine, supernatural intervention by
which God overthrows His—that is, Israel's—foes, and intro-
duces the era of future blessedness for His people. Certain of
the tremendous events connected at different times with this
day-of-the-Lord concept may be listed thus:
(1) The coming of Jehovah in power and glory.
(2) Convulsions of nature.
(3) Fire and destruction— (a) on Israel's enemies; (b) on
the unfaithful in Israel.
(4) Desolation of the land.
(5) Judgment, or punishment for sin.
(6) Resurrection of the righteous.
(7) The kingdom of blessedness.
(8) The new heaven and the new earth.
Many of these concepts, and the very phrases describing

them, are later used by Jesus, Paul, Peter, and John, to an extent
that surprises many readers of the New Testament when they

find such typically gospel expressions coming directly out of the
Old Testament. They are tied inseparably together, as a survey
will disclose.
2. ESCHATOLOGICAL TEACHINGS OF THE PROPHETS.—The
sins that the prophets combated revealed the popular belief of
the day. The Israelites, who were continually going astray after
other gods, neglecting or corrupting the worship of Jehovah,
and disregarding His moral code, were all too frequently
inclined to think of Him chiefly as a national God, after the
pattern of the various patron gods of the heathen. They often
offered sacrifices in the expectation that in return He would
prosper and protect them, and they were looking for a glorious
day of the Lord merely in the form of a day of triumph over
their enemies.
The prophets, along with their appeals for repentance,
and for social and individual righteousness, tried to replace this
distorted, nationalistic view of the future kingdom with ethical
and spiritual concepts. They presented Jehovah as the righteous
Judge of all the world; and the future kingdom came to be
conceived of as a regenerated nation composed of true Israelites
and representatives from other peoples. In some cases the
Messiah was thought of as the visible head, but was not always
included in the picture. Doubtless the popular conception of
the masses remained rather materialistic and nationalistic, but
the spiritual leaders maintained the higher view of the Messianic
kingdom to come. Charles says:
"According to the prophets. this kingdom was to consist of a regener-
ated nation, a community in which the divine will should be fulfilled, an
organised society interpenetrated, welded together, and shaped to ever
higher issues by the actual presence of God."'
3. JOEL, AMOS, AND HOSEA SPEAK.—It has been mentioned

that the Old Testament prophets seem chiefly to have been sent
with special message in times of crisis. Let us note them.
3 R. H. Charles, A Critical History of the Doctrine of a Future Life, pp. 82, 83.
118 PROPHETIC FAITH
JoEL, who does not tell us when or where he lived,` pictures

the day of the Lord in vivid terms:
"Blow ye the trumpet in Zion, and sound an alarm in My holy
mountain: let all the inhabitants of the land tremble: for the day of the
Lord cometh, for it is nigh at hand; a day of darkness and of gloominess, a
day of clouds and of thick darkness." "The day of the Lord is great and
very terrible; and who can abide it?" Joel 2:1, 2, 11.
He exhorts to repentance, if perchance the doom may be
averted, and the Lord may drive away the northern army and
restore the bounties of nature which have been withheld. Then
he looks forward to the latter day, when "your sons and your
daughters shall prophesy," and when there will be "wonders
in the heavens and in the earth," "before the great and terrible
day of the Lord come." Verses 28-30. Then the remnant will be
delivered—those that call upon the name of the Lord. The
nations will be judged, and "the Lord shall roar out of Zion,
and utter His voice from Jerusalem; and the heavens and the
earth shall shake." Then a holy, cleansed Jerusalem will be
God's dwelling place forever. (Joel 3.)
Amos, a native of Judah and one of the earliest prophets
who can be dated, was a shepherd and a gatherer of sycamore
fruit. He denounces the .sins of the surrounding idolatrous
nations, likewise those of Judah, and especially those of Israel,
whose iniquities he enumerates and whose captivity he foretells.
God is not to punish Israel's enemies and let that apostate nation
go free. "Woe unto you that desire the day of the Lord! to what
end is it for you? the day of the Lord is darkness, and not light."
Amos 5:18. Thus he attacks the popular conception of the day
of the Lord as a day of the triumph of Israel's God over Israel's
foes. But God is "the God of hosts" (Amos 4:13; 5:27), who, "in
that day . . . will cause the sun to go down at noon, and . . .
will darken the earth in the clear day" (Amos 8:9). The day
of the Lord is to vindicate not Israel but righteousness. Yet,
in spite of the dark picture presented, the last verses of the
book give hope of a restoration from captivity.
4 Unless Joel is to be considered very late, he must, it is generally agreed, be placed early,
probably contemporary with Amos.
HOSEA, probably an Israelite, also pleads with Israel to

repent, and draws a beautiful picture of the forgiveness of God.
He predicts the Assyrian captivity of Israel, and mentions pun-
ishment for Judah, but says nothing specifically about the day of
the Lord as such. However, he holds forth the hope of a future
state of righteousness and happiness which, if taken as literal
rather than poetic language, depicts something like the Messianic
kingdom. (Hosea 1:10, 11; 2:16 ff.; 3:5; 14:4-9.) Hosea furnishes
one of the relatively few Old Testament statements of the hope
of the resurrection:
"I will ransom them from the power of the grave; I will redeem them
from death: 0 death, I will be thy plagues; 0 grave, I. will be thy de-
struction." Hosea 13:14.
4. ISAIAH PORTRAYS GLORIES OF NEW EARTH.—ISAIAH
directs his warnings sometimes to Israel and the various sur-
rounding nations, but particularly to Judah, and in some
passages the judgment of Judah broadens into a general world
judgment. (Isaiah 2, 24, 26, 34.) The resurrection is clearly
taught in chapter 26:
"Thy dead shall live; my dead bodies shall arise. Awake and sing,
ye that dwell in the dust; for thy dew is as the dew of herbs, and the
earth shall cast forth the dead." Verse 19, A.R.V.
This passage appears in connection with a reference to the
"strong city" into which "the righteous nation which keepeth
the truth may enter in." Isa. 26:1, 2. The second section of the
book,' beginning with chapter 40, changes the theme from doom
to redemption. It looks beyond the captivity, and tells of Cyrus,
of the return of the exiles (Isaiah 44, 45), and of the coming of
Christ. The mission of Christ at His first advent, His role as
the suffering servant, and His final triumph are all foretold.
(Isa. 61:1, 2; 42:1-6, 19-21; 49; 50; 52:13 to 53:12.)
The book of Isaiah transcends Jewish nationalism. Its
sublime prose-poetry, with its promises of forgiveness, of
5 Only the eschatological content of the book is under consideration; consequently, the
q uestion of authorship raised by critical scholars is not relevant to our purpose and need not be
discussed here.
120 PROPHETIC FAITH
redemption, of resurrection, and of the new heavens and the new

earth, not only has lent color to the New Testament writings,
but has continued to inspire the church down through the
centuries, furnishing comfort and hope for the Christian war-
fare, spiritual food for personal devotions, and themes for uplift-
ing religious music—as witness some of the best-loved gems
from Handel's Messiah.
There are many prophecies of the redemption of regener-
ated Israel, and of a future state of happiness, couched in poetic
terms and described by vivid figures of speech. This is not the
place to go into an analysis of them, or to attempt to separate
those which were fulfilled in the return, after the Babylonian
captivity, from those which refer spiritually to the Christian
church, or from those which point to the last days, or to the
new heavens and the new earth and therefore to the future age,
or from those possibly regarded as conditional.' Inasmuch as
Jesus applied some of these—with an obviously spiritual mean-
ing—to the kingdom of grace established at His first advent,
extreme caution may well be observed to avoid applying these
kingdom prophecies of Isaiah, and others as well, to a temporal,
earthly state centered in an earthly Jerusalem.
It was for that very materialistic reason that the Jews
rejected their Messiah. They hated Him for saying, "Many shall
come from the east and west, and shall sit down with Abraham,
and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven. But the
children of the kingdom shall be cast into outer darkness."
Matt. 8:11, 12. And the Pharisees and priests sought to lay
hands on Him when He trapped them into pronouncing their
own sentence in the parable of the vineyard, and then came out
with the open declaration: "Therefore say I unto you, The
kingdom of God shall be taken from you, and given to a nation
bringing forth the fruits thereof." Matt. 21:43. They refused
to accept His spiritual kingdom of the righteous of all nations
—although they could have read it in Isaiah (Isa. 26:2; 14:1;
See page 122.

49:1-12; 56; 60; 66:18-23)—in place of their expected kingdom

of fleshly Israel. And the same sort of misunderstanding marred
the extreme Christian chiliasm which the early church rejected.'
5. MICAH, NAHUM, AND HABAKKUK SPEAK.—MICAH bears
messages to Samaria and Jerusalem of approaching destruction
and restoration—and points out Bethlehem as the birthplace
of the Messiah—but he does not include much along eschato-
logical lines. NAHUM, who pronounced the sentence of doom
upon Assyria's proud capital, is concerned principally with
the punishment of Nineveh, except as the Lord's vengeance
on His people's enemies can be considered typical of the general
punishment of the wicked.
And HABAKKUK warns of the coming of the Chaldeans
(Hab. 1:6) and rebukes sin, but he rises to a new height in his
glimpse of the great truth that "the just shall live by his faith"
(Hab. 2:4). He sees the time when "the earth shall be filled with
the knowledge of the glory of the Lord, as the waters cover the
sea" (verse 14), but he gives no hint as to how or when this
is to come to pass. Chapter 3, the prayer of Habakkuk, is full of
poetic imagery which pictures the punishment of the nations
and the salvation of God's people.
6. ZEPHANIAH'S AND JEREMIAH'S PROPHECIES.—ZEPHANIAH,
contemporary of Jeremiah, prophesies the desolation of Judah
(Zeph. 1:1-13), which serves as the theme for his warning of the
approaching day of the Lord, "a day of wrath, a day of trouble
and distress, a day of wasteness and desolation, a day of darkness
and gloominess, a day of clouds and thick darkness," in which
"neither their silver nor their gold shall be able to deliver
them" (verses 14-18). But after God's indignation is poured out
upon all the nations, when "all the earth shall be devoured with
the fire of My jealousy, . . . then will I turn to the people
[A.R.V., "peoples"] a pure language, that they may all call
upon the name of the Lord, to serve Him with one consent."
7 See pages 301-308.

122 PROPHETIC FAITH
Zeph. 3:8, 9. In preparation for this great day God calls for
heart preparation, in the surviving remnant who will "trust in
the name of the Lord" and "shall not do iniquity." (Verses
12, 13.) He designates them as "all ye meek of the earth," and
invites them to seek the Lord and righteousness so as to be "hid
in the day of the Lord's anger." (Zeph. 2:3.) This prophecy
definitely applies the future kingdom to a spiritual, not a racial,
Israel, and places it after the fiery judgment on the whole earth.
7. JEREMIAH, INTRODUCER OF TIME PROPHECY.—JEREMIAH,
the king's counselor who both prophesied and witnessed the
fall of Judah, denounces the apostasy of Israel and the idolatry
of Judah. He trumpets the warning of the foe from the north'
(Jer. 1:14, 15; 4:6, 7; 10:22; cf. 25:9) who would depopulate
the cities of Judah. Although the book deals principally with
the captivity and the restoration after 70 years (Jer. 25:9-12),
there are several passages which obviously go beyond immediate
fulfillment to the Messiah's kingdom (chapters 23 and 33, for
example).
Jeremiah lays down a principle concerning the conditional
fulfillment of prophecies which should throw light on some of
the controversy in the early church, and in modern times as
well, over certain material details which were never fulfilled
literally in postexilic Judaism. He quotes God as saying:
"At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning
a kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it; if that
nation, against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will
repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them. And at what instant
I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build
and to plant it; if it do evil in My sight, that it obey not My voice, then
I will repent of the good, wherewith I said I would benefit them." Jer.
18:7-10.
The spiritual lesson of the relation of God to the individual
heart (in the new covenant, Jer. 31:27-34) emphasizes each
Not necessarily the Scythians, as some think. Palestine was on a north-south corridor
between Egypt and Syria. To the east lay the barren desert, circled by what Breasted calls the
"Fertile Crescent." All invaders from north and east followed the northern course down
through Syria to Palestine, whether Assyrians, Chaldeans, Medes, Macedonians, or Seleucids.
Hence. reference to invaders from the north does not require a people from the far north,
but could just as well mean the Chaldeans.
soul's final responsibility, which has a bearing on final rewards

and punishments, but there is no mention of the resurrection
as such.
8. EZEKIEL ON INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBILITY TO GOD.—
EZEKIEL, a priest, was himself an exile in Babylon before the
final fall of Jerusalem. He seeks to warn and encourage his
fellow exiles and their countrymen still in Judah just preceding
the end of the kingdom. This book is in the "apocalyptic" form,
that is, in symbolic visions, such, for example, as a wheel within
a wheel (Eze. 1:16; 10:10); the winged creatures with the faces
of a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle (Eze. 1:10); the personifi-
cation of Israel and Judah as faithless wives (Ezekiel 16). The
prophet also acts out some of his messages in object-lesson
demonstrations—his portrayal of the siege in miniature on a
tile (Eze. 4:1, 2), his lying on one side and then the other for
so many days, representing so many years (verses 4-6), and his
dramatizations of the privations of the siege (verses 9-17), and
of the departure of the exiles (Eze. 12:3-7).
Ezekiel goes even further than Jeremiah in teaching the
individual responsibility of the soul to God: "The soul that
sinneth, it shall die." Eze. 18:4. And he surpasses Isaiah's brief
declaration of the resurrection of the body in his graphic por-
trayal of the vision of dry bones which are reclothed in flesh
by the Lord's command and filled again with the breath of life.
(Ezekiel 37.) This can be applied both to the spiritual resurrec-
tion of Israel's hopes, and also to their resurrection from the
grave, after which their restoration to their homeland is to take
place. (Eze. 37 :11-14.)
Looking for a return from the Babylonian captivity, he
outlines elaborate plans in the vision of the restored temple,
plans which, because of the failure of ancient Israel, were never
carried out in full detail after the Exile. Once or twice he
speaks of the future kingdom under the shepherd, or "My
servant David" (Ezekiel 34), and of the moral restoration—the
giving of hearts of flesh for hearts of stone (Eze. 11:19; 36:26),
124 PROPHETIC FAITH
a figure reminiscent of Jeremiah's new covenant (Jen 31:33).

Most of his messages, however, seem to be directed primarily
to the exiles of his own day.
9. GLOOM AND GLORY OF LATTER DAYS.—ZECHARIAH pre-

sents his message after the first return from Babylon. In several
symbolic visions the judgments of the Lord upon the heathen
are presented. Zechariah looks forward to the Messianic era, in
which he expects many Gentiles to become converted and share
in the joys of the kingdom (Zech. 2:11), which is to be established
"not by might, nor by power, but by My spirit, saith the Lord
of hosts" (Zech. 4:6). Moral uprightness is required as a condi-
tion of the Messianic kingdom. (Zech. 7:9-14; 8:15-17.) Chapter
9 contains a beautiful description of the Messiah's dominion;
its spiritual character is manifested in the fact that the New
Testament applies it to the triumphant entry of Christ into
Jerusalem. (John 12:14, 15.) Thus there is a blending of gloom
and glory for the latter days.
MALACHI rebukes the wrongdoing of priests and people,
comparing their polluted offerings unfavorably with the offer-
ings of the heathen. (Mal. 1:7-11.) The Lord whom they seek,
the desired Messenger of the Covenant, will "suddenly come to
His temple," but He will come in judgment. "Who may abide
the day of His coming? and who shall stand when He appear-
eth? for He is like a refiner's fire." Mal. 3:1, 2. God is coming in
judgment against evildoers and oppressors of the poor but He
offers forgiveness if they will return to Him, and blessings if
they will be faithful with the tithe. (Mal. 3:5, 7, 10.) The final
chapter describes vividly "the great and dreadful day of the
Lord," the day "that shall burn as an oven," consuming all the
wicked, like stubble, to ashes, leaving them neither root nor
branch; after this, "unto you that fear My name shall the Sun
of righteousness arise with healing in His wings."
Such are the eschatological glimpses of the "last things" as
given by the various prophets of old. Let us now turn to the
more complete and comprehensive prophecies of Daniel.
III. Daniel Projects Principles of Prophetic Interpretation

The book of the prophet Daniel is much more than a
prophecy; it contains symbolic prophecy, literal and prophetic
interpretation, and historical accounts of events. It is inspired
history, for it contains sections that explicitly record the histori-
cal fulfillment of events and epochs foretold earlier in the
prophetic portions. It likewise includes parts that expressly set
forth the inspired interpretation given by Daniel, explaining
many of these symbols in simple, literal language that cannot
be misunderstood. This marvelous threefold record was penned
by inspiration for all subsequent time.
Some of these immediate fulfillments were assuredly under-
stood and attested by men living at the time. And these clear
interpretative declarations of the book, which have been read
and understood by the discerning through the years, form the
foundation of all subsequent fulfillments that have been recog-
nized as they have come to pass. Daniel stands unique among all
Old Testament prophecies in scope, comprehensiveness, and
repetition for emphasis and clarity. A grasp of the basic outline
of Daniel is vital to the understanding of the hand of God in
history, and His control of the affairs of His church and of the
nations.
1. SUMMARY OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL.—Chapters 1 through
6 give the narrative of Daniel's contacts with the court of
Babylon. Then come the long-range prophecies. God's symbolic
pictures, given through Daniel the prophet, portray the nations
and the people of God in sequence, relationship, and conflict.
The metal image and the shattering stone in chapter 2, the
four beasts rising from the sea in chapter 7, the ram and goat
battling in chapter 8, are God's portrayal of the rise and fall
of nations. It is His charting of the course of empire.
'Then there are the prophetic time periods. In chapters
7 and 12, the "time, times, and an half" of the persecution of
God's people lead up to the time of the judgment and the king-
dom of God; in chapter 8, the 2300 days extend to the mystic
126 PROPHETIC FAITH
cleansing of the sanctuary; and in the angel's explanation of the

vision, in chapter 9, the best-known of the time prophecies—
the "seventy weeks"—points out the time of the first advent of
the Messiah and predicts the time of His death for the sake of
others.
In chapter 11 there is a long historical prophecy beginning
with the Persian kingdom and continuing with the Macedonian
kingdom and its division. In chapter 12 there is mention of
1290 days and 1335 days, and the admonitions to seal the book
until the time of the end, at which time "many shall run to
and fro, and knowledge shall be increased." Verse 4.
In these chapters the prophet plainly declares that there
will be a series of four world powers from the Neo-Babylonian
Empire onward. He adds that the fourth world power is to be
broken up into ten smaller kingdoms that would spring up
within its territory and supplant the unified parent empire.
Then he declares that a different type of kingdom, which would
war against God and His saints, would press its way up into the
partitioned empire, and do exploits and dominate for a certain
allocated time. But God's judgment would sit, and the accounts
of the nations and churches would come into review. Thus all
injustice and usurpation would be brought to an end, and the
kingdom of God would triumph forever.
2. BABYLON DECLARED FIRST OF A SERIES OF EMPIRES.-
Portions of Daniel were understood contemporaneously such as
the first two phases of the great metallic statue spoken of in
chapter 2, which was to span the ages, clear through to "the latter
days." (Dan. 2:28.) In this prophecy, which pertained to the
removing of kings and the setting up of kings (verse 21), Daniel
first brings back to the remembrance of Nebuchadnezzar the
dream-image of a man, representing the kingdom of man in
the world—an image composed of four different metals of
decreasing brilliance and value, but of increasing strength,
with the fifth and final anatomical division, of nonadherent
metal and clay, demolished finally by a stone that smote the
image on the feet, and then grew to fill the whole earth (verses
31-35). Daniel then gave the king the interpretation (verse 36),
which has been discussed already in chapter 2.° He explained
the four metals of the image as representing Nebuchadnezzar's
brilliant kingdom of Babylon and three succeeding world
powers, the fourth later divided in a multiple-kingdom period
(verses 39-45), and finally the demolishing stone as symbolizing
the kingdom of the God of heaven, which was to be established
on earth "in the days of these kings," and which was to stand
forever (verse 44). (Pictorial representation on page 38.)
This basic panorama of the successive world powers of
prophecy has always been recognized as the ABC of all outline
Bible prophecy. Of this explanation Daniel says, "The inter-
pretation thereof is sure." Verse 45. And this grand outline of
the empires was repeated by Daniel under a different set of
symbols.
In the parallel prophecy of the four beasts (Daniel 7), which
are likewise interpreted as a series of four successive world
powers, to be followed by the kingdom of the saints, Daniel
gives additional revealing details about these kingdoms. We have
already seen in chapter 2 that the first king, or kingdom—for
he calls the last of the "four kings" the "fourth kingdom"
(Dan. 7:17, 23)--is most appropriately pictured by a lion with
eagle's wings; that in the historical setting of Daniel's time
this symbolism would have been as readily understood of
Babylon as was the gold representing the first kingdom in the
prophecy of the image."
3. KINGDOM OF GOD TO END THE SERIES.—In neither of
these two prophecies—the metal image and the four beasts--
does Daniel name the second, third, or fourth kingdoms, but
he interprets the first as the contemporary Neo-Babylonian
Empire' And in both series he sees the succession of earthly
9 See pages 35 ff.

1° See page 41.
11 From Nebuchadnezzar and Daniel's time forward. Previous powers, such as Egypt, old
Babylonia. and Assyria, are not under consideration—only "what should come to pass hereafter."
(Dan. 2:29.) Nor does the prophecy say that there would be no world powers in the future out-
128 PROPHETIC FAITH
dominions superseded by the eternal kingdom. Daniel pictures

this kingdom as coming, not by natural growth, but by the
direct intervention of the God of heaven; in the second prophecy
he adds that the kingdom is given to the Son of man and the
saints. (See Dan. 2:37, 38, 44; 7:17, 18, 27, 13, 14.) He does
not expect this final kingdom to follow immediately the last
and most powerful empire of the four, but after an interval—
after the fourth has been divided into the weakened iron-and-
clay stage of the feet and toes. Or, in the more detailed sym-
bolism of the fourth beast's ten horns, the fourth kingdom
gives way to the ten kings, or kingdoms, among whom arises the
presumptuous Little Horn power, diverse from the rest, uproot-
ing three of its fellows, speaking against the Most High and
persecuting the saints, thinking to change times and laws, and
being allowed to hold sway "until a time and times and the
dividing of time" " (Dan. 7:25). Only after that is the Little
Horn finally destroyed in the judgment, which ushers in the
eternal kingdom. (Pictorial representation on page 46.)
4. MEDO-PERSIAN KINGDOM FOLLOWS BABYLON.—It is in-
teresting to note that the sequence of three of the four world
powers can be determined from other parts of the book. Daniel
himself announced the transition from the Babylonian Empire
to the second phase on that fateful night of Belshazzar's feast,
when he interpreted the handwriting on the wall. The aged seer
told the trembling Chaldean ruler that "God hath numbered
thy kingdom and finished it," and that it was henceforth "given
to the Medes and Persians." Dan. 5:26, 28. That very night
Belshazzar's life ended with his rule, and the Babylon-Persia
sequence was established as a historical reality. So the identity
of the second kingdom in the prophetic series, the Medo-
Persian Empire, is here placed beyond all rightful challenge
side these four, but it outlines this series of consecutive empires from Daniel's own time there-
after, beginning with Nebuchadnezzar, and says that the cluster of smaller kingdoms which end
the series will last throughout the world's history, but will never succeed in reuniting the
fragments of the fourth kingdom into another empire.
12 Daniel defines "times" as "years" in another chapter. On the phrase "after certain
years" in the A.V., the margin reads, "Heb. at the end of times, even years." (Dan. 11:13.)
FROM BRITISH MUSEUM AND BIBLIOTHEOUE NATIONALE. PARIS
PROPHECIES EMPLOY COMMON NATIONAL SYMBOLS

The Prophetic Portrayal of Persia, Under the Symbol of a Ram, Was Evidently to Identify, Not
to Conceal Its Identity. The Prophecy Simply Used the Emblem of a Ram, Frequently Appearing
on Persian Seals (Left). Coins Such as That of Alexander the Great of Macedon (Right), Did
Not Come Into Common Use Until the Time of Darius Hystaspes
or misunderstanding. Those present understood the clear intent

of Daniel's words, and saw their speedy literal fulfillment.
Josephus relates that Cyrus, when he was come to the
kingdom, understood his place in divine prophecy, and intelli-
gently sought, as God's instrumentality, to fulfill his inspired
commission.
"For He [God] stirred up the spirit of Cyrus and caused him to write
throughout all Asia, 'Thus says King Cyrus. Since the Most High God has
appointed me king of the habitable world, I am persuaded that He is the
god whom the Israelite nation worships, for He foretold my name through
the prophets and that I should build His temple in Jerusalem in the land
of Judaea.' These things Cyrus knew from reading the book of prophecy
which Isaiah had left behind two hundred and ten years earlier." "
Although Josephus' story may be only a tradition, it
should not be considered at all improbable that Daniel, who
was given high honors under the new regime, would speak to
Cyrus about prophecies to be fulfilled in his reign. We know
that soon after the fall of Babylon, Daniel was thinking of
Jeremiah's prophecy of seventy years' captivity, and praying for
the return of his people to their homeland and for the restora-
tion of the temple. (Dan. 9:1, 2, 16-19.)
5. GRECIAN EMPIRE SUCCEEDS PERSIAN.—Daniel outlined
the first empire of his prophetic series, and so his book records
as historical narrative the beginning of the Persian phase. But
Daniel had already, in the third year of Belshazzar, predicted
Persia's successor in the vision of the ram which battled with
is Josephus, Antiquities, book 11, chap. 1, secs. 1, 2, in Loeb Classical Library, Josephus,
vol. 6, p. 315.
5 129
CASTS FROM COIN 01V. OF BR. MUSEUM
GOAT SYMBOL A FAMILIAR FIGURE ON GRECIAN COINS

Again and Again the Figure of a Goat, in Whole or in Part, Appears on the Reverse Side of
Macedonian Coins Preserved in the British Museum. The Symbol of the Goat, for Grecia, Was
Obviously Chosen by Inspiration Because It Was a Common Symbol of the Macedonian Power,
and Hence Was Given to Identify and Not to Clothe With Inscrutable Mystery
the goat and fell before the speed and violence of its onslaughts.
These two prophetic beasts need no further identification, for
they are explicitly named in the prophecy as representing the
Persian and Greek empires. (Dan. 8:20, 21.) Thus the first three
in the series—Babylon, Persia, and Greece—are clear. But there
are yet additional clues which offer highly interesting evidence
that the prophetic goat was a singularly appropriate symbol in
view of the use of that animal on Macedonian coins.
6. THE GOAT A FREQUENT MACEDONIAN SYMBOL.—A survey
of Macedonian coins is highly revealing. Barclay V. Head, in
his authoritative illustrated coin catalogue covering this section
of the great British Museum coin collection, reveals that Mace-
donian coins bearing various likenesses of the goat were minted
in different places," ranging in time from c. 500 to 146
under the names of such famous characters as Alexander I,
Perdiccas II, and Archelaus I." Sometimes the goat is pictured
Amphipolis, Aegae, Terone, Thessalonica. See Barclay V. Head, Catalogue of Creek
Coins. Macedonia, Etc., pp. 182, 183.
T5 Ibid., pp. 11, 13, 18, 37, 48, 108, 110, 158, 159, 163. 10 Mid., pp. 37, 159, 163.
130
as standing, sometimes kneeling on one knee. In other instances

only the forepart of the goat appears, or just a goat's head, or
perhaps two goats kneeling or fighting. It is an impressively
significant series. (Reproductions appear on page 130.)
Personal examination of these ancient coins in the cases
of the British Museum, from which plaster-of-Paris casts were
secured for reproduction here, deeply impresses one with the
fact that this prophetic symbol employed in the prophecy of
Daniel 8—the goat indicating. Grecia—was chosen because this
figure was commonly used in the Macedonian period, just as
the ram had sometimes been employed on the seals of Persia
as its identifying emblem. (See page 129 for illustration.) The
singular aptness and fidelity of these portrayals are thus lifted
beyond challenge. The prophetic choice obviously was not an
arbitrary or unrelated one, but was deliberately designed so that
identification of the second and third of the great world powers
in the prophetic series might be simple and clear.
7. THE GREEK EMPIRE DIVIDED.--Then, continuing chap-
ter 8, the Grecian goat's notable horn-king is superseded by four
horn-divisions.
"The ram which thou sawest having two horns are the kings of Media
and Persia. And the rough goat is the king of Grecia: and the great horn
that is between his eyes is the first king. Now that being broken, whereas
four stood up for it, four kingdoms shall stand up out of the nation, but
not in his power. And in the latter time of their kingdom, when the
transgressors are come to the full, a king of fierce countenance, and under-
standing dark sentences, shall stand up." Dan. 8:20-23.
Grecia, then, was the third in the series of Daniel's empires,
and after its fourfold division " rose that remarkable Horn
power that became exceeding great and spread in three direc-
tions, did exploits even against the Prince of princes, and con-
tinued until it was "broken without hand." (Verses 3-12, 23-26.)
And a mysterious number was mentioned-2300 days unto the
cleansing of the sanctuary. (Verse 14.) But the identity of that
fourth "fierce" king, or kingdom, was not yet disclosed. That
See page 69.
© 1949. BY A. & H. T. K. MARTIN. ARTIST
THE GRECIAN "GOAT" SMITES THE PERSIAN "RAM"
Macedonia in the West Succeeds Persia to the East, in the Onward March of Empire, in Daniel 8—the Second and Third in the Prophetic Series
of Four World Powers. Evidence Indicates That Expositors Came Gradually to the Conclusion That Daniel's Longest Time Period, Recorded
in This Chapter, Starts With Persia, and That Prophetic Symbols Often Are Tied to Historical Powers and Definite Starting Points
was yet future, and was still unidentified to Daniel. After being
informed that the time feature of the vision would cover "many
days," Daniel was instructed to "shut up the vision"—this time
portion, and the last things. (Verse 26.) While Daniel was
praying and interceding for understanding, the angel Gabriel
finally came to him with the message: "I am now come forth
to give thee skill and understanding." Verse 22.
8. SEVENTY WEEKS INVOLVE CUTTING OFF OF MESSIAH.-
Seventy prophesied "weeks," declares Gabriel, were set apart
for the Jews, to accomplish certain momentous events and to
seal the identifying time-key of the prophecy of Daniel and
anoint the most holy. He enumerates "seven weeks, and three-
score and two weeks," and "one week," totaling seventy; after
the seven and sixty-two have passed, the remaining "one week"
sees the cutting off of the Messiah for the sake of others, and the
end of the system of sacrifices—in efficacy, at least—in the midst
of the week. (Dan. 9:24-27.)
Deeply troubled over the coming sorrows of his people,.
Daniel is once more visited by Gabriel, who outlines in detail.
the literal events of the centuries, beginning with the immediate
future. This outline covers the closing portion of Persian rule,
the introduction of the Macedonian period (Dan. 11:2-4), the
coming of that mysterious fourth kingdom—though still un- '--
named—and finally the "time of trouble," just before the end
(Dan. 12:1). In the latter days the seals of mystery would be
removed from these later events. Men would search to and
fro for the full meaning of the prophecies, and understanding
would result. (Verse 4.) But meantime these mysterious latter-
day events pertaining to the end were, by angelic declaration,
"closed up and sealed till the time of the end." Verse 9.
Such was the amazing portrayal of God's panorama of the
centuries, left by Daniel for all succeeding generations, with
certain clear explanations amid many hidden aspects. The
clearly interpreted spots are like glowing lights among the som-
ber shadows of the hidden background of prophetic mystery.
134 PROPHETIC FAITH
The immediate events were clearly identified, whereas distant

events were discerned in general outline, with those portions re-
lating to the latter days sealed until those fateful times should be
reached. Such is Daniel's sacred introduction to outline
prophecy and its interpretation. It was given to be understood
by reverent students of the Word when progressively fulfilled,
part by part and epoch upon epoch. It was given to illuminate
the path of man across the centuries, that he might know where
he is in the divine plan of the ages and the general course of
events to come.
CHAPTER SIX
Prophetic Peak Reached

in Apostolic Age
Only by an adequate understanding of the prophecy-

expounding apostolic church can one see how the strong post-
Apostolic prophetic interpretation impulse grew out of the
teachings of Christ and the apostles, and persisted for centuries.
The major Scripture prophecies, be it noted, point to either
the first or second advent of Christ, or embrace both, as their
climax. The New Testament is replete with declared fulfill-
ments, in the life and death of Christ, of Old Testament
prophecies concerning His first coming.' And it also contains
many predictive portions pointing to the transcendent second
advent or to the related outline prophecies leading to that
glorious consummation and the events connected therewith.
It should be borne in mind that when, perhaps twenty years
after Christ's ascension, the New Testament writings began
to be sent out, first as epistles, and later as collections in general
circulation, they were first written for specific churches and
specific situations, and definitely presuppose an earlier oral
teaching. They were sent initially to the churches concerned for
their immediate guidance and help. And the prophetic portions
were more fully understood at the time than some may have
realized, as will become increasingly apparent.
More than fifty are recorded as fulfilled in and by Christ, such as: Born of a virgin.
(Isa. 7:14; cf. Matt. 1:18-23.) Born in Bethlehem. (Micah 5:2; cf. Matt. 2:5, 6.) Time of His
birth. (Gen 49:10; Dan. 9:24-27.) Called out of Egypt. (Hosea 11:1; cf. Matt. 2:14, 15.)
Slaughter of the innocents. (,Ter. 31:15,• cf. Matt. 2:17. 18.) Vicarious, atoning death. (Isaiah
53; cf. the Gospel records.) Not to suffer corruption. (Ps. 16:10; cf. Acts 2:25-27; 13:34, 35.)
135
136 PROPHETIC FAITH
I. Christ the Fountainhead of Inspired Prophecy

Christ Himself was recognized by His contemporaries as a
prophet, and so acknowledged Himself. He personally exercised
the gift of prophecy in a remarkable way. (Luke 7:16; 13:33;
24:19; Matt. 13:57; 21:11; John 4:19; 6:14; 7:40; Eph. 2:20.)
But He was, of course, infinitely more than a prophet; He was
at once the Son of God and the Son of man—the matchless
Saviour of men. And His life on earth was bound up with the
miracle of prophecy by a multiple cord of fulfillment. Indeed,
Jesus Christ constitutes the greatest single witness of all time
to the verity and precision of inspired prophecy. Not only was
He the Interpreter of the Old Testament prophets—the Fulfill-
ment of their predictions and the Embodiment of their spiritual
message—but He was also the Reality to which the impressive
Mosaic shadows and symbols pointed.' Further, He was both
the divine Foreteller and the Forthteller for God; He was the
revelation of the very thought of the Father, for He was the
Word of God incarnate.
Let us now examine some of the specific prophetic teachings
of Christ that relate to our quest. Although eschatology was not
His chief concern, it was nevertheless a vital part of His message.
The multitudes among whom He lived and moved needed
immediate healing from sickness and from sin more than they
needed doctrinal discourses on the end of the world. But Jesus
did not fail to blend, in parable, promise, and prophecy, the
clear assurance of present redemption along with the glowing
hope of Christ's return and the coming kingdom of glory. His
eschatological teachings are numerous and comprehensive and
run like a golden thread through the fabric of His instruction.
2 Under this larger scope of prophecy, definite recognition must be given to the symbols of
the sanctuary service which were prophetic of Christ. The various sacrifices pointed to "the Lamb
of God, which taketh away the sin of the world." (John 1:29.) And it is well known that
"Christ our passover" (1 Cor. 5:7) was slain on the precise day of the Jewish month demanded
by the Passover type; that His resurrection, as the first fruits from the dead, occurred on the day
of the barley "wave sheaf"; and that the feast of weeks fifty days later was fulfilled in the
experience of Pentecost (Acts 2). Further discussion of this will appear in Volume IV. The
ministry of the Levitical priesthood in the Jewish sanctuary prophesied Christ's ministry in the
heavenly sanctuary (Hebrews 7 through 10), culminating in the great last-day judgment. The
epistle to the Hebrews, comparing the earthly and heavenly sanctuaries, leads to this
prophetic climax:• "And unto them that look for Him shall He appear the second time without
sin unto salvation." Heb. 9:28.
PROPHETIC PEAK REACHED IN APOSTOLIC AGE 137
II. Jesus Proclaims the Kingdom of God

Soon after His baptism, and after the forty days in the
wilderness, "Jesus came into Galilee, preaching the gospel of
the kingdom of God, and saying, The time is fulfilled,' and the
kingdom of God is at hand: repent ye, and believe the gospel."
Mark 1:14, 15. (See also Matt. 4:17.) Not only did Jesus bear
this message Himself, but He sent out first the twelve and then
the seventy to preach this same truth of the kingdom of God.
(Luke 8:1; 9:1, 2; 10:1, 9.)
And what was this kingdom of God, or kingdom of heaven?
It was not always, of course, the future kingdom of glory, at the
end of the age, that Jesus meant; for sometimes He obviously
referred to the kingdom of grace "within you." But many of
Jesus' most emphatic teachings concerning the kingdom are
unmistakably prophetic of a future state.
1. KINGDOM OF GLORY FOLLOWS SECOND ADVENT.—Jesus
declares that the future kingdom would be "nigh" at the time
of the second advent, not at the first (Luke 21:31); for "when
the Son of man shall come in His glory, and all the holy angelS'
with Him, then shall He sit upon the throne of His glory."
And it is at this time..„that He says: "Come, ye blessed of
My Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you." (Matt.
25:31, 34.)
2. MISTAKEN CONCEPT OF THE FUTURE KINGDOM.—It Was
this coming kingdom that the Jews misapplied to a glorious
Messianic reign of an earthly national Israel, which they thought
they saw in the Old Testament prophecies. (John 6:15; Matt.
20:20, 21; Luke 23:2; John 19:12; Matt. 27:42.)
That is why they rejected their meek and lowly Saviour.
That is why even the disciples misunderstood Him, and quar-
reled over the highest places in the anticipated kingdom; that
is why, even after three years of close association with Him,
they could, for a brief time, lose their faith in the hour of His
See page 145.

138 PROPHETIC FAITH
death (Luke 24:20, 21), and why, after His resurrection, they
could be so blind as to interrupt His farewell promises, on the
very occasion of His ascension, to ask, "Lord, wilt Thou at this
time restore again the kingdom to Israel?" (Acts 1:6). Perhaps
it was not until after the Holy Spirit was sent to bring Christ's
sayings to their remembrance (John 14:26) that they finally
saw the kingdom in its true perspective.
3. THE NATURE OF THE KINGDOM.—They must have re-
called how He had permitted them to see the kingdom demon-
strated in miniature at the transfiguration (Mark 9:1-4), and
how He had told them that it was to follow His second advent
in kingly glory at the end of the world, in connection with the
resurrection and the judgment, the punishment of the wicked
and the reward of the righteous (Matt. 13:39-43; 19:28; 25:
31-34). They must have remembered His promise to eat and
drink with His disciples in the kingdom—in that joyful reunion
to which the observance of the Lord's supper, "till He come,"
points forward (Matt. 26:27-29; Mark 14:25; Luke 22:16-18,
29, 30)—and to seat them on twelve thrones to judge the twelve
tribes of Israel (Matt. 19:28; Luke 22:29, 30).
4. THE TRUE ISRAELITES INHERIT THE KINGDOM.—Possibly
it was not until the infant church began to be pushed out of
its Jewish nest, and the incident of Peter and Cornelius con-
vinced the apostles that the gospel was to go to the Gentiles
also, that they realized fully the teachings of Jesus that the
twelve tribes of Israel, in the future kingdom, were not to be
the literal Jewish nation, but the righteous of all nations. These,
He said, would come from the east and the west to "sit down
with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven,"
and the unfaithful children of the kingdom would be cast out.
(Matt. 8:11, 12; Luke 13:24-30.) For the husbandmen, in the
parable, who had stoned the Father's messengers and rejected
the Son, were to forfeit the vineyard which had been entrusted
to them (Matt. 21:33-45); and indeed "the kingdom of God
shall be taken from you, and given to a nation bringing forth
the fruits thereof" (verse 43). This sobering sentence the
Jewish leaders well knew was being pronounced against them.
(Verse 45.)
The true children of Abraham, according to Jesus' reply
on another occasion to certain boasting descendants of that
patriarch, are those who do the works of Abraham. (John 8:39.)
And among the works which characterize the children of the
kingdom He names righteousness (Matt. 13:43; 25:34, 46),
obedience to God's will (Matt. 7:21-23), humility (Matt. 20:
20-27), and self-sacrificing love, which ministers to "one of the
least of these" as to the Master (Matt. 25:34-46).
III. Jesus on the Resurrection of the Dead

The declaration, "I am the resurrection, and the life"
(John 11:25), was not merely a doctrine but a tremendous
reality, in the experience of the people whom Jesus raised from
death. And we also find Him teaching this doctrine, succinctly
yet clearly. Those who do not partake of Christ have no self-
existent life, He says, but those who do—everyone who believes
in the Son of God—He will raise to eternal life on the last
day. (John 6:40, 44, 53, 54.) At this "resurrection of the just"
the righteous are to be rewarded. (Luke 14:14.)
To the Sadducees who are trying to entrap Him, Jesus
replies that in the resurrection there is no marrying, but that
the saints live like the angels; and being equal to the angels, they
will no longer be subject to death. (Luke 20:35-38; see also
Matt. 22:30-32; Mark 12:24-27.) And not only the saved, but
all the dead, will be called from their graves by the voice of the
Son of God to receive their respective rewards at the last day,
for there are two resurrections—that of the righteous to life,
and that of the evildoers to condemnation. (John 5:28, 29.)
IV. Jesus' Teaching on the Second Advent

1. THE SECOND ADVENT PORTRAYED.—It was toward the
close of His ministry that, having elicited from Peter that
sublime confession, "Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living
140 PROPHETIC FAITH
God," He began to tell His disciples about His approaching

rejection, death, and resurrection. Then, to relieve the en-
shrouding gloom of this news, He introduced the prophetic
promise of His second coming in glory.
"The Son of man shall come in the glory of His Father with His
angels; and then He shall reward every man according to his works." Matt.
16:27. (See also Mark 8:38; Luke 9:26.)
Then He declared that some of the twelve would see "the
Son of man coming in His kingdom" (Matt. 16:28), and a few
days later He took Peter, James, and John up the mount of
transfiguration. There they were given a visualized preview
of the kingdom in miniature—the glorified Christ with Moses
and Elijah, the one a representative of the saints who will pass
through death and resurrection, and the other of those who,
still living at His coming, will be translated without death.
(Matt. 16:28 to 17:3; see also Mark 9:1-4; Luke 9:27-32.)
2. THE PROMISE OF His COMING.—In the last week before
the cross we find the record of Jesus' speaking on three more
occasions of His second coming. The first of these, the "Prophecy
on the Mount," we shall consider in the next section. Then, on
the night of the last supper, when He was trying to prepare the
eleven for the imminent ordeal of His death, He spoke those
words of comfort which have echoed through the centuries
to sustain the faith of the believers:
"Let not your heart be troubled: ye believe in God, believe also in
Me. In My Father's house are many mansions: if it were not so, I would
have told you. I go to prepare a place for you. And if I go and prepare
a place for you, I will come again, and receive you unto Myself; that
where I am, there ye may be also." John 14:1-3.
Once more, in the same night, during the trial before the
Sanhedrin, when the high priest Caiaphas solemnly adjured
Him to testify as to whether He were the Christ, the Son of
God, He made the final statement, as it were, of His case,
coupling with His assent the words which sealed the verdict
of His judges.
"Hereafter shall ye see the Son of man sitting on the right hand of
power, and coming in the clouds of heaven." Matt. 26:64. (See also Mark
14:62; Luke 22:69, 70.)
V. Jesus' Great Prophecy Spans Christian Eira

1. THE TWOFOLD PROPHECY ON THE MOUNT.—The so-
called "Synoptic Apocalypse" (principally Matthew 24, 25,

Mark 13, and Luke 21) gives Jesus' matchless prophecy spanning
the full Christian Era, sweeping past Jerusalem's approaching
destruction and the allotted period of great religious persecu-
tion, and on to His glorious second advent and the end of the
world. With cumulative force, evidence upon evidence and
sign upon sign mark out with increasing detail the last fateful
segment of the prophecy.
Not long after the triumphal entry, Jesus had foretold
that not one stone of the temple would stand upon another,
and the disciples asked, "When shall these things be? and what
shall be the sign of Thy coming, and of the end of the world?"
We can picture Jesus gifting on the Mount of Olives deep in
converse with the disciples. Looking across the valley to the
teeming city and the magnificent temple, He gives this compre-
hensive twofold answer to the disciples' twofold question. He
blends into one all-embracing prophecy the events connected
with the approaching fall of Jerusalem and those leading up to
the end of the age and the second advent.
2. BEGINNING of SORROWS.—They are to expect false
christs, and early wars and rumors of wars, but "the end is
not yet." They are to expect persecution; they are to flee in
haste to the mountains when they see the "abomination of
desolation" (Matt. 24:15)—or "Jerusalem compassed with
armies" (Luke 21:20)—and they are to pray that their flight
might not come in the winter nor on the Sabbath.' Here is
• The Christians of Jerusalem heeded this warning, according to Eusehius. "But the people
of the church in Jerusalem had been commanded by a revelation, vouchsafed to approved men
there before the war, to leave the city and to dwell in a certain town of Perea called Pella. And
when those that believed in Christ had come thither from Jerusalem, then, as if the royal city
of the Jews and the whole land of Judea were entirely destitute of holy men, the judgment of
God at length overtook those who had committed such outrages against Christ and his apostles,
and totally destroyed that generation of impious men." (Eusebius, Church History, book 3, chap.
5, sec. 3, in NPXF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 138. Epiphanius [c. 315-403], bishop of Constantia in
Cyprus, attests same in De Mensuris et Ponderibus, chap. 15, in Migne, PG, vol. 43, col. 261.)
142 PROPHETIC FAITH
depicted the fate of the Jewish people—falling before the sword,

led away captive to all nations, with Jerusalem under the heel
of the Gentiles "until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled."
(Luke 21:24.)
3. GREAT TRIBULATION.—Some of the predictions belong
particularly to the generation of His hearers, and some definitely
to the last days, and some are evidently of twofold application.
Certain elements, such as wars, persecution, and tribulations,
seem to be not only characteristic of the nearer crisis, but also
applicable in varying degrees throughout the history of the
church, and are repeated intensively before the end of the
age. Jesus passes lightly over the intervening centuries, lest the
disciples be sorely discouraged at the prospect of the centuries
stretching ahead before the coming of their Lord's kingdom of
glory—centuries to be marked by triumph and failure, by
blood and agony and tears, even by "great tribulation, such as
was not since the beginning of the world to this time, no, nor
ever shall be." The days of tribulation must be shortened, and
those who endure to the end will be saved.
4. SIGNS OF THE END.—Jesus gives only this glimpse of
the outline of the intervening period, although He implies that
it will be no short interval, because the gospel is to be preached
"in all the world for a witness unto all nations" before the end
comes. (Matt. 24:14.) But just as the budding of the fig tree
is a harbinger of summer, so will many latter-day signs appear
to show when "the kingdom of God is nigh at hand," "even
at the doors," although no one will know the day and the hour.
(Luke 21:29-31; Matt. 24:32, 33, 36.) There are again to be
wars and rumors of wars, famines, pestilences, false prophets in
the latter days, and abounding iniquity, so that the love of many
will wax cold.
Immediately after the great tribulation, or "in those days,
after that tribulation," there will come a darkening of the sun
and moon (cf. Joel 2:31) and a spectacular falling of stars. On
the earth there is to be "distress of nations, with perplexity,"
and "men's hearts failing them for fear" of the future. For the
careless and the wicked will be caught unawares by the last
day, and the peoples of the earth will mourn when they see
Christ coming in the skies. But the faithful ones are to look up,
and lift up their heads; for their redemption draweth nigh.
(Luke 21:28.) Such are the specifications of Christ's matchless
prophecy of the Christian Era.
5. THE SECOND ADVENT—The false christs and false
prophets will all but deceive the very elect, but the faithful are
not to listen to those who announce Christ's coming locally—
"in the desert" or "in the secret chambers." "Believe it not,"
he solemnly warns, for the Son of man is to come visibly,
gloriously, even as the dazzling lightning shines forth from
east to west. He will come in a blaze of glory—"in the clouds of
heaven with power and great glory. And He shall send His
angels with a great sound of a trumpet, and they shall gather
together His elect from the four winds" (Matt. 24:30, 31), "from
the uttermost part of the earth to the uttermost part of heaven"
(Mark 13:27). His second advent at the end of the age was the
apex of all His promises.
Then He continues the absorbing picture in the parables
of Matthew 25, portraying Himself as the Bridegroom, taking
both wise and foolish virgins by surprise; the Investor, return-
ing to receive account of His talents; the King, coming in glory
with "all the holy angels," and seated on the throne, judging
the sheep and the goats, and receiving His own into the king-
dom to reward them with life eternal.
In this thrilling, incomparable prophecy Jesus turns the
eyes of the disciples toward the future, toward the sorrow, the
tribulation, and the final triumph. But in this twofold prophecy
He mercifully mingles the events of the near and the distant
future—the time of the fall of Jerusalem, and the time shortly
before the end of the world. He thus answers both their
questions, but admonishes them to watch and wait, because
they know not at what hour their Master will come, and leaves
144 PROPHETIC FAITH
His followers to discover for themselves the meaning. And the
meaning is to become clear in the fulfillment.
VI. Jesus Enunciates the Guiding Principle

The basic principle of contemporary perception of the
progressive fufillment of prophecy was enunciated by Jesus on
the night of the last supper: "I have told you before it come to
pass, that, when it is come to pass, ye might believe." John
14:29. Three times, in varying forms, Jesus repeated this basic
principle, so there can be no question as to His fundamental
intent. The other two declarations are: "I tell you before it
come, that, when it is come to pass, ye may believe that I am
He" (John 13:19), and, "These things have I told you, that
when the time shall come, ye may remember that I told you
of them" (John 16:4).
This primary function of interpretation—the recognition
of fulfillment at the very time of fulfillment—was evidently
intended to:
(a) create assurance as to the divine inspiration of the
prophecy itself;
(b) establish confidence in the infinite foreknowledge and
power of performance on the part of the Author of prophecy;
(c) reveal one's own time and place in the fulfilling
prophecy, and therefore the particular relationship, message,
and emphasis due at each stage of development. The general
course is thus discernible from the prophetic forecast, though
not the precise processes of fulfillment.
VII. Christ's Relationship to the Book of Daniel
The significance of the testimony of Christ to the book of
Daniel should not be lost upon us. We have no right to ignore
His views on the subject. To Christ, Daniel was a real person—
a prophet inspired of God, whose predictions were to be
closely heeded.
Jesus' first entry into the field of prophetic interpretation
was the initial declaration of His ministry, soon after His bap-
tism—"The time is fulfill d, and the kingdom of God is at

hand: repent ye, and believe the gospel." Mark 1:15. What
other time could He mean except the completion of Daniel's
prophetic sixty-ninth week, which was to extend "unto the
Messiah the Prince"? Dan. 9:25. There is definite evidence that
about that time many Jews were looking for "Messiah the
Prince" to come.' Here was prophecy fulfilling before their eyes.
We may see in this Christ's corroboration of the year-day
reckoning of the seventy weeks, a principle already partially
glimpsed in the original Septuagint translation of Daniel,' and
now established by Jesus' coming to fulfill the prophecy of
"Messiah the Prince," and to usher in a new era of broader and
clearer prophetic understanding, beyond that of Old Testament
times.
But Christ based some of His prophetic statements even
more directly on Daniel. There are three allusions to that book
in His vital Olivet discourse.
First, He mentions the "abomination of desolation,
spoken of by Daniel the prophet," and adds significantly,
"whoso readeth, let him understand." Matt. 24:15. He thus
bids them study this prophecy intelligently, and find in its
fulfillment the signal for their escape from the fall of Jerusalem.
The passage is, from the context, doubtless Daniel 9:27, where
the Septuagint—which was used by Christ and the apostles--
reads: "Upon the temple an abtimination of the desolations,"
and similar phrases reappear in Daniel 11 and 12.7
This "abomination of desolation" which was to stand in the
holy place is interpreted in Luke as the armies encompassing
Jerusalem (Luke 21:20)—evidently the Roman forces which
5 About the time of Christ there prevailed a general expectancy of some sort of deliverer
sccn ec appear. That this was found among the pagans, as well as the Jews, is indicated by the
Roman historians Tacitus and Suetonius, as well as by Josephus, according to Frederic W.
Farrar, The Life of Christ, p. 21. (See also Johann Lorenz von Mosheim, Institutes of
Ecclesiastical History, century 1, part 1, chap. 2, sec. 5, vol. 1, pp. 29, 30; John Fleetwood,
The Life of Our Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, pp. 17-20; John Fletcher Hurst,
History of the Christian Church, vol. 1, p. 87.) Among the Jews that expectancy was based on
the predictions of the Hebrew prophecies, as will be later developed.
6 Original Septuagint version of Daniel 9:27, in The Old Testament in Creek According
to the Septuagint (Swete ed.), vol. 3, p. 560; see also p. 173 of this volume.
7 Dan. 9:27, in both the earlier Alexandrian Septuagint and the later Theodotion version;
Dan. 11:31 (Theodotion), and Dan. 12:11 (both), in Swete's edition of the Septuagint, vol. 3,
pp. 560, 561, 570, 574, 575; see also Boutfiower, op. cit., p. 287.
146 PROPHETIC FAITH
were to take the city. Thus Christ here applies Daniel's proph-
ecy specifically to the Roman Empire, which had long before
taken over world supremacy from the Macedonian, and which
was already recognized among the Jews as prophesied by Dania'
Never should we forget, as we study prophetic interpreta-
tion through the centuries, the Master's divine admonition to
read and understand the witness of Daniel. Obviously He could
not have regarded the entire book as sealed until the day of
increased knowledge and running to and fro in the prophecies
in the "time of the end" (Dan. 12:4), for He clearly intended
that His Judean followers should escape the destruction of
Jerusalem by understanding the fulfillment of the portion which
pertained to their day. If Christ's prophetic principle of pro-
gressive understanding at the time of fulfillment be applied,
only that part of the book of Daniel dealing with the latter-day
events would be sealed until the time of the end. On this basis
we should expect to find progressive prophetic interpretation
recognizing contemporary fulfillments. In Christ's day, as we
shall see, the succession of the four kingdoms in Daniel 2 and 7,
for example, was perceived in general outline; and it has been
the common property of both Jews and Christians through the
centuries. And "the time is fulfilled" was the unmistakable
introductory note of Jesus' ministry.
Christ's second reference to Daniel, in His great prophetic
discourse, obviously employs the language of Daniel 12:1 to
describe the future woes: "For then shall be great tribulation,
such as was not since the beginning of the world." Matt. 24:21.
(See also Mark 13:19.) And the third reference is found in
His description of the second advent: "They shall see the Son
of man coming in the clouds of heaven with power and great
glory." Matt. 24:30. (See also Mark 13:26; Luke 21:27.)
This should be compared with His reply, in almost the
same wording, to the high priest at His trial: "Hereafter shall
ye see the Son of man sitting on the right hand of power, and
coming in the clouds of heaven." Matt. 26:64. (See also Mark
s See page 175.
14:62.) The phrasing is clearly borrowed from Daniel's de-

scription of the judgment:
"I saw in the night visions, and, behold, one like the Son of man
came with the clouds of heaven, and came to the Ancient of days, and they
brought Him near before Him. And there was given Him dominion, and
glory, and a kingdom, that all people, nations, and languages, should serve
Him: His dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away,
and His kingdom that which shall not be destroyed." Dan. 7:13, 14.
The allusion to Daniel is unmistakable. Here is obviously
the origin of Christ's self-chosen title "the Son of man." The
definite article, prefixed to the name in the New Testament,
plainly implies that He is Himself the mysterious Being whom
Daniel described. He claims the right to he invested with all
that divine power and authority which Daniel saw bestowed
on "one like a son of man" (margin).9 Both the high priest
and the Sanhedrin understood perfectly the Saviour's claim,
for in their eyes that Person of Daniel 7 was a divine Being."
Hence, the high priest declared that Jesus, in making that
pretentious claim, had spoken blasphemy, and the Sanhedrin
asked with one insistent voice, "Art Thou then the Son of
God?" Luke 22:70.
In addition to this, Christ's emphasis on a twofold resur-
rection (John 5:28, 29) parallels Daniel 12:2, and His de-
scription of the future, "Then shall the righteous shine forth
as the sun in the kingdom of their Father" (Matt. 13:43),
paraphrases Daniel 12:3. Thus did Christ, while here on earth,
set His seal irrevocably upon the book of Daniel, the book
which later critics would fain reduce to the level of pious
Jewish fiction, a "prophecy" composed after the events had
taken place, and fraudulently ascribed to a "Daniel" that never
existed historically!
Rut Christ's testimony to the book of Daniel is not con-
fined to the pages of the Gospels. The last book of Sacred
Scripture, which furnishes, as will be seen, a complement to
9 Boutflower, citing Hengstenberg, says that Daniel 7:13, 14 forms the groundwork of the
doctrine of the second advent and its attendant circumstances. (Boutflower, op:- cii., pp: 288,
289; cf:Matt. 10:23;16:27; 15:28; 24:30; 25:31.)
10 On the "son of man" as a familiar divine designation, see page 186.
148 PROPHETIC FAITH
the book of Daniel, is entitled "The Revelation of Jesus Christ,

which God gave unto Him, to shew unto His servants things
which must shortly come to pass," transmitted "by His angel
unto His servant John." Rev. 1:1. It is therefore Jesus who
sends the messages to the seven churches, and speaks from
the midst of the candlesticks: "Write the things which thou
hast seen, and the things which are, and the things which shall
be hereafter." Rev. 1:19. It is Jesus who alone is able to open
the sealed book (Rev. 5:5, 6; 6:1, 3), who reaps the harvest
of the earth (Rev. 14:14-16), who leads forth the armies of
heaven on their mission of final destruction (Rev. 19:11-15),
who at the end declares He will make all things new (Rev.
21:5), who pronounces blessing upon all who do His Father's
commandments (Rev. 22:13, 14), and who certifies all these
wondrous prophecies to the churches (verse 16). Truly, there-
fore, Jesus is the fountainhead of prophecy.
VIII. Pentecost Unveils "the Times and the Seasons"
Though the disciples associated with Jesus for more than
three years, sitting under His marvelous instruction, and lis-
tening, on that memorable occasion on the Mount of Olives,
to His great prophecy of the centuries, which was to culmi-
nate in the second advent and the establishment of His king-
dom of glory, they still thought He was about to take the
Messianic kingdom. They failed to grasp the prophecies of
His approaching death, burial, and resurrection, which He
brought clearly to their attention. And after these three tre-
mendous events had actually occurred, the disciples again asked
Jesus, just before His ascension, "Lord, wilt Thou at this time
[en to chrono touto] restore again the kingdom to Israel?"
Acts 1:6. His explicit answer formed the last words to be
spoken to His disciples before His ascension:
"It is not for you to know the times or the seasons, which the Father
hath put in His own power. But ye shall receive power, after that the
Holy Ghost is come upon you: and ye shall be witneses unto Me both in
Jerusalem, and in all Judaea, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part
of the earth." Verses 7, 8.
The allusion to the times and seasons of God referred,

of course, to Daniel's explicit declaration, which must have
been part of their earlier study and discussion:
"And He [God] changeth the times and the seasons: He rernoveth
kings, and setteth up kings: He giveth wisdom unto the wise, and knowledge
to them that know understanding: He revealeth the deep and secret things:
He knoweth what is in the darkness, and the light dwelleth with Him."
Dan. 2:21, 22.
Christ's statement to the as-yet-untransformed disciples
was made in immediate connection with the command that
they were to remain in Jerusalem, awaiting the baptism of
the Holy Spirit a few days thence. When that transformation
should occur, then their minds would be spiritually opened
to understand "the times and the seasons." Moreover, they
were then, and by that means, to become inspired channels
for unfolding to mankind the outline of God's plan of the
ages, with its consummation at the second advent. And the
apostles' witness, near and far, explicitly concerned those
very times and seasons that are tied into the divine plan of
salvation.
Thus on the day of Pentecost, .Peter's first words were
an exposition of the prophecy of Joel and of the outpouring
of the Holy Spirit that had its initial fulfillment on that very
day. And from this point onward, he interpreted the proph-
ecies concerning the first advent, and Christ's crucifixion, ac-
cording to the "determinate counsel and foreknowledge of
God." Acts 2:23.
Shortly thereafter, addressing the people congregated in
the temple porch, Peter again declares Christ's death to be
the fulfillment of the predictions before "shewed by the mouth
of all His prophets" (Acts 3:18), and again launches into a
declaration concerning the "times" of God:
"Repent ye therefore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted
out, when the times [kairoi] of refreshing shall come from the presence of
the Lord: and He shall send Jesus Christ, which before was preached unto
you: whom the heaven must receive until the times of restitution of all
things, which God bath spoken by the mouth of all His holy prophets
since the world began." Verses 19-21.
150 PROPHETIC FAITH
Then Peter continues to expound: "All the prophets from

Samuel and those that follow after, as many as have spoken,
have likewise foretold of these days." Verse 24. Peter's epistles,
evidently written long afterward, will be discussed later.
IX. Paul Outlines Present Restraint and Coming Apostasy

Paul, too, after his conversion, addressing the Athenians,
declares concerning the nations of the earth, that God had
"determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of
their habitation" (Acts 17:26), and leads on into a declara-
tion of the coming day of judgment (verse 31). By the time
Paul wrote to the Thessalonians, so thorough had been his
instruction to the church in these matters that he could assert:
"But of the times and the seasons. brethren, ye have no need that I
write unto you. For yourselves know perfectly that the day of the Lord so
cometh as -a thief in the night." 1 Thess. 5:1, 2.
Scholars generally agree that First and Second Thes-
salonians were the earliest Pauline writings to be penned, and
were probably the first New Testament writings to be cir-
culated about the middle of the first century." Paul, who
comes second only to John in the fullness and scope of his
prophecies, begins his prophecies in the contemporary rule
of Rome—Babylon, Persia, and Greece having passed into
history. The then-present "letting" or restraining power
impeding the development of the "mystery of iniquity," the
great falling away which was already beginning in the expand-
ing Christian church, was interpreted in the early church as
the Roman Empire. Already, before Paul wrote, he had given
the Thessalonians thorough oral instruction concerning the
sequence of events and their position in the prophetic out-
line from the then-present Roman Empire onward to the
second advent."
11 For a "Panoramic View of First Century" table with approximate chronological order
of New Testament writings, see pages 98, 99. This will aid in following the chronological un-
foldment of New Testament prophetic interpretation.
i2 See 2 Thessalonians 2.5-8 for the sequence: the mystery of iniquity already working,
the present hindering power, the future removal of the restraining power, the revealing of the
wicked one, the final destruction of this evil power at the second advent.
In his first letter to the Thessalonians, Paul had stressed

the resurrection of the righteous dead and the translation of
the righteous living at the second rnming of Christ:
"For the Lord Himself shall descend from heaven with a shout, with
the voice of the archangel, and with the trump of God: and the dead in
Christ shall rise first: then we which are alive and remain shall be caught
up together with them in the clouds, to meet the Lord in the air: and so
shall we ever be with the Lord." 1 Thess. 4:16, 17.
He continues concerning "the times and the seasons"
(1 Thess. 5:1), noting the suddenness of the arrival of this
"day of the Lord" "as a thief in the night," bringing destruction
to the children of darkness.
"For when they shall say, Peace and safety; then sudden destruction
cometh upon them, as travail upon a woman with child; and they shall
not escape. But ye, brethren, are not in darkness, that that day should
overtake you as a thief." Verses 3, 4.
It was because some of the Thessalonians misunderstood
this, evidently thinking that Christ might yet return in their
own day, that the apostle wrote his second epistle, specifically
addressing those "who are troubled" (2 Thess. 1:7), in order
to correct this misapprehension concerning the time of Christ's
second advent to glorify His saints and to destroy the wicked
(verses 8-10). They were not to be troubled by the thought
that "the day of Christ is at hand" (2 Thess. 2:2), for—
"That day shall not come, except there come a falling away first, and
that man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition; who opposeth and
exalteth himself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped; so that
he as God sitteth in the temple of God, shewing himself that he is God."
Verses 3, 4.
Note next his express words—how he had told them
orally of these things here referred to, and how they already
knew the facts concerning the then-present withholding power
in retarding the appearance of the coming apostasy:
"Remember ye not, that, when I was yet with you, I told you these
things? And now ye know what withholdeth that he might he revealed
in his time. For the mystery of iniquity cloth already work: only he who
13 W. J. Conybeare and J. S. Howson, in The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, volume 1,
page 403, render it: "Do you not remember that when I was still with you, I often told
you this?"
152 PROPHETIC FAITH
now letteth will let, until he be taken out of the way. And then shall that
Wicked be revealed, whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of His
mouth, and shall destroy with the brightness of His coming." Verses 5-8.
Many of Paul's contemporaries were expecting a future

God-opposing tyrant who would persecute the saints, an idea
which could have been conceived from certain passages in
Daniel, such as chapters 7 and 8. But Paul identified this Anti-
christ, under the name of the "man of sin," as a religious
power, seducing people into apostasy—not a political tyrant
as the Jewish apocalyptic literature described. Paul's reference
to the then-present power, followed by the great apostasy in
the church and the revelation of the seducing power which
lasts until the second advent, must have reminded his readers
of Daniel's prophetic outline of the ages from their day on—
the sequence of the Roman Empire, the great apostasy, and
the second advent.
Antedating the written word of the New Testament was
this sort of oral explanation of the leading prophecies later
contained in it, as derived from Christ, from the book of
Daniel, from the apostles, from revelation, and from con-
temporary Jewish teaching. This period of oral instruction
had continued for probably two decades when Paul wrote,
"When I was yet with you, I told you these things"—that is,
about the "man of sin" whose appearance the letting or hinder-
ing power would retard. The masked conflict between these
two forces was a matter of common knowledge in the Thessa-
lonian church. So what Paul first taught by word of mouth
he now confirmed by epistle. He adds, "Hold the traditions
which ye have been taught, whether by word, or our epistle."
2 Thess. 2:15.
Spiritual gifts, including the gift of prophecy (1 Cor.
12:10-14; Eph. 4:8-13), were a little later declared by Paul to
be for the perfecting of the saints and the unifying of the
faith. They were all given in part, until that which is perfect
is come at the second advent (1 Cor. 13:9, 10), when we shall
see the fullness of light and truth, with no need for inter-
vening agencies of the Spirit between. That glorious day was

to be brought about through the resurrection at the last trump
and through the advent. (1 Cor. 15:23-26, 51-54.)
Then, in First Timothy, Paul stresses latter-day departures
from the faith (1 Tim. 4:1), and likewise, in his second letter
warns of latter-day formalism and spiritual waywardness (2
Tim. 3:1-5), and turning away from sound doctrine just before
the end (2 Tim. 4:1-4).
Again and again Paul stresses the time element in proph-
ecy, as in Galatians 4:4. "But when the fulness of the time was
come, God sent forth His Son, made of a woman, made under
the law." Again, God Math made of one blood all nations
of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath
determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of
their habitation." (Acts 17:26.) And to the Ephesians he writes:
"That in the dispensation of the fulness of times He might
gather together in one all things in Christ." Eph. 1:10.
Paul says little, specifically, about God's future kingdom
of glory; he refers more often to the kingdom of grace. But
he tells the Thessalonians that they are called "unto His
kingdom of glory" (1 Thess. 2:12), and speaks elsewhere of
the time when Christ will finally deliver the kingdom to God
the Father, when He has conquered the last enemy, death.
And 2 Timothy 4:1 locates the time—when Christ "shall
judge the quick and the dead at His appearing and His king-
dom." The same chapter also refers to "His heavenly kingdom."
Paul speaks of the future restoration of the whole creation
(Rom. 8:19-23) in connection with the "redemption of our
body." But he does not cite the Messianic kingdom promises
for an earthly reign during a thousand years. His reference
to the heavenly Jerusalem (Gal. 4:26) is very brief. He uses
it to explain the difference between literal Israel of the flesh
and spiritual Israel of faith. He firmly believes that the Old
Testament prophecies to Israel apply to the Christian church,
for he reiterates the statement that true Israel, to whom belong
the covenants and the promises, is not the nation descended
154 PROPHETIC FAITH
literally from Abraham but the seed of Abraham by faith,

who are the Christians, both Jewish and Gentile alike. (See
Roni. 4:13; 9:4, 6-8; 2:28, 29; 11:16 ff; Gal. 3:16-19, 29.)
X. The Epistles of James, Peter, and Jude

James, writing during this time of Paul, and before John,
foretells the grievous woes to come upon ill-gotten wealth in
the last days, and the conflict between employer and employed
just before the end. (James 5:1-8.)
Peter stresses prophecy as divinely given by the will of
God, to shine as a searchlight pierces the darkness. (2 Peter
1:19.) He admonishes the gospel shepherds to feed the flock
of God, until the Chief Shepherd appears with His crown of
glory for the faithful. (1 Peter 5:2-4.) Likewise he depicts
the last-day scoffers, the fiery destruction of the earth, and
the final restoration.
"Knowing this first, that there shall come in the last days scoffers,
walking after their own lusts, and saying, Where is the promise of His
coming? for since the fathers fell asleep, all things continue as they were
from the beginning of the creation." "But the day of the Lord will come as
a thief in the night; in the which the heavens shall pass away with a great
noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat, the earth also and the
works that are therein shall be burned up. . . . Nevertheless we, according
to His promise, look for new heavens and a new earth, wherein dwelleth
righteousness." 2 Peter 3:3, 4, 10-13.
Peter closes his first epistle, moreover, with the salutation
of "the church that is at Babylon." 1 Peter 5:13. That this
was frequently understood of Rome by early writers will be
subsequently seen.
And Jude admonishes the Christian church to "contend
earnestly for the faith which was once for all delivered unto
the saints" (verse 3, A.R.V.; see also "once for all" in Rother-
ham, Weymouth, Moffatt, Goodspeed, and other versions).
He alludes to Enoch's prophecy of the Lord's return with
His holy ones, to execute judgment on the ungodly (verses
14, 15), and declares the power of God able to keep us from
falling, and to present us faultless at that day.
XI. John's Contribution the Climax of Prophecy
It is believed that John's Gospel, his Epistles, and the

Apocalypse, were all written in the last decade of the first
century. It is to be noted that John, in his Epistles, is the first
and only Bible writer to use the specific term "antichrist," for the
coming apostasy. But he does so with the significant words,
"Ye have heard that antichrist shall come." 1 John 2:18.
This was common knowledge in the church, not only heard
from Jewish literature, but through the teachings of Jesus
and Paul. Paul, many years before, had likewise reminded
the Thessalonians, "Ye know" all about the coming "mystery
of iniquity." As students of the prophecy of Daniel, they could
see the essential equivalence of Paul's malign "man of sin,"
"who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called
God," with Daniel's Little Horn on the fourth or Roman
Beast, that had the "eyes of man, and a mouth speaking great
things"—uttering "great words against the most High." Such
was the concurrence of apostolic teaching with that of the
Old Testament Scriptures.
John's Apocalypse forms the crowning spire of the majestic
temple of Scripture f it is appropriately a glorious prophecy of
the future course and triumph of the Christian church, as well
as a retrospect of her conflicts through the centuries; it consti-
tutes God's final entreaty and admonition to man, with a
thread of deeply spiritual teaching running through all its
mystic symbolism. Let us now analyze the contents of the book
of Revelation. After the introductory letters to the seven
churches (chapters 1-3) the Revelation continues with a de-
scription of the heavenly throne (chapters 4, 5), and then
come the opening of the seven seals (chapters 6-8), the seven
trumpets and their warfare culminating in Christ's possession
of the kingdom (chapters 8, 9, 11:14-19), the mighty angel
and the bitter-sweet book (chapter 10), and the two persecuted
witnesses (chapter 11:1-13). Next are portrayed the dragon
and the woman in the wilderness (chapter 12), the ten-horned
156 PROPHETIC FAITH
leopard beast from the sea and the two-horned beast from the
earth (chapter 13), the climax of heaven's threefold reforma-
tion message to the world, which creates a remnant keeping
"the commandments of God, and the faith of Jesus," and the
last crisis of conflict ending with the harvest of the earth
(chapter 14). Then follow "the seven last plagues," at the end
of which "the cities of the nations fell," "and every island fled
away." (Chapters 15, 16.) Next is pictured the judgment of the
apostate woman, the beast-riding Babylon (chapters 17, 18),
and the culminating second advent of the King of kings
(chapter 19). Then comes the millennium—introduced by the
resurrection of the righteous and closing with the judgment
scene and the destruction of the wicked (chapter 20); and
finally the New Jerusalem and the new earth forever (chapters
21, 22). What a mighty panorama! Only God could devise it!
Only inspiration could depict it!
XII.. Relationship of Daniel and the Apocalypse

When we examine the Revelation closely we find it to
be tied inseparably to the book of Daniel." John's New Testa-
ment symbols are definitely based on the antecedent symbols
of that Old Testament apocalypse. His great prophetic out-
lines parallel, continue, and clarify the symbolic message of
Daniel, and constitute the complement and the completion
of those earlier prophecies. And this is not to be wondered at,
in the light of Christ's singling out of Daniel for such special
emphasis and specific citation.
In this book of Revelation there are constant echoes and
frequent quotations of word or thought from the former
prophet. There are even striking parallels. Note a few of the
similar expressions:
1. The things which must shortly come to pass. (Dan.
2:29, 45; cf. Rev. 1:19; 4:1.)
2. The sweeping away of the fragments of the colossus of
14 Boutflower's parallels are so pertinent that I follow them closely in this section.
world power, so that no place was found for them." (Dan.

2:35; cf. Rev. 20:11.)
3. The composite symbolic beasts. (Daniel 7; cf. Revela-
tion 13.)
4. Compelling men to worship the great image. (Dan.
3:5, 6; cf. Rev. 13:16.)
5. The scenes of judgment. (Dan. 7:13, 14; cf. Rev. 14:7.)
6. Great Babylon. (Dan. 4:30; cf. Rev. 14:8; 17:5; 18:2,
10, 21.)
7. The gods of gold, silver, brass, iron, wood, and stone.
(Dan. 5:23; cf. Rev. 9:20.)
The earlier visions of Daniel are made luminous in the
light of the Revelation. The "Son of man," of Daniel 7:13.,
14, is interpreted in the Revelation just as Christ, Nvhile on
earth, interpreted it to the high priest (Matt. 26:64), for we
are .cold precisely who it is that later comes in the cl-uds of
heaven in tremendous power and glory—"Behold, He [Jesus
Christ, verse 5] cometh with clouds; and every eye shall see
Him." Rev. 1:7 (Mark 14:62). It is the crucified Jesus who
is to come again. His crucifixion, death, resurrection, and
ascension provide the way for the glory of His second advent.
He is again identified as the One who comes riding on a cloud
as the Judge of mankind, as John again sees Him coming "upon
the cloud" to reap the separating harvest of the earth. (Rev.
14:14, 16.)
Christ was seen by John just as "one like the Son of man"
was seen by Daniel. His eyes like flaming fire, and His feet
like burnished brass, and His voice as the voice of many waters,
identify the risen Redeemer who appeared to John as the
Person seen by Daniel on the banks of the river Hiddekel,
or Tigris. (Cf. Rev. 1:13-15; 14:12 with Dan. 7:9; 10:4-6.)
He is described similarly as He again reveals His identity in
the message to the church of Thyatira. (Rev. 2:8.) The over-
powering effect upon both prophets was the same. (Dan. 10:8;
cf. Rev. 1:17.) Further, the man clothed in linen, of Daniel
12:6, 7, standing above the waters, with his right hand lifted
158 PROPHETIC FAITH
to heaven in solemn oath to Him that liveth forever and ever,

speaking concerning the appointed time, is strikingly repeated
in Revelation 10:5, 6. So the Old Testament and New Testa-
ment visions closely parallel each other, and help to explain
and complement each other.
Many obscurities of Daniel are cleared up in the
Revelation. For instance, there is the identification of Daniel's
fourth kingdom. The symbolic "beast" of Revelation 13—which
is followed through to its final stage in Revelation 17—is to
be placed side by side with the vision of the "beasts" of Daniel
7. John sees not a succession of four beasts, rising from the
sea, but now only one—indicating that three have already
arisen and passed away, and that this one that is existent, is
the fourth and last of the series. The beast of Revelation 13
and the fourth beast • and Little Horn of Daniel 7 appear to
symbolize the same empire or world-dominating power. This
is shown not only by means of the telltale feature of the ten
horns (Rev. 13:1; cf. Dan. 7:7, 24), but by their characteristics
and actions.
Daniel did not liken his ten-horned fourth beast to any
specific creature, except to describe it as being "dreadful and
terrible, and strong exceedingly." (Rev. 17:9.) But John de-
scribes his composite leopard beast as an amalgamation of
the first three beasts of Daniel, with body like a leopard, feet
like a bear, and mouth like a lion. (Rev. 17:18.) The analogy
between this beast and the similar seven-headed and ten-
horned beast on which the woman Babylon rides, in Revela-
tion 17, whose heads are specifically described as denoting
seven hills, was strongly suggestive of Rome as the persecuting
and blasphemous power.
Therefore the contemporary reader must have known of
whom John wrote under this figure as plainly as though he
had named Rome, a fact which would have been unwise to
state, for she was still a crushing despotism. Not only had
many classical writers before or during the first century of
the Christian Era, such as Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Proper-
THE PALATINE, ONE OF ROME'S SEVEN IDENTIFYING HILLS
Rome Was Known Throughout the Ancient Classics as the "City of the Seven Hills," and Is
Represented Thus on a Coin of the Empire. (See Illustration on Page 160.) Part of the Roman
Forum Appears in the Foreground, With the Palace of Caligula at the Right. When John Wrote
of the Symbolic Woman on the Seven Mountains, Everyone Knew He Wrote of Rome
tius, Ovid, Silius Italicus, Statius, Claudius, and Martial,

written of Rome as the seven-hilled city," but the emperor
Vespasian (69-79), in A.D. 71, placed on the reverse side of
a coin bearing his likeness a symbol of Rome as a woman
seated upon seven hills, with the traditional wolf suckling the
two orphans, Romulus and Remus, by her side—the insigne
of the city of Rome to this present day. And underneath is
given the explicit identification, "Roma." " (See illustration
on page 160.)
Is Christopher Wordsworth, e New Testament . . . in . . Greek, on Revelation
17:1; see also H. Grattan Guinness, City of the Seven Hills, Appendix, Note I.
II "A.D. 71. . . . Roma with her seven eh s—ills—iiously a well-known representation, as
a passage like Revelations [sic) xvii. . isiscertainlya 'Roma Renascens.' " (Harold
proves—
Mattingly, The Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, vol. 2, p. Ivi; see also
illustration, plate 34, . no. 5, p. 187, no. 774; this same included in Henry Cohen, Description
historique des monnases frappies sous l'emptre romain, vol. I, p. 398, no. 404.) See reproduction
on page 160.
159
ROMAN COINS REFLECT ROMAN HISTORY
On Reverse Side of Coin of Augustus Caesar, Who Ruled When Christ Was Born, Was the Like-
ness of a Winged Beast Similar to Prophetic Symbols Employed by Daniel (Upper Left); Striking
Symbol of Rome as a Woman Sitting on the Famed Seven Hills, With the Identifying Insigne of
the Wolf Suckling the Two Orphans, Romulus and Remus, on Reverse Side of a Vespasian Coin
of A.D. 71 (Upper Right); Another Vespasian Coin Commemorating the Captivity of the Jews
(Judaea Capta) With Jewish Maiden Sitting Dejectedly Under a Palm Tree (Lower Left); In-
scription Addressed to the Holy Sun God (Lower Right)
We have seen that the whole gospel message of the apostles

was interwoven with the luminous strands of prophecy. The
apostolic witness to the Messiahship of Jesus was based upon and
tied inseparably into prophecy. The whole New Testament
contains a fundamentally prophetic message—the kingdom of
grace which was to be established in men's hearts during the
Christian Era, and the future kingdom of glory at the return
of Jesus. The apostolic church was thus a prophecy-conscious
and prophecy-instructed body, understanding the times. They
were acquainted with the prophetic outline of the future, and
knew where they were living in relation to God's schedule of
the ages up to their time, for the seventy weeks of years they
knew were ended after the Messiah had been cut off, and the
sacrifice and oblation made to cease. Rome—the fourth pro-
phetic world power—filled the civilized world, and was soon
recognized, as will be seen, as the predicted restrainer of that
prophesied falling away that was the concern of the prophets
and the fear of the church. The historical records showing
the fulfillment of prophecy, now clear to us, were vivid, present-
day realities to them.
160
XIII. Revealings of Prophecy Are Progressive

The revealings of prophecy have been progressive."
Through Daniel, the early church learned of the coming of
the Son of man in connection with the destruction of the
dominion of the Little Horn and the establishment of Christ's
future kingdom. Through Paul, the Thessalonian error was
corrected and the Little Horn, the persecutor of the saints,
was expounded as the Man of Sin to sit before long in the
"temple of God."
In Second Thessalonians it was revealed that the "day
of Christ" begins with the stroke upon "that Wicked" (Anti-
christ), whom the Lord will consume with the "breath [A.R.V.]
of His mouth," and destroy with the "brightness of His com-
ing." (2 Thess. 2:8.) To the New Testament church was re-
vealed what before had been expressed only in prophetic sym-
bols. Thus the initial visions of Daniel are the ikfulgent torch 's
illuminating the e,ati,-e second-advent teaching of Paul, Tnhn
and even of Christ Himself, flaming across the whole of the
New Testament.
The doctrine of the establishment of the glorious, visible
kingdom of God at the second advent, with the putting away
of all earthly kingdoms, which had its foundation rooted in
the prophecies of Daniel, was completed in the visions of John.
It was given to Daniel to specify the vain splendor, the time.
of duration, and the catastrophic fall of the succession of
earthly kingdoms that should ultimately give place to the
kingdom of God to rise upon their ruins. The prophecies of
Daniel were a prophetic outline of future events, projecting
a series of four successive world empires, with the Little Horn
continuing until the finishing of the mystery of God.
Now, more than six hundred years after Daniel's day, the
beloved John amplified the steps that would mark out the
r, This principle has been well described: "God is the same throughout all eternity, but
He has seen fit to reveal more and more about Himself as His people were prepared to receive
more. It should be recognized also that the Conservative emphasizes the term 'progressive
revelation'; he does not think of the Bible as simply the record of the progressive discovery of
truth." (Cartledge, op. cit., p. 21.)
6
162 PROPHETIC FAITH
way for the establishment of the new kingdom, as inaugurated
by the second advent. So the prophetic page of John came to
be regarded as a compend, only more in detail, of the chief
events and results of history in relation to the coming king-
dom. It was looked upon as a further development of the
vision of Daniel, depicting particularly the rise and fall of the
apostasy variously called Antichrist, the Man of Sin, and the
Little Horn; for the first three of the world empires had already
passed away, and Rome then ruled the world in John's time,
although its final overthrow through division was then in the
offing.
The fulfillment of the prophetic outline had progressed
from Babylonia, then Persia, on through Greece, and now for
more than two centuries Rome had been the leading world
power. And it still ruled, and so constituted a "let," or hin-
drance, to Antichrist's emergence. But this restraint would pass,
and then Antichrist would come. This was accepted as a founda-
tional fact generally among the early Christians in the Roman
Empire.
XIV. Uplifted Gaze of the Apostolic Church
The early attitude of the apostolic church is aptly epito-
mized in the graphic words of the opening chapter of Acts:
"Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing up into heaven?"
Acts 1:11. This is uttered not for rebuke but for explanation,
and expressed the primitive uplook of the church. The Saviour
has ascended. The great High Priest has passed out of sight
within the heavens and the angel spokesmen say, "This same
Jesus, which is taken up from you into heaven, shall so come
in like manner as ye have seen Him go into heaven." Verse 11.
This is the earliest postascension announcement of the gospel
of the advent hope which at the first was spoken of by the
Lord Himself when He said, "If I go . . . , I will come' again."
John 14:3. Now it is confirmed by angels and reiterated by
apostles and seers, until the last page of Revelation declares,
"Surely I come quickly." Rev. 22:20.
Belief in the second advent, the crowning event in

redemption, constitutes the crowning article of the Christian
faith. Added to Christ's sinless life, His vicarious, atoning
death, and triumphant resurrection, there follows His medi-
atorial priesthood in the heavens. And to the inspired declara-
tion, "We have a great high priest, that is passed into the
heavens" (Heb. 4:14), is added the inseparable truth, "Unto
them that look for Him shall He appear the second time with-
out sin unto salvation" (Heb. 9:28).
The apostolic church believed, then, that a vital part of
the provision for redemption is that, having entered into the
heavenly sanctuary to make intercession for us, He was to come
forth at the last day to gather His saints, as the crowning act
of redemption. And the attitude of the men of Galilee be-
came the permanent attitude of the primitive church of the
first century—waiting "for His Son from heaven." 1 Thess.
1:10. But while the early Christians waited for the return of
their Lord, they did not sit in idieneSs; they had a program
of action, as a modern writer says.
"These first century Christians were in training for life in a new
World. Joy in the Lord of heaven and earth quite overcame anxiety about
the cessation of one kind of life and the beginning of another. . . . Await-
ing the end which they deemed a new beginning, they were constructively
active serving their fellows, putting human need foremost and thrusting
property far down the scale in value." 18
This early advent expectancy is forcefully set forth by
Latourette:
"To many of the early disciples, perhaps to the overwhelming
majority, the early return of their Lord was an inspiring hope. That return
would mean the victory of Christ. Right would prevail and God's will
would be fully done. Of that they had no doubt. A new heaven and a new
earth would appear in which righteousness would dwell. But had any one
suggested that this would come by slow stages and without the sudden
irruption of divine judgment they would have looked at him in puzzled
incomprehension. The gradual evolution of a perfect order would have
been to them an entirely alien idea." '9
to Wesner Fallaw, "Atomic Apocalypse," The Christian Century. Sept. 25, 1946 (vol. 63.
no.
3914 Kennet
kInie4t61;Scott Latourette, The Christian Outlook, p. 189.
164 PROPHETIC FAITH
XV. Full-rounded Prophetic Foundation Summarized
Summarizing the teachings of the apostolic age, we find
these composite facts and principles:
1. The year-day principle is certified by the fulfillment
of the seventy weeks.
2. The crucifixion, the resurrection, and Pentecost fulfill
the prophetic types and times.
3. Rome is the fourth empire in the prophetic line of
world powers.
4. Christ's outline prophecy spans the entire Christian Era.
5: The abomination of desolation is identified as the
Roman army.
6. Jerusalem's imminent destruction by the Romans is

prophesied.
7. God's appointed "times and seasons" are repeatedly

mentioned.
8. The Roman Empire restrains the coming of the ec-
clesiastical "falling away."
9. The period of greatest persecution follows the destruc-

tion of the restraining Roman Empire.
10. Celestial signs, as precursors of the second advent, are

specified.
11. Social, political, religious, and economic signs are out-
lined.
12. The second advent is the climax of the prophetic out-
lines.
13. The preaching of the gospel of the kingdom is followed
by the end of the gospel age.
14. Prophecy embraces prophetic promises, parables, types,

and symbols.
15. Babylon is identified as Rome.
16. Antichrist's coming is awaited.
17. John's outline prophecies parallel Daniel's outlines,
only now from Rome onward.
18. Paul's Man of Sin and John's Beast parallel Daniel's
Little Horn.
19. The millennium is introduced by the second advent,
and bounded by the two resurrections.
20. The kingdom of God is to be established by the second
advent.
21. The new earth follows the close of the reign of sin.
Such is the magnificent prophetic foundation laid for the

early church by Christ and the apostles. So clear, so strong,
were these teachings on prophecy that, despite later devel-
opments, the early prophetic interpretation persisted, as will
be seen, for centuries—until, and into, the period of the
division of Rome by the barbarian tribes. And so widely were
these New Testament prophecies propagated in language and
geographical distribution in Christian writings that they soon
extended from Africa in the South, northward to Britain, and
from Gaul in the West across Europe, eastward to Asia Minor,
and into Syria and Persia. And the priceless records of these
teachings are left for us in Latin, Greek, Syriac, Ethiopic, and
Hebrew, as succeeding chapters will indicate.
After the introductory chapters (1-4), which give the
setting of the great books of Biblical prophecy, we have
paused, before entering upon the survey of men's inter-
pretations of these prophecies, to summarize (in chapters 5
and 6) the contents of the prophecies themselves—the Scrip-
tural source of the later interpretations. And now that we
16(i PROPHETIC FAITH
have looked at the foundations—the inspired teachings of the

Bible writers and of Christ Himself—we turn in the next
chapter to the development of prophetic exposition, begin-
ning with the earliest surviving pre-Christian Jewish inter-
pretations of the Old Testament prophecies. These are the at-
tempts of men to understand and expound the prophecies of
God, to interpret their symbolism, for prophecy was recognized
as the divine depiction of things to come, the larger outline of
things to be.
CHAPTER SEVEN
Pre-Christian Interpretations of Daniel
Leaving now the preliminary survey of the prophecies

and prophetic interpretation in the Bible itself, let us take
up the line of expositors through the centuries. In order to
do this, we must go back to the pre-Christian Jewish exposi-
tion of Old Testament prophecies. The original Alexandrian
Septuagint version of Daniel incorporates what appears to be
the earliest atteMpi to give an interpretation of some of the
prophetic terms appearing throughout the prophecies of
Daniel. But we shall pause here to mention a tradition related
by Josephus concerning the high priest in the time of Alex-
ander the Great—a tradition which, if true, would furnish
a still earlier example of a prophetic exposition presented as
currently fulfilling. Even though the incident is discounted by
historians, the prophetic interpretation involved in it evidently
represents the belief current at the time of the origin of the
tradition, whether early or late.
I. Tradition Connects Alexander With Daniel's Prophecy

According to Josephus' account, Jaciclua (or Jadcas) was
the Jewish high priest about 332 B.C. Watching the meteoric
rise of Alexander the Great, he was presumed to have under-
stood from the prophet Daniel that Persia, then ruling the
world, was about to give place to Grecia—that it was, indeed,
the transition hour from the second to the third of the world
empires of prophecy. The Babylonian monarchy had long
167
168 PROPHETIC FAITH
since passed away, and the victorious Persians had established

their much larger empire. But they had long ago felt the
power of the Greeks at Marathon and Salamis, and now,
having already suffered the defeats of Granicus and Issus, were
about to receive their death blow at the battle of Gaugamela
(or Arbela).
Alexander, flushed with his first triumph over Darius at
Granicus, had assumed the role of victor, and demanded aux-
iliaries and supplies from the Jews. But Jaddua returned
answer that he was in league with Darius, and was resolved
to maintain his good faith. Alexander, occupied with the
siege of Tyre, contented himself by threatening Jaddua with
chastisement, vowing that through him he would show the
world with whom it was essential to keep treaty. Upon the fall
of Tyre and Gaza, says Josephus, Alexander marched straight
for Jerusalem.'
Warned in a dream, Jaddua adorned the city, opened the
gates, and went forth to meet the Macedonian conqueror in
his high priest's robes and sacred miter, accompanied by the
priests and followed by a multitude of the people clothed in
white. Then the incredible happened. Alexander prostrated
himself before Jaddua, or, as he explained it, to the sacred
name inscribed on the golden plate on the high priest's miter,
for he recognized the costume of the mysterious person who
in a dream had promised him divine aid in conquering the
Persians. Then he entered the city and offered sacrifice.'
Alexander was shown the portion of the prophecy of
Daniel indicating his part in the overthrow of Persia—obvi-
ously the prophecy of the notable horn-king on the Grecian
he-goat that smote the Persian ram, as recorded in Daniel
8:20, 21. The prophetic picture thus presented was, of course,
favorable to Alexander's plans and desires, and he consequently
showed extraordinary favors to the Jews. Josephus describes
1 Josephus, Antiquities, book 11, chap. 8, secs. 3, 4, in Loeb Classical Library, T/osephus,
vol. 6, pn. 465, 467, 469, 471.
2 Ibid., secs. 4, 5, pp. 471, 473, 475, 477.
PRE-CHRISTIAN INTERPRETATIONS OF DANIEL 169
this phase of the meeting of priest and monarch in these words:

"And, when the book of Daniel was shown to him [Alexander], in
which he had declared that one .of the Greeks would destroy the crnpirc of
the Persians, he [Alexander]. believed himself to be the one indicated; and
in his joy he dismissed the multitude for the time being, but on the following
day he summoned them again and told them to ask for any gifts which they
might desire. When the high priest asked that they might observe their
country's laws and in the seventh year be exempt from tribute, he granted
all this. Then they begged that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and
Media also to have their own laws, and he gladly promised to do as they
asked." 3
It is desirable to note that Jaddua is represented as
interpreting that section of Daniel's prophecy under current
fulfillment in the very transition hour from the Medo-Persian
to the Grecian Empire, and explaining it directly to the great
conqueror, Alexander the Great. This parallels Daniel's inter-
pretation to the leading monarchs of Babylon and Persia.
IL Paraphrastic Septuagint Translation of Daniel

Let us now examine the Alexandrian-Jewish prophetic
interpretation found in certain expressions which were in-
jected into the Septuagint version of the book of Daniel in
translating it from Hebrew and Aramaic into Greek.
1. OLD TESTAMENT VERSION FOR GREEK-SPEAKING JEWS.—
Jewish tradition says that Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 B.c.)
requested that the Jewish Sacred Writings be translated as
an acquisition to the great Alexandrian library, and that this
translation was accomplished by about seventy Jewish scholars
(specifically, seventy-two), at Alexandria, at this king's request.'
Hence the name of the version, from the Latin septuaginta,
seventy, and its symbol LXX. According to Philo, himself an
Alexandrian Jew, this work of translation continued to be cele-
brated in his day (c. A.D. 40) by an annual festival on the isle of
Ibid., sec. 5, pp. 477, 479.

3
Ibid., book 12, chap. 2, vol. 7, p. 31. See also Alexander James Grieve, "Septuagint,
4
The." Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 20, pp. 335, 336; Henry Barclay Swete, An Introduction
to the Old Testament in Greek, pp. 9-20.
I7(1 PROPHETIC FAITH
Pharos,' which was famous for its lighthouse, one of the seven
wonders of the ancient world.
Most of the citations which Christ used from the Old Testa-
V ment, as given in our Greek New Testament text, came from the
Septuagint. And Philo, Paul, the Apostolic Fathers, and the
early ecclesiastical writers preferred to quote from the Septua-
gint rather than from the Hebrew Bible. The Introduction to
a Bagster edition of this version observes:
"The Septuagint version having been current for about three cen-
turies before the time when the books of the New Testament were written,
it is not surprising that the Apostles should have used it more often than
not in making citations from the Old Testament. They used it as an
honestly-made version in pretty general use at the time when they wrote.
They did not on every occasion give an authoritative translation of each
passage de novo, but they used what was already familiar to the ears of con-
verted Hellenists, when it was sufficiently accurate to suit the matter in
hand. In fact, they used it as did their contemporary Jewish writers, Philo
and Josephus, but not, however. with the blind implicitness of the for-
mer." "
The so-called Seventy would not have been so much the
translators as the authorizers of the work, the production
doubtless being the labor of a few individuals whose work
was submitted to the group. In numerous places the Septuagint
takes considerable liberty with the original, to show the trans-
lator's idea of the sense.
"In estimating the general character of the version, it must be remem-
bered that the translators were Jews, full of traditional thoughts of their
own as to the meaning of Scripture; and thus nothing short of a miracle
could have prevented them from infusing into their version the thoughts
which were current in their own minds. They could only translate
passages as they themselves understood them. This is evidently the case
when their work is examined." '
This practice of free translation doubtless gave rise to
the saying that these translators were "not mere interpreters
but hierophants and prophets."
5 Philo Judaeus, On the Life of Moses, book 2, chap. 7, in The Works of Philo 3udaeus,
tr. by C. D. Yonge (Bohn ed.), vol. 3, pp. 82, 83.
6 The Septuagint Version of the Old Testament With an English Translation, Introduc.
tion, p. iv.
7 Ibid., p.
Philo. On the Life of Moses, book 2, chap. 7, in Works, vol. 3, p. 82.
PRE-CHRISTIAN INTERPRETATIONS OF DANI EL 171
The whole Old Testament was not executed at one time.

Even the tradition which credits the enterprise to Ptolemy
says that he received only the Pentateuch from the Jews; the
Prophets were translated later, and the Writings perhaps in
the second and first centuries B.C. Daniel was evidently trans-
lated in the second century, for this version of it is echoed in
the first book of Maccabees; and from the mention of the
Romans, it appears to have been executed before their power
had collided with the Jews.
2. INTERPRETATIVE TRANSLATION REVEALS PROPHETIC
INTERPRETATION.—The original Alexandrian Septuagint ver-
sion of Daniel was later rejected by both Jews and Christians
because of its interpretative quality—taking undue liberties
with the text, inserting words, and injecting a definite inter-
pretation. That is why the text of Daniel appearing in most.
Septuagint editions today is not, be it pm-ticularly obserVed,
the original Daniel of the Septuagint. This original translation
dropped out of general circulation during the second century
A.D. It was supplanted by Theodotion's version, more literal
and freer of paraphrase, which to this day is published as
part of the standard Septuagint Old Testament.
It has been noted that this Greek version of the Old
Testament was begun during the reign of Ptolemy Plaila-
delphus, with the Pentateuch produced first and the other
portions following. Later, when the Jews of Palestine and
those of Egypt became estranged, two extreme attitudes de-
veloped toward the Septuagint. An attempt was made by one
group to claim divine sanction for the translation. On the
other hand, the dangers threatening the Jewish faith from
the spread of Greek ideologies led the orthodox Jews of
Palestine to refer to the day on which the Septuagint appeared
as one that was as fatal to Israel as that on which the golden
calf was made at Horeb.' According to Jerome, the church as a
whole later rejected this Alexandrian translation of Daniel.
Charles H. II. NVrigikt, pp. 59. 60,
172 PROPHETIC FAITH
"The Septuagint version of Daniel the prophet is not read by the

Churches of our Lord and Saviour. They use Theodotion's version, but
how this came to pass I cannot tell. . . . This one thing I can affirm—
that it [the LXX] differs widely from the original, and is rightly rejected.""
"Whence by judgment of the masters of the church, their edition has
been repudiated in this volume, and the common edition of Theodotion is
read, which agrees both with the Hebrew and the other translators. Whence
also Origen in the ninth volume of Stromata asserts that he discusses the
things which follow this place in the prophet Daniel [4:6], not according
to the Seventy interpreters, who dissent much from the truth of the Hebrew,
but according to the edition of Theodotion." "
The numerous interpretative paraphrases in the Septua-
gint Daniel not only clearly reveal certain understandings
of the prophetic symbol then current, but also, incidentally,
have a bearing on the authenticity of the prophecies of Daniel.
They are a weighty argument against placing Daniel in the
time of Antiochus Epiphanes. Josephus places the close of the
Old Testament canon some four hundred years before Christ,
or more than two centuries before Antiochus. In any event,
a considerable period must have elapsed between the original
writing of the book of Daniel and its translation into Greek,
as the text of such additions as the History of Susanna was
confessedly written later in Greek. The Septuagint translation
of Daniel contained so many alterations and modifications that,
in order to account for these, Dr. Pusey reasons that an extended
time must have elapsed before the translation was made." His
reason is plausible.
10 Jerome, Preface to Daniel, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, p. 492.
"It is well known that Daniel in the text of the LXX. is preserved in one [Greek] MS.
only, a cursive, and not earlier than the ninth century. Before the days of Jerome the Church
had ceased to read the Septuagint of Daniel, its room having been filled by the version attributed
to Theodotion . . as the Greek Daniel of the Church Bible." (H. B. Swete, Editor's Introduc-
tion, in The Old Testament in Greek According to the Septuagint, vol. 3, p. v.)
11 Translated from Jerome, Commentaria in Danielem, comment on Dan. 4:6, in Migne,
PL, vol. 25 col. 514.
So thoroughly was the LXX version of Daniel discarded by the early church that it is
now extant only in a single codex of the Chigi Library, Rome—a cursive manuscript (the
Codex Chisianus) containing some of the prophets from Origen's Tetrapla, including the LXX
and Theodotion versions of Daniel; the text, however, is corroborated by a Syriac manuscript
of translations from the Hexapla. (See pages 314, 315.) This Chisian Daniel was first published
in 1772 at Rome by S. de Magistris (?), and later by Michaelis, Segaar, Bugati, Hahn, and
finally in a critical edition by Cozza, 1877. (See Swete, An Introduction to the Old Testament
in Greek, pp. 47, 193; also his edition of The Old Testament in Greek, vol. 3, pp. vi, xii.)
For the LXX text of Daniel, printed along with that of Theodotion, see the scholarly
editions of Holmes and Parsons (Oxford, 1798-1827), Tischendorf (Leipzig, the 1850 and six
later editions including a third posthumous edition brought out by Nestle. 1887), Swete (Cam-
bridge, 1887-94; 4th ed. reprinted 1925-1930), and RahIfs (Stuttgart, 1935).
52 E. B. Pusey, Daniel the Prophet, pp. 376-379. For a discussion of the additions and
alterations, see his note E, pp. 606-619, and pp. 379, 380 for Daniel 9:24-27.
III. Variations Injected in Daniel 9

The original Alexandrian version of Daniel avoided
Hebraisms which that of Theodotion subsequently restored,
but the earlier translation contained glosses on the text, and
in the historical portion expressions appear that were evidently
intended to make the narrative more acceptable and under-
standable." In the passage on the seventy weeks in Daniel 9,
attempts were made to modify the text so as to give it the
obvious appearance of an early fulfillment, in the time of
Antiochus Epiphanes. There are noticeable differences between
this paraphrasing of the text of Daniel 9 and the Masoretic
Hebrew text which is the basis of our English versions.
The first twenty-three verses are faithfully rendered, says
Boutflower, but the reconstruction of the vision of the seventy
weeks (verses 24-27) makes the real intent of the original
scarcely recognizable. The translator not only turns c^—en-
tator but dismembers the text. Then he attempts, rather un-
successfully, to put together again what was once a glorious,
far-reaching prophecy." The result is a distortion and confu-
sion of this four-verse section. In verse 24 the term "anoint"
is replaced by "gladden." In verse 25 the differences are many
—not a single clause remaining intact. The date from which
the prophecy was designed to start disappears—the only idea
left being the rebuilding of Jerusalem. So the key to the tim-
ing was definitely taken away. That made any application, as
to time, well-nigh impossible.
In verse 26 there is an expansion of the "threescore and
two weeks" period into "seven and seventy and sixty-two."
Instead of the "cutting off" of "the anointed one," a double
action concerning the anointing is made out—the anointing
to be removed, and the anointed one to be corrupted or
destroyed, as well as the city and the sanctuary.
In verse 27, instead of "seven weeks, and threescore and
two weeks," we find "seven and seventy times and 62 of years-
18Ibid., pp. 376, 377.
" Boutflower, op. cit., pp. 170-172.
174 PROPHETIC FAITH
—the significantly interpretative phrase "of years" being in-

serted. This, says Pusey, is actually a falsification of the time.
Boutflower explains that, when the vowel points are omitted,
the same Hebrew characters (shb'im) stand for both "weeks"
and "seventy," thus rendering it easy to confuse the intent
of the original prophecy.'
The significant point here is the phrase "62 of years."
Sixty-two what of years? Evidently, from the context of the
seventy-week prophecy, it must mean sixty-two weeks of years.'"
Then, the confirming of the covenant with many for
"one week" is replaced by "the covenant shall have power
with many," and the "one week" by "many weeks." Finally,
the "midst of the week" becomes "the end of the week." " This
amazing performance of mangling the prophecy, in an attempt
to apply it prematurely, would inevitably neutralize any clear
prophetic basis for an advent expectancy at the time of the
first advent, except in the Hebrew originals. Such was the
serious aspect of this Alexandrian translator's attempt to
tamper with the reading of Daniel 9:24-27 in the Greek.
IV. Four Vital Interpretative Principles Injected

In spite of the impropriety of the Septuagint translators
injecting their own interpretation into a version, their pro-
cedure is useful to us because it reflects certain of their
prophetic interpretations, thereby unwittingly revealing the
Jewish prophetic understanding of the times, which is what
we seek. There are four of these principles that are noteworthy.
1. IN DANIEL 4: 16 AND 32—"TIMES" REGARDED AS YEARS.
—In place of the "seven times" of Nebuchadnezzar's humili-
ation, the expression is four times rendered "seven years" in
Boutflower, op. cit., pp. 173, 174; Pusey, op. cit., p. 379.
16 Sixty-two is given as the Greek numeral, and "years" is in the genitive case, atilt. We
are told that in Greek a point of time is expressed by the locative case (as "in the year of the
flood"); an extent of time is expressed by the accusative (as "he ruled three years"), and the
kind of time by the genitive ("at night he needs a lantern"). Thus "years" denotes the kind of
time being measured—periods of years, not of days or of some other unit. (See A. T. Robertson
and W.laHersey Davis, A Short Grammar of the Greek Testament, pp. 227, 236.)
Pusey, op. cit., p. 379. Charles H. H. Wright likewise makes extensive observations on
these Septuagint alterations in his Daniel and His Prophecies, pp. 201-223.
the LXX—though the phrase occurs in verses 13, 29, and 30

in the LXX, because the verses are differently divided. In
further confirmation of this year-time principle, the LXX in
Daniel 11:13 states that the king of the north comes "at the
end of a time, of a year." This key principle of a time for
a year carries over into the Christian Era and reappears con-
stantly, as will later become apparent.
2. IN DANIEL 7: 17—" KINGS" INTERPRETED AS KINGDOMS.
—Instead of "four kings," as in the Hebrew, the LXX (and
also the Theodotion version) reads, "These great beasts are
four kingdoms"—obviously the true sense, as the fourth beast
is explicitly declared to be the "fourth kingdom."
3. IN DANIEL I 1 :30—"SHIPs OF CHITTIM" CONSTRUED AS
THE ROMANS.—Furthermore, in the developing line of succes-
sive prophetic empires, the fourth, or Roman power, is here
definitely discerned, though it had not yet taken over the
dominion from Greece, the third prophetic empire. in place
of the "ships of Chittim," in Daniel 11:30, the LXX drops
all prophetic reserve and plainly declares, "And the Romans
shall come and expel him, and rebuke him strongly." On this
rendering, Pusey makes this pertinent comment:
"The translation of the later historical 'Prophecy, (ch. xi.) is remark-
able in another way. The prediction is to have been, (Porphyry and his
school say,) history in the form of prophecy, because it is so exact. Of all
this historical prophecy, the translator understood well one part, just that
which a Jew, living at the time at Alexandria, would know, or what
happened in Egypt itself. He paraphrases rightly the words, 'there shall
come ships of chittim,' by, 'And the Romans shall come and shall expel
him, and shall rebuke him strongly,' in allusion to the peremptory way
in which Popilius cut short the subterfuges of Epiphanes."
4. IN DANIEL 9:25-27—"WEEKS" UNDERSTOOD AS "OF
YEARS."—Striking and significant is the injection of the inter-
pretative "of years" into the numerals of the prophecy of the
seventy weeks.' It should he noted that in this first inter-
is op. cit., p. 377.
See page 173. For an English translation of the Septuagint of Daniel 9:24-27, see
19
Pusey, op. cit., p. 379; for the German, see Franz Fratcll, Dta Exegcsc der Siekig Wochen
Daniels, pp. 4-10.
176 PROPHETIC FAITH
pretation of Daniel, giving mere flashes of third century B.C.
prophetic understanding, the first recorded exposition of time
prophecy appears--the application concerning the "sixty-two
of years" in the seventy weeks pertaining to the Jews, which
if followed through would bring them face to face with the
first advent and the suffering Messiah. The time had not yet
come for emphasis to be centered on the second advent, the
first advent being the immediate concern. This prophetic
exposition "of years," hints of the year-day principle, which
was later to become an abiding heritage in the Christian Era,
and never to be lost throughout succeeding centuries by either
Jewish or Christian expositors, as our quest will disclose.
V. Authenticity of "2300" of Daniel 8:14 Indisputably

Established
In the nineteenth century considerable discussion took
place among prophetic expositors over the proper rendering
of the period of Daniel 8:14 appearing in Theodotion's Greek
version—whether it was rightly 2400 days, as printed in the
then-current Septuagint editions, based on the Vatican manu-
script, or whether it should read 2300, as it appeared in the
Alexandrine Codex and other Greek manuscripts, in agree-
ment with the Hebrew. During the Advent Awakening in
Great Britain in the early decades of that century, James H.
Frere (d. 1866) and Edward Irving (d. 1834) based their
interpretation of this period on 2400 years, but William Cun-
inghame (d. 1849) and Joshua W. Brooks (d. 1882) contended
that the 2400 of the printed edition was a typographical error,
and not a rendering of the 2300 of the Vatican manuscript
itself.' This point is not merely a technical and trivial one;
it touches vital aspects of our future study and warrants a
succinct statement of the problem.
20 William Cuninghame, The Scheme of Prophetic Arrangement of the Rev. Edward

Irving and Mr. Frere Critically Examined, pp. 76, 77; Joshua W. Brooks, editorial in The
Investigator, or Monthly Expositor and Register, on Prophecy, July, 1832 (vol. 1, no. 12), p. 441.
(See Prophetic Faith, Volume III, pp. 273, 274, 377-380, et al.)
There are four primary printed editions of the Septuagint,
all of them containing the Theodotion translation of Daniel.
These are:
I. The Complutensian (1514-17), derived from several
manuscripts.
2. The Aldine (1518/19),21 derived from several manu-
scripts.
3. The Sixtine, or Roman (1587), based chiefly on the
Codex Vaticanus, but containing readings from other manu-
scripts as well.
4. The Oxford, or Grabian (1707-20), based principally
on the Codex Alexandrinus, with variant readings from other
sources distinguished from the text.
Only the Sixtine reads 2400 days; the others give 2300.
But this printed edition has generally been followed in later
editions which attempted to represent the Vatican text, even
long after it was known that the Vatican manuscript itself
read 2300.
These four primary editions of the Septuagint all contain
the Theodotion version of Daniel, for the manuscripts upon
which they are based—in fact, all the Greek manuscripts of
Daniel except one—came from Bibles of the early church, which
had adopted Theodotion's version in place of the original. But
in 1772 came the first printing of the Septuagint Daniel from
the Chigi manuscript. It was from this Chisian text of Daniel
that Cuninghame in 1826 quoted a note remarking on the
erroneous 2400 in the printed "Vatican," that is the Sixtine,
edition, and stating that the Vatican manuscript reads 2300.'
The eminent Greek scholar, Samuel P. Tregelles (d.
1875), made the specific declaration that in 1845 he person-
ally had examined the ancient Vatican manuscript itself, and
21 February, 1519, according to our present calendar. This was before the Gregorian
revision, and 1518, Old Style, did not end until March. See Volume 111, p. 117n.
Cuninghame, Scheme, p. 77.
178 PROPHETIC FAITH
found that it reads 2300, not 2400. Here is Tregelles' explicit

attestation:
"Some writers on prophecy have, in their explanations or interpreta-
tions of this vision, adopted the reading 'two thousand and four hundred
days'; and in vindication of it, they have referred to the common printed
copies of the LXX. version. In this book, however, the translation of
Theodotion has been long substituted for the real LXX.: and further,
although 'two thousand four hundred' is found in the common printed
Greek copies, that is merely an erratum made in printing the Vatican
edition of 1586, which has been habitually perpetuated. I looked [in 1845]
at the passage in the Vatican MS., which the Roman edition professedly
followed, and it reads exactly the same as the Hebrew text; so also does
the real LXX. of Daniel. [So too Cardinal Mai's edition from the Vatican
MS. which appeared in 1857.]" "
But the most common editions of the Septuagint have
until recently contained the number 2400 in Daniel 8:14,
taken directly or indirectly from the Sixtine text. They fre-
quently, but not always, carry the variant reading 2300 in the
margin credited to the Codex Alexandrinus. Such popular
editions as Bagster's, taken from the Bagster Polyglot (issued
in 1821, '26, '31, '51, '69, '78, and probably later in undated
printings) carry 2400 in the text and 2300 in the margin.
Even the Oxford editions (1848, '75) and Tischendorf's (1850,
'56, '60, '69, '75, '80, '87), giving both Theodotion and LXX
versions of Daniel, have 2400 as the Theodotion rendering
and 2300 as the Septuagint, as if the two numbers were due
to the difference between the two ancient versions.
But since the actual Vatican manuscript has become more
accessible, and published in dependable facsimile form, modern
scholarly editions have entirely dropped the reading 2400. Of
course, Septuagint Bibles based on the Codex Alexandrinus,
such as the Grabian and certain Greek Orthodox editions, give
2300; but also modern editions based on the Codex Vaticanus
are taken from the facsimile reproductions of the manuscript
itself " rather than the mixed text of the Sixtine edition. For
S. P. Tregelles, Remarks on the Prophetic Visions in the Book of Daniel, p. 89n.
(Bracketed sentence appears in original.)
24 The greatest nineteenth-century Biblical scholars had had little opportunity to do
critical work on the Vatican text because of the jealousy with which the Roman authorities
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TEXT OF VATICAN MANUSCRIPT OF DANIEL 8:14 READS "2300"

Photographic Facsimile of Opening Verses of Daniel 1, of Vatican Manuscript, "Gr. 1200 (Codex
B)," containing the Later Theodotion Version of Daniel That Supplanted the Original Alex-
andrian Version of the LXX of Daniel (Left Column). Text of Daniel 8:6-11 and 8:11-18, Show-
ing Beyond Doubt That in Spite of the Misprint, "2400," in Many Printed Copies, the Original
Manuscript Actually Reads Two Thousand Three Hundred (Triakosini, 300). as Indicated by
the Arrow (Center and Right Columns)
example, those of Swete (Cambridge, 1887-94; latest edition

1925-30) and Rahlfs (Stuttgart, 1935) have 2300 in both Theo-
dotion and LXX versions of Daniel, and do not even deign to
mention the erroneous 2400 in a note.
However, because so many copies are still afloat bearing the
old Sixtine error, 2400, and because these facts and conclusions
might still be questioned by some who have not personally seen
guarded the manuscript after they had recovered it from Napoleon's spoils of war. Neither
Tregelles in 1845 nor Tischendorf in 1843 and 1866 had been allowed to make a full examination
of the codex. The edition printed by Mai in 1828-38 (which reads 2300) was not published until
1857. Coca's 1881 type facsimile was more accurate, but not until 1890 did the Vatican Press
issue a really adequate photographic facsimile of the manuscript. (Swete, An Introduction to the
Old Testament in Greek, p. 127.)
lig
180 PROPHETIC FAITH
the visual evidence, a reproduction of the page from the treas-

ured Vatican manuscript is here presented (see illustration on
page 179), so that all who desire may see for themselves that the
text of the Vatican manuscript definitely reads 8Loxiktat xcti tptax6cruxi,
(dischiliai kai triakosiai, "two thousand and three hundred").25
Hence the printed number two thousand and four hundred in
the Sixtine edition, which is based thereon, is clearly a printer's
error, or typographical misprint.
So 2300 is indisputably the genuine number in the Hebrew
and Greek manuscripts. The integrity of this prophetic number
2300, in Daniel 8:14, will hereafter be regarded as established.
This particular point has been discussed with some fullness here,
as the 2300-day period will prove to be a progressively impor-
tant factor in prophetic interpretation in Volumes II, III, and
IV of this work.
In the centuries following the period of the Septuagint
there were produced many Jewish writings of an apocalyptic
nature, which involved interpretation of the Messianic proph-
ecies and eschatology. The following chapter will discuss the
earlier writings of this class, down to and including the first
century of the Christian Era, and ending with Josephus' inter-
pretation of Daniel. This will round off the Jewish interpreta-
tion to about the time when the New Testament prophetic
interpretation takes the field.
25 Bibliorum SS. Craecorunt, Codex Vaticanus 1209 (Cod. B), photographic facsimile,
vol. 3, fol. 1225, col. 2, lines 19, 20.
CHAPTER EIGHT
The Bridge to the Christian Era
I. Apocalyptic Literature of Pre-Christian Time

The gap between the writing of the last book of the Old
Testament and the first book of the New Testament was by no
means a barren period. On the contrary, it was one of the
important periods of Jewish history. It was, moreover, a fruit-
ful period of literary activity, which is a sure sign of intellectual
life. Not only were historical works and treatises of a general
religious character produced, but the voices of seers and mystics
were by no means extinct.
1. MESSIANIC HOPES FIND FIGURATIVE EXPRESSION.—Dur-
ing this period Israel's Messianic hopes found a wider circula-
tion, and seldom were they more ardently expressed thaiLby a
great number of writers at that time. In general these writers
used highly symbolic language, and often expressed their hopes
through historical figures. But whatever the means used, in all
these works pulsated the high expectancy of a new era. They all
envisioned a glorious future age in which all frustrated hopes,
and all present disappointments, would be left forever behind.
Sometimes the coming of the new age was visualized as a gradual
change. Sometimes it was believed that it would be ushered in
by a series of catastrophes, either of local or of world-wide di-
mensions. And it was often believed that it would be occasioned
by direct divine intervention.
This entire class of literature is termed apocalyptic. It was
not simply a small eddy swirling along on the margin of the
181
182 PROPHETIC FAITH
broad stream of Jewish intellectual life during the postexilic

period. On the contrary, it permeated all strata of society and
constituted the so-called higher theology. It furnished a neces-
sary counterbalance to the rigid teaching of the law. These
writers did not deny the validity of the - law, for in general
they emphasized it. But they introduced a new element and
a new hope, which gave an outlet to the soul, opened new
vistas before them, and provided an escape from the stern
formalism of the law. This is significant.
2. EMPLOYED NAMES OF ANCIENT HEROES.—We need to
understand the teaching underlying these apocalyptic writ-
ings, for the ideas enshrined are, in certain respects, the fore-
runners of many to be expressed in Christian apocalyptic
thinking a few centuries later. Or, this might be expressed in
a somewhat different way: The Christian church was, and
considered herself to be—and -not without some foundation—
the fulfillment of many of these concepts.'
The writers of such books, employing prophetic language
and style during an age when the law ruled supreme, and
when the canon was supposed to be closed, could not pos-
sibly be heard under their own names. They therefore placed
their words in the mouth of some ancient hero and related
the history up to their time often in metaphors and parables,
in the guise of prophecy. This gave greater weight, at the
time, to their predictions and to their visions of future glory.
In this way the books of Enoch, the Secrets of Enoch, the
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, the Assumption of Moses,
die Apocalypse of Baruch, et cetera, came into existence. Such
writings are therefore called pseudepigraphal writings. The
time of their composition can in most instances be easily de-
termined by the line which separates fairly established his-
torical events from the more general predictions.
Practically none of these pseudepigraphal writings have
W. 0. E. Oesterley, Introduction, in The. Book of Enoch, edited by R. H. Charles,

THE BRIDGE TO THE CHRISTIAN ERA 183
come down to us in their original languages,. which in most

cases had been Hebrew or Aramaic. But we possess transla-
tions in either Greek or Ethiopic, or in Slavonic. Often these
translations have been edited, and frequently writers of dif-
ferent times were grouped together under one pseudonym;
therefore only by the painstaking efforts of specialists to com-
pare the different texts or fragments of texts is it possible to
reconstruct the original with any degree of certainty.
1. THE, ESCHATOLOGY or THAT PERIOD.—What value is
there then in noting works of such dubious origin? The answer
is that these works afford a most. valuable insight into one of
the great transition periods of Jewish thinking, a period dur-
ing which various new concepts were formed. These concepts
were partly adopted, and partly rejected, by the young Chris-
tian church,. and have continued to exercise the minds of
theologians until the present day.
One of the most ardently discussed problems, during that
and the following period, was eschatology—that is, the state
of the dead, the resurrection, and all the problems connected
therewith, or the doctrine of the "last things." It was still so
much in the forefront of discussion in Paul's day that he had
only to throw the point of the resurrection into a debate, and
the attention would be automatically drawn away from himself.
In the sections to follow an attempt will be made to
summarize, in a few sentences, the position commonly accepted
on those subjects in the transition centuries between the Old
and the New Testament. At the same time we are fully aware
that all summarizations are usually oversimplifications, as spir-
itual developments and tendencies are rarely confined to clear-
cut periods, but usually overlap. They often have their roots
in the distant past, sometimes coming to light only by stray
utterances, and on the other hand, they continue to have their
repercussions long after the time of their greatest effectiveness
has passed.
4. OLD TESTAMENT ON BODY AND SOUL.--According to the
184 PROPHETIC FAITH
canonical Old Testament, it is quite clear that body and soul

form a unit; in Genesis 2:7 we are not told that man received
a living soul, but that, after God breathed into him the breath
of life, man became a living soul. Often the word "soul" is
used in the Old Testament with the meaning of a man, person,
personality. (Gen. 12:5; 14:21; 46:27.) There is nothing to be
found in the Bible of the Greek conception which splits man
into two distinctive and separate parts: the mortal body and
the immortal soul.'
It is therefore impossible to find in the Old Testament
that hope for eternal life was based on the innate immortality
of the soul, but rather on the resurrection as a reawakening
from death as from a sleep (Dan. 12:2; Job 7:21; 14:12), a
sleep of complete unconsciousness (Job 3:17-19; Eccl. 9:5, 6).'
The Old Testament knows Sheol, the land of the shadow
of death, as a place from which there is no return. (Job 10:21,
22.) There are some verses, however, which might lend them-
selves to another interpretation, as, for example, Psalms 9:17,
which says, "The wicked shall be turned into hell [Sheol] and
all the nations that forget God," from which it could be con-
cluded that Sheol is the dwelling place of sinners.
However, the supreme thought of the Old Testament is
that God only has life everlasting; He alone can give life; and
He alone can destroy, and make to live again. (Deut. 32:39;
Ps. 104:29, 30.) God is the sovereign master over Sheol. (Ps.
139:9.) He can reverse the decree, and can therefore also resur-
rect. Life in every respect depends upon the Spirit of God and
upon His life-giving breath. (Job 33:4.) It is commonly recog-
nized that the old Persian idea of the Parsee sages—that the
soul lives a full and conscious life during the time in which
the body dissolves into its elements, until it once more becomes
the abode of the soul—is utterly foreign to the thinking of
the Old Testament. Life after death comes by the resurrection,
2 Man is considered a living soul during his lifetime; in death the soul ceases to have life.
The dying of the soul (tamot naphshi) is mentioned in Numbers 23:10. (Cf. Eze. 18:4.)
According to the Old Testament, death strikes body and soul alike.
Compare Christ's speaking of Lazarus' death as being a sleep. (John 11:11.)
effected through the power of God; the only other possibility,

in exceptional cases, is translation directly from the earthly
to the heavenly state, without death, as in the cases of Enoch
and Elijah. Jehovah alone is the master of death, as it is
supremely expressed in Isaiah 25:8. He will swallow up death
in victory, and the Lord God will wipe away tears. These
ideas of future happiness came to be connected with the hope
of a material rule of Israel in its promised land—a kingdom
in which righteousness, peace, and love will rule, to which all
nations will come for guidance. This was the hope that lived in
the hearts of the pious in those times.
5. THE QUESTION OF AN INTERMEDIATE STATE.—During
the postexilic period, however, it became more and more clear
to some of Israel's thinkers that, after all, Israel constituted
only a small part of the wide world with its mighty kingdoms.
Then an earthly, national Messianic kingdom would hardly.
be able to transform the whole world. Therefore in some
quarters this hope came to be more and more spiritualized.
If the kingdom was to be that of the righteous, what of the
righteous of former times?
The Old Testament Scriptures, in which we see the ac-
knowledged principle of the "progressive revelation" of truth,'
had at one time mentioned the resurrection of the righteous,
and later that of all mankind—the righteous rising to their
eternal reward, and the wicked to their everlasting doom. In
connection with these questions of the resurrection, and of
reward and punishment, which agitated the people deeply in
the last two centuries before' Christ, the idea of an inter-
mediate state found expression in the pseudepigraphal writings.
II. "Ethiopic Enoch" Reveals Pre-Christian Jewish Thinking
The first work we will note is the book of Enoch, known
chiefly from an Ethiopic version, and frequently called the
Ethiopic Enoch. This should not be confused with the Secrets
4 See page 161.

186 PROPHETIC FAITH
of Enoch, of later origin—also called the Slavonic Enoch—or

with the Neo-Hebraic Enoch, or book of Hanuk which came
into existence around A.D. 200. According to Littmann, the
Ethiopic Enoch consists of different "layers," or sections, the
oldest about 200 B.C. and the latest about 63 B.C. Some parts
were evidently written by a Jew who lived in northern Palestine.
Other portions were likely written by a Sadducee. It is dif-
ficult to ascertain whether the book was originally written in
Hebrew or in Aramaic. In any event, it is the most compre-
hensive of the Jewish apocalypses.' As Fuchs says:
"[It is] the most magnificent of all apocalypses, the 'apocalyptic Bible
of the time of the Jesus.' . . . It offers most important religio-historical ma-
terial for the study of the mystic tendency, among the Jews of the Macca-
bean time, which some pronounce to be already Essene." 0
Its influence on the New Testament times has been far
greater than that of all the other apocryphal and pseude-
pigraphal books together. Charles gives a formidable list of pas-
sages in the New Testament which, either in phraseology or in
idea, coincide with passages in the Ethiopic Enoch.' Later, it
played a significant part in the formation of Christian Gnosti-
cism, as well as exerting a different influence on Judaism.
Around A.D. 300 it began to be discredited by the Christian
church. And after the ninth century it was entirely lost until
the traveler Bruce discovered two manuscripts of it in Abys-
sinia in 1773. 'We shall now notice a number of quotations
from the book, regardless of their respective late or earlier
datings. Because they all belong to the pre-Christian Era, they
illustrate the general tendency of Jewish thinking.
1. EXPANDS "SON OF MAN" EXPRESSION.—In the Old Tes-
tament only the book of Daniel contains the expression "Son
of man," which Jesus took upon Himself to reveal His true
relationship toward man and toward God. Here, in the book
of Enoch, we find this expression used in a much more corn-
5 E. Littmann, "Enoch, Books of," The Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. 5, pp. 179-182.
6 H. Fuchs, "Enoch, Book of," The Universal Jewish EncycloPedia, vol. 4, p. 132.
7 R. H. Charles, The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English.
vol. 2, pp. 180, 181.
THE BRIDGE TO [HE CHRISTIAN ERA 187
prehensive way than in the book of Daniel. Observe a few

passages:
"And at that hour that Son of Man was named in the presence of
the Lord of Spirits, and his name before the Head of Days. Yea, before the
sun and the signs were created, before the stars of heaven were made, his
name was named before the Lord of Spirits. He shall be a staff to the
righteous whereon to stay themselves and not fall, and he shall be the
light of the Gentiles, and the hope of those who are troubled of heart. All
who dwell on earth shall fall down and worship before him, and will praise
and bless and celebrate with song the Lord of Spirits. And for this reason
hath he been chosen and hidden before him, before the creation of the
world and for evermore. . . . For in his name they are saved and according
to his good pleasure bath it been in regard to their life." Eth. Enoch 48:2-7. 8
In the same chapter he is called "Mine elect" and "His
Anointed." Then in chapter 49, verse 2: "The Elect-One
standeth before the Lord of Spirits, and his glory is for ever
and ever, and his might unto all generations." In verse 4, "And
he shall judge the secret things, and none shall be able to
utter a 1ying wolu. ueture
1-
num.
• > ,z-Inu
A -1 • -1_
in idiapter 46, verse 4:
"And this Son of Man whom thou hast seen shall raise up
the kings and the mighty from their seats, and shall loosen
the reins of the strong, and break the teeth of the sinners."
The Son of Man is coming to judge, and is called the Right-
eous One. Thus:
"And when the Righteous One shall appear before the eyes of the
righteous, whose elect works hang upon the Lord of Spirits, and light shall
appear to the righteous and the elect who dwell on the earth, where then
will be the dwelling of the sinners, and where the resting-place of those who
have denied the Lord of Spirits? it had been good for them if they had
not been born." Eth. Enoch 38:2.
2. SOMBER SCENES OF DAY OF JUDGMENT DEPICTED.—
Powerful language is used to describe these events.
"And the Lord of Spirits placed the Elect One on the throne of
glory. And he shall judge all the works of the holy above in the heaven,
and in the balance shall their deeds be weighed." Eth. Enoch 61:8.
In these quotations only chapter and verse are given: and all are taken from R. H.
Charles's translation of the Ethiopic Enoch, as found in his two-volume Apocrypha and
Pseudepigrapha. This is from his critical text based on the Greek as well as the Ethiopic. The
quotations from the various works treated throughout this chapter are taken from this same
collection.
188 PROPHETIC FAITH
"Pain shall seize them, when they see that Son of Man sitting on the
throne of his glory. And the kings and the mighty and all who possess the
earth shall bless and glorify and extol him who rules over all, who was
hidden." Eth. Enoch 62:5, 6.
"Nevertheless that Lord of Spirits will so press them that they shall
hastily go forth from His presence, and their faces shall be filled with shame,
and the darkness grow deeper on their faces. And He will deliver them to
the angels for punishment, to execute vengeance on them because they have
oppressed His children and His elect. And they shall be a spectacle for the
righteous and for His elect: they shall rejoice over them, because the wrath
of the Lord of Spirits resteth upon them, and His sword is drunk with
their blood." Verses 10-12.
On the other hand, of the righteous it is said:

"And the righteous and elect shall be saved on that day, and they
shall never thenceforward see the face of the sinners and unrighteous. And
the Lord of Spirits will abide over them, and with that Son of Man shall
they eat and lie down and rise up for ever and ever. . . . And they shall
have been clothed with garments of glory, and these shall be the garments
of life from the Lord of Spirits. And your garments shall not grow old, nor
your glory pass away before the Lord of Spirits." Verses 13-16.
"The days of their life shall be unending, and the days of the holy
without number." Eth. Enoch 58:3.
The earth will be cleansed from all iniquity and defile-

ment from sin and punishment, and the righteous shall dwell
upon it in peace and under abundant blessings.
"And then shall all the righteous escape, and shall live till they beget
thousands of children, and all the days of their youth and their old age
shall they complete in peace." Eth. Enoch 10:17.
"And all the children of men shall become righteous, and all nations
shall offer adoration and shall praise Me, and all shall worship Me."
Verse 21.
At the same time the book is full of the more somber
scenes of the great day of judgment. The books in heaven
will be opened (chapter 47:3), wherein every sin is recorded
each day (chapter 98:7, 8). And when that day approaches,
trembling and fear will fall upon the sinners (chapter 102:1-
3); a great slaughter will begin so that the blood will reach
to the breasts of the horses (chapter 100:3).
3. STATE IN DEATH, AND THE RESURRECTION.—OH the
question of death, consciousness in death, and resurrection,

divergent and contradictory ideas appear. Sometimes the book
speaks of a general resurrection, sometimes only of a partial
one. So, for example in chapter 51, verses 1 and 2 we find a
clear statement of the resurrection:
"And in those days shall the earth also give back that which has been
entrusted to it, and Sheol also shall give back that which it has received,
and hell shall give back that which it owes. For in those days the Elect One
shall arise, and he shall choose the righteous and holy from among them:
For the day has drawn nigh that they should be saved."
Some verses teach that the wicked will be consumed:

"And I will give them over into the hands of Mine elect: As straw
in the fire so shall they burn before the face of the holy: as lead in the water
shall they sink before the face of the righteous, and no trace of them shall
any more be found." Eth. Enoch 48:9.
"Yet the sinners shall be destroyed before the face of the Lord of
Spirits, and they shall be banished from off the face of His earth, and they
shall perish for ever and ever." Eth. Enoch 53:2.
The kings and mighty, however, must expect a severer

punishment. In chapter 54, verse 1, Enoch sees a deep valley,
with burning fire, into which are cast the kings and- 'the
mighty; and then he sees iron chains of immeasurable weight
prepared for the "hosts of Azazel," to take them and cast them
into the abyss of complete condemnation.
4. ORIGIN OF SIN AND CORRUPTION.—Sin and corruption

are caused by the evil angels. So in chapter 10, verse 8: "And
the whole earth has been corrupted through the works that
were taught by Azazel: to him ascribe all sin." Therefore for
the angels is no forgiveness. "Ye have wrought great destruc-
tion on the earth: And ye shall have no peace nor forgiveness
of sin." Eth. Enoch 12:5.
In chapter 10, verse 11 and onward we read of the binding
of Semjaza, a mighty angel, and all his associates for seventy
generations. On the day of judgment they shall be led off to
the abyss of fire, to the torment, confined forever in the prison.
5. THE UNDERWORLD AND TORMENTS OF THE ACCURSED.
190 PROPHETIC FAITH
—On the other hand, we find in Enoch a forerunner of Dante's

Divine Comedy. He is led by an angel through the heavens
and through the underworld, and gives a detailed description
of the mountains of God and the tree of life and the other
plants of the new earth. He receives an insight into the secrets
of nature, and into the heavenly storehouses of rain, hail, and
thunder. And during these wanderings through the heavens
he comes to Sheol. There are four hollow places, deep and
wide and very smooth. He does not know what they indicate
until he is instructed that they are prepared for the spirits
of the children of men who are dead. But these spirits are
able to make suit in the courts of heaven. (Eth. Enoch 22:2-6.)
So, according to Enoch, Sheol is no longer a place where
the dead are unconscious, and not aware of what is happening
on earth, but where they are fully conscious, and where they
can raise their voices in clamor, as Abel does against his brother
Cain. Here in these hollows the spirits are set apart, for the
spirits of the righteous are a bright spring of water. The un-
righteous endure great pain. They are set apart till the great
day of judgment, when there will be scourging and torments
for the accursed forever. (Verses 9-12.)
These few statements, out of a book of 105 chapters
(according to Charles's edition), suffice to show the general
tendency of this literature. It assuredly contains a good num-
ber of passages which would almost appear to be taken from
New Testament thought. On the other hand, we notice a radical
departure from the original ideas of the Old Testament, espe-
cially in regard to death and the life hereafter. These new ideas,
expressed in Enoch, really laid the groundwork for many con-
cepts found later in the Christian church, which kept countless
millions under their spell.
III. Testimony of "Jubilees," "Patriarchs," and "Assumption"

1. "JUBILEES" INJECTS INNATE IMMORTALITY CONCEPT.-
Another book to consider in this connection is the Book of
Jubilees, or the Little Genesis as it is sometimes called. It was
written in Palestine (c. 109-105 B.c.), probably in Hebrew

rather than in Aramaic, by someone who based his knowledge
largely on earlier books or traditions.' The author, probably
a Pharisee, upholds many of the stricter tenets of the Pharisees
regarding the law, and makes a strong appeal for stricter Sab-
bathkeeping as a special privilege for Israel, but not for the
Gentiles. (Bk. Jub. 2:17-33.) He emphasizes the precept that
forbids eating of blood (Bk. Jub. 6:7-10), and absolutely for-
bids mixed marriages (Bk. Jub. 20:4, 5). Despite its strong
legalistic tendency, we find a number of passages referring to
the Messiah and the Messianic kingdom. The righteous alone
shall take part in the kingdom, where Satan will have no. access.
Thus:
"And the days shall begin to grow many and increase among those
children of men till their days grow nigh to one thousand years. . . . And
there shall be no old man nor one who is_satisfied with days, for all shall
be children and youths. And all their days they shall complete and live in
peace and joy, and there shall be no Satan nor any evil destroyer; for all
their days shall be blessing and healing." Bk. Jub. 23:27-29.
The life portrayed seems to be more of a spiritual nature,
separated from the body, because in verse 31 the author states,
"And their bones shall rest in the earth, and their spirits shall
have much joy, and they shall know that it is the Lord who
executes judgment, and shows mercy to hundreds and thou- -
sands and to all that love Him."
This idea of the immortality of the souls of the blessed
is the earliest attested instance of this expectation in the two
centuries before Christ's first advent. And we also find dif-
ferent categories of angels—angels of the winds, of fire, of the
waters, and so forth, somewhat similar to those mentioned in
the Revelation. Guardian angels for individuals are men-
tioned for the first t-ime in the Book of Jubilees 35:17, Where
the assertion is made that the guardian of Jacob was more
powerful and honored than the guardian of Esau.
According to the Book of Jubilees 31:18, 19, the Messiah
° Charles, The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, pp. 2-7.
192 PROPHETIC FAITH
will come from Judah, but before the Messianic kingdom ap-
pears, great tribulation, war, and pestilence will visit the na-
tion. All will fight against all, but they will turn with special
fury against Israel. The earth, it declares, will be devastated
to a large extent, but there is no salvation. Then the people
will begin to study the law anew, and gradually the glorious
kingdom will be established. (Bk. Jub. 23:13-26.)
2. "TWELVE PATRIARCHS.' HINTS AT 70 WEEKS, AND PARA-
DISE.—The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (written be-
tween 109 and 106 B.c.) contains high ethical teaching and
anticipates many New Testament ideas. For a long time the
only available manuscripts were in Greek, Armenian, and
Slavonic, but through the investigations of different scholars
it has become evident that the book was originally written
in Hebrew by a Pharisee of the early type. He was an upholder
of the law and the sacrifices, but looked for the Messianic
kingdom and the resurrection of the body, and a new life
therein. There are some later Jewish and certain Christian
additions to the work.'
In the Christian Era the use of the book speedily declined,
until it was rediscovered in the West by Robert Grosseteste,
bishop of Lincoln (13th century). He first took it to be the
genuine writings of the twelve patriarchs, but this was dis-
claimed by the Reformers. Only in the twentieth century has
the book come into its own again.
It contains many statements like the following: "And if
any one seeketh to do evil unto you, do well unto him, and
pray for him, and ye shall be redeemed of the Lord from all
evil." T. Joseph 18:2. Although the writer lived at the same
time as the writer of the Book of Jubilees, a completely dif-
ferent spirit appears in this book—a spirit of wide univer-
salism, to such an extent that the best Gentiles are taken as
a measuring rod for the Israelites: "And He shall convict Israel
through the chosen ones of the Gentiles, even as He reproved
10 p]id., pp. 282-292.
Esau through the Midianites, who deceived their brethren."

T. Benjamin 10:10.
From an eschatological point of view we do not rind much.
However, there is a hint of the seventy weeks:
"And now I have learnt that for seventy weeks ye shall go astray, and
profane the priesthood, and pollute the sacrifices. And ye shall snake void
the law, and set at nought the words of the prophets by evil perverseness.
. . . And your holy places shall be laid waste even to the ground because
of him. And ye shall have no place that is clean; but ye shall be among
the Gentiles a curse and a dispersion until He shall again visit you, and in
pity shall receive you." T. Levi 16:1-5.
And in T. Levi 17:1 the writer continues, and speaks of

a new priesthood: "And whereas ye have heard concerning the
seventy weeks, hear also concerning the priesthood." In each
jubilee shall be a priest, and in the seventh, pollution of every-
thing holy will reach its apex. Priests will become idolaters,
lawless, and lascivious. But after this terrible period we read
of
V1 the Messiah:
shall the Lord raise up a new priest, and to him all the words
of the Lord shall be revealed; and he shall execute a righteous judgement
upon the earth for a multitude of days." "And there shall none succeed
him for all generations for ever. And in his priesthood the Gentiles shall
be multiplied in knowledge upon the earth, and enlightened through the
grace of the Lord: in his priesthood shall sin come to an end. . . . And
he shall open the gates of paradise, and shall remove the threatening
sword against Adam. And he shall give to the saints to eat from the tree
of life, and the spirit of holiness shall be on them. And Beliar shall be
bound by him, and he shall give power to his children to tread upon the
evil spirits." T. Levi 18:2, 8-14.
The Testament of Dan asserts likewise that there shall

arise from the tribe of Levi the salvation of the Lord; and
he shall make war against Beliar, and execute an everlasting
vengeance on our enemies. And the captivity shall he take
from Beliar," and turn disobedient hearts unto the Lord, and
n The concept of Beliar, or Belial, current in Jewish apocalyptic literature as a name of

Satan, and then as a last-day tyrant and opposer of all good, later became the source of many
traditions concerning the Antichrist in the early Christian period. For a discussion of these
extra-Biblical traditions concerning Antichrist which were elaborated upon the foundation of
Daniel's references to a hostile, persecuting power, see pages 293-301.
7
194 PROPHETIC FAITH
give eternal peace to them that call upon him. And the saints
shall rest in Eden, and in the New Jerusalem shall the right-
eous rejoice, and it shall be unto the glory of God forever.
No longer shall Jerusalem endure desolation, or Israel be
led captive; for the Lord shall be in the midst of it and the
Holy One of Israel shall reign over it. (T. Dan 5:10-13.)
Concerning the resurrection, the Testaments teach a gen-
eral bodily resurrection—at first Enoch, Noah, Shem, Abra-
ham, Isaac, and Jacob shall rise, then the twelve patriarchs,
and finally all men, either to glory or to shame. (T. Benjamin
10:6-8.)
3. "ASSUMPTION" PREDICTS TIME OF MESSIAH.—Another
little book, the Assumption of Moses, is especially interesting,
as it was evidently written during the time of the early life
of our Lord, or possibly contemporaneously with His public
ministry. Its date is between A.D. 7 and 29. It was written in
Hebrew, but was soon translated into Greek and later into
Latin—a large fragment of the latter translation being dis-
covered by Ceriani in a sixth-century manuscript in Milan."
This author looks forward to the return of the ten tribes
and the establishment of a theocratic kingdom. It will come,
however, not by the force of arms but by the intervention of
God. This book contains an interesting time prediction. Moses
is supposed to state, "For from my death [assumption] until
His advent there shall be CCL times." Asmp. M. 10:12. Two
hundred and fifty times, here evidently, says Charles, meaning
year-weeks," would make 1,750 years till the Messianic king-
dom. Strange to record, this book describes the establishment
of the kingdom without a Messiah, but by God Himself.
"And then His kingdom shall appear throughout all His creation, and
then Satan shall be no more, and sorrow shall depart with him. And the
hands of the angel shall be filled who has been appointed chief, and he
shall forthwith avenge them of their enemies. . . . And the earth shall
tremble: to its confines shall it he shaken: and the high mountains shall
be made low and the hills shall be shaken and fall. And the horns of the
12 /bid., pp. 407 ff.
1, Ibid., p. 423, chap. 10, note 12.
THE BRIDGE. TO THE CHRISTIAN ERA 195
sun shall be broken and he shall be turned into darkness; and the moon
shall not give her light, and be turned wholly into blood. And the circle
of the stars shall be disturbed. . . . For the Most High will arise, the
Eternal God alone, and He will appear to punish the Gentiles, and He
will destroy all their idols. Then thou, 0 Israel, shalt be happy." Verses 1-8.
IV. "Slavonic Enoch"-7,000-Year Theory and Immortality

The Secrets of Enoch, also called the Slavonic Enoch, or
sometimes 2 Enoch, exists, so far as we know, only in a Slavonic
version. It is not a translation of the Ethiopic Enoch, but is
a different pseudepigraph, although the subject is treated sim-
ilarly. In both, Enoch is led through the heavens to learn the
secrets of the universe in order to instruct his children and
to teach them the fear of the Lord. The final editor of this
little work was a Hellenistic Jew who lived in Egypt. The
date can be confined to the beginning of the Christian Era,
probably between A.D. 1 and 50.
1. SIX THOUSAND YEARS FOLLOWED BY MILLENNIUM.—
The most remarkable feature of this book, in respect to our
quest, is that we find here, for the first time in Jewish litera-
ture, the equation that one day of creation corresponds to
one thousand years of the world's history—a theory which
has played an important role in both ancient and modern
chiliasm, and which, consciously or subconsciously, has been
accepted by many exegetes who attempted to compute the time
to the end of the world. It is certainly true that older docu-
ments, especially of Persian origin, mention one-thousand-year
periods," but they are not connected with the creation week.
This link was first formed by the writer of the Slavonic Enoch.
There we find the following statements:
"And I blessed the seventh day, which is the Sabbath, on which he
[Adam] rested from his works. And I appointed the eighth day also, that
the eighth day should be the first-created after my work, and that the first
seven revolve in the form of the seventh thousand, and that at the begin-
ning of the eighth thousand there should be a time of not-counting,
14 See page 304.

196 PROPHETIC FAITH
endless, with neither years, nor months nor weeks nor days nor hours."
Slay. Enoch 32:2; 33:1, 2.
Therewith the stage was set for speculation of a world-
week of seven thousand years—six thousand years of labor
and toil from creation to the judgment, followed by a millen-
nium of rest and blessedness before the gates of eternity will
open. We find Irenaeus taking up this subject later, as will be
discussed in a subsequent chapter."
2. ETERNAL MANSIONS FOR IMMORTAL SOULS.—In the ques-
tion of individual life the Slavonic Enoch teaches that all
souls are prepared from eternity before they take up their
abode in a materialistic, earthly form (Slay. Enoch 23:4, 5),
and that places are prepared for them for all eternity be-
fore the formation of the world. "Many mansions [are] pre-
pared for men, good for the good, and bad for the bad, with-
out number many. Blessed are those who enter the good houses,
for in the bad (sc. houses) there is no peace nor return (sc.
from them)." Slay. Enoch 61:2, 3. Paradise is in the third
heaven, placed between corruptibility and incorruptibility.
In the midst of it stands the tree of life, and two springs
come out which send forth milk and honey, and from them
go forth oil and wine. (Slay. Enoch 8:2-6.)
3. TORTURED IN HELL FOREVER.—The graphic description
continues: At the northern end of the third heaven is hell,
a place of cruel darkness, lighted only by sheets of flame of
murky fire. Everywhere is fire, and everywhere is frost. Cruel
and merciless angels apply fearful tortures to those who are
condemned to live therein forever, because of their sins against
God. (Slay. Enoch 10:1 IT.) The picture of the guardians of
hell is so dramatic that it is worth while to quote:
"I saw the guardian of the keys of hell standing over against the
gates like great serpents, their faces like lamps that are gone out, their
eyes like darkened flames, and their teeth naked down to their breasts."
Slay. Enoch 42:1, incomplete version, col. B.
15 See pages 242-252.

4. VIBRANT INTER-TESTAMENT PERIOD.—Through these

documents, which have come down to us, and many of
which have been rediscovered less than a century ago, we
now see that this period between Malachi and the New Tes-
tament writers was by no means bleak and barren, but was
a period vibrant with intellectual and spiritual activity. We
also begiii- to understand that the New Testament does not
start in a spiritual vacuum. The minds of men were filled
with conflicting ideas of truth and error, and apprehensions
of things to come, which inevitably influenced their under-
standing of the teachings of Christ and the apostles. Especially
in eschatology various ideas were already current; some of
these were in harmony with Old Testament truth, and God
saw fit to incorporate them into the New Testament revela-
tion, whereas others were disapproved of and combated by
Christ. Nevertheless, some of these incipient errors persisted
and later developed into full-blown apostasy.
Later we will turn to other representatives of Jewish
apocalyptic writings in the Christian Era, but they must wait
for anoth e r chapter which will discuss the relation between
the Jewish apocalyptic writings and Christian chiliasm." For
the present, having surveyed representatives of extra-Biblical
Jewish apocalypticism preceding the New Testament period,
we now turn to Josephus to pick up the thread of the pro-
phetic interpretation of the outline prophecies of Daniel.
V. Josephus Rehearses Prophetic Interpretation Principles

Josephus, noted Jewish priest and historian, was contem-
porary with the latter period of the apostles." His writings, re-
iterating the standard Jewish interpretation of the four empires
See chapter 13.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS (c. 37-c. 100) celebrated Jewish historian, of illustrious priestly
descent, was an enthusiastic admirer of 1&ome and its institutions. At the outbreak of the
Judeo-Roman war he was entrusted by the Sanhedrin with the governorship of Galilee, and as
such had part in the unsuccessful war against the empire. Invited to Rome by Vespasian, where
he remained with Vespasian and Titus, he lived in the sunshine of their favor, adopting the name
of Flavius after that of the imperial family. While in Rome he wrote his Wars of the Jews
(c. A.D. 751 and Antiquities of the Jews (c. 93). These works comprise perhaps the most
comprehensive source of Jewish history for the time.
198 PROPHETIC FAITH
of prophecy, the Persian ram and the Grecian he-goat, and the
year-times of Nebuchadnezzar's derangement, were contempo-
rary with the apostles, but probably before the writing of the
Apocalypse by John. His writings may therefore be regarded as
a link binding Hebrew and Christian interpretation in that
transition hour from the Jewish to the Christian church. CUR:—
cerning the standing of the prophecy of Daniel, and Jewish
relationship to it, Josephus says:
"His [Daniel's] memory lives on eternally. For the books which he
wrote and left behind are still read by us even now, and we are convinced
by them that Daniel spoke with God, for he was not only wont to
prophesy future things, as did the other prophets, but he also fixed the
time at which these would come to pass."
1. THE FOUR EMPIRES OF DANIEL 2.—After rehearsing

Daniel's account of the metallic image of chapter 2, Josephus
gives this remarkably clear exposition in paraphrase:
" 'The head of gold represents you [Nebuchadnezzar] and the Baby-
lonian kings who were before you. The two hands and shoulders signify
that your empire will be brought to an end by two kings. But their
empire will be destroyed by another king from the west, clad in bronze,
and this power will be ended by still another, like iron, that will have
dominion for ever through its iron nature,' which,. he said, is harder than
that of gold or silver or bronze." 'A
Note further Josephus' handling of this symbolism. He else-

where specifies the "two kings" who were to overthrow the
Babylonian Empire as "Cyrus, king of Persia, and Darius, king
of Media." Although he does not name the power from the
west which overthrew the Medo-Persian Empire, it is clear that,
as the Loeb translator here remarks, "Josephus' addition 'from
the west' indicates that, like the rabbis, he identified the third
kingdom with the empire of Alexander." " He is still less explicit
on the iron kingdom, but the fact that it is stronger than the
Josephus, Antiquities, book 10, chap. 11, sec. 7, in Loeb Classical Library, Josephus,
is
vol. 6,pp. 305, 307.
chap. 10, sec. 4, pp. 273, 275.
1, Ibid.,
chap. 11, sec. 2, p. 287.
20 Ibid.,
21 Ralph Marcus, translator's footnote to Antiquities, book 10, chap. 10, sec. 4, p. 273,
note On the appropriateness of the symbolism of brass, or bronze, see page 42 of the
present volume.
three preceding, and is said to end the third empire, points

directly to Rome. Josephus' very reticence on the iron kingdom,
and the stone, implies that he is treading on ground where he
wishes to avoid offense. The translator's footnotes continue:
"Josephus has omitted the scriptural detail about the division of the
fourth kingdom and its composition of iron and clay, probably because,
like the rabbis, he identified it with Rome and did not wish to offend
Roman readers."
In Josephus' day not- only had the Jews been accustomed
to seeing the Romans named in the Septuagint version of Daniel,
as we have seen in the preceding chapter, but they had seen
Rome's strength grow until it far surpassed the Macedonian
power. To them it must have been an inescapable identification.
Next they looked for the Messianic kingdom; indeed, the first
century of our era witnessed a peak •in Messianic expectation.
2. THE FUTURE STONE KINGDOM.—jOSCOUS was writing to
justify Judaism to the Romans, who were ruling the world and
brooked no rivals. A prediction of the overthrow of Rome would
therefore have ruined the book. The translator notes this rea-
son for reticence about the stone kingdom:-
"Josephus' evasiveness about the meaning of the stone which destroyed
the kingdom of iron (vs. 44 f.) is due to the fact that the Jewish interpreta-
tion of it current in his day took it as a symbol of the Messiah or Messianic
kingdom which would make an end of the Roman empire." 2
Note Josephus' significantly reticent statement:
"And Daniel also revealed to the king the meaning of the stone, but j
I have not thought it proper to relate this, since I am expected to write
of what is past and done and not of what is to be; if, however, there is
anyone who has so keen a desire for exact information that he will not
stop short of inquiring more closely but wishes to learn about the hidden
things that are to come, let him take the trouble to read the Book of Daniel,
which he will find among the sacred writings." 2'
3. INTERPRETS "SEVEN TIMES" AS YEARS.—Josephus' next
contribution to interpretation is his discussion of the "seven
2 = Ibid., pp. 274, 275, note a.
Ibid., p. 273, note c.
24 Josephus, Antiquities, book 10, chap. 10, sec. 4, in Loeb Classical Library, Josephus,
vol. 6, p. 275.
200 PROPHETIC FAITH
times." In rehearsing the history of Nebuchadnezzar's abase-

ment, recorded in Daniel 4, Josephus followed the LXX ren-
dering of "seven years" for the "seven times":
"A little while afterward the king again had another vision in his
sleep, which was that he would fall from power and make his home with
beasts and, after living in this way in the wilderness for seven years,
again recover his royal power." '
"Daniel alone interpreted it, and as he foretold to him so it came
to pass. For the king spent the forementioned period of time in the
wilderness, none venturing to seize the government during these seven
years, and, after praying to God that he might recover his kingdom, he was
aOin restored to it. But let no one reproach me for recording in my work
each of these events as I have found them in the ancient books." '
Whiston, the classic translator of Josephus, adds this cogent
footnote concerning the years for "times," the prophetic charac-
ter of parallel expressions, and the extension of the seventy
weeks into the time of the Romans:
"Since Josephus here explains the seven prophetic times which were
to pass over Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. iv, 16) to be seven years, we thence
learn how he most probably must have understood those other parallel
phrases, of 'a time, times, and a half' (Antiq. b. vii, ch. xxv) of so many
prophetic years also, though he withal lets us know, by his hint at the
interpretation of the seventy weeks, as belonging to the fourth monarchy,
and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in the days of Josephus
(ch. ii, sec. 7), that he did not think those years to be bare years, but
rather days for years; by which reckoning, and by which alone, could
seventy weeks, or four hundred and ninety days, reach to the age of
Josephus." 27
4. PERSIAN RAM, GRECIAN GOAT, AND FIRST KING.—After
several chapters of Babylonian history, Josephus tells of the
handwriting on the wall and gives Daniel's familiar interpreta-
tion." Then he rehearses the vision which portrays the next stage
after the historical transition to Persia—that of the Persian ram
and the Grecian he-goat, and the Grecian great horn, or "first
king," thus:
Ibid., sec. 6 p. 277.

26 Ibid., p. 279.
27 William Whiston, translator's footnote to Antiquities, book 10, chap. 10, sec. 6, in
The Works of Flavius Josephus, p. 284.
28 Josenhus Antiquities, book 10, chap. 11, secs. 2, 3, in Loeb Classical Library, Josephus,
vol. 6, pp. 287, 289, 291, 293, 295.
"The ram, he declares, signified the kingdoms of the Medes and

Persians, and the horns those who were to reign, the last horn signifying
the last king, for this king would surpass all the others in wealth and glory.
The goat, he said, indicated that there would be a certain king of the
Greeks who would encounter the Persian king twice in battle and defeat
him and take over all his empire. The great horn in the forehead of the
goat indicated the first king, and the growing out of the four horns after
the first horn fell out, and their facing each of the four quarters of the
earth denoted the successors of the first king after his death, and the
division of the kingdom among them and that these, who were neither his
sons nor his relatives, would rule the world for many years."
5. LITTLE HORN OF DANIEL 8 BELIEVED TO BE ANTIOCHUS.
—The oppressive Little Horn of Daniel 8, who was to "make war
on the Jewish nation, . . . spoil the temple and prevent the
sacrifices from being offered" for three years, Josephus con-
sidered to be Antiochus Epiphanes."
6. ROME NAMED AS FULFILLING PROPHECY.—But Josephus
goes beyond the Septuagint and now mentions Rome, following
the time of Antiochus; as the power which was to desolate the
land of Judea, just as Jaddua before him is said to have acknowl-
edged Alexander's as the third world power of prophecy. It is
sigr"cant that, writing a few years after the destruction of Jeru-
salem by the Romans, Josephus points to that as a fulfillment of
prophecy.
"In the same manner Daniel also wrote about the empire of the
Romans and that Jerusalem would be taken by them and the temple laid
waste. All these things, as God revealed them to him, he left behind in his
writings, so that those who read them and observe how they have come to
pass must wonder at Daniel's having been so honoured by God."'
7. WOES UPON JERUSALEM PREDICTED.—The destruction of

Jerusalem and the woes upon the Jews were believed by Jose-
phus to have been indicated by the prophets, for he declares:
"'Who knows not the records of the ancient prophets and that oracle
which threatens this poor city and is even now coming true? For they
foretold that it would then be taken whensoever one should begin to
slaughter his own countrymen. And is not the city, aye and the whole
29 Ibid., sec. 7, pp. 309, 311.

.0 Ibid., p. 311.
" Ibid.
202 PROPHETIC FAITH
temple, filled with your corpses? God it is then, God Himself, who with
the Romans is bringing the fire to purge His temple and exterminating
a city so laden with pollutions.' "
And Josephus closes his acknowledgment of prophecy's
pivotal place in these words:
"It therefore seems to me, in view of the things foretold by
that they are very far from holding a true opinion who declare that czia
takes no thought for human affairs. For if it were the case that the world
goes on by some automatism, we should not have seen all these things
happen in accordance with his prophecy."
Josephus' comment on the cessation of the "continual sac-
rifice," under Titus, should be noted in passing:
"Titus now ordered the troops that were with him to raze the
foundations of Antonia and to prepare an easy ascent for the whole army.
Then, having learnt that on that day—it was the seventeenth of Panemus
—the so-called continual sacrifice had for lack of men ceased to be offered
to God and that the people were in consequence terribly despondent, he
put Josephus forward with instructions to repeat to John the same message
as before, namely 'that if he was obsessed by a criminal passion for battle,
he was at liberty to come out with as many as he chose and fight, without
involving the city and the sanctuary in his own ruin; but that he should
no longer pollute the Holy Place nor sin against God.' " "
VI. Rabbis Expect Messiah's Kingdom Following Rome

The rabbis of Josephus' time believed that Rome was the
power which was to be superseded by the Messiah's kingdom.
They derived this from the book of Daniel, and also from the
popular tradition of the sixth millennium of the world, as the
kingdom of God, with the Messiah appearing in the fifth mil-
lennium. This expectation increased from the second quarter
of the first century, and especially after the destruction of the
temple in A.D. 70, and on into the second century. There was "a
widespread tradition" that "Rome was the fourth and last em-
pire that subdued Palestine," that "salvation would come upon
32 Josephus, Wars of the Yews, book 6, chap. 2, sec. 1, in Loeb Classical Library,
Josephus, vol. 3, p. 407.
33 Josephus, Antiquities, book 10, chap. 11, sec. 7, in Loeb Classical Library, Josephus.
vol. 6, p. 313.
Josephus, Wars of the jerrs, book 6. chap. 2, sec. 1, in Loeb Classical Librac.
YosePhics, vol. 3, p. 403.
the fall of Rome," and "that the Messianic era would be ushered
in at the beginning of the fifth chiliad or during that period."'`'
Two first-century rabbis are mentioned in the treatment of later
Jewish interpretation in Volume II, chapter 8.
VII. Summary of Pre-New-Testament Jewish Exposition

of Prophecy
From the foregoing evidence—limited but sufficient—we
may sum up the essential Jewish code of interpretation (includ-
ing.Josephus) under these points:
1. OUTLINE PROPHECIES:
(1) The four "kings" of Daniel's prophecy are kingdoms.
(2) The four world empires identified are Babylon, Persia,
Greece, and Rome.
(3) The stone which succeeds the four empires is the Mes-
sianic kingdom.
(4) The ram and he-goat refer to the ivledo-Persian and
Macedonian empires.
(5) The he-goat's great horn denotes Alexander the Great.
(6) The great horn is replaced by the four secondary horns,
the divisions of Alexander's empire among his successors; and
the Little Horn emerging from one of them is Antiochus.
(7) Rome is the predicted power that would desolate Jerti
salem and the temple.
(8) A "time" in Daniel stands for a year.
(9) The seventy weeks involve the thought of periods "of
years." Thus the application of the year-day principle is begun.
These obviously are basic positions. We may therefore
properly conclude that the Jewish interpretation of the four
metals as the four successive empires of prophecy, and the year-
day principle, formed the groundwork of that system of inter-
pretation upon which the apostles and succeeding Christian
writers of the early centuries built their amplified exposition
35 Joseph Sarachek, The Doctrine of the Messiah in Medieval Jewish Literature, r. 11. 13:
see also Abba Hillel Silver, A History of Messianic Speculation. in Israel, pp. 5, 6, _1-23..
204 PROPHETIC FAITH
of Daniel,' and of the complementary prophecies of Paul and

John.
2. ESCHATOLOGY COLORED BY EXTRA-BIBLICAL WRITINGS.
—But it is likewise established that—
(1) They expected the Messianic kingdom to be estab-
lished on earth, thus blending ethical and carnal concepts._
(2) They believed in a literal resurrection at the last day,
but also in innate immortality of the soul, with a conscious, in-
termediate state, and the conscious torment of the wicked.
(3) They believed in a six-thousand-year duration of the
earth, with Messiah's advent in the fifth millennium—a sort of
prototype of the Christian millennial expectation to come.
36 Jewish interpretation of Daniel's prophecies, continued throughout the Christian Era

from Johanan ben Zakkai in the first century on to Manasseh ben Israel in the seventeenth, is
later discussed in Volume II, chapters 8-10.
CHAPTER NINE
0econd-Century Witness
of Apostolic Fathers
I. Background and Setting of Their Writings

Attention is now directed to the fragmentary writings of
that small group of little-known men called the Apostolic
Fathers. These were the Christian leaders living immediately
after the last of the apostles, in the sub-apostolic age. Some of
their writings, known to antiquity, have been lost. Others have
been preserved in whole or in part, though often in tampered
form. And while the precise authorship of certain of these
existent treatises is not known, and the exact time of their writ-
ing cannot be ascertained, they nevertheless reflect with some
fidelity the current beliefs of the time, and voice the teachings
of that hazy period.'
The situation in the Christian church, immediately fol-
lowing the apostles, did not require an extensive literature of
its own. Men were expecting important changes in the world.
The authoritative teaching of the apostles was, of course, still
fresh in memory, and the struggle between Christianity and
paganism had not yet assumed any large proportions. It was the
twilight period, before the literature of the early church philoso-
phers had developed. Their first writings were not so much
history, expositions, or apologies, as simply letters.' They form
1 Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 12, 634.
2 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 19, 20.
205
206 PROPHETIC FAITH
but the connecting link between the writings of the apostles

and those of the Ante-Nicene fathers.
This period of the Apostolic Fathers occupied, in general,
the first half of the second century of the Christian Era, reach-
ing from the time of the apostles on to the days of Justin Martyr.
It embraced the decades following the scattering of the apostles.,----
to the Gentile provinces. It was the time of accelerating speed
in extending the gospel and in gaining converts;,-as the early
Christian churches went forth ardently to extend the faith. It
embraced roughly the period of the early martyrs under the
inhuman cruelties of the Roman persecutions from Domitian
onward. This formed the background against which the Apos-
tolic Fathers, and the succeeding Ante-Nicene church fathers,
wrote. Those rugged days were marked by heroic deeds rather
than by eloquent words, by tragic suffering rather than by
extensive writing. But the records left, though meager, are
revealing, and represent the earliest evidence to the conquering
march of the gospel.
These second-century writings are in sharp contrast to the
inspired Scriptures of the apostles. These successors were already
definitely influenced by the sophistries of the day, which had
introduced such legends as that of the phoenix,' and other
fables. The views of some were tinctured with Jewish concepts;
others were marred by gross extravagances. The very inferiority
of these writings enables us to attach a higher value to the
superiority of the canonical writings of the apostles, for these
fragmentary works were but the "lingering echoes," in dis-
toiled form, of those vital messages before them, written under
inspiration.
Under the emperors of this period, Rome was approaching
the height of its external grandeur and might in its climb to
See Eusebius, Church History, book 2, chap. 3, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 107; Jus-
tin Martyr, Dialogue With Trypho, chap. 17 in ANF, vol. I, p. 203; Irenaeus, Against Heresies,
book 1, chap. 3, in ANF, vol. 1, pp. 319, 326; Tertullian, Apology, chap. 37, in ANF, vol. 3, p.
45; Origen, Against Celsus, book 1, chap. 37, and book 3, chap. 24, in ANF, vol. 4, pp. 412,
473.
4 Phoenix: A sacred bird in Egyptian mythology, fabled to live for five hundred years or
longer in Arabia. At the expiration of that time it made itself a nest of twigs on which it died
by burning itself alive. From the ashes rose another phoenix, young and beautiful; hence, the
phoenix became a symbol of immortality and of the resurrection,
SECOND-CENTURY \VIA:NESS OF APOSTOLIC FATHERS 207
world supremacy. And the early church was steadily expanding

while the Roman dominion was attaining its widest range and
loftiest authority. The Pax Romana opened the way for easy
access to all quarters of the Roman world. And this pagan
Roman Empire was, for the first few centuries of our era, the
civil sphere in which the early church lived and moved and had
her being.
By the very nature of its precepts and principles, Chris-
tianity was destined to find opposition and persecution leveled
against it, and to feel the full weight of paganism's power. The
concept of the kingly Christ and the stern morality of Christian
purity were both obnoxious to the pagan. The rising sun of
Christianity did not banish the lingering shadows of pagan
idolatry and superstition. An irrepressible conflict was bound
to continue until, in the next two centuries, paganism was con-
quered, except in the remote corners of the Pismire,
These writings of the Apostolic Fathers are of lesser value
and validity, in part, because they are less accurately trans-
mitted to us. But they are, nevertheless, the necessary transition
between the apostles of the first century and the less fragmentaq_
and more authentic writings of the Ante-Nicene church fathers
which followed. So we will now take a brief look at their under-
standing of the prophecies and the advent before we go on to
the clear, authenticated writings of the next period.'
The early church was distinctly premillennialist in her
cherished expectations of Christ's second advent. His coming
and kingdom were her constant hope. The Apostolic Fathers
anticipated a future kingdom in connection with the Redeem-
er's advent. They built upon, and generally harmonized with,
those basic principles of prophetic interpretation enunciated
by Christ and the apostles, which in turn were the continuation
The words valid and authentic are used here in reference to the text of these writings,
not to their doctrinal soundness. Although it is true that, on the whole, the church following
the apostolic age retained the early prophetic interpretation to a considerable degree down to
the end of the era of pagan persecution—and even to Jerome—there were definite divergences,
and many of the fathers departed more from the apostolic viewpoint in other respects than on
prophetic interpretation. The writings of the fathers reveal the early inroads of unscriptural
doctrines and practices into the church. Protestants do not cite the church fathers to authenti-
cate doctrines, prophetic or otherwise, but only to trace their development.
208 PROPHETIC FAITH
of the antecedent Jewish principles of interpretation. Let us

now note their testimony.
II. The Testimony of the Epistles of Clement

Clement of Rome e is shrouded in ambiguity, but appar-
ently he was the bishop, or "overseer," of the church at
And in this transitional period that church held an important
but not an overshadowing place. Two epistles are extant under
Clement's name, though only the first is generally accounted
genuine.' The Epistle of Clement was believed to have been
penned in the Domitianic period, and so probably about A.D. 95,
says Westcott. It was highly esteemed by the early church,'
and was evidently written from Rome to the church at Corinth.'
A brief excerpt will reveal the advent expectancy marking this
treatise. The advent hope is central.
"Of a truth, soon and suddenly shall His will be accomplished, as
the Scripture also bears witness, saying, 'Speedily will He come, and will
not tarry;' and, 'The Lord shall suddenly come to His temple, even the
Holy One, for whom ye look.' "'°
In the dubious Second Epistle the advent note echoes:

"Let us then wait for the kingdom of God, from hour to hour, in
love and righteousness, seeing that we know not the day of the appearing
of God." 11
III. The Witness of the Epistles of Ignatius

The epistles of Ignatius of Antioch are among the best-
known documents of the primitive church." The author was
The Apostolic Fathers are generally collected in one volume. Numerous English transla-
tions are acceptable. Reference will be made to several collections entitled The Apostolic Fa-
thers, translated by Lightfoot; Kirsopp Lake in the Loeb Classical Library; that in The Ante-
Nicene Fathers (ANF); and most recent, that of Glimm, Marique, and Walsh in The Fathers
of the Church series (1947), a new Roman Catholic translation.
7 Westcott. op. cit., pp. 23. 24.
See Eusebius, Church History, book 3, chap. 16, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 147.
9 Ibid., cf. Francis X. Glimm, translator's introduction to The Letter of St. Clement of
Rome to the Corinthians, in The Apostolic Fathers (trans. by Glimm, Marique, and Walsh),
pp. 3, 4.
lo The First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, chap. 23, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 11; cf.
Kirsopp Lake's translation in the Loeb Classical Library, The Apostolic Fathers, vol. 1, p. 51;
also Glimm's translation, chap. 23, p. 29.
The Second Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, chap. 12 (Lake's translation), vol.
1, p. 147; cf. Glimm's translation, p. 72.
12 See Eusebius, Church History, book 3, chap. 36, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, pp. 166,
169.
SECOND-CENTURY WITNESS OF APOSTOLIC FATHERS 209
probably a martyr during the reign of Trajan (98-117), dying

about A.D. 107, when, as tradition insists, he was thrown to the
wild beasts in the Roman amphitheater. He is alluded to by
Polycarp and Irenaeus." Ignatius was conscious of an approach-
ing crisis in the church."
- - "The last times are come upon us. Let us therefore be of a reverent
spirit, and fear the long-suffering of God, that it tend not to our condem-
nation." "
"Weigh carefully the times. Look for Him who is above all time,
eternal and invisible, yet who became visible for our sakes." 10
"Let not those who seem worthy of credit, but teach strange doc-
trines, fill thee with apprehension. Stand firm, as does an anvil which is
beaten. It is the part of a noble athlete to be wounded, and yet to conquer.
And especially we ought to bear all things for the sake of God, that He also
may bear with us, and bring us into His kingdom. Add more and more to
thy diligence; run thy race with ihcreasing energy; weigh carefully the
times. Whilst thou art here, be a conqueror; for here is the course, and
there are the crowns. Look for Christ, the Son of God; who was before
time, yet appeared in time; who was invisible by nature, yet visible in the
flesh." "
The reason for Ignatius' thirst for martyrdom was the resur-
rection hope:
"Yet if I shall suffer, then am I a freed-man of Jesus Christ, and I
shall rise free in Him.""
IV. The Testimony of the Epistle of Barnabas

Almost no scholars now believe that the author of this
Epistle of Barnabas" was the apostle Barnabas, illustrious com-
panion of Paul. Possibly it was a Jewish Christian bearing the
same name, who had probably studied Philo, and who handled
the Old Testament in an allegorical way in support of Chris-
tianity. It has been called Alexandrian in style, and was written
13 Gerald G. Walsh, Introduction to the Letters of St. Ignatius of Antioch, in The Apos-
tolic Fathers (tr. by Glimm, etc.), pp. 84, 85.
14 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 28-32.
'5 The Epistle of Ignatius to the Ephesians, chap. 11, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 54, shorter re-
cension (cf. Walsh's translation, pp. 91, 92).
le The Epistle of Ignatius to Polycarp, chap. 3, shorter recension, in AKE, vol. 1, p. 94.
17 Ibid., the longer recension.
is Ignatius, To the Romans, in The Apostolic Fathers (Lightfoot-Harmer ed.), p. 151;
cf. Walsh s translation, p. 110.
9 The Lightfoot text, quoted here, is based on the Sinaitic and Constantinopolitan man-
uscripts, a series of nine Greek manuscripts, a Latin version, and excerpts in Clement of Alex-
andria.
210 PROPHETIC FAITH
in Greek, and the possible limits of writing have been placed

all the way from A.D. 70 to 150," with the preponderance of
opinion favoring the later date, or its proximity. It obviously
could not be at the earlier date.
A few extracts will set forth the sketchy testimony of
di is document. First, as to prophecy in general:
"For the Lord made known to us by His prophets things.-past and
present, giving us likewise the firstfruits of the taste of thingS future. And
seeing each of these things severally coming to pass, according as He spake,
we ought to offer a richer and higher offering to the fear of Him. But I,
not as though I were a teacher, but as one of yourselves, will show forth a
few things, whereby ye shall be gladdened in the present circumstances."
Second, Barnabas' reference to the ten kingdoms and the
Little Horn in connection with the "present time" seems to in-
dicate his understanding of the fourth beast as the then-existing
Roman Empire, and his recognition of the ten kingdoms to be
carved out of Rome, as the next step in the prophetic outline,
to be followed by the uprooting of the three kings by the "little
king." His readers are admonished:
"It behoves us therefore to investigate deeply concerning the pres-
ent, and to search out the things which have power to save us. Let us
therefore flee altogether from all the works of lawlessness, lest the works of
lawlessness overpower us; and let us loathe the error of the present time,
that we may be loved for that which is to come. . . . The last offence is at
hand, concerning which the scripture speaketh, as Enoch saith. For to this
end the Master hath cut the seasons and the days short, that His beloved
might hasten and come to His inheritance. And the prophet also speaketh
on this wise; Ten reigns shall reign. upon the earth, and after them shall
arise a little king, who shall bring low three of the kings under one. In like
manner Daniel speaketh concerning the same; And I saw the fourth beast
to be wicked and strong and more intractable than all the beasts of the
earth, and how there arose from him ten horns, and front these a little
horn„ an. excrescence, and how that it abased under one three of the great
horns. Ye ought therefore to understand." 22
20 There has been much speculation over the date. Bishop Lightfoot inclined to an early
date. But George A. Jackson, in The Apostolic Fathers and the Apologists of the Second Cen-
tury, page 88, holds that it was composed in "the first quarter of the [second] century, from A.D.
119 to 126," and in his chronological table he puts it about the year 125. Dates of other scholars
center on the third decade of the second century. (See introductions to Barnabas, in the Light-
foot-Harmer ed., pp. 239-242; in ANT, vol. 1, pp. 133-135; and in Glimm's translation, pp. 187-
189.)
21 The Epistle of Barnabas. chap. 1 (Lightfoot-Harmer), p. 269.
22 Ibid., chap. 4, p. 271 (cf. Glimm's translation, pp. 194, 195).
SECOND-CENTURY WITNESS OF APOSTOLIC EATH FRS 211
Third, he alludes to the coming "Black One," to lawless-

ness, and to keeping the commandments of God:
"Wherefore let us take heed in these last days. For the whole time of
our faith shall profit us nothing, unless we now, in the season of lawless-
ness and in the offences that shall be, as becometh sons of God, offer resist-
ance, that the Black One may not effect an entrance. Let us flee from all
vanity, let us entirely hate the works of the evil way. . . . Let us become
spiritual, let us become a temple perfect unto God. As far as in us lies, let
us exercise ourselves in the fear of God, [and] let us strive to keep His com-
mandments, that we may rejoice in His ordinances."
Fourth, he refers to the destruction of that "Lawless One"
at the end, or second coming of the Son, and judgment, at the
close of the six thousand years—the latter, a carry-over of Jewish
expectation:
"Of the sabbath He speaketh in the beginning of the creation; A nd
God made the works of His hands in six days, and He ended on the seventh
day, and rested on it. and He hallowed it. Give heed, children, w hat this
meaneth; He ended in six days. He meaneth this, that in six thousand
years the T ^rd shall bring all things to an end; for the day Hi signi-
fieth a thousand years; and this He himself beareth me witness, saying;
Behold, the day of the Lord shall be as a thousand years. Therefore, chil-
dren, in six days, that is in six thousand years, everything shall come. to an
end. And He rested on the seventh day. This He meaneth; when His Son
shall come, and shall abolish the time of the Lawless One, and shall judge
the ungodly, and shall change the sun and the moon and the stars. then
shall He truly rest on the seventh day." "
And fifth, after declaring (in chapter 20) that "the way of
the Black One is crooked and full of a curse, for it is a way of
eternal death with punishment," the writer of the epistle makes
mention of the kingdom of God, the resurrection, and the immi-
nent day of the Lord:
"For he that doeth these things shall be glorified in the kingdom of
God; whereas he that chooseth their opposites shall perish together with
his works. For this cause is the resurrection, for this the recompense. I en-
treat those of you who are in higher station, if ye will receive any counsel
of good advice from me, keep amongst you those to whom ye may do good.
Fail not. The day is at hand, in which everything shall be destroyed to-
gether with the Evil One. The Lord is at hand and His reward." 25
z, Ibid., p. 272 (cf. Glimm's translation. pp. 195, 196).

2, Ibid., chap. 15, pp. 283, 284 (cf. Glimm's translation. pp. 215. 216).
Ibid., chap. 21, p. 287.
212 PROPHETIC FAITH
V. Testimony of the Shepherd of Hermas

The Shepherd of Hermas was a collection of so-called
visions, comrhandments, and parables, originally written in
Greek during the rise of Montanism. It is first mentioned in
the Muratorian Fragment (c. AM. 170). At Jerusalem, Christian
doctrine was being grafted onto the Jewish ritual, while at----------
Rome, a legalizing spirit was busy building a substitute for the
Mosaic system. Hermas was concerned over the outward rites of
the church, and insisted on the necessity of works—though the
lawgiver now was Christ. His treatise consists of a system of
Christian ethics based on ecclesiastical concepts. It enjoins
fasting, voluntary poverty, meritorious works, and the sin-aton-
ing virtue of martyrdom. It contained no direct quotations from
either Old or New Testament, though there are frequent allu-
sions to and paraphrases of New Testament language.'
The Shepherd of Hermas was one of the most popular
treatises in the Christian church of the second and third cen-
turies, obviously written in Rome by a layman. It is quoted by
Irenaeus in Gaul, Tertullian in North Africa, and Origen in
Alexandria, and mentioned three times by Clement. By some
of the early writers it was regarded almost as inspired. It was
written in Greek, and the text from which the English transla-
tions are made is based on extant Greek manuscripts, and also
Latin and Ethiopic versions. The date is uncertain, but, accord-
ing to Lightfoot, the work was in general circulation about the
middle of the second century. There are several citations from
the Apocalypse but the whole work follows the apocalyptic
form, teaching by precept and allegory. It occupied a position
analogous to that of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, or Dante's
Divine Comedy. The introduction to one edition says among
other things:
"The Shepherd of Hermas is in form an apocalypse. It consists of a
series of revelations made to Hermas by the Church, who appears in the
form of a woman, first old, and afterwards younger; by the shepherd, or
28 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 190-199; see also M'Clintock and Strong, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 204,
art. "Hermas."
angel of repentance; and by the great angel, who is in charge of Chris-

tians. Each revelation is accompanied by an explanation."
Five quotations must suffice. First, this allusion to the com-
ing tribulation:
"Blessed are ye, as many as endure patiently the great tribulation
that cometh, and as many as shall not deny their life. For the Lord sware
`concerning His Son, that those who denied their Lord should be rejected
from -their life, even they that are now about to deny Him in the coming
days."
Next, the coming removal of the heavens and the earth in
fulfillment of the promise to the elect:
"'He removeth the heavens and the mountains and the hills and the
seas, and all things are made level for His elect, that He may fulfil to them
the promise which He promised with great glory and rejoicing, if so be
that they shall keep the ordinances of God, which they received, with great
faith.' "
Then the growth and perfertinn of the church are likened
to the building of a tower, with stones of character. We read:
"Whensoever therefore the tower shall be finished building,
the end cometh." 3°
Fourth, the impending persecution by the great prophetic
"beast" is portrayed, with the church represented as a "woman":
"The fourth vision which I saw, brethren, twenty days after the for-
mer vision which came unto me, for a type of the impending tribulation.
I was going into the country by the Campanian Way. . . . And I went on
a little, brethren, and behold, I see a cloud of dust rising as it were to
heaven, and I began to say within myself, 'Can it be that cattle are com-
ing, and raising a cloud of dust?' for it was about a stade [stadium, a Greek
measure of distance current in the East from the time of Alexander the
Great—about a furlong] from me. As the cloud of dust waxed greater and
greater I suspected that it was something supernatural. Then the sun
shone out a little, and behold, I see a huge beast like some sea-monster,
and from its mouth fiery locusts issued forth. And the beast was about a
hundred feet in length, and its head was as it were of pottery. And I began
to weep, and to entreat the Lord that He would rescuie me from it. And
27 Introduction to The Shepherd of Hermas, in the Lake translation, vol. 2, p. 2; cf.

Joseph M.-F. Marique, Introduction to The Shepherd of Hermas, in The Apostolic Fathers
(translated by Glimm, etc.), pp. 225-232.
The Shepherd of Hermas, Vision 2, chap. 2 (Lightfoot-Harmer), pp. 408, 409 (cf.
Marique's translation, p. 238).
3'. Ibid., Vision 1, chap. 3, p. 407 (cf. Marique's translation, p. 236).
SO Ibid., Vision 3, chap. 8, p. 416.
214 PROPHETIC FAITH
I remembered the word which I had heard, 'Be not of doubtful mind, Her-
nias.' Having therefore, brethren, put on the faith of the Lord and called
to mind the mighty works that He had taught me, I took courage and gave
myself up to the beast. Now the beast was coming on with such a rush, that
it might have ruined a city. . . .
"Now after I had passed the beast, and had gone forward about
thirty feet, behold, there meeteth me a virgin arrayed as if she were going
forth from a bride-chamber, all in white and with white sandals, veiled r.,,-----------
up to her forehead, and her head-covering consisted of a turban, and 1 er
hair was white. I knew from the former visions that it was the Chufch, and
I became more cheerful. She saluteth me, saying, 'Good morilcw, my good
man'; and I saluted her in turn, 'Lady, good morrow.'-She answered and
said unto me, 'Did nothing meet thee?' I say unto her, 'Lady, such a huge
beast, that could have destroyed whole peoples: but, by the power of the
Lord and by His great mercy, I. escaped it.' 'Thou didst escape it well,'
saith she, 'because thou didst cast thy care upon God, and didst open thy
heart to the Lord, believing that thou canst be saved by nothing else but
by His great and glorious Name. Therefore the Lord sent His angel,
which is over the beasts, whose name is Segri, and shut its mouth, that it
might not hurt thee. Thou hast escaped a great tribulation by reason of
thy faith, and because, though thou sawest so huge a beast, thou didst not
doubt in thy mind. Go therefore, and declare to the elect of the Lord His
mighty works, and tell them that this beast is a type of the great tribula-
tion which is to come. If therefore ye prepare yourselves beforehand, and
repent (and turn) unto the Lord with your whole heart, ye shall be able to
escape it, if your heart be made pure and without blemish, and if for the
remaining days of your life ye serve the Lord blamelessly.""
Finally, the coming world for the righteous is pictured:

" Tor this life is a winter to the righteous, and they do not manifest
themselves, because they dwell with sinners: for as in winter trees that
have cast their leaves are alike, and it is not seen which are dead and which
are living, so in this world neither do the righteous show themselves, nor
sinners, but all are alike one to another.' . . .
" 'Those,' he [the Shepherd] said, 'which are budding are the right-
eous who are to live in the world to come; for the coming world is the
summer of the righteous, but the winter of sinners.'""
VI. The Testimony of the Epistle of Polycarp

The one short epistle of Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, is
interwoven with more references to the New Testament writ-
ings than any other work of this early age. He impresses the
Ibid., Vision 4, chaps. 1 2, pp. 419, 420 (cf. Marique's translation, pp. 254-256).
32 The Pastor of Hernias, gimilitudes 3 and 4, in ANF, vol. 2, p. 33.
dangers of the times, and warns of Antichrist! Polycarp suffered

martyrdom by fire about A.D. 155. It was formerly thought that
his death occurred a little later, under Marcus Aurelius.
Irenaeus was his noted pupil, whom we will later discuss. Poly-
carp's" allusion to this Biblical term "antichrist" -must suffice
for this witness:
"For every one who shall not confess that Jesus Christ is come in the
flesh, is antichrist: and whosoever shall not confess) the testimony of the
cross, is of the devil; and whosoever shall pervert the oracles of the Lord
to his own lusts, and say that there is neither resurrection nor judgment,
that man is the first-born of Satan." "
VII. The Testimony of Papias
This sketchy tracing of the Apostolic Fathers will be

brought to a close with the declaration of Papias concerning a
millennium following the resurrection of the dead. The princi-
pal information in regard to Papias, whose whole works are lost,
comes from the extractspreserveA in the works of Irenaeus and
Eusebius. He is believed to have been bishop of Hierapolis, in
Phrygia, sometime during the first half of the second century,
suffering martyrdom about A.D. l63. Although Irenaeus thought
that Papias was a hearer of the apostle John, Eusebius denies
this, quoting from his prefaces to show that he was merely on
intimate terms with some who had known Christ and the
apostles."
Attention is particularly directed to the conception of
Christ's personal, established reign on earth during the millen-
nium:
"The same person [Papias], moreover, has set down other things as
coming to him from unwritten tradition, amongst these some strange para-
bles and instructions of the Saviour, and some other things of a more fab-
ulous nature. Amongst these he says that there will be a millennium after
33 Westcott, op. cit., pp. 36-39; cf. M'Clintock and Strong, oh. cit., vol. 8. pp. 360-363,
art. "Polycarp." (See also Introduction to The Martyrdom of St. Polycarp, in Glimm's trans-
lation, p. 147.)
si The authenticity of the Epistle of Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, is abundantly estab-
lished both by external testimony (Irenaeus, Against Heresies, book 3, chap. 3; Eusebius.
Church History, book 3, chap. 36, book 4, chap. 14) and internal testimony.
3, The Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians, chap. 7 (Lightfoot-Harmer), p. 179.
33 Eusebius, Church History, hook 3, chap. 39, in ArP.AT, 2d series, vol. 1, pp. 170, 171.
216 PROPHETIC FAITH
the resurrection from the dead, when the personal reign of Christ will be
established on this earth." "
Papias' prime example of millennial description is that
cited by Irenaeus: Vines will have ten thousand branches, each
branch ten thousand twigs, each twig ten thousand shoots, each
shoot ten thousand clusters, each cluster ten thousand grapes,
each grape yielding twenty-five metretes of wine. Again, a singl
grain of wheat will produce ten thousand ears, each ear ten thou-
sand grains, and each grain will make ten pounds of fine flour;
other plants will produce in similar proportions.' This tradition
was supposedly derived from Christ, but in reality it came from
Jewish apocalyptic sources.'
VIII. Summary of Witness of Apostolic Fathers

The voice of the Apostolic Fathers—the men who re-
putedly lived nearest to the apostles—testified to the expected
premillennial second advent of Christ. "His appearing and his
kingdom" are bound together. The future "parousia" is affirmed
primarily of the second Person of the Godhead, never of the
Spirit or of the Father, and never of providence or of death.
For the Apostolic Fathers the appearing and the kingdom were
obviously the supreme object of hope, and next to the cross
the greatest motives in their witness. Here is their scattered
twelvefold witness, gleaned from the several sources in this half
century:
1. The second advent the goal of expectation.
2. The judgment connected with the advent.
3. The resurrection of the righteous at the advent.
4. Establishment of kingdom of God to follow the resur-
rection.
5. Ten horn-kingdoms to succeed the then-present
(Roman) fourth beast.
37 Fragments of Papias, VI, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 154, cited from Eusebius, Church His-
tory, book 3, chap. 39 (see NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 172 for another translation).
as Fragments of Papias, IV in ANF, vol. 1, pp. 153, 154, cited from Irenaeus, Against
Heresies, book 5, chap. 33, secs. 3, 4 (see ANF, vol. 1, pp. 562, 563).
as See page 303, note 45, and page 285,
6. A little horn to abase three of the ten horn-kingdoms.

7. The Black One, or lawless one, yet to come.
8. Days of great tribulation await the church.
9. The seventh thousand years the millennial rest.
10. The righteous to live in the world to come.
11. Day of destruction to destroy evil one.
• 12. Antichrist mentioned but not identified.
There was difference as to how the saints would spend the
thousand years. While cherishing the great truth of the advent,
some early Christian writers held views that were tinctured with
Jewish concepts. Chiliasm, insofar as it pictured the reign of
Christ on earth for a thousand years following the second ad-
vent, was increasingly marred, as time progressed, by the fervid
coloring of an Asiatic imagination and by fanatical extrava-
gance. This was one of the early misconceptions that prepared
the way for greater errors to follow later.
COLISEUM, SCENE OF EARLY CHRISTIAN MARTYRDOMS
Exterior of Remains of Immense Flavian Amphitheater in Rome. Begun by Vespasian and
Finished by Titus in A.D. 80, It Seated About 50,000 Spectators. Unnumbered Early Christians
Were Slaughtered Here for Their Faith (Upper). Interior, 515 by 610 Feet, and About 160 Feet
in Height. Below Are the Subterranean Chambers Which Confined the Ravenous Beasts (Lower)
CHAPTER TEN
The Period of the Apologists
I. Historical Setting of Ante-Nicene Period

The period of the Ante-Nicene fathers to be surveyed in
the next several chapters—from about A.D. 150 to the first gen-,,
eral Council of Nicaea, in 325—covers the spread of Christian-
ity throughout the Roman Empire, its contest with Judaism
and heathenism, its persecution by the Roman state, early Chris-
tian martyrdom, the development of organization and disci-
pline in the church, the embryo of the Papacy, the early here-
sies, and the initial development of the old Catholic theology,,
The latter part of the first century had seen the planting of
Rome's idolatrous ensigns within the precincts of the Holy City,
Jerusalem, and the erection in Rome of the triumphal Arch of
Titus to commemorate his victory. Even imperial coins were'
minted to commemorate the captivity of Judah. (Reproduction
appears on page 160.) Thus Jerusalem was destroyed according
to the prophecy, the political power of the priesthood broken,
and the Jewish dispensation, or times, brought to an end. In its
place the Christian church spread across the Roman Empire
until there was scarcely a city of any importance that did not
have its congregation of Christians. By the end of the second
century churches were scattered throughout Asia Minor, Greece,
Italy, Egypt, Northern Africa, in the distant isles of Britain, and
probably in Spain.'
:1 0n Christianity's early course in Europe see Schaff, History, vol: 2, pp. 23-30. This
standard history gives a reliable and comprehensive picture of this transition hour. Frequent
reference will be made thereto.
219
220 PROPHETIC FAITH
Rome's iron empire ruled, and paganism flourished. Ulti-

mately the images of emperors were erected in public places for
worship. Christians refused this adoration, and violent opposi-
tion, with persecution even to imprisonment and death, lifted
its heavy hand against them. Truth still shone from the eve-
ning glow of the apostolic day. But with the passing of time,
changes for the worse came in many of the churches, and gross
perversions of the Christian faith appeared. Legalism- and rit-
ualism on the one hand, and false, mystical philosophy on the
other, made fatal inroads. The boasted wisdom of the Gnostics
diverted many away from the gospel simplicity. Sects arose in
the Graeco-Roman church denying the deity or the humanity
of Christ, and the atoning character of His death. The period
has been aptly denominated by Schaff as history's most radical
transition hour.'
Direct attacks upon Christianity came from both Jews and
pagans by the middle of the second century. The assaults by
Celsus (c. A.D. 178) were the most outstanding, his philosophical
and critical sophistry anticipating most of the arguments and
sophisms of later times. Attacks were made particularly on the
sacred books of the Christians. And vicious assaults were made
not only upon Christ and Christianity—its facts, doctrines, and
alleged contradictions—but upon the Christians themselves.
It was these attacks of argument and calumny that called
forth the extensive Christian apologetic literature' of the early
church leaders. It is chiefly from these "apologies," frequently
addressed to the Roman emperor, that we glean the most sig-
nificant utterances cited, which reveal the status of prophetic
interpretation as centered in the advent hope and expectancy
at the time. These church leaders met the crucial issues of the
hour, the subversive positions taken, and the specious argu-
ments employed, with a clear declaration of faith.
It is to be remembered that this is the age of the early
martyrs, whose praises we rightly sing. And it was the age before
2 Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 7.
3 Ibid., pp. 104, 105.
THE PERIOD OF THE APOLOGISTS 221
the rise of the Papacy in its later form—although of course the

"mystery of iniquity" was already at work, and the ecclesiastical
falling away had then actively begun.' Moreover, certain of
these writers voiced opposition to the ambitions of the Roman
bishop, for the high antiquity of the church at Rome and the
political pre-eminence of the city conspired to give him eccle-
siastical pre-eminence.' This period therefore represents the
views 'of the leading writers of the early church before the de-
velopment of.the Papacy.
Sometimes among the "confessors" (those who confessed
Christ at peril of life, but were not executed) and "martyrs"
(those who suffered all manner of abuse, including death itself),
were those in whom the flame of enthusiasm became a wild
fire of fanaticism. There were some who rashly sought the mar-
tyr's crown that they might merit heaven and be venerated on
earth as saints. Rut after allowance for such extravagances the
martyrdom of the first three centuries remains one of the
grandest spectacles of heroism in history. And these martyrs,
put to death by pagan Rome, were mostly premillennialists."
However, the early veneration of the martyrs' noble
sacrifice later degenerated into worship of saints and relics.
The veneration of martyrs afterward came to hold a meritorious
efficacy, and veneration came to be transferred to their remains.
Thus saint worship in time came into being. The exaltation
of the clergy also came in close connection with the idea of
a special priesthood. Separation from secular business was
followed by separation from social relations, and then celibacy.
Ceremonial pomp led, about the middle of the third century,
to a multiplication of ecclesiastical offices, such as subdeacons,
readers, acolytes, exorcists, precentors, interpreters. Then came
the monarchical episcopate, and the beginnings of the patriar-
chal system: Such is the fleeting panoramic picture presented
by the times that form the setting for the testimony of the
• Ibid., p. 155.
5 Ibid., pp. 156, 157.
6 /bid., pp. 76, 77 614, 615.
9 Ibid., pp. 133-154.
222 PROPHETIC FAITH
representative spokesmen whom we are to hear. But first we

must take note of the inroads of Gnosticism, a heresy which,
although expelled from the church, left its marks, and sowed
tares in Christian thought which were later impossible to root
out.
II. Gnostic Controversy Complicates Early Church Situation

Gnosticism, a far-flung religio-philosophical movement,
came into prominence during the second century, and spread
over the empire. It flourished for a century and a half, and was
replaced by the powerful Manichaean philosophy that persisted
for hundreds of years. In composition Gnosticism was a reli-
gious syncretism fusing different earlier beliefs, springing up
alongside and within the early Christian church just as the latter
was crystallizing its faith.
While it arose independently of the church, Gnosticism
permeated the church, and certain of its principles long flour-
ished within its borders. Ignatius, for example, uses the phras-
ings of Gnosticism as he speaks of Christ as "not proceeding
forth from silence." BGnosticism includes such names as Satur-
ninus, Tatian, Basilides, Valentinus, and Marcion. The apostle
Paul, it will be remembered, had previously warned against a
gnosis (knowledge) that was falsely so called. (1 Tim. 6:20.)
Gnosticism rejected the greater part of the Scripture. Its
adherents imagined themselves the Christian intelligentsia of
their day. Gnosticism was not original, but drew its spec-
ulations from earlier Oriental paganism, Alexandrian Jewish
philosophy, and Christian sources, simply combining them. It
sought to construct a theory of the universe—a cosmogony—
and to explain how the cosmic order was originally projected,
then ruined. In this theology harmony will be restored only
by the destruction of all matter.
The Gnostics were concerned primarily with philosophical
speculation. They believed that they possessed a secret, mys-
B Ignatius, Epistle to the Magnesians, chap. 8, shorter version in AXE, vol. 1, p. 62.
terious knowledge unaccessible to the outsider. Theirs was a

mystic religion, seeking assurance of a fortunate destiny for the
soul after death. According to their teaching, all men are di-
vided by fate into three classes, higher or lower in proportion
to freedom from matter— (1) the spiritual, (2) the material,
and (3) the psychical—segregated according to the elements or
lack of the elements of Deity within them.
The Gnostics, of course, constituted the first group, be-
lieving themselves to be the more highly endowed mortals, al-
legedly saved by their knowledge of the esoteric system, but
characterized by other attitudes which took the strangely con-
flicting forms of either asceticism or libertinism. The third
group was wholly material and could not be saved, for they had
no spark of the divine within them. Between the two the inter-
mediate class embraced the ordinary Christians who had not
this higher knowledge, yet who might possibly be saved, though
Christian faith was held to be vastly inferior to Gnostic knowl-
edge.
Gnosticism, which had its roots in paganism, had many
rites and formulas derived partly from a blending of Babylonian
and Persian beliefs based on an Oriental dualism. This dualism
embraced the two worlds of good and evil, of light and dark-
ness, the divine and material worlds, with the material as the
seat of evil. It taught a series of emanations from the Supreme
Being, principally the "Seven," who were half angelic and half
demonic, derived from the planetary deities. From the Great
Mother, or goddess of heaven, who had long been worshiped
throughout Asia under various forms and names, came Gnosti-
cism's concept of the Sophia, or mother of the Hebdomas. The
movement was also strongly influenced by Greek Platonism.
The Christian Gnosticism incorporated the historical Jesus,
vvhich afforded a new point of crystallization. These Gnostic
heretics claimed one source of their knowledge to be the secret
traditions committed by Christ to an inner circle. But they
held that other proper sources were from enlightened men
everywhere, including heathen poets and philosophers. These
224 PROPHETIC FAITH
devotees of "knowledge" therefore claimed a place in the

church, and complained bitterly when it was denied them.
They held that Christianity was insufficient to afford absolute
truth. They relied not so much on historical evidence or logical
reasoning as on the intuitional powers of highly endowed
minds. Their purpose was to construct not merely a theory of
redemption but a theory regarding creation.
The Gnostic idea of redemption was liberation of the spirit
from its connection with matter. Their view of the worthless-
ness of the material world naturally affected their concept of a
bodily resurrection, for which there would be no desirability
or need. The practice of asceticism was common among them,
and the idea of marriage and procreation was considered either
worthless or evil. These ideas were later drawn upon by
Catholicism. Augustine, though combating the dualism of the
Manichaeans, introduced a number of dualistic ideas into his
philosophy of Christianity.
The Gnostics were moved by mysticism. They loved sym-
bols and fostered gorgeous ritualistic worship and liturgy. The
simple ordinances and observances of the Apostolic church
were frowned upon as premised on the ground of mere faith.
Gnosticism was pre-eminently a religion of sacraments and mys-
teries, and succeeded in introducing many of these elements
into the church in general. It thus gave impetus to the strong
Catholic emphasis upon salvation through religious forms.
There is no evidence that the Gnostics ever attempted an
ecclesiastical organization. On the contrary, many were to be
found in the orthodox churches, within which they sought to
form schools or social circles. But the very aggressiveness and di-
versity of these conflicting groups spurred the church on to form
a unified organization, and to accentuate churchly authority
and tradition to protect itself against the varied forms of hereti-
cal gnosis. An organized hierarchy, a recognized canon of Scrip-
ture, a confession and rule of faith, and doctrinal discipline
were all stimulated by the attacks of Gnosticism.
Thus it came about that a system which had probably de-
veloped from Oriental mythologies before it came into contact

with Christianity, became a Christian heresy. The movement
reached its height in the third quarter of tile second century,
after which it began to wane; and after the age of Cyprian (d.
258), Gnosticism became largely a negligible factor. But it was
during the course of this Gnostic controversy that the early
church on the one hand defined the Catholic standards and tests
of orthodoxy by which it ostensibly shut out the Gnostics from
Christian fellowship, yet on the other hand absorbed some of
the Gnostic ideas which led the way in amalgamation of Chris-
tian and pagan thought and life.'
Most of the Gnostic literature has perished, though frag-
ments remain. The most important witnesses concerning the
subtleties of Gnosticism are Irenaeus, Tertullian, Hippolytus,
Origen, and Epiphanius, whom we shall study, though Ignatius
and Justin Martyr also throw light upon its early forms.
Prophetic interpretation, it should be noted, was developing in
the midst of this and succeeding conflicts within the church.
These vicissitudes of the early church form the discordant set-
ting in which increasingly clear and full expositions of the pro-
phetic writings were brought forth. That is the stage on which
the actors played their respective parts.
III. The Leading Spokesmen the Reflecting Witnesses
The history of prophetic interpretation is not a bare re-
cital of impersonal facts and episodes, detached from the human
factors. On the contrary, it is the pulsating life story of individ-
uals and groups of individuals with their ideals and idiosyncra-
sies, their achievements and failures, their loyalties and be-
trayals. To no small degree, it is a succession of biographies of
conspicuous Christian leaders. It often thrills and often disap-
points, it exhilarates and it saddens as the human frailties ap-
pear in the texture of the slowly woven fabric.
On Gnosticism see Sydney Herbert Mellone, "Gnosticism," Encyclopaedia Britannica,

vol. 10, pp. 452-455; John Benjamin Rust, Gnosticism; Henry L. Manse!, The Gnostic Heresies
of the First and Second Centuries; see also article in M'Clintock and Strong.
8
226 PROPHETIC FAITH
Only as we catch glimpses of the actual characters—and as

we know something of their personal lives, and read their words
in the setting of the determining circumstances of the day--
can we have a vivid realization of the advent hope and expect-
ancy at the time. These writings are, indeed, practically the only
contemporary records extant bearing on the point. Such is the
justification, then, of the pronounced biographical element ap-
pearing in the testimonies of the witnesses to follow.
We now turn to the leading spokesmen of the Ante-Nicene
period—Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement of Alex-
andria, Hippolytus, Julius Africanus, Origen, Cyprian, Victo-
rious, and Methodius—whose actual writings have been trans-
mitted to us. Irrespective of the soundness or unsoundness of
certain of their positions, these men are the reflectors of the pro-
phetic teachings of their day, and the expounders of its stated
opinions."
It will be impossible, because of space limitations, to give
all the documentary evidence that leads to certain very definite
conclusions. Ofttimes these conclusions are reached from the
cumulative evidence of scores of fragments not to be found in
any single citation or any one comprehensive declaration. But
the full weight of the cumulative testimony is expressed in the
running narrative.'
The larger and more accurate and authentic literature of
the early apologists (c. 120-170) is quite different in scope and
character from the meager writings of the Apostolic Fathers.
This includes letters, chronicles, apologetics, alleged visions,
tales. Systematic persecution was beginning, heresies were or-
ganizing, and philosophic controversies were developing with
10 The original source materials assembled for this documented tracing of Prophetic in-
terpretation are not generally available until we reach the thirteenth century. They have as
their culminating point the early decades of the nineteenth century. These earlier extracts cited
are taken chiefly from standard source collections, such as the Ante-Nicene Fathers, the two
series of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, and the Loeb Classical Library, recognized by
scholars as trustworthy English translations; and from Migne, Patrologia, for the Latin and
Greek writings, in addition to standard editions of individual works.
11 The biographical data are drawn from a score of standard reference authorities, such
as Schaff, History of the Christian Church, vol. 2 (Ante-Nicene Christianity); the biographical
introductions in the standard Ante-Nicene Fathers set; Eusebius, Church History; Smith and
\\lace, A Dictionary of Christian Biography; Farrar, Lives of the Fathers; Harnack; Hollinger;
Neander; Mosheim; Cave; and many others.
those trained in the schools of Athens or Alexandria. The apolo-
gists proclaimed Christianity to be the divine answer to the
questionings of heathendom, as well as the antitype to the law
and the hope of the prophets. They abstained from quoting
Scripture in their addresses to the heathen. The arguments of
philosophy and history were first brought forward, that men
might not be blinded by the sudden light of Scripture."
IV. Justin Martyr—Earliest Christian Apologist
The various Apologies written during this early period

may seem to have the appearance of sameness. Yet there is not
one that has not something peculiar to itself, something differ-
ent from all others. These men were no mere copyists. Their
location, difference in language, and environment all con-
tributed to the diversity. It is consequently desirable to know
the individual problem faced, and the approach made, scat-
tered as they were over the Empire.
JUSTIN MARTYR (c. A.D. 100—c. 165), foremost Christian
apologist of the second century, was born in Samaria, and re-
ceived a liberal Hellenic education. Thirsting for truth, he
made the rounds of the various systems of philosophy, seeking
that knowledge that would satisfy the deeper cravings of his
soul. Platonism fascinated him for a time, appealing to his
higher instincts by its impressive concepts of truth, beauty, and
goodness. Justin's early contacts with Christianity impressed
him both with the inescapable truth of the Old Testament and
with the fearlessness of the Christian in the presence of death.
And in his search for truth, he at last found in Christ what he
failed to find in Plato.
1. DEVOTES LIFE TO DEFENSE OF CHRISTIANITY.—0011-
verted in early manhood by a Christian layman who stressed
the fulfillments of the Hebrew prophecies concerning the in-
carnation of Christ and the certainty of divine revelation, this
12 Westcott, op. oil., pp. 63-65.

THE CATACOMBS—SUBTERRANEAN CHAMBERS OF THE CHRISTIAN DEAD
The Appian Way, Leading Out From Rome, Along Which the Original Catacombs, or Sub-
terranean Cemeteries, Were Located (Upper); Narrow Passages and Tiers of Burial Niches of
Martyred Dead (Center Left); Intersection of Passages Winding Back and Forth (Center Right);
Catacombs of S. Sebastian, Showing Somber Relics of Past Persecutions (Lower)
early church father" devoted his life to the defense of Chris-

tianity at a time when it was fiercely assailed, finally sealing his
testimony with his blood—whence the term "Martyr" was at-
tached to his name. He lived in times when profession of Chris-
tianity was a crime under Roman law, because it was not yet
a legally recognized religion.
Instructed in the history and doctrine of the gospel, Justin
devoted himself wholly to the spread and vindication of the
Christian faith. Leaving Palestine, he became an itinerant
teaching missionary, but with no regular office in the church.
He continued to wear his philosopher's cloak after his conver-
sion, as a token that he had found the only true philosophy."
Justin Martyr, beginning that conspicuous line known as
the early Christian apologists," initiated a theological literature
that forced the Christian truth upon the attention of the pagan
vorld despite all its hostilities and Nots He presented
his First Apology to Antoninus Pius, probably about A.D. 147,
if not earlier, and his Second Apology possibly in the reign of
Marcus Aurelius." He told philosophers of the foolishness of
human wisdom, and constantly exposed the impotency aVcon,
temporary paganism. He discomfited false philosophy with its
own weapons, exposing the absurdity and superstitions of pa-
ganism, as he defended his own adopted faith. *%.
His polemic pen was incessantly active against Jews; Gen-
tiles, and heretical enemies of Christian truth, defending Chris-
tians against heathen calumnies and persecutions, and appealing
from the violence of the mob to the tribunal of law. He com-
bated Marcion, a prominent Gnostic; and his appeal to Trypho,
the most distinguished Jew of his day (probably written c. A.D.
148), is assumed to be a free rendering of a disputation that
actually occurred, as he sought to gain him to the Christian
"Clear distinction should be borne in mind between the "apostolic fathers," covering a
large part of the second century, and the "church fathers" from the closing portion of the sec-
ond century onward. These latter are divided into two groups—the ante-Nicene fathers, from
about A.D. 155 to the Council of Nicaea (325), and the Nicene and post-Nicene fathers, from
325 on to Gregory, or about 600. This closes the list of the so-called fathers.
14 A. Cleveland Coxe, Introductory Note to Justin's First Apology. in ANF, vol. 1, p. 160.
" Frederic W. Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, vol. 1, chap. 4, p. 93.
Schaff contends that both were written under Antoninus Pius. (See Schaff, History,
vol. 2, pp. 716, 717.)
230 PROPHETIC FAITH
faith." This Dialogue is the oldest elaborate exposition on
Christ as the Messiah of the Old Testament, and the first sys-
tematic attempt to exhibit the false position of the Jews re-
garding Ch ristian ity."
2. ARDENT BELIEVER IN OLD TESTAMENT, PROPHECIES.--
Justin writes as a firm believer in the Old Testament prophets,
and his writings constitute a storehouse of early interpretation
of the prophetic Scriptures. He regards the Septuagint most
highly. The truth of the prophets, he declares, compels assent.
WHEN ROME RULED AS FOURTH PROPHETIC POWER

Titus (79-81), Hadrian (117-138), Antoninus Pius (138-161), and Marcus Aurelius
(161-180)
Justin makes no discrimination between Old and New Testa-

ment writings, the Old Testament still being an inspired guide
and counselor. He puts the following words in the mouth of
the Christian philosopher who converted him:
" 'There existed, long before this time, certain men more ancient
than all those who are esteemed philosophers, both righteous and beloved
by God, who spoke by the Divine Spirit, and foretold events which would
take place, and which are now taking place. They are called prophets.
These alone both saw and announced the truth to men, neither reverenc-
ing nor fearing any man, not influenced by a desire for glory, but speaking
those things alone which they saw and which they heard, being filled with
the Holy Spirit. Their writings are still extant, and he who has read them
is very much helped in his knowledge of the beginning and end of things.
. . . And those events which have happened, and those which are happen-
ing, compel you to assent to the utterances made by them.' " "
'7 Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 717, 718.
Coxe, Introductory Note to Justin's First Apology, in ANF, vol. 1,. p. 160.
,^ Justin Martyr, Dialogue With Trypho, chap. 7. in ANF, vol. 1, p. 198.
Then Justin tells of his own experience:

"Straightway a flame was kindled in my soul; and a love of the
prophets, and of those men who are friends of Christ, possessed me; and
whilst revolving his words in my mind, I found •this philbsophy .alone to be
safe and profitable." 2
The New Testament writings had not yet, of course, been
formulated into a canon, but Justin expressly mentions the
Apocalypse by name, the writing of which he attributes to John
the apostle.'
Telling the mighty effect the prophecies had had upon his
own mind, he contends, in his noteworthy First Apology, ad-
dressed to the Roman emperor and others, that God can and
does predict future events; that the Jewish prophetic Scriptures
had been carefully preserved and translated into Greek. He
courses on the prophecies concerning the Messiah, and the par:,
ticulars of His life (chapter 31). He cites the fulfillment of the
prophecies concerning the destruction of Jerusalem as proof of
their verity (chapter 47). He tells how the Gentiles were accept-
ing Christianity, as foretold by prophecy (chapter 49), how
Isaiah predicted that Jesus would be born of a virgin (chapter
33), how Micah mentions Bethlehem as the place of His birth
(chapter 34), and how Zephaniah forecasts His entry into Jeru-
salem on the foal of an ass (chapter 35).
3. SECOND ADVENT THE CLIMAX OF ALL PROPHECY.—A stal-
wart believer in the second coining of Christ, the literal resur-
rection and millennium, Justin argues in defense of his faith
with Trypho the Jew, and before the emperor. The writings- of
the Apostolic Fathers survive only in incomplete and some-
times untrustworthy texts. Justin is the first really authentic wit-
ness since the death of the apostles. In his Apology he contends
emphatically for the two advents of Christ, with the second as
the climax of all prophecy.
"Since, then, we prove that all things which have already happened
2° Ibid., chap. 8.
Ibid., chap. 81, p. 240; see also Eusebius, Church History, book 4, chap. 18, in NIWF,
2d series, vol. 1, p. 197,
232 PROPHETIC FAITH
had been predicted by the prophets before they came to pass, we must
necessarily believe also that those things which are in like manner pre-
dicted, but are yet to come to pass, shall certainly happen. For as the things
which have already taken place came to pass when foretold, and even
though unknown, so shall the things that remain, even though they be
unknown and disbelieved, yet come to pass. For the prophets have pro-
claimed two advents of His: the one, that which is already past, when He
came as a dishonoured and suffering Man; but the second, when, accord-
ing to prophecy, He shall come from heaven with glory, accompanied by
His angelic host, when also He shall raise the bodies of all men who have
lived, and shall clothe those of the worthy with immortality, and shall
send those of the wicked, endued with eternal sensibility, into everlasting
fire with the wicked devils."
In different ways and places he declares explicitly that the
premillennial second advent of Christ, marked by the resur-
rection of the dead, will occur as truly as His first coming was
a historical reality. (For example, see First Apology, chap. 52,
in ANF, vol. 1, p. 180.) He asserts that the second advent is
awaited by many:
"For those out of all the nations who are pious and righteous
through the faith of Christ, look for His future appearance."
4. ADVENT TIED INTO THE OUTLINE PROPHECIES. Justin
comments on the consternation of the unprepared at the ad-
vent." And he connects Christ's second coming with the climax
of the prophecy of Daniel 7.
"But if so great a power is shown to have followed and to be still
following the dispensation of His suffering, how great shall that be which
shall follow His glorious advent! For He shall come on the clouds as the
Son of man, so Daniel foretold, and His angels shall come with Him."
[Then follows Dan. 7:9-28.] 25
Chapter 31 of his Dialogue With Trypho is headed, "If
Christ's Power Be Now So Great, How Much Greater at the
Second Advent!" In similar vein he discusses the fulfillment of
prophecy in the two advents, which in turn follows his reference
22 Justin, First Apology, chap. 52, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 180. (See also Dialogue With Try-
pho, chap. 81, in ANF, vol. 1, pp. 239, 240.) Note the contrast, incidentally, between the
reference here to eternal torment and his statement elsewhere on conditional immortality (see
page 2341. Inconsistency is a characteristic often found in the church fathers.
23 Justin, Dialogue With Trypho chap. 52, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 221.
24 Justin, First Apology, chap. 52, in ANF, vol. 1. p. 180.
25 Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, chap. 31, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 209.
to Daniel 7." The second glorious advent Justin places, more-

over, close upon the heels of the appearance of the Antichrist,
or "man of apostasy." ' Justin's interpretation of prophecy is,
however, less clear and full than that of others who follow in
this period.
Daniel's "time, times, and an half," Justin believed, was
nearing its consummation, when Antichrist would speak his
blasphemies against the Most High. And he contends with
Trypho over the meaning of a "time" and "times." Justin
expects the time to be very short, but Trypho's concept tis
interesting.
"The times now running on to their consummation; and he whom
Daniel foretells would have dominion for a time, and times, and an half, is
even already at the door, about to speak blasphemous and daring things
against the Most High. But you, being ignorant of how long he will have
dominion, hold another opinion. For you interpret the 'time' as being a
hundred years. But if this is so, the man of sin must, at the shortest, reign
three hundred and fifty years, in order that we may compute that which
is said by the holy Daniel—ànd times'—to be two times only."
There was, both in his and in other minds of the time, a
misconception of the time prophecies in relation to the nearness
of the second advent, since he expected the end soon. The year-
day principle, as applied to the longer time periods, had not
yet been clearly perceived by any, the long extent of the world's
duration being mercifully foreshortened to their understand-
ing.
5. Two LITERAL RESURRECTIONS BOUND THE MILLENNIUM.
—Justin Martyr also set the highest value on the resurrection of
the body, as did the other early Christians and martyrs. Not
only did he teach the literal resurrection of the righteous dead,
but he distinguished it from the later resurrection by referring
to it as "a resurrection," which precedes the thousand years, or
millennium. Thus:
"But I and others, who are right-minded Christians on all points,
are assured that there will be a restirr6ction of the dead, and a thousand
26 Justin, First Apology, chaps. 51-53, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 180.
Justin, DiaIoeue With Trypho, chap. 110, in ANF, vol. 1, pp. 253, 254.
x' Ibid., chap. 32, in ANF, vol. I, p. 210,
234 PROPHETIC FAITH
years in Jerusalem, which will then be built, adorned, and enlarged, [as]
the prophets Ezekiel and Isaiah and others declare."
Justin adds that the "general" resurrection and judgment
would take place at the close of the thousand years.
"And further, there was a certain man with us, whose name was
John, one of the apostles of Christ, who prophesied, by a revelation that
was made to him, that those who believed in our Christ would dwell a
thousand years in Jerusalem; and that thereafter the general, and, in short,
the eternal resurrection and judgment of all men would likewise take
place."'
• Thus he speaks of the millennium of Revelation 20 in the
light of the resurrection of the dead, and relating wholly to the
period beyond the first resurrection, with Jerusalem "built,
adorned, and enlarged." Even Gibbon is led to remark on this
general early belief in a millennium in intimate connection
with the second advent, held from the time of Justin down to
Lactantius, preceptor to the son of Constantine."
In common with Polycarp," Justin believed that eternal
life is obtained through Jesus Christ, for he set forth in his
Dialogue a clear statement that the soul is not in its own nature
immortal.' Immortality through Christ was clearly the animat-
ing hope of the primitive Christians and the goal of the mar-
tyrs. Justin placed the heavenly reward at the time of the resur-
rection, not considering as Christians those "who say there is no
resurrection of the dead, and that their souls, when they die,
are taken to heaven." The subsequent abandonment of this
position became a contributing factor to the later repudiation
of the advent hope.
However, belief in the personal second advent prevailed
for two centuries thereafter, though with increasing perversion
20 Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, chap. 80, in ANF, vol. 1, P. 239. If the Fragments of
the Lost Work of yustin on the Resurrection (see chaps. 2, 4, 9, 10, in ANF, vol. 1, pp. 294,
295, 298, 299) is correctly attributed to Justin—and it is probably genuine—he argued at
length for the resurrection of the body.
" Ibid., chaps. 80, 81, pp. 239, 240.
31 Gibbon, op. cit., vol. 2, chap. 15, pp. 23, 24. On the millennium in the early
church, see chapter 13.
32 The Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians, chap. 2, in AXF, vol. 1, p. 33; Eusebius,
Church History, book 4, chap. 15, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, pp. 188-193.
33 Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, chaps. 5, 6, in ANF, vol. 1, pp. 197, 198.
34 Justin, First Apology, chaps. 18, 20, in ANF, vol. 1, pp. 168-170; Dialogue With Try-
pho, chaps. 80. 81, in .4.7VF, vol. 1. pp. 239. 240.
as to the nature of surrounding and subsequent events, as apos-

tasy progressed.
Certain of Justin's remarks show that the church was, al-
ready in his day, beginning to admit changes from the apostolic
doctrines and practices. But he truly represented the two main
prophetic beliefs of his day—the premillennial advent, and the
synchronous, literal resurrection of the dead. Spending some
time first in Ephesus, Justin evidently settled in Rome, where
the cynics plotted his death, and he sealed his testimony by
martyrdom, through beheading, apparently in the reign of
Marcus Aurelius, about A.D. l65.'
In Justin's teachings we find the five determining factors
which involve the advent hope—the literal resurrection, the
millennium bounded by the two resurrections, the coming Anti-
christ, the prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse (which he
touches only lightly), and the kingdom established by the se,--
ond advent. And through his writings we likewise glimpse the
beginnings of the "falling away" that was already making its
early impress upon the infant church.
V. Ptolemy's Unwitting Testimony to the Prophetic Outline

It may be well to turn aside here to notice another second-
century writer—a pagan astronomer, who assuredly had no in-
terest in Jewish or Christian prophecy, but who, nevertheless,
tabulates a sequence of four world powers which is strangely
reminiscent of the current understanding of Daniel's outline of
four great empires from the period of the Neo-Babylonian Em-
pire onward. The most famous astronomical work coming down
to us from antiquity, written in Greek after Hadrian's destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, and later translated into Arabic and other
languages, lists the rulers of four empires: Babylonian (he calls
it Assyrian), Persian, Macedonian, and Roman, the last and
greatest of which was then at the height of its power.
PTOLEMY (Claudius Ptolemaeus) of Alexandria, mathema-
35 Eusebius. Church History, book 4, chap. 16, and editor's footnote 4, in ATM'', 2d
series, vol. 1, pp. 193-195.
236 PROPHETIC FAITH
tician, astronomer, and geographer, flourished about the second

quarter of the second century. He is noted not only for his own
contributions to science, but also as the systematizer and exposi-
tor of the greatest discoveries of his predecessors in Greece and
Babylonia. The consummation of Greek astronomy was his
monumental Mathematike Syntaxis (Mathematical Composi-
tion), better known as the Almagest from its Arabic name.
The numerous observations of eclipses and other phenom-
ena recorded in the Almagest were dated generally in the regnal
years of various kings; therefore a list, or canon, of the reigns
was needed as a chronological scale for reckoning the intervals
between the observations. This king list, incorporated into the
Almagest, is well known as Ptolemy's Canon, which tabulates
the length of each reign and the total number of Egyptian cal-
endar years from the starting point, the first year of Nabo-
nassar."
Although Ptolemy did not know that the earth revolved
around the sun, his record of observations, including nineteen
lunar eclipses, in connection with the reigns of ancient kings,
is as scientifically accurate as could be expected without modern
instruments. His errors are only a matter of minutes and hours,
and his dates check with the calculations of modern astrono-
mers."
The starting point of Ptolemy's Canon, and of the Nabo-
nassar Era, has been generally accepted by astronomers and
chronologists as noon, February 26, 747 B.c., the equivalent of
the first of Thoth, the Egyptian New Year's Day.' In addition
Nabonassar is said to have destroyed the Babylonian king lists up to his time in order
to start a series beginning with his own reign. In the eighth century B.C., astronomy was begin-
ning a new era of investigation in the East, and as a result, provided later western chronology
with data by which kings' reigns could be numbered and checked. This doubtless gave rise to
the Nabonassar Era, reckoned by Ptolemy in terms of the Egyptian calendar year. See F. X.
Kugler, Sternkunde and Sterndienst in Babel, book 2, pp. 362-371 (2 buch, 2 teil, 2 heft, pp.
162-171).
37 In Ptolemy's series of eclipses, noting day and hour, there is no difficulty in
calculating the date of each; for lunar eclipses, although possible about twice a year, cannot
recur on any given date until many years later. Cycles of the moon repeat themselves only
once in nineteen years in our calendar, and only once in twenty-five years on any Egyptian
date, in the calendar used by Ptolemy. These cycles are graphically illustrated by Lynn H.
Wood, in "The Kahun Papyrus and the Date of the Twelfth Dynasty (With a Chart)," Bulle-
tin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, October, 1945, no. 99, p. 6 and chart.
38 Although Ginzel's table gives February 27, there is no disagreement as to the date, for
he explains on the preceding page that he is using the astronomical day, customarily reckoned
to this primary Egyptian date, Ptolemy's records fix with cer-

tainty the Egyptian reckoning of the reigns of the Babylonian
monarch Nabopolassar, the Persian kings Cambyses and Darius
I, the Macedonian-Egyptian ruler Ptolemy Philometor, and the
Roman emperor Hadrian, whose dates, along with others, are
from noon, and that he means February 26/27. Standard chronologists commonly give February
26, and so on throughout the canon, numbering by the first element of the noon-to-noon double
date, which seems more logical historically. It should be explained that Ptolemy adjusted the
regnal years of all the kings—of whatever nationality—to his own Egyptian calendar years be-
ginning each reign on Thoth 1 throughout the canon. Yet the Babylonian and Persian kings
themselves counted their reigns from the spring, from the next Nisan 1 (their lunar New Year's
Day) following the accession (see Appendix A, part 1, for the Babylonian regnal scheme); and
the later kings of the canon had different systems.
Thoth 1 fell on February 26 in 747 B.C., but it did not remain on February 26, for the
Egyptian year, having always 365 days, with no leap year, falls short a day in four years accord-
ing to our reckoning. By the first year of Nebuchadnezzar the canon year had moved back to
January 21; it began the first year of Darius I on January 1, and the first year of Xerxes on
December 23.
CHARTS VISUALIZING PROGRESSIVE DEVELOPMENT

OF PROPHETIC INTERPRETATION
This Is the First of a Progressive Series of Similar Charts to Aid in Following

the Story of Prophetic Interpretation Through the Centuries. Frequent Reference
to This Chart and Its Companion Chart (on pp. 894-897) Will Aid in Grouping
the Developments and Relationships Covered in Volume I
The Lower, Wider Chart Is an Enlargement of the First Section of the Upper
Panoramic Survey of the Entire Field Covered in This Prophetic Faith Set.
Beginning With the Jewish Expositors, First Before Christ and Then After
Christ, Appearing on the Upper Narrow Band of the Large Lower Chart, the
Cross Marks the Beginning of the Christian Church, With the Expositions of
Jesus, Paul, Peter, and John Noted. Then Follow the Apostolic and Ante-
Nicene Church Fathers in Steady Succession With the General Title "Early
Christian Expositors"
Then Comes the Development of the Great Apostasy, Out of the Alexandrian
School—Prior to and Following the Circled Council of Nicaea (in 325). This
Departure Expands in Three Enlarging Steps, While the Earlier Exposition
Shrinks. The Focal Point of Prophetic Interest and Study is Set Out in Rectangu-
lar Boxes
Thus Three Basic Principles of Prophetic Interpretation of the Hebrews Were
Carried Over Into the Christian Church. These, in Turn, Were Enlarged and
Augmented by the Leading Ante-Nicene Fathers, and More Particularly by Cer-
tain Post-Nicene Writers. This Followed After the Frontal Attacks by Dionysius
and Porphyry Upon the Two Chief Books of Prophecy (Daniel and the Apoca-
lypse), and Then by Flanking Attacks Upon the Fundamental Principles of
Sound Prophetic Interpretation
The Lower Bracket Lines Indicate the Progressive Sequence of the Four World
Powers of Prophecy--Starting With the Closing Section of the Period of Persia,
Then the Period of Greek Rule, Next of Roman Rule, and Filially the Period
of Rome's Division, When the Greatest Development and Understanding of
Interpretation Caine. Familiar Names Appear in a New Role—as Vital Prophetic
Expositors. The Fluctuating, Yet Progressive, Prophetic Faith of the Greatest
interpreters of the Centuries Is Thus Visualized
ESSIVE DEVELOPMENT
HETIC INTERPRETATION tTTL
MOP ',MOW C. We
Comprehensive Charting of Progressive Development of Prophetic Interpretation
$00 too c
EWISI POSITORS
EEK$
YEARS'
THE 4aEMP
PROGRESSIVE DEVELOPM ENT

cf PROPHETIC NTERPRETATION
WITH FLUCTUATIONS OF FIVE CONTROLLING FACTOFS-WRESURRECTPON
ILLEPOI LILL4F) oUTLImE PRoPHECIES,WANTI-CHRIST. AND (3) KINGDOM OF GO
-GAUGING VICISSITUDES OF ADVENT HOPE THROUGH CENTURIES
Enlargement of First Portion Covered by Volume I of Prophetic Faith, From 500 B.c. to A.D. 500
Through the Centuries From Fourth Century B.C. to Nineteenth Century A.u.
E6u.s .....
AMSA.ZE.
rNAM JEROME
EARLY. CHRISTIAN EXPOSITO
AMMO (ltItim)
PAt.11. At/4*NT HOPE -50M INANT ATHANASIUS CYR HEODORET •••••
RiCNI AMR ICENE FATHERS Effitalus' 4.111
PPOLYTUS
PETER ,
...KM • fame
IASPI S GYPItIAN LA
JOHN
• •••••••••• ' wittomuus,
ROWS DIVISION
LRECOGIOTE
MILLENNIAL COPTRINEIMY
ROM E-4
EMPIRE
CEIMAS AtANIARKAL CONSTANTINETicH01,4103
ORIGEN
VIEWOJ tiGD01.4 PERVERTED
NT OF THE GREAT APOSTA&Y

EPHRA1m1,•.44
22tyatetto
ATTACK ON PROPHECIES
OP . DANIEL APOCALYPSE'
DIONYSWS
PORPHYRY
L‘
_ROMAN RUL
PFe
"ar
Fuller Statement Appears on Page 287 (Concluding Section Appears on Pages 370. 371)
240 PROPHETIC FAITH
established by well-authenticated lunar eclipses; further, the

canon is corroborated by ancient astronomical documents pre-
served to this day on Babylonian clay tablets containing records
from the 37th year of Nebuchadnezzar and the seventh of Cam-
byses.
Ptolemy's total king list " involves a series of fifty-five suc-
cessive reigns extending over a period of 907 Egyptian years-
424 years from Nabonassar through Alexander, and 483 years
from Philip Aridaeus through Antoninus Pius.
Ptolemy's Canon, fixed by ancient eclipses—in the Baby-
lonian, Persian, Grecian, and Roman periods—is thus an as-
tronomical witness which, like the numismatic testimony of the
coins and medals through the centuries, is an adjunct to the
study of prophecy; for it has been used increasingly for several
centuries in calculating the beginning date of the seventy pro-
phetic weeks—and also of the 2300 years." And the agreement
between its historical and chronological outline with the four-
nationed image of Daniel 2 is a striking coincidence.
39 For the text in Greek and French, see Claudius Ptolemaeus, Mathematike Syn-
taxis: Composition Mathematique, vol. 1, pp. lxx, lxxj; for the Greek, with B.c. dating, see
F. K. Ginzel Handbuch der mathematischen and technischen Chronologie, vol. 1, p. 139; in
English, see Isaac P. Cory, Ancient Fragments, pp. 83 .;ff and the forthcoming English edi-
tion, The Almagest of Ptolemy, translated by R. Catesby Taliaferro.
to See Prophetic Faith, Volumes II, III, and IV.
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Irenaeus of Gaul
and Tertullian of Africa
The close of the second century reveals a marked change

in the character and position of the church. Christianity had
won its way to the heart of the simple and appealed to the judg-
ment of the philosopher, but it had yet "to claim the deference
of the statesman." Later the subjugation of the civil power
paved the way for the corruption of the church by material in-
fluences. The church was now in the process of establishment
in the empire, and an independent literature arose acknowledg-
ing most of the New Testament books as canonical.'
I. Time Foreshortened to Early Expositors

Within certain attendant limitations, the church of this
period was strongly premillennialist. But difficulties and misun-
derstandings arose over the time element concerning the great
"falling away" from the faith and practice of apostolic times.
Such a development could not be clearly comprehended until
clarified by the actual historical developments. And the charac-
ter of the reign of the glorified saints during the thousand years
after the second advent, was a cause of controversy which
brought discredit to premillennialist doctrine, as we shall see.'
We shall find in this period the seventy weeks of Daniel
interpreted as 490 years, but there was no application of the
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 331-334.
2 See page 306.
241
242 PROPHETIC FAITH
year-day principle to the longer time periods by any Christian
writer of this early era—not, indeed, until we come to the
twelfth century. Only in the seventy weeks was this principle
clearly applied—and that, obviously, because they were recog-
nized as actually past and certified through the first advent of
Christ. But in no instance in the early centuries was this prin-
ciple carried over and applied to the prophesied 1260 days in
its varying forms of numeration in Daniel or the Apocalypse.
There could be no concept, on the part of any of these
early expositors, of a long reign of entrenched apostasy through
centuries—as the symbolic time would indicate—before the
final developments and the return of Christ. Time was naturally
foreshortened to them, for they looked for the speedy return of
their Lord. Indeed, only as history actually unrolled the pro-
phetic scroll through fulfillment, could its intent be perceived.
To have unfolded clearly in unveiled terminology the spread-
ing span of the intervening ages would doubtless have been to
shake or crush the faith of the harassed martyr church. Yet for
the prophets not to have spoken thus would have left God with-
out this matchless predictive witness, and would have deprived
later generations of the certainties of such prophetic declara-
tions.
As will be seen as we progress, it has been the misconcep-
tion and misapplication of aspects of these outline prophecies
that has led to much of the fanaticism that has marred the cen-
turies, often bringing odium and suspicion upon a sound and
wholesome belief in the advent to take place at the destined
time of God's appointment.
Irenaeus—Stresses Antichrist, Resurrections, and Millennium

Nothing is known positively as to the origin of the Galilean
church, but probably its pathfinders came from Asia Minor,
which was connected in many ways with the church of Gaul. A
fierce persecution of the Christians of Lyons and Vienne in A.D.
177, was the occasion of an epistle to "the brethren in .Asia and
IRENAEUS OF GAUL AND TERTULLIAN OF AFRICA 243
Phrygia." At this time we find Irenaeus, then a presbyter, as

their representative and letter bearer.'
IRENAEUS (c. 130-c. 202), bishop of Lyons at the end of the
second century, was born in Asia Minor. Although he had re-
ceived a Greek education, he nevertheless belonged to the West.
and was one of the most renowned and learned of the early fa-
thers. Irenaeus is quoted as saying that in his youth he listened
to Polycarp, who had had personal acquaintance "with John
and with others who had seen the Lord." '
Irenaeus combined a vast missionary and literary activity,
laboring by tongue and pen for the evangelization of southern
Gaul, sending missionaries into other regions of what is now
France. Thus we are introduced to the church in her Western
outposts, on the banks of the Rhone. Taking a leading part in
ecclesiastical and controversial matters of the time, Irenaeus
was the champion of orthodoxy against the Gnostic heresy in
the last quarter of the second century, and acted as mediator be-
tween the East and the West. As a premillennialist he specifically
defended his faith against the Platonizing Gnostics."
1. LIFE DEVOTED TO BATTLING HERESIES.—During the ter-
rible persecution in the reign of Aurelius (A.D. 177), Irenaeus
was sent to Rome with letters of remonstrance against the in-
creasing menace of heresy. Arrived there, he found the bishop
of Rome under the influence of Montanism. This situation led
Irenaeus into his lifelong struggle with heresy and the sects.
When, upon his return, the emissaries of heresy began to ex-
tend their licentious practices and foolish doctrines, he studied
these fallacies as a physician studies diseases—classifying, de-
scribing, and countering them. He even sought to correct the
bishop of Rome, reproving "the heresy of Eleutherus and the
spirit of Diotrephes in Victor," the next bishop in line.'
Irenaeus was the first patristic writer to make full use of
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 335 336.

4 Eusebius, Church History, book 5, chaps. 1-4, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, pp. 211-219.
5 Ibid., chap. 20, pp. 238, 239, citing Irenaeus' letter to Florinus.
" Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 448-450.
7 Coxe, Introductory Note, Irenaeus Against Heresies, in .4.VF, vol. 1. pp. 309, 310.
244 PROPHETIC FAITH
the New Testament, showing both the Old and the New Testa-
ment to be in opposition to Gnosticism. He likewise distin-
guished between the canonical and the apocryphal writings.'
His monumental works include the five-book treatise Against
Heresies, described as the "polemic theological masterpiece of
the ante-Nicene age, and the richest mine of information re-
specting Gnosticism and the church doctrine of that age." 9 The
intent can be grasped only as the time and circumstance of writ-
ing are considered. With the Gnostic heresy sweeping like a
pestilence over great sections of the church, Irenaeus labored to
make it impossible for anyone to confound Gnosticism with
Christianity, and impossible for such a monstrous system to
survive. He demonstrated its essential oneness with the old
mythology and with heathen philosophy.
Although the first four books constitute a minute analysis
and refutation of the heretical Gnostic doctrines," the fifth is
a statement of positive belief. To the constantly shifting and
contradictory opinions of the heretics, Irenaeus opposes the
steadfast faith of the church. This he rests upon the doctrine
of Christ and of the apostles as transmitted through their epis-
tles, and upon the teachings of the church," then but a century
and a half old. Thus we see how later tradition came to have
its inception.
2. ROME, THE FOURTH KINGDOM, TO BE PARTITIONED.—
Irenaeus, like Justin, appeals to the prophecies to demonstrate
the truthfulness of Christianity. The close relationship between
the predicted events of Daniel 2 and 7 is brought out with re-
markable clarity, with Rome as the fourth kingdom in the great
succession to end in a tenfold partition."
"In a still clearer light has John, in the Apocalypse, indicated to the
Lord's disciples what shall happen in the last times, and concerning the
ten kings who shall then arise, among whom the empire which now rules
a Richard Adelbert Lipsius, "Irenaeus." in William Smith and Henry Wace, A Dic-
tionary of Christian Biography, vol. 3, p. 270.
a Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 753.
to Irenaeus, Against Heresies, book 5, Preface, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 526.
11
12 Ibid., chaps. 25, 26, pp. 553-555.
[the earth] shall be partitioned. He teaches us what the ten horns shall be
which were seen by Daniel." "
"Daniel also says particularly, that the end of the fourth kingdom
consists in the toes of the image seen by Nebuchadnezzar, upon which
came the stone cut out without hands; and as he does himself say: 'The
feet were indeed the one part iron, the other part clay, until the stone was
cut out without hands, and struck the image upon the iron and clay feet,
and dashed them into pieces, even to the end.' Then afterwards, when in-
terpreting this, he says: 'And as thou sawest the feet and the toes, partly
indeed of clay, and partly of iron, the kingdom shall be divided, and there
shall be in it a root of iron, as thou sawest iron mixed with baked clay.
And the toes were indeed the one part iron, but the other part clay.' The
ten toes, therefore, are these ten kings, among whom the kingdom shall
be partitioned, of whom some indeed shall be strong and active, or ener-
getic; others, again, shall be sluggish and useless, and shall not agree.'
3. STONE SMITES KINGDOM AFTER D IVISION.—Irenaeus
shows that Christ, the prophesied "stone," cut out of the moun-
tain without hands, does not smite the image before but after
Rome's -1 ivision." He definitely dates the heaven-descending
stone smiting the monarchy-image in the time of the "toes."
4. LITTLE HORN SUPPLANTS THREE OF ROME'S TEN DIVI-
SIONS.—Irenaeus asserts that the "little horn" is to supplant
three of Rome's ten divisions." He also identifies the ten divi-
sions of the empire with the "ten horns" of Daniel 7 and with
the "ten horns" in. Revelation 17. Thus he makes Daniel's "little
horn" the still future "eighth" in Revelation, supplanting three
and subjecting the remainder. And he climaxes with the de-
struction of all at the second advent.
"In a still clearer light has John, in the Apocalypse, indicated to the
Lord's disciples what shall happen in the last times, and concerning the
ten kings who shall then arise, among whom the empire which now rules
[the earth] shall be partitioned. He teaches us what the ten horns shall be
which were seen by Daniel, telling us that thus it had been said to him:
'And the ten horns which thou sawest are ten kings, who have received no
kingdom as yet, but shall receive power as if kings one hour with the
beast. . . . These shall make war with the Lamb, and the Lamb shall over-
come them, because He is the Lord of lords and the King of kings.' It is
manifest, therefore, that of these [potentates], he who is to come shall slay
Ibid., chap. 26, p. 5.74. (Translator's brackets; italics supplied.)

Ibid., p. 555.
'5 Ibid.
16 Ibid., chap. 25, sec. 3, pp. 553, 554.
246 PROPHETIC FAITH
three, and subject the remainder to his power, and that he shall be him-
self the eighth among them. And they shall lay Babylon waste, and burn
her with fire, and shall give their kingdom to the beast, and put the
Church to flight. After that they shall he destroyed by the coming of our
Lord."''
5. ANTICHRIST IS MAN OF SIN, BEAST, AND LITTLE HORN.—
Irenaeus regards Antichrist as another name for Paul's apostate
Man of Sin.
'By means of the events which shall occur in the time of Antichrist
is it shown that he, being an apostate and a robber, is anxious to be adored
as God; and that, although a mere slave, he wishes himself to be pro-
claimed as a king. For he (Antichrist) being endued with all the power of
the devil, shall come, not as a righteous king, nor as a legitimate king, [i.e..
one] in subjection to God, but an impious, unjust, and lawless one; as an
apostate, iniquitous and murderous; as a robber, concentrating in himself
[all] satanic apostasy, and setting aside idols to persuade [men] that he
himself is God, raising up himself as the only idol, having in himself the
multifarious errors of the other idols. This he does, in order that they
who do [now] worship the devil by means of many abominations, may
serve himself by this one idol, of whom the apostle thus speaks in the sec-
ond Epistle to the Thessalonians: 'Unless there shall come a falling away
first, and the man of sin shall be revealed, the son of perdition, who op-
poseth and exalteth himself above all that is called God, or that is wor-
shipped; so that he sitteth in the temple of God, showing himself as if he
were God.' " "
He definitely identifies the same Man of Sin with Daniel's
Little Horn:
"Daniel too, looking forward to the end of the last kingdom, i.e., the
ten last kings, amongst whom the kingdom of those men shall be parti-
tioned, and upon whom the son of perdition shall come, declares that ten
horns shall spring from the beast, and that another little horn shall arise
in the midst of them, and that three of the former shall be rooted up be-
fore his face. . . . Of whom also the Apostle Paul again, speaking in the
second [Epistle] to the Thessalonians, and at the same time proclaiming
the cause of his advent, thus says: 'And then shall the wicked one be re-
vealed, whom the Lord Jesus shall slay with. the spirit of His mouth, and
destroy by the presence of His coming; whose coming [i.e., the wicked
one's] is after the working of Satan, in all power, and signs, and portents
of lies, and with all deceivableness of wickedness for those who perish; be-
cause they did not receive the love of the truth, that they might be saved.
,7 Ibid., chap. 26. pp. 554. 555. (Translatoy's brackets; italics supplied.)
Ibid., chap. 25, sec. 1, p. 553. (Translator's brackets.)
And therefore God will send them the working of error, that they may be-
lieve a lie; that they all may be judged who did not believe the truth, but
gave consent to iniquity.'
He also identifies Antichrist as John's Beast, quoting Reve-

lation 13:2-10:
"For when he (Antichrist) is come, and of his own accord concen-
trates in his own person the apostasy, and accomplishes whatever he shall
do according to his own will and choice, sitting also in the temple of God,
so that his dupes may adore him as the Christ; wherefore also shall he de-
servedly 'be cast into the lake of fire:' [this will happen according to divine
appointment], God by His prescience foreseeing all this, and at the proper
time sending such a man, 'that they may believe a lie, that they all may be
judged who did not believe the truth, but consented to unrighteousness;'
whose coming John has thus described in the Apocalypse: 'And the beast
which I had seen was like unto a leopard, and his feet as of a bear, and his
mouth as the mouth of a lion; and the dragon conferred his own power
upon him, and his throne, and great might.' " 20
Irenaeus seeks to apply other expressions to Antichrist,

such as "the abomination of desolation," mentioned by Christ
(Matt. 24:15) and the "king of a most fierce countenance," in
Gabriel's explanation of the Little Horn of Daniel 8. But he is
not very definite as to how "the sacrifice and the libation shall-
be taken away" during the "half-week," 25 or three and one-half
years of Antichrist's reign. Under the notion that the Antichrist,
as a single individual, might be of Jewish origin, he fancies that
the mention of "Dan," in Jeremiah 8:16, and the omission of
that name from those tribes listed in Revelation 7, might indi-
cate Antichrist's tribe." This surmise became the foundation of
a series of subsequent interpretations, as will appear later.
6. THREE AND A HALF TIMES LITERAL YEARS.—Irenaeus,

like the other early church fathers who could not foresee the
lapse of ages before the end of all things, interpreted the three
and one-half "times" of the Little Horn of Daniel 7 as three
and one-half literal years, which would immediately precede
lA Ibid., sec. 3, pp. 553, 554. (Translator's brackets.)

'2° Ibid., chap. 28, sec. 2, p. 557. (Translator's brackets.)
2' Ibid., chap. 25, secs. 2-4, pp. 553, 554.
2'2 Ibid.. chap. 30, p. 559.
248 PROPHETIC FAITH
Christ's second advent, identified with the lawless reign of Anti-

christ.
"'He shall speak words against the most high God, and wear out the
saints of the most high God, and shall purpose to change times and laws;
and [everything] shall be given into his hand until a time of times and a
half time,' that is, for three years and six months, during which time, when
he comes, he shall reign over the earth. Of whom also the Apostle Paul
again, speaking in the second [Epistle] to the Thessalonians, and at the
same time proclaiming the cause of his advent, thus says: 'And then shall
the wicked one be revealed, whom the Lord Jesus shall slay with the spirit
of His mouth, and destroy by the presence of His coming.' "
Antichrist's three and a half years of sitting in the temple
are placed by Irenaeus immediately before the second coming
of Christ, and are identified as the second half of the "one week"
of Daniel 9. He says nothing of the seventy weeks; we do not
know whether he placed the one week at the end of the seventy
or whether he had a gap. He mentions only the half week,
which he gives to Antichrist.' The interpretation of the three
and a half times as literal years, it may well be noted, was com-
mon to the early fathers who discussed this particular time
period.
7. 666 NOT DISCERNIBLE BEFORE ROME'S DIVISION.—Ire-
naeus also calls John's second, or lamblike, beast, in Revelation
13, the first beast's "armourbearer," and adds that John terms
it "false prophet." He is also the first of the fathers to stress the
mystic number 666,25 the solution of this numerical riddle in-
triguing ecclesiastical writers from that time forward. Irenaeus
considered the Beast-Antichrist the "recapitulation" of all apos-
tasy, in whose number 666 he found curious symbolism of
Noah's age and the size of Nebuchadnezzar's golden image.' He
relates how names had even then been sought to contain this
number, but warned of the danger of deception,' admonishing
all to wait until Rome's division before attempting to solve the
riddle.
23 Ibid., chap. 25, sec. 3, p. 554. (Translator's brackets; italics supplied.)
24Ibid., sec. 4, p. 554; cf. chap. 30, sec. 4, p. 560.
2' b: d chap. 28, sec. 2, p. 557.
26 Ibid., chap.29, sec. 2, p. 558.
Ibid., chap. 30, sec. 3. p. 559,
"But, knowing the sure number declared by Scripture, that is, six
hundred sixty and six, let them await, in the first place, the division of the
kingdom into ten; then, in the next place, when these kings are reigning,
and beginning to set their affairs in order, and advance their kingdom, [let
them learn] to acknowledge that he who shall come claiming the kingdom
for himself, and shall terrify those men of whom we have been speaking,
having a name containing the aforesaid number, is truly the abomination
of desolation."
Irenaeus cites three names that had been suggested, Evan-
thas, Lateinos, and Teitan. Concerning the first he was dubious.
As to the second (Lateinos) he said it was a "probable" solu-
tion, inasmuch as it came from the name of the fourth kingdom
seen by Daniel. But Teitan appealed to him as having the most
merit of the three, as the name which "the coming man" shall
bear; however, he refused to be dogmatic, preferring to await
the fulfillment to provide the solution.' Of Lateinos, Schaff
says, "This interpretation is the oldest we know of, and is al-
ready mentioned by Irenaeus, the first among the Fathers who
investigated the problem."
8. ANTICHRIST DESTROYED AT ADVENT.—Irenaeus declares
that this world conqueror's (Antichrist's) future three-and-a -
half-year reign, when he sits in the temple at Jerusalem, will
be terminated by the second advent, with destruction for the
wicked, and the millennial reign of the righteous.'
9. FIRST RESURRECTION AFTER ANTICHRIST'S COMING.—
Irenaeus plainly states that the "resurrection of the just" takes
place after the Antichrist has appeared, and is followed by the
reign of the righteous with Christ on earth.
"For all these and other words were unquestionably spoken in ref-
erence to the resurrection of the just, which takes place after the coming
of Antichrist, and the destruction of all nations under his rule; in [the
times of] which ;resurrection] the righteous shall reign in the earth. wax-
ing stronger by the sight of the Lord." "
Ibid., sec. 2.
Ibid., sec. 3, P. 559.
30 Schaff, History, vol. 1, p. 844, note on Latinus, or the Roman Empire. (Latinus is the
Latin form; the Greek equivalent is Lateinos.)
31 Irenaeus, Against Heresies, book 5, chap. 30, sec. 4,
32 / b id., chao• 35, sec. 1, p. 565. (Translator's brackets.)in ANF, vol. 1, p. 560.
250 PROPHETIC FAITH
He contends, against those who would doubt the actual

resurrection of the body, that it is much less difficult for God
to reanimate than originally to create."
10. RESURRECTED RIGHTEOUS REIGN DURING MILLENNIUM.
—Irenaeus calls those "heretics" who maintain the glorification
of the saints immediately after death, before their resurrection.'
He avers that the millennial kingdom and the resurrection
are actualities, not allegories,' the first resurrection introducing
this promised kingdom in which the risen saints are described
as ruling over the renewed earth during the millennium, be-
tween the two resurrections."
11. 6,000-YEAR THEORY IS FROM JEWISH TRADITION.—
Irenaeus held to the old Jewish tradition that the first six days
of creation week were typical of the first six thousand years of
human history, with Antichrist manifesting himself in the sixth
period. And he expected the millennial kingdom to begin with
the second coming of Christ to destroy the wicked and inaugu-
rate, for the righteous, the reign of the kingdom of God during
the seventh thousand years, the millennial Sabbath, as signified
by the Sabbath of creation week." As noted, neither he nor any
other writer of those early centuries had any conception of the
time to elapse before the awaited advent, and naturally expected
a short duration of Antichrist's power. Time was foreshortened
to his gaze as well. But Irenaeus stresses the prophecies con-
cerning the Antichrist, the resurrection at the advent, and the
millennium."
12. CONFUSES THE TRADITIONAL AND BIBLICAL VIEWS.—In
common with many of the fathers, Irenaeus fails to distinguish
between the new earth re-created in its eternal state, the thou-
sand years of Revelation 20, when the saints are with Christ
after His second advent, and the Jewish traditions of the
3, Ibid., chap. 3, sec. 2, p. 529.
31 Ibid., chap. 31, pp. 560, 561.
a5 Ibid., chap. 35, pp. 565 566.
'45 Ibid., chaps. 32-35, pp. 561-566.
, Ibid., chap. 28. sec. 3, chap. 30, sec. 4, chap. 33. sec. 2. pp. 557; 560. 562 respectively.
3, /bid., chaps. 28. 30, pp. 557-559; chap. 35, pp. 565. 566.
Messianic kingdom. Hence, he applies confused Biblical and

traditional ideas to his descriptions of this earth during the
millennium, throughout the closing chapters of book 5. This
conception of the reign of resurrected and translated saints with
Christ on this earth during the millennium—popularly known
as chiliasm—was the increasingly prevailing belief of this time."
Although Irenaeus was tinctured with Jewish tradition on
the millennium, he was not looking for a Jewish kingdom. He
definitely interpreted Israel as the Christian church, the spirit-
ual seed of Abraham."
At times his expressions are highly fanciful. He tells, for
instance, of a prodigious fertility of this earth during the millen-
nium, after the resurrection of the righteous, "when also the
creation, having been renovated and set free; shall fructify with
an abundance of all kinds of food." In this connection he at-
tributes to Christ the saying about the vine with ten thousand
branches, and the car of wheat with ten thousand grains, and
so forth, which he quotes from Papias."
I3. GENERAL RESURRECTION FOLLOWS NEW JERUSALEM
DESCENT.--The general resurrection and the judgment, de-
clares Irenaeus, follow the descent of the New Jerusalem at
the end of the millennial kingdom.
"In the Apocalypse John saw this'new [Jerusalem] descending upon
the new earth. For after the times of the kingdom, he says, 'I saw a great
white throne, and Him who sat upon it, from whose face the earth fled
away, and the heavens; and there was no more place for them.' And he
sets forth, too, the things connected with the general resurrection and the
judgment, mentioning 'the dead, great and small.' The sea,' he says, 'gave
up the dead which it had in it, and death and hell delivered up the dead
that they contained; and the books were opened. Moreover,' he says, 'the
book of life was opened, and the dead were judged out of those things that
were written in the books, according to their works; and death and hell
were sent into the lake of fir-, the second death. Nnw this is what is
called Gehenna, which the Lord styled eternal fire. 'And if any one,' it
is said, 'was not found written in the book of life, he was sent into the
lake of fire.' And after this, he says, 'I saw a new heaven and a new earth,
" See chapter 13.

+0 /bid..,.chap. 32, sec. 2, pp. 561, 562.
Ibid.„ chap. 33, sec. 3, pp. 562. 563 (see also p. 216 of the present work).
252 PROPHETIC FAITH
for the first heaven and earth have passed away; also there was no more
sea. And I saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down from heaven,
as a bride adorned for her husband.' And I heard,' it is said, 'a great
voice from the throne, saying, Behold, the tabernacle of God is with men,
and He will dwell with them; and they shall be His people, and God
Himself shall be with them as their God. And He will wipe away every
tear from their eyes; and death shall be no more, neither sorrow, nor
crying, neither shall there be any more pain, because the former things
have passed away.' " "
Irenaeus' exegesis does not give complete coverage. On the
seals, for example, he merely alludes to Christ as the rider on the
white horse.' But he stresses the five determining factors of Ad-
ventism with greater clarity and emphasis than Justin—the
literal resurrection of the righteous at the second advent, the
millennium bounded by the two resurrections, the Antichrist
to come upon the heels of Rome's breakup, the symbolic proph-
ecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse in their relation to the last
times, and the kingdom of God to be established by the second
advent. But with it all were involved incipient distortions due
to the admixture of current traditions, which figure in the
extreme forms of chiliasm that were to cause the reaction against
the earlier interpretations of Bible prophecies. His writings,
with those of Justin, constitute a two-fold witness: first, they
constitute the holdover of gradually fading apostolic truth; and
second, they disclose that increasing departure that finally took
form in the general apostasy of the church, which eventually
turned her eyes from the future advent hope and caused her
to set herself up as the millennial kingdom of God on earth.
III. Tertullian Expounds Order of Last Events
TERTULLIAN (c. 160-c. 240) was born in Northern Africa,
at Carthage, the ancient rival of Rome. He was perhaps the
42 Ibid., chap. 35, sec. 2, p. 566. (Translator's brackets; italics supplied.)
It is interesting to note here that Irenaeus, who abhors the Gnostics and other heretics
who accepted the pagan notion of the inherent evil of matter cites without disapproval—al-
though without vouching for it—a tradition which shows the infiltration into the church of the
idea of at least the inferiority of the material earth even in its re-created state. He says that
some of the elders say that only the lower grade of the redeemed, those who have produced
thirtyfold, will inhabit the New Jerusalem on the earth, whereas the sixtyfold and hundredfold
saints will be, respectively, in Paradise (which he does not locate) and the heavens. (Ibid.,
chap. 36, sec. 2, p. 567.)
43 Ibid., chap. 21, sec. 3, p. 493.
most conspicuous religious writer of his time. Receiving a

liberal Graeco-Roman education, and probably legal training,
he lived in pagan blindness and licentiousness to his thirtieth
or fortieth year, knowing well the coarseness and repulsiveness
of it all. He was strongly attracted by the martyr courage and
life of holiness of the Christians, in contrast to the life of the
sensual cynic and proud stoic.
Accepting Christianity, he embraced it with all the strength
of maturity and all the fiery energy of his soul, defending it
thenceforth against pagan, Jew, and heretic. In passing from
paganism to Christianity, Tertullian believed himself to be
passing from darkness to light and from corruption to purity.
His vehemence, therefore, against any form of Christian precept
or practice that fell short of his ideal may be the more easily
understood. Brilliant and versatile, but fiery and tempestuous
in temperament, he spurned every vin,1 of recognized com-
promise.
1. CARTHAGINIAN SCHOOL OF LATIN THEOLOGY.—This
gifted, once-pagan lawyer became the father of Latin theology
and creator of the church language in the Latin tongue. He
laid the foundations upon which Cyprian and Augustine built,
though, curiously enough, he died out of harmony with Rome.
He paved the way for the labors of Jerome, who, in creating
the Vulgate, lifted the Western churches to a position of intel-
lectual parity with the East. Tertullian's was an extraordinary
literary activity in two languages, most of which fell in the first
quarter of the third century. His most powerful polemic works
were against the Gnostics.
It is essential to have this historic background and setting
for Tertullian's witness, and it is desirable to note, first, that
the "postoli, church was principally Jewish, the ante-Nicene
was largely Greek, and the post-Nicene, predominantly Roman.
The literature of the Roman church was at first dominantly
Greek, and her earliest writers wrote exclusively in Greek."
49 Schaff, History, v iol. 2, p. 626.

254 PROPHETIC FAITH
Latin began to appear in Christian literature at the end of the

second century, and then not in Italy but in Africa, not in
Rome but in Carthage, and with lawyers and rhetoricians, not
speculative philosophers.
Strangely enough, Rome itself under the emperors was
essentially a Greek city, with Greek as its second language.
The first sermons preached at Rome were in Greek; for the
mass of the poorer population, among whom Christianity took
root, were predominantly Greek speaking. Paul wrote to the
Roman church in Greek, as did Clement, and various others
that followed. The apologies to the Roman emperors were
phrased in Greek. The churches in Gaul, evangelized by mis-
sionaries from Asia Minor, wrote out the story of their perse-
cutions in Greek, and Irenaeus employed it. On the other hand,
Latin Christianity had its birthplace in North Africa. The
Vans Latina (Old Latin) version of the Bible evidently had
its origin in Africa. By the close of the second century Carthage
was a thriving Christian center—a second Rome. Greek was no
longer current there, having been supplanted by Latin." So
Tertullian was truly the first Latin father, his writings offering
the starting point in the history of the Latin church.
A century of missionary endeavor reached a place where
the missionary fire blazed out in Tertullian, and, by the mid-
dle of the third century, had so grown that several councils
were held in Carthage, each attended by not less than seventy
bishops. Thus came the great expansion of the church in Africa.
And this Carthaginian school of Latin theology molded Chris-
tian thought for centuries. Also, Northern Africa probably
gave to the Western church the first Latin translation of the
Bible, miscalled the Itala, which was the basis of Jerome's
Vulgate." Rome, at the close of the third century, was still but
a prominent member of the sisterhood of Christian churches,
and reputable authorities claim there were some ten million
es Westcott, op. cit., pp. 244-254.

46 Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 27, 28; Landon. op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 117-120.
Christians within the bounds of the Roman Empire at this
2. VIOLENT PERSECUTIONS BRING RELIGIOUS LIBERTY PLEA.

—It is essential further to note that martyrdom in Africa began
in the second century, when a tempest of persecution broke
upon the church in various sections of the empire." The fires
of religious fanaticism burst into flame. Many were imprisoned,
torture and death followed, and the African church received
her share of the baptism of blood. Violent attacks destroyed
Christian homes and places of worship, rifling the resting places
of the dead, and depriving the living of their church assemblies.
The intensive persecution in the reign of Septimius Severus
was most active at the height of Tertullian's career. The flood-
gate opened, and the tide of fury swept on, full and strong.
Tertullian's Apology to the Roman rulers is a monument to
this heroic ititityt- age of the church, which is stamped in
letters of .blood upon its pages. Tertullian resisted the attacks of
heathen bigotry, and demanded equal rights and freedom of
religion for Christians. He appealed not for mercy but for jus-
tice." This may be regarded as the first plea for religious liberty_
as an inalienable right, which just governments should, in
their own interest, respect and protect. His legal training is
observable throughout this affirmation of rights. Juridical in
style, Tertullian is ever the advocate for the unnamed army of
Christian martyrs. "The blood of Christians is seed," he said.'°
3. RESURRECTION AT SECOND ADVENT, NOT AT DEATH._
Tert.ullian believed in and expressly taught the second advent:
"For two comings of Christ having been revealed to us: a first, which
has been fulfilled in the lowliness of a human lot; a second, which impends
over the world, now near its close, in all the majesty of Deity unveiled;
and, by misunderstanding the first, they [the Jews] have concluded that
the second—which, as matter of more manifest prediction, they set their
hopes on—is the only one." "
4' Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 22. 4s Ibid., p. 33.

4 Tertuilian, Apology, chap. 24, and To Scapula; chap. 2, in ANF,
and 105 respectively; seealso Schaff, History, sol. 2, p. 35. vol..3, pp. 38, 39,
5° Tertullian, Apology, chap. 50, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 55. 51 Ibid., chap. 21, p. 35.
256 PROPHETIC FAITH
Tertullian was a decided prernillennialist, and affirms it

customary for Christians to pray for a part in the first resur-
rection, which literal resurrection takes place at the advent
at the end of the world, and not at death."
4. CHRIST THE STONE THAT SMITES THE IMAGE.—He spe-

cifically declares Christ to be the stone of Daniel 2 that will
smite at His second coming the "secular kingdom" image of
Daniel 2.
"Now these signs of degradation quite suit His first coming, just
as the tokens of His majesty do His second advent, when He shall no
longer remain 'a stone of stumbling and rock of offence,' but after His re-
jection become 'the chief corner-stone,' accepted and elevated to the top
place of the temple, even His church, being that very stone in Daniel, cut
out of the mountain, which was to smite and crush the image of the secu-
lar kingdom. Of this advent the same prophet says: 'Behold, one like the
Son of man came with the clouds of heaven, and came to the Ancient of
days; and they brought Him before Him, and there was given Him do-
minion and glory, and a kingdom, that all people, nations, and languages
should serve Him. His dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall
not pass away; and His kingdom that which shall not be destroyed.' " 53
5. FULFILLED PROPHECIES ASSURE FUTURE EVENTS.—Ter-

tullian was the first Latin father to use the prophecies to show
the superiority of Holy Scripture over all pagan productions.
"We bring under your notice something of even greater importance;
we point to the majesty of our Scriptures, if not to their antiquity. If you
doubt that they are as ancient as we say, we offer proof that they are di-
vine. And you may convince yourselves of this at once, and without going
very far. Your instructors, the world, and the age, and the event, are all
before you. All that is taking place around you was fore-announced; all
that you now see with your eye was previously heard by the ear."
After declaring that what was then taking place had been
foreannounced, and that the truth of prophecy is the fulfill-
ment of things predicted, he continues:
"The truth of a prophecy, I think, is the demonstration of its being
from above. Hence there is among us an assured faith in regard to coming
events as things already proved to us, for they were predicted along with
52 Tertullian, On the Resurrection ol the Flesh, chap. 22, in ANF, vol. 3, pp. 560, 561.
Tertullian, Against Marcion, chap. 7, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 326.
64Tertullian, Apology, chap. 20, in AF,
N vol. 3, p. 33.
what we have day by day fulfilled. They are uttered by the same voices,
they are written in the same books—the same Spirit inspires them. All
time is one to prophecy foretelling the future.'
6. ANTICHRIST—BEAST—MAN OF SIN IS NEAR.—Tertul-
lian, like Irenaeus, identifies the Antichrist with the Man of
Sin and the Beast,' On the one hand he speaks of many anti-
christs—as indeed John himself does—men who rebel against
Christ at any time, and he specifically mentions Marcion and
his followers as antichrists." Yet on the other hand he expects
the specific Antichrist just before the resurrection, as a per-
secutor of the church, under whom the second company of
martyrs, awaited by those under the altar of the fifth seal,
will be slain, and Enoch and Elijah will meet their long-
delayed death.' Unlike Irenaeus, however, Tertullian does not
describe Antichrist as a Jew sitting in a Jewish temple at Jeru-
salem. Indeed, he says that the temple of God is the church." He
expects Antichrist soon."
7. ROME'S CONTINUANCE DELAYS ANTICHRIST'S APPEAR-
ANCE.—Commenting on the Antichrist of 2 Thessalonians 2:3-6,
he observes truly that it is the Roman state that is the restrain-
ing "obstacle" which, by being broken up into the "ten king-
doms," would make way for Antichrist, who would ultimately
be destroyed by the brightness of the advent.
"'For that day shall not come, unless indeed there first come a fall-
ing away,' he [Paul] means indeed of this present empire, 'and that man
of sin be revealed,' that is to say, Antichrist, 'the son of perdition, who op-
poseth and exalteth himself above all that is called God or religion; so
that he sitteth in the temple of God, affirming that he is God. Remember
ye not, that when I was with you, I used to tell you these things? And
now ye know what detaineth, that he might be revealed in his time. For
the mystery of iniquity doth already work; only he who now hinders must
Ibid.
Tert.--il ia
i-n, Agoin -t M arcion, book 5, chap. 1(1, and On the Resurreaion of the
:.chap. 25. in 'ANF, vol. 3, 4 pp. 463, 464, and 563 respectively.
57 Tertullian, On Prescription Against Heresies, chap. 4, and Against Marcion,
vol. 3, book 3,
,chap. 8, in ANF, pp. 245 and 327 respectively.
Tertullian, On the Resurrection. chaps. 25. 27, and chap. 12, and
Scorpiace, A Treat-
ise on the Soul, chap. 50, in ANF, vol. 3. pp. 563, 565, and 646, and 227, 228 respectively.
ss Tertullian, book 3, chaps.
Against Marcion, chap.
7, 23, 25, and On the Resurrection,
26, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 326, 341, 342, and 564 respectively.
Tertullian, De Fuga in Persecutione (On Flight in Persecution), chap. 12, in ANF,
vol. 4, p. 124.
9
258 PROPHETIC FAITH
hinder, until he be taken out of the way.' What obstacle is there but the
Roman state, the falling away of which, by being scattered into ten king-
doms, shall introduce Antichrist upon (its own ruins)? And then shall be
revealed the wicked one, whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of
His mouth, and shall destroy with the brightness of His coming: even
him whose coming is after the working of Satan, with all power, and signs,
and lying wonders, and with all deceivableness of unrighteousness in them
that perish.' " "
8. BABYLON THE RECOGNIZED FIGURE OF ROME.—The

"Babylon" of the Apocalypse is, by Tertullian, applied to the
city of Rome and her domination.
"So, again, Babylon, in our own John, is a figure of the city Rome, as
being equally great and proud of her sway, and triumphant over the
saints." "
Consonant with such a view, he depicts her as "drunk"
with the blood of martyred "saints." 63 Such was the obviously
immediate application.
9. ROME'S BREAKUP SIGNAL FOR END.—The mighty shock

hanging over the world, Tertullian declares, is retarded only
by the continuing existence of the Roman Empire. Rome's
breakup will be the signal for the terrors of the end; and so
they definitely prayed for Rome's continuance.
"There is also another and a greater necessity for our offering prayer
in behalf of the emperors, nay, for the complete stability of the empire,
and for Roman interests in general. For we know that a mighty shock im-
pending over the whole earth—in fact, the very end of all things threaten-
ing dreadful woes—is only retarded by the continued existence of the
Roman empire. We have no desire, then, to be overtaken by these dire
events; and in praying that their coming may be delayed, we are lending
our aid to Rome's duration."'"
1O. ENUMERATES ORDER OF LAST EVENTS.—Tertullian at-
tempts to enumerate the order of last-day events, as brought
to view in the Apocalypse—the plagues, Babylon's doom, Anti-
christ's warfare on the saints, the devil cast into the bottomless
ei Tertullian, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, chp. 24, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 563. (Italics
supplied.)
62 Tertullian, An Answer to the Yews, chap. 9, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 162.
Tertullian, Scorpiace, chap. 12, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 646.
Tertullian, Apology, chap. 32, in ANF, vol. 3, pp. 42, 43. (Italics supplied.)
PROI'llITIC SI \IBM I INI NT ER P RT
ON
Rays, Like Horns o Beast, Exemplifying the Multiple-Horn Device, Used in

Prophecy, Was Employed in Roman Days (Right); Maximian Coin Showing
Hercules Seeking to Destroy Hydra-headed Symbol of Christianity (Lower Left)
pit, the advent, the resurrection of the saints, the judgment, and
the second resurrection, with the harvest at the end of the
world; and the sixth seal extending to the final dissolution of
the earth and sky, in which he included the stars.'
1 1 . PROPHECY SPANS FIRST AND SECOND ADVENTS.—Ter-
tullian regarded prophecy as largely prefiguring, in orderly
succession, the chief events and epochs of the church and the
world from Christ's first advent to T-Tic second rnrning, and -
assures us that the events surrounding the second advent, such
as the resurrection, were as yet unfulfilled."
12. MILLENNIUM FOLLOWS RESURRECTION OF DEAD.—In
controverting Marcion, the most formidable Gnostic heretic
who had yet opposed revealed truth, Tertullian contends against
the Jewish hope of the restoration of Judea, and for the spir-
itual significance of the promises to Israel. He maintains that
the thousand years of the Apocalypse will follow the resurrec-
tion, upon the earth, with the New Jerusalem in its midst,
and precede the eternity of heaven.
"Our inquiry relates to what is promised in heaven, not on earth.
But we do confess that a kingdom is promised to us upon the earth, al-
though before heaven, only in another state of existence; inasmuch as it
will be after the resurrection for a thousand years in the divinely-built
cc Tertullian, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, chap. 25, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 563;
Against Hermogenes, chap. 34, pp. 496, 497.
Ibid., chap. 22, pp. 560, 561.
259
260 PROPHETIC FAITH
city of Jerusalem, 'let down from heaven,' which the apostle also calls 'our
mother from above;' and, while declaring that our 3toki:rEuRa, or citizen-
ship, is in heaven, he predicates of it that it is really a city in heaven.
This both Ezekiel had knowledge of and the Apostle John beheld.. . .
"This city [new Jerusalem] " has been provided by God for receiving
the saints on their resurrection, and refreshing them with the abundance
of all really spiritual blessings, as a recompense for those which in the
world we have either despised or lost; since it is both just and God-worthy
that His servants should have their joy in the place where they have also
suffered affliction for His name's sake." as
As the next quotation shows, Tertullian describes the
resurrection of the saints as covering a period of time, some ris-
ing sooner than others.
13. AFTER MILLENNIUM, WORLD'S DESTRUCTION AND
HEAVEN.—Tertullian further declares that the world's destruc-
tion, at the execution of the judgment, will come at the close
of the thousand years spent by the saints in the New Jerusalem
on earth.
"Of the heavenly kingdom this is the process. After its thousand
years are over, within which period is completed the resurrection of the
saints, who rise sooner or later according to their deserts, there will ensue
the destruction of the world and the conflagration of all things at the
judgment: we shall then be changed in a moment into the substance of
angels, even by the investiture of an incorruptible nature, and so be re-
moved to that kingdom in heaven." 69
14. SEVENTY WEEKS FULFILLED BY FIRST ADVENT.—Ter-
tullian contends that by the prophecy of Daniel's seventy weeks '°
the time of Christ's incarnation, as well as of His death, is
foretold. He gives an extensive sketch of the chronology of the
seventy hebdomads, or weeks of years, starting them from the
first year of Darius, and continuing to Jerusalem's destruction
by the Romans under the command of Titus. This was to
show that the seventy weeks were then fully completed, the
vision and prophecy thus being sealed by the advent of Christ,
67 It is characteristic of the credulity of the ancients, that Tertullian mentions a report

of what was evidently a mirage city seen in Judea, and regards it as an advance view of the
heavenly city.
°' Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 3, chap. 25 in ANF, vol. 3, pp. 342, 343.
69Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 3, chap. 25 in ANF, vol. 3, p. 343.
70 Tertullian, An Answer to the Yews, chaps. 8, in ANF, vol. 3, pp. 158, 159, 168.
which he places at the end of the sixty-two and one-half weeks.

His knowledge of chronology is, of course, inexact, as is demon-
strated by his putting the destruction of Jerusalem fifty-two
and a half years after the birth of Christ."
15. ESPOUSED MONTANISM IN PROTEST OF ROMAN LAXITY.
—The Montanist movement arose after the middle of the
second century. This group purposed to restore what they con-
sidered the original Christianity. The Manichaeans, on the
contrary, attempted to reconstruct Christianity, and questioned
the integrity and the authenticity of the Christian records and
writers. About the beginning of the third century Tertullian
espoused Montanism," noted for its moral austerity. Repelled
by the growing laxity of the Roman clergy and the worldly
conformity of the Roman church, he was attracted by the
martyr enthusiasm and chiliastic beliefs of the Montanists,
who became extremists in millenarian positions."
The Montanists lived iiridci the vivid ; citni of the
final catastrophe, and directed their desires toward the second
advent and the end of the world; but the abatement of the
advent hope in the dominant church brought increase of
worldliness, as she began to establish herself in the earth. Thus
the separating line over this issue of worldly establishment
began to be rather definitely drawn as relates to the advent
expectancy.
Tertullian ruthlessly exposed the corruptions of the Roman
church. He attacked the lax edict of the Roman bishop who
had given remission for gross, carnal sins, ironically calling
n Ibid., pp. 158-160, 168.
" Montanism, named after Montanus. arose in Phrygia about A.D. 150. It was a reac-
tionary movement against innovations introduced through Onostic and pagan influences, espe-
cially of gnosis (knowledge) at the expense of faith. The Montanists were inclined toward ex-
travagance in religion, but it is to their credit that they inveighed against lax morals and lax
disci line Theyinnsted upon holin ess at the expense of catholicity. They were strongly ascetic,
and 'wholly rejected the use of wine. They claimed to be the recipients of special revelations,
and were intrigued by speculations as to the approaching end of the world. The movement spread
among the more spiritual in Asia Minor, Proconsular Africa, and the East. It was Tertullian's
reaction against the scandalous laxity of discipline seen in the Roman church under Bishop
Zephyrinus, which led him to cast his lot with the Montanists, becoming their greatest theolo-
gian. The errors of Montanism consist in an exaggeration of Christian ideas and requirements.
Hence it may be regarded as a forerunner of the ascetic emphasis of the fourth and following
centuries. (Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 421; Albert H. Newman, A Manual of Church History,
vol. 1, pp. 202-206. 258-260.)
73 Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 417-420, 820, 821.
262 PROPHETIC FAITH
him "the Pontifex Maximus"—a term then referring only to

the pagan chief priesthood, which was held by the Roman
emperors at this time." He likewise challenged the power of
the "keys" as usurped by the church at Rome."
16. THE SABBATH AND TRADrrioN.—Before leaving Ter-
tullian we must turn briefly to a different aspect of the picture.
While still holding to the advent hope, Tertullian had, in
common with the majority, already departed considerably from
the original teachings and practices of the church, in bringing
in traditional customs which he admits are non-Biblical, as
will be seen. Writing against Marcion the Gnostic, he upholds
the Sabbath as consecrated by God the Father for the good of
man, and not rescinded by Christ but sanctified by His life
and action." But to the Jews he writes that the Sabbaths were
Jewish and temporal, and argues for a perpetual, spiritual sab-
bath, just as he contends for a spiritual eternal law in contrast
to a temporal law, and both beginning with the new covenant."
He answers lamely the contention that they were like the
worshipers of the sun-god—because they also prayed toward
the east and celebrated Sunday—simply by saying, "Do you do
less than this?" " He also takes pains to disavow the observance
of the Jewish Sabbath." He explains how the pagans would not
join in Christian customs, lest they seem to be Christians, but
at the same time declares that Christians were not fearful of
being called heathen, though they joined the pagans in their
observance of the annual heathen festivals." Thus the pagans
appeared truer to their convictions as to separation than the
Christians.
In discussing the Christian soldier's refusal to wear the
crown of laurel leaves, Tertullian touches the relation of Scrip-
ture to tradition, and whether none save a written tradition
74 Tertullian, On Modesty, chap. 7, in ANF, vol. 4, pp. 74, 75.
Ibid., chap. 21, p. 99.
Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 4, chap. 12, in ANF, vol. 3, pp. 362-364.
77 Tertullian, An Answer to the Yews, chaps. 4, 6, in ANF, vol. 3, pp. 155-157.
78 Tertullian, Apology, chap. 16, and Ad Nationes, book 1, chap. 13, in ANF, vol. 3, pp.
31 and 123 respectively.
'9 Tertullian, On Idolatry, chaps. 13, 14, in ANF, vol. 3, pp. 68-70.
so Ibid., chap. 14, p. 70.
ought to be received. In this connection he reveals the extent

to which customs based on "tradition alone" had crept into the
church. He mentions dipping three times in baptism (thus
exceeding the Scripture mandate), offerings for the dead, ab-
staining from fasting or from kneeling in worship on the
"Lord's day" and from Easter to 'Whitsunday, undue veneration
for bread and wine, and the use of the sign of the cross." Then
comes this startlingly frank admission: "If, for these and other
such rules, you insist upon having positive Scripture injunc-
tion, you will find none. Tradition will be held forth to you
as the originator of them, custom as their strengthener, and
faith as their observer."
Nevertheless, we find in this period our five determining
factors in the advent belief still standing forth—the literal
resurrection of the dead at the second advent; the millennial
period following the advent; the Antichrist expected upon the
heels of Rome's breakup; and, in the interpretation of outline
prophecies, Christ's first advent fulfilling the seventy weeks
of Daniel, Christ's second coming as the smiting stone of
Daniel 2, Rome as the fourth world power to be divided into
ten kingdoms, and considerable emphasis upon last-day events
as disclosed in the Apocalypse. Thus premillennialism, despite
certain departures, is still predominant.
IV. Clement of Alexandria's Chronology of Seventy Weeks
As the second century drew to its eventful close, the
growing church entered upon a new stage in its history. It had
already spread from the land of its birth out to Britain in
one direction and to the Ganges in the other, and all the way
from its original base in Syria to the delta of the Nile. Alex-
andria, with its great libraries, was famous as a seat of learning.
The Alexandrian church, which became the rival of Antioch
and Rome, was at the center of two streams of influence. There,
says Schaff, "the religious life of Palestine and the intellectual
ai Tertullian, The Chaplet, or de Corona, chaps. 1-3; in .{NF, vol. 3, pp. 93-95.
5' Ibid., chap. 4, p. 95. (Italics supplied.)
264 PROPHETIC FAITH
culture of Greece commingled and prepared the way for the

first school of theology which aimed at a philosophic compre-
hension and vindication of the truths of revelation."
Alexandria's catechetical school was well known, with
Pantaenus of Sicily as one of its early heads. Farrar gives a
valuable pen picture of Alexandria that may well be borne in
mind in familiarizing ourselves with Clement of Alexandria:
"But Alexandria was pre-eminently the home of theosophy, the seat
of those studies in which Judaism and the religions of the East were deeply
affected by contact with Platonism and other schools of Greek philosophy.
Christianity, while making itself felt among these forms of belief, received
in turn a powerful impress from, the prevalent conceptions. In such a city
as Alexandria—with its museum, its libraries, its lectures, its schools of
philosophy, its splendid synagogue, its avowed atheists, its deep-thinking
Oriental mystics—the Gospel would have been powerless if it had been
unable to produce teachers who were capable of meeting Pagan philoso-
phers and Jewish Philonists and eastern Eclectics on their own ground." "
It was during this time that Clement, who soon developed
into one of the best-known early Christian writers, became
one of Pantaenus' students. Through his writings he showed
paganism to be an outworn, futile creed, to be dismissed with
contempt, as he exposed the folly and irrationality of its mul-
tiple gods. He showed that pagan mythologies had polluted
the very atmosphere of life. And he became the ethical philoso-
pher of the Christians, as he sketched the reformation which
Christianity imposed on society."
TITUS FLAVIUS CLEMENS, or Clement of Alexandria (c.
150-c. 220), whose birthplace is unknown, was originally a
pagan philosopher. Upon entering the Christian church he
sought instruction from its most eminent teachers, traveling
extensively in Greece, Italy, Egypt, and Palestine. Thus he
came to Pantaenus at Alexandria, and soon became celebrated
for his learning, and was made a presbyter in the church of Alex-
andria. He became the illustrious head of the Catechetical

84Farrar, Lives, vol. 1 p. 262.
85Coxe, Introductory Note to Clement of Alexandria, in ANF, vol. 2, p. 165'; see also
Farrar, Lives, vol. 1, pp. 261-290; Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 5, pp. 799, 800, art. "Clement
of Alexandria."
School, possibly about 189, succeeding his master, Pantaenus.

Among his pupils was Origen, who was his successor in the
same school. He left the city during the severe persecution
under Septimius Severus, fleeing to Syria about 202. Later he
appeared in Palestine and Asia Minor.
Clement was the contemporary of Tertullian of Carthage,
but he wrote in Greek. His Old Testament quotations are from
the Septuagint, as Greek was the universal language of the
eastern Mediterranean, and even the churches of the West were
really Greek religious colonies. His chief works form a trilogy
—The Exhortation to the Heathen (an exposure of the sordid-
ness of heathenism), The Instructor (a guide for the formation
of Christian character), and his greatest, the Stromata (Miscel-
lanies). This latter is an unorganized discussion of doctrinal
theology or Christian philosophy, written in opposition to
Gnosticism. It is a medley, bringing out the blended beauties
and monstrosities of the pagan world of antiquity. It contains
chronology, philosophy, and poetry. Clement's tendency was
to construe the Bible philosophically, and to lean toward spec-
ulation. Greek philosophy was to him the preparatory stage of
the Christian faith. This tendency continued to grow until it
changed the whole emphasis of the church.
1. SEVENTY WEEKS INCLUDE CHRIST'S ADVENT.—A treatise
On Prophecy is included in a list of works which Clement
refers to "as written or about to be written" by him. There is
only scattered treatment of prophecy in the Stromata. Clement
was one of the first, of whom we have record, to apply the
seventy weeks historically. In Stromata, after quoting Daniel
9:24-27, Clement declares that the temple was built in the
prophesied "seven weeks," or first period. During the "sixty
and two weeks" all Judea was quiet. Then "Christ our Lord,
'the Holy of Holies,' having come and fulfilled the vision of
the prophecy, was anointed in His flesh by the Holy Spirit of
His Father." Clement says that Christ was "Lord" during the
se Clement, The Stromata, or Miscellanies, book 1, chap. 21, in AXE, vol. 2, p. 329.
266 PROPHETIC FAITH
one week. Clement thought that in the first "half of the week"
Nero held sway, and placed the abomination in the holy city
Jerusalem; and in the other half of the week he was taken
away, and Otho, and Galba, and Vitellius reigned. Then "Ves-
pasian rose to the supreme power, and destroyed Jerusalem,
and desolated the holy place" " at the end of the period.
2. DANIEL'S LONGER PERIODS APPLIED TO JERUSALEM'S
DESTRUCTION.—Later in the chapter, in discussing further the
time phase of Daniel's prophecy, Clement gives more detail.
He applies not only the seventieth week to the seven years
before the destruction of Jerusalem, but the 1290, 1335, and
2300 days as well:
"1 mean the days which Daniel indicates from the desolation of Jeru-
salem, the seven years and seven months of the reign of Vespasian. For
the two years are added to the seventeen months and eighteen days of Otho,
and Galba, and Vitellius; and the result is three years and six months,
which is 'the half of the week,' as Daniel the prophet said. For he said
that there were two thousand three hundred days from the time that the
abomination of Nero stood in the holy city, till its destruction. For thus
the declaration, which is subjoined, shows: 'How long shall be the vision,
the sacrifice taken away, the abomination of desolation, which is given,
and the power and the holy place shall be trodden under foot? And he
said to him, Till the evening and morning, two thousand three hundred
days, and the holy place shall be taken away.' "
"These two thousand three hundred days, then, make six years four
months, during the half of which Nero held sway, and it was half a week:
and for a half, Vespasian with Otho, Galba,,and Vitellius reigned. And on
this account Daniel says, 'Blessed is he that cometh to the thousand three
hundred and thirty-five days.' For up to these days was war, and after them
it ceased. And this number is demonstrated from a subsequent chapter,
which is as follows: 'And from the time of the change of continuation.
and of the giving of the abomination of desolation, there shall be a thou-
sand two hundred and ninety days. Blessed is he that waiteth, and corneal
to the thousand three and thirty-five days.' " "
This very imperfect attempt at the chronology of the
seventy weeks by Clement was next taken up by Julius Af-
81 Ibid. •
88 In his endeavor to explain and to harmonize Bible truth with Grecian dialectics, after
the manner of Philo, Clement made Daniel 8:14 read "the holy place shall be taken away" to
make it fit the destruction of the temple in A .1) . 70—a mistranslation unless he followed a text
different from both the Septuagint and the Theodotion versions of Daniel.
89 Ibid., p. 334.
ricanus, with whom he was a partial contemporary." Maitland's

comment on Clement's discussion is, "The attempt can scarcely
be termed successful." However, later expositors rectified and
clarified this vital prophecy of the Messianic prophecy of the
seventy weeks of years.
" For Africanus, see page 279.
'9 Charles Maitland, The Apostles' School of Prophetic Interpretation, p. 166.
CHAPTER TWELVE
Hippolytus and Julius Africanus
I. Hippolytus First Systematic Expositor

HIPPOLYTUS (d. c. 236), called by some bishop of Rome
and by others bishop of Porto, or Portus Romanus,1 doubtless
spent the greater portion of his life in Rome and its vicinity.
Hippolytus was unquestionably one of the most learned scholars
and theologians, and most voluminous writers in Greek of his
day. Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria were the leading centers
of Christendom in the third century. And Rome was the meet-
ing place of East and West—a Latin church growing up around
the original Greek-speaking church, where the Greek language
was still preponderant in the third century. Hippolytus' numer-
ous works had a circulation spreading eastward from Italy,
some of them being translated into Syriac, Arabic, Armenian,
Ethiopic, and perhaps other languages, and some being written
under various pseudonyms. Eusebius indefinitely calls him
"bishop," places him as a contemporary of Origen, and lists
certain of his writings.'
An ancient statue was recovered in 1551—a venerable
figure seated in a bishop's chair." On the back of the chair
was engraved the paschal cycle, or Easter table, of Hippolytus,
1 Porto, anciently Portus Romanus. was on a harbor some fifteen miles from Rome, on
the northern side of the mouth of the Tiber. (Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 761.)
2 Eusebius, Church History, book 6, chaps. 20, 22, 23, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, pp.
268-271.
Christopher Wordsworth. St. Hippolytus and the Church of Rome, pp. 29-33; Farrar,
Lives, vol. 1 Note on St. Hippolytus, p. 89; see also C. C. J. Bunsen, Hippolytus and His
Age, vol. 1, 'reface, p. xxii; also pp. 13, 210, 223.
268
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ippolytus, Bishop of Portus

Romanus, Opponent of Two
Bishops of Rome, Whose Ex-
position of Daniel Affords a
\lost Remarkable View of
Third-Century Prophetic In-
terpretation; Back of Chair
on Which Hippolytus Is
Seated Lists Books of Which
He Was Author, Thus Iden-
tifying Him as Writer Also
of 'a Treatise on Apocalypse
together with a list of some of his writings. This list furnished

the key to the authorship of some of his important works hith-
erto unidentified. Later Greek writers, not distinguishing
strictly the city of Rome from the surrounding country, had fre-
quently called him "bishop of Rome," and the Roman church
herself placed ti;n1 in the list of her saints and martyrs little sus-
pecting, at the time, that certain of his writings were inimical
to her doctrines and pretensions, and would later be brought
forward in accusation against her'
Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 759; Wordsworth, St. Hippolytus, pp. 254 IT.
269
270 PROPHETIC FAITH
1. OPPONENT OF Two ROMAN BISHOPS.—Hippolytus was

an opponent of two ambitious Roman bishops of his day,'
charging them with error and rebuking them for 'misconduct.'
This shows no conception of Rome's possessing any pre-eminent
authority to which others were to defer, and attributes to the
bishops of Rome anything but infallibility. He followed Ire-
naeus' example, whose spirit he reflected, in withstanding con-
temporary bishops who merited rebuke for error in doctrine
and viciousness of life. While Irenaeus sharply reprimanded
Victor (about 190) for arrogance and intolerance in breaking
fellowship with the churches of Asia Minor, Hippolytus went
further. He devotes entire chapters in his Refutation of All
Heresies to excoriating Zephyrinus and Callistus, who had as-
pired to the papal chair, and who gloried in attracting the
multitudes, though gaining both by unworthy means. He ex-
poses their heresy, declaring them cunning, deceitful, covetous,
and susceptible to bribes.' This book is now acknowledged,
beyond reasonable challenge, to be the work of Hippolytus.'
The former rarity of this treatise—one of the most in-
structive and important productions of the ante-Nicene church
—is easily accounted for by its offensive opposition to the
contemporary bishops of the Roman church,' as it sheds much
light not only on the ancient heresies but on the attitude and
condition of the Roman church at the beginning of the third
century.
9 . REMARKABLE CONTEMPORARY EXPOSITION OF DANIEL.
—Hippolytus left several works on prophecy, among which
are his commentary "On Daniel," and his remarkable Treatise
on Christ and Antichrist. He is said by Jerome and others to
Wave also written a treatise on the Apocalypse. But this is ap-
parently not extant, though some fragments are preserved.
Although he wrote commentaries on various prophets, his chief

e Hippolytus, The Refutation of All Heresies, book 9, chap. 2, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 125.
7 Ibid., chaps. 6, 7, pp. 128-131; see also Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 765.
s Coxe, Introductory Notice to Hinoolytus, in ANF, vol. 5, pp. 3-7.
HIPPOLYTUS AND JULIUS AFRICANUS 271
emphasis was on Daniel, his interpretation leaving an imperish-

able imprint. His Treatise on Christ and Antichrist is acclaimed
by various scholars as bearing every mark of genuineness,
though its attack on a contemporary Roman bishop (Call istus),
resulted in its suppression, and it almost perished from the
earth." This treatise contains the most remarkable contem-
porary exposition of the prophecies left on record from the
third century. Hippolytus was a decided premillennialist," and
regarded the prophetic page as the sacred calendar of the
future, listing the successive Gentile empires from Babylon on
to the finishing of the mystery of God. He declared that the
mysteries of the future, foreshown by the prophets, will be
revealed by God's servants. Let us take first a panoramic view
of his main outline of exposition.
3. PARALLELS OUTLINE OF DANIEL 2 AND 7.—In the frag-
ments from his commentary on Daniel, and also in his monu-
mental Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, Hippolytus gives a
most remarkable exposition of Daniel's paralleling prophecies
of chapters 2, 7, and 8, which he, in common with the other
fathers—only more specifically--asserts pertain to the Babylo-
nians, Medo-Persians. Greeks, and Romans. The latter power
he declares to be existent at the time of his writing, awaiting
division into the predicted ten kingdoms—these in turn to be
followed by the coming of the dread Antichrist, who would
terribly persecute the saints. All this would then be terminated
by Christ's glorious, personal second advent, accompanied by
the first resurrection--that of the righteous—to take the king-
dom, with Antichrist destroyed at His coming. Then will follow
the conflagration and just judgment upon the wicked. Such, in
brief, was his essential belief on the prophetic outline. He
stresses the second advent as the goa l of all prophecy. He clearly
implies a premillennial coming of Christ."
1° George Salmon, "Hippolytus Romanus," Smith and Wace, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 97, 98.
11 Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist sec. 44, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 213.
12 Hippolytus, Fragments From Commentaries, On Daniel," frag ment 2, chaps. 3, 4. in
ANF, vol. 5, p. 179.
272 PROPHETIC FAITH
Noting specifically the preface to his exposition on Daniel,

we find that he outlines with striking clearness the four world
powers before mentioned. This is so striking and so basic that
it merits most careful study.
"1. In speaking of a 'lioness from the sea,' he [Daniel] meant the
rising of the kingdom of Babylon, and that this was the 'golden head of
the image.' . . . Then after the lioness he sees a second beast, 'like a bear,'
which signified the Persians. For after the Babylonians the Persians ob-
tained the power. And in saying that 'it had three ribs in its mouth,' he
pointed to the three nations, Persians, Medes, and Babylonians, which
were expressed in the image by the silver after the gold. Then comes the
third beast, 'a leopard,' which means the Greeks; for after the Persians,
Alexander of Macedon had the power, when Darius was overthrown,
which was also indicated by the brass in the image. And in saying that the
beast 'had four wings of a fowl, and four heads,' he showed most clearly
how the kingdom of Alexander was parted into four divisions. For in
speaking of four heads, he meant the four kings that arose out of it. For
Alexander, when dying, divided his kingdom into four parts. Then he says,
'The fourth beast (was) dreadful and terrible: it had iron teeth, and claws
of brass.' Who, then, are meant by this but the Romans, whose kingdom,
the kingdom that still stands, is expressed by the iron? 'for,' says he, 'its
legs are of iron.' " "
The image of Daniel 2 and the four beasts of Daniel 7 are
declared to be identical in scope, simply with amplification in
Daniel 7. These he proceeds to parallel:
"Let us look at what is before us more carefully, and scan it, as it
were, with open eye. The 'golden head of the image' is identical with the
'lioness,' by which the Babylonians were represented. 'The golden shoul-
ders and the arms of silver' are the same with the 'bear,' by which the
Persians and Medes are meant. 'The belly and thighs of brass' are the
'leopard,' by which the Greeks who ruled from Alexander onwards are in-
tended. The 'legs of iron' are the 'dreadful and terrible beast,' by which
the Romans who hold the empire now are meant. The 'toes of clay and
iron' are the 'ten horns' which are to be. The 'one other little horn spring-
ing up in their midst' is the 'antichrist.' The stone that `smites the image
and breaks it in pieces,' and that filled the whole earth, is Christ, who
comes from heaven and brings judgment on the world." "
4. PERSIAN RAM AND GRECIAN HE-GOAT.—The "ram" and
the "he-goat" of Daniel 8 are clearly identified, respectively, as
13 Ibid., chap. 1, p. 178.
14 Ibid., chap. 3, pp. 178, 179; see also pp. 208-210 for his fuller treatment in Treatise
on Christ and Antichrist.
Persia and Greece," the outlines of Daniel 2, 7, and 8 thus being

blended into one composite whole.
5. ANTICHRIST LITTLE HORN AMONG ROME'S TEN DIVI-
SIONS.—Hippolytus assures us that the visions of the prophets
clearly and exactly disclose the future events of history, and
that faithful accuracy in their exposition is required." Ten
kingdoms are to supplant Rome, and Antichrist is to appear
among them. This bold declaration is perhaps the most com-
prehensive and striking paragraph in his prophetic interpreta-
tion, and the most remarkable of all expositions of the time;
for although recognizing the risk assumed, he declares openly,
in regard to Rome and her future, what the prophets have
hidden in mystic symbol.
"The legs of iron, and the beast dreadful and terrible, expressed the
AA-111MM, MAU 111/1U Lilt auvci.clgilLy at Fl C5l7.111., Lilt vvtio..11
were part clay and part iron, and the ten horns, were emblems of the king-
doms that are yet to rise; the other little horn that grows up among them
meant the Antichrist in their midst; the stone that smites the earth and
brings judgment upon the world was Christ.
"These things, beloved, we impart to you with fear, and yet readily,
on account of the love of Christ, which surpasseth all. For if the blessed
prophets who preceded us did not choose to proclaim these things, though
they knew them, openly and boldly, lest they should disquiet the souls of
men, but recounted them mystically in parables and dark sayings, speaking
thus, 'Here is the mind which hath wisdom,' how much greater risk shall
we run in venturing to declare openly things spoken by them in obscure
terms! Let us look, therefore. at the things which are to befall this unclean
harlot in the last days; and (let us consider) what and what manner of
tribulation is destined to visit her in the wrath of God before the judg-
ment as an earnest of her doom." "
6. HISTORY AUTHENTICATES DANIEL'S PROPHETIC OUTLINE.

—Then Hippolytus enters into a personal colloquy with the
prophets, and shows impressively how history authenticates
Daniel's prophetic outline.
"Speak with me, 0 blessed Daniel. Give me full assurance, I be-
15 Hippolytus, Fragments From Commentaries, "On Daniel," fragment 2, chap. 8, in

ANF, vol. 5, pp. 179, 180.
19 Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chap. 2, in ANF, vol. 5, pp. 204, 205.
17 Ibid., chaps. 28, 29, p. 210.
274 PROPHETIC FAITH
seech thee. Thou dost prophesy concerning the lioness in Babylon; for
thou wast a captive there. Thou hast unfolded the future regarding the
bear; for thou wast still in the world, and didst see the things come to pass.
Then thou speakest to me of the leopard; and whence canst thou know
this, for thou art already gone to thy rest? Who instructed thee to an-
nounce these things, but He who formed thee in (from) thy mother's
womb? That is God, thou sayest. Thou hast spoken indeed, and that not
falsely. The leopard has arisen; the he-goat is come; he hath smitten the
ram; he hath broken his horns in pieces; he hath stamped upon him with
his feet. He has been exalted by his fall; (the) four horns have come up
from under that one. Rejoice, blessed Daniel! thou hast not been in error:
all these things have come to pass.
"After this again thou hast told me of the beast dreadful and terrible.
'It had iron teeth and claws of brass: it devoured and brake in pieces, and
stamped the residue with the feet of it.' Already the iron rules; already it
subdues and breaks all in pieces; already it brings all the unwilling into
subjection; already we see these things ourselves. Now we glorify God,
being instructed by thee." 's
7. ANTICHRIST'S DESTRUCTION AT SECOND ADVENT.—Anti-

christ, his coming, his fearful persecution of the saints, and his
destruction are studied in connection with the second advent,
the resurrection of the just at the end of the world, the kingdom
of the saints, and the punishment of the wicked. These are the
continuing burden of this treatise.
"It is proper that we take the Holy Scriptures themselves in hand,
and find out from them what, and of what manner, the coming of Anti-
christ is; on what occasion and at what time that impious one shall be re-
vealed; and whence and from what tribe (he shall come); and what his
name is, which is indicated by the number in the Scripture; and how he
shall work error among the people, gathering them from the ends of the
earth; and (how) he shall stir up tribulation and persecution against the
saints; and how he shall glorify himself as God; and what his end shall be;
and how the sudden appearing of the Lord shall be revealed from heaven;
and what the conflagration of the whole world shall be; and what the
glorious and heavenly kingdom of the saints is to be, when they reign to-
gether with Christ; and what the punishment of the wicked by fire.""
Hippolytus covers the same ground, but in slightly different
phraseology and with sometimes even stronger emphasis, in his
Scholia on Daniel, preserved among the Fragments, in which he
IS Ibid., chaps. 32, 33.

19 Ibid., p. 205; see also chap. S5. p. 218.
HIPPOLYTUS AN!) JULIUS AI RICANUS 275
also quotes supporting testimony from other commentators

holding like positions." Then he turns to the Apocalypse for
information as to the fated end of "Babylon," which he identi-
fies as Rome.'
8. CONCEIVES ANTICHRIST TO BE A JEW.--ill the interpre-

tation of the Little Horn, Hippolytus enters the realm of specu-
lation. His view was obviously influenced by pagan and Jewish
concepts which will be clearly set forth in chapter 13. He sug-
gested that the Antichrist, to follow Rome's division, would be
of Jewish origin, and would set up the Jewish kingdom, pluck-
ing up Egypt, Libya, and Ethiopia, as the "three horns," and
in turn be overthrown by the kingdom of God." FIe believed
Antichrist, "that tyrant and king," "that son of the devil,"
would come from the tribe of Dan,2 as Christ came from Judah.
"For the deceiver [Antichrist] seeks to liken himself in all things to
the Son of God. Christ is a lion, so Antichrist is also a lion; Christ is a
king, so Antichrist is also a king. The Saviour was manifested as a lamb:
so he too, in like manner, will appear as a lamb, though within he is a
wolf. The Saviour came into the world in the circumcision, and he will
come in the same manner. The Lord sent apostles among all the nations.
and he in like manner will send false apostles. The Saviour gathered to-
gether the sheep that were scattered abroad, and he in like manner will
bring together a people that is scattered abroad. The Lord gave a seal to
those who believed on Him, and he will give one in like manner. The:,
Saviour appeared in the form of man, and he too will come in the forni
of a man. The Saviour raised up and showed His holy flesh like a temple,
and he will raise a temple of stone in Jerusalem."'
This conception of an individual Antichrist at the end of

the world, be it noted, became the common interpretation of
the Roman church; consequently, it held the field for centuries,
until the rise of the interpretation identifying Antichrist as
an ecclesiastical system already developing.
2° Hippolytus, Fragments From Commentaries, "Scholia on Daniel," in ANF, vol. 5,

pp. 185-191.
21 Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chaps. 36-42, in ANF, vol. 5, pp. 211.
212.
22 Hippolytus, Fragments From Commentaries, "On Daniel," fragment 2, chap. 2. and
Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chaps. 25, 26, in ANF. vol. 5. pp. 178 and 209 respectively.
Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chaps. 14, 15, in .4.5'F, vol. 5, p. 207.
2' Ibid., chap. 6, p. 206.
276 PROPHETIC FAITH
9. ANTICHRIST SEEN IN DANIEL 11.—Hippolytus also in-

troduces a rather remarkable exposition into the latter part of
Daniel, identifying the "shameless king" (Dan. 11:36) as Anti-
christ, who is to build Jerusalem, restore the sanctuary, and
accept worship as Christ."
10. SEES 1260, 1290, 1335 MERELY AS DAYS.—Hippolytus
interprets the 1260 days as the preaching of the two witnesses
during the first half of the "one week"; the 1290 days as the
three and a half years of Antichrist's war on the saints, the
second half of the week. To those who survive the forty-five
days beyond the 1290, completing 1335 days, the kingdom of
heaven comes. In the phrase "unto evening and morning" he
interprets the evening as the consummation of this age and the
morning as the beginning of the new age—the day of the resur-
rection. The fourteen hundred days, for which he gives no
source, ends with the purging of the sanctuary by the destruc-
tion of the adversary."
11. FIRST RESURRECTION AT SECOND ADVENT.—Hippolytus
identifies the concluding events of Daniel with those of the
Apocalypse, applying them alike to the second advent, which
would be marked by the literal resurrection of the righteous
dead.'
12. CHURCH FLEES DURING ANTICHRIST'S RULE.—The
woman of Revelation 12 is, he declares, the church; the twelve
stars are the twelve apostles; the man-child is Christ. The church
flees to the wilderness while Antichrist rules during the time
of tribulation."
13. TWO BEASTS—ROMAN EMPIRE AND ANTICHRIST.—The
first of the two beasts of Revelation 13 was, he believed, the
Roman Empire, the same as the fourth beast of Daniel. The
second beast with two lamblike horns (Rev. 13:11-18) he applied
25Hippolytus, Fragments From Commentaries, "On Daniel," fragment 2, chap. 39, in
ANF, vol. 5, p. 184.
26 Ibid.,chaps. 39, 40, 44, in ANF, vol. 5, pp. 184, 185.
27Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chap. 65, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 218.
29 Ibid.,chaps. 60-62, pp. 217, 218.
to the kingdom of Antichrist, the two horns representing Anti-

christ and his false prophet. This would revive the image of the
old Roman Empire by healing its deadly wound through gov-
erning after the manner of Roman law, thus giving it life and
making it speak.' This application, it might be observed, will
occur again and again through the march of the centuries, not
only in early periods, but in Reformation times as well, and
even in the great second Advent Awakening of the early decades
of the nineteenth century.
14. MYSTICAL NUMBER (666) FROM LATEINOS.—AS to the
mystical number, 666, Hippolytus follows the solutions of his
master Irenaeus, enumerating Lateinos, Evanthas, and Teitan,
but without dogmatism, believing, however, that the name is
somehow tied up with the Latins."
15. SEVENTY PROPHETIC WEEKS OF LITERAL YEARS.—Al-

though Hippolytus cites Daniel 8:14 for 1300 days [sicj VI Anti-
ochus' desolation of the temple, he follows the long-established
usage in interpreting Daniel's seventy prophetic weeks to be
weeks of literal years. He makes the "forty-nine" years its first
section, from the first year of Darius the Mede to Ezra, with the
"434 years" reaching between Ezra and the birth of Christ."
Hippolytus used a novel sixteen-year cycle—which, however, is
not astronomically correct—in interpreting the seventy weeks."
16. ARBITRARILY SEPARATES LAST WEEK FROM 69.—Hip-

polytus places the period of Antichrist's predicted domination of
three and one-half "times," or 1260 days, in the last half of the
"last week" of Daniel's seventieth hebdomad, or week of years,
which he arbitrarily separates by a chronological gap from the
preceding sixty-nine weeks, placing it, just before the end of the
world,' and dividing the seventieth week between the two sack-
Ibid., chaps. 48, 49, p. 214.

33 Ibid., chap. 50, p. 215.
31 Hippolytus, Fragments From Commentaries, "On Daniel," fragment 2, chaps. 10.16,
in AXF, vol. 5, pp. 180, 181.
32 Salmon, "Hippolytus," Smith and Wace, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 91, 92.
33 Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chap. 43, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 213.
278 PROPHETIC FAITH
cloth-robed witnesses (Enoch and Elijah) and the Antichrist."

Hippolytus is believed to be the first to have projected such a
theory,' making the sixty-nine weeks reach from the first year
of Darius the Mede to Christ's first coming, and the seventieth
to begin separately after a gap, just before Christ's second com-
ing. Most early expositors explain Daniel's hebdomads as having
their full accomplishment in Christ's death, or the consequent
destruction of Jerusalem by Roman armies, and having no
reference to the future Antichrist.
17. 6,000-YEAR EXPECTATION AND SEPTUAGINT CHRONOL-
OGY.—Hippolytus was, moreover, apparently the first to fall
into the error of setting a specific date for the second advent by
calculation, fixing upon A.D. 500, on the basis of the generally
held six-thousand-year theory of the world's duration." He
assumes, like Irenaeus his teacher, that, inasmuch as God made
all things in six days, and these days symbolize a thousand years
each, in six thousand years from the creation the end will come.
This he definitely connects with the prophecies of both Daniel
and the Apocalypse, concerning the Antichrist, dating the incar-
nation in the year of the world 5500 " (which would end the
six thousand years about 250 years after Hippolytus' day). These
figures were evidently based on the erroneous and misleading
Septuagint chronology, which is several centuries longer than
the Hebrew.
Though sadly mistaken in some points, Hippolytus was
nevertheless a profound believer in the second personal advent
of Christ in glory to raise the dead literally, to destroy the coin-
ing Antichrist, and to glorify His saints in their eternal domin-
ion." He lived at a critical moment, and was obviously seeking
to calm the minds and confirm the faith of those agitated by
severe persecution, who believed that the end was at the door.
34 Ibid., chaps. 43-47, pp. 212, 213.

Fraidl, op. cit., pp. 43, 156.
37 Hippolytus, Fragments From Commentaries, "On Daniel," fragment 2. chaps. 4-7, in
:INF, vol. 5, p. 179. For the thousand-year theory, see page 303.
3' Hippolytus, Treatise On Christ and Antichrist, chaps. 66, 67, in .4.WF, 'vol. 5, p. 219.
His was a remarkahle grasp as concerns the leading pro-

phetic symbols, and the outline prophecies terminating in the
advent—doubtless the peak of advent witness before the great
perversion of all five fundamental factors turns the church from
truth to the error of a false position and expectation.
II. Julius Africanus— Terminates Seventy Weeks With Christ
The early history of the churches of Egypt is not more

certain than that of Gaul. Toward the close of the second cen-
tury, we find a school of theology in operation in Alexandria.
Clement of Alexandria (c. 150-c. 220) was trained there, and
Origen succeeded him as head of the famous catechetical school.
As noted, Alexandria was the common meeting place of the
traditions of East and West. Now note one of her sons.
JULIUS AFRICANUS (c. 160-c. 240), Christian traveler and
historian, was a pupil of Herat:las, of the Alexandrian school,
probably between A.D. 228 and A.D. 232. He later lived in
Emmaus (Nicopolis) in Palestine, but left practically no other
biographical data. He was a man of extensive learning. He is
mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome and other authors. Only-
portions of his writings have been preserved to us, including
fragments of his Chronography, which begins with the cos-
mogony of Moses and continues down to the advent of Christ,
and then summarizes events thereafter to the emperor Macrinus.
One section pertains to the computation of the seventy weeks of
Daniel 9, thrice stressing their beginning from Artaxerxes' time.
This is both interesting and valuable as early data. Here is his
general statement.
1. SEVENTY WEEKS FROM ARTAXERXES TO SAVIOUR'S TIME.

—Africanus' witness to the chronology of the seventy weeks has
much significance:
"On the Seventy Weeks of Daniel.
"I. This passage, therefore, as it stands thus, touches on many mar-
vellous things. At present, however, I shall speak only of those things in
it which hear upon chronology. and matters connected therewith. That
280 PROPHETIC FAITH
the passage speaks then of the advent of Christ, who was to manifest Him-
self after seventy weeks, is evident. For in the Saviour's time, or from Him,
are transgressions abrogated, and sins brought to an end. And through re-
mission, moreover, are iniquities, along with offences, blotted out by expi-
ation; and an everlasting righteousness is preached, different from that
which is by the law, and visions and prophecies (are) until John, and the
Most Holy is anointed. For before the advent of the Saviour these things
were not yet, and were therefore only looked for.. . .
"And the beginning of the numbers, that is, of the seventy weeks
which make up 490 years, the angel instructs us to take from the going
forth of the commandment to answer and to build Jerusalem. . . .
"And reckoning from that point, we make up seventy weeks to the
time of Christ. For if we begin to reckon from any other point, and not
from this, the periods will not correspond, and very many odd results will
meet us. . . .
"It is by calculating from Artaxerxes, therefore, up to the time of
Christ that the seventy weeks are made up, according to the numeration
of the Jews."
In seeking to extend the period from the twentieth year of

Artaxerxes to Christ he finds it necessary to harmonize the
supposed Jewish reckoning with the Roman in considerable
detail." He concludes:
"There are in all the 475 years already noted, which in the Hebrew
system make 490 years, as has been previously stated, that is, 70 weeks, by
which period the time of Christ's advent was measured in the announce-
ment made to Daniel by Gabriel."
2. DATED FROM 444 B.C. TO A.D. 31.—Africanus begins

the seventy weeks with the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, in
Olympiad 83, year 4, and ends the period in Olympiad 202, year
2—or a total of 475 solar years inclusive, which would be the
equivalent of 490 uncorrected lunar years. In our reckoning this
is the same as from 444 B.c. to A.D. 31.
"It is by calculating from Artaxerxes, therefore, up to the time of
Christ that the seventy weeks are made up, according to the numeration
of the Jews. For from Nehemiah, who was despatched by Artaxerxes to
build Jerusalem in the 115th year of the Persian Empire, and the 4th
year of the 83d Olympiad, and the 20th year of the reign of Artaxerxes
3° Julius Africanus, The Extant Fragments of the Five Books of the Chronography of
Julius Africanus, fragment 16, in ANF, vol. 6, pp. 134, 135.
40 Mid., fragments 16, 18, pp. 135, 137.
0 Ibid., fragment 18, chap. 3, p. 137.
himself, up to this date, which was the second year of the 202d Olympiad,
and the 16th year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, there are reckoned 475
years, which make 490 according to Hebrew numeration, as they measure
the years by the course of the moon; so that, as is easy to show, their year
consists of 354 days, while the solar year has 365 1/4 days. For the latter
exceeds the period of twelve months, according to the moon's course, by
11 1/4 days. Hence the Greeks and the Jews insert three intercalary
months every 8 years. For 8 times 11 1/4 days makes up 3 months. There-
fore 475 years make 59 periods of eight years each, and 3 months besides.
But since thus there are 3 intercalary months every 8 years, we get thus
15 years minus a few days; and these being added to the 475 years, make
up in all the 70 weeks." 42
3. CURIOUS ATTEMPT TO DECIPHER 2300 DAYS.—After re-

ferring to the standard interpretation of the "ram" and the
"he-goat," as symbolizing Persia and Greece, Africanus next
curiously suggests that the 2300 days might be taken for months,
totaling about 185 years extending from the capture of Jeru-
salem to the twentieth year of Artaxerxes' reign.' He seems to
have been isolated in this interpretation. Thus again is •-xem-
plified the mingling of other reckonings along with the year-day
principle, which Africanus uses for the seventy weeks.
Up to this point we have seen how the first three centuries
were marked by severe struggles within the expanding Christian
church. Almost every major teaching was reviewed and chal-
lenged. Heresies sprang into being, and these heresies exploited
certain books of Scripture and rejected others in an effort to
sustain their teachings. Gnosticism, for example, exhausted
every combination of Christianity and philosophy, from asceti-
cism to sensualism, from rationalism and intellectualism to
ceremonialism and Judaizing. Cerinthus, who stressed the Ju-
daizing element, emphasized some of the canonical books, but
rejected Paul, and entertained chiliastic notions of an extreme
character.
Such extravagances as those of the Gnostic Cerinthus and
of the Montanists, became associated with chiliasm in the minds
of the main body of Christians, and there arose a reaction in
.2 Ibid., fragment 17, p. 135.
13 ibid., fragment 18, chap. 4, p. 137.
282 PROPHETIC FAITH
the church against millenarianism of any shade, beginning

about the middle of the third century, with Origen, and later
especially with Dionysius, of Alexandria. Westcott, who notes a
logical connection between Cerinthus' Judaizing and his chili-
astic views, says that "the reaction itself became extreme; and
imagery in itself essentially Scriptural and pure was confounded
with the glosses by which it had been interpreted," " and that
consequently the book of Revelation came to be viewed with
distrust for a time.
Before proceeding, however, to the discussion of Origen
and Dionysius, and the later fundamental change in the church's
attitude, it is necessary to examine the nature and background
of chiliasm and other beliefs connected with the advent. In the
following chapter we shall discover a close connection between
the extreme views of chiliasm and contemporary Jewish apoca-
lyptic writings.
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 274, 275.
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
T
IN on-Christian Influences
on Christian Interpretation
Chapter 8 introduced the Jewish apocalyptic writings of the

pre-Christian period in the first Christian century, that is,
preceding the New Testament writing. Then, to avoid breaking
the narrative of the interpretations of prophecy in the early
church, several examples of Jewish apocalyptic writings have
been held for this chapter. Here they will be considered in
connection with the influence of Jewish apocalyptic writings
on Christian thooght, particularly OD the extreme and at times
absurd ideas held by some, a procedure which will help to
explain why the church, about this time, began to frown on.
chiliasm.
I. Messianic Speculations of Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch

The Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch, or Second Baruch,
written in the latter half of the first century A.D., was a composite
work which evidently made use of a number of independent
writings belonging to various dates between A.D. 50 and 90, and
was therefore contemporaneous with the bulk of the New
Testament v—;*;,ags.1 is an apology and defense of Judaism,
and offers a clear example of the arguments and understandings
which prevailed in Judaism in the latter half of the first century.
The work was translated into Syriac from Greek, and only
1 Charles, The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, p. 470.
283
284 PROPHETIC FAITH
a few fragments are left from the original Hebrew, with nu-
merous phrases from the Greek translation. But the Syriac
version is preserved entire in a sixth-century manuscript. This
Apocalypse of Baruch bears so strong a relationship to Second
Esdras, or Fourth Ezra, that some have assumed their identity.
But the pronounced divergencies forbid such a view. There is
also a Greek Apocalypse of Baruch, which is of later origin, and
evidently had a Christian redactor. But we are here dealing
only with the Syriac version. These are its leading features:
1. DEATH, SIN, AND RESURRECTION.—The writer adheres

to the older Jewish view that the dead are asleep. "For there
have been many years like those that are desolate from the days
of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, and of all those who are like
them, who sleep in the earth." Apoc. Bar. 21:24.
The anticipated resurrection will take place only after the
decreed number of persons have lived on this earth.
"Because when Adam sinned and death was decreed against those
who should be born, then the multitude of those who should be born was
numbered, and for that number a place was prepared where the living
might dwell and the dead might be guarded. Before therefore the number
aforesaid is fulfilled, the creature will not live again, and Sheol will re-
ceive the dead." Apoc. Bar. 23:4, 5.
Death came through sin, but not by inherited sin from
Adam, but by individually acquired sin in like manner as
Adam.
"Each brings life or death upon himself. For though Adam first
sinned and brought untimely death upon all, yet for those who were born
from him each one of them has prepared for his own soul torment to come,
and again each one of them has chosen for himself glories to come." Apoc.
Bar. 54:15.
"Adam is therefore not the cause, save only for his own soul, but
each of us has been the Adam of his own soul." Verse 19.
2. VIVID EXPECTATION OF JUDGMENT SCENES.—Baruch's

eschatological picture is very explicit, including the judgment
(chapter 24), the abandonment of all hope because of the
severe tribulations (chapter 25), the twelve woes (chapter 27)
INFLUENCES ON CHRISTIAN INTERPRETATION 285
which will sweep over the world. These are enumerated (the
text of the seventh is wanting): the beginning of commotions,
the slaying of the great ones, the fall of many by death, the
sending of the sword, famine, earthquakes and terrors, multi-
tudes of specters and attacks of the Shedim, the fall of fire,
rapine and oppression, wickedness and unchastity, and the
twelfth, all the former mingled together.
In chapter 28, verse 2 there is an enigmatic time element:
"For the measure and reckoning of that time are two parts a
week of seven weeks." On this passage Charles remarks, "Inter-
pretation seems impossible." =
3. MESSIANIC HOPE AND MILLENNIAL EXPECTATION.—Dis-
tress and destruction are expected to be world wide. God will
protect those only who are living in this land, that is, the Holy
Land. (Apoc. Bar. 20:1, 2.) When all this has come to pass, the
Messiah will begin to be revealed. Behemoth and Leviathan
will come out of the sea and will become food for all that are
left. The earth will become extremely fertile during this period
—every vine is to have a thousand branches, every branch
produce a thousand clusters, and every cluster a thousand
grapes. Winds will be filled with aromatic fragrance, and manna
will again descend from heaven.
In chapter 30 we are told that when this Messianic kingdom
has completed its appointed time, then He will return in glory.
Thereupon "all who have fallen asleep in hope of Him shall rise
again." The preserved number of souls of the righteous will all
be gathered in a moment and will rejoice together, not grieving
that one had to wait longer than another for the full consumma-
tion of the times. But the souls of the wicked will be grieved that
the time of their torment and perdition has arrived.
Here we have, in essence, the already fuii-grown millennial-
ist teachings. The only element lacking is the exact time feature;
but even that could be supplied by the Slavonic Enoch, with its
thousand-year period.
2 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 497.
286 PROPHETIC FAITH
II. Second Esdras (or Fourth Ezra) Attempts to Parallel

Fourth Beast
Second Esdras is a little work that found entrance into the
Latin Bible (Vulgate) as an appendix, and thence into many
Protestant Bibles as part of the Apocrypha. The "Ezra Apoca-
lypse" proper corresponds to chapters 3-14 of the Second Esdras
of the common Apocrypha, or of the fourth book of Ezra of the
Vulgate. Extant translations are found in Latin, Syriac, Ethiopic,
Arabic, and Armenian, all apparently from a lost Greek version.
Charles's collection of pseudepigrapha calls it Fourth Ezra.
Although there are different theories concerning the con-
struction of the book, it is generally believed that its present
form is a compilation, dated variously about A.D. 120 to 150.
Some think that the editor utilized such already existing ma-
terial as the Hebrew Salathiel Apocalypse (presumably pub-
lished about A.D. 100), and added three independent pieces. from
other apocalypses—the Eagle Vision, the Son of Man Vision,
and the Ezra Legend—and possibly extracts from other sources.'
The purpose was to commend the apocalyptic literature to cer-
tain hostile rabbinical circles, and to secure for it a permanent
place within orthodox Judaism. It has close relationship to the
Second Baruch, but differs in its theology. Here, for instance,
Adam is named as the cause for all the misery in the world.
(2 Esdras 7:119.)
1. ESCHATOLOGICAL SPECULATIONS ARE RIFE.—Second Es-
dras is full of religious problems and speculations which relate
to eschatology. The assumption is that the course and duration
of the present world has been determined, and that Israel is still
loved by God in spite of all appearances. On the other hand,
there is no hope for a restoration of a Jewish state or the re-
building of Jerusalem, or for a renewed earth, but the expecta-
tion of a better world to follow the catastrophic collapse of the
present world. Let us note some points in greater detail.
In chapter 5, verse 1 and on, we read about the signs pre-
3 W. 0. E. Oesterly, An Introduction to the Books of the Apocrypha, pp. 146 ff.
ceding the end: The inhabitants of this earth will be seized

with great panic. Truth will be hidden, and iniquity increase
beyond all former levels. The land, barren of faith, will become
a pathless waste. The sun will suddenly shine out in the night,
and the moon by day. Fire will burst forth over wide regions
of the world, and women will bear monsters.
2. THE MESSIANIC KINGDOM.—Following these woes comes

the Messiah's kingdom:
"And it shall be whosoever shall have survived all these things that
I have foretold unto thee, he shall be saved, and shall see my salvation
and the end of my world." 2 Esdras 6:25.4
"And whosoever is delivered from the predicted evils, the same shall
see my wonders: For my Son the Messiah shall be revealed, together with
those who are with him, and shall rejoice the survivors four hundred years.
And it shall be after these years, that my Son the Messiah shall die, and
all in whom there is human breath. Then shall the world be turned into
the primaeval silence seven days, like as at the first beginnings; so that no
man is left. And it shall be after seven days that the Age which is not yet
awake shall he roused, and that which is corruptible shall perish. And the
earth shall restore those that sleep in her, and the dust those that are at
rest therein. . . . And the Most High shall be revealed upon the throne
of judgement." "And then shall the Most High say to the nations that have_
been raised [from the dead]: Look now and consider whom ye have de-
nied." 2 Esdras 7:27-33, 37.
Here we have a four-hundred-year period, as a Messianic
kingdom, with the strange phenomenon of the death of the
Messiah for seven days, an idea which is incorporated into Mus-
lim traditions about Jesus, although there His death after His
second sojourn on the earth is not limited to seven days. Though
the writer here speaks of the dead as sleeping in the dust, at the
same time he has their souls live on in beautiful chambers
guarded by angels, or if they be unrighteous, they wander
around restlessly, filled with apprehension of the inevitable
enuring jiidgInpnr_ (Verses 77-101.) There will be no interces-
sion of the righteous in behalf of the unrighteous on the day of
judgment. (Verses 102-105.)
4 Quotations here given are taken from Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha,
volume 2,
in which the work is entitled Fourth Ezra.
288 PROPHETIC FAITH
3. ATTEMPTS TO PARALLEL DANIEL 7.—The most interest-

ing point, however, is that the writer of this book seeks to link
his visions with those of Daniel 7. This occurs in the so-called
Eagle-Vision:
"Hear thou Eagle, I will talk with thee; the Most High saith to thee:
Art thou not it that remaineth of the four beasts which I made to reign
in my world, that the end of my times might come through them? [The
eagle is here identified with the fourth beast of Dan. 7.] Thou, however,
the fourth, who art come, hast overcome all the beasts that are past; thou
hast wielded power over the world with great terror, and over all the in-
habited earth with grievous oppression; thou hast dwelt so long in the civ-
ilized world with fraud and hast judged the earth (but) not with faithful-
ness. . . . Therefore shalt thou disappear, 0 thou Eagle. . . . And so the
whole earth freed from the violence, shall be refreshed again, and hope
for the judgement and mercy of him that made her." 2 Esdras 11:38, 45, 46.
The eagle is definitely connected with the fourth beast in
Daniel 7.
"The eagle which thou sawest come up from the sea is the fourth
kingdom which appeared in vision to thy brother Daniel. . . . Behold,
the days come when there shall arise a kingdom upon the earth, and it
shall be more terrible than all the kingdoms that were before it." 2 Esdras
12:11-14.
It is generally accepted that the eagle in the vision repre-
sented the Roman Empire, in an attempted parallel to Daniel 7.
This is the nearest approach to real prophetic exposition ap-
pearing in this little-understood era.
III. The Pseudo-Sibylline Oracles

One other collection of apocalyptic literature, of a still dif-
ferent character, must be considered here because parts of it
date from the third century, although its origins are much
earlier—about the second century B.c. The Sibylline Oracles
are a conglomeration of writings spanning several centuries and
falling into three general categories—pagan, Jewish, and Chris-
tian. These two latter classes (the pseudo-Sibylline writings)6
5 The Sibyls were noted by Josephus (Antiquities, book 1, chap. 4, sec. 3), and by The
Shepherd of Hermas (vision 2, chap. 4), The Hortatory Address to the Greeks attributed to
Justin Martyr (chaps. 16, 37), and a number of the Latin fathers. One of the fullest early ac-
counts was that of Lactantius, who wrote about the beginning of the fourth century, in Insti-
were composed in imitation of the heathen Sibyls—Sibyl being

a Greek word designating any of a certain number of prophet-
esses credited to widely separate parts of the ancient world.
These Sibyllines, like the other apocalyptic writings, are noted
here not for any authority or known authorship they possess,
nor to give them any sanction, but solely to note them as reflect-
ing one of the forms of the teaching of the times, touching the
field of our quest.
The pseudo Sibyllines are more than an ancient literary
curiosity. They are part of that body of pseudepigraphal writ-
ings which flourished in the early part of the Christian Era.
They were a curious composite of Jewish and Christian writ-
ings, with here and there a snatch from an older pagan source.
They seem to be of various dates, from the second century B.c.
to the third century A.D., and largely passed with the downfall
of pagan Rome.' They were apparently a device used by the
Jews and, later, by the Christians in the hope of winning the
heathen to their faith by copying the form of presentation em-
ployed by the heathen Sibyls—the Greek hexameter verse.
The Christians, hard pressed by their heathen enemies,
possessed in these writings a means of retaliation not at first
brought into play. They could not say openly that the mighty
Roman Empire, far from being eternal, was destined to perish;
and that Rome, queen city of the world, would be overthrown—
as the inspired writers of Scripture had concealed in figure and
symbol—for the church would be needlessly exposed to the sus-
picion of inculcating treason. A simulation of the pagan Sibyl
Lutes (book 1, chap. 6), and who followed Varro as his authority. For further descriptions of
these writings see introductions to various editions—Whistop, Terry, Bate, Lanchester, et cetera.
A bibliography and a list of texts and translations is found in Terry's translation.
6 The Jewish and Christian parts are often very much mixed, and it is the work of the
specialist to determine to which group each passage belongs, and to what years the passages
should be attributed. Only a few indications are here given from the analysis by H. C. 0. Lan-
chester ("Sibylline Oracles," in James Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics,
vol. 11, pp. 496-500). Books 1 and 2—considered to be of Jewish origin with a num-
ber of Christian interpolations. Book 3—in many respects the most important, but
also the most perplexing. Some of its sections are considered Jewish, some possibly
Christian, and some reworked from the pagan Sibyls, ranging from the second century e.c. to
the first century of the Christian Era. Book 4—of much later date, probably late first century,
formerly believed to be of Christian origin, although now the opinion has gained ground that
its author was a Jew, possibly an Essene. Book 5—Jewish, the first part probably from the time
of Hadrian, the second part strongly anti-Roman, written after the rebellion of Bar Cochba,
A.D. 132. Book 6—anti-Jewish, of Christian origin. Book 7—Christian, with stern eschatology,
perhaps from the first half of the third century. Book 8—definitely Christian, placed in the
third century. The remaining books—of minor importance.
10
290 PROPHETIC FAITH
was now pressed into the service of the Christian faith, and to
the Jewish elements were added the denunciations of the Apoc-
alypse. These pseudo-oracles were put into the mouth of a pagan
prophetess, and circulated under a well-known pagan title. All
disguised titles, such as "him that letteth" and the nameless beast,
were dropped. Rome, the Latin kingdom, was plainly named.
Greek poems, however, embodying paraphrases from the
Apocalypse, were not likely to pass with the heathen as the work
of a pagan Sibyl. In the second century Celsus, moved to ridi-
cule by this device, accused the Christians of inserting interpo-
lations into the Sibylline books.' Lactantius, in the fourth cen-
tury, remarks that some took these writings for the fictions of
poets, not knowing whence the poets had derived them.'
Well it was for the church that most of the pagans did not
trouble to look into the source of the new "Sibyl" inspiration,
and paid but little attention to the pseudo Sibyllines, for it
would have been difficult to deny that the figure of seven-hilled
Rome as a woman, adorned with gold, wooed by many lovers,
clothed in purple, and destined to burn with fire, was taken
from the Apocalypse.
We now note some of the more important expressions com-
ing within our field of survey. In book 2 the fearful woes to
fall upon the "seven-hilled" city are portrayed, followed by
slaughter and distress preceding the final judgment, the resur-
rection, the reign of righteousness, and the Eternal on His
throne .°
"And then shall, after these, appear of men
The tenth race, when the earth-shaking Lightener
Shall break the zeal for idols and shall shake
The people of seven-hilled Rome, and riches great
Shall perish, burned by Vulcan's fiery flame.
And then shall bloody signs from heaven descend." "
Origen, Against Celsus, book 7, chap. 56, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 633.

8 Lactantius, The Divine Institutes, book 7, chap. 22, in ANF, vol. 7, p. 217.
9 Various English translations of the Sibylline Oracles are available—Floyer (London,
1713), Whiston edition (London, 1715), Terry (New York, 1899), Bate (London, 1918), Lan-
chester (Oxford, 1913), and others. The metrical translation in blank verse, here employed by
Terry, follows the text of Reach. For portions of the Sibyllines see also Charles, Apocrypha and
Pseudepigrapha, volume 2.
10 The Sibylline Oracles, translated by Milton S. Terry, book 2, lines 16.21.
In book 3 Rome is described as a woman courted by many

lovers.
"0 virgin, soft rich child of Latin Rome,
Oft at thy much-remembered marriage feasts
Drunken with wine, now shalt thou be a slave
And wedded in no honorable way." "
In book 4 five successive kingdoms are named in sequence;

then are portrayed the destruction of the earth, the resurrec-
tion, the judgment, and the blessed state on the renewed earth.
"First over all mortals shall Assyrians rule,
And for six generations hold the power of the world. . . .
"Then shall the Medes o'erpower, but on the throne
For two generations only shall exult.. .
Between the Medes and Persians dreadful strife
In battle; and the Medes shall fall and fly
'Neath Persian spears beyond the mighty water
Of Tigris. And the Persian power shall he
Greatest in all the world, and they shall have
One generation of most prosperous rule. . . .
"But, when the race of mortal men shall come
To the tenth generation, also then
Upon the Persians shall a servile yoke_
And terror be. But when the Macedonians
Shall boast the scepter there shall be for Thebes
An evil conquest from behind, and Carians
Shall dwell in Tyre, and Tyrians be destroyed. .
"The Macedonian power shall not abide;
But from the west a great Italian war
Shall flourish, under which the world shall bear
A servile yoke and the Italians serve. . . .
There shall be over all the world a fire
And greatest omen with sword and with trump
At sunrise; the whole world shall hear the roar
And mighty sound. And he shall burn all earth,
And destroy the whole race of men, and all
'The cities and the r_ ivers and the sea;
All things he'll burn, and it shall be black dust.
But when now all things shall have been reduced
To dust and ashes, and God shall have calmed
11 Ibid., hook 3, lines 442-445.

292 PROPHETIC FAITH
The fire unspeakable which he lit up,

The bones and ashes of men God himself
Again will fashion, and he will again
Raise mortals up, even as they were before.
And then shall be the judgment, at which God
Himself as judge shall judge the world again;
And all who sinned with impious hearts, even them
Shall he again hide under mounds of earth
[Dark Tartarus and Stygian Gehenna].
But all who shall be pious shall again
Live on the earth [and (shall inherit there)
The great immortal God's unwasting bliss,]
God giving spirit life and joy to them.'
In book 8 the wrath of God against the world is disclosed.
The ruin of Rome, the burden of the poem,' is principally
copied from the Apocalypse and Old Testament prophets. From
the latter is borrowed the scheme describing Rome as the daugh-
ter of earlier Latin Rome.
"A heavenly stroke deserved, 0 haughty Rome.
And thou shalt be the first to bend thy neck
And be rased to the ground, and thee shall fire
Destructive utterly consume. . . .
And then shalt thou mourn and shalt put aside
The luster of the broad-striped purple robe
Of thy commanders and wear mourning dress,
O haughty queen, offspring of Latin Rome;
The glory of that arrogance of thine
Shall be for thee no longer, nor shalt thou,
Ill-fated, ever be raised up again. . . .
For then in all earth shall confusion be
Of mortals, when the Almighty shall himself
To the tribunal come to judge the souls
Of the living and the dead and all the world." "
The destruction of Rome is attributed to the dragon, under
the familiar apocalyptic figure of Satan.
"When a dragon charged with fire in both his eyes
And with full belly shall come on the waves
And shall afflict thy children, and there be
12 Ibid., book 4, lines 61-245.
is Lactantius comments: "The Sibyls openly say that Rome is doomed to perish, and
that indeed by the judgment of God, because it held His name in hatred; and being the enemy
of righteousness, it destroyed the people who kept the truth." (Institutes, book 7, chap. 15, in
A.NF, vol. 7, p. 213.)
"The Sibylline Oracles, book 8, lines 48-109.
Famine and war of kinsmen, near at hand

Is the end of the world and the last day
And judgment of the immortal God for them
That are approved and chosen. And there shall
Against the Romans first of all be wrath
Implacable, and there shall come a time
Of drinking blood and wretched course of life." "
A sort of Antichrist from the East is connected with the
overthrow of Rome, and Beliar is described in earlier Sibylline
books in terms that apply to a similar figure who deceives men,
and is destroyed in the fiery judgments at the world's end."
Such is the curious but nevertheless pertinent witness of
the pseudo-Sibylline writings. Thus we find the pseudepig-
raphal and apocalyptic literature in this inter-Testament and
early Christian period filled with strange speculations and irra-
tional assertions. Much of it stands out in violent contrast with
the sound, reasonable, and consistent picture of the latter days
painted by the inspired penmen of Old Testament times and
the clear, consistent, and illuminating presentations of the
canonical New Testament writers.
The New Testament depictions of the divine plan of the
age harmonize perfectly with, but supplement and expand, the
Old Testament declarations concerning the last days. The con-
trast between the two is as great as that between a glass of murky
water from a stagnant pool and a glass of clear, sparkling water
from a never-failing, refreshing spring. The follies of human
speculation only accentuate the beauty and harmony of the in-
spired writings.
IV. Extra-Biblical Influences on the Antichrist Concept

After having given a short outline of the contents of the
more important pseudepigrapha, let us now trace their influence
upon certain specific doctrines, as, for example, the Antichrist
and chiliasm.
The definite influence of non-Biblical apocalyptic litera-
15 Ibid., lines 113-125.
16 Ibid., lines 187-198; and book 3, lines 76-90 (see page 299 of the present volume).
294 PROPHETIC FAITH
ture on the church's interpretation of the genuine New Testa-

ment Apocalypse, or book of Revelation, is difficult to grasp in
this modern age, in which observation and reason have in large
degree supplanted revelation and the faith, sometimes blended
with credulity, of earlier times.
1. APOCRYPHAL WRITINGS DISTORT BIBLICAL FIGURES.—
Furthermore, it is well-nigh impossible for us today to evaluate
correctly the enormous influence that the genuine Biblical fig-
ures of the Apocalypse—for instance the four horsemen, the
beast, the scarlet woman, and the dread "Antichrist"—exercised
upon the thinking of past ages. This was true not only of the
thinking of the masses but especially with those who had to
make fundamental decisions in directing the affairs of men.
This influence seems to have been ever present, operating at
least subconsciously if not openly. And although scholars in our
time, after painstaking research into the evidence of the cen-
turies as to the authenticity of these non-Biblical books, do not
attach much value to them, because they lack certain elements
which are required of canonical writings, we should neverthe-
less bear in mind that they are an expression of current thought
in that older age, and that they influenced the popular thinking
of their times probably almost as much as that of the acknowl-
edged and approved writings. Moreover, works that have since
received the odious label of "heretical" were often generally ac-
cepted and esteemed at the time. For that reason we find that
many of the church fathers, recognized as orthodox by the early
church, supported their views by citing books which have since
been rejected, or at least discredited.
Justin Martyr, for instance, quotes and esteems the book
of Enoch, and Tertullian defends it. In this work it is alleged
that God has given over the care of mankind to the angels. But
the angels, transgressing His command, are said to have con-
sorted with mankind, and thus brought into being the offspring
which are called demons."
17 Heinrich Corrodi, Kritische Geschichte des Chiliasmus, vol. 2. p. 73.
Clement of Alexandria accepts and cites the Old Testa-

ment Apocrypha freely, and considers the miracles related in
the book of Tobit as authentic. Similar attitudes could be cited
for many of the other church fathers. This shows that we should
recognize the large influence that extra-Biblical sacred and
semi-sacred literature, which existed at the time, exerted in
molding the religious opinion of the age. And it emphasizes the
point that we should not make the mistake of considering our
present-day Bible as the sole basis of their religious ideas. Such
a notion would be as fallacious as the one, long held in Christian
circles, that Israel and its history was the only center around
which life revolved in ancient times; whereas Israel was just
one cog, though by no means unimportant, in the great wheel
of ancient life.
2. ANTICHRIST CONCEIVED OF AS INCARNATION OF SATAN.

—The one figure standing out more prominently in those early
times than all others in the same category, was that of Anti-
christ. In the writings of the acknowledged church fathers, as
well as in the so-called pseudepigraphal and apocryphal writ-
ings, the figure of Antichrist plays a major role. We find it
clothed in different garbs and under various disguises. Irenaeus
speaks of him in this way:
"He (Antichrist) being endued with all the power of the devil, shall
come . . . as an apostate, iniquitous and murderous; as a robber, concen-
trating in himself [all] satanic apostasy, and setting aside idols, to per-
suade [men] that he himself is God, raising up himself as the only idol."'
"But when this Antichrist shall have devasted all things in this
world, he will . . . sit in the temple at Jerusalem." 18
Antichrist is not the devil, but is conceived to be more or
less an incarnation of the devil.
Chrysostom, through whom the Eastern Church was mark-
edly influenced, states in his Homily 3, on 2 Thessalonians 2:
"But who is he? Is it then Satan? By no means, but some man
38 Irenaeus, Against Heresies, book 5, chap. 25, sec. 1, in vol. 1. p. 553. (Transla-
tor's brackets.) See page 248.
to Ibid., chap. 30, sec. 4, p. 560.
296 PROPHETIC FAITH
possessed of all his energy." 20 And we find the same ideas re-
curring again and again as late as in Haymo of Halberstadt
(d. 9th century). The same idea was also expressed by John of
Damascus.' Hippolytus makes him a Jew from the tribe of
Dan, a tyrant and king, "that son of the devil," who would be
a counterfeit or counterpart of Christ.'
For him, the Roman Empire is not the kingdom of Anti-
christ. Moreover, the Antichrist will overcome the kings of
Egypt, Libya, and Ethiopia, and his next exploit will be the
destruction of Tyre and Berytus (Beirut)."
3. ANTICHRIST DESCRIBED AS DEFORMED MONSTER.—In
Pseudo Hippolytus we read:
"Since the Saviour of the world, with the purpose of saving the race
of men, was born of the immaculate and virgin Mary, . . . in the same
manner also will the accuser come forth from an impure woman upon the
earth, but shall be born of a virgin spuriously." "
Antichrist is frequently connected with the Dragon Mon-
ster. And we find descriptions of him which bear all the marks
of a fantasy, delighting in the description of the horrible and
terrible. In the Revelation of Ezra edited by Tischendorf—a
work which for a time was considered to be a part of Second
Esdras (or fourth book of Ezra) of the Apocrypha, though this
particular work is an imitation of the latter—this description
is given:
"The form of his countenance is like that of a wild beast; his right
eye like the star that rises in the morning, and the other without motion;
his mouth one cubit; his teeth span long: his fingers like scythes; the
track of his feet of two spans; and in his face an inscription, Antichrist."
This strange idea that the Antichrist was a horribly de-
formed monster prevailed for many centuries, and found highly
developed expression in the art of the Middle Ages. In the Be-
20 See translation in NPNF, 1st series. vol. 13, p. 386.
21 W. Bousset The Antichrist Legend, p. 139.
22 See page 215.
23 Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chap. 52, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 215; see
also Bousset, op. cit., p. 158.
24 Pseudo Hippolytus, "Appendix to the Works of Hippolytus," chap. 22, in ANF, vol.
5, pp. 247, 248.
2, Revelation of Esdras, in ANF, vol. 8, p. 573; see also Bousset, op. cit., p. 156.
atus Illustrations of the Apocalypse we meet him in all his

fearful realism.
The idea that the Antichrist would come from the tribe of
Dan found wide acceptance among the early church fathers. We
find it in Hippolytus, and more explicitly in Irenaeus, who even
attempts to give some support for it from the fact that the tribe
of Dan-is not--mentioned in the Apocalypse.' This notion is
also found later in the writings of Ambrose, in Jacob of Edessa,
and as late as in Bede's Sibyl, as well as in the writings of Pri-
masius and Ambrosius Au tpertus.'
Irenaeus does not explain why he assumes the coming of
Antichrist from Dan. Scrutinizing the ancient Jewish traditions,
we find that the old Targumim declare that from Dan darkness
will spread over the world.' The North was considered the seat
of darkness and evil. And because the tribe of Dan was situated
in the North, he was predestined to become the source of Anti-
christ. Furthermore, Dan was the first to accept idolatry and
succumb to the forces of evil. Moreover, the tribal insigne ac-
tually bore the sign of a serpent." This serpent was accepted as
the sign of Antichrist. We read in Pseudo Ephraem (chapter 8)
that at the time of Antichrist a horrible famine will spread
through the earth, the severity of which will be increased, be it
noted, because "et nemo po test venumdare vel emere di fru-
mento caducitatis, nisi qui serpentinum signum in fronte aut
in manu habuerit" (and none is able to sell or buy of the weak-
ened grain who has not the sign of the serpent on his forehead
or his hand).
4. LINKED TO TEMPLE AND JEWS' RETURN.—The idea that
Antichrist will appear in the temple of Jerusalem, and that
therefore the temple must be rebuilt, found widest currency.
Thus the statement appears in Hippolytus:
26See page 574.

27See pages 275, 247, for Hinnolytus and Irenaeus, respectively.
Bousset, op. cit., pp. 171, 172.
Midrash Rabbnh on Genesis 49:14-17, Freedman's translation, vol. 2, pp. 963, 964;
Jerusalem Targum on Genesis 49:17.
Moriz Friedlander, Der Antichrist in den vorchristlichen jildischen Quellen, p. 151.
298 PROPHETIC FAITH
"The Saviour raised up and showed His holy flesh like a temple, and
he [Antichrist] will raise a temple of stone in Jerusalem." "
Closely connected therewith was the idea of the return of
the Jews, especially of the ten tribes, to Jerusalem. In later peri-
ods we find the same idea. In the Greek Apocalypse of Daniel
we read, "And the Jews he [Antichrist] shall exalt, and dwell
in the Temple that had been razed to the ground." " And Ho-
norius of Autun states, "Antichrist shall rebuild the old Jerusa-
lem, in which he shall order himself to be worshipped as
God."
5. ELABORATIONS FROM PERSIAN AND JEWISH SOURCES.—
Such notions, and equally fanciful ideas about Antichrist, were
commonly accepted for many centuries, and are even yet held,
in part, by some groups. It is evident that many features of such
a picture of Antichrist cannot possibly be based on the refer-
ences to Antichrist found in the Bible. The Biblical passages
nowhere permit such a detailed description of this figure. And
to attribute these elaborations on Antichrist to the fancies of
one expositor whom all the others copied, would concede too
large a margin to the credulity of the learned men of those ages.
What, then, is the origin of these extraneous ideas about
Antichrist? From what do they stem? The consistency with
which they appear, would surely indicate that some extra-Bib-
lical concept of Antichrist, in which these different traits appear,
was very well known and accepted during the early age of the
church. Later that outside source was no longer remembered,
and the greatly elaborated picture of Antichrist came to be ac-
cepted as the genuine product.
Is there such an outside source to be found? The actual
name Antichrist occurs for the first time in Christian literature.
But the ideas associated with this name—particularly the con-
cept of a God-opposing tyrant and ruler of the last times—
assuredly reach back to the flourishing period of Jewish apoca-
21 Hippolytus, Treatise on Christ and Antichrist, chap. 6, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 206.
32Bousset, op. cit., pp. 63., 66 Elticidarium,
ff.
33Translated from Honorms. hook 3, chap. 10, in Migne , PL . 172.
ol. 1163.
lyptic literature. That is the conclusion drawn, for example,

in the article on Antichrist in Hastings' Encyclopaedia of
Religion and Ethics.
This fanciful concept seems to have had its origin in the
Persian eschatology, where the battle between Ahura Mazda,
the god of light, and Angra Mainyu, the god of darkness, plays
a predominant role. And from there it found its way into the
Jewish apocalyptic literature, where the opposition between
God and the devil, who is introduced under the various names
of Beliar, Satanas, Diabolus, Pneuma-aerion, is the chief of the
leading ideas contained in the Jewish element of the Testaments
of the Twelve Patriarchs, which undoubtedly belongs to the
Maccabaean period. In this book Beliar already appears as the
enemy of God and His people in the last times. It is said of the
Messiah- (T. Levi 18:12): "And Beliar will be bound by Him,
and He will give His children. power to trample on the evil
spirits." " Beliar, who originally was probably nothing else than
the incarnate devil, was soon expanded, under the influence of
certain historical conditions, to be the opposer of God in the
last times.
Beliar, it was contended, will come from Sebaste. He will
stop the sea, the great fiery sun, and the brilliantly shining
moon. He will raise the dead, and do many signs and wonders
before man. But there is no fulfillment in him, only blinding
deception. He will lead many astray, even faithful Hebrews
and others who are without the law and have not received the
Word of God. But when the judgments of the great God shall
approach, and the fiery power descend upon the earth, then
God will destroy by fire Beliar and all those who have relied
upon him.' This strange picture of Beliar is so much like that
of Antichrist that a number of scholars have tried to place that
part of the Sibyl as being written after the time of Christ. But
another Sibyl, which is undoubtedly of Jewish origin, describes
the workings of Beliar in the following way:
" For Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. see page 192.
3 The Sibylline Oracles, book 3, lines 76-90.
300 PROPHETIC FAITH
"Near is the ruin when impostors come

Instead of prophets speaking on the earth.
And Beliar shall come and many signs
Perform for men. And then of holy men,
Elect and faithful, there shall be confusion,
And pillaging of them and of the Hebrews."
The highly esteemed Sibyls of ancient Greece and Rome
must have had a far-reaching influence in formulating popular
opinion, because both Jews and Christians adopted them as an
effective method of propagating their faith, and especially their
eschatological hopes, as we have seen.
In book 5 of the Sibyllines (2d century A.D.) the expecta-
tion of the return of Nero finds expression. In the first part
Nero is still the historical personage, but in the second part he
is invested with superhuman traits. In book 8 likewise (3d cen-
tury) Nero redivivus appears, also the reign of a woman, appar-
ently regarded as the incarnation of evil.
Let us note the development of the figure of Antichrist in
the thought of the first centuries. Although Second Thessalo-
nians. 2 in no way depicts Antichrist as a God-opposing tyrant,
but rather as a subtle power and a seductive agency which
works in secret, attempting to take the place of God, the older
idea remained in prominence in the older Christian expecta-
tion. Not long after the death of Nero the rumor arose that he
was not dead but was still alive and would reappear."
Deceivers made use of that popular expectation and em-
ployed the mask of this mythical Nero. This heathen belief was
first adopted by the Jewish apocalyptic writers, and is mentioned
in the fourth and fifth Sibyls. Hence the term Nero redivivus
(revived) with which Victorinus of Pettau is also acquainted.
When time passed, and the return of Nero became more and
more improbable, his figure came to have the qualities of a
ghostlike monster. And in Commodian's Carmen apologeticum,
" The Sibylline Oracles, book 2, lines 209-214. See Terry's footnote identifying Beliar
as Belial, or Antichrist. Beliar, a name which was applied to the devil, was applied in later
sources to the Antichrist. (See The Martyrdom of Isaiah, chap. 2, verses 4 ff. in Charles, The
ApocryesaueatnodniPuse,ukigkatehsa,ovolte2,E.aels6a1r.)
Caesars, book 6—Nero, chap. 57, in Loeb Classical Li-
brary, Suetonius, vol. 2, pp. 185, 187; Tacitus, The Histories, book 2, chaps. 8, 9, in Loeb
Classical Library, Tacitus, vol. 1, pp. 173, 175.
early in the fourth century, the two figures of Antichrist and

Nero redivivu.s are one.' 'We likewise find in the Sibyls a vivid
description of the return of the Jews from their captivity be-
yond the Persian stream.' And this was coupled with the idea
of the Antichrist of the last days, which is found in the impor-
tant passage of Commodian.
"The Jews, recapitulating Scriptures from him [Nero],
exclaim at the same time to the Highest that they have been
deceived." 40
Later traditions even speak of two Messiahs one, the Mes-
siah ben Josef, who will lead the ten tribes out of captivity back
to Jerusalem and will be slain by Antichrist; and the other, the
Messiah ben David, who will be the right Messiah," and will
be triumphant. These ideas, and others, are contained in the
Jewish History of Daniel, which is preserved in the Persian. The
later Syriac Apocalypse of Ezra came to the West through the
works of Pseudo-Methodius, which are extant in no fewer than

three Greek recensions, a Latin translation, and various Greek
and Latin redactions. They made their profound impressions in
those early days, and contributed to the many extraordinary
notions then current about Antichrist. One is probably justified
in saying that they made a much deeper impression in the West
than in the East, and have influenced many a decision of far-
reaching importance. It is a weird story, but one that must be
borne in mind in order to understand the attitudes and ideas of
the early centuries.
V. Extra-Biblical Influences on Early Christian Chiliasm

"The most striking point in the eschatology of the ante-
Nicene age," says Schaff, "is the prominent chiliasm, or millenar-
ianism."" Pseudo-Barnabas, Papias, Justin Martyr, Irenaeus,
Tertullian, Methodius, Lactantius, and others believed that the
28 A. Harnack, Chronologie der altchristlichen Literatur, vol. 2, pp. 433-442.
22 The Sibylline Oracles, book 2, lines 216-223.
Commodian, Instructions, chap. 41, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 211.
41 Bousset, op. cit., p. 104.
42 Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 614. See definitions of millennialism and related words on
page 33.
302 PROPHETIC FAITH
second, personal, literal coming of Christ was to introduce a

millennial reign, beginning with the actual resurrection of the
righteous and ending with the second resurrection and the gen-
eral judgment, followed by the eternal state. The millennium
was expected to be the result of sudden divine interposition, not
of a gradual historical process.
1. OLD TESTAMENT PROPHECIES COMBINED WITH REVELA-
TION.—This belief was based principally upon the prophecy of
Revelation 20. But many of these early writers expected an
earthly kingdom centered in Jerusalem, not for the literal Jews,
as most modern premillennialists hold, but for the Christian
church as the true spiritual Israel.'
Revelation 20—the only passage in the Bible mentioning
that specific period—is clear on the doctrine of a thousand years
as coming between the first and the second resurrections, dur-
ing which there is a reign of the "blessed and holy" ones who
rise in the first resurrection. But it says nothing of a kingdom
on earth, or of either Christians or Jews reigning in Jerusalem
over unconverted nations. On these points, the millenarians
cited certain Old Testament prophecies which themselves give
no hint of belonging, necessarily, to a thousand-year period.
2. ORIGIN OF THESE EARLY CONCEPTS.—Where then did

these early millenarians get such ideas? Most modernists would,
of course, trace the whole millenarian doctrine to non-Chris-
tian sources, because Christian converts from either Jewish or
pagan backgrounds were familiar with traditions of a future
golden age which had been current in various guises in many
ancient religions. But it is not necessary to suppose that these
extra-Biblical ideas did more than color their interpretation of
the Scriptural millennium.
Doubtless contemporary extra-Biblical ideas, like a catalyz-
ing agent, influenced the ante-Nicene millenarians to combine
these Old Testament Messianic prophecies with Revelation 20,
" Ibid., pp. 614, 615.
in order to construct on this twofold basis the elaborate picture

of an earthly golden-age kingdom preceding the final resurrec-
tion. Certain it is that the apocalyptic writings in which Jewish
converts were, of course, steeped, were current in the Christian
church, and even though extracanonical, had a direct influence,
through their emphasis on an earthly Messianic kingdom cen-
tering in Jerusalem.
"In spite of the fact that, save in the Apocalypse, the NT did not
speak of the Millennium, and that Christ does not connect the Parousia
with the establishment of an earthly Kingdom, this belief had an extra-
ordinary hold on the minds of Christians. Doubtless a misunderstanding
of the Apocalypse gave the belief a certain authority, but it is rather from
its Jewish antecedents that its popularity and the elaboration of its details
are to be explained."
For example, an extravagant description of the millennial
fertility of the earth—the vine with ten thousand branches and
bunches of ten thousand grapes, et cetera—is accepted by ire-
naeus as from apostolic tradition, and attributed by Papias to
Christ Himself; yet it comes from a Jewish source."
3. EARLIEST PROPONENTS OF CHILIASTIC IDEAS.—The au-
thor of the Epistle of Barnabas, the earliest extant ecclesiastical
writer who mentions millenary periods, speaks of six ages of the
world and the seventh millennium of rest at the second com-
ing of Christ. But, significantly enough, he does not identify
this seventh millennium with the thousand years of Revelation
20.48 Justin Martyr says that the orthodox Christians of his day
believed in a resurrection of the flesh and a thousand-year king-
dom in a restored Jerusalem, for which he cites Ezekiel and
Isaiah," who, however, do not mention the thousand years.
Others go into more or less specific detail about this kingdoM
age. Some, like Tertullian, emphasize the spiritual aspect,'
44 A. MacCulloch, "Eschatology," in Hastings, op. cit., vol. 5, p. 388.

p pied from a document (perhaps a midrash on Gn 27 [Harris, Exp., 1895, p.
45 'Co
448; AYTh, 1900, p. 499)), used also in Apoc. Bar. 295f, and in En 101, (see Charles, Ap. of
Baruch, 54)." (Ibid. [translator's brackets].) See pages 2so, 216. 285. in the present volume for
the descriptions.
"See page 209.
'T See page 233.
48 See page 259.
304 PROPHETIC FAITH
whereas others, as already mentioned, wax extravagant in their

descriptions of the saints' prosperity, fertility, and dominion
over their unregenerate enemies."
4. THE INFLUENCE OF PAGAN CONCEPTS.—JUSt as Jewish
Christians inherited these traditional apocalyptic conceptions,
so Gentile Christians found them the easier to accept because
of their widespread former pagan beliefs in a golden age to
come, marked by happiness and plenty." Even the thousand-
year length of the period was often based by Christians on an
assumed six-thousand-year duration of the world, which not
only was Jewish-apocalyptic but was traceable as well in pagan-
ism. The Etruscans in Italy " and Zoroastrian Persians " be-
lieved that the human race was to last six thousand years. And
some scholars would find evidence of Persian influence on the
Jewish apocalyptic and Talmudic writings,' in which the six
millenniums of the world, followed by an epochal change, are
paralleled with the six days of creation and the Sabbath, as in
the Slavonic Enoch.'
From the Jews this idea passed on to the Christians, who
certainly could have found no such information in the simple
Bible record. This very concept of six thousand years has given
rise to periodic time settings for the world's end, that have
characterized the centuries, from Hippolytus ' to modern times.
It is well, therefore, to keep this in mind.
Thus the non-Biblical background of the ante-Nicene
Christians helps to explain why they could apply Old Testa-
ment prophecies—some of which spoke clearly of Old Testa-
ment times, and some concerning the "new heavens and the
new earth"—to an interim earthly state based on a passage in
Revelation 20, which in itself had no such connotation.
5. INFILTRATION OF JEWISH-PAGAN CONCEPTS.—Several faC-
4. See page 258.

2° Shirley Jackson Case, The Millennial Hope, pp. 1-47.
5' William Sherwood Fox, Greek and Roman Mythology, p. 289.
52 MacCulloch, op. cit., p. 376.
Ibid., p. 381.
54 See page 305; also Prophetic Faith, Volume II, p. 191.
55 See page 328.
tors may be considered in accounting for this. Let us note three
of them:
(a) For one thing, the Christians circulated and highly
valued many of the writings of the Jewish apocalypticists, who
naturally were unwilling to admit any nonfulfillment of condi-
tional predictions of Israel's future glory.
(b) Further, the Old Testament Messianic prophecies—in
which frustrated Jewish nationalism saw a picture of future
earthly dominion and victory over their enemies—were appro-
priated by the persecuted Christian church into visions of her
future deliverance and dominion as the true spiritual Israel;
for the anti-Judaistic Gentile Christian, although absorbing the
Messianic traditions, could not then allow a literal Jewish rule
in the Christian Era.
(c) In addition to this, certain ideas in pagan philosophy,
which assumed the inherent evil of matter, could not be recon-
ciled with a divine new earth on a material basis; such concepts
had to be spiritualized.
These ideas, when infiltrated into the church, would tend
to reinforce the belief that all passages of Scripture which speak
of a material existence in a future age must be placed in a
future intermediate period, for the eternal state of being was
conceived of as transcending any existence in matter. The in-
fluence of these Jewish and pagan conceptions could easily ac-
count for the Old Testament-Jewish apocalyptic coloring ,of
Christian ch iliasm.
Therefore, if the Messianic prophecies must, as it seemed
to the early church, be unconditionally fulfilled on earth, and
had not been realized in the first advent of Christ, they must
be fulfilled at some time in the future. In that case, if they
Tint h' applied to the old :ferns:41er. in the resent
p age,
and if they could not be accepted as extending into the eternal
existence after the general resurrection, then it would follow
necessarily that their fulfillment must be expected in the thou-
sand years between the two resurrections, in the interlude sepa-
rating the gospel age from eternity.
306 PROPHETIC FAITH
6. MILLENNIALISM STRONG IN EARLY CHURCH.—MfflerITIlal-

ism was historically strong in the early church, at least on the
point of the premillennial timing of the personal, visible com-
ing of Christ to change the world order and set up His kingdom.
Not all writers located or described the millennial kingdom
exactly, and some conceived of it in more spiritual and less ma-
terial terms than others. Among the premillennialists, says
Schaff, are counted many "who simply believe in a golden age
of Christianity which is yet to come." Doubtless many did not
share the extreme materialistic concepts, and unquestionably
some of the fantastic imagery used was not meant so literally
as it was taken by opponents.
7. BATTLE LEADS EAST TO REJECT APOCALYPSE.—The
Gnostics, of course, opposed chiliasm as too materialistic. The
Montanists, who propagated their special kind of chiliasm—
built on supposedly divine revelations of the imminence of the
end of the age—with the millennial kingdom to be established
at their center in Phrygia, brought millenarianism into disrepute
through their fanaticism." Origen attacked it because of his
allegorizing and spiritualizing interpretation of Scripture, pur-
suant to his pronounced Greek philosophical ideas. In the East,
chiliasm died out in proportion as Greek philosophical concepts
seeped into the church." There the fight against it resulted in
the temporary rejection of the Apocalypse from the canon of
Scripture; but the West never gave up the Apocalypse, and re-
tained chiliasm until the fifth century.
8. THE ECLIPSE OF PREMILLENNIALISM.—Looking back, we
can now see that if the chiliasts had taken their stand on the
foundation of Revelation 20 alone, for the doctrine of the mil-
lennium, and had not added the Jewish apocalyptic conceptions
of the earthly monarchy, with ruling saints slaughtering or
enslaving their unregenerate foes and feasting on incredible
5° Schaff History, vol. 2, p. 618.

5' Adolph Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. 2, pp. 106, 107.
Ibid., pp. 299, 300.
bounties, and if they had not placed the emphasis on the ma-
terial prosperity and the fantastic elements—even allowing for
a due proportion of Oriental metaphor in some of the extrava-
gant statements—millenarianism would not have aroused such
opposition. The church at large never turned away from belief
in the second coming of Christ in glory, to punish evil and re-
ward the saints, although in making chiliasm -a heresy it 'proba-
bly tended to thrust the whole subject of the second advent into
the background of obscurity and doubt. This will become
clearer as we proceed.
We can consequently see at least some reason for Jerome's
deprecation of the "Jewish dream" of the millennial kingdom,'"
even while we discount his.possible exaggeration. We can like-
wise see why Augustine reversed his earlier acceptance of the
doctrine, even though we regret his leading the church, through
an alternative millennium, into exchanging a future dominion
of the saints in the Holy City for the present dominion of the
saints in the church.'
This abandonment of millenarianism was made possible
because of the changed status of the church in the world in the -
fourth century." After Constantine had suddenly lifted Chris-
tianity out of persecution into popularity, and not only the
wealth but the multitudes of the Gentiles had begun to flow
into it, the church came to think less of the personal coming
of Christ and more of its own increasing influence in this pres-
ent world. This trend continued and increased over a period
of centuries.
"The Christian life of the Nicene and post-Nicene age reveals a mass
of worldliness within the church; an entire abatement of chiliasm with its
longing after the return of Christ and his glorious reign, and in its stead
an easy repose in the present order of things."
By Augustine's time the 'West, while retaining the Apoca-
lypse, abandoned premillennialism, transforming the thousand
5° See page 335:

56 See page 480.
52 lb id . vol. 3, p. 5.
308 PROPHETIC FAITH
years into the indefinite period of the Christian Era, and the
first resurrection into the new birth of the soul, and the reign
of Christ into the reign of the church—a concept in which lay
the germ of the whole religio-political system of the Middle
Ages, which will be discussed in due time. But for the present
we must turn to Origen to trace the beginnings of the church's
change in attitude.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
Attacks on the Advent Hope

and on Prophecy
We have now come to a turning point in the history of the

rapidly expanding church. Arriving at that determinative fork
in the road, she began to veer radically from her original
position on the prophecies concerning the second advent. The
three most definite steps in progressive digression were taken
during the third, fourth, and fifth centuries, and center on the
names of Origen, Eusebius, and Augustine, as will be seen.
This is not to say that the decline of the church from apos-
tolic standards in many other respects—such as in doctrine,
polity, and worship—began with Origen and reached full de-
velopment with Augustine; or that the whole apostasy is in-
cluded in, and attributable to, the abandonment of the earliest
views on the prophecies. There was play and interplay of vari-
ous forces in the church both before and after the major changes
in the prophetic point of view. We have found Paul calling
attention to the early signs of apostasy, even in his day, and we
have noted the infiltration of . unscriptural elements so early
that Tertullian justified them on the basis of tradition. On the
other hand, it will become clear in the discussion of the Coun-
cil of Nicaea that new departures in the union of the church
with the world can be contemporary with a conservative doc-
trine of the second advent.'
1 See pages 150, 255, 368.
309
310 PROPHETIC FAITH
Prophetic interpretation was not the only factor, but it

was a major factor, in a complex development. However it has
often been underestimated as a force which influenced and
accelerated apostasy, and which was sometimes used to justify
it. Shifts in direction were not sudden or complete, for histori-
cal processes do not work that way, but we can chart the chang-
ing course of the ancient church by conspicuous landmarks
along the way. And Origen looms up as the first of three from
which she took false bearings.
I. Origen, Allegorizing Philosopher and Scholar

1. ORIGEN 'S ALEXANDRIAN BACKGROUND.—It iS desirable
that we understand well the circumstances, and know intelli-
gently the one who, more than any other, first set in motion
these forces that ultimately set aside the second advent hope
and expectancy, which hope had been held rather consistently
ever since the time of the apostles.
"The ante-Nicene fathers expected the ultimate triumph of Chris-
tianity over the world from a supernatural interposition at the second Ad-
vent. Origen seems to have been the only one in that age of violent perse-
cution who expected that Christianity, by continual growth, would gain
the dominion over the world."
He also hoped for ultimate universal salvation. He opposed
all millenarianism, for he spiritual ized the resurrection and al-
legorized the prophecies, thus striking at these inseparable
corollaries of the advent.'
The setting is to be sought in Alexandria, Egypt, where
Origen was brought up. The Jews in the Macedonian, or Hel-
lenistic, period had absorbed into their very life currents the
"wisdom of the Greeks." Noted for its Museum, or university,
and its great libraries, it formed a common meeting ground for
Jewish tradition and the Egyptian mysteries, into which Greek
Platonists had injected their subtle philosophies. Because the
leaders of the Christian church were, after the initial period of
2 Schaff History, vol. 2, p. 122 (see Origen, Against Celsus, book 8, chap. 68. in A.°IF.
vol. 4, p. 666j.
2 Ibid., pp. 611. 619.
ATTACKS ON THE ADVENT HOPE 311
Palestinian leadership, largely ignorant of the original Hebrew

of the Old Testament, they used the Alexandrian Septuagint,
despite its recognized faults, as the common version. It was in
the catechetical school of Alexandria, under such environment,
that the allegorical method came into vogue in the early church,
in an attempt to extract Greek philosophy from the Pentateuch.'
2. ORIGEN'S PRECOCIOUS THIRST FOR KNOWLEDGE.—ORIGEN
(c. 185-c. 254), probably born in Alexandria, and possibly of
Greek parentage, was the chief exponent of the mystical inter-
pretation of Scripture.' Although his personal character was
above reproach, he did incalculable injury to the faith of the
church through his injection of Neo-Platonic mysticism. He was
one of the most remarkable men in history for sheer genius and
learning, and was considered the most brilliant scholar of his
age. His chief accomplishment was in the field of textual criti-
cism, but his knowledge embraced all departments of philoso-
phy philnIngy, and theolngy, in a period when the err] eciastical
language of the church was just being formed, and before the
great councils had defined the limits of "orthodoxy."
Origin received the standard Itheral education. of 1:1-.e day.
He was thoroughly familiar with Greek literature, and with
Scripture as well. Unquestionably a youthful prodigy, with a
precocious thirst for knowledge, he misapplied much of that
knowledge through wild and fanciful interpretation. Eusebius,
who recounts Origen's early life and proclivities,' tells us that
while yet a boy he memorized whole sections of the Bible. But,
unsatisfied with the plain and obvious intent of. the text, he in-
quired so persistently into its "inner meaning" that he greatly
perplexed his father, drawing forth a rebuke for inquiring into
things beyond his youthful capacity.'
At the ave of seventeen Origen was a student in the cate-
chetical school at Alexandria, under the noted Clement, when
1 Farrar, History, pp. 129, 130.

Moshenn, op. cit., book 1, cent. 3, part 2, chap. 2, vol. 1, p. 223.
Eusebius, Church History, book 1, chaps. 2, 3, in ATM', 2d series, vol. 1, pp. 2.19-95,,.
7 Ibid.. hook 6. chap. 2, p. 250.
312 PROPHETIC FAITH
violent persecution of the Christians broke out under Septimius

Severus in 202. Origen's father, Leonides, was numbered
among the martyrs. Clement's flight left the catechetical school
at Alexandria without a teacher. So Origen was induced to
give informal instruction in the faith in this crucial period.
3. EXERTS BLIGHTING INFLUENCE AS ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL

HEAD.—Such exceptional success attended him that Demetrius,
bishop of Alexandria, definitely appointed Origen head of the
school when he was only an eighteen-year-old layman. This ap-
pointment determined the course of his life. He sold his collec-
tion of ancient writings, and thenceforth devoted himself to ex-
position and teaching, and the Alexandrian school, already
prominent, rose to new heights under his leadership as great
numbers flocked to his lectures. Thinking to fill his office better,
he devoted himself to an exhaustive study of all the heresies of
his age, until he became steeped in Greek philosophy and heret-
ical Gnosticism.'
He brilliantly attacked and refuted the enemies of the
Christian religion, who feared him.' But he injured the very
religion he defended by mixing with it multiple errors, partic-
ularly allegorical and metaphysical theology. And instead of
bringing the heathen mind up to the Christian standard, he
brought the Christian truth down toward the level of pagan
philosophy in an attempt to make it acceptable to the higher
classes," thereby contributing tragically to the corruption of the
faith of the church. There is scarcely a heresy that has blighted
the Christian church which is not to be traced to this dreamer.
After Origen had taught thirteen years at Alexandria, the
persecution under the emperor Caracalla forced him to with-
8 For a discussion of Gnosticism, see page 222.

9 This included his attack on Celsus. In the last part of the second century the rapid ex-
pansion of Christianity disturbed the Roman philosophers, for Christianity was deemed too dis-
g raceful in origin, too disloyal to its Jewish ancestry, too contrary to the demands of the em-
pire, to deserve consideration. Yet it was growing. While most Christians were of humble origin,
some were men of birth and education. So the philosophers regarded it as their duty to counsel
against it. This was the motive of CELSUS, the Roman lawyer, about 178. (Arthur Lukyn Wil-
liams, ioAdversus yudaeos, p. 79.)
Origen thus used the currently popular Neoplatonism, which was simply veneered pa-
ganism. It was an attempt to unite Greek philosophy with Oriental mysticism in a universal re-
ligion—a pagan counterpart of Christianity. (Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 98, 99.)
draw to Palestine. Though still a layman, he was requested by

the bishops of Jerusalem and Caesarea to expound the Scrip-
tures in their presence in public assembly. Demetrius, strongly
disapproving this unprecedented situation, demanded his re-
turn to Alexandria. There Origen began his written expositions
of Scripture, laboring for the next fifteen years as teacher and
author.
About 230, while on the way to Greece, he was ordained a
presbyter at Caesarea. There had already been opposition to
Origen in Alexandria, and this honor drew upon him the con-
demnation of his bishop. His ordination was pronounced in-
valid, and his headship of the catechetical school terminated.
This occasioned his permanent withdrawal to Caesarea. There
he formed a new theological school, similar to the one in Alex-
andria, where he trained some of the most eminent fathers.
Under the persecution of Decius, he was thrown into a dungeon
at Tyre He was later released, but died several years afterward
as a result of the sufferings inflicted upon him."
From the notorious errors in his scheme of philosophy, in-
cluA ing those antagonistic to belief in the second advent and
necessitating its rejection or explaining away, sprang that hos-
tility that pressed successfully against him the charge of heresy.
That he had perverted the "orthodox faith" could not be
gainsaid. By a later synod, after his death, he was charged with
heresy and anathematized as a heretic.12 His teachings, however,
lived on, and exercised a profound influence on the succeeding
centuries. From the days of Origen to those of Chrysostom
there was not a single eminent commentator who did not
borrow largely from his works."
4. LITERARY ACTIVITIES, HERESY, AND CONDEMNATION.—
The indefatigable Origen's literary activities were prodigious.
He is alleged by Epiphanius, an opponent, to have written six
11 Frederick Crombie, quoted in "Introductory Note to the Works of Origen," in ANF,
vol. 4,12DD. 226, 227, 229.
Hefele. op. cit., vol. 4, book 13, secs. 255-257, pp. 217-228, and book 14, chap. 2, sec.
274, pp. 336, 337.
13 is
Farrar , H tory, pp. 188, 189, 202.
314 PROPHETIC FAITH
thousand works," large and small. Ambrosius, a wealthy friend

who considered him perhaps the greatest of living teachers and
Scripture expositors, devoted much of his fortune to transcrip-
tion and publication, enabling Origen to write voluminously."
From dawn till late at night seven shorthand writers were
always attendant upon him, rotating in taking dictation, with
a like number of copyists. Thus his commentaries and treatises
came to be, covering an amazing range—apologetic, polemic,
and dogmatic. He quoted liberally from the Scriptures, gener-
ally the Septuagint, and his knowledge of the text of Scripture
was indeed extraordinary, considering that he had no con-
cordance to aid him.
His crowning work was the monumental Hexapla, or six-
fold Bible, compiled for the improvement of the received Sep-
tuagint text. It was a critical work—the Old Testament in six
parallel columns, two Hebrew and the rest Greek: (1) the He-
brew text; (2) the Hebrew text transliterated into the Greek
alphabet; and then the Greek versions of (3) Aquila, (4) Sym-
machus, (5) the Septuagint, and (6) Theodotion. Origen
became the father of textual criticism, through this stupendous
work, which consumed twenty-eight years, and laid the founda-
tion of all later textual criticism. He even learned Hebrew in
order to compare the Septuagint and other Greek versions with
the Old Testament Hebrew. The degree of literalness deter-
mined the order of the columns. The departures from the stand-
ard he marked with asterisks and obelisks, respectively, for altera-
tions and omissions." He gave digests of the early readings of the
text, carefully noting the textual variations that existed in
his day.
To this scholarly textual work of Origen we owe the pres-
ervation of the original Septuagint version of the book of
Daniel; this earlier Greek translation survives only in a single
manuscript, a text from Origen's Tetrapla (the four Greek col-
la op. cit., in ANF, vol. 4, p. 229.
Eusebius, Church History, book 6, chap. 23, in NPNF, 2d series. vol. 1. n. 271.
15 Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 793. 794; Swete, An Introduction to the Old Testament in
Creek, pp. 59-75.
umns of the Hexapla)." The Hexapla was so huge that it was

never copied entire, but it long remained accessible to scholars
in the library of Pamphilus at Caesarea. Origen has been re-
garded by scholars as the most celebrated Biblical critic of
antiquity.
II. Origen's Allegorical Treatment of Scripture

1. INTRODUCES DARK MIST OF ALLEGORIZATION.—It may
be a bit wearisome, and may seem needless, to trace the errors
of Origen, but it is nevertheless imperative to have before us the
foundations upon which were built the whole structure of alle-
gorical interpretation which turned the church away from her
historic positions on prophecy. Milner declares that "no man,
not altogether unsound and hypocritical, ever injured the
Church of Christ more than Origen," who introduced "a com-
plicated scheme of fanciful interpretation" that for many ages
"much obscured the light of Scripture." 11 He made the sacred
writings say anything or nothing, according to his caprice, often
maintaining conflicting views."
2. LITERAL INTERPRETATION NOT TRUE SENSE OF SCRIP-
TURE.—In the earlier centuries the literal sense of Scripture
was generally accepted (except, of course, where the language
and context show it to be obviously figurative) in harmony with
sound principles of the interpretation of language. But Origen
contended that the Scriptures are of little use to those who take
them as written. This spiritualizing, or anagogical principle
(passing to a higher sense than literal, i.e., a "more literal"),
determined the whole pattern of Origen's exegesis:"
He did not deny that prophecy had been written, that his-
torical events Jazid occurred, or that the Scriptures taught the
resurrection, the millennium, and the personal second advent
17 See page 122.

18 Joseph Milner, The History of the Church of Christ, cent. 3, chaps. 15 and 5, vol.
1, pp. 221. 156.
le W. D. Killen, The Ancient Church, pp. 345, 346.
10 johann Heinrich Kurtz. Church History, vol. 1, p, 155,
316 PROPHETIC FAITH
of Christ, if taken in a literal sense. But to a great extent the

facts were in his way; they must therefore give way to the true
and inner sense." He so spiritualized the symbolic language of
the Scriptures as to deprive them of all actual force. He asserted,
following the allegorical method of Plato, that there is a three-
fold sense to Scripture—the literal, moral, and mystical—the
literal needing to be spiritualized away."
3. DENIES LITERALITY OF BIBLE NARRATIVES.—Origen de-
nies not only the Old Testament declarations concerning cre-
ation week and the fall but also some features of gospel narra-
tive as well, and boldly alleges that some of the historical
record of the Scriptures is filled with fabrication,' in order to
stimulate to closer investigation and to bring out the mystical
meaning." Take, for instance, some of the summarizing chap-
ter headings of his Commentary on John, book 10. The heading
to chapter 2 closes with the words, "Literally Read, the Narra-
tives Cannot Be Harmonized: They Must Be Interpreted Spir-
itually," and chapter 4 is headed, "Scripture Contains Many
Contradictions, and Many Statements Which Are Not Literally
True, but Must Be Read Spiritually and Mystically." 2 Chap-
ter 17 is introduced thus: "Matthew's Story of the Entry Into
Jerusalem. Difficulties Involved in It for Those Who Take It
Literally"; and chapter 18 continues: "The Ass and the Colt
Are the Old and the New Testament. Spiritual Meaning of the
Various Features of the Story." "
In this section Origen exemplifies "the real truth of these
matters," accepted by "true intelligence": "Jesus is the word
of God which goes into the soul that is called Jerusalem." He
21 Allan Menzies, "Commentaries of Origen. Introduction," in ANF, vol. 9, p. 293.

Origen, De Princifriis, book 4, chap. 1, sec. 16, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 365; see also
Farrar History, pp. 197, 200; K. R. Hagenbach, A History of Christian Doctrines, vol. 1, pp.
, 227.
125, 116
24 The cause of Origen's extravagant mysticism is not hard to determine. It arose from
his belief in supernatural perfection of the precise words of Scripture, including translations,
even putting a mystical meaning into copyists' errors. Every jot and tittle had its secret, or
mystery. And this misconception carried to such extremes, bore the baleful fruits so evident in
Origen's teaching. (See Farrar, History of Interpretation, p. 190; Farrar, Lives, vol. 1, p. 322;
Menzies, op. cit., in ANF, vol. 9, p. 292.)
Origen, Commentary on John, book 10, chaps. 2, 4, in ANF, vol. 9, pp. 382, 383; see
also chaps. 13, 24, 25,-
7° Ibid., chaps. 17, 18, pp. 395, 396.
allegorizes at length on the "branches," the "multitudes," and

other expressions, and repeats his fancy that "the ass and the
foal are the old and the new Scriptures, on which the Word of
God rides," in fulfillment of the "prophetic utterance" of Zech-
ariah 9:9 concerning this episode described in Matthew 21:2."
Thus Origen's perpetual allegorizing muddled even the clear-
est and most explicit statements of Scripture.
4. PROPHECIES FILLED WITH DARK SAYINGS.----Other exam-
ples of his spiritual interpretation are the gates of Ezekiel, and
of the New Jerusalem of Revelation 21, as the various modes
by which souls enter the better world.' Origen pays his respects
to the prophecies in general by declaring them "filled with
enigmas and dark sayings."
"And what need is there to speak of the prophecies, which we all
know to be filled with enigmas and dark sayings? . . . And who, on read-
ing the revelations made to John, would not be amazed at the unspeak-
able mysteries therein concealed, and which are evident (even)to him
who does not comprehend what is written? . . . And therefore, since these
things are so, and since innumerable individuals fall into mistakes, it is
not safe in reading (the Scriptures) to declare that one easily understands
what needs the key of knowledge, which the Saviour declares is with the
lawyers."
5. DISCONNECTS ADVENT FROM RESURRECTION AND MILLEN-

NIUM.—Origen speaks of the two advents of Christ," but does
not connect the second advent with the resurrection or the mil-
lennium, or recognize it as marking the climax of prophetically
foretold human history." Rather, the effects of that transcendent
event are set forth as the ultimate reign of Christ, brought
about by a gradual process, through successive worlds and long
ages of purification.
"At the consummation and restoration of all things, those who make
a gradual advance, and who ascend (in the scale of improvement), will
arrive in due measure and order at that land, and at that training which is
contained in it, where they may be prepared for those better institutions
n Ibid., chap. 18, pp.

v Origen, 396-399-
Against Celsus, book 6, chap. 23, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 583.
Origen, De Principiis, book 4, chap. 1, sec. 10, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 358.
3a Origen, Against Celsus, book 1, chap. 56, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 421.
as Ibid.
318 PROPHETIC FAITH
to which no addition can be made. For, after His agents and servants, the
Lord Christ, who is King of all, will Himself assume the kingdom; i.e.,
after instruction in the holy virtues, He will Himself instruct those who
are capable of receiving Him in respect of His being wisdom, reigning in
them until He has subjected them to the Father, who has subdued all
things to Himself, i.e., that when they shall have been made capable of
receiving God, God may be to them all in all."
6. ADVENT ALLEGORIZED WITH "PROPHETIC CLOUDS."—
Origen first gives the traditional, literal interpretation of our
Lord's promise of returning in the clouds of heaven with power
and great glory, but he turns from that to the allegorical "pro-
phetic clouds" of the prophets' writings. He likens to children
those who hold to a literal or "corporeal" interpretation of this
passage, and insists on a spiritual sense alone for the enlightened
Christian.
"With much power, however, there comes daily, to the soul of every
believer, the second advent of the Word in the prophetic clouds, that is,
in the writings of the prophets and apostles, which reveal Him and in all
their words disclose the light of truth, and declare Him as coming forth
in their significations [which are] divine and above human nature. Thus,
moreover, to those who recognize the revealer of doctrines in the prophets
and apostles, we say that much glory also appears, which is seen in the sec-
ond advent of the Word."
He speaks of a double advent into the souls of individual
Christians.
"The second advent of Christ, however, in mature men, concerning
whom a dispenser of His word says: 'However we speak wisdom among the
perfect.' Moreover these mature ones . . . praise the beauty and comeli-
ness of the Word; and to this second advent is joined the end of the
world in the man who comes to perfection and says, Tar be it from me
that I should glory except in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, through
whom the world is crucified to me and I to the world.' For if the world is
crucified to the righteous, it has become the end of the age for those to
whom the world is crucified. Necessarily, therefore, let those who have the
faith to come separately to Christ, if they wish to learn the sign of the ad-
vent of Christ and the end of the world, show themselves worthy to see His
second advent and the second end of the world which we have taught to
you." 31
52 Origen, De Principiis, book 3, chap. 6, sec. 8, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 348.
53 Translated from Series Commentariorum Origenis in Matt ileum (A Series of Com-
mentaries on Matthew), chap. 50, in Migne, PG, vol. 13, col. 1678.
Ibid., chap. 32, ml. 1642.
So the supreme event of the ages and of the plan of salva-

tion is spiritualized away, with the observation that the literal
understanding is only for the simple.
7. OPPOSED MILLENNIALISM BECAUSE INCOMPATIBLE WITH

CONCEPTS.-It is also significant that Origen never spoke of mil-
lennialism except to condemn it. Until his time, belief in the
second, personal, premillennial coming of Christ was general,
together with the millennial reign of the saints with Christ after
their literal resurrection from the dead at the advent. It was
due in great degree to Origen's molding influence, that millen-
nialism began to wane. He opposed it because it was incom-
patible with his scheme of things.'
8. BLOWS HOT AND COLD ON THE RESURRECTION.-As con-
cerns the resurrection, inseparably related in the Scriptures to
the advent, Origen is ambiguous, but it is clear that he goes
far afield. He contends for the orthodox belief of the church
in the actual resurrection of the body, quoting such texts as
1 Thessalonians 4:15, 16 and 1 Corinthians 15:39-42." Yet he
teaches that the resurrected spiritual bodies must undergo grad-
ual, perhaps age-long purification in the next world, perhaps
many worlds, and become more spiritual and less material until
the saints attain to the highest spiritual condition in which "God
shall be all in Although he elsewhere treats the subject
allegorically, and speaks of a spiritual resurrection from spirit-
ual death, Origen distinctly mentions the two resurrections."
Yet he vitiates the whole point, purpose, and distinction of the
two resurrections by assigning the possibility of ultimate salva-
tion also to those who have part in the second resurrection-
Hagenbach, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 305, 306; see Origen, Against Celsus, book 2,
chap. 11, sec. 2, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 297.
44 Farrar, History, p. 196.
Origen, De Princtpiis, book 2, chap. 10, secs. 1-3, and book 3, chap. 6, secs. 4-9, in
ANF, vol. 4, pp. 293-295 and 346-348 respectively; Origen, Against Celsus, book 5, chaps.
17-19, 22, 23, in ANF, vol. 4 pp. 550-553; Selections From the Commentaries and Homilies of
Origen, part 7, chap. 88 pp. 232, 233.
08 Origen, De Princtpiis, book 3, chap. 6, secs. 8, 9, in ANF, vol. 4, pp. 347, 348;
cf. book I, chap. 6, pp. 260-262, and fragments translated by Jerome, appended to book I,
p. 267.
Origen, Commentary on John, book 1, chap. 25, in ANF, vol. 9, p. 312; Selections
From the Commentaries and on of Origen, part 7, chap. 87, p. 228.
320 PROPHETIC FAITH
after the purifying "refiner's fire." 40 Furthermore, he asserts that

as soon as one believes in the immortality of the soul, he can
place his hope in Christ without believing in a bodily resurrec-
tion; " and he makes the resurrection after this life but one in
a series of incarnations of the soul in a series of worlds, for he
believed the soul existed before its union with the body.' He
thus effectually renders meaningless the second coming of
Christ.
9. CALLS ANTICHRIST A SON OF SATAN.-Little is said by
Origen on the Antichrist. Cognizance is taken of the predictions
of Daniel, Jesus, and Paul, but Antichrist is identified specifi-
cally as the son of the devil, the embodiment of evil, and iden-
tified with Paul's Man of Sin, Daniel's fierce king of chapter 8,
and the abomination.' In his comments on Matthew, however,
Antichrist is also explained as any word professing falsely to be
Scriptural truth; any heresy, any false truth, wisdom, or virtue,
professing to belong to Christ."
10. DISCARDS GOD'S SOLUTION TO SIN PROBLEM.-Origetis
fundamental errors, bearing directly upon his spiritualizing
away of Biblical truth, were held to be principally: (1) the pre-
existence of the human soul, (2) the pre-existence of even the
"human" soul of Christ, (3) the transformation of our material
bodies into absolutely ethereal ones at the resurrection, and (4)
the ultimate salvation of all men, and even devils." Some errors,
such as the stars as animate beings, are more apparent in later
times than in his unscientific age." Some of his earlier extremes
were later modified." But, clinging to such basic fallacies in his
concept of the plan of salvation, he could do no other than dis-
card the advent hope as the goal of the ages.
so Origen, De Principiis, book 3, chap. 6, sec. 5, and Against Celsus, book 4, chap. 13,
in ANF, vol. 4, pp. 346 and 502 respectively.
Origen, Selections, part 7, chap. 89, p. 237.
42 Origen, Commentary on John, book 2, chap. 24, in ANF, vol. 9, p. 340.
Origen, Against Celsus, book 6, chaps. 45, 46, in ANF, vol. 4, pp. 593-595.
44 Series Commentariorum, chaps. 33, 42, 47, in Migne, PG, vol. 13, cols. 1644, 1645,
1660, 1668, 1669.

45 Crombie, op. cit., in ANF, vol. 4, p. 233.
Origen, De Principiis, book 1, chap. 7, secs. 2, 3, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 263.
11. ULTIMATE RESTORATION POSSIBLE TO ALL.—Univer-

salists can well claim Origen as one of their own. His anti-Scrip-
tural belief in the ultimate restoration of all moral creatures
to the favor of God, and his bold scheme of a spiritual purga-
tion of the sinner by the fire of remorse, accordingly leave Christ
and His grace largely out of the transaction of salvation. He
teaches the world's end, and the final consummation when all
things are restored to God—even including demons, as he
hints in his earlier writings "—after innumerable ages, thus
striking again at the second advent. He nullifies the future
judgment by teaching that all saints departing this life attain
ultimate perfection by progression through the classroom of the
soul, in Paradise, and that the wicked are refined by fire, a
process tending toward perfection."
12. ORIGEN'S MISCONCEPTION OF SOUL.—The foundation
of all Origen's errors lay in his attempt to reconcile Christianity
with the non philocophy of Fgypt anti (74.PPCP, p2rtirniqrly
Neoplatonism, and one of the basic elements of his philosophy
was his misconception of the nature of the human soul. The
idea of conditional or bestowed immortality, sometimes re-
garded as involving the final annihilation of the wicked, had
been held rather inconsistently by Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and
others," but the doctrine of inherent immortality was generally
accepted in the church by Origen's time. This doctrine, which
was subsequently to lead to image and saint worship, was bound
to affect profoundly all Origen's beliefs on the advent.
13. TEACHES A SPECIES OF TRANSMIGRATION.—AS noted,
Origen definitely taught the existence of the human soul in
successive phases—that is, previous to this present life, with
condemnation to the prison of the body to atone for the sins of
a previous existence, and with the status in the next world de-
termined by the life in this. Although he denied the doctrine
Origen, De Principiis, book1, chap. 6, secs. 2. 3, and book 3. chap. 6, in ANF, vol. 4,
pp. 260. 261, and 345-347, respectively (see also Schaff, History, vol. 2, D. 611).
4`' Ibid., book 2. chap. 10, secs. 4-6, pp. 295, 296, chap. 11, sec. 6, p. 299; Against Celsus,
book 4. chap. 13, p. 502.
Hagenbach, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 221-223; Schaff, History,vol. 2, p. 610.
I1
392 PROPHETIC: FAITH
of transmigration (metempsychosis) as held by some heretics,

he nevertheless taught another type of transmigration. The
following extracts indicate the validity of the later charge of
heresy brought against him on this point.
"The soul, which is immaterial and invisible in its nature, exists in
no material place, without having a body suited to the nature of that
place. Accordingly, it at one time puts off one body which was necessary
before, but which is no longer adequate in its changed state, and it ex-
changes it for a second; and at another time it assumes another in addi-
tion to the former, which is needed as a better covering, suited to the
purer ethereal regions of heaven." "
He held that in the beginning God created "rational na-
tures" "endowed with the power of freewill," able to rise or
fall, the degree of fall determining the conditions of one's
birth and earthly lot. He feels that Jacob "was worthily beloved
by God, according to the deserts of his previous life, so as to
deserve to be preferred before his brother."
"He who shall purge himself when he is in this life, will be prepared
for every good work in that which is to come; while he who does not purge
himself will be, according to the amount of his impurity, a vessel unto
dishonour, i.e., unworthy. It is therefore possible to understand that there
have been also formerly rational vessels, whether purged or not, i.e., which
either purged themselves or did not do so, and that consequently every
vessel, according to the measure of its purity or impurity, received a place,
or region, or condition by birth, or an office to discharge, in this world." 58
14. COMPUTES 70 WEEKS AS 4,900 YEARS.—Origen comes
down from his flights of fancy sufficiently to interpret the sev-
enty weeks as a definite time period, although he strangely
counts the weeks by neither literal days nor years, but by dec-
ades, totaling 4,900 years, from Adam to the time when the
chosen people are rejected by God, at the destruction of the
temple in A.D. 70. As to the time, he cites Phlegon as recording
that the temple was destroyed in about the fortieth year from
the fifteenth year of Tiberius. Deduct from this the preaching
of the Lord—almost three years—and the time after the resur-
" Origen, Against Celsus, book 7, chap. 32, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 623.
52 book 2, chap. 9, sec. 7, in ANF, vol. 4, p. 292.
Origen, De Principiis,see
53 sec. 8, p. 293; also chaps. 2, 3, pp. 270-272, book 3. chap. 5, secs.
Ibid, 4. 5,
pp. 342, 343, book 4, chap. 1. sec. 23. pp. 372, 373.
rection, and you will find that about the middle of the week
of decades, more or less, was fulfilled the prophecy "the sacri-
fice and oblation shall be taken away." The desolation is to re-
main until the end of the world; therefore Origen condemns
those who say that the temple will be rebuilt. No one will build
the temple, he says, unless it is the Man of Sin.'
15. ORIGEN'S HARMFUL INFLUENCE ON THE CHURCH.—
When we look at the five indispensable factors bound up with
the advent, we see that Origen has completely changed the un-
derstanding of the resurrection, the millennium, the climax of
outline prophecies, the destruction of Antichrist, and the es-
tablishment of the kingdom. The Biblical doctrines of the early
church on these points were all swept into the discard through
this spiritualizing interpretation, as the darkness of mystic
philosophy supplanted the light of the Scriptural advent hope.
Few of Origen's vagaries were espoused at the time, an&
indeed, Origen himself 111 .his later years seems to have retreated
from some of his extreme speculations. But sharp controversy
ensued. Many who denounced him were led to clear enuncia-
tion of the historic prophetic positions, yet the subtle spiritual-
ization and allegorization of the Scriptures began to take root,
and in time to be widely accepted, as the church's attention
became diverted from the advent to churchly establishment in
this present world.
In the light of this saddening but revealing array of
evidence, it is incontrovertible that a fateful trio of Origen's
innovations were largely instrumental in accelerating this
apostasy in the church. His doctrine of the progressive, final
triumph of the church on earth, his speculations which under-
mined the fundamental Christian concepts of the expected
kingdom of God, and his ridicule of the current beliefs in the
future millennium—extreme as some of them were—helped
to pave the way for the later Augustinian idea of the millen-
nium as the Christian Era, and the earthly church as God's
54 Series Commentariorum. chap. 40, in Migne, PG, vol. 13. cols. 1656-1658.
324 PROPHETIC FAITH
kingdom—an idea which led to the rise of the papal hierarchy
and the full-blown Catholic system of the Middle Ages. Such
is the verdict of history.
III. Direct Attack on Twin Citadels of Prophecy

Origen's allegorical interpretation was not a direct blow
at the church's concept of the prophecies of the advent but a
flanking attack. Origen believed firmly—however fantastic his
speculations might have been—in the inspiration of the proph-.
ecies, and the canonicity of the books of Daniel and the Reve-
lation.
But following Origen, in the same century, came two direct
attacks on these prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse. These
assaults were begun: (1) on the book of Revelation about A.D.
255, by Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, who in opposing the
chiliasts denied the apostolic authorship of the Apocalypse,
thus influencing subsequent questions arising over its canonic-
ity; and (2) on the prophecy of Daniel, about 270, by Porphyry
of Rome, who contended that Daniel was written after the
events portrayed, by someone in Judea in the time of Antio-
chus Epiphanes who deceptively employed the future tense
to give an appearance of futurity to that which was actually
past. Because of the vital future effects of these assaults, it is
essential to understand their origin and intent.
1. ASSAULT ON THE APOCALYPSE BY DIONYSIUS.—Born a

pagan, DIONYSIUS OF ALEXANDRIA (c. 190-265) was converted to
Christianity by Origen. A diligent student, he became head of
the Alexandrian school in 231 or 232. About 247 he succeeded
Heraclas as bishop of Alexandria, which at that time was the
greatest and most powerful see of Christendom. His episcopate
was filled with trouble. He was driven into the Libyan desert
by the Decian persecution, returning in 251. Under the Vale-
rian persecution, in 257, he was banished by the prefect of Egypt.
Since he was taught by Origen, it is not surprising that he re-
futed the chiliastic doctrine. But he went beyond his master so
far as to impugn the apostolic authorship of the Apocalypse in

order to defeat the millenarians. It seems that the doctrinal
controversy was the basis for his attack, although he offered some
critical grounds, such as an alleged difference in style and dic-
tion from John's Gospel and Epistles. Yet he was convinced
that the Apocalypse was written by a man inspired of God. He
opposed it chiefly because of its millennial teachings.'
Already there had been an attack on the Apocalypse by the
Alogi in the second century," and by the presbyter Caius against
the millennium," as well as Origen's spiritualization of the
prophetic symbols to deprive them of all force. It was about A.D.
255 that dispute arose concerning the chiliastic opinions taught
in a book entitled Refutation of Allegorists, by Nepos, a bishop
in Egypt. Dionysius succeeded through his oral and written ef-
forts in checking this Egyptian revival of chiliasm. This was
but natural, for from its very beg'—'-g the alkgorism of the
Alexandrian school had exerted a pernicious influence, en-
deavoring to explain and harmonize Bible truth with Greek
dialectics after the manner of Philo.
Bishop Nepos in his Refutation of Allegorists had insisted
on the interpretation of Revelation 20 as referring to a literal
"millennium of bodily luxury" on earth. Dionysius now sought
to refute his position. He could not follow the former oppo-
nents, who had set aside the entire Apocalypse, pronouncing it
without sense; yet he reproduced some of the same arguments,
with modifications. Said Dionysius: " 'I could not venture to
reject the book, as many brethren hold it in high esteem,' " yet
he ascribed it to another John—some "holy and inspired man"
—but not the apostle John.'
Thus Dionysius sought to combat chiliasm by undermining
confidence in the apostolic character of the Apocalypse. His
55 S. D. F. Salmond, Translator's Introductory Notice to Dionysius, in ANF, vol. 6,

pp. 78, 79; Dionysius, Extant Fragments, part 1 chap. 1, "From the Two Books on the
Promises," sec. 4, in ANF, vol. 6, p. 83; Elliott, IIorae Apocalypticae, vol. 1, pp. 3-8.
Eusebius, Church History, book 7, chap. 25, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 309 (see also
Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 573).
57 Ibid., book 3, chap. 28, p. 160.
55 Ibid., book 7, chap. 25, p. 309.
326 PROPHETIC FAITH
influence was felt in later doubts concerning the canonicity of

the Apocalypse, which caused much discussion in the church,
and which lingered in the East for several centuries. And it was
this dispute about millenarianism that led Dionysius to deny its
Johannine authorship, though he accepted it as canonical."
Thus it was that certain leaders began to recede from mil-
lennialism in precisely the same proportion as philosophical
theology became ascendant. In this sense the later uprooting
of the millennial expectation is one of the most momentous
factors in the history of early Christianity. With the loss of
millennialism, men lost a living faith in the impending return
of Christ, and the prophetic Scriptures pointing to the reign
of Christ came to be applied to the church, with far-reaching
results.
2. ATTACK ON DANIEL BY PORPHYRY.—PORPHYRY (233-c.
304), Syrian sophist and Neoplatonic philosopher, was born
possibly at Tyre, or more likely at Batanaea in Syria, and died
at Rome. A disciple of Plotinus, who developed the Neoplatonic
system, Porphyry became a teacher of philosophy at Rome.
Many scholars challenge the tradition that he was ever a Chris-
tian, or could rightly be called "Porphyry the Apostate." While
in retirement in Sicily he composed a treatise (c. 270) compris-
ing fifteen books and titled Adversus Christianos (Against the
Christians). It was ably answered by numerous Christian apolo-
gists—Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinaris, Jerome, and so forth
—some thirty in all. In fact, all the knowledge we have of
Porphyry's arguments is transmitted to us through these refuta-
tions, chiefly Jerome's, as Theodosius II had the extant copies
of his work publicly burned in A.D. 435, and this proscription
was renewed in 448. Jerome declares:
"But as to the objections which Porphyry raises against this prophet,
or rather brings against the book, Methodius, Eusebius, and Apollinaris
may be cited as witnesses, for they replied to his folly in many thousand
lines of writing." °°
5° A. T. Robertson, Word Pictures in the New Testament, vol. 6, p. 269. See chapter 4
and Appendix B for discussion of the canonicity of the Apocalypse.
6° Jerome Preface to Daniel, in NPNF, 2d series,. vol. 6, p. 493.
THREE NOTED MOLDERS OF PROPHETIC OPINION
Porphyry, the Syrian Sophist, First to Attack Authenticity of Daniel and to Project the Antiochus
Epiphanes Theory (Left); Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, in Whose Diocese the Waldenses Later
Flourished (Center); Church Historian Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, Who Changed His
Earlier Exposition of the Prophecies of Daniel 2 and 7, to Advocate the Earthly Church as the
Kingdom of God—a Major Step in Supplanting Primitive Interpretation (Right) (See Chapters
14, 18, and 17)
Porphyry became one of the most determined pagan op-

ponents of Christianity of his time, seeking to turn back the
tide of this rival religion. Former attacks had proved futile,
because the Gospel had a supernatural origin. Porphyry, seeking
supernatural support for his own pagan -system—a composite
made up of paganism, Judaism, and a little Christianity—boldly
attacked the supernatural in Christianity. He sought to disprove
not so much the substance of Christianity's teachings, as the
records in which that substance was delivered." Biographical
records state, incidentally, that Porphyry's mind twice lost its
bearings, and that the second time, in his old age, he had
hallucinations.
3. PORPHYRY'S GENERAL OBJECTIVE AND SPECIFIC ARGU-

MENT.—Jerome contends that Porphyry was driven to attack
the prophecy of Daniel because Jews and Christians agreed in
;ts prophe-ies as a con
clusive argument against heathen positions. Daniel must be
confuted in order to parry the force of the predictions concern-
ing Christ, specifically those which give the kings in order and
M'Clintock and Strong, op. cit., vol. 8, p. 422, art. "Porphyry."

327
328 PROPHETIC FAITH
the time of His coming, even to enumerating the years—ob-

viously a reference to the seventy weeks. Porphyry, seeing these
things to have been fulfilled, and being unable to deny that
they had taken place, had recourse to calumny. These prophe-
cies, he maintained, were written not by Daniel but by some
Jew who in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes (d. 164 B.c.)
gathered up the traditions of Daniel's life and wrote a history
of recent past events but in the future tense, falsely dating them
back to Daniel's time. Here are Porphyry's words, quoted by
Jerome:
"Daniel did not predict so much future events as he narrated past
ones. Finally what he had told up to Antiochus contained true history; if
anything was guessed beyond that point it was false, for he had not known
the future." 82
Porphyry contended also that the book of Daniel was
originally written in Greek, not Hebrew, and based part of
his hostile argument on the apocryphal Susanna section. To this
Jerome, Eusebius, and Apollinaris replied that the story of
Susanna was not part of the original Hebrew book of Daniel
but a spurious Greek addition.' The Greek text originated
when, as all antiquity agreed, Daniel was translated from origi-
nal Hebrew into Greek some time before Christ, and later by
Theodotion, which latter version Porphyry quoted."
Porphyry's book 1 dealt with the Bible's alleged discrep-
ancies. Book 4 was a criticism on the Mosaic history and Jewish
antiquities, and books 12 and 13 were devoted to an examina-
tion of the prophecies of Daniel. Porphyry projected essentially
the same argument, be it particularly noted, that has since been
followed by modern criticism. The first part of Daniel, with
the exception of the dream in Daniel 2, is historic, not pro-
phetic. Porphyry, attacking only the prophetic portion, de-
clares it to be merely a late anonymous narrative of past events,
purporting to have been predicted long before by Daniel. Thus
62 Translated from Jerome, Commentaria in Danielem, prologus, in Migne, PL, vol.

25, col. 491.
68 Ibid., cols. 492, 493.
6* Charles Maitland, op. cit., pp. 193, 194.
Porphyry's scheme—the most ancient as well as most formi-

dable direct attack on Daniel—was based on the supposed spuri-
ousness of Daniel's prophecies.
In order to get rid of the prophecy, Porphyry's explanation
confined the third prophetic kingdom to Alexander in person,
reserving the Macedonian Ptolemies and Seleucids for the
fourth kingdom. From among these he chose ten kings, mak-
ing the eleventh—the one having the mouth speaking great
things—to be Antiochus Epiphanes. Thus he adroitly threw
his main strength against the book of Daniel, sensing that if
this pillar of faith be shaken, the whole structure of prophecy
must tremble, for the times and symbols of Daniel form the
foundation of the New Testament Apocalypse. Further, if
the writer was not Daniel, then he lied on a frightful scale,
ascribing to God prophecies which were never uttered, and
making claim of miracles that were never wrought.' And if
Daniel's authorship could be shown to be false, then Christ
Himself, the "faithful witness" and true (Rev. 1:5), would be
proved to bear witness to an imposter. (Matt. 24:15.)
4. IMI:ITMATm. Af'f'rPTANct. CONFINED TO NEAR EAST.—
The Jews remained aloof from Porphyry's seductive argument,
but Jerome laments it had beguiled "some unskilful ones
of our own people." And only a few Christian writers accepted
it, these being confined entirely to the East. Four names are
to be noted, says Maitland:
a. Jacob of Nisibis (d. 338), a Syriac writer, supported this
new arrangement of the empires.
b. Ephraim the Syrian (Ephrem, or Ephraem Syrus) (d.
373), pupil of Jacob of Nisibis, and the greatest light of the
Syrian church.
c. Folychronius, bishop of Apamea (c. 430), one of Por-
phyry's Christian admirers.
d. Anonymous Greek Writer in Fifth Century (Catena
Pusey, op. cit., p. 1.

330 PROPHETIC FAITH
Graeca in Danielen2) completes the list of ancient adherents of

Porphyry."
Porphyry's line of attack was so well chosen as to leave
his successors little room for improvement, for, after lying
largely dormant for more than a thousand years, his argument
springs forth again to plague the Reformation positions on
prophecy." It is likewise interesting to note that Porphyry's
thesis was adopted by the infidel Gibbon, the English deist
Collins, and most modernist scholars."
This chapter has been extended to include Porphyry in
order to combine the two third-century writers who made direct
attacks on the books of Daniel and the Revelation within a
few years after Origen's flanking attack on the older prophetic
views. The next chapter, then, must return to pick up the thread
with Cyprian, a contemporary of Origen.
66 Charles Maitland, op. cit., pp. 197, 428; for Ephraim and Polychronius, see pp.
40, 430 of the present volume.
61 About 1590 Hugh Broughton discovered the lost work of Polychronius, which set
forth the old Porphyry theory, and Ben Jonson took up the cudgels against him in 1610 in
The Alchemist. (See Prophetic Faith, vol. 2, pp. 564-566.)
66 Buhl, op. cit., p. 348; Charles Maitland, op. cit., p. 427.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
L..yprian, Victorinus, and Methodius
I. Cyprian—Without Outline-Prophecy Perspective
CYPRIAN (c. 200-258), bishop of Carthage, greatest bishop

of the third century, was likewise a premillenarian, though he
had no clear view as to the particular "---e of the advent.
Springing from the wealthy nobility of Carthage, trained in
rhetoric and law, ranking high in social life, he nevertheless
became a conspicuous confessor of Christ. Converted by a
presbyter, about 246, he forsook the world, sold his estates for
the benefit of the poor, and in ascetic retirement devoted him-
self to the study of the Scriptures and church teachers, especially
Tertullian, for whose works Cyprian daily asked, with the
words, "Hand me the master!" Possessing marked administra-
tive ability, Cyprian was made a bishop about two years after
his conversion, retaining this position until his martyrdom, a
decade later. Conspicuous in church organization and discipline,
he directed his polemics principally against schismatics.
1. OPPOSED SUPREMACY OF ONE BISHOP AND ONE SEE.—
Tertullian's influence upon Cyprian's theological concepts was
u—'stakable. Tike Tertullian, he exhibit& a spirit of op-
position to Rome's hierarchal assumptions of lordship. Cyprian
believed in "the universal parity and community of bishops."
In the controversy over heretical baptism, he regarded the
1 Introductory Notice to Cyprian, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 263.
331
332 PROPHETIC FAITH
bishop of Rome as only a colleague; 2 he was conscious of his

own equal dignity and authority, contending that under no
conditions should heretics be admitted to the church without
first being purified from their errors by Catholic baptism.' In
his letter against Bishop Stephen, of Rome,` he quotes Fir-
milian's charge of error and abuse of power, and calls tradition
without truth merely antiquity of error.
Though Cyprian's Unity of the Church is used as the
"magna charta" of the Roman primacy, he nevertheless con-
tended zealously for an independent episcopate. Although he
was the patron and defender of the presbyters and lay co-oper-
ation, the presbytery being an apostolic institution and asso-
ciated with the bishops, his strong governing ability tended to
increase his own episcopal authority at the expense of the
presbyters. Thus he built up the authority of episcopal councils,
which the popes ever labored to supplant. He believed in the
theory of a primacy of the bishop of Rome, yet opposed its
practical application. This contradictory element was charac-
teristic. His position on conciliar primacy had to be practically
destroyed by "decretalism" before it was possible for the pre-
tentious figure of the supreme pontiff to rise and subject the
Latin churches to the novelty of Ecclesia in Papa. Cyprian was
antagonistic to this principle. He stood for representative church
government and the legitimate power of the laity, and epito-
mized his position in the maxim Ecclesia in Episcopo (the
church in the bishop). Later the great schism of the ninth
century placed the Latin church clearly upon the foundations
of the forged decretals, which substituted for the idea of "first
among equals" the fictitious idea of the divine supremacy of
one bishop and one see.'
2. PERSECUTION, BANISHMENT, AND MARTYRDOM.--Cyprian
2 Cyprian, Epistle 54, "To Cornelius,"chap. 14, vol. 5, p. 344.

Cyprian, Epistles 70, 71, "To Quintus," and "To Stephen,"' in ANF, vol. 5, pp. 377-379;
see also Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 262.
4 Firmilian's letter to Cyprian (incorporated in The Epistles of Cyprian as Epistle 74),
chaps. 16, 17, 23-25, in ANF, vol. 5, pp. 394-396.
Ernest Wallis, Introduction to Cyprian, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 263; Schaff, History, vol.
2, p. 161.
CYPRIAN, VICTORINUS, AND METHODIUS 333
lived in the atmosphere of persecution, and often in the pres-

ence of torture and death. He had supreme contempt both for
suffering and for worldly environment. Indeed, intense con-
viction generally marked the martyr spirit of the time. The
evasions of those who dared not make a confession of Christ were
denounced, together with the lapses of those shrinking from
martyrdom. Cyprian declared that the thirst for martyrdom,
which existed among Christians, arose from believing that
those who suffered for Christ would obtain a martyr's reward.
The outbreak of the Decian persecution, in A.D. 250, in-
duced Cyprian to retire into concealment for a time, during
which period he probably wrote his thirty-eight epistles to the
clergy. Decius had determined to rehabilitate the old pagan
religion, and issued his universal edict to all the governors of
the provinces to suppress Christianity and to require all to
sacrifice to the imperial gods. Confiscation, exile, torture, situ
death followed .° This severe persecution, which was continued
in the two succeeding reigns, led Cyprian to believe that the
end of the world, at the second advent of Christ, was at hand—
with the antecedent coming of Antichrist—which conviction
he emphasized.
Later persecutions under Valerian brought Cyprian's ac-
tive labors to a close. He was sent into exile for about a year,
being banished in 257, and was brought back to Carthage in
258 to martyrdom. When his own sentence of death was read
to him, he said, "I heartily thank Almighty God, who is pleased
to set me free from the chains of the body." When he was led
to execution, weeping friends cried, "Let us also be beheaded
with him." He knelt in prayer, covered his eyes with his own
hand, and awaited the executioner, to whom he commanded
the sum of about six pounds to be given.'
3. PRAYS FOR RESURRECTION AND KINGDOM.—Cyprian
prayed, in his treatise On the Lord's Prayer, for Christ soon to
o Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 60, 61.

7 William Cave, Lives of the . . . Fathers of the Church. vol. 1. pp. 389, 390.
334 PROPHETIC FAITH
come into His kingdom, declaring that His advent was craved
by the Christians.
"We pray that our kingdom, which has been promised us by God,
may come, which was acquired by the blood and passion of Christ; that
we who first are His subjects in the world, may hereafter reign with Christ
when He reigns, as He Himself promises and says, 'Come, ye blessed of
my Father, receive the kingdom which has been prepared for you from
the beginning of the world.' Christ Himself, dearest brethren, however,
may be the kingdom of God, whom we day by day desire to come, whose
advent we crave to be quickly manifested to us. For since He is Himself
the Resurrection, since in Him we rise again, so also the kingdom of God
may be understood to be Himself, since in Him we shall reign."
4. BELIEVES END TO BE IMMINENT.—He does not expound

the time prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse, nor even
the prophetic symbols of Daniel 2 and 7, but he refers to Christ's
great prophecy of the signs of the last days. The time element
was sharply foreshortened to his gaze; lie placed his expecta-
tion on the imminence of the advent. He deemed it inconsistent
to anticipate any lengthy continuance of their present affairs,
and urged all to await the sudden advent of the Lord. During
a pestilence he consoled his flock with the prospect of the king-
dom of God:
"Since those occur which were foretold before, whatever things were
promised will also follow; as the Lord Himself promises, saying, 'But when
ye see all these things come to pass, know ye that the kingdom of God is
at hand.' The kingdom of God, beloved brethren, is beginning to be at
hand; the reward of life, and the rejoicing of eternal salvation, and the
perpetual gladness and possession lately lost of paradise, are now coming,
with the passing away of the world."
An exhortation to martyrdom thus appeals to his readers
to be prepared:
"For you ought to know and to believe, and hold it for certain, that
the day of affliction has begun to hang over our heads, and the end of the
world and the time of Antichrist to draw near, so that we must all stand
prepared for the battle; nor consider anything but the glory of life eternal,
and the crown of the confession of the Lord; and not regard those things
which are coming as being such as were those which have passed away.
Cyprian, Treatise 4, "On the Lord's Prayer." chap. 13, in ANF, vol. 5, pp. 450. 451.
Cyprian. Treatise 7. "On the Mortality." chap. 2. in ANF, vol. 5, p. 469.
CYI'RIAN. VICTORINUS. AND • METHODIUS 335
A severer and a fiercer fight is now threatening, for which the soldiers of
Christ ought to prepare themselves with uncorrupted faith and robust
5. AnvENT TO OVERTHROW ANTICHRIST-BEAST.—Cyprian

declared that the time of the threatening Antichrist, foretold in
the Apocalypse, drew nigh, and would be followed by the speedy
advent of Christ.
"Nor let any one of you, beloved brethren, be so terrified by the fear
of future persecution, or the coming of the threatening Antichrist, as not to
be found armed for all things by the evangelical exhortations and precepts,
and by the heavenly warnings. Antichrist is coming, but above him comes
Christ also. The enemy goeth about and rageth, but immediately the Lord
follows to avenge our sufferings and our wounds. The adversary is enraged
and threatens, but there is One who can deliver us from his hands. . .
And in the Apocalypse He instructs and forewarns, saying, 'If .any man
worship the beast and his image, and receive his mark in his forehead or
in his hand, the same also shall drink of the wine of the wrath of God.
mixed in the cup of His indignation; and he shall he tormented with fire
and brimstone in the presence of the holy angels, and in the presence
of the Lamb; and -1 smoke of their torments shall ascend up for ever and
ever; and they shall have no rest day nor night, who worship the beast
and his image.' ""
Antiochus was set forth by Cyprian as a type of the cora--
ing Antichrist."
6. KINGDOM'S ESTABLISHMENT TO FOLLOW ADVENT.—
Firmly believing that the second coming of Christ would
overthrow Antichrist in the last times, as He establishes the
'Kingdom of His saints, Cyprian looked for the eternal kingdom
to follow the second advent, but had no definite concept, seem-
ingly, of the relationship of the resurrection and the millen-
nium to this expectation.''
7. BELIEVED DAY OF JUDGMENT NEAR.—He maintained
that the portents predicted by Paul, in 2 Timothy 3 : 1-9, were
then being fulfilled, apostasy being far advanced, and that the
"Cyprian, Epistle 55, "To the People of Thibaris Exhorting to Martyrdom," chap. 1,
in ANF,vol. 5, p. 347.
n Ibid., chap. 7, p. 349.
Cyprian, Treatise 11, "Exhortation to Martyrdom, Addressed to Fortunatus," chap.
11, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 504.
Cyprian, Treatise 7. "On the Mortality." chap. 2, in ANF, vol. 5. p. 469.
336 PROPHETIC FAITH
world's decline had come." He also believed that, because of

the then-existent conditions, the day of judgment was drawing
near.
"That wars continue frequently to prevail, that death and famine
accumulate anxiety, that health is shattered by raging diseases, that the
human race is wasted by the desolation of pestilence, know that this was
foretold; that evils should be multiplied in the last times, and that mis-
fortunes should be varied; and that as the day of judgment is now draw-
ing nigh, the censure of an indignant God should be more and more
aroused for the scourging of the human race." '6
8. LAST THINGS TAKE PLACE ACCORDING TO PREDICTION.—

Cyprian frequently declared his belief that the second coming
of Christ, with the last things, was about to come to pass ac-
cording to divine prediction.
"Nor let it disturb you, dearest brethren, if with some, in these last
times, either an uncertain faith is wavering, or a fear of God without reli-
gion is vacillating, or a peaceable concord does not continue. These things
have been foretold as about to happen in the end of the world; and it was
predicted by the voice of the Lord, and by the testimony of the apostles,
that now that the world is failing, and the Antichrist is drawing near,
everything good shall fail, but evil and adverse things shall prosper." 1e
Christians are to be admonished by the world's approach-

ing collapse, as of an aged dwelling,' and are to wait in readi-
ness for the sudden appearance of the Lord." This is the domi-
nant note.
9. BELIEVED 6,000 YEARS NEARLY COMPLETED.—It is evi-

dent that Cyprian followed the other fathers in the current
computation of the world's duration of six thousand years until
the end," and made the seventh millenary the consummation
of all. But on the great outline prophecies Cyprian wrote little.
Cyprian, Treatise 1, "On the Unity of the Church," sec. 16, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 427.
Cyprian, Treatise 5, "An Address to Demetrianus," chap. 5. in ANF, vol. 5, p. 459.
to Cyprian, Epistle 67, "To the Clergy and People Abiding in Spain," chap. 7, in ANF,
vol. 5, p. 371; see also his Epistle 62, "To Caecilius, on the Sacrament of the Cup of the
Lord," chap. 18, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 363; and Epistle 57, "To Lucius, the Bishop of Rome,
Returned From Banishment," chap. 2, in ANF, vol. 5, pp. 352, 353.
17 Cyprian, Treatise 7, "On the Mortality," chap. 25, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 475.
is Cyprian, Treatise 1, "On the Unity of the Church," chap. 27 in ANF, vol. 5, p. 429.
cynrian, Treatise 11, "Exhortation to Martyrdom, Addressed to Fortunatus," chaps.
1, 2, in ANF, vol. 5, p. 496.
II. Victorinus—Earliest Systematic Commentary on Apocalypse

VICTORINUS (d. 303 or 304), bishop of Pettau in Upper
Pannonia, near modern Vienna, was probably of Greek extrac-
tion, and formerly an orator and rhetorician by profession.
Born on the confines of the Eastern and Western empires, he
was better acquainted with Greek than with Latin. Victorinus
composed commentaries on certain Old Testament books, and
on Matthew and Revelation. All his works have disappeared
save extracts from his commentaries on Genesis aid the Apoca-
lypse. Author of the earliest continuous or consecutive com-
mentary on the Apocalypse now extant, he died a martyr under
Diocletian, about 304. His scholia, or explanatory remarks, on
Revelation are mentioned specifically by Jerome, who thought
them more remarkable for content than for literary style."
Jerome classifies Vlctorinus a c a millenarian 21 His writings,
together with those of Sulpicius Severus, were suppressed by
Damasus I, and because of their millenarianism were ranked
with the Apocrypha by Pope Gelasius." Although there has
been considerable discussion by scholars over Victorinus'
treatise on the Apocalypse, the work as a whole is recognized
as genuine, with the exception of chapter 20 on the millen-
nium. Schaff and others recognize that this antimillenarian
conclusion is the evident interpolation of a later hand.'
1. ENTIRE APOCALYPSE REPRODUCIBLE FROM FATHERS.—
That the Apocalypse was the subject of extensive and constant
study by the early church is evident from the significant fact
that practically the entire book is reproducible from the
Christian writers of the first three centuries.' This is signifi-
20 Jerome, Liver nf Illustrious Men, chap. 74. in .1,1PNF. 2d series. vol. 3. p. 377: see
also Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 862.
2s Ibid., chap. 18, in IVPNF, 2d series, vol. 3, p. 367.
Leon
22 Clugnet, "Victorinus," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 15, p. 414.
Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 862, 863. Schaff says: "The scholia on the Apocalypse
of John are not without interest for the history of the interpretation of this mysterious book.
But they are not free from later interpolations of the fifth or sixth century. The author assigns
the Apocalypse to the reign of Domitian (herein agreeing with Irenaeus), and combines the
historical and allegorical methods of interpretation. He also regards the visions in part as
synchronous rather than successive. He comments only on the more difficult passages."
(Ibid., p. 862.)
24 Such a tabulation has actually been made by H. Grattan Guinness, and is available
33S PROPHETIC FAITH
cant, together with this earliest systematic commentary on the

Apocalypse, in showing the attitude of the Christian church
thereon.
.2. FIRST TO ESTABLISH PRINCIPLE OF REPETITION.--ViC-
torinus was apparently the first to establish the fundamental
principle of repetition—that the Apocalypse is not to be
regarded as one continuous and progressive line of prophecy,
but rather that it returns and repeats." Going on to the end, it
then goeS back, and again traverses the ages to the last times
to cover some paralleling but different approach—thus to fill
in the gaps, and to add facts or details not previously presented.
Victorinus' early interpretation of the Apocalypse was
inevitably colored by the times in which he lived. He was
unable to anticipate a long course of future history lying con-
cealed in symbol. As to others of his day, the scope was fore-
shortened in his view to a relatively brief space, for he did
not and could not perceive the centuries to elapse ere the
Christian Era should run its course. He did not sense the great
apostasy of the church which was to extend for more than a
thousand years—and not as yet more than begun—or the
glorious revival of truth and reformation from error destined
to follow at its. close. To have interpreted the prophetic "days"
as years at so early a period in the church was, of 'course, incon-
ceivable. Their prophetic meaning in historical fulfillment
dawned only during the Middle Ages, as will be noted later.
3. THE SECOND ADVENT THE CONTINUING THEME.—Turn-
ing now to this remarkable third-century commentary, we find
Victorinus, commenting on Revelation 1:7, specifically declar-
ing that Christ, who came the first time in humiliation, will
return shortly in majesty and glory—the theme of the second
advent recurring as an underlying strain.
" 'Behold, He shall come with clouds, and every eye shall see Him.]
in hisHistcry Unveiling Prophecy, pp. 41-46, compiled from the separate indexes of the Ante-
Nicene Christian Library, volume and page being given.
25 Elliott, op. cit.. vol. 4, pp. 287, 294.
CYPRIAN, \ACTOR! NUS. AND Al ETHODRiS 3:49
For He who at first came hidden in the manhood that He had undertaken.
shall after a little while come to judgment manifest in majesty and
"ion,• "'
1-. SEVEN SEALS SPANS FIRST AND SECOND ADVENTS.--

Although Victorinus writes in general terms of the typical seven
churches as representing seven classes of Christians throughout.
the church universal,' he explains the seven seals of chapters 6
and 8 as constituting a prophetic foreview of the spread of the
gospel following the first advent, and the wars, famines, pesti-
lences, and persecutions of the church, which he looks for in
connection with the second coming of Christ and the end of the
world. The crowned rider seated upon the white horse, going
forth, "conquering, and to conquer," is interpreted as prophetic
of Christ's church going forth on its victorious mission, the
triumph of Christianity over paganism.
"Afro.- the Lord a scended into heaven and opened all things, He
sent the Holy Spirit, whose words the preachers sent forth as arrows reach-
ing to the human heart, that they might overcome unbelief. And the
crown on the head is promised to the preachers by the Holy Spirit. . . .
Therefore the white horse is the word of preaching with the Holy Spirit
sent into the world. For the Lord says, 'This Gospel shall be preached
throughout the whole world for a testimony to all nations, and then shall
come the end.' "'
This is Victorinus' starting point, and the key to his
treatise on the entire Apocalypse—the progress of the gospel
after Christ's ascension, symbolized by the first horseman.
5. BLACK HORSE—FAMINE UNDER ANTICHRIST.—The red

horse is explained as "coming wars," predicted as salient events
preceding the end. The black horse, Victorinus avers, signifies
"famines" in the time of the Antichrist.
"The black horse signifies famine, for the Lord says, 'There shall be
famines in divers places;' but the word is specially extended to the times
of Antichrist, when there shall be a great famine, and when all shall be
26 Victorinus, Commentary on the Apocalypse of the Blessed John, "From the First
Chapter," verse 7, in ANF, vol. 7, p. 344. (Translator's bracket.)
27 Ibid., on chaps. 1-3, pp. 345-347.
28 Ibid., "From the Sixth Chapter," pp. 350, 351 (cf. pp. 356, 357).
29 Ibid., on verses I, 2.
340 PROPHETIC FAITH
injured. Moreover, the balance in the hand is the examining scales,

wherein He might show forth the merits of every individual." '0
The pale horse meant "coming destructions." The fifth
seal, with the slain saints as the souls under the altar, points
to the time when the "reward of the saints" and the "condem-
nation of the wicked" comes, for which men are to "wait."
6. STRANGE INTERPRETATION FOR CELESTIAL SIGNS.—In the
sixth seal was a great earthquake, which Victorinus interpreted
as "that very last persecution." The sun becoming as sackcloth
he ingeniously construed as the beclouding of doctrine. The
moon as blood represented persecution; the falling of the stars
typified the saints who were "troubled for Christ's sake," and
the heaven being rolled away was a symbol of the church being
"taken away." He believed the removal of mountains and
islands from their places to indicate that the good will be
removed to avoid the persecution." Thus we are brought to
the great consummation.
7. ANGEI.S SMITE ANTICHRIST'S KINGDOM, GATHER ELECT.
—In chapter 7, explaining the angel with the seal, Victorinus
declares this to symbolize Elias the prophet as the "precursor
of the times of Antichrist," predicted in both Old and New
Testaments. Next he refers to the kingdom of Antichrist, then
the shortening of the days in Mark 13:20, and finally the send-
ing of angels as reapers to smite the kingdom of Antichrist and
deliver the saints."
8. PROPHETIC LINES REPEATED THROUGHOUT APOCALYPSE.
--It is in connection with the trumpets and vials that Victori-
nus fully establishes the important principle of repetition in
the Apocalypse—the carrying through of one line of prophecy
to the end, then returning retrogressively to trace again essen-
tially the same course for further development, emphasis, and
certainty—paralleling in general, and terminating together at
the time of the great consummation at the advent.
3° Ibid., verse 5, p. 351. 31 /bid. verses 12-14.
as /bid., "From the Seventh Chapter," verse 2, pp. 351, 352.
'
"We must not regard the order of what is said, because frequently
the Holy Spirit, when He has traversed even to the end of the last times,
returns again to the same times, and fills up what He had before failed to
say. Nor must we look for order in the Apocalypse; but we must follow
the meaning of those things which are prophesied. Therefore in the trum-
pets and phials is signified either the desolation of the plagues that are
sent upon the earth, or the madness of Antichrist himself, or the cutting
off of the peoples, or the diversity of the plagues, or the hope in the king-
dom of the saints, or the ruin of states, or the great overthrow of Babylon,
that is, the Roman state."
9. SEVENTH SEAL INTRODUCES EVERLASTING REST.—The
silence of the seventh seal Victorinus clearly declares to be the
prelude to the "everlasting rest," and the flying angel the
warning of the imminent "wrath of plagues" of the "last
times." Thus we are again carried through to the end.
" 'And when He had opened the seventh seal, there was silence in
heaven for about half an hour.'] Whereby is signified the beginning of
everlasting rest; but it is described as partial, because the silence being
interrupted, he repeats it in order. For if .the silence had continued, here
would be an end of his narrative."
1O. LITERAL TIME FOR PERIOD OF WITNESSES AND ANTI-
CHRIST.—The period of prophesying for the two witnesses in
sackcloth, in chapter 11, Victorinus makes literal time, for
the yew-day principle of symbolic time had not yet been
perceived. So, he contends, the two witnesses preach three and
a half literal years, and then Antichrist's kingdom follows for
a like period—or a total of seven years, just before the "last
time."
1 1 . LOOKED FOR A ROMAN ANTICHRIST.—The beast that
"ascendeth from the abyss," Victorinus says, was "in the king-
dom of kingdoms, that is, of the Romans," and "he was among
the Caesars."
"[He was] in the kingdom of kingdoms, that is, of the Romans.
Moreover, that he says he was beautiful in offshoots, he says he was strong
in armies. The water, he says, shall nourish him, that is, the many thou-
33 Ibid., p. 352.
34 Ibid., From the Eighth Chapter," verse 1. (Translator's bracket.)
33 Ibid., "From the Eleventh Chapter," verse 3, p. 354.
342 PROPHETIC FAITH
sands of men which were subjected to him; and the abyss increased him,
that is, belched him forth. For even Isaiah speaks almost in the same words;
moreover, that he was in the kingdom of the Romans, and that he was
among the Caesars. The Apostle Paul also bears witness, for he says to the
Thessalonians: 'Let him who now restraineth restrain, until he be taken out
of the way; and then shall appear that Wicked One, even he whose coming
is after the working of Satan, with signs and lying wonders.' And that
they might know that he should come who then was the prince, he added:
'He already endeavours after the secret of mischief.' "'8
In commenting on verse 8 of chapter 11, Victorinus

explains that "the Spirit from the Father" when "He has gone
forward to the last times, . . . again repeats the former ones.
. . . What he will do once for all, He sometimes sets forth as
if it were done. . . . Not the order of the reading, but the
order of the discourse, must be understood." "
12. SUN -CLOTHED WOMAN SYMBOL OF THE CHURCH.—The
symbolic "woman" of Revelation 12 is declared to be the
church bringing ,forth Christ."
13. ANTICHRIST SPRINGS FROM ROMAN DIVISIONS.—The

great red dragon with seven heads is Rome, from which is to
spring Antichrist in the last times, amid the ten horns.
"His seven heads were the seven kings of the Romans, of whom also
is Antichrist, as we have said above. 'And ten horns.'] He says that the ten
kings in the latest times are the same as these, as we shall more fully set
forth there."
14. 144,000 ALIVE AT SECOND ADVENT.--The third part
of the "stars" are the angels that fell. The flight of the woman
(church) to the wilderness, and the aid from the eagle's wings,
finally results in 144,000 believers—Christians, not Jews—
alive at the second advent, who are protected from the devil for
the three and a half years. The Antichrist springs from the
battle in heaven, and the expulsion and his earthly domination
follow the three and half years of Elijah's preaching."
36 Ibid.,verse 7. Evidently this referred to Nero. See page 301.

Ibid.,verse 8, p. 355.
es Ibid.,"From the Twelfth Chapter," verse I, p. 355.
:re Ibid., verse 3. (Translator's bracket.)
.16 /bid., verses 4, 6, 7-9, pp. 355, 356.
CYPRIAN, VICTORINUS. ,‘ND METHOD1 US 343
15. ANTICHRIST-BEAST AND NUMBER 66G.—Of the leopard

beast of Revelation 13, Victorinus says, "This signifies the
kingdom of that time of Antichrist." " The 666 of verse 18 is
first reckoned by the Greek gematria, suggesting teitan and
ante7nos, the letters of each of which comprise the equivalent
number. Then turning to Latin, he suggests the "antiphrase
DICLUX," as standing for Antichrist.' The second beast, the
false prophet, erects a golden image of Antichrist in the temple
at Jerusalem.'
16. SECOND ADVENT FOLLOWS ANGELS' MESSAGE.—The first
and second angels of Revelation 14, Victorinus believes, are the
predicted Elias and Jeremiah," witnessing before the second
advent and end of the world, ushering in the eternal kingdom.
No mention is made of the third angel, and consequently there
is no suggestion as to his identity.
17. BABYLON IS SEVEN-HILLED ROME.—Then after the
seven plagues for "the last time," in Revelation 15, Babylon
in Revelation 17 is identified as Rome seated upon her "seven
hills," drunk with the blood of martyrs.
"This is called Babylon also in the Apocalypse, on account of con-
fusion; and in Isaiah also; and Ezekiel called it Sodom. In fine, if you
compare what is said against Sodom, and what Isaiah says against Babylon,
and what the Apocalypse says, you will find that they are all one.
" 'The seven heads are the seven hills, on which the woman sitteth.']
That is, the city of Rome."'
The seven heads of the seven-hilled Rome are believed,

in their immediate application with reference to the writing
of the Apocalypse, to represent seven emperors, the sixth being
Domitian," with the eighth who is "of the seven," as Nero.
18. DANIEL'S VISION COUNTERPART OF JOHN'S.—Then the
41 Ibid., "From the Thirteenth Chapter," verse 1, p. 356.

'' Ibid., verse 18.
43 Ibid., verses 11, 13. pp. 356, 357.
44 Ibid., "From the Fourteenth Chapter," verses 6, 8.
45 Ibid., "From the Seventeenth Chapter," verses 3, 9, pp. 357, 358. (Translator's
bracket.)
46 Ibid., verses 9-11.
344 PROPHETIC FAITH
ten horns of Daniel 7 are identified with those of the Apoca-

lypse, with the three kings of Daniel killed by the Antichrist."
19. ASSEMBLED NATIONS JUDGED AT ADVENT.—Chapter 19
represents all nations assembled to judgment at the coming
of the Lord."
20. LATER INTERPOLATION IN REVELATION 20.—Into the
comments upon the thousand years of Revelation 20, a contra-
dictory, revolutionary principle of interpretation is injected,
that is boldly carried to its ultimate development under
Tichonius and Augustine—destined to affect profoundly the
life of the church, the course of prophetic interpretation, and
the related fate of the advent hope, as will be noted hereafter.
But this is obviously a later interpolation, as scholars agree,
possibly injected by Jerome." In this we are told that the
thousand years comprehend the period of Satan's binding, and
extend from the first advent of Christ to the end of the age.'
This is so obviously the later "Augustinian theory" that
this statement will not be pursued further. The spiritual
resurrection hinted at by Origen likewise makes its appearance,
the interpolation contending that the first resurrection is
spiritual—that of the soul by faith, rising with Christ to seek
the things from above."
There is but scanty literature among the churches of
Asia Minor in the third century, but these men were aggressive.
The influence of Origen, as has been noted, did not become
dominant through all Asia Minor. Methodius especially dis-
tinguished himself through antagonism to Origen's writings.
The Montanists also occupied much of his time and attention.
There was much opposition to the pretensions of their new
prophets. But we must now turn to the next.
47 Ibid., verse 11, p. 358.

48 Ibid., "From the Nineteenth Chapter," verse 11.
40 Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 862-864; J. Haussleiter, "Victorious of Pettau," The New
Schaff-Herzog, vol. 12, p. 181.
50 Victorious, Commentary on the Apocalypse, "From the Twentieth Chapter," verses 1-3,
vol. 7, pp.358, 359.
in ANF,a Ibid., verses 4, 5, p. 359 (see editor's footnote 17 on p. 360).
RUINS AT DIOCLETIAN'S HOME CITY
Ruins of the Great Amphitheater at Salona, Dalmatia, Where Diocletian Lived After His
Abdication. Christians Were Possibly Martyred Here Under Diocletian in the Worst of Pagan
Rome's Persecutions
III. Methodius—Contender for Resurrection and Restoration

METHODIUS (c. 260-c. 311), a bishop connected by different
writers with Olympus, Lycia, Patara, and Tyre, suffered martyr-
dom about 311, or earlier, in the fierce Diocletian persecution.
Methodius is known chiefly as an antagonist. of. Origen, although
he was definitely influenced by Origen's allegorical interpreta-
tion of Scripture. He was also a believer in natural immortality.
Six brief points summarize his none-too-vital contribution:
1. Woman of Revelation 12 Is the Church; the Child
Represents the Saints."
2. 1260 Days Precede New Dispensation."
3. New Earth Follows Present Earth."
4. Contends Against Origen on the Resurrection."
5. Change of World to More Glorious Condition After
the Conflagration."
6. Bodies Received in the Resurrection Never Die."
Methodius, The Banquet of the Ten Virgins, Discourse 8, chaps. 5-8, in ANF, vol. 6,
pp. 336.338.
63 Ibid., chap. 11, pp. 338, 339.
54 Methodius, From the Discourse on the Resurrection, part 1, chap. 9, in ANF, vol. 6,
p. 366.
5."' Ibid., part 1, chaps. 10.13 and part 3, chap. 1, sees. 1-4, Pp. 366-370.
fie Ibid., part 1, chap. 9, p. 366.
' Ibid.. part 3, chap. 2, sec. 7, pp. 374, 375.
345
346 PROPHETIC FAITH
IV. Inspiring Motive of the Early Church
Expectation by the early Christians of an approaching dis-
solution of the Roman Empire, with the utter overthrow of
the state religion, caused no small concern to Roman statesmen,
who held to the eternity of Rome and the continuance of the
empire without end. It was but natural that such antagonistic
teachings should be proscribed. But the Christians were con-
vinced from inspired prophecy that pagan Rome, drunk with
the blood of martyrs, would fall erelong, and her temporal
might soon come to nought. Much, therefore, appeared in their
writings with reference to the expected ruin of the empire.
Rome was to them the recognized "let," or "hindrance," that
held back the appearance of the "man of sin" and the conse-
quent end of the world.
And there was naturally much conjecture as regards the
coming Antichrist, whom everyone feared and expected. But
this archenemy of Christianity came increasingly to be regarded
as an individual of Jewish extraction effecting a falling away
from the faith. Time seemed very short. Therefore, in the
belief that his dominion would be short-lived—limited to three
and one-half literal years—Antichrist's appearance was con-
ceived of as but briefly preceding the day of judgment and the
end of the world.
Nevertheless, the personal, premillennial second advent of
Christ—when He will raise the righteous dead and translate
the living saints, end the reign of sin and violence, and establish
His millennial and then His eternal reign—was the firm belief
and expectancy of the pre-Constantinian martyr church. It was
this inspiring motive that sent them forth as intrepid mission-
aries and fearless interpreters of the times, despite all opposition
and persecution. It was this prophetic concept that nerved them
for the martyr's stake, and made the early church invincible in
her conquests for the faith.
This glowing hope was founded upon the clear declaration
of prophet and apostle. and upon the express prophetic promise
of their resurrected and ascended Lord. They looked for the
triumph of righteousness in the great conflict between good and
evil----the visible rule of the King of kings in a kingdom of glory
established upon the ruins of all nations, and wide as the canopy
of heaven. His return was for them the precursor of the resti-
tution of the world, the vindication of the character and govern-
ment of God, and the consummation of all things in Christ.
It was at once a great hope, an assurance of faith, and a certain
prediction. They expected to live in His presence, as His
redeemed and glorified trophies in Paradise restored, the earth
made new.
But this clear and glorious doctrine of the early church
was destined to become distorted and deflected. Certain non-
Biblical doctrines and practices were already creeping into
the church from various sources, and these tendencies were
accelerated by the subsequent development, as we have seen,
under Origen and his followers, of allegorical and philosophical
methods of interpretation. Thus the way was paved for the
later transformation of the concept of the millennial kingdom,
after the church's elevation to imperial favor by Constantine,
from the future glorification of the church after the second
advent, to the earthly dnmin inn of the church in the Roman
Empire. This self-satisfied concept of the Catholic Church as
the millennial kingdom of Christ (Augustine's "City of God")
was in turn to blind the eyes of the church to its increased
worldliness and apostasy from apostolic standards.
Still, despite growing departures, most of the clearer
prophetic teachings were carried over in main outline from
the apostolic century, for the early momentum still persisted.
Here is an epitome of these basic teachings.
V. Summary of Prophetic Understanding in Martyr Period
1. Rome the fourth of the four world powers, the restrain-
ing power retarding the coming of Antichrist.
2. Rome to he divided into ten kingdoms in the not.
distant future.
348 PROPHETIC FAITH
3. Antichrist to spring from among the ten—likewise still

future.
4. Daniel's ten-horned fourth beast the same as the ten-
horned beast of Revelation 13.
5. Daniel's Little Horn, Paul's Man of Sin, and John's
Antichrist and Beast symbolizing one and the same power.
6. The church fleeing into the wilderness during Anti-
christ's rule.
7. The seventy weeks of years connected with Christ's first
advent.
8. The year-day principle not yet applied to the longer
prophetic periods.
9. The second advent as personal, literal, and premillen-
nial, to end the career of Antichrist.
10. The two resurrections literal—the first at the second
advent; the second at the close of the thousand years.
11. The thousand years introduced by the advent and
bounded by the two resurrections.
12. The righteous to rule in the new heavens and new
earth through the eternal ages, following the thousand years.
Such was the composite picture of the prophetic beliefs
of that early period.
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
The Transition Hour of the Church
Origen's third-century spiritualization of the resurrection,

blended with his allegorization of the prophetic Scriptures,
constituted the first in a series of three fatal steps taken by the
dominant church in departure from the earlier advent faith.
These each occurred about a century apart, under Origen,
Eusebius, and Augustine respectively. The second step, follow-
ing upon the "conversion" of Constantine, centered on the
revolutionary fourth-century concept of the kingdom of God
as the newly established earthly church. The third step, then
as yet future, would be, as it unfolds, the fifth-century position
that the thousand-year binding of the devil had beg-un with the
first advent. This was a new doctrine, contrary to all previous
exposition, for the millennium had formerly been regarded as
beginning with the second advent.
Prior to and after the second step much was happening,
into which we must now inquire. The immediate effect of the
earlier flanking attacks upon the five controlling factors con-
nected with the advent hope—the resurrection, millennium,
outline prophecies, Antichrist, and the kingdom of God—was
to rally many stalwarts to their specific defense. And the direct
attacks upon the prophecies accentuated this rallying movement.
Scripture-loving men were thereby driven to renewed study
and further elucidation of the prophecies. Meanwhile the
opposition group continued to drift further into apostasy and
departure. These positions were mutually antagonistic—the one
349
BATHS OF DIOCLETIAN AT ROME, POSSIBLY BUILT BY CHRISTIAN SLAVES
Different Views of the Ruins of the Giant Baths of Diocletian, Which Accommodated More
Than 3,200 Persons at One Time. They Were Built Under Diocletian and Maximian, According
to Legend, by 40,000 Christian Slaves Under the Lash. This Carries Us Back to Paganism's Last
Stand, and the Worst of All Pagan Persecutions (303.313), Begun Under Diocletian. Persecution
Ceased Shortly Thereafter, Following Constantine's Espousal of Christianity. The Baths Were
Destroyed by Alaric and His Goths in 409. A National Museum and a Catholic Church Are Now
Housed in Part of the Ruins
TH E TRANSITION HOUR OF THE CHURCH 3:",
paralleling the other, and each reacting upon the other. They
could not continue on together indefinitely. Conflict was
inevitable. One view was bound to succumb—and that was
what ultimately occurred to the prophecy-based advent hope
by the sixth century.
Now let us look at the last stand of the prophetic interpre-
tation of the early church before the changes effected by the
Constantinian era altered the whole viewpoint of the church.
Brilliant, scholarly men, widely separated geographically,
rallied to the recognition and declaration of the next major
epoch in fulfilling prophecy—the long-awaited period of Rome's
actual division, in the fourth and fifth centuries, which was to
precede the coming of the dread Antichrist. Witnesses for the
defense of the premillennial advent hope will now give their„,
testimony. Some are Western, and some are Eastern. Some are,
impressively clear and sound; others are disappointingly hazy
on important principles„And both groups are frequently marred
with misconceptions or departures, for the church had already,
by the end of the third century, become deeply involved in
tragic compromise of the apostolic faith on many points. The
ante-Nicene church, heroic, growing, overcoming persecution
by sheer moral force, was nevertheless affected by the world
in which it lived, although persecution kept it comparative
pure.
"Between the days of the apostles and the conversion of Constantine,
the Christian commonwealth changed it[s] aspect.... Rites and ceremonies,
of which neither Paul nor Peter ever heard, crept silently into use, and
then claimed the rank of divine institutions."'
After the first empire-wide persecution, under Decius, there
had been a period of repose and prosperity for the Christians,
beginning with Gallienus (260-268). Then came the last, most
severe purging, under Diocletian (284-305). In 303 he was
induced by his counselors to persecute the Christians. He
enjoined the razing of the churches and the burning of the
Scriptures, for the value of the Sacred Writings was so well
W. D. Killen, The Ancient Church. Preface, pp. xv, xvi.
352 PROPHETIC FAITH
known that he endeavored to destroy all copies of the Bible,

just as earlier persecutions had sought to deprive the church
of its teachers. The first result of the persecution was to cause
consternation and confusion in the church. There followed
another edict in 304, imposing the death penalty for refusal
to sacrifice to the gods.' The times were tense as Diocletian's
progressive orders culminated in the decree to proceed without
mercy, or regard to sex, age, or station, and the persecution
raged throughout the empire. (Note illustration on page 345.)
I. Lactantius—Millenarian Spokesman in Transition Hour

It was in this period that LACTANTIUS (c. 250-c. 330), born
of heathen parentage in Africa, was converted to Christianity
in his manhood. His long life spans three epochs: the uneasy
truce of the church, the crowning persecution of pagan Rome,
and the preferment of Christianity in the Constantinian period
—Constantine's espousal of Christianity introducing within a
single generation the most remarkable revolution in the
thoughts, laws, and manners of an empire recorded in ancient
history. Consequently, it parallels that of Eusebius, for both
witnessed first the anguish of persecution and then the eleva-
tion of Christianity to imperial patronage—Lactantius writing
in Latin, and Eusebius in Greek.
Lactantius was a pupil of Arnobius, noted rhetorician of
Africa, and eloquent defender of Christianity, but Lactantius'
fame soon surpassed that of his master, and reached the ear of
the emperor Diocletian, who invited the pagan Lactantius to
come and teach Latin. Preferring Nicomedia to Rome, he had
fixed his court there, and embellished the city with noted
teachers and palaces of learning. But Latin had little appeal
for this Greek city. Having few pupils, Lactantius was reduced
to want, and betook himself to writing.
Christianity was assailed by heathen philosophy. Porphyry
and Hierocles employed their pens to hold up Christianity
2 Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 63-66.
THE TRANSITION HOUR OF THE CHURCH 333
to scorn and to expose the Scriptures to ridicule as a con-

glomeration of inconsistency and contradiction. Scurrilous
reflections upon Christ appeared, and Lactantius resolved to
thrust his pert into the conflict. It was doubtless his defense of
Christianity that led him to become a convert to the faith
about 301, if not during the persecution of Diocletian.
I. WRoTE INsTrrtrrEs WHILE TUTORING CONSTANTINE'S
Sox—Constantine is said to have met Lactantius at the court at
Nicomedia, where he had attained fame as a teacher, and called
him, now as a Christian, about 312, to come to his own court
in Gaul to tutor his eldest son, Crispus, particularly in Latin.
Unquestionably this had an influence upon the emperor's
espousal of Christianity.' His most noted work, The Divine
Institutes, in seven books, was largely composed before the
close of Diocletian's persecution. About 321 he enlarged and.
improved it' and dedicated it, including its section on prophecy,
to Constantine, hoping to win the emperor, who was still "a
pagan at heart.," to a deeper and purer conviction of divine truth.
"We now commence this work under the auspices of your name, 0
mighty Emperor Constantine, who were the first of the Roman princes to
repudiate errors, and to acknowledge and honour the majesty of the one
and only true God"'
Designed to supersede the less complete treatises of Ter-
tullian and Cyprian, the Institutes are systematic as well as
apologetic. Pointing out the futility and falsehood of pagan
superstition, and the vanity of heathen philosophy, they seek
to establish the reasonableness of Christianity. They constitute,
in fact, the first Latin attempt at a systematic Christian theology.
and the elegance of the writing gained for Lactantius the
title the "Christian Cicero." ° More than a hundred editions
appeared, as well as many translations. An Epitome, later
prepared by Lactantius himself, on request, summarizes the
larger treatise.
3 Henry Hart Milman, The History of Christianity, book 3, chap. 2, vol. 2, p. 315.
Schaff, History, vol. 3, pp. 957, 958.
5 Lactantius, The Divine Institutes, book 1, chap. 1, in A.VF. . 7. p. 10.
6 Kurtz, op. Cit., vol. 1, p. 164.
12
354 PROPHETIC FAITH
2. THOUSAND-YEAR REIGN OF SAINTS FOLLOWS ADVENT.—

Book 7 deals with immortality, the end of the world, the return
of Christ, and the signs and portents that precede His advent.
A zealous and sometimes fanciful chiliast, Lactantius expected
a terrestrial reign of the resurrected saints with Christ after
His second advent, for the millennial thousand years before
the general judgment. Nevertheless, he treats, in sharp chrono-
logical outline, the premillennial advent, the two resurrections,
the millennial period, and the reign of the saints with Christ.
"After these things God will, renew the world, and transform the right-
eous into the forms of angels, that, being presented with the garment of
immortality, they may serve God for ever; and this will be the kingdom of
God, which shall have no end. Then also the wicked shall rise again, not
to life but to punishment; for God shall raise these also, when the second
resurrection takes place, that, being condemned to eternal torments and
delivered to eternal fires, they may suffer the punishments which they de-
serve for their crimes."
Though but a layman and rhetorician, he handles, with
surprising penetration, these intricate subjects, reflecting the
unsettled doctrine of the time.
3. BEWILDERED BY CESSATION OF PERSECUTION.—In another
work, Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died, Lactantius
traces the oppression of the Christians under paganism, closing
with the violent Diocletian persecution. He recounts the dread-
ful punishments that had come upon Diocletian and his
colleagues, and the success and victory attending Constantine
as he exalted truths despised and•assailed for centuries by the
mighty. Lactantius claims freedom for all religions, represent-
ing the transition viewpoint of the Constantinian edicts of
toleration.
And now world conditions have suddenly been reversed.'
The Christians are no longer persecuted. Their adversaries are
destroyed, and tranquillity reigns. The world's favor, rather
than its hatred, becomes the church's peril. Multitudes flock
into the church because it is now fashionable, and the church,
Lactantius, The Epitome of the Divine Institutes, chap. 72, in AXF, vol. 7, p. 255.
Coxe, Introductory Notice to Lactantius, in ANT, vol. 7, p. 3.
long habituated to persecution and expected martyrdom,

becomes worldly. As a reaction to this, the more earnest
Christians turn to asceticism to foster the fervent martyr spirit.
The hermitage and later the monastery attract the pious. New
errors commingle with older ones, and with truth. Ecclesiastics
begin to reason that, instead of delivering persecuted Christians
by His advent in glory, Christ has sent relief in this unexpected
way. A long stride is taken toward the darkness and perversion
soon to encompass a church that is already seriously losing her
bearings.
4. CLEAR TESTIMONY ON THE TWO ADVENTS.—With the

church now enjoying surcease from her conflict, Lactantius
begins to reflect on the darkness and tempestuousness of the
prophesied "last end." In his outline he deals with the plan
of salvation, the origin of - sin, creation, probation in Eden,
the fall, and the incarnation of Christ.' After avowing his
faith in the harmonious predictions of the prophets," he makes
an extended treatise on the first advent, based on Old Testament
prophecies and their fulfiliment—Christ's earthly life, death,
resurrection, and ascension." His testimony is clear and sharp
as to the two advents, his conclusions being based largely on
Daniel." He also refers to predictions by the Sibyls and similar
writings."
5. PREVAILING WICKEDNESS MARKS WORLD'S END.—Lac-

tantius declares that "as the end of this world approaches, the
9 Lactantius, Epitome, chaps. 43, 44, in ANF, vol. 7, p. 239.

10 Lactantius, Institutes, book I, chap. 4, in ANF, vol. 7, p. 13.
11 Ibid., book 4, chaps. 8-21, pp. 106-123.
12 Ibid., book 7, chap. 16, p. 213.
13 /bid., chap. 18, p. 215. It is desirable to understand Lactantius' occasional reference
to the testimony of the Sibyls. His avowed aim was to make Christianity better known among
cultured non-Christians. So he traces the "mundane drama" partly from the prophecies of
Daniel and partly with statements from the Sibyls—avowedly utilizing them because of the
class with wnom he had to deal. (Coxe, iliirOduciory ,Voi;ce iu Laciantius, in AXE, voi. 7,
p. 4.) Lactantius' appeal to pagan intellectuals was conseq uently twofold: First, "since all
these things are true and certain, in harmony with the predicted announcement of the
prophets"; and second, "since Trismegistus and Hystaspes and the Sibyls . . . foretold the
same things, it cannot be doubted that all hope of life and salvation is placed in the religion
of God alone." (Epitome, chap. 73, in ANF, vol. 7, p. 255.) But therein lay the danger of
the confusion he did not escape. But his use of the Sibylline and similar writings is clearly ex-
plained: "That these things will thus take place, all the prophets have announced from the
inspiration of God, and also the soothsayers at the instigation of the demons." (Lactantius,
Institutes, book 7, chap. 18, in ANF, vol. 7, p. 215.)
356 PROPHETIC FAITH
condition of human affairs must undergo a change, and through

the prevalence of wickedness become worse." " This he expands
at considerable length, and with much fanciful detail, noting
earthquakes, famines, pestilences, and celestial phenomena.'
6. ROME TO DIVIDE INTO TEN K1NGDOMS.—As to Rome's
destiny in relation to the approaching end, Lactantius boldly
declares that the grand preliminary to that consummation of
all things will be the fall, or breakup, of the Roman Empire."
He contends that the Roman world would -be divided into ten
contemporaneous kingdoms, which would mark the beginning
of disastrous times—a declaration that would be ventured only
at gravest peril prior to Constantine's "conversion."
"First, the kingdom [Rome] will be enlarged, and the chief power,
dispersed among many and divided, will be diminished. Then civil discords
will perpetually be sown; nor will there be any rest from deadly wars, until
ten kings arise at the same time, who will divide the world, not to govern,
but to consume it." "
To ensure the permanence of Roman rule, her statesmen
made her supremacy almost a matter of faith—Rome was
in.victa et aeterna. But Christian prophetic expositors refused
to recognize this principle of permanency; they knew that Rome
would crumble. And after Rome's breakup, they declared,
Antichrist would appear, and afterward the saints would take
the kingdom, although this belief was not infrequently con-
cealed from the pagans. Lactantius, who began his writing
during the time of Diocletian's persecution, said that they were
ridiculed because they did not publicly maintain these things,
but in obedience to God, hid His secret in silence.
7. POWERFUL NORTHERN ENEMY DESTROYS THREE.—Three
of the ten kingdoms would be destroyed by a powerful northern
enemy—the concept evidently drawn from the prophecy of
Daniel—that would harass the world, changing laws, assuming
Lactantius, Institutes, book 7, chap. 15, in ANF, vol. 7, p. 212; see also Epitome. chap.
71, in ANF, vol. 7, p.
253.
is Lactantius, Institutes, book 7, chap. 16, in ANF, vol. 7, pp. 213. 214.
16 Ibid.,chap. 15, pp. 212, 213.
37 Ibid., chap. 16, p. 213.
the government, and ruling with intolerance, oppressing

mankind.'
8. ANTICHRIST'S TYRANNICAL RULE 42 MONTHS.—From

chapters 17 to 19, it is evident that Lactantius regards the false
prophet, the Beast of Revelation 13, and the Antichrist to be
the same malign power. He will destroy what was left by "the
former evil," and this tyrannical rule will prevail for "forty-two
months," he declares, obviously drawing this particular phrasing
of the period from Revelation 13.
"And power will be given him to desolate the whole earth for forty-
two months. That will be the time in which righteousness shall be cast
out, and innocence be hated; in which the wicked shall prey upon the
good as enemies; neither law, nor order, nor military discipline shall be
preserved; no one shall reverence hoary locks, nor recognise the duty of
piety, nor pity sex or infancy: all things shall be confounded and mixed
together a gainst right. and against the laws of nature, Thus the earth shall
be laid waste, as though by one common robbery. When these things shall
so happen, then the righteous and the followers of truth shall separate
themselves from the wicked, and flee into solitudes.""
9. ANTICHRIST'S REIGN DEPICTED FROM REVELATION 13.

The miraculous powers displayed, and the "image" and the
"mark" predicted, are tersely touched as Antichrist's reign of
terror is forecast, followed by the glorious deliverance." Such
are among the early attempts to fathom the mysteries of the
Apocalypse, and to parallel them with the outline prophecies
of Daniel, that both culminate in the advent.
10. MILLENNIAL REIGN OF RIGHTEOUS FOLLOWS ADVENT.—

None of the fathers had thus far been more diffuse on the
subject of the millennial kingdom than Lactantius, or more
particular in describing the times and events preceding and
following, including the assault against the Holy City and the
destruction of the wicked at the millennium's close. But he
intermingles unwarranted fancies, doubtless derived from non-
"ibid.; sec also Epitome, ,.hap. 71. in :INF, vol. 7, pp. 253, 254.
Lartantius, Institutes, hook 7. chap. I7. in ANF, vol. 7, p. 214.
'2" ibid.,- romparr. Epiinme. chap. 71. in .4.VF. vol. 7. p. 254.
358 PROPHETIC FAITH
Christian traditions, although by this time, at the beginning of

the fourth century, they had become so embedded in millenarian
thinking that their origin was probably not recognized. He
holds, however, to the fundamental apostolic belief that the
millennial period commences with the second advent of Christ,
and marks the destruction of the wicked, the binding of the
devil, and the raising of the righteous dead.
11. RESURRECTED SAINTS RULE SURVIVING RIGHTEOUS.—He
pictures Christ reigning with the resurrected righteous on this
earth during the seventh thousand years, before the general
judgment—the resurrected saints ruling over the not yet glori-
fied righteous who remain alive at the end, the latter producing
a multitude of offspring and subjecting the survivors of the
unregenerate nations to slavery. He sees the sun and moon
shining with increased brilliance, the mountains dripping with
honey, the streams flowing with wine and milk, the beasts
feeding together in peace."
12. DEVIL LOOSED AT MILLENNIUM'S CLOSE.—At the end
the devil, having been bound during the thousand years, is
loosed; the nations rebel against the righteous, who hide under-
ground until the host attacking the Holy City are overwhelmed
by fire and brimstone and mutual slaughter, and buried alto-
gether by an earthquake—rather unnecessarily, it would seem,
since the wicked are thereupon raised again to be sent into
eternal punishment."
13. WICKED PUNISHED AND EARTH RENEWED.—Next God
renews the earth, after the punishment of the wicked, and the
Lord is thenceforth worshiped in the renovated earth as the
eternal kingdom.
"But when the thousand years shall be completed, the world shall
be renewed by God, and the heavens shall be folded together, and the
earth shall be changed, and God shall transform men into the similitude of
Lactantius. Epitome, chap. 72 in ANF, vol. 7, p. 234; also institutes, book 7. chaps.
24. 26. pp. 219, 220.
Ibid.. pp. 219. 220. 253.
angels, and they shall be white as snow; and they shall always be employed
in the sight of the Almighty, and shall make offerings to their Lord, and
serve Him for ever. At the same time shall take place that second and
public resurrection of all, in which the unrighteous shall be raised to ever-
lasting punishments. These are they who have worshipped the works of
their own hands, who have either been ignorant of, or have denied the Lord
and Parent of the world. But their lord with his servants shall be seized and
condemned to punishment, together with whom all the band of the wicked,
in accordance with their deeds, shall be burnt for ever with perpetual fire
in the sight of angels and the righteous."
This, he declares, is the teaching of the prophets that the

Christians of his day follow.
"This is. the doctrine of the holy prophets which we Christians follow;
this is our wisdom, which they who worship frail objects, or maintain an
empty philosophy, deride as folly and vanity, because we are not accustomed
to defend and assert it in public, since God orders us in quietness and
silence to hide His secret, and to keep it within our own conscience; and not
to strive with obstinate contention against those who are ignorant of the
truth, and who rigorously assail God and His religion not for the sake of
learning, but of censuring and jeering."
14. MILLENNIAL REST DURING SEVENTH MILLENARY.—AS

to the proximity of the last times and the great consummation.
of the second advent, Lactantius follows the prevalent, though
anscriptural, Jewish six-thousand-year theory. Taking the six
days of creation week as symbolical of the world's history, he
closes them with a seventh thousand years of respite after the
six thousand years of wickedness; he emphatically denies the
Graeco-Chaldean theory of hundreds of thousands of years
for earth's history, declaring that the Scriptures alone reveal
the world's age, which he reiterates is approaching its six-
thousand-year limit." He stresses the approaching; end in the
light of this premise:" Following the lengthened Septuagint
reckoning—a thousand years longer than the Hebrew chronol-
ogy—he places the first advent in tile year of the world 5500.
Like Hippolytus, he then calculates the world's end and the
23 Lactantius, Institutes, book 7. chap. 26, in /I NF. vol. 7. p. 221.

2. Ibid.
Ibid.. chap. 14, p. 211.
26 Ibid.. pp. 211. 212.
CONSTANTINE PROFOUNDLY CHANGED THE COURSE OF HISTORY'
Well•know•n Statue of Constantine the Great, Whose Professed Espousal of the Christian Faith
Changed the Attitude of Empire Toward the Church, and Whose Shift of Capital From Rome
to Constantinople, in 330, Gave the Bishop of Rome Place of Foremost Influence in the Old
Capital
THE TRANSITION HOUR OF THE CHUM 11
second advent at about A.D. 500—two hundred years beyond

his day—though not, as he avers, until after the city of Rome
shall have fallen." The climax of this wowing theory will be
traced later.
IL Eusebius—Early Positions, Later to Be Reversed'
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI (C. 260-c. 340), bishop of Caesarea and

famed "Father of Church History," was probably born in Pales-
tine or Syria, since he knew Syriac as well as Greek, and was
liberally educated in Antioch and Caesarea. He was the intimate
friend of the Pamphilus who conducted a theological school at
Caesarea, in which Eusebius taught after hiS ordination. Pam-
philus' large library of Biblical and patristic writings was no4
only a rendezvous for scholars but a center for the reproduction:
of the Scriptures—and also for the writings of Origen. In such .
surroundings Eusebius spent his early manhood. Pre-eminently
literary, he followed this bent throughout life. He was con-
sidered a man of vast erudition and an especially accomplished
writer. His works, some of which are lost, form a pretentious list.
In 303 the dread Diocletian persecution broke upon the
Christians like a thunderbolt from a clear sky, 26r1 wrnlight_.
havoc in the church. Pamphil us suffered martyrdom in they
seventh year of this period of persecution, after two years oP•
imprisonment. Eusebius was chosen bishop of Caesarea soon
after the declaration of religious toleration, in 313, and held
this office until his death, about 340.
Eusebius played an important part in the first great
ecumenical council, with its momentous 'pronouncements, held
at Nicaea in 325. According to some ancient sources he was
probably given the post of honor at the right hand of the pre-
siding emperor, whose complete confidence he held. Because
of his recognized standing and his intimate acquaintance with
Constantine, he was chosen to deliver the formal oration at
07 Ibid., chap. 25, p. 220; on Hippolytus. cf. AXE, vol. 5. p. 179.

For Eusebius' later interpretations, see the next chapter.
362 PROPHETIC FAITH
this council. He opposed the wording of that part of the creed

at variance with his own beliefs as to the nature of Christ, for
he seems to have leaned a little toward the Arian position." His
Ecclesiastical History was published about 325. In his later
years he was unfriendly to. millenarianism, pursuing the alle-
gorical method of Origen, and expressing uncertainty as to the
authority of the Apocalypse. (See illustration on page 327.)
III. Pre-Nicene Exposition of Outline Prophecies
Bishop Eusebius, justly famed as a church historian, is not

usually known for contributions on prophetic interpretation.
He did, however, before the revolutionary change in the atti-
tude of the Roman Empire toward Christianity, write with
remarkable clarity on the second advent, the great outline
prophecies of Daniel 2 and 7, and on the 70 prophetic weeks
of Daniel 9 as 490 literal years from Persia to Christ. This is
revealed in his Demonstratio Evangelica (English version, The
Proof of the Gospel), originally comprising twenty "books,"
or chapters. Of these, only the first ten and a fragment
of the fifteenth are extant, but these are invaluable. This
apologetic, designed as an answer to Jewish and Greek inquirers,
is thought to have been written between A.D. 314 and 31 '—
earlier than his History, which is generally dated about the time
of the famous Nicene Council.
1. TWO ADVENTS OF CHRIST CLEARLY DEPICTED.—We find
that after discussing certain Old Testament prophecies relating
to the first advent—the circumstances, place, and time—
Eusebius sharply contrasts the two advents,' and exposes the
confusion of the Jews, showing clearly how Christ could not
in one advent only, come in humility, riding upon a colt, and
at the same time in glory in the clouds of heaven." The same
29 Hefele, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 288-290; Arthur Cushman McGiffert, Prolegomena to
Eusebius' Church History, in NPWF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 12.
:0 W. J. Ferrar, translator's introduction, in Eusebius, The Proof of the Gospel, vol. -1.
pp. ix, xiii.
Eusebius; The Proof of the Gospel, book 4, chap. 16. vol. 1, p. 212.
"2 Ibid., book 9. chap. 17, vol. 2. p. 186.
contention is repeated in another place, when he again argues

against Christ's coming at one and the same time in humility
and in power and glory. He asserts that the prophecies regarding
Christ must be divided into two groups, pertaining to the two
contrasting advents.
"Since it is impossible to regard Him as at one and the same time
glorious and without glory, honoured and kingly, and then without form
or beauty, but dishonoured more than the sons of men; and again, as the
Saviour and Redeemer of Israel, while plotted against by them, and led
as a sheep to the slaughter, delivered to death by their sins. The prophecies
about the Christ should be divided, as our investigation of the facts shews,
into two classes: the first which are the more human and gloomy will be
agreed to have been fulfilled at His first Coming, the second the more
glorious and divine even now await His second Coining for their fulfil-
ment."
2. CLEAR OUTLINE OF DANIEL'S FOUR EMPIRES.—In the'

field of outline prophecies culminating in the second advent,
remarkable indeed is the remaining fragment of Book 15 of
the Demonstratio, paralleling and interpreting the outline
prophecies of Daniel 2 and 7. A clearer enunciation of the
rugged outline of the familiar four world powers—Assyria,
Persia, Macedonia, and Rome—and the parallelism of the two
prophecies, could scarcely be found.
"I believe this [king's dream of Daniel 2] in no way differs from the
vision of the prophet [in Daniel 7]: for the prophet saw a great sea, just
as the King saw a vast image: the prophet again saw four beasts, which he
interpreted to mean four kingdoms, just as the King from the gold, silver,
brass, and iron, figuratively described four kingdoms: and, once more, as
the prophet saw a division of the ten horns of the last beast, and three
horns destroyed by one, so the King saw part of the extremities of the image
to be iron and part clay. And, moreover, as the prophet, after the vision
of the four kings, saw the Son of Man receive universal rule, power and
empire, so the King seemed to see a stone destroy the whole of the image,
and become a great mountain that filled the sea. And explanation is easy.
. . . For after the first, or the Assyrian Empire, signified by the gold, was
to come the Persian, shewn forth by the silver; and thirdly, the Macedonian,
portrayed by the brass; and after that, the fourth, that of the Romans,
would follow, more powerful than its predecessors, and therefore likened
to iron. For it, is said of it, 'And the fourth kingdom shall be stronger than
Ibid., book 4, chap. It. . p. 212.

vol. 1
364 PROPHETIC FAITH
iron: just as iron crushes and subdues everything, so did Rome crush and
subdue. And after these four, the Kingdom of God was presented as a stone
that destroyed the whole image. And the prophet agrees with this in not
seeing the final triumph of the Kingdom of the God of the Universe before
he has described the course of the four world-powers under the similitude
of the four beasts. I consider, therefore, the visions both of the King and
the prophets, that there should be four empires only, and no more, to he
proved by the subjection of the Jewish nation to them from the time when
the prophet wrote."'
Eusebius recognized that the kingdom of God not only

would succeed Rome but would be introduced by divine inter-
position at the second coining of Christ.' Such was his opinion
before the Constantinian conversion, and the consequent
imperial support of the Christian church changed his mind,
as will be noted in the following chapter.
3. SEVENTY WEEKS SIGNIFY 490 YEARS FROM PERSIA.
Another clear perception and enunciation pertained to the 70
prophetic weeks of Daniel 9, definitely interpreted to be 490
literal years.
"It is quite clear that seven times seventy weeks reckoned in years
amounts to 490. That was therefore the period determined for Daniel's
people."
This prophetic period he likewise mentioned in his later

church history.
"For the Scripture, in the book of Daniel, having expressly mentioned
a certain number of weeks until the coming of Christ, of which we have
treated in other books, most clearly prophesies, that after the completion
of those weeks the unction among the Jews should totally perish. And
this, it has been clearly shown, was fulfilled at the time of the birth of our
Saviour Jesus Christ."
In his Proof of the Gospel, Eusebius discusses and applies
the various expressions in the prophecy, suggesting more than
one way in which the chronological period could be calculated.
"To seal up the vision" is curiously interpreted as bringing
genuine visions to an end among the Jews, "to anoint the most
Eusebius, The Proof of the Gospel, book 15 (fragment), vol. 2, pp. 236, 237.
Ibid., book 4, chap. 16, vol. I, p. 212.
.8 Ibid., book 8, chap. 2, vol. 2, p. 118.
7
3, Eusebius, Church History, hook 1. chap. 6. in .VP.VF. 2d series, vol. 1. p. 90.
Holy" (referring to Christ) as ending the anointing of the

Jewish high priests, thus marking "the cessation of the prophets
and priests.'''
4. INTRODUCES GAPS BETWEEN COMPONENT PERIODS.—
Citing and discussing adversely Julius Africanus' Chronograph)),
as dating the seventy weeks from the twentieth year of Arta-
xerxes "according to Jewish reckoning," " Eusebius then gives
two interpretations of his own. He separates the component
weeks of years—the seven, the sixty-two, and the one—and
begins the first group of years (the first year of the 55th Olym-
piad) with Cyrus. From Cyrus to the Roman Empire, when
Pompey laid Jerusalem under tax to Rome, would be 483
years." He places the "seven weeks of years" from Cyrus to the
completion of the temple—forty-six years to the sixth year
of Darius, plus three more for completing the outside buildings
—and the remaining sixty-two weeks from the reign of Darius
to the death of the high priest Alexander, basing his calcula-
tions on the Olympiads." In another reckoning he runs the
483 years from the second year of Darius Hystaspes to. the reign
of C.c., Herod, in Whose time Christ was born
(from the 66th to the 186th Olympiad), leaving a gap, before
the closing "one week.'
Eusebius gives an unusual interpretation to the expression
-Christ the governor" (A.V., "Messiah the prince"). Taking
the Greek word Christos in its ordinary usage, he makes it
"the anointed governor." Thus lie ends the sixty-two weeks
with the end of the anointed priest-rulers of the Jews. and so
applies the cutting off of the "unction," or the "anointed,"
after that period."
5. PLACES CRUCIFIXION IN MIDST OF SEVENTIETH WEEK.—
Making a break between the sixty-two weeks and the final, or
"s Eusebius, The Proof of the Gospel, book 8, chap. 2. vol. 2, pp. 122, 123.
" Ibid., chap. 2, pp. 124, 125.
• Ibid., p. 126.
4' Ibid., pp. 127-129.
42 Ibid., pp. 129-131.
• Ibid., pp. 126, 129. 131.
366 PROPHETIC FAITH
seventieth, "week of years," he places the crucifixion in the

midst of the seventieth week, but thinks Christ was probably
with the disciples an equal period after His resurrection.
"So when all the intermediate matter between the seven and the sixty-
two weeks is finished, there is added, 'And he will confirm a Covenant
with many one week,' and in half the week the sacrifice and the libation
shall be taken away, and on the Holy Place shall come the abomination
of desolation, and until the fullness of time fullness shall be given to the
desolation. Let us consider how this was fulfilled.
"Now the whole period of our Saviour's Teaching and working of
Miracles is said to have been three-and-a-half years, which is half a week.
John the Evangelist, in his Gospel, makes this clear to the attentive. One
week of years therefore would be represented by the whole period of His
association with the Apostles, both the time before His Passion, and the
time after His Resurrection. For it is written that before His Passion He
shewed Himself for the space of three-and-a-half years to His disciples and
also to those who were not His disciples: while by teaching and miracles
He revealed the powers of His Godhead to all equally whether Greeks or
Jews. But after His Resurrection He was most likely with His disciples a
period equal to the years, being seen of them forty days, and eating with
them, and speaking of the things pertaining to the Kingdom of God, as
the Acts of the Apostles tells us. So that this would be the prophet's week
of years, during which He 'confirmed a covenant with many,' confirming
that is to say the new Covenant of the Gospel Preaching." "
Eusebius connects the "abomination of desolation" with
the continued but now useless sacrifices of the Jews.' Further
comment on the "abomination" also appears in his later
history.'°
Here we shall leave Eusebius for the present. We have
found him holding views of the prophecies which are in line,
on the whole, with the earlier interpretations. But these are
found in his works written, as generally accepted, before the
Council of Nicaea. The impact of the Constantinian revolution
upon the thinking of the church is illustrated to some degree
by the change in the attitude of Eusebius. The favor of the
emperor, and close personal association with him, made
Eusebius Constantine's extravagant admirer; and in his eulogiz-
ing biography of the emperor he has left us the record of his
' Ibid., pp. 135, 136.
Ibid., pp. 136-139.
" Eusebius, Church History, book 3, chap. 5, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. I, p. 138.
new outlook on some of the prophecies. Eusebius, like the

church at large, was blinded by the unaccustomed glitter of
imperial favor and patronage, the more so because it came so
unexpectedly almost on the heels of the most severe persecution.
The statements of the Council of N icaea belong in this chapter
because of their conservative character, but the next chapter
will take up the change in the time of Constantine, and complete
the study of Eusebius' interpretation.
IV. Nicene Council Record on the Advent
The first general church council, held in 325 at Nicaea,

is recognized as doubtless the outstanding event of the fourth
century. Summoned by Constantine, who was present in
person, it was composed at most of 318 bishops,' according to
Athanasius, both laity and lower clergy being excluded. It
was certainly a most remarkable gathering. Not many years
past those very same bishops bore the brunt of persecution.
The Roman emperor was their fiercest enemy, the symbol of the
great adversary against God and His people. And now the
Roman emperor had invited them to his royal palace to discuss
with them ways and means for the furtherance of the church
in order to make her strong in unity. Many of them had lingered
in dungeons and still bore the scars of torture on their bodies,
and now they were seated on seats of honor and called to lay
down rules for the faith, which will receive imperial sanction
and will he proclaimed as fundamental for the church in all
the empire. What a marvelous change! Could it appear other-
wise to them than that God had wrought a miracle? And a
marvelous work they did. The Nicene Creed has become the
basic creed for the whole of Christendom, the East and the
West, Protestants and Catholics alike. The only blemish which
mars the picture is that these same fathers, who had undergone
severe persecution, had not learned tolerance toward those who
did not agree with them in the wording of the formula, but
4, Schaff, History, VOL 3. p. 623.

368 PROPHETIC FAITH
that they hurled an anathema against them, giving therewith

the lead for the persecution of all dissenting groups.
Ecumenical or general councils were extraordinary assem-
blies, frequently occasioned by the great theological problems
or controversies of the time, and until the Vatican Council
their decisions were considered the highest and the final expres-
sions of the church." The Greek church took the lead in this
first council, which, be it particularly noted, was called by the
emperor Constantine—without the previous consent of the
bishop of Rome, according to Schaff." And the Nicene Creed
(in the enlarged form which it received after the second
ecumenical council) is the only creedal statement that is
acknowledged alike by the Greek, Latin, and Evangelical
churches.' We shall here, of course, discuss the original form
of this creed, dating from 325.
1. LITERAL SECOND ADVENT STILL GENERAL EXPECTANCY.
—With reference to the second advent, and its inseparable
resurrection, the last clause reads:
"He [Christ] suffered, and the third day he rose again, ascended into
heaven; from thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead." "
The significant feature of this creedal expression is that
it affords irrefutable testimony as to what was still the general
belief more than half a century after the allegorizing opposition
of Origen and Dionysius. It is evidence that the majority still
held, at least in word or theory, to the primitive literal inter-
pretation of the second advent. It is silent, however, on the
millennium.
2. NEW-EARTH KINGDOM ESTABLISHED BY SECOND ADVENT.
—But even more expressive than the phrasing of the creed
itself is the last of nine dogmatic constitutions which, says
Gelasius, a Greek historian, was framed by the fathers of the
same council. Gelasius compiled (c. 475) an account of the
43 Hefele, op. cit., vol. 1, Introduction, pp. 3, 5.

°° Ibid., p. 631.
Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom. vol. 1, p. 29.
council containing other material in addition to the generally

accepted creed, synodal decree, and twenty canons. But studies
in the sources since the turn of the century appear to have
restored Gelasius, formerly considered "a sorry compiler," to
"a place among serious Church historians, of which he has been
wrongly deprived, and have also lent weight to the hitherto
generally rejected idea that there was an official record of the
Acts of the Council of Nicaea; and further that it was from
this record" that these nine formerly rejected constitutions
were derived."
Whether the original records merely dropped out of sight
because of the troubles over the Arian controversy, or whether
the antichiliastic sentiment of the church influenced the omis-
sion of this statement concerning the future kingdom of God
it would be interesting to determine. The last section of the
chapter entitled "De Diatyposilms erclesiasticis" clearly st resses
the literal resurrection and the new heavens and new earth in
fulfillment of the prophecy of Daniel 7, at the second advent of
Christ—perhaps the most significant declaration of the time:
"Concerning the Providence of God and C oncern i ng th e World
-The lesser world was made through providence: for God foresaw'
that man would sin. For this reason we hope for new heavens and a new
earth according to the Sacred Scriptures, when the Appearing and K ingdom
52 Edward Myers, "Gelasius of Cyzicus," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 6, p. 407. For
the earlier view, see William Bright, The Canons of the First Four General Councils, pp. 88, 89;
flefele, op. cit.; secs. 23, 41, vol. 1, pp. 264, 265, 372.
CHARTS VISUALIZING PROGRESSIVE DEVELOPMENT OF PROPHETIC

INTERPRETATION
The Lower Chart Is the Central Portion, Enlarged, of the Upper Panoramic
Survey of the Entire Field Covered. After the Collapse of the Roman Empire
and Eclipse of Earlier Historical Interpretation by the Fifth Century, Comes
the Imperial Recognition of the Primacy of the Roman Bishop: Later, the
Establishment of the Papal States and the Holy Roman Empire. The Three Paral-
leling Horizontal Bands Indicate (I) Jewish Expositors; (2) Witnesses Outside the
Roman Church; and (3) the Increasing Chorus of Voices Within the RoMan
Communion Declaring Antichrist's Identity. Great Advances in Exposition Mark
the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, When the Papacy Is at Its Height. The
Lost Positions of the Early Church Are on Their Way Back to Recovery.
Frequent Reference to This Chart, and Its Companion Charts, Will Aid in
Grasping Developments and Relationships (For First Section. See Pages 238. 239:
the Last Section Appears in Volume II. Pages 96, 97)
300 100 SOO
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372 PROPHETIC FAITH
of the great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ shall have shone forth. And
then, as Daniel says, the saints of the Most High shall take the Kingdom.
And the earth shall be pure, a holy land of the living, and not of the dead;
which David, foreseeing with eyes of faith, exclaimed: 'I believe I shall
see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living,' the land of the meek
and humble. For, 'Blessed,' it says, 'are the meek, for they shall occupy
the earth.' And the prophet says: 'The feet of the meek and humble shall
tread it.' These things from the ecclesiastical constitutions worked out by
our holy fathers, a few from many, we have described in this commentary." 52
If this statement is genuine, as now seems likely, or even
if it expressed a later opinion attributed to Nicaea, it shows
how strong remained the doctrine of the future kingdom intro-
duced at the advent, notwithstanding the long years of oppo-
sition from the Alexandrian school and the philosophizing
tendencies in the church.
53 Gelasius of Cyzicus, Commentaries Actorunz Concilii Nitacni, book 2, chap. 30 [sec. 91,
in Mansi, op. cit., vol. 2, col. 889.
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
Post-Nicene Reversal
on Prophetic Interpretation
I. Elevation of Church Produces Fundamental Changes

When the mighty Constantinian revolution had established
itself, accompanied by the emperor's profession of Christianity,
and his legal recognition of the church, as well as paganism,
as protected by the state—and, in fact, soon to be given prefer-
ence by the state—there was suggested a wholly new method
of understanding the Scripture prophecies concerning the king-
dom and reign of Christ, which could scarcely have been con-
ceived before. Just when Constantine was "converted," or
whether indeed he was ever converted, is not the point of
present concern. Our interest lies in the effect upon prophetic
interpretation of this revolution that turned the stream of
human affairs out of all previous channels.
This extraordinary situation—the reversal of attitude on
the part of the Roman Empire toward the church—was bound
to influence profoundly the interpretation of prophecy con-
cerning the advent. So the idea developed that this earth in its
present state—not as renovated after Christ's advent, with its
accompanying destruction and purification is the territory of
the prophesied kingdom; that the present dispensation is the
time of its realization.; and that the establishment of the earthly
church by human hands is the mode of fulfillment. Thus it came
to be held that the hierarchal rule of the church was actually
the predicted kingdom of Christ on earth.
374 PROPHETIC FAITH
1. MARTYR CHURCH SUPPLANTED BY IMPERIAL CHURCH.—

With the revolutionary politico-religious triumph of Constan-
tine in the fourth century, and the temporal victory of Chris-
tianity in the Roman Empire over paganism, its deadly rival,
we enter a distinctly new epoch.' This change, occurring during
the fourth and fifth centuries, has a definite bearing on the
doctrine of the second advent. The Christians, whose number at
the beginning of the fourth century Schaff estimates at ten
million, constituted one tenth to one twelfth of the empire's
subjects.' The scene still centered, geographically, in the
Graeco-Roman world, that is, the countries bordering the
Mediterranean, but gradually extended to touch the Germanic
barbarians.'
The elevation of the church to prominence and power,
with its social and political prestige, produced a fundamental
and permanent change, fraught with gravest peril, as the pre-
Constantinian martyr church emerged from the catacombs and
became the post-Constantinian imperial church.' The chasten-
ing persecutions which the church had suffered from the pagan
world had retarded the prophesied "falling away." (2 Thess.
2:3-8.) But when Constantine, professing conversion, elevated
Christianity to the position of the most favored religion of the
empire, all the worldly and pagan influences that had already
been seeping into the church for more than a century began to
burst forth like the pent-up waters of a flood when the restrain-
ing barriers give way.
For a thousand years an official paganism had flourished
in Rome. Its temples were innumerable. The state cult and
priesthood were established and endowed by the Roman
Government. But in the fourth century this system received
its death stroke under Constantine. Christianity, newly liberated
from persecution, strangely became first the religion of the
Schaff, History, vol. 2, pp. 72, 73,
Ibid., p. 22.
The term "barbarian" was early used by the Greeks to designate non-Hellenic peoples,
just as the term "Gentile" was used by the Jews in reference to non-Jewish persons. When the
Romans dominated Europe, they used the term to indicate non-Roman peoples.
4 F. W. Farrar, Ltres, vol. 1, pp. 353, 354: see also Alexander Clarence Flick. The Rise
of the .1Iedioe, al Chu, h. pp. 160-163, 1£10.
POST-NICENE REVERSAL ON INTERPRETATION 375
emperor and then, about forty years after his death—by the
time of Theodosius II—the only recognized religion of the
empire. The emperors, however, continued to exercise supreme
jurisdiction over the new ecclesiastical order. The official sup-
pression of paganism followed steadily until, within the fourth
century, governmental paganism had practically disappeared,
and wholly so within the compass of the fifth and sixth cent.uries."
Gibbon says, "The temples of the Roman world were subverted,
about sixty years after the conversion of Constantine... "
2. THE CONSTANTIN LAN REVOLUTION.--At the beginning
of the fourth century the empire had been ruled by four
sovereigns—two Augusti (Diocletian and Maximian) and their
subordinate Caesars (Constantius Chlorus and Galerius).
Galerius, deadly foe of Christianity, influenced Diocletian to
issue his dread edicts against the Christians. This brought about.
the terrible persecution which continued with varying severity
from 303 until 313, when Constantine brought toleration.' And
the subsequent advancement of the Christian church to favor
and power constitutes one of the most remarkable political and
social revolutions the world has ever seen.
The early events in this Constantinian revolution moved
swiftly after Diocletian's abdication in 305 and the death of
Constantius, Constantine's father, in 306. Diocletian's four-part
division of the administration broke down in the scramble for
the empire, in which there were at one time as many as six
contenders. Constantine ruled the Prefecture of Gaul, including
Britain and Spain, after his father's death, and won sole control
of the whole West in 312 by his defeat of Maxentius at the
Milvian Bridge, a victory which he attributed to the aid of the
Christian God, whom he had invoked after a supposed vision
of a cross in the sky. Then in 313 he issued, jointly with his
eastern colleague Licinius, what is commonly called the Edict
5 Schaff, History, vol. 3, pp. 63-68.

o Gibbon. op. cit., chap. '28, par. 1, vol. 3, p. 189.
For edicts, see Translations and Reprints From the Original Sources of European
History, vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 26-30.
• Schaff, History, vol. 2. pp. i3, 74.
376 PROPHETIC FAITH
of Milan, granting liberty of religion to all, but particularly

mentioning the Christians. Henceforth he gave preference
and prestige to Christianity without, however, renouncing or
persecuting paganism. Thus the West enjoyed complete tolera-
tion, although Licinius renewed the persecution, in parts of
the East, which ended only when Constantine defeated him
finally and became the sole emperor in 323 or 324. By this
time Constantine personally espoused and openly patronized
Christianity, and the sun god and other pagan symbols dis-
appeared from his coinage; yet he was never baptized until
just before his death in 337. And he never made Christianity
the official religion of the state, although toward the end of his
life he showed a tendency toward repressing paganism.'
Constantine's legislation early began to favor the Chris-
tians. He exempted the clergy from civil duties in 313, abolished
various customs and ordinances-offensive to the Christians in
315, and about the same time facilitated the emancipation of
Christian slaves. In 321 he legalized bequests to Catholic
churches, and issued his famous Sunday law, although the
Christian character of this last is rendered rather doubtful by
the use of the term "Day of the Sun," and not Lord's day, and by
the fact that a contemporary ordinance provided for the regular
consultation of the pagan haruspex, or soothsayer. A climax
was reached, of course, in the imperial authorization of the
Council of Nicaea in 325, and the civil enforcement of its
creed." Later legislation further regulated and enhanced the
power of the church in the state.
3. CHRISTIANITY BECOMES THE. UNIFYING BOND.—Pagan
Rome had reduced to the yoke of one empire every independent
state within reach of its legions, but it never incorporated
them into one religion. Despite a multiplicity of local deities,
a central bond was lacking through the absence of a common
object of worship. Then emperor worship came in from the
9 For the principal facts of Constantine's life, see Schaff, History, vol. 3, pp. 12-37; see
also Flick. op. cit., pp. 115-124, and A. E. R. Boak, .4 History of Rome to 565 A.D., pp. 347-350.
POST-NICENE REVERSAL ON INTERPRETATION
East. The emperor being the supreme figure of the empire, it

was not unnatural for his image to be associated with his
genius, or guardian spirit, which came to be worshiped as a
mark of patriotism. So temples had been built and sacrifices
offered to Caesar for his worship—the only common prop to
which the various idolatries could cling." In the beginning of
the Christian Era the whole Mediterranean world was under
the spell of Chaldean astrology, and various gods were being
transformed into manifestations of the sun. In such forms as
Mithraism the Oriental pantheistic sun worship spread in the
Roman Empire, and in the third century the worship of Sol
Invictus as the supreme divinity was set up as the official cult,
with the emperor as the personification of the "invincible sun."
Meanwhile the historic life of Jesus and the subsequent
spread of Christianity had begun to replace the failing pagan
oracles and Oriental mystery cults, and to supply the conscious
need of the human heart. To this sublime faith the eyes of man
turned wistfully. The greatest obstacle to its progress was not
the pagan deities but Caesar. The old idolatries were dying,
but Caesar's altar consummated the system of paganism through
political union of the discordant superstitions. By refusing to
burn incense to Caesar, Christianity drew the line between the
things of God and the things of Caesar. Hence, the emperors,
who had tolerated other forms of religion, had no mercy for
Christianity.
But now, after the worst persecution of all, Constantine
had outwardly espoused Christianity and changed the whole
scene. He had perceived that Christianity could be the one
unifying bond that might hold together an otherwise disinte-
grating structure. He therefore seized upon it with avidity, and
pressed it into service.
Constantine, originally a devotee of the sun god Apollo,
adopted, as emperor, the dynastic deity Sol Invictus, the
Leopold Ranke, The History of the Popes, vol. 1, pp. 4
'-Franz Cumont, "The Frontier Provinces of the East." The (7anibridge Ancient
History, vol. pp. 643. 646. 647; see also his Astrology and Religion Among the Greeks and
Romans. pp. 90. 91, 95, 98; also Boak, op. cit., pp. 274, 280, 332.
378 PROPHETIC FAITH
"unconquered sun." He may well have thought that a mono-

theistic sun worship had affinities for monotheistic Christianity."
In any case, long after his initial connection with Christianity
he retained on his coins, sometimes even in combination with
Christian symbols, his figure of the sun god, his invincible
guide and protector."
4. SUNDAY BECOMES SEAL OF UNION.—We see the same
Christian-pagan combination in his famous law of 321 enjoin-
ing the observance of the "venerable day of the Sun," a phrase
as applicable and free from offense to pagan worshipers of
Apollo and Mithras as to his compromising Christians.'
"Desiring unity in his troubled empire, Constantine evidently saw
in Sunday observance an institution which he could make a point of unifi-
cation. The Christians were already keeping Sunday. It was being observed
by the Mithraists. Constantine met the practices of both popular cults. His
law mentions no god, but only 'heavenly providence.' " "
Thus Sunday is set apart as the seal of this new union of
Christians and pagans.
"The same tenacious adherence to the ancient God of light has left
its trace, even to our own time, on one of the most sacred and universal of
Christian institutions. The retention of the old Pagan name of 'Dies Solis;
or 'Sunday,' for the weekly Christian festival, is, in great measure, owing
to the union of Pagan and Christian sentiment with which the first day
of the week was recommended by Constantine to his subjects Pagan and
Christian alike, as the 'venerable day of the Sun.' His decree, regulating
its observance, has been justly called 'a new era in the history of the Lord's
day.' It was his mode of harmonising the discordant religions of the Empire
under one common institution." "
Possessing no Scriptural basis, and therefore dependent
upon the arm of flesh to maintain its authority and to secure
its united support, this law needed the combined force of civil
and ecclesiastical legislation to ensure its enforcement through
the years.
13 H. M. Gwatkin, "Constantine and His City," The Cambridge Medieval History,
vol. 1, pp. 4, 9.
14 Ibid., p. 10.
11 Ibid.; for the text of the Sunday law see the Code of Justinian, book 3, title 12, sec. 3,
translation in Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 380, note.
36 Alvin W. Johnson and Frank H. Yost, Separation of Church and State in the United
States, p. 219. For the Mithraic Sunday see Franz Cumont. The Mysteries of Mithra, p. 191.
1, Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, Lec tures on the History of the Eastern Church. p. 184.
5. CONSTANTINE AND THE CHRISTIAN THEOCRACY.—Origi-

nally, of course, the Christian church existed and operated in
complete separation from the state, but it united with the
state when the government became friendly.
"Separation of the church from the state was the prevailing condi-
tion in the early years of the Christian church, both from principle and
from necessity. The government was hostile. The church sought to fulfill,
in spite of an inimical society, what it considered a divine mission.
"Not until the time of Constantine did church and state become
united; for the most part they have continued so for sixteen centuries.
A union of church and state has been considered the normal relationship
in most of Christendom and by the great majority of peoples." 18
Constantine was, says Flick, "the first representative of that
theoretical Christian theocracy which makes the Church and
state two sides of God's government on earth," " an idea worked
out by his successors. Of the enforcement of the creed at the
Council of Nicaea, Schaff says:
"This is the first example of the civil punishment of heresy; and it
is the beginning of a long succession of civil persecutions for all departures
from the Catholic faith. Before the union of church and state ecclesiastical
excommunication was the extreme penalty. Now banishment and afterwards
even death were added, because all offences against the church were
regarded as at the same time crimes against the state and civil society."
"The State was becoming a kind of Church, and the Church a kind of
State. The Emperor preached and summoned councils, called himself.
though half in jest, 'a bishop,' and the bishops had become State officials,
who, like the high dignitaries of the Empire, travelled by the imperial
courier-service, and frequented the ante-chambers of the palaces in Con-
stantinople. The power of the State was used to the full in order to furnish
a Propaganda for the Church, and in return the Church was drawn into
the service of the State. Even at this time we find decrees of councils which
threaten civil offences with ecclesiastical penalties, and, on the other hand,
the bishops were invested with a considerable part of the administration
of civil justice."
This period of the church's history became increasingly
marked by the codification of dogma ; it was the era of the
early great church councils. The lines of "orthodoxy" began
to be sharply drawn, freedom of inquiry restricted, and offshoots
" Johnson and Yost, oh. cit.. p. 256. " Flick, op. cit., p. 126.
," Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 630: see also pp. 334. 335.
Uhlhorn, The Conflict of Christianity With Heathenism.. hook 3, chap. 3. pp. 449, 450.
380 PROPHETIC FAITH
visited with civil punishment under the "Christian" state-

church union." Eusebius' comparison of Constantine with
Moses may have strengthened the already established idea of
a Christian theocracy, in imitation of the Mosaic theocracy,
based on the government of the church by a human bishopric,
with the co-operation of the emperor in civil affairs.' Eusebius
says in his eulogy of Constantine:
"Invested as he is with a semblance of heavenly sovereignty, he directs
his gaze above, and frames his earthly government according to the pattern
of that Divine original, feeling strength in its conformity to the monarchy
of God." "
Under the patronage of Constantine and succeeding Chris-
tian emperors, new and ornate church buildings were erected,
patterned somewhat after a Mosaic type, with an outer court
for the uninitiated, the temple proper for the laymen, and the
railed-off chancel, with the altar, for the priests only. Eusebius
(c. 315) described the new basilica at Tyre as a temple, calling
the cloisters the outer court, and the altar the holy of holies."
In the West the basilica, or hall of justice, as consecrated for
Christian worship, became the rival of the pagan temple. And
magnificent churches were erected in many cities."
6. CoNsTANTINE's CHRisTiANnv.—The nature and extent
of Constantine's personal Christianity are matters of dispute,
but certain facts may be observed: He did not espouse Chris-
tianity because of its teachings. His first step had been the
adoption of a quasi-magic symbol from a dream, the monogram
of Christ, to which he attributed his victory over Maxentius.
He doubtless assumed that his championing of the Christian
cause was rewarded by his defeat of Licinius some years later,
which gave him control over the whole empire. In that super-

Eusebius, The Life of Constantine, book 1, chap. 38. in NPNF, 2d series, vol. I, p. 493;
see also chap. 12, p. 485; Neander, General History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. 2,
p. 132.
24 Eusebius, Oration in Praise of the Emperor Constantine, chap. 3, in NPNE, 2d series,
vol. 1, p. 584.
Neander, op. cit., vol. 2. sec. 3, pp. 284, 285; Eusebius, Church History, hook 10, chap.
4, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. I, p.375.
Milinan. History of Christiarril y, vol. 2. pp. 342-344,
stitious age such an attitude was quite natural; all men were
seeking charms to ensure their happiness in the hereafter.
and even the Christians, as we learn from Lactantius, con-
sidered the cross a magic sign before which demons fled."
Probably, says Coleman, Constantine's chief idea of Chris-
tianity was always that of "a cult whose prayers and whose
emblems insured the help of a supreme heavenly power in
military conflicts and political crises, and whose rites guaran-
teed eternal blessedness. Of the inner experiences of Chris-
tianity, and of the doctrines of that religion, other than the
broadest monotheism, he seems to have had little conception."
Constantine's attitude made it easy, yes, fashionable, for pagans
whose monotheistic leanings led them in the same general
direction, to adopt the outward form of Christianity that was,
promoted by the imperial court.
Some examples of this hybrid Christianity are furnished
by descriptions of the pagan elements incorporated into the
ceremonies at the dedication of Constantine's new capital,
Constantinople, and the statue of Apollo erected in that city,
which was said to have been surmounted by the head of Con,...
stantine instead of that of the god, with a crown of rays which
were nails from the true cross.' This statue is an apt symbol of
the way in which multitudes could synthesize their supreme
being with the Christian's God, and could easily regard Jesus
and Sol Invictus as equivalent symbols of the Deity."
7. ELEvATiox BRINGS DEGENERATION .—When Constantine
made the church fashionable, the result was a lowering of
standards ill proportion to the increase in membership. Schaff
says:
—Elie elevation of Christianity as the religion of the state presents
also an opposite aspect to our contemplation. It involved great risk of
degeneracy to the church. . . The christianizing of the state amounted
therefore in great measure to a paganizing and secularizing of the church.
27 Christopher B. Coleman, Constantine the Great and Christianity, pp. 79-82.

2' Ibid., p. 82.
Milman, History of Christianity, book 3, chap. 3, vol. 2, pp. 334-337; J. W. Draper,
History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. vol. 1, p. 280.
Cwatkin. "Constantine and His City," The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. I, p. 9.
382 PROPHETIC FAITH
... The mass of the Roman empire was baptized only with water, not with
the Spirit and fire of the gospel, and it smuggled heathen manners and
practices into the sanctuary under a new name."
Cardinal Newman tells us that Constantine introduced
many things admittedly of pagan origin.
"We are told in various ways by Eusebius, that Constantine, in order
to recommend the new religion to the heathen, transferred into it the
outward ornaments to which they had been accustomed in their own. It is
not necessary to go into a subject which the diligence of Protestant writers
has made familiar to most of us. The use of temples, and these dedicated
to particular saints, and ornamented on occasions with branches of trees;
incense, lamps, and candles; votive offerings on recovery from illness; holy
water; asylums; holydays and seasons, use of calendars, processions, blessings
on the fields; sacerdotal vestments, the tonsure, the ring in marriage, turn-
ing to the East, images at a later date, perhaps the ecclesiastical chant, and
the Kyrie Eleison, are all of pagan origin, and sanctified by their adoption
into the Church." "
Unfortunately, this process of adopting pagan elements,
which had already begun before Constantine's "conversion"
accelerated it, was to continue long afterward. Christianity
gradually became perverted into a strange mixture in which
the original gospel elements changed to the point of being
virtually unrecognizable in the medieval church. Repentance in
time became penance; baptism was transformed into a regen-
erating rite, sprinkling being substituted for immersion. The
Lord's supper was gradually changed into an atoning sacrifice,
offered continually through the mass by an earthly priest, with
mediatorial value claimed for both living and dead. The sign
of the cross, prayers for the dead, and the veneration of martyrs,'
all admittedly unscriptural, developed further into the crucifix,
purgatory, and saint and image worship.
II. Eusebius' New Prophetic Interpretation

The changed outlook of the church after Constantine's
conversion is strikingly exemplified by Eusebius himself, who
at Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 93.

32 J. H. Newman, An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine, pp. 359, 360.
33 See Augustus Neander, General History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. 1.
after Nicaea still continues to refer to the prophecies, but with

radically altered application to suit the unprecedented develop-
ments. The prophecies of Isaiah 35 and Psalms 46, concerning
the latter days, he applies to the new churches of the new era.
1. MAGNIFICENT CHRISTIAN CHURCHES FULFILLING Isitimi

35.—Book 10 of Eusebius' History, given over to his "panegyric
upon the restoration of the churches," is addressed to Bishop
Pauhints of Tyre, in Phoenicia, upon the completion of the
splendid Christian temple there. This extravagant eulogy was
compoSed as Eusebius saw in "every place" "temples" (churches)
again rising from their foundations to an immense height, and
receiving a splendor far greater than that of the old ones which
had been destroyed.' Eusebius goes so far in his praise of the
achievement of the bishop of Tyre as to liken his new church
to "a new and much better Jerusalem," and the songs of jubilee
filling these new temples to the songs of triumph in the New
Jerusalem and the fulfillment of the prophecy of Isaiah 35."
2. RESTORED JERUSALEM POSSIBLY NEW JERUSALEM.—He

further suggests that the magnificent church structure built by
Constantine at old Jerusalem might be the New .Jerusalem
predicted by the prophets.
''On the very spot which witnessed the Saviour's sufferings, a new
Jerusalem was constructed, over against the one so celebrated of old, which,
since the foul stain of guilt brought on it by the murder of the Lord, had
experienced the last extremity of desolation, the effect of Divine judgment
on its impious people. It was opposite this city that the emperor now began
to rear a monument to the Saviour's victory over death, with rich and
lavish magnificence. And it may be that this was that second and new
Jerusalem spoken of in the predictions of the prophets, [Footnote: "Appar-
ently referring (says Valesius) to Rev. xxi. 2: 'And I, John, 'saw the holy
city, new Jerusalem, coming down from God, out of heaven,' R: c.; an
extraordinary, nay, almost ludicrous application of Scripture, though per-
hiss rh[4rArteri.ti, of the author's age.—Bag.-] concerning which such
abundant testimony is given in the divinely inspired records."
sec. 2, p. 194, sec. 3, pp. 293, 323-335, and Appendix, p. 654; vol. 2, sec. 4, pp. 670-675; vol. 3,
sec. 3, pp. 135, 136.
ll4 Eusebius, History, book 10, chap. 2, in AT..V.F, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 370.
35 Ibid., chap. 4, pp. 370, 371, 374.
ao Eusebius, The LAP of Constantine, book 3, chap. 33, in NPNF, 2d series. vol. 1, p. 529.
ae,:,i4,0400tp
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT DOMINATES THE FOURTH CENTURY

Giant Statue of Constantine, at Rome, Affording Supposed Actual Likeness of This Powerful
Figure (Inset); Tapestry of Decisive Battle of Saxa Rubra, or Milvian Bridge, Resulting in
Maxentius' Defeat and in Edict of Milan Giving Civil Rights and Freedom to Christians Through-
out the Empire (Upper); Modern Church of the Holy Sepulcher atJerusalem, a Successor to
One Built Under Constantine and Looked Upon by Contemporaries as Part of the "New
Jerusalem" (Lower)
POST-NICENE REVERSAL: ON INTERPRETATION 385
Indeed, according to the church historian Socrates, this was

actually named the "New Jerusalem" by Constantine's mother,'
and the bishops assembled at the Synod of Tyre were directed
by the emperor to proceed with dispatch to the "New Jeru-
salem," where they celebrated a festival in connection with the
consecration of the place.'
3. FEAST FOR BISHOPS FORESHADOWS KINGDOM.---S0 far did

Eusebius go in his extravaganzas to Constantine " as actually
to liken his feast with the bishops, given after the Nicene
Council, upon the occasion of the twentieth year of his reign,
to a shadowing forth of Christ's kingdom."
4. NEW JERUSALEM PROPHECIES APPLIED TO GLORIES OF,

CHURCH.—Certain of the Scriptural prophecies formerly applied'
to the latter days and to the predicted New Jerusalem of Revela-
tion 21 he now applies to the glories of the church as established
by Constantine. And the casting down of the dragon, in Reve-
lation 12, he declares to he the overthrow of pagan domination
as effected by Constantine. It would have been unbelievable to„,..
him, or to others involved, that the imperial enthronement of
Christianity in the empire would someday be looked back to
as the foundation upon which would be erected the structurc:;.
of the predicted antichristian ecclesiastical empire in the terri?'ee
tory of the Roman world.
The immediate splendor of it all blinded him; " it appeared
to him as the very image of the kingdom of Christ, and he
fancied that the anticipated millennium had commenced. Thus
the exaltation of Christianity as the religion of the state led
not only to tragic declension in spiritual life, but also to a gross
change in the attitude of the church toward the Lord's coming,
as we shall see.
37 Socrates, The Ecclesiastical History, book 1, chap. 17, in .N.P.WF, 2d series, vol. 2, p. 21.
.8 Ibid., chap. 33, p. 32.
"Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 877.
40 Eusebius, The Life of Constantine, book 3, chap. 15, in .ATIVF. 2d series, vol. 1,
pp. 523, 524.
Uhlhorn, op. cit., book 3, chap. 3, p. 449.
13
386 PROPHETIC FAITH
5. CONSTANTINE BOASTS OF CASTING DOWN DRAGON-

PAGANISM.—Particularly significant in this connection is Con-
stantine's unequivocal representation of himself as casting
down the "dragon," or "serpent," of the pagan persecution in
the Roman Empire. Eusebius describes Constantine's picture
placed on the front of the imperial palace, surmounted by a
cross, and beneath it the dragon hurled headlong into the depths.
"And besides this, he [Constantine] caused to be painted on a lofty
tablet, and set up in the front of the portico of his palace, so as to be
visible to all, a representation of the salutary sign placed above his head,
and below it that hateful and savage adversary of mankind, who by means
of the tyranny of the ungodly had wasted the Church of God, falling
headlong, under the form of a dragon, to the abyss of destruction. For the
sacred oracles in the books of God's prophets have described him as a
dragon and a crooked serpent; and for this reason the emperor thus publicly
displayed a painted resemblance of the dragon beneath his own and his
children's feet, stricken through with a dart, and cast headlong into the
depths of the sea.
"In this manner he intended to represent the secret adversary of the
human race, and to indicate that he was consigned to the gulf of perdition
by virtue of the salutary trophy placed above his head. This allegory, then,
was thus conveyed by means of the colors of a picture: and I am filled with
wonder at the intellectual greatness of the emperor, who as if by divine
inspiration thus expressed what the prophets had foretold concerning this
monster, saying that 'God would bring his great and strong and terrible
sword against the dragon, the flying serpent; and would destroy the dragon
that was in the sea.' This it was of which the emperor gave a true and
faithful representation in the picture above described." °'
the period of the late empire the dragon was • one of
Rome's military ensigns." And Constantine seems, in this
picture, definitely to have recognized that the apostle John
had depicted paganism in Rome as the instrument of the
dragon which was to be cast into the abyss. Writing to Eusebius
and other bishops, respecting the vigorous repairing and build-
ing program for the churches through aid of the provincial
governors, Constantine had declared unequivocally that by
Eusebius, The Life of Constantine, book 3, chap. 3, in NPAT, 2d series, vol. 1, P. 520.
Ammianus Marcellinus. Rerum Gestarum, book 16, chap. 10, sec. 7, book 20, chap. 4,
sec. 18, in The Loeb Classical Library, Arnmianus Marcellinus, vol. 1, p. 245, vol. 2, p. 27;
Claudian, "Panegyric on the Third Consulship of the Emperor Honorius,' lines 138-141, in The
Loeb Classical Library, Claudian, vol. 1, p. 281; Trebellius Pollio, The Two Gallieni, chap. 8,
in The Loeb Classical Library, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. 3, pp. 32, 33.
I I
CASTING DOWN OF PAGANISM MEMORIALIZED ON ROMAN COINS

Constantinian Coin Showing the Christian Labarum, or Symbol, Exalted and Above the Pagan
Dragon That Is Now Cast Down (Left); A Later Emperor With Foot on Head of the Conquered
Dragon of Paganism—Typical of Similar Poses on Other Coins of Christian Emperors (Right)
his own instrumentality the "dragon," personified by a recent

pagan persecutor, presumably Licinius, had been driven from
state affairs."
He even caused coins to be struck, representing the event
under the likeness of the labarum above the conquered dragon,"
examples of which are preserved in the British Museum and
other collections. Eusebius, as already quoted, makes it clear
that Constantine's Christian contemporaries regarded the
emperor as the overthrower of the, pagan dragon.
6. ARPOINTNTYNT n F Y IN "V,,LFIT S" DANIEL PR OPHECY.
—Finally, at the close of Constantine's thirtieth year of imperial
rule—one of his sons having been advanced to share his
imperial power during each decade—he appoints a nephew to
the same dignity. And Eusebius is moved to declare that by these
appointments Constantine fulfills the prediction of the prophet
Daniel (7:18), "The saints of the most High shall take the
kingdom." "
The public and private zeal of Constantine exerted a
powerful influence upon the Greek church, for the fifty copies
of the Greek Bible which he caused to be prepared for use
in the churches of his new capital formed a standard for
ecclesiastical use. The effects were soon seen. And during the
controversies that agitated the church throughout his reign,
r,cmci-5.111-ine did adhere to the authority of Scripture. When
44 Cited in Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History, book 1, chap. 14 in NPNF, 2d series,

vol. 3, p. 53; Eusebius, The Life of Constantine, book 3, chap. 3, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1,
p. 520;quoted also by Socrates (naming Licinius), in his Ecclesiastical History, book 1, chap.
9, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 2, p. 16.
41 Jules Maurice, Numzsmatique Constantinienne, vol. 2, pp. 506, 507, and plate XV,
no. 7; see also Elliott, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 31; Ranke, The History of the Popes, vol. 1, p. 6.
46 The Oration of Eusebius Pamphilus, in Praise of the Emperor Constantine,
chap. 3,
in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, p. 584.
387
388 PROPHETIC FAITH
he convened the council the Scripture was accepted as the

authority by which both parties must sustain their positions.
What a strange anomaly, therefore, is presented by the
figure of Constantine preaching the gospel, calling himself
bishop of bishops, hoping to establish Christianity as the
religion of the empire, and convening the first general council
of the church, though he was himself not even baptized or
received into church membership until his deathbed, some
twenty years after professing the Christian faith!"
III. Athanasius and the Arian Controversy
ATHANASIUS 297-373), archbishop of Alexandria and
chief theologian of his time, was called the "father of orthodoxy"
because of his conspicuous championship of the eternal deity of
Christ, as against Arianism. His childhood spanned the period
of the terrible persecution of 303-313. Born, it appears, in
Alexandria, of wealthy parentage, he received a liberal Greek
education. In the famous Alexandrian Catechetical School,
still influenced by Origen's Neoplatonism, Athanasius became
familiar with the theories of various philosophical schools. He
was acquainted as well with the tenets of Judaism. Nearly
forty-six years a bishop, he was the center in the theological
world, as Constantine was in the political field—both bearing
the title, "the Great."
For several years prior to the Council of Nicaea there had
been theological controversy in Egypt. ARIUS of Libya (d. 336)
had settled in Alexandria, taking issue with some of the posi-
tions of its bishop, Alexander, and agitating his own views
concerning the deity of Christ.' Alexandria was at this time
perhaps the most important see in the entire church, and its
bishop was first called the papa, or pope, of Alexandria,' just
7 Stanley, History of the Eastern Church, p. 210; Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 35.
4, Stanley, History of the Eastern Church, lecture 7, p. 234; Schaff, History, vol. 3,
pp. 884-893. For sources on Athanasius, see Sozomen, Socrates, Theodoret, Eusebius, Gregory
Nazianzen; for authorities, see Gwatkin, Stanley, Cave, Schaff, Smith and Wace, Milman,
Neander, Harnack, and Archibald Robertson.
4° See page 395, note 73.
54 Stanley, History of the Eastern Church, lecture 7, pp. 216, 217, lecture 1, p. 14; Farrar,
Lives, vol. I, p. 370. The name was of Greek, not Latin, origin.
as the bishop of Rome was later called the pope of Rome.

Arius was deposed, because of his views, by a provincial synod
at Alexandria, in 321. But he had the active sympathy of several
bishops, including Eusebius of Nicomedia (not to be confused
with the church historian Eusebius of Caesarea), who threw
the weight of his influence in favor of the Arian view, calling
a synod in Bithynia (most likely at Nicomedia), which supported
Arius. On the other hand, Bishop Alexander of Alexandria, who
sought to warn the bishops against Arianism, was strongly
supported by Athanasius, then an archdeacon.'
1. ARIAN CONFLICT LEADS TO CALLING NICENE COUNCIL.
—Hosius, bishop of Cordova, Spain, bore a letter from Con-
stantine to Alexander and Arius, fruitlessly entreating both
parties to make peace. This state of affairs led to the calling
by the emperor of the first ecumenical or general council at
Nicaea, in 325—an event, as we have seen, of outstanding
importance. The general council, representing many nation-
alities, would therefore be the supreme expression of the
church's mind, formulating the positive belief of the church
in such a way as to exclude heresy. The overwhelming majority
of the bishops stood against Arius, and all but two signed the
creed against Arianism. The emperor—who was actually more
interested in unanimity of action than in theology—acclaimed -
this decision as indicating the mind of God. Arius was soon in
banishment, together with his friends:"
Athanasius' conspicuous defense of the true divinity of
Christ at Nicaea was followed by his consecration in 328 as
bishop of Alexandria. He was metropolitan of Egypt, Libya,
and Pentapolis, with jurisdiction over their bishops—thus em-
bracing the home of Arius. But his zeal at Nicaea in refuting
Arianism had incurring Arian hatred, and the
beginning of his stormy career, which alternated between
periods of quiet and five successive exiles.'
1 Schaff, History, vol. 3, pp. 620, 621, 886; H. M. Gwatkin, The Arian Controversy, p. 15.
52 Socrates,. op. cit., book 1, chaps. /-9, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 2, pp. 6-14; Wdliam
ius,' Smith and Wace, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 183.
Bright, "AthanasHistory.
Schaff. vol. 3, pp. 886, 887.
390 PROPHETIC FAITH
2. REACTION AGAINST NICAEA RESTORES ARIUS.—Reaction

soon set in, as the defeat and humiliation of Arianism had been
too signal. In the very provinces of the East providing the
numerical majority for the victory at Nicaea, many looked
askance at its decisions, and there was steady growth of Arian
sentiment, independent of the council and its prestige. The
anti-Nicene conservative reaction, fostered by the intrigue of
Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, won the support of the
emperor,' and resulted in an imperial order, in 331, that Arius
be restored to the communion of the church in Alexandria.
But this could not be achieved without the expulsion of
Athanasius, who refused to receive Arius and others convicted
of heresy at the ecumenical council. This brought a threat of
Athanasius' demotion and exile from Constantine, and finally
condemnation by the Synod of Tyre and banishment by Con-
stantine in 336."
Arius had given a statement of his views, which side-stepped
controversial points. This satisfied the emperor, as well as the
bishops assembled at Jerusalem, as to his essential orthodoxy in
relation to the Nicene creed. With Athanasius exiled to Gaul
the time was ripe to have Arius publicly received in the church
of Constantinople. On a certain Sabbath (Saturday) in 336
Eusebius of Nicornedia threatened, says Athanasius, to override
the objections of the Alexandrian bishop and to force the
participation of Arius at communion the next day. In the
midst of the controversy Arius suddenly died' The Athanasian
party regarded this as a direct judgment of God.
3. CONSTANTIUS' ARIANISM VIEWED WITH APPREHENSION.
—Constantine, deferring baptism until his deathbed, received
that baptism at the hands of an Arian bishop, and upon his
death in 337—a year after that of Arius—the empire was
divided among his three sons." Constantine II and Constans
M Ibid., p. 633; Gwatkin, The Arian Controversy, pp. 39-42.

55 Socrates, op. cit., book 1, chaps. 25-32, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 2, pp. 28-31; see
also Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, book 2, chaps. 16 ff., in the same volume, pp. 268 ff.
56 Athanasius, letter to Serapion, no. 54, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 4, p. 565.
57 Schaff, History, vol. 3, pp. 36, 633-635; Gwatkin, The Arian Controversy, pp. 61-64, 73.
were zealous Catholics; Constantius sympathized with the

Arians. Constantine II procured the return of Athanasius, but
religious factions now began to use these differences between
the emperors to their own interests, and the long struggle
which ensued forced Athanasius into exile for the second time.
until 346.
4. REIGN OF ARIAN PERSECUTION BREAKS OUT.—The lull
between Athanasius' second and third exiles, during which he
wrote on Arianism, is sometimes called the "golden decade,"
but it was "an interval of suspense rather than of peace." Con-
stantius encroached more and more upon churchly affairs. The
struggle smoldered on until, by- the end of this period, an orgy
of persecution broke out, and loud were the complaints of the
orthodox.' Troops stormed Athanasius' church, and he fled,
possibly to the desert.' He appealed to the emperor, and wrote
an elaborate defense. But Constantius denounced him to the
Alexandrians and recommended another bishop. Arianism had
now become more orthodox than Athanasianism. There was
violent persecution of bishops, clergy, and lay people, but.
Athanasius eluded all search. Hidden from all but loyal eyes,
he wrote in the East—as did Hilary in the West, in his Invec-
tive Against Constantius—a manifesto against the emperor in
his History of Arianism. Recalled in 362, after the death of
Constantius, he was twice afterward banished under Julian and
Valens, but he finally died in peace. Such was the hectic personal
background for Athanasius' declarations on the Antichrist,
which were written during his third exile, after his abandon-
ment by the emperor who had promised him protection.
7. CONTENDS CONSTANTIUS PREPARING WAY FOR ANTI-
cHRisr.—Fierce were the epithets and charges hurled by
Athanasius against Constantius '—"the most irreligious," " the
58 Farrar, Lives, vol. 1, pp. 403, 404.

59 Archibald Robertson, Prolegomena to the writings of Athanasius, secs. 7, 8 in NPXF,
2c1 series, vol. 4, pp. I, Ii, lvii; Gwatkin, The Arian Controversy, pp. 86, 87, 114, 127, 129, 142.
°° Farrar, .Lives, vol. 1, p. 407.
Athanasius, Councils of Arinzinunz and Seleucia, part 1, sec. 11; part 2, sec. 25; part 3,
sec. 55, in XPXF, 2d series, vol. 4, pp. 456. 462, 479.
392 PROPHETIC FAITH
"Emperor of heresy," and a "modern Ahab." His acts of

violence against the orthodox bishops, including Liberius of
Rome, and the aged Hosius, who had written the creedal
statement of Nicaea, constitute "a prelude to the coming of
the antichrist."
He told of the punishment inflicted on Hosius because he
not only would not subscribe against Athanasius but also wrote
to others that they should suffer death rather than become
traitors to the truth.
"When this patron of impiety, an Emperor of heresy, Constantius,
heard this, he sent for Hosius, and . . . detained him a whole year in
Sirmium. . . . He reverenced not his great age, for he was now a hundred
years old; but all these things this modern Ahab, this second Belshazzar of
our times, disregarded for the sake of impiety. . . . It was an insurrection
of impiety against godliness; it was zeal for the Arian heresy, and a prelude
to the coming of Antichrist, for whom Constantitis is thus preparing
the way." 62
More than that, Athanasius called Constantius the "image
of Antichrist," declaring that he bore every mark of Antichrist,
and fulfilled the specifications of Daniel's "little horn," making
war with the saints, humbling three kings, speaking words
against the Most High, and changing times and laws; but he
did not say Constantius was himself the predicted Antichrist;
he merely stated that when Antichrist did come he would find
his way thus prepared.' Furthermore, Athanasius also denomi-
nated Constantius to be Daniel's predicted "abomination of
desolation," and the forerunner of Paul's "son of lawlessness"
and prophesied "falling away"; " and the Arian heresy as the,
"harbinger" of Antichrist, forcing its way into the church.'
This thought of "preparing the way" for Antichrist occurs so
frequently that there can be no mistaking the fact that Athana-
sius considered Constantius not the actual Antichrist but simply
his forerunner, or precursor. Here are two additional typical
statements:
Athanasius, History of the Arians, part 6, sec. 45, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 4, p. 287.
63 Ibid., part 8, secs. 74, 76, pp. 297, 298.
66 Ibid., sec. 77, p. 299.
65 Athanasius, Four Discourses Against the Arians, Discourse 1, chap. 1, sec. 1, in NPNF,
2d series, vol. 4, p. 306.
"For behold, they have not spared Thy servants, but are preparing
the way for Antichrist." "The practices of Constantius are a prelude to
the coining of Antichrist."'
6. SECOND ADVENT TO RAISE DEAD AND ESTABLISH KING-
DOAL—Athanasius tells of Christ's second coming in the clouds
of heaven, and entreats his readers to be ready for that day when
He shall come in glory to raise the dead and judge the earth,
thus to establish His kingdom and cast out the wicked.
"And you will also learn about His second glorious and truly divine
appearing to us, when no longer in lowliness, but in His own glory,—no
longer in humble guise, but in His own magnificence,—He is to come, no
more to suffer, but thenceforth to render to all the fruit of His own Cross,
that is, the resurrection and incorruption; and no longer to be judged, but
to judge all, by what each has done in the body, whether good or evil;
where there is laid up for the good the kingdom of heaven, but for them
that have done evil everlasting fire and outer darkness." "
7. SEVENTY WEEKS FULFILLED BEYOND REFUTATION.—After
discussing the prophecies concerning Christ's first advent--the
predictions of His birth, flight into Egypt, the cross, and so
forth "—Athanasius discusses the exact date of His earthly
sojourn, divinely foretold beyond refutation by the seventy
weeks of Daniel.
"On this one point, above all, they shall be all the more refuted, not
at our hands, but at those of the most wise Daniel, who marks both the
actual date, and the divine sojourn of the Saviour, saying: 'Seventy weeks
are cut short upon thy people, and upon the holy city, for a full end to be
made of sin, and for sins to be sealed up, and to blot out iniquities, and to
make atonement for iniquities, and to bring everlasting righteousness, and
to seal vision and prophet, and to anoint a Holy of Holies; and thou
shalt know and understand from the going forth of the word to restore
and to build Jerusalem unto Christ the Prince.' Perhaps with regard to
the other (prophecies) they may be able even to find excuses and to_ put
off what is written to a future time. But what can they say to this, or can
they face it at all? Where not only is the Christ referred to, but He that is
to be anointed is declared to be not man simply, but Holy of Holies; and
Jerusalem is to stand till His coming, and thenceforth, prophet and vision
cease in Israel." us
Athanasius, History of the Arians, part 8, secs. 79, 80, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 4,
p. 300.er
Athanasius, On the Incarnation of the Word, sec. 50, in NPAT , 2d series, vol. 4, p. 66.
t*' Ibid., secs. 33-38, pp. 54-57.
.^ Ibid., sec. 39, p. 57.
394 PROPHETIC FAITH
He finds elsewhere, however, types and prophecies of

Christ and the church, according to the extravagant Alexan-
drian allegorical method."
IV. Interpretation Revolutionized by Church's Establishment
The Constantinian triumph radically changed the course
of prophetic interpretation regarding the second advent and
related beliefs. The church at large came eventually to look
at her present temporal establishment as the actual fulfillment
of the prophesied kingdom of God, and consequently ceased
to look for Christ's return, except as a far-off, rather shadowy
event." She first disparaged, then perverted, and finally dis-
owned the belief in a future literal kingdom of God, ushered
in by the literal first resurrection and the visible coming of
Christ in glory. And by the close of this fateful period she had
herself claimed to be the heavenly kingdom on earth, and had
turned her feet irremediably from the lighted pathway of the
earlier gospel church to the shadowy bypaths of worldliness,
error, and developing apostasy. Thus, the dominant church
erelong cast away not only the two prevalent extremes men-
tioned but the very truth of the kingdom itself—deceived by
a carnal caricature of the millennial kingdom fulfilled in an
all too earthly church sunken in materialism and idolatry.
1. TRAGIC GENERAL ABATEMENT OF ADVENT HOPE.—For
the first three hundred years of the Christian Era, the advent
hope had been the sustaining strength of the martyr church.
It was profound belief in her Lord's return, assured by His
own promise and by the outline prophecies, that nerved her to
face the fierce persecutions of a hostile pagan state. It was this
impelling conviction that sustained her through fire and sword,
as she went forth "conquering, and to conquer," despite her
shortcomings, through sheer moral power.
In the fourth century, when persecution was replaced by
imperial favor, intoxicated by her temporal advancement and
'° Schaff, History, vol. 3, pp. 892, 893.
Ibid.. ol. 2, p. 619.
splendor, the Christian church found her desire for the future
world chilled by a growing satisfaction over present successes
and possessions. Already in the middle of the third century the
hope of the speedy return of Christ had receded in the great
centers of thought under the impact of philosophical allegorism,
though it still continued sturdily in certain of the outlying
districts of the East, but particularly in the West." There was,
in the Nicene and post-Nicene period, an entire abatement of
advent longing, except in the hearts of a diminishing few; and
this was paralleled by selfish contentment with this new and
enticing state of governmental patronage.
2. POST-CONSTANTIN IAN PERIOD REVERSES MILLENNIAL

INTERPRETATION.—A century after Constantine a new theory
of the millennium was to blossom out into the "City of God"
concept of Augustine—the earthly rule of the church, the
millennium as a present fact, without the antecedent advent
of Christ and the concurrent resurrection of the saints. Those
portions of Daniel's and John's visions, applied before to the
second advent, now began to be applied to the first advent.
The Old Testament prophecies regarding spiritual Israel were
claimed for the established church, and the New Jerusalem was
believed to have come, at least in shadow. But the spread of
Arianism," and other troubles, made this new application of
the prophecies most difficult, and there had already come a
decided change of attitude toward the Apocalypse, leading
to its virtual rejection for a time. Daniel, as well, came under
hostile fire.
3. REVERSAL OF EARLIER POSITION.—The recorded spokes-
men of the martyr church of the second and third centuries
McGiffert, translator's note in Eusebius, Church History, book 7, chap. 24, in NPNF,
2d series, vol. 1, p. 308, note 1.
73 ARIUS (d. 336), Alexandrian presbyter and founder of Arianism, opposed the allegorical
interpretation that prevailed at Alexandria. He came into prominence on account of his views
on the Trinity—maintaining that if the Son was truly a son, there must have been a time when
He was not. That is, He was merely a finite being, the first of the created beings, and hence
not God, yet the one through whom the universe was subsequently created and administered.
His views were condemned by a council of one hundred Egyptian and Libyan bishops in n.n.
321. But the controversy continued to spread throughout the church until it attracted the
attention of Constantine, who called the Nicene Council, in 325, to settle the dispute. There the
view Was condemned, and Arms' writings publicly burned and interdicted. In the centuries
396 PROPHETIC FAITH
were, until Origen, united on a literal resurrection of the dead

at the second, personal, premillennial advent to destroy the
Antichrist, who was to appear after the breakup of .Rome into
ten kingdoms. But now the church, in the first flush of her
worldly power, seemed not to see that this very transition in
her midst was accelerating the "falling away" from the early
faith, predicted by Paul, and preparing the way for that anti-
christian ecclesiastical empire. The complete reversal of the
primitive position and the utter and final rejection of the
prophetic involvements of the true advent hope came under
Augustine."
4. UTTER MISCONCEPTION OF THE KINGDOM.—The com-
plete change in conception, in both church and state, of the
nature of the prophesied kingdom of God—the time, manner,
and character of its establishment and continuance—constitutes
a key that unlocks Christendom's otherwise incomprehensible
conduct through the centuries that followed. This helps to
explain the strange expectations, actions, and struggles that
mark the passing years. Here is the secret of the tragic mis-
understandings and the woe, the vaunting ecclesiastical ambi-
tions and base intrigues, the plays and counterplays for strategic
position and power, the battles and the bloodshed, the persecu-
tions and the plots in the name of Christianity, that have
marred and scarred the centuries.
5. ROME STRUGGLES SUCCESSFULLY FOR SUPREMACY:—
Changes took place in church polity, with enlargement of the
episcopal system into the metropolitan and patriarchal concepts.
There were four leading aspirants—the bishops of Rome,
Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria—with Rome and
Constantinople emerging as the predominant rivals, and Rome
struggling determinedly for first place.
The advent hope disappeared, furthermore, just in pro-
following, however, it assumed political and military importance, in the conflicts with the
Goths. (Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 326-331; Welintock and Strong, op. cit., pp.
391, 392, art. "Arianism.") For the Arian controversy, see the discussion of Athanasius in the
following chapter.
91 See chapter 20.
portion as this struggle for primacy advanced, for the "mystery

of iniquity" of hierarchal self-exaltation in the church was
taking on definite form. The transfer of the seat of government
to Constantinople, in 330, was a contributing factor to the
primacy of the bishop of Rome, for it left him as the leading
figure of the metropolis of the West.
"The removal of the capital of the Empire from Rome to Constanti-
nople in 330, left the Western Church, practically free from imperial
power, to develop its own form of organisation. The Bishop of Rome, in
the seat of the Caesars, was now the greatest man in the West and was soon
[when the barbarians overran the empire] forced to become the political
as well as the spiritual head." "
Another factor was the barbarians. The imperial theocracy
of the West, as inaugurated by Constantine and established by
Theodosius II, came to grief when it fell a prey to the "heretical"
barbarians, for the Goths, Vandals, and Heruli were largely
Arian. When the Western empire fell, the bishop of Rome
became the political subject of Arian kings, who even decided,
in the race of -Fhp,i,-,r ie the nstrogoth, between rival claimants
for the papal chair." But the conversion of the Salian Franks,
the first among the Teutonic tribes to embrace Western,:
orthodox Catholicism, prepared the way for the downfall of
Arianism among the other Germanic nations, and the ultimate
triumph of the Papacy in the German Empire under Charle-
magne. When Clovis was baptized, the bishop exclaimed,
"Behold the new Constantine!" as he became the patron and
protector of the Papacy.
"The barbarian invasions on the whole strengthened both the
spiritual and temporal supremacy of the Holy See. They gave the death
blow to paganism in Rome. Once converted to Roman Christianity, the
Germans became the staunch supporters of the papal hierarchy and enabled
the Pope to enforce his prerogatives in the West. Backed by these sturdy
Teutons, the Pope became the most powerful individual in Christen-
dom." "
Thus the divided empire was to make way for the new
papal theocracy, which would dominate Europe for more than
" Flick, op. cit.. p. 168. "Ibid., p. 296. T' Ibid., p. 180.
398 PROPHETIC FAITH
a thousand years. Among these barbarian kingdoms of divided

Rome the new order would arise, centering in Rome, a new
ecclesiastical empire—a union of the Catholic Christian Church
and the civil government of Rome. And, as Flick says, "out
of the ruins of political Rome, arose the great moral Empire
in the 'giant form' of the Roman Church." 18
6. THE CHURCH BECOMES AN EMPIRE.—The recognition
of Christianity in the Roman Empire by Constantine had
added a new sanction to the existence of the empire and the
position of the emperor. Already unified as a political society,
the empire was welded together still more firmly by the new
bond of Christianity. It became united with the church, so that
if it perished as an empire, it would still persist as a church.
On the other hand, the church, by the same union, made certain
that it would not perish for centuries to come.
"No, the Church will not descend into the tomb. It will survive the
Empire. . . . At length a second empire will arise, and of this empire the
Pope will be the master—more than this, he will be the master of Europe.
He will dictate his orders to kings who will obey them." "
So the Roman church pushed its way into the place of the
Roman Empire, and the pope, the Pontifex Maximus, became
Caesar's successor.'
One church in one state was the new concept, which the
church fostered by stabilizing its own power and organization.
It had taken over old pagan ceremonies, so it took over many
features of the state's secular pattern of organization. The pope
later took the title of Pontifex Maximus, which had been
discarded by the emperor Gratian, and through the centuries
made himself the imperator of the church. The offices and
territorial divisions of the church were patterned after those
of the empire, the very terminology of the hierarchal organi-
zation, such as vicar and diocese, being the heritage of ancient
Rome.
78 Ibid., p. 150.
79Andre Lagarde (pseudonym for Joseph Turmel), The Latin Church in the Middle
Ages, Preface, p. vi.
go Adolf Harnack, What Is Christianity? pp. 269, 270.
The later Donation of Constantine, while a gross forgery

in that it represents Constantine as giving to Pope Sylvester the
imperial palace and insignia, and to the clergy the ornaments
of the imperial army, nevertheless expresses a historical actuality
in the transfer of power.' The reign of Constantine was truly
the turning point, when organized Christianity abandoned the
character of "pilgrim and stranger," and became established
among the mightiest of earth. And it was to the supposed
Donation that the later medieval dissenters, like the Albigenses
and Waldenses, pointed when they charged that the apostatizing
church ceased to be a chaste "bride" awaiting her Lord's return,
but finally became spiritually a "harlot," according to the
Apocalypse, reveling in her illicit union with the kings of
the earth.
Roman imperial Christianity prevailed from the period
following shortly upon the so-called conversion of Constantine,
its influence extending increasingly throughout the apostatizing
Christian empire. Later legally established by the Justinian
imperial edict, which was implemented by the expulsion of the
Goths frr,m RpmP, al wrm rec^g-
nition of her claims to dominance, and climbed gradually to
supremacy during the period of the Middle Ages.
si See pages 530-533.
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PROPHETIC EXPOSITORS ON FRINGE OF EMPIRE
Commentary on Daniel by Aphrahat the Persian Sage, Written in Syriac, With Title Page Trans-
lated in Inset (Upper); Similar Comments on Daniel in Sargis d'A berga, With French Translation
(Lower Left); Similar Exposition by Ephraim the Syrian (Lower Right) (See Pages 906, 407)
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
Varying Voices in Different Places
There were various Syriac apologists. The Aramaic lan-

guage predominated over a large section—from Palestine and
Egypt in the west to Persia in the east. The dialect of Aramaic
used was the Syriac, which was current in northern Mesopota-
mia. Aphrahat and Ephraim, whom we now note, have little in
common. Ephraim's writings were a flamboyant versification,
concerned chiefly with the intellectual claims of orthodox Chris-
tianity, in contrast to the pretensions of the heretics. Aphrahat
is simplicity personified. His prose is direct in style, warning
against the temptations and errors of life.' Aphrahat gives an
orderly exposition of the Christian faith, with occasional appeals
to the Jews. Homily 12 deals with the Passover, and Homily 13
with the Sabbath. Ephraim, on the other hand, seeks to bear
down on the heretics by ponderous intellectualism.'
I. Aphrahat—Persian Witness on Rome, Resurrection,

and Kingdom
JACOB APHRAHAT, or Aphraates (c. 290-c. 350?), the Persian
sage, was probably born of pagan parents. Of Persian nationality,
and dating his writings by the years of the reign of the Persian
king, he lived and wrote when Zoroastrianism was the state
1 Arthur Lukyn Williams, op. cit., pp. 93-95.

2 Ibid., pp. 95-97, 103.
901
402 PROPHETIC FAITH
religion. After his conversion to Christianity he entered the

priesthood. He is said to have been bishop and possibly abbot
of Mar Mathai, near Mosul—Mesopotamia then evidently
having a number of Christians. He was popular in the Armenian
church. Thus the Latin of the West and the Greek of the
eastern Mediterranean were complemented by the Syriac still
farther east.
Aphrahat's Demonstrations, penned about the time of the
death of Constantine, were written in Syriac, and were early
translated into Armenian (Demonstration 20 being omitted).
They were quiet hortatory discourses which did not deal with
current problems and controversies. On the second advent and
its attendant circumstances, as well as the prophecies of Daniel,
Aphrahat bears testimony comparable to that of his European
associates, as attested by these extracts.
1. LITERAL RESURRECTION OCCURS AT SECOND ADVENT.—
He clearly connects the resurrection with the time "when our
Saviour shall come."
"And He Who raises the dead dwells in heaven. Then when our
Saviour shall come, whom shall He raise up from the earth? And why did
He write for us:—The hour shall come, and now is, that the dead also shall
hear the voice of the Son of Man, and they shall live and come forth from
their tombs?"'
Demonstration 8, "Of the Resurrection of the Dead," also
stresses the "hope of the Resurrection and the quickening of
the dead." This literal resurrection, avers Aphrahat, will be
accomplished thus:
"For with one word of summons He will cause all the ends (of the
world) to hear, and all that are laid (in the grave) shall leap forth and
rise up."'
2. ETERNAL KINGDOM ESTABLISHED AT SECOND ADVENT.—
Aphrahat understands that the kingdom of Christ will not be
established until the second advent.
3 Aphrahat, Demonstration 8—"Of the Resurrection of the Dead," sec. 3, in NPNF, 2d

series, vol. 13, p. 376.
Ibid., sec. 15, p. 380.
VARYING VOICES IN DIFFERENT PLACES 403
"For when He, Whose is the Kingdom, shall come in His second
coming, He will take to Himself whatever He has given. And He Himself
will be King for ever and ever. And His Kingdom shall not pass away,
because it is an eternal Kingdom."
3. SECOND ADVENT CLOSES PROPHETIC KINGDOM OUTLINE.

—Beginning with the Persian ram and the Grecian he-goat,
Aphrahat speaks guardedly of Rome as the fourth prophetic
empire, the "children of Esau," with the Ruler from Judah
to take the kingdom forever at His second advent.
"For the he-goat broke the horns of the ram. Now the he-goat has
become the mighty beast. For when the children of Japhet held the king-
dom, then they slew Darius, the king of Persia. Now the fourth beast has
swallowed up the third. And this third consists of the children of Japhet,
and the fourth consists of the children of Shem, for they are the children
of Esau. Because, when Daniel saw the vision of the four beasts, he saw first
the children of Ham, the seed of Nimrod, which the Babylonians are; and
secondly, the Persians and Medes, who are the children of Japhet; and
tb;,-,11y, the c-re.4cs, the brethren ^f the Me,les; and fourthly, the children
of Shem, which the children of Esau are. . . . But when the time of the
consummation of the dominion of the children of Shem shall have come,
the Ruler, who came forth from the children of Judah, shall receive the
kingdom, when He shall come in His second Advent" 6
Elsewhere Aphrahat aiicquivuLally defines "the children
of Esau" as the Romans:
"Therefore vineyard was formed instead of vineyard. And further-
more at His coming He handed over the kingdom to the Romans, as the
children of Esau are called. And these children of Esau will keep the
kingdom for its giver."'
4. FOURTH BEAST INDICATES ROMAN EMPIRE.—That the
kingdom of the Caesars is plainly meant by the term "children
of Esau" is evident. The first beast is Babylon; the second,
Media and Persia; the third, Alexander's Macedonian empire;
and the four heads are the four successors of Alexander.' The
fourth seem s to include both the Macedonian successors of
Alexander and the Roman emperors, though the relationships
5 Aphrahat, Demonstration 5—"Of Wars," sec. 23, in NPAT, 2d series, vol. 13, p. 361.
6 Ibid., sec. 10, p. 356.
1 Ibid., sec. 22, p. 360.
Ibid., sec. 18, p. 358.
A04 PROPHETIC FAITH
of the third and fourth beasts are not too clear. (See repro-
duction on page 400.)
"And of the fourth beast he said that it was exceedingly terrible and
strong and mighty, devouring and crushing and trampling with its feet
anything that remained. It is the kingdom of the children of Esau. Because
after that Alexander the Macedonian became king, the kingdom of the
Greeks was founded, since Alexander also was one of them, even of the
Greeks. But the vision of the third beast was fulfilled in him, since the
third and the fourth were one. Now Alexander reigned for twelve years.
And the kings of the Greeks arose after Alexander, being seventeen kings,
and their years were two hundred and sixty-nine years from Seleucus
Nicanor to Ptolemy. And the Caesars were from Augustus to Philip Caesar,
seventeen kings."
He makes the ten horns apply to the Seleucid kings follow-
ing Alexander down to Antiochus, in whom he sees the Little
Horn. The "time, times, and half a time" he reduces to one
and one-half times, or ten and a half years of Antiochus' per-
secution of the Jews." But in general outline he parallels the
expositions of the West.
5. MESSIANIC STONE KINGDOM TO CRUSH ALL NATIONS.—
That the prophetic image of Daniel 2 paralleling the four
beasts of chapter .7 means Babylon, Media, Alexander's king-
dom, and "the children of Esau" (Rome)," and that the smiting
stone of Daniel 2 was as yet future, and indicates Christ's eternal
kingdom, to fill the earth and rule forever, is clear from this
expression:
"By the whole image the world is meant. Its head is Nebuchadnezzar;
its breast and arms the King of Media and Persia; its belly and thighs the
King of the Greeks; its legs and feet the kingdom of the children of Esau;
the stone, which smote the image and brake it, and with which the whole
earth was filled, is the kingdom of King Messiah, Who will bring to
nought the kingdom of this world, and He will rule for ever and ever.
"Again hear concerning the vision of the four beasts which Daniel
saw coming up out of the sea and diverse one from another. . . . Now
the great sea that Daniel saw is the world: and these four beasts are the
four kingdoms signified above.""
9 Ibid., sec.19.
10 Ibid., sec.20, p. 359.
n Ibid., secs. 11-13, pp. 356, 357.
14, 15, p. 357.
" Ibid., secs.
Such is the witness of Aphrahat, the Persian sage of the
fourth century.
II. Ephraim—Awaits Antichrist's Emergence After Rome's End

EPHRAIM THE SYRIAN, Ephrem Syrus (c. 306-373), later
deacon of Edessa, was born at Nisibis in Mesopotamia. His
alleged heathen parentage and consequently the whole narra-
tive of his conversion to Christianity may be discredited
without hesitation. They cannot be brought into harmony with
his own words. "I was born in the way of truth: though my
boyhood understood not the greatness of the benefit, I knew it
when trial came." 13 His patron and protector during his earlier
years was Saint Jacob, bishop of Nisibis, whom he accompanied
to the Council of Nicaea in .325, as some sources state. During
the wars between the empire and the Persians the city of Nisibis
was beleaguered three times, and had to surrender to the
Persians in 363. Thereupon Ephraim left with other Christians,
and finally settled at Edessa. Ephraim spent the greater part of
his life in writing and preaching. He was a volu- -ious writer
of sermons, commentaries, and hymns, many which lepv,-
lost. The commentaries .mostly belong to the later life of
Ephraim, after his emigration to Edessa. Many of his hymns were
composed during the sieges of Nisibis, and were sung by the.
Syrian church for many centuries. They left a deep impression
upon Eastern Christianity.
The prospect of Antichrist's coming weighed deeply upon
him, as indicated in his noted sermon on "Antichrist." " The.
dragon was to tread upon and persecute the woman, the church.
Ephraim made little distinction between the dragon and the
beast, contending that the second wields the power, and fills
the throne, of the first. He believed that the end of the world
approached, and reckoned the precursory signs fulfilled, except
is John Gwynn, Introductory Dissertation, in Selections Translated Into English From

. . . Ephraim the Syrian, and . . . Aphrahat the Persian Sage, 1st part, sec. 8, in NP.WF, 2d
series, 138-146.
1:;Vp.hie3aimpl't'lle yrian Serino in Adventum Domini, et de Consummatione Seculi et in
Adventum Antichristi, in Opera Omnia. Greek-Latin ed., vol. 2, pp. 222-230.
406 PROPHETIC FAITH
the fall of the Roman Empire. Like many others of the time,
Ephraim stressed asceticism, relics, and the like.
1. ANTICHRIST'S APPEARANCE TO FOLLOW ROME'S BREAKUP.
—Ephraim understood that Antichrist would not appear until
after Rome's breakup.
"For the things which have been written have now been fulfilled, and
the signs which had been predicted, received their end; nothing remains
then, except that the coming of our enemy, antichrist, appear (or, be
revealed). For when the empire of the Romans meets its end (literally,
receives an end), all things will necessarily be consummated." "
This conclusion was obviously drawn from Paul's predic-
tion in Second Thessalonians, and not from Daniel 7, as
Ephraim is not clear on the latter. (Reproduced on page 400.)
2. FOLLOWS PORPHYRY'S FALLACY ON LITTLE HORN.—

Ephraim was one of four Syrian writers who, unlike all other
expositors of the time, followed the sophist Porphyry in making
the Little Horn of Daniel 7, as well as that of Daniel 8, to be
the historical Antiochus Epiphanes." This theory, however, lay
dormant for many centuries, and was not perpetuated in Syria.
III. Growing Apprehension Over Imminent Antichrist
In this tracement of the advent hope, as governed by

changing beliefs concerning the five key factors—the resur-
rection, millennium, outline prophecies, Antichrist, and the
kingdom of God—we have observed how, in the field of
prophecy, Hippolytus and others clearly interpreted the fourth
beast of Daniel 7 as Rome. Even Jews recognized and declared
this. Graetz thus mentions Jochanan bar Napacha (A.D. 199-279):
"He regarded as symbolical of the Roman Empire, the fourth beast
in Daniel's vision of the four empires of the world, which was a perennial
mine of discovery for the Biblical exegete, and was even more diligently
explored by the Christians than by the Jews. The small horn which grew
11 Ephraim the Syrian, Sermo Asceticus, in Opera Omnia, Greek-Latin ed., vol. 1, p. 44,
pagination starting with Sermo de Virtutibus, et Vitas.
16 Ephraim the Syrian, In Danielem Prophetam, Opera Omnia, Syriac and Latin ed.,
vol. 2, pp. 216, 217.
out of the fourth beast represents, according to his explanation, wicked

Rome, which annihilated all previous empires." "
Irenaeus and others likewise interpreted the ten-horned
beast of Daniel 7 and that of Revelation 13 as picturing the same
power. Rome, they understood, was destined to division, and
then Antichrist was to appear within the approaching divisions
of the empire. Rome was definitely understood by Tertullian
and others to be the restraining power—the "let," or hindrance
—holding back the coming of the dread Antichrist. Hence the
prayers of Tertullian and others for Rome's continuance."
The threefold portraiture of Antichrist, presented by
Daniel, Paul, and John, was understood to apply to one and
the same power—Daniel evidently stressing the political, or
horn, character, Paul the ecclesiastical aspect, .and John the
fatal combination of the two. Heretofore, men had written of
Antichrist as a future character, whose coming would be conse-
quent upon the breakup of Rome. Now expositors appear who
stress his imminence, and attempt to identify his precursor—
and this before Rome's division. By the fotirth and fifth cen-
turies a growing apprehension of apostasy led some to project
the view that Antichrist would appear in the professing church, •
yet placing him within the confines of the empire.
Such men as Athanasius of Alexandria and Hilary of
Poitiers, in France, taught with persistent emphasis that Con-
stantius, the new anti-Trinitarian ruler of the Roman Empire,
was Antichrist's forerunner. Hilary, in referring to heretical
leaders, even spoke of Antichrist's being transformed, like Satan,
into an angel of light." Hence, they looked for Antichrist
himself soon. Indeed, the coming Antichrist—who, when, and
where—became the focal point of growing concern in both East
and West. His coming was dreaded and feared because of what
they anticipated h e would do _
1-7 Heinrich Graetz, History of the 7ews, vol. 2, pp. 494, 495.
Is An impressive series of witnesses spanning several centuries testify to the Roman "let"
or hindrance, including Irenaeus, Tertullian, Cyril, Chrysostom, Jerome, Theodoret, and
perhaps Augustine before and during the period of dismemberment. So, in fact, believed the
majority of the fathers. (See W. H. Fremantle, note 7, Jerome, letter 123, sec. 16, in sVPA ,
2d series, vol. 6, p. 236.)
10 See page 409.
408 PROPHETIC FAITH
IV. Hilary First to Link Priesthood With Antichrist

HILARY OF POITIERS (c. 300-c. 368) is one of the great, yet
little studied, of the fathers of the Western church. He was
born in Gaul, of noble pagan parentage, and received the best
Roman education of his time. His thoughts were definitely
molded by Neoplatonism and influenced by the writings of
Origen. Equipped with such an education he approached Chris-
tianity in mature life, and was convinced of its truth by inde-
pendent study of the Scriptures. He came to the faith, Augustine
said, laden with the gold, silver, and raiment of "Egypt," and
he would naturally wish to find a Christian employment for
the philosophy he brought out of Egypt with him."
About the year 350 he was created bishop of Poitiers, and
soon after became involved in the great Athanasian-Arian
controversy. Taking a firm stand on the Athanasian side, he
was banished to Phrygia by the emperor Constantius, who
favored Arianism. Here in Phrygia, Hilary completed his most
important work De Trinitate (On the Trinity). It was really
a brilliant piece of spade work, as there were no predecessors
in the West in this field from whom he could draw.
His thoughts were original, and often were expressed in
an original way, so that his writings became "the quarry whence
many of the best thoughts of Ambrose and Leo are hewn." "
Eminent and successful as these men were, they can scarcely be
ranked with Hilary in sheer intellectual endowment. And
one is led to wonder how many of their conclusions would
have been drawn had not Hilary supplied the premises. It is a
distinct honor that the unrivaled genius of Augustine is
deeply indebted to him.'
1. CONTENDS FOR ORTHODOXY.—Hilary was a stanch

defender of the Trinity as taught by the Western church, and
therefore saw the predicted Antichrist in those who denied the
20 E. W. Watson, Introduction to Saint Hilary of Poitiers, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 9,
p. v (first pagination).
21 Mid., p. xliv.
22 Hilary, De Trinitate, book 6, chap. 46, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 9, p. 115.
divinity of the Son and considered Him to be but a created

Being. "Hence also they who deny that Christ is the Son of
God must have Antichrist for their Christ," was the way he
expressed it. In Watson's classic introduction to the works of
Hilary the following summarizing statement appears:
"He [Hilary] begins by speaking of the blessings of peace, which the
Christians of that day could neither enjoy nor promote, beset as they were
by the forerunners of Antichrist. . . . They bear themselves not as bishops
of Christ but as priests of Antichrist. This is not random abuse, but sober
recognition of the fact, stated by St. John, that there are many Antichrists.
For these men assume the cloak of piety, and pretend to preach the
Gospel, with the one object of inducing others to deny Christ. It was the
misery and folly of the day that men endeavoured to promote the cause of
God by human means and the favour of the world. Hilary asks bishops, who
believe in their office, whether the Apostles had secular support when by
their preaching they converted the greater part of mankind.. . .
"The Church seeks for secular support, and in so doing insults Christ
by the implication that His support is insufficient. She in her turn holds
out the threat of exile and prison. It was her endurance of these that drew
men to her; now she imposes her faith by violence. She craves for favours
at the hand of her communicants; once it was her consecration that she
braved the threatenings of persecutors. Bishops in exile spread the Faith;
now it is she that exiles bishops. She boasts that the world loves her; the
world's hatred was the evidence that she was Christ's The time of
Antichrist, disguised as an angel of light, has come. The true Christ is
hidden from almost every mind and heart. Antichrist is now obscuring the
truth that he may assert falsehood hereafter." "
2. ANTICHRIST WILL BE SEATED IN CHURCHES.—In his

struggle for orthodoxy, and after his defeat by Auxentius,
bishop of Milan, Hilary addressed an open letter to the "beloved
brethren," in which he admonished them to be watchful about
the insidious ways of Antichrist's deceptions. These were prac-
tically his last public statements:
"One thing I warn you: beware of Antichrist. For the evil love of walls
has captured you. You wrongly venerate the Church of God in [the form of]
roofs and buildings; in these you wrongly find the name of peace. Can it
be doubted that in these Antichrist is to be seated? To me mountains and
forests and lakes, and prisons and chasms are safer. For the prophets,
23 Ibid.
24 E. W. Watson, Introduction to Hilary of Poitiers, in .7VP.NT, 2d series, vol. 9,
pp. Iii, Iiii.
410 PROPHETIC FAITH
either dwelling in these or being plunged into them, prophesied in the

spirit of God."
V. Cyril—Stresses Present Falling Away

and Impending Antichrist
CYRIL (c. 315-386), bishop of Jerusalem, was born of
Christian parents, probably in Jerusalem or its environs,
shortly before the outbreak of Arianism in A.D. 318, and lived
to see its suppression by Theodosius, in 380. Cyril was thus
deeply involved in the controversy throughout his public life.
Made a deacon, perhaps in 335, he was ordained to the priest-
hood about 345 by Maximus, his predecessor, after whose death
(c. 351) Cyril soon succeeded to the episcopal chair at Jeru-
salem.
The first few years of his episcopate fell within the so-
called "golden decade" of suspension of hostilities in the Arian
controversy—but a turbulent time for Cyril, as will appear.
Presiding over "the Mother of all the Churches," Cyril claimed
exemption from the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Caesarea. But
he became involved in a dispute with the Arian bishop Acacius
of Caesarea, who engineered his deposition in 357. At an Arian
council held at Constantinople in 360, Cyril's deposition was
confirmed.'
However, on the accession of the emperor Julian (361),
Cyril was reinstated in his see, together with all other exiled
bishops, only to be expelled a third time, and with all other
orthodox bishops driven into exile by edict of the Arian
emperor Valens of the East, leaving the churches of the East
in Arian hands. This banishment lasted until the defeat and
death of Valens in the battle against the Goths at Adrianople
(378), which finally brought respite to the defenders of the
Nicene doctrine. Then, at the accession of Theodosius, in 379,
25 Translated from Hilary, Liber contra . . . Auxentium, book 1, sec. 12, in Migne,
PL, vol. 10, col. 616. Another English translation appears in W. S. Gilly, Waldensian
Researches, p. 63.
26 Edward Hamilton Gifford, Introduction to The Catcchetical Lectures of S. Cyril, in
.NPNF, 2d series, vol. 7, pp. v-viii.
Cyril was at last permitted to return to Jerusalem, to remain
quietly for the last eight years of his life.'
In 381 Theodosius summoned the Eastern bishops to a
second ecumenical council at Constantinople to settle the dis-
putes that had long distracted the empire, and to secure the
triumph of the Nicene faith over Arianism. Cyril was present
and took rank with the bishops of Alexandria and Antioch.
As noted, Cyril's incumbency at Jerusalem covered the
brief reign of Julian, who wore the purple but a year and a
half (361-363). Julian, the nephew of Constantine, scorned the
Christians who ardently expected the kingdom of God, and
attempted to restore Graeco-Roman paganism to its former
power and glory in the empire "—such being the reaction of
heathenism against legalized Christianity.
During Cyril's incumbency came Julian's frustrated plan
to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem at public expense. The story
goes that he intended thus to invalidate a strong proof of the
gospel used by the Christians, who were firmly' persuaded that
a sentence of everlasting destruction had been pronounced
against the whole Mosaic system; but that Julian was finally
compelled to cry, "Galilean, Thou hast conquered"—thus bear-
ing involuntary testimony to the historicity of Jesus and to
the credibility of New Testament prophecy; furthermore, that
Cyril had foretold the failure of Julian's undertaking on the
basis of the prophecies of Daniel and of Christ."
Cyril's Catechetical Lectures on the articles of the creed
follow the form of the Apostles' Creed, as then in use in the
churches of Palestine, which approximated the Nicene form. In
this work he supports the various articles with passages of Scrip-
ture, and defends them against heretical perversions. His Cate-
cheses form the first popular religious compendium available."
27 Edmund Venables, "Cyrillus," in Smith and Wace, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 762.
22 As a pagan, Julian again briefly assumed the title of Pontifex Maximus. (See Johann J.
Ignatz von Dollinger, A History of the .Church, vol. 2, p. 4.)
28 See Gibbon, op. cit., vol. 2, chap. 23, pp. 456-460 (see also Bury's note 79); Socrates,
' Socrates,
op city book 3, ch;p. 20, in .NP,ArF, 2d series, vol. 2, pp. 89, 90.
oP. cit., book 3, chap. 20, 'n NPNF, 2c1 series, vol. 2, p. 89; Schaff, History,
vol. 3, p. 924; Venables, "Cyrillus," in Smith land Wace, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 762.
81 W. A. Curtis, History of Creeds and Confessions of Faith, p. 58; Schaff, History,
vol. 3, pp. 924, 925.
412 PROPHETIC FAITH
It is in the fifteenth of these discourses, regarding the clause

"And shall come in glory to judge the quick and the dead; of
whose kingdom there shall be no end," that Cyril discusses
Daniel 7, 1 Thessalonians 4, 2 Thessalonians 2, Matthew 24,
and related texts, stressing the various factors centering in the
second advent. Here are key excerpts from the impressive and
rather extensive witness of Cyril.
1. SECOND ADVENT CONTRASTED WITH FIRST.—The two
contrasting advents of Christ are clearly recognized.
"We preach not one advent only of Christ, but a second also, far
more glorious than the former. For the former gave a view of His patience;
but the latter brings with it the crown of a divine kingdom. . . . In His
former advent, He was wrapped in swaddling clothes in the manger; in
His second, He covereth Himself with light as with a garment. In His first
coming, He endured the Cross, despising shame; in His second, He comes
attended by a host of Angels, receiving glory. We rest not then upon His
first advent only, but look also for His second." "
2. SECOND ADVENT AT END OF WORLD.—He places the

second advent at the last day:
"We believe in Him, who also ASCENDED INTO THE HEAVENS, AND SAT
DOWN ON THE RIGHT HAND OF THE FATHER, AND SHALL COME IN GLORY TO
JUDGE QUICK AND DEAD; WHOSE KINGDOM SHALL HAVE NO END.
"Our Lord Jesus Christ, then, comes from heaven; and He comes
with glory at the end of this world, in the last day. For of this world there
is to be an end, and this created world is to be re-made anew." "
That end, he declares, will come when the gospel is
preached in all the world,' and the advent in glory will be
attended by myriads of angels.'
3. RESURRECTION CONTINGENT UPON SECOND ADVENT.—
This second feature of the resurrection is similarly clear:
"May He . . . keep unshaken and unchanged your hope in Him
who rose again; raise you together with Him from your dead sins unto
His heavenly gift; count you worthy to be caught up in the clouds, to meet
32 The Catechelical Lectures of S. Cyril, lecture 15, sec. 1, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 7,
p. 104.
33 I b id . , secs. 2, 3, pp. 104, 105.
34 Ibid., sec. 8, p. 106.
33 Ibid., sec. 10, p. 107.
the Lord in the air, in His fitting time; and, until that time arrive of His
glorious second advent, write all your names in the Book of the living, and
having written them, never blot them out (for the names of many, who fall
away, are blotted out)."
Stressing the prophecies and the resurrection, Cyril
admonishes his hearers to "stand on the rock of the faith in
the Resurrection," and never to "speak evil of the Resur-
rection." "
4. DANIEL'S FOUR BEASTS EXPLAINED.—Cyril enumerates
the four prophetic kingdoms of Daniel 7:
"The fourth beast shall be a fourth kingdom upon earth, which shall
surpass all kingdoms. And that this kingdom is that of the Romans, has
been the tradition of the Church's interpreters. For as the first kingdom
which became renowned was that of the Assyrians, and the second, that
of the, Medes and Persians together, and after these, that of the Mace-.
donians was the third, so the fourth kingdom now is that of the Romans."
5. LITTLE HORN SUBDUES THREE OF TEN KINGDOMS.—The
Little Horn, says Cyril, will be an eleventh whn, by rnnting
out three of the ten, will become the eighth king.
"And he shall speak words against the Most High. A blasphemer the
man is and lawless, not having received the kingdom from his fathers, but
having usurped the power by means of sorcery."
6. ANTICHRIST APPEARS AFTER ROME'S DivisION.—The
Antichrist, identified with the Little Horn, is soon to appear:
"But this aforesaid Antichrist is to come when the times of the
Roman empire shall have been fulfilled, and the end of the world is now
drawing near. There shall rise up together ten kings of the Romans,
reigning in different parts perhaps, but all about the same time; and after
these an eleventh, the Antichrist, who by his magical craft shall seize upon
the Roman power; and of the kings who reigned before him, three he shall
humble, and the remaining seven he shall keep in subjection to himself." 4°
7. ADVENT ENDS ANTICHRIST'S ALLOTTED REIGN.—Looking
to a literal three and a half years, as prophetic time was still
counted literally by these early men, Cyril declares that Anti-
3° Ibid., lecture 14, sec. 30, p. 102.
37 Ibid., sec. 21, p. 99.
°° Ibid., lecture 15, sec. 13, p. 108.
3° Ibid.
4° Ibid.. sec. 12. p. 107.
414 PROPHETIC FAITH
christ will be slain by the glorious second advent, smitten by the

breath of the Lord's mouth."
8. MAN OF SIN IDENTIFIED WITH ANTICHRIST AND LITTLE
HORN.—Quoting 2 Thessalonians on the Man of Sin, who seats
himself in the temple of God, Cyril identifies him with Anti-
christ and with Daniel's Little Horn." And Antichrist will
deceive both Jew and Gentile."
9. ANTICHRIST'S TIME PERIOD FIXED.—Daniel's three and
a half times, or three years and a half, are clearly applied to
Antichrist's reign. Cyril notes that some have also applied the
1290 and the 1335 days to the same reign of Antichrist."
10. MYSTERY OF INIQUITY ALREADY AT WORK.—Most im-
pressive is Cyril's fear of the wars and schisms that he felt to
be the mystery of iniquity already working—harbingers of the
impending Antichrist.
"But enough on this subject; only God forbid that it should be ful-
filled in our days; nevertheless, let us be on our guard. And thus much
concerning Antichrist."
1 1 . FALLING AWAY ALREADY A PRESENT ACTUALITY.—
Declaring heretics to be manifesting themselves in the churches,
he charges his hearers to prepare against possible imminent
coming of Antichrist.
"Thus wrote Paul [having quoted 2 Thess. 2:3-10 in full], and now
is the falling away. For men have fallen away from the right faith; and
some preach the identity of the Son with the Father, and others dare to say
that Christ was brought into being out of nothing. And formerly the
heretics were manifest; but now the Church is filled with heretics in
disguise. For men have fallen away from the truth, and have itching ears.
. . . This therefore is the falling away, and the enemy is soon to be looked
for: and meanwhile he has in part begun to send forth his own forerunners,
that he may then come prepared upon the prey. Look therefore to thyself,
0 man, and make safe thy soul. The Church now charges thee before the
Ibid., pp. 107, 108.

ta Ibid., sec. 15, pp. 108, 109.
Ibid., sec. 11, p. 107.
" Ibid., sec. 16, p. 109.
45 Ibid., sec. 18, p. 110.
Living God; she declares to thee the things concerning Antichrist before
they arrive. Whether they will happen in thy time we know not, or
whether they will happen after thee we know not; but it is well that, know.
ing these things, thou shouldest make thyself secure beforehand." '°
12. ETERNAL KINGDOM SUCCEEDS EARTHLY KINGDOMS.—

The stone kingdom that supersedes the earthly kingdoms has
not yet been established, according to Cyril, and Christ's coming
kingdom shall never end.
"In relating and interpreting to Nebuchadnezzar the image of the
statue, he tells also his whole vision concerning it: and that a stone cut
out of a mountain without hands, that is, not set up by human contrivance,
should overpower the whole world: and he speaks most clearly thus; And
in the days of those kingdoms the God of heaven shall set up a kingdom,
which shall never be destroyed, and His kingdom shall not be left to
another people." "
13. THE 69 "WEEKS OF YEARS" TO FIRST ADVENT.—Cyril
clearly applies the year-day principle to the sixty-nine weeks of
Daniel 9. This time period he calculates, like Eusebius, by the
Olympiads, as extending from the restoration of the temple
in the sixth year of Darius to the time of Herod, in whose reign
Christ was born."
14. ALL REFERENCE TO MILLENNIUM OMITTED.—Cyril's
omission of all reference to the millennium is significant,
especially as the Apocalypse is omitted from the canonical list
in his fourth lecture." This point is particularly stressed by the
translator in footnote 4 to lecture 15, section 16, for Irenaeus
and Hippolytus, whom Cyril follows, combine the testimony
of the Apocalpse with that of Daniel.
VI. Powerful Influence of Ambrose of Milan

AMBROSE (c. 340-397), bishop of Milan for twenty-three
years, was born at Trier of Christian parents. He was the son
of the Pretorian Prefect of the Gauls, the head of one of the
Ibid., sec. 9, p. 107.

47 Ibid., lecture 12, sec. 18, pp. 76, 77.
,s Ibid., lecture 12, sec. 19, p. 77.
49 Ibid., lecture 4, sec. 36, pp. 27, 28.
416 PROPHETIC FAITH
principal political divisions of the empire, which embraced

France, Spain, and Portugal, and Britain as well. Educated
for the bar at Rome, Ambrose received thorough training for
high civil office, and went into government service. About 370
he was appointed consular prefect, or governor, of the province
of Aemilia-Liguria in northern Italy, whose capital was Milan,
one of Europe's ten greatest cities, at that time the principal
capital of the empire in the West. Milan, it has been claimed,
became a Christian city before Rome, and it was here that
Constantine and Licinius agreed on publishing the famous
Edict of Toleration, in 313.
In 373, upon the death of Auxentius, Arian bishop of
Milan, the orthodox and Arian parties had a violent contest
over the succession. As governor, Ambrose entered the church
with troops to prevent the strife of the two rival groups over
their candidates, counseling peace and wise action in a soothing
speech. His address was so effective that he himself was chosen
bishop by acclamation—"Ambrose is bishop." Still unbaptized,
he sought to escape the office, but his popular election was
ratified by the emperor Valentinian, and he was baptized only
eight days before he was consecrated bishop, at the age of
thirty-four." This incident has been regarded as indicating
that even then the bishopric was considered greater in dignity
and power than the governorship. In any event, the power and
influence of the church was very extensive.
1. BISHOP, STATESMAN, DOCTOR OF THE CHURCH.—Ambrose
lived wholly for. the church, and rose to the full height of his
office. He was recognized as one of the "doctors of the church."
In this period the bishop of Milan was also the metropolitan
of the diocese of Italy, that is, north Italy. The peninsula proper,
with Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, formed the pope's own bishop-
ric—the diocese of Rome—but from Ravenna north to the
upper Danube, and from Illyricum on the east to the Cottian
°° F. Homes Dudden, The Life and Times of St. Ambrose, vol. 1, pp. 66-68; see also
Thomas Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, vol. I, p. 387.
Alps on the west, stretched the diocese of Italy, under the

see of Milan."
Ambrose exercised great power and influence, greater even
than the bishop of Rome, and the bishops of Milan enjoyed
complete independence from Rome, whose influence over
them was scarcely noticeable." (See likeness on page 327.)
Situated at the residence of the Western emperor, a bishop
of Ambrose' character and ability could exercise great influence
on his imperial parishioners, and Ambrose was often the power
behind the throne, although he had no personal desire for
political power. He was an opponent of both Arians and pagans.
Ambrose is believed to have influenced Gratian in 382 to have
the altar of victory, on which all pagan oaths were made,
removed from Rome—the senate repeatedly trying in vain to
have it restored; and it was largely due to the influence of
Ambrose that Gratian refused the dignity of Pontifex Maxi-
mus.' The Arian empress Iustina, mother of Valentinian II,
in attempting IT, ;t1trf,duce Arian worship, tried to terrify him
by show of armed force, but Ambrose, backed by the populace,
twice showed himself the more powerful of the two His marked
fidelity and courage is illustrated by his action toward the
powerful emperor Theodosius, who had slain seven thousand
in the massacre of the Thessalonians (c. 390). Ambrose rebuked
him in strongest terms for his cruelty, and barred him from
communion until he sought forgiveness."
Ambrose was the father of the hymnology of the Western
church. He was a diligent student, but concerned himself
more with the practical than with the dogmatical. Most of his
si Dudden, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 64 and note 1; Karl Heussi and Hermann Mulert, Atlas
cur Kirchengeschichte, map 1.
The sees of Ravenna and Aquileia were formed a little later from the southeast and
northeast portions of this territory. The latter, like Milan, long claimed independence of Rome.
*.T!. 3, 2°3)
'
5, "AtMilan . .rat -the turn of the century [400] was the seat of western empire; there
the virtually omnipotent Ambrose was Bishop; and there a Milanese Rite quite different from
the Roman Rite was developing." (Charles W. Jones "Development of the Latin Ecclesiastical
Calendar," p. 35, in his edition of Bedae Opera de ' (emporibus.)
"As an ecclesiastical statesman he tctilmbrose] made Milan a dangerous . rival to Rome and
compelled Roman emperors respect 3o0%; It15sgerpep. 6((„Jaac
Thompson and E. N. Johtnosornes , tIn
Introduction ofof titfeerlFehuuairclA u et:
Europe,
B° Schaff, History vol. 3, p. 62.
84 Ibid., pp. 359:963, 964; Dudden, op. cit., vol. 2. pp. 381.392. For Ambrose' letter to
Theodosius, see NPNF, 2d series, vol. 10, pp. 450.453.
14
418 PROPHETIC FAITH
writings are homilies on the Old and the New Testament, and
his exegesis is sometimes marred by the allegorical method of
Origen.° He wrote little on prophecy, though he was a student
of Hippolytus, the prophetic expositor.'
2. THEOLOGY MINGLES EVANGELICAL ELEMENTS.—In cer-
tain respects the theology of Ambrose was akin to the evangelical
positions. He held to the Bible as his rule of faith, and to
Christ as the foundation of the church." He taught salvation
by faith, which he defined as a vital personal contact with
Christ, with remission of sins, not by human merit but through
the expiatory sacrifice of the cross.' His treatise On the Mysteries
(Greek for sacraments) speaks of two sacraments only: baptism
and the Lord's supper." And through his preaching, which
converted Augustine, he was to a great extent the source of
the Augustinian view of sin and grace, from which Luther
came to draw inspiration.'
We must therefore give Ambrose credit for being better
than some of the medieval Catholic doctrines which he was
instrumental in introducing into the West, or whose develop-
ment he influenced. His positions on works, satisfactions, trans-
ferable merits, penance, the Eucharist, prayers for the dead,
purgatorial fire, the veneration of saints, and celibacy " were
afterward all carried much further by the church than initially
by him. He extolled virginity, but he did not advise against
marriage; " he encouraged the veneration of martyrs, and of
the virgin Mary, but said that Mary was not to be worshiped.'
His doctrine that the elements in the Eucharist (which he
administered under both kinds) became the genuine body and
blood of Christ is regarded as the starting point from which
the later dogma of transubstantiation grew, yet he carefully
pp. 205, 328.
55 Farrar, History, hlin,
James F. Loug
66 "Ambrose, Saint," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 1, p. 387.
On Hippolytus, see pagesvol. 268-279.
57 Dudden, op. cit., 2, pp. 504, 639, 640.
Ibid., pp. 627, 628, 631.
18
In NP.117, 2dcit.,
56 series, vol. 10, pp. 315-325.
vol. 2, pp. 674, 676.
Dudden,
60 op.
Ibid., pp. 674, 675; vol. 1, pp. 316, 147.
61
Ibid., vol. 1,
62 p. 159.
Ibid., p. 316; vol. 2, pp. 600. 601.
03
guarded against a materialistic view by insisting that the

Eucharist is a spiritual food." He taught the doctrine of super-
abundant merits, but maintained the evangelical principle that
men cannot acquire merits at all except through the aid and
mercy of God.'
3. MAINTAINS MILAN'S INDEPENDENCE OF ROME.—Ambrose
maintained a definite independence of Rome, never accepting
the primacy of the bishop of Rome "—this independence of
Milan continuing for a number of centuries. One of the results
of this ecclesiastical independence of northern Italy was that
some of the corruptions of which Rome was the source were
long kept out of the Milan diocese, and another was that the
spirit of independence in the outlying districts," more than in
Milan itself, enabled the evangelical light to shine on there for
several centuries after the darkness gathered in the southern
part of the peninsula. This is a significant fact that should he
borne in mind, as it bears on later developments.
4. SKETCHY ON PROPHECIES BUT DEFINITE ON LAST DAYS.
—In spite of Ambrose' liking for allegorical interpretation, and

his tendency to subordinate the prophetic message to the moral
and spiritual lessons to be derived from the text, he made it
clear that he also believed in the actual second advent, the
judgment, and the resurrection of the body. In his treatment'
of Luke 21 he gave both eschatological and spiritualized inter-
pretations. The "wars and rumours of wars" reminded him of
contemporary conflicts.
64 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 647.

65 Ibid., p. 631.
66 Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 394; Dudden, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 642; Flick, op. cit., p. 170.
67 A part of this tradition of independence in northern Italy was the series of fragments
of dissent in the outlying regions, especially in the northwest, which were too recurrent to be
accidental. Ambrose himself, addressing the clew of his diocese, complained that in the
secluded portions sonic priests were taieing a Ltan,.. against. :he cricirccel,..t. of celibacy on the
plea of ancient custom. (Ambrose, On the Duties of the Clergy, book 1, chap. 50, in NPNF,
al series, vol. 10, p. 41.) And he drove from Milan the followers of Jovinian, "the Protestant
of his time," who taught that no additional merit could be gained by asceticism or vows of
virginity. It is not unlikely, says A. H. Newman, that the Jovinianists found a haven in the
Alpine valleys; the evangelical influence was to reappear not only in Vigilantius (whose name is
connected at least temporarily with' the Cottian Alps) but also in the vigorous movements of
later centuries—Arnoldists, Petrobrusians, Henricians, and others. (Albert H. Newman, op. cit.,
vol. 1, p. 376.) And it is well known that in this region the Waldenses took root so firmly
that their remnant exists until this day, long after they were extirpated or absorbed in other
parts of Europe. See chapter 34.
420 PROPHETIC FAITH
"Of the heavenly words none are witnesses more than we, upon whom
the end of the world comes. For how many wars, and what rumors of
wars, have we received! The Huns have risen against the Alans, the Alans
against the Goths, the Goths against the Tayfali and the Sarmatians.
. . . And the end is not yet." "
With time foreshortened to his gaze he saw the contem-
porary preaching of the gospel to the heathen as a clear and
necessary prelude to the end.
"The gospel will be preached, that the world might be destroyed. For
just as the preaching of the gospel has gone forth into all the world
(Matt. 24:14), which already the Goths and Armenians have believed, and
for that reason we see the end of the world."
5. SIGNS OF THE DAY OF JUDGMENT.—Ambrose cited Jesus'
great prophecy as presenting specific signs of the coming judg-
ment, such as false christs, earthquakes, the fall of Jerusalem,
and the like, but not stating the precise time, so as to leave us
constantly on the watch."
The abomination of desolation was, as the Jews thought,
the Roman armies surrounding Jerusalem; it was also the
coming of Antichrist, sitting in the temple and spiritually in
the heart. Then many would lapse from the true religion, and
the Man of Sin (the Antichrist) would be revealed, but those
days of trouble were to be cut short for the sake of the elect.
Then would come false prophets, famine, and confusion, with
finally the righteous in the desert and the wicked ruling?
After a discussion of Antichrist he interpreted figuratively
the woe to the women with child and the prayers against flight
in the winter or on the Sabbath; the darkening of the sun as
the obscuring of faith by the cloud of unbelief, and the darken-
ing of the moon as the eclipse of the church when the earthly
shadow of sin cut off the rays of Christ's light; and the clouds
es Translated from Ambrose, Expositio in Lucam, book 10, on Luke 21:9, in Migne, PL,
vol. 15, cols. 1898, 1899.
'9 Ibid., col. 1900. An unusual bit of contemporary interpretation is his assurance to the
emperor of victory in the On Gothic war, on the basis of identifying the Goths with G
the Christian Faith, book 3, chap. 16, secs. 136-138, in NPNF,
(Ambrose,
2d series, vol. 10, p. 241.)
7° Ambrose On the Christian Faith, book 5, chaps. 16, 17, secs. 202-210, in NPNF, 2d
series, vol. 10, pp'. 310, 311.
71 Ambrose, Expositio in Lucam, book 10, on Luke 21:20, in Migne, PL, vol. 15, cols.
1900, 1901.
of Christ's coming as the prophets-reminiscent of Origen."

To Ambrose the budding of "the fig tree and all the trees"
was a twofold sign of the advent and the judgment, which he
interpreted in several ways: (1) every tongue confessing God
-even the Jewish people-and (2) the Man of Sin, the branch
of the synagogue (the Antichrist), clothing himself in the foliage
of his boasting; similarly the softening of the rough wood and
the luxuriant growth of sins, or the fruits of faith and of
wickedness." Antichrist would finally be slain by Christ "with
the Spirit of His mouth." "
6. THREE ANTICHRISTS.-Ambrose set forth three Anti-

christs: (1) The future Man of Sin, who sits in the temple of
the Jews; (2) his author, the devil, who attempts to possess "my
Jerusalem, my soul"; and (3) Arius, or Sabellius, or all who
seduce us through bad interpretation.'
Like Irenaeus, he looked for a future Antichrist coming
from the tribe of Dan (citing Gen. 49:16, 17), accepted by the
Jews, sitting in the temple as a wicked and cruel judge, and
placing an identifying mark upon the forehead." He identified
Antichrist not only with the Man of Sin, as we have seen, but
also with the beast from the bottomless pit, warring against
Enoch and Elijah (John also, according to some manuscripts),
and the Beast of Revelation 13, who has a mouth speaking
great things."
7. LITERAL RESURRECTION AT END OF WORLD.-TO

Ambrose death was threefold: first, the death to sin, which is
a matter for rejoicing; second, the natural death, which is not
to be dreaded, for it is not a punishment but a release from the
72 ibid., ve,ses 23, 25, cc1s. 1902-1906 D•adden, ‘,01_ 1, p. 17, for Ambrose:
knowledge of science).
13 ibid., on verses 29, 30, in Migne, PL, vol. 15, cols. 1906, 1907.
74 Ambrose, Of the Holy Spirit, book 3, chap. 7, in NPNF 2d series, vol. 10, p. 141.
75 Ambrose, Expositio in Lucam, book 10, on Luke 21:20, in Migne, PL, vol. 15, cols.
1900, 1901. On the heretical Antichrists see also his On the Christian Faith, book 2, chap. 15,
sec. 135, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 10, p. 241.
16 Ambrose, Liber de Benedictionibus Patriarcharum, chap. 7, sec. 32, and Enarratio in
Psalmum XL, on verse 10, and De Interpellatione yob et David, book 2, chap. 7, sec. 27, in
Migne. PL, vol. 14, cols. 717, 1131, and 861 respectively.
"Ambrose, Enarratio in Psalmum X LV , on verse 4. in Migne, PL, vol. 14, col. 1193.
422 PROPHETIC FAITH
vicissitudes of mortal life, which constitute the punishment for

the fall of man; and finally, the third death, which is the death
of the soul when it "dies to the Lord, through the weakness
not of nature but of guilt." " The death of the body is to be
followed by the resurrection of the body, just as the seed comes
up after planting. "Why doubt that body shall rise again from
body?" he asked.'
"And is it in truth a matter of wonder that the sepulchres of the
dead are unclosed at the bidding of the Lord, when the whole earth from
its utmost limits is shaken by one thunderclap, the sea overflows its bounds,
and again checks the course of its waves? And finally, he who has believed
that the dead shall rise again 'in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at
the last trump (for the trumpet shall sound),' shall be caught up amongst
the first in the clouds to meet Christ in the air;' he who has not believed
shall be left, and subject himself to the sentence by his own unbelief."
'The resurrection, he held., is to take place at the end of
the world," and then afterward the kingdom is delivered to God
die Father, and perfection begins."
8. TWO RESURRECTIONS, THREE CLASSES.—Ambrose con-

structed an interesting interpretation on Psalms 1:5, which he
quoted: "The wicked do not rise again in the judgment, nor
do sinners rise in the council of the righteous." 83 He classified all
as under the "righteous," the "wicked," who have never believed
in Christ, and the "sinners," who have believed but have been
overcome through the temptations of this life. After citing
Daniel, Jesus, and John on the two resurrections, he made this
comment:
" 'Blessed is Ile who has a part in the first resurrection' (Apoc. 20:6)
for they come to grace without judgment; those, however, who do not come
to. the first resurrection, but are reserved to the second, they will burn
until they fulfill the times between the first and the second resurrection:
78 Ambrose, On the Decease of His Brother Satyrus, book 2 ("On the Belief in the
Resurrection"), chaps. 36, 37, in ,NPAT, 2d series, vol. 10, p. 179.
79 Ibid., chap. 54, p. 182.
99 Ibid., chap. 76, p. 186.
Si Ibid., chap. 62, p. 184.
82 Ambrose, On the Duties of the Clergy, book 1, chap. 48, sec. 247, in NPNF, 2d series,
vol. 10, p. 39.
82 This is not his mistranslation of Psalms 1:5, but it is taken from the Septuagint; and
the Douay Bible retains a similar reading to this day. The A.V. has "the ungodly shall not
stand in the judgment, nor sinners in the congregation of the righteous." and several modern
translations likewise have stand.
or if they have not fulfilled them, they will remain longer in punishment."
"You have two orders. There remains the third, of the wicked, who,
since they have not believed, have been judged already; and for that
reason they do not rise in the judgment, but to punishment: 'for they loved
darkness more than light' (John 3:19); and for that reason their judgment
is punishment, and perhaps the punishment of darkness.""
9. INDEFINITE AND INCONSISTENT TIME THEORIES.—

Ambrose said that the seventh age of the world had ended, and
the eighth is the Christian age—the hebdomad of the Old
Testament is the ogdoad of the New Testament." But he
associated the future rest with the seventh trumpet, which would
announce the eternal reign of God and Christ, and with the
Sabbath, reckoned not only in days, years, and periods, but
also in "hundreds" and "thousands"—"the days, months, and
years of this world." He said that to the -mythical phoenix
the time of the resurrection is the five hundredth year, but
t^ us it is the thousamIth" Vet in allerri7ing the six 'lays men-
tioned in connection with the transfiguration, he remarked
that "more than six thousand years are computed," 89 and he
preferred to regard it as the six days of creation. Again he
assigned to the duration of the world the seven days of creation
week, summed up in one day, divided also into twelve hours,
or ages, with the first advent of Christ in the eleventh hour! °°
10. LOOKS FOR LITERAL ADVENT.—In spite of his allego
rism, however, Ambrose gave a picture of the second advent in
no figurative terms:
"For the Lord says: 'Then if anyone says to you, "Behold, here is
Christ, or behold there," do not believe. For there will arise false Christs
and false prophets, and they will give great signs and wonders, so that they
would lead into error, if it could be done, even the elect.' And therefore
lest the elect be deceived, the Lord warns of what is to follow; that we
84 Translated from Ambrose, Enarratio in Psalmurn I., verse 5, chap. 54, in Migne, PL,
vol. 14, col. 995.
85 Ibid., chap. 56, col. 996.
" Ambrose, Letter 44 to Horontianus, secs. 16, 6, in Migne, PL, vol. 16, cols. 1189,
1190, 1186.
87 Ambrose, On the Decease of His Brother Satyrus, hook 2 ("On the Belief in the
Resurrection"), chaps. 105, 108, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 10, pp. 191, 192.
89 Ibid., chap. 59, p. 183, and footnote 1.
Ambrose, Expositio in Lucent. hook 7. on chap. 9:28, in Migne, PL, vol. 15, col. 1788.
9, Ibid., on Luke 15:17, col. 1849.
424 PROPHETIC FAITH
might not be taken by the talk of the false prophets, nor any of their
wondrous deeds deceive us. But then we shall believe that Christ is going
to come, when the day of full justice will have begun to shine forth. For
Christ will be revealed in the full light of His majesty, and just as the
lightning goes out from the east, a:id pours its light over the whole world
even to the west, so also the Son of man, coming with His angels will
illuminate this world, in order that every man might believe, and all
flesh be saved. Therefore let us not believe Antichrist, concerning whom
the false prophets will say, 'Here is Christ'; for the days of unbelief will
be the days of Antichrist. Let us not believe those who say, 'Christ is in
the desert, Christ is in the secret places,' for already everything is full of
Christ where Christ has begun to approach. But when we shall have seen
accomplished what Christ in His gospel predicted before, let us believe
His advent, lest while we seek the true light, we fall into the shadows
of unbelief." "
1 1 . AMBROSE A PARADOX.—We find Ambrose a paradoxical

figure—symbolized from the start by his sudden change from
a civil official to a spiritual leader.
"Perhaps the most conspicuous feature of his personality was the
characteristic Roman trait of practical energy. He was emphatically a
man of action. It is true that he was also a thinker. . . .
"Finally, Ambrose was intensely religious. His activity was inspired
by faith in God and a fervent desire to be useful in God's service. . . .
"The result of the blending of these four qualities—indomitable
energy, moral earnestness, gentle kindliness, and ardent piety—was a
character of singular dignity and elevation. It was this character that
secured for Ambrose a unique position among his contemporaries. He was
the outstanding figure of his time." "
He stayed the assault of hostile armies, and demanded an
emperor's penitence before the popes ever did. He honored the
see of Peter for the preserving of the Apostles' Creed, but not for
jurisdiction. By holding his own see in complete independence
of Rome, he strengthened the north Italian church in that
nonsubmission to Rome which helped to provide an opportunity
for the growth of non-Roman types of worship. There is an
inescapable connection between the long ecclesiastical inde-
pendence of the Milan diocese and the repeated outcropping
of dissent in the outlying regions of northwest Italy and south-
91 Ambrose, Enarratio in PraImum XLIII, chap. 7, in Migne, PL, vol. 14, col. 1144.
92 Dudden, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 492, 494, 495.
east France in succeeding centuries. He was an interpreter of

allegorizing Eastern theology to the West, and planted or
watered many seeds which later bore unhappy fruit; however,
he planted in Augustine the concepts of grace which were to
blossom eventually in Luther. We must judge the man by the
time in which he lived, and by the contribution which he made.
VII. Chrysostom—Rome the Restrainer of

Universal Antichrist
JOHN CHRYSOSTOM (c. 347-407), patriarch of Constanti-
nople and most famous teacher of the Greek church—called
Chrysostom "the golden-mouthed" because of his eloquence—
was born in Antioch, the capital of Syria. His father, a distin-,
guished military officer, and his mother, one of the outstand-
ingly pious women of the time, gave him an admirable classical
education. He received his literary training from the rhetorician
Libanius, and the philosopher Andragathius, and became a
rhetorician and an advocate. Dissatisfied with such a life, he
placed himself for three years under Christian instruction, and
was baptized at twenty-three by Bishop Meletius.
After his mother's death he retired to monastic solitude.
But excessive self-mortification undermined his health, and he
returned to Antioch about 380. He was ordained a deacon in
381, and a priest in 386. It was during the subsequent years
at Antioch that his sermons provided the greater part of his
Homilies, which, with his commentaries, totaled some six
hundred. In 398 he was chosen patriarch of Constantinople
at the insistence of the Emperor Arcadius' prime minister. But
his unsparing sermons attempting to reform the clergy aroused
the Ong r of the F.mpress Eudoxia. and gave his rival, the
ambitious Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria, an oppor-
tunity to secure his banishment from the capital in 403. Soon
recalled, he was banished again in 404 to Cucusus, a village
on the borders of Cilicia and Armenia, and nearly all his
extant letters date from this exile. They range from advice
426 PROPHETIC FAITH
to his distant flock to encouragement of the missions in

Persia and Scythia. He died while in banishment in 407, having
reached the "threescore" mark.
Chrysostom was involved in the Origenistic controversy.
Of an unspeculative turn of mind, he did not share Origen's
mystical expositions. He held to the simple, sober, grammatico-
historical interpretation of Scripture in opposition to the arbi-
trary allegorizing and mystification of the Alexandrian school.
He also remained free from rationalizing tendencies' Chrysos-
tom declared Scripture prophecy to be more potent than
miracles," and also said that prophecy was to indicate things
present as well as to declare future events.' We now turn to his
interpretation of prophecy.
1. ANGELS CATCH UP RESURRECTED SAINTS.—Discussing

1 Thessalonians 4:15-17—the coming of Christ at the last trump
to raise the dead and translate the living—Chrysostom teaches
plainly the literal resurrection of the dead and their gathering
by the angels at the advent.
"Those who are dead are raised first, and thus the meeting [with the
living] takes place together. Abel who died before all shall then meet Him
together with those who are alive. So that they in this respect will have no
advantage, hut he who is corrupted, and has been so many years in the
earth, shall meet Him with them, and so all the others. For if they awaited
us, that we might be crowned, as elsewhere he says in an Epistle, 'God
having provided some better thing concerning us, that apart from us they
should not be made perfect' (Heb. xi.40), much more shall we also await
them; or rather, they indeed awaited; but we not at all. For the Resur-
rection takes place 'in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye.' " 96
2, ANTICHRIST'S APPEARANCE SIGN OF ADVENT.—Touching

upon the suddenness of the coming of the clay of the Lord, and
how unexpectedly it will come upon an unprepared world—"as
travail upon a woman with child" (1 Thess. 5:3)—Chrysostom

es Chrysostorn, A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, Homily 5 (on Acts 2:14), in
.VPNF, 1st series, vol. 11, p. 33.
95 Chrysostom, Homilies on First Timothy, Homily 5 (on 1 Tim. 1:18, 19), in ArP.VF,
1st series, vol. 13, p. 423.
sc Chrysostom, Homilies on First Thessalonians, Homily 8, in . \TAT. 1st series. vol. 13,
p. 356.
presents the antecedent appearance of Antichrist and Elijah as

a sign of the coming Christ.
"It may be worth while to ask, If Antichrist comes, and Elias comes,
how is it 'when they say Peace and safety,' that then a sudden destruction
comes upon them? For these things do not permit the day to conic upon
them unawares, being signs of its coming. But he does not mean this to be
the time of Antichrist, and the whole day, because that will be a sign of
the coming of Christ, but Himself will not have a sign, but will come
suddenly and unexpectedly."
Progressing to Second Thessalonians, Paul's classic passage
concerning the Antichrist, Chrysostom considers more particu-
larly this appearance of the Antichrist as the outstanding "sign
of the time," next to the preaching of the gospel, to all nations
before the advent, and along with the coming of Elias."
3. ANTICHRIST WILL APPEAR IN SELF-EXALTATION.—Allud-
ing to the common conception concerning the Antichrist,
Chrysostom declares he will appear in exaltation, not in
humiliation."'
4. ANTICHRIST TO APPEAR IN EVERY CHURCH.—Coming to
the important passage in 9, Thessalonians !?.:.1, 4—concer"-g the
revelation of the "Man of Sin" in the "temple of God" (as the
Christian church, not only the Jewish temple), setting himself
forth as God—Chrysostom denominates Antichrist as "the
apostasy." And particular note should be taken of Chrysostom's
declaration that this Christian apostasy will appear not only in
Jerusalem, as some had thought, "but also in every church,"
as an opponent of God.
"Here [2 Thess. 2:3, 4] he discourses concerning the Antichrist, and
reveals great mysteries. What is 'the falling away'? [Footnote: "The Greek
word translated 'falling away' is that which we borrow as apostasy.—
J.A,R."] He calls him Apostasy, as being about to destroy many, and make
them fail away. So that if it were possible, he says, the very Elect should
be offended. (From Matt. xxiv.24.) And he calls him 'the man of sin.'
For he shall do numberless mischiefs, and shall cause others to do them.
9' Ibid., Homily 9, p. 362.

9S Chrysostom, Homilies on Second Thessalonians, Homily 1, "Argument, in NP.NT,
1st series, vol. 13, p. 378.
99 Ibid.
428 PROPHETIC FAITH
But he calls him 'the son of perdition,' because he is also to be destroyed.
But who is he? Is it then Satan? By no means; but some man, that admits
his fully working in him. For he is a man. 'And exalteth himself against
all that is called God or is worshiped.' For he will not introduce idolatry,
but will be a kind of opponent to God; he will abolish all the gods, and
will order men to worship him instead of God, and he will be seated in
the temple of God, not that in Jerusalem only, but also in every Church.
'Setting himself forth,' he says; he does not say, saying it, but endeavoring
to show it. For he will perform great works, and will show wonderful
signs."
5. DANIEL'S FOUR-EMPIRE OUTLINE INCLUDES ANTICHRIST.
—Even more significant is Chrysostom's declaration that the
succession in Daniel's prophetic outline of the four world
powers—with Rome as the restraining fourth—progresses next
to Antichrist's kingdom, and then finally to Christ's kingdom.
This, he declares, was disclosed by the prophet "with great
clearness."
" 'Only there is one that restraineth now, until he be taken out of the
way,' that is, when the Roman empire is taken out of the way, then he shall
come. And naturally. For as long as the fear of this empire lasts, no one
will willingly exalt himself, but when that is dissolved, he will attack the
anarchy, and endeavor to seize upon the government both of man and of
God. For as the kingdoms before this were destroyed, for example, that of
the Medes by the Babylonians, that of the Babylonians by the Persians,
that of the Persians by the Macedonians, that of the Macedonians by the
Romans: so will this also be by the Antichrist, and he by Christ, and it
will no longer withhold. And these things Daniel delivered to us with
great clearness.'
6. ROMAN EMPIRE THE RESTRAINING POWER.—Next, Chrys-

ostom passes to the identity of Rome as the restraining power
that had thus far prevented Antichrist's revelation, and the
expedient reason for the apostle's not openly naming the empire.
"One may naturally enquire, what is that which withholdeth, and
after that would know, why Paul expresses it so obscurely. [2 Thess. 2:6-9.]
What then is it that withholdeth, that is, hindereth him from being
revealed? Some indeed say, the grace of the Spirit, but others the Roman
empire, to whom I most of all accede. Wherefore? Because if he meant to
say the Spirit, he would not have spoken obscurely, but plainly, that even
now the grace of the Spirit, that is the gifts, withhold him. And otherwise
10 Ibid., Homily 3, p. 386.
101 Ibid., Homily 4, p. 389.
he ought now to have come, if he was about to come when the gifts
ceased; for they have long since ceased. But because he said this of the
Roman empire, he naturally glanced at it, and speaks covertly and darkly.
For he did not wish to bring upon himself superfluous enmities, and
useless dangers. For if he had said that after a little while the Roman
empire would be dissolved, they would immediately have even over-
whelmed him, as a pestilent person, and all the faithful, as living and
warring to this end." 1°2
Nero is set forth, incidentally, as a type of the coming
Antichrist.'
7. FEARFULNESS ABOUT NAMING ROME.—From its incep-

tion Christianity had come into apparent conflict with the
interests of the Roman state. Pilate found it impossible to
befriend Christ and yet continue as Caesar's friend. The same
feeling hurried the Jews on to their last great act of apostasy.-
Men kept largely silent about the Roman name, in reference to
prophecy. Thus Chrysostom says:
"And the fourth [kingdom] he [Daniel] says, that of the omans.
But he mentions no names and Why? Because, had he made the account too
plain, many would have destroyed the Bible." 104
The same reserve was maintained by the early rabbinical`
writers, who merely called the Romans the "wicked kingdom."
And the pre-Constantinian writers were equally discreet,
lowering the voice when speaking of the empire, lest it hear:
After Constantine the reserve was less necessary, and so was
laid aside. Yet, as late as the fifth century Jerome's remarks on
the clay mixed with the iron were regarded as a treasonable
reference to Stilicho, Rome's Vandal general, but the latter's
death saved Jerome from being called to account for it.' Hence
the caution.
Jerome thus explains the fear of speaking against the
perpetuity of the state. He does not choose to foretell openly
the destruction of the Roman Empire, which its rulers think
102 Ibid., pp. 388, 389.

1 .03 Ibid., p. 389.
504 Translated from Chrysostom, Daerpretatio in Danielem Prophetam, in Migne, PG,
vol. 56, col. 208, on Daniel 2:40.
100 See also Farrar, Lives, vol. 2, p. 284.
430 PROPHETIC FAITH
to be eternal. Thus did Christianity clash with the imperial

creed of Rome.
So Chrysostom's testimony deals chiefly with the resur-
rection and Antichrist as factors bearing upon the advent,
though the latter is in inseparable relation to Rome in the
outline prophecies. He is virtually silent relative to the millen-
nium—significant in the light of contemporary developments.
VIII. Polychronius—Follower of Porphyry's "Antiochus" Theory

POLYCHRONIUS (c. 374-430), bishop of Apamea, in Syria,
was an admirer of Porphyry, following his "Antiochus Epiph-
anes" theory of the fourth beast—the acceptance of which was
then confined to a few writers in Syria.' Little is known of his
life and influence. As a monk he was noted for his zeal, self-
abnegation, and meditative life. He had a liberal education,
and knew Greek and Hebrew. He held to the full canon of the
sacred books. Valuable fragments of his writings have been
preserved to us in a Catena, or collection (Greek, chain), of
extracts on Job, edited by Junius, and one on Daniel in a
Vatican manuscript from numerous early ecclesiastical writers,
including Polychronius.
His interpretation of Daniel departs from the historic
positions of the early church to follow the pagan Porphyry to
a great extent. Thus the deflecting influences which had earlier
attacked Christianity are successfully at work in the church, to
be passed on to later times.
1. CONFINES IRON EMPIRE TO ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.—
In his comments on Daniel 2, Polychronius is unequivocal in
making the first three kingdoms Babylon, Persia, Alexander's
empire; the fourth he applies to the successors of Alexander
and the stone kingdom to the church.'
2. ENDS DIFFERENT SERIES WITH ANTIOCHUS IN CHAPTER 7.
100 See page 326.
for Polychronius, In Daniele,o, in Angelo Mai, Scriptorum Veterunt Nova Collectio,
xol. I, second pagination, p. III.
—In Daniel 7 the series is slightly different: the four beasts are
Babylon, Media, Persia, and Alexander's empire, and the little
horn is Antiochus.'"
"Behold another little horn came up in the midst of them. He speaks
of the renowned Antiochus, who was the eleventh from Alexander. . .
"Three of the first horns were plucked up. He is master of the three
remaining kings. For when he ruled over Asia, he had the power over the
Persians also and the Egyptians and the Jews. This one had succeeded to
Seleucus the king of Asia. The book of Maccabees is a witness of these
things. Wherefore I wonder why, contrary to so plain history, Apolinarius
attempts to distort these words to the coming of Antichrist."'
3. THREE AND A HALF TIMES EQUATED WITH ANTIOCHUS'

2300 DAYS.—Polychronius applies the specifications to Antio-
chus' persecution of the Jews and the changing of their laws,'
and the three and half times to three years and six months, Jew--
ish time, which he equates with the 2300 evenings and mornings
counted as 1150 whole days. His curious computation, how-
ever, aside from the fact that it substitutes three and a fourth
for three and a half years, distorts Jewish time, for the Jewish
year is not always 354 days; a leap month is introduced every
second or ye ar to t pep the lunar year approximately in
step with the sun.
4. RAM AND HE-GOAT ARE PERSIA AND GRECIA.—The

ram's two horns are Media and Persia, and the rough goat is
Alexander."'
5. 70 WEEKS ARE 490 YEARS TO THE BIRTH OF CHRIST.—

Polychronius clearly applies the year-day principle to the three
component parts of the seventy weeks. Commenting on the seven
weeks, Polychronius says forty-nine years, from the first year of
Darius the Mede to the sixth year of Darius (Hystaspes) com-
passed the building of the temple, and the sixty-two prophetic
'°' Ibid., pp. 125, 126.

C'9 Ibid., p. 126. The next sentence is added by the author of the catena: "But
Eudoxius says thine interpretation also, Polychronius, is borrowed from insane Porphyry."
p12.712
,3ndnota
on en8.)
D 7:25, and p. 133. on Dan. 8:14.
1•11 Ibid., p. 134, on Dan. 8:20, 21.
432 PROPHETIC FAITH
weeks--beginning after a gap—run from the thirty-second year

of Artaxerxes I to the thirty-second year of Herod, or 483 years
from the building of the walls of the city to the advent of
Christ.' The one week then begins, and Christ confirms the
covenant on the half week.i'a
6. RESURRECTION OF DEAD (DANIEL 12) Is SPIRITUALIZED.

—Polychronius dissents from the common opinion on Daniel's
resurrection statement.
"Many who sleep in the mounds of the earth shall be raised up.
1 have indeed learned from many that these words are explained concern-
ing the resurrection. But it is not easy to give assent to the common
opinion, but regard for the truth must always be maintained. For the
Scripture often calls the dead those who are in the condition of captives." '"
IX. Isidore—Holds to Rome as Fourth Kingdom

ISIDORE OF PELUSIUM (c. 370-c. 450) was an abbot in a
cloister at the east mouth of the Nile. Writing of the fourth
beast, he declares that it "plainly designated the kingdom of
the Romans," 115 again indicating that the Porphyry theory of
Greece was not generally accepted at this time.
112 Ibid., pp. 138-140 on Dan. 9:25.

113 Ibid., p. 141, on Dan. 9:27.
114 Ibid.,p. 156, on Dan. 12:2.
115 Isidore of Pelusium, Epistolarum Libri Quinque, book 1, epistle 218, in Migne, PC,
vol. 78, col. 320.
CHAPTER NINETEEN
Heralds of the New Fulfillment
I. Contemporary Recognition of Progressive Fulfillment
We have noted in chapter 6 that Jesus enunciated in

unmistakable terms the basic principle of contemporary percep-
tion of progressive fulfillment of prophecy: "I have told you
before it come to pass, that, when it is come to pass, ye might
believe." John 14:29. And He said the same thing in another
way: "But these things have I told you, that when the time
shall come, ye may remember that I told you of them:" John
16:4.
We have also observed the application or operation of this
principle in the case of the early Judean Christians, who, as
Eusebius points out, recognized the fulfillment of the Lord's-
words in the siege of Jerusalem, and saved themselves by flight.
Similarly, in the fourth and fifth centuries, we find prophetic
expositors announcing the contemporary fulfillment of certain
prophecies. Already the identification of the Roman Empire
as the fourth world power of the outline prophecies was so
old and established as to be called a "tradition of the Church's
interpreters." 1 It was proclaimed not merely by one or two
individuals but by a chorus of voices widely distributed. Hippol-
ytus spoke very clearly of the fourth kingdom as "the Romans,
who hold the sovereignty at present," and apostrophized Daniel:
"Already the iron rules; already it subdues and breaks all in
1 See page 413.
433
434 PROPHETIC FAITH
pieces; already we see these things ourselves. Now we glorify

God, being instructed by thee."'
And all through Christian history we find successive groups
of interpreters, in various places, proclaiming the then-present
fulfillment of various prophecies. Cyril, disturbed by heresies,
bore witness to the "falling away," or apostasy, in the church
as a present fact.' And many expositors, seeing in Rome the
hindering power which would prevent the full manifestation
of the Antichrist as long as it continued, were anxiously antici-
pating the future breakup of the fourth kingdom.
But in this chapter we shall find men in various places who
declared that the next step was being fulfilled in their own
day. They were witnessing the inroads of the barbarians and
recognized the fact that Rome was being shattered, and they
proclaimed that they had reached the period of the feet of iron
and clay, in the full conviction that they were participants in the
drama of fulfilling prophecy. Although they shared in the
calamities of the times, they were not, with the multitude,
stunned at the incredible prospect of the fall of the Eternal
City to the barbarians, for they were prepared for it by their
belief in the prophecies and in God's foreknowledge and
guidance of human affairs. "The Roman world is falling," said
Jerome, "yet we hold up our heads instead of bowing them." '
We shall now examine this next development in contemporary
recognition.
II. Sulpicius Severus—Herald of Clay Mingled With Iron
SULPICIUS SEvERus (c. 363-c. 420), an ecclesiastical historian,
was born in Aquitania. He received the best education in
jurisprudence the times afforded, and gained a high reputation
at the bar as an advocate. The untimely death of his wife,
daughter of a wealthy consul, altered the current of his life,
and he turned to Martin of Tours for advice. Forsaking the
life of the past (about 393), he spent the remainder of his days
2 See page 274.
3 See page 414.
See page 445.
HERALDS OF THE NEW FULFILLMENT 435
in monastic retirement at Toulouse, in Aquitania. In this he

braved the anger of his father and the flouts of his friends,
becoming a disciple of Martin of Tours.
Severus held high rank as a scholar and author in his
generation, representing the culture of southern France. His
Chronicle, or Sacred History (c. 403), is an attempt to give a
concise history of the world from creation to A.D. 400. The first
portion was really an abridgment of the Scripture narrative.
Reaching the time of the Babylonian captivity, Severus gives
an interesting interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar's dream of
the succession of empires. False teachings concerning the coming
of Christ called forth Severus' exposition of the Antichrist.'
1. ROME'S DIVISION IN ACTUAL PROCESS OF FULFILLMENT.
—After describing the metallic image and the succeeding
stone, of Daniel 2, .Severus not only traces the four world
powers of prophecy, as symbolized by the four metals, but
declares that the period of permanent division indicated by
the separation into clay and iron is in actual process of
fulfillment.
"The iron legs point to a fourth power, and that is understood of
the Roman empire, which is more powerful than all the kingdoms which
were before it. But the fact that the feet were partly of iron and partly
of clay, indicates that the Roman empire is to be divided, so as never to
be united. This, too, has been fulfilled, for the Roman state is ruled not
by one emperor but by several, and these are always quarreling among
themselves, either in actual warfare or by factions."'
This, be it observed, is a new note, revealing clear
contemporary recognition and application of a new step in
prophetic fulfillment in the great prophetic outline. This is
as significant as was the earlier identification of Rome as the
fourth world power.
2. CLAY ALREADY INTERMINGLING WITH IRON.—DiSCOUrS-
ing further upon the mingling but nonadherence of the foreign
nations then beginning to occupy the territory of Rome, lie
5 Tcrrot Reaveley Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, pp. 295-298.
6 Sulpicius Severus, Sacred History, book 2, chap. 3, in RPNI,„ 2d series. vol. 11, p. 98.
436 PROPHETIC FAITH
ventures the observation that the world has entered upon the
"last times."
"Finally, by the clay and the iron being mixed together, yet never
in their substance thoroughly uniting, are shadowed forth those future
mixtures of the human race which disagree among themselves, though ap-
parently combined. For it is obvious that the Roman territory is occupied
by foreign nations, or rebels, or that it has been given over to those who
have surrendered themselves under an appearance of peace. And it is also
evident that barbarous nations, and especially Jews, have been commingled
with our armies, cities, and provinces; and we thus behold them living
among us, yet by no means agreeing to adopt our customs. And the
prophets declare that these are the last times."'
3. STONE KINGDOM TO SUPPLANT EARTHLY KINGDOMS.—
Declaring the smiting stone to prefigure Christ and His ever-
lasting kingdom yet to be established, Severus says that this
is a point of stumbling to those who concede the past but not
the future.
"But in the stone cut out without hands, which broke to pieces the
gold, silver, brass, iron, and clay, there is a figure of Christ. For he, not
born under human conditions (since he was born not of the will of man,
but of the will of God), will reduce to nothing that world in which exist
earthly kingdoms, and will establish another kingdom, incorruptible and
everlasting, that is, the future world, which is prepared for the saints.
The faith of some still hesitates about this point only, while they do not
believe about things yet to come, though they are convinced of the things
that are past."
Such is the clear understanding and witness of Sulpicius
Severus. Now let us turn to Jerome.
III. Jerome—Last Comprehensive Witness Before the Eclipse

JEROME (c. 340-420), conspicuous doctor of the Latin
church, takes us to both West and East. His career is so inter-
woven with the momentous times through which the world
was then passing that a panoramic view of his life is indispen-
sable in order to grasp the significance of his prophetic exposi-
tions, for they spring from times and events that were remaking
the world and the church. Born of wealthy Christian parents
7 Ibid.
8 Ibid.
at Strido, in Pannonia, Jerome went to Rome as a youth to

complete his classical education. On Sundays, in the company
of other young Christians, he visited the tombs of the martyrs
in the catacombs, which profoundly impressed him. He was
baptized by Pope Liberius about 360.
After his stay of several years in Rome, he journeyed to
eastern Gaul, where he is believed to have been engaged in
theological studies. Next came a stay of several months, or
possibly years, at Aquileia, where he was associated with many
Christians. About 373, with some of these Christian friends,
Jerome set out on a journey through Thrace and Asia Minor
into northern Syria.
After visiting the scenes of Paul's tours, and passing through
a dangerous illness, he resolutely turned from the pagan classics
to the Sacred Scriptures, and went into the desert of Chalcis,
near Antioch, for five years of austere study 074-379), which
included the study of Hebrew under a converted Jew. Tn 379
he was ordained a presbyter at Antioch, whence he went to
Constantinople, and tried to perfect himself in Greek. His
translating and other literary work continued . In 382 Jerome
was called to Rome, and as a learned man helped Pope Damasus
during an investigation concerning a dispute at Antioch.
Also, at the suggestion of Damasus, Jerome undertook a
revision of the "Old Latin" translation of the Bible. He first
translated the Gospels, then the remaining books of the New
Testament, next the Psalter, and then the historical, prophetic,
and poetic books. The result of all this was the Latin transla-
tion of the Scriptures, which later came to be called the Vulgate,
completed between 382 and 404. The Prefaces to the several
books are in some cases very valuable. Jerome owes his high
place in history chiefly to his revisions and translations of the
Bible.
Admired and courted for his brilliance and learning, he
left Rome in disgust, after the death of Damasus, to assume a
rigorous monastic life in Palestine. Here he began to write his
commentaries on the books of Scripture, taking Hebrew lessons
R1 C SY /WE CA I SOCIttlf
JEROME—LAST OF THE EARLY PROPHETIC EXPOSITORS

Camera Concept of Jerome, Writer of Last Great Commentary on Daniel, in Fifth Century,
Before the Revolutionary Augustinian Views Swept the Field. Best Known as Translator of the
Latin Vulgate, Exercising Tremendous Influence on the Course of the Christian Church in Its
Catholic Form. His'Was an Influence That Cannot Be Ignored and Must Not Be Underestimated
at night from a converted Jew. He toured Palestine, visiting

Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and the holy places of Galilee. Making
his headquarters at Bethlehem for the next thirty-four years
(386-420), he there established convents and a monastery. At
Bethlehem, the scene of his most conspicuous activity, he wrote
his many commentaries. His commentaries cover Genesis, the
major and minor prophets, Ecclesiastes, Job, some of the psalms,
and the epistles to the Galatians, Ephesians, Titus, and Phile-
mon. For years he lived "pen in hand," engaged day and night
in reading or writing.'
9 Encyclopaedia Britannica vol. 13, pp. 2, 3, art. "Jerome, St."; Schaff, History, col. 3,
p. 976; Farrar, Lives, vol. 2, p. 2i0.
Jerome's fame increasing, he had visitors from all parts

of the world, including Sulpicius Severus, whose views on
prophecy may have influenced him. Then came the Gothic
incursions, and his violent controversies over Origenism.
Next followed the Gothic invasion of Italy, with the sack
of Rome under Alaric, in 410. At the time Jerome was in
Bethlehem, where he had but recently finished his commentary
on Daniel, and was laboring on Isaiah and Jeremiah. Stunned
by the melancholy news concerning the empire, he bared his
heart relative to the times in his Preface to Ezekiel, and in his
memorial sketch concerning Marcella." And upon all this were
superimposed the fresh inroads of the Huns in Syria. It was
under these conditions that his commentary on Ezekiel was
finished. Worn out, Jerome was carried off by a fever in 420.'
First buried in Jerusalem, his remains were afterward trans-
ferred to Rome.
1. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE JEROME PERIOD. (340 TO 420.)—
Jerome's life spanned the reigns of five emperors in the period
of Rome's early breakup, reaching the crisis hour with the,
sack of. Rome. There were: Julian (361-363), Valens (364-378),
Valentinian I (364-375), Gratian (373-383), and Theodosius
(379-395) and his sons—thus covering the establ ishment of
"orthodox" Christianity in the empire. Jerome was one of the
early popularizers of asceticism and monasticism in the West.
His Latin Vulgate was the Bible of Western civilization until
the Reformation, and was declared the standard Bible of the
Roman church by decree of the Council of Trent," which is
in force today. Although the Bible with its prophecies was, by
Jerome, crowded increasingly forward in the Latin, it was later
correspondingly pushed away from the people when T atin
ceased to be the language of the common people. And with
this, traditionalism came increasingly to the forefront. Thus
the Catholic Church's insistence on retaining the Latin Vulgate
0 Jerome, Letter ]27 (to Principia), in ,VP.A , 2d series, vol. 6, p. 257.

51 (.7:mons and Decrees of the . . Canna of Trent, translated by J. Waterworth, p.
440 PROPHETIC FAITH
as the only authorized translation does little honor to Jerome,

for it defeats the translator's purpose, which was to present
the Bible in the vernacular for his day.
Born in the troubled times following Constantine's death
in 337, Jerome was a student during the emperor Julian's
reign. His later life at Jerusalem (386-420) witnessed first the
division of the empire between the sons of Theodosius, and
then the earlier partitioning by the barbarians—though the
final extinction of the Western Empire did not come for a half
century thereafter.
Jerome's Commentary on Daniel, dedicated in 407, was
expressly written to offset the criticisms of Porphyry (231-30l),"
who had maintained that the predictions of Daniel related to
the time of Antiochus Epiphanes and the Maccabees, and was
written near that date, though in future-tense form, and had
thus seemed to threaten one of the chief supports of Christianity.
Jerome also distinguished between the original Septuagint
translation of Daniel and Theodotion's later substitution.'3
Jerome's exposition of Daniel has been styled "the ultimate"
—that is, that he left nothing to his successors but to comment
upon his commentary. His exposition of Daniel was later in-
corporated into the Glossa Ordinaria of Walafrid Strabo, the
standard marginal notes of medieval Latin Bibles.
Though the great apostasy in the church was far advanced
in Jerome's day, some of the older interpretations of prophecy
still lingered. The fact that the works of Hippolytus and
Irenaeus were favorite companions in his library " throws
light on Jerome's interpretation of prophecy. He clearly
declared that a new phase of prophecy was fulfilling before his
uneasy eyes—the breakup of Rome.
However, to him the Apocalypse was a book of mysteries,"
and he warned against an undue license of fancy. Jerome was
a militant antimillenarian; the material or temporal views
12 Fremantle, note on Jerome's commentary on Daniel, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, p.
500. For Porphyry, see page 326.
Terome, Preface to Daniel, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, p. 492.
is Farrar, Lives, vol. 2, p. 229.
J' Jerome, Letter 53 (to Paulinus), in .VP.AT, 2d series, vol. 6, p. 102.
advocated by some gave occasion for his ridicule. It is said that

in Jerome's voluminous works the seeds of virtually every
papal error are found embedded—saint and martyr worship,
veneration of relics, penance, primacy of the bishop of Rome,
and so forth. But he opposed the mysticizing principles of
Origen—calling Origen a heretic on the resurrection, the
condition of souls, and the devil's repentance ' at the very time
the Papacy was beginning to expound the spiritual reign of
the saints as the reign of the church.
It is unfortunate that Jerome's opposition to Origen was
linked to an extensive and acrimonious controversy that
centered on the translation of Origen's First Principles into
Latin. And the haste with which Jerome scurried for cover
and the bitterness with which he attacked those—such as
Rufinus and Vigilantius"—who called attention to the influ-
ence of Origen on his earlier utterances, were unworthy of
a man of his position.
So, despite advancing apostasy and receding understand-
ing of the prophecies, Jerome's voice still rang out on the
historic fundamentals of the prophetic outline—about the ,
last comprehensive testimony in the last stand of the earlier
prophetic interpretation springing from the apostolic age. Such
is Jerome's place in the history of prophetic interpretation. We
now turn to his expositions.
16 Jerome, Letter 61 (to Vigilantius), in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, pp. 131, 132.
17 RUFINUS of Aquileia, a monk who resided for thirty years in the Last, where
Origen's writings were known, was requested to translate First Principles into Latin for the
benefit of Western readers. Rufinus' translation is the only available source of this work, for the
original Greek is lost. Rufinus' method of translation, to the modern student of Origen, leaves
much to be desired, for he toned down the heretical points to make the matter less offensive to
the orthodox. His references to Jerome's use of Origen stirred up an unfortunate dispute in
which each antagonist endeavored to clear himself of suspicion at the expense of the other. It
must be said for Rufinus that he dropped the quarrel first, and seemed the milder of the two.
Rufinus was important in his own right as a writer on church history and theology. His com-
mentary on the creed is valuable as showing the beliefs of the church of Aquileia in that
time, before the full development of Catholic theology had taken place. For example, he
makes no reference to priestly absolution in his discussion of penitence. (For this work on the
••••••iitl. we Rufinus, A Commentary an the Abostles' Creed, in ,VP.Arfr, 2d series. vol. 3, no.
541-563.)
Vionanrnis of Aquitaine., Gallic tiresbyter,. and protege of Sulpicius Severus, was
another contemporary and participant in this Orige nistic controversy. Later he stirred Jerome's
wrath still more by his protest against celibacy, monasticism, anchontism, relic worship, invoca-
tion of saints, vigils, tapers, and supposed miracles wrought by relics. Jerome defended
veneration of relics but denied that he worshiped them. Vigilantius seems to have lived at the
foot of the Pyrenees, and he either resided in or visited' the Cottian Alps, together with the
plains of Lombardy "between the waves of the Adriatic and the Alps of King Cottius." His
bishop, probably exueerius of Toulouse, sympathized with his views. He not only made
excursions into the Gallic churches but employed scribes and copyists, and circulated a great
449 PROPHETIC FAITH
2. ROME THE FOURTH KINGDOM OF PROPHETIC LINE.---

Reiterating clearly and positively the witness of four centuries
since the cross, Jerome names the four prophetic kingdoms
symbolized in Daniel 2—with Rome as the fourth—in refuta-
tion of the frontal attack by Porphyry.
"He [Daniel] says, 0 king, thou art the head of gold. By which it is
shown first that the kingdom of Babylon is compared to the most precious
gold.
"And after thee shall arise another kingdom inferior to thee, of
silver, namely [the kingdom] of the Medes and Persians, which has the like-
ness of silver, less than the previous one, and greater than the following
one.
"And a third kingdom of brass, which shall rule over the whole world
signifies Alexander, and the kingdom of the Macedonians, and of the
successors of Alexander, which is rightly spoken of as brass: for among all
the metals brass is more resounding, and it rings more clearly, and its sound
is carried far and wide, . . .
"And the fourth kingdom shall be as iron; as iron breaks in pieces
and subdues all things, so does it break' in pieces and bruise all these, etc.
Moreover the fourth kingdom, which plainly pertains to the Romans, is
the iron which breaks in pieces and subdues all. But its feet and toes are
partly of iron and partly of clay, which at this time is most plainly
attested." 18
Likewise in Daniel 7 the four beasts are similarly identified
as the same kingdoms, with the four divisions of the third
kingdom, of the Macedonians, given as those of Ptolemy,
Seleucus, Philip, and Antigonus. Jerome then writes:
"The fourth [kingdom] which holds the city of the world, is the em-
pire of the Romans, . . . he compared the Roman kingdom to no [specific]
beast; unless perchance the word was left unspoken in order that he might
make the beast most terrible, so that whatever we think of as more savage
among beasts, we may understand this of the Romans." "
3. INTERMINGLING OF CLAY WITH IRON PRESENT DEVELOP-
MENT.—Most significant of all is Jerome's declaration of the
partitioning of the Roman feet into fragments, as "most mani-
number of writings. Jerome, whose scurrilous attacks are our only source of information about
Vigilantius, connects him with Jovinian. (Dudden, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 315 316; for the sources
see Jerome, letters to Vigilantius, and to Riparius about Vigilantius, and his treatise Against
Vigilantius, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, pp. 131-133, 212-214, 417-423; see also W. S. Gilly.
Vigilantius and His Times.)
18 Translated from his Commentaria in Danielem, chap. 2, verses 38-40. in Migne. PL.
vol. 25, cols. 503, 504.
1° Ibid., chap. 7, verse 7, col. 530.
festly acknowledged" at that very time! A new epoch in prophetic

fulfillment is thus declared. And in this announcement of the
current fulfillment, Jerome was not alone, as has been noted.
"Moreover the fourth kingdom, which plainly pertains to the Romans,
is the iron which breaks in pieces and subdues all things. But its feet and
toes are partly of iron and partly of clay, which at this time is most
plainly attested. For just as in its beginning nothing was stronger and
more unyielding than the Roman Empire, so at the end of affairs nothing
weaker."
This passage in his commentary on Daniel seems to have

brought Jerome into danger of public accusation, being inter-
preted as a treasonable utterance by the Vandal Stilicho, whose
assassination, however, occurred before the matter could be
brought to trial.'
4. CHRIST THE STONE TO FILL THE EARTH.—Controverting
Porphyry's claim that the stone of Daniel 2 is literal Israel,
Jerome applies it to Christ after all these kingdoms have been
destroyed.
"However, in the end of all these kingdoms, of gold, of silver, of
brass and of iron, a stone was cut out, the Lord and Saviour, without
hands, that is, apart from cohabitation and human seed, from the womb
of a virgin, and after all kingdoms had been destroyed, it became a great
mountain, and filled the whole earth." "
5. THE PROPHESIED ANTICHRIST IS NEAR.—Jerome sees
the Antichrist as coming in the near future. Just observe:
"But what am I doing? Whilst I talk about the cargo, the vessel
itself founders. He that letteth is taken out of the way, and yet we do not
realize that Antichrist is near. Yes, Antichrist is near whom the Lord Jesus
Christ 'shall consume with the spirit of His mouth.' "
Jerome plainly declares, "Now also the mystery of iniquity
is working," ' though he seemingly was blind to the definite
drift away from the center in his own concepts and practices.
6. CANNOT APPEAR TILL ROME'S DESTRUCTION .—After
2° Ibid., chap. 2, verse 40, col. 504.

21 Farrar, Lives, vol. 2, p. 284; see editor's note regarding Jerome's Preface to the
commentary on Isaiah, book II, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, p. 498.
2, Translated from Jerome, Commentaria in Danielem, chap. 2, verse 40, in Migne,
vol. 25, col. 504.
2, Jerome, Letter 123 (to' Ageruchia) , in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1,, p. 236, and note 7.
24 Jerome, Letter 133 (to Ctesiphon), in NPNF, 2c1 series. vol. 6, p. 273.
444 PROPHETIC FAITH
referring to undivided Rome as the subject of Paul's reminder

to the Thessalonians of his oral exposition of the restrainer of
the coming Antichrist, Jerome continues:
"He [Paul] shows that that which restrains is the Roman empire; for
unless it shall have been destroyed, and taken out of the midst, according
to the prophet Daniel, Antichrist will not come before that. If he had
chosen to say this openly, he would have foolishly aroused a frenzy of
persecution against the Christians; and then against the growing church."
Jerome explains elsewhere why Rome is not openly
mentioned in the prophecy:
"And now you know what restrains, that he might be revealed in his
time; that is, you know very well what is the reason why the Antichrist does
not come immediately. Nor does he [Paul] wish to say openly that the
Roman empire must be destroyed, because those who rule think [it]
eternal. Whence, according to the Apocalypse of John, on the brow of the
purple-clad harlot is written a name of blasphemy, that is, of Rome eternal.
For if he had openly and boldly said, 'Antichrist will not come unless the
Roman empire is first destroyed,' a just cause of persecution then would
have seemed to arise in the early church." 2'
7. APPEARS IN CHURCH BEFORE SECOND ADVENT.—Disclos-
ing his own view that the "temple" in which Antichrist is to
sit is not the Jewish temple but the church, Jerome declares
the advent will not occur until Antichrist has appeared, and
his emergence can only follow the breakup of the empire.
"And [Antichrist] may sit in the temple of God, either Jerusalem (as
some think) or in the church (as we more truly think), showing himself as
if he himself were Christ, and the Son of God. Unless, he says, the Roman
empire has been previously desolated and Antichrist has preceded him,
Christ will not come; who therefore will so come that he may destroy
Antichrist. You remember, he says, that when I was with you I told you
by word of mouth these very things which I now write in an epistle; and
I told you that Christ would not come unless Antichrist had come before." 27
And having appeared, Jerome continues, Antichrist will
be cut off and brought to nought by the glorious second advent,
"as the darkness is put to flight at the coming of the sun." 2'
25 Jerome, Commentaria in Yeremiam, book 5, chap. 25, in Migne, PL, vol. 24, col. 1020.
26 Jerome, Epistle 121 (to Algasia), in Migne, PL, vol. 22, col. 1037.
2, Translated from Jerome, Epistle 121 (to Algasia), in Migne, PL, vol. 22, col. 1037.
2, Ibid.
8. EXTENT OF ROMAN WORLD'S DISINTEGRATION.—The

breakup of Rome was a matter of deepest concern to Jerome.
"I shudder when I think of the catastrophes of our time [396]. For
twenty years and more the blood of Romans has been shed daily between
Constantinople and the Julian Alps. Scythia, Thrace, Macedonia, Dardania,
Dacia, Thessaly, Achaia, Epirus, Dalmatia, the Pannonias—each and all
of these have been sacked and pillaged and plundered by Goths and Sar-
matians, Quades and Alans, Huns and Vandals and Marchmen. How many
of God's matrons and virgins, virtuous and noble ladies, have been made
the sport of these brutes! Bishops have been made captive, priests and those
in minor orders have been put to death. Churches have been overthrown,
horses have been stalled by the altars of Christ, the relics of martyrs have
been dug up. . . . The Roman world is falling: yet we hold up our heads
instead of bowing them."
9. ROME'S FALL "DECAPITATION" OF EMPIRE.—Jerome's
grief over the fall of the head city of the empire is graphically
recited.
"The siege of Rome, and the falling asleep of many of my brethren
and sisters fwas announced]. I was so stupefied and dismayed that day and
night I could think of nothing but the welfare of the community; it seemed
as though I was sharing the captivity of the saints, and I could not open my
lips until I knew something more definite; and all the while, full of
anxiety, I was wavering between hope and despair, and was torturing
myself with the misfortunes of other people. But when the bright light of
all the world was put out, or, rather, when the Roman Empire was de-
capitated, and, to speak more correctly, the whole world perished in one
city, 'I became dumb and humbled myself.' " "
10. BARBARIC DIVIDERS OF ROME NAMED.—Jerome lists
Rome's dividers at that time, and bares his anxiety over the
imminent Antichrist:
"He that letteth is taken out of the way, and yet we do not realize
that Antichrist is near. Yes, Antichrist is near whom the Lord Jesus Christ
'shall consume with the spirit of His mouth.' . . . Savage tribes in countless
numbers have overrun all parts of Gaul. The whole country between the
Aloe and the Pyreneee between the Rhine anti the nrean hie hpAri
waste by hordes of Quadi, Vandals, Sarmatians, Aians, Gepids, Herules,
Saxons, Bergundians, Allemanni, and—alas! for the commonweal!—even
Pannonians. For 'Assur also is joined with them.' The once noble city
of Moguntiacum [now Maintz] has been captured and destroyed. In its
2, Jerome, Letter 60 (to Heliodorus), in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, p. 130.
34, Jerome, Preface to book 1 of his commentary on Ezekiel, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6,
pp. 499, 500. See Farrar, Lives,vol. 2. pp. 286-288.
446 PROPHETIC FAITH
church many thousands have been massacred. The people of Vangium [now
Worms] after standing a long siege have been extirpated. The powerful
city of Rheims, the Ambiani, the Altrebatae, the Belgians in the skirts of
the world, Tournay, Spires, and Strasburg have fallen to Germany: while
the provinces of Aquitaine and of the Nine Nations, of Lyons and of Nar-
bonne are with the exception of a few cities one universal scene of deso-
lation." '
1 1 . LITTLE HORN ANTICHRIST, NOT ANTIOCHUS.—Stoutly

refuting Porphyry's application of the Little Horn to Antiochus,
Jerome gives the remarkable assurance that "all ecclesiastical
writers" of the past agree in expecting Rome's division into ten
kingdoms before the Little Horn can appear. He places the
three uprooted horns in Africa.
"Porphyry places the two latter beasts, representing the Macedonians
and the Romans, in the one kingdom of the Macedonians, and divides it:
he wishes the leopard to be understood as Alexander himself; the beast
which is different from the other beasts, to be four successors of Alexander,
and thereafter he enumerates ten kings even to Antiochus surnamed
Epiphanes. . . . In vain Porphyry surmises that the little horn, which arose
after the ten horns, is Antiochus Epiphanes, and of the ten horns three were
rooted up: Ptolemy the sixth surnamed Philometor, Ptolemy Euergetes the
seventh, and Artaxerxes king of Armenia, whose forefathers died much
before Antiochus was born. We indeed know that Antiochus really fought
against Artaxerxes, but that the latter remained in his former kingdom.
Therefore we say what all ecclesiastical writers have handed down: that
in the end of the world, when the kingdom of the Romans must be de-
stroyed, there will be ten kings who divide the Roman world among
themselves, and the eleventh will be raised up, a little king, who will
overcome three kings of the ten kings, that is, the king of the Egyptians,
and of Africa and of Ethiopia, as we shall point out more plainly in what
follows." "
12. JUDGMENT FOLLOWS LITTLE HORN'S REIGN.—Describ-

ing at considerable length the judgment scene of Daniel 7:9
and related texts, Jerome parallels similar scenes in the Apoca-
s1 Jerome, Letter 123 (to Ageruchia), in .A1 PAT, 2d series, vol. 6, pp. 236, 237. It is
interesting to note that he lists ten tribes, though he is not attempting to set forth the ten
divisions of the fourth empire of Daniel 7. It is well known that there were many more than
ten tribes which first overran Western Rome, but they were always merging and shifting as they
settled down into kingdoms. The prophetic interpreters who in later times made their various
lists of ten seem to have named the ten kingdoms which they regarded as significant in establish-
ing themselves in the territory of Western Rome, thus forming the foundations of the later
nations of Europe.
32 Translated from Jerome, Commentaria in Danielem, chap. 7, verses 7, 8, in Migne, PL,
vol. 25, cols. 530, 531.
lypse and Ezekiel, with God as judge, and the books of judg-
ment involved.'
13. JUDGMENT IS FOLLOWED BY SECOND ADVENT.—Jerome
sees the judgment sent because of Antichrist's pride and blas-
phemy, for "the Roman kingdom will be destroyed, because
that horn Take great things." "In the one Roman kingdom,"
he says, "all the kingdoms must be destroyed at one time. He
expects this to herald the advent, for there will never be an
earthly kingdom, but the fellowship of the saints, and the
coming of the triumphant Son of God in the clouds of heaven."
For the advent he cites the stone in the dream of Nebuchad-
nezzar and Acts 1:9-11."
14. ANTICHRIST WARS THREE AND A HALF YEARS.—He
interprets the time, times, and half as the time of Antichrist,
and the period is regarded as literal -years. The future is still
foreshortened to his gaze, for he cannot imagine the end of the
world being many centuries away; he expects the Antichrist
to come soon and the final events to follow immediately.
"And he shall wear twit the caintc of the Most High, and shall think_
that he is able to change times and laws. For Antichrist shall make war
against the saints, and shall overcome them, and he will lift himself up
to such a degree of pride that he will attempt to change the laws of God
and the sacred rites, and will exalt himself above all that is called God, inalc
ing all religion subject to his power.
"And they shall be given into his hand even to a time and times and
half a time. A time signifies a year. Times, according to the peculiarity of
the Hebrew diction, who themselves have a dual number, prefigures two
years. Furthermore a half of a time is six months, during which the saints
must he surrendered to the power of Antichrist.""
15. SAINTS HAVE NO EARTHLY KINGDOM.—Against the
chiliasts Jerome sharply contends:
"The tour kingdoms. of which we have spoken above, were earthly.
For all that which is of the earth, shall return to the earth. However, the
saints will never have an earthly kingdom, but a heavenly. Then let the
story of the thousand years cease." '6
n2 Ibid., verses 9-27, cols. 531-534.
84 Ibid., verses 11, 13, col. 533.
Ibid., verse 25. cot 534.
38 Ibid.
448 PROPHETIC FAITH
16. AN TI M ILLENARIAN, BUT HOLDS SIX-THOUSAND-YEAR

THEORY.—Jerome's view of the millennium was somewhat of
a figurative character, and not well defined. He says more
against the millenarian "dreams" of "the circumcision and our
Judaizers," than of his own view on this point. Possibly his
reticence is explained by this significant remark:
"If we accept [the Apocalypse] literally, [we] must Judaize; if we
treat it spiritually, as it is written, we shall seem to go against the opinions
of many of the ancients: of the Latins, Tertullian, Victorinus, Lactantius;
of the Greeks, that I might pass by the rest, I shall make mention only of
Irenaeus." "
Jerome maintains the old idea of the six-thousand-year
duration of the world. He expects this to be followed by a
seventh thousand, during which will be reinstituted "true
Sabbath keeping and the purity of circumcision"—presumably
"spiritual," but unexplained. After the seventh follows the
eighth thousand years, during which the blessed will receive
the reward for their good deeds.'
17. PERSIAN RAM, GRECIAN GOAT, AND GREAT HORN.—
Jerome interprets Cyrus of Persia as the higher of the two
horns of the Medo-Persian ram of Daniel 8:3, and the hairy
goat as Grecia smiting Persia' Alexander is the great horn.
Then he names Alexander's half brother Philip and three of
the generals, as the four successors of Alexander's empire."
18. DANIEL 11 PORTRAYS ANTICHRIST IN LAST TIME.—
Confuting Porphyry's attempt to identify Antiochus Epiphanes
in the latter portion of Daniel 11, Jerome reveals his own
position. While conceding that Antiochus may be considered
a type of Antichrist, he contends, "But our [people] think
yr Translated from Jerome, Commentaria in Isaiam, Preface to book 18, in Migne, PL,
vol. 24, col. 627.
In this passage he lists the principal points objected to in chiliasm—"the golden and
bejeweled Jerusalem on earth, the establishment of the temple, the blood of sacrificial victims,
the rest of the Sabbath, the injury of circumcision, weddings, births, the bringing up of
children, the delights of feasts, and the slavery of all the nations and again wars, armies and
triumphs, and the slaughter of the conquered and the death of the sinner a hundred years
old." In the same volume see also columns 190, 351, 377, 522, and in volume 25, columns
837, 982 986 for similar remarks.
erome, Letter to Cyprian the Presbyter, in Migne, PL, vol. 22, col. 1172.
J erome, Commentarta in Danielem, chap. 8, in Migne,PL, vol. 25, col. 535.
4° Ibid., col. 536.
that all these things are prophesied of Antichrist who will be

in the last time." 't With others, Jerome surmises that he will
arise from the Jews and come from Babylon, and mentions
the belief of "many of ours" that he will be Nero."
19. BABYLON IS INTERPRETED AS ROME.—Since, he says,
according to the Septuagint it is written "Daughter of Babylon,"
it is permissible that—
"they interpret it not indeed Babylon itself, but the Roman city, which in
the Apocalypse of John and in the epistle of Peter is specifically named
Babylon, and all those things which are spoken of in relation to Babylon
testify that they bear upon her ruin, against whom a sign and the justice
of God must be invoked; so that after Zion, that is, the church, has been
saved, she shall be eternally destroyed."
He speaks of dwelling in Rome, and adds:
"When I dwelt in Babylon, and was an inhabitant of the purple-clad
harlot, and lived after the manner of the Ouirites. I wished to say some-
thing about the Holy Spirit, and to dedicate the little work begun to the
pontiff of that city." "
20. Two ADVENTS CONTRASTED: THE FIRST IN LOWLINESS,
THE SECOND IN GLORY.—Jerome's teaching on the advent is
clear and simple:
"Moreover, that there are two comings of the Lord Saviour, both all
the books of the prophets, and the faith of the evangelists, teach: that first
he will come in lowliness, and afterward he will come in glory, the Lord
Himself bearing witness as to the things which are to come before the end
of the world."
21. SEES YEAR-DAY PRINCIPLE IN EZEKIEL.—Attention
should be called to an important time principle—that of the
year-day reckoning—used by Jerome, but not applied to other
time periods. In his exposition of Ezekiel 4:6 he attempts to
outline the 390 years of the captivity of the Israelites, repre-
sented by FT7ekiei's lying on his left side, beginning with Pekah
and ending with the fortieth year of Artaxerxes Mnemon, whom
41 Ibid., on Dan. 11:21 ff., col. 565.
Ibid., on verses 25-30, cols. 567, 568.
42
jrome Commentaria in Isaiarn, book xiii, chap. xlvii, in Migne, PL, vol. 24, col. 454.
45
44 Translated from Jerome's Preface to his translation of the book of Didymus on the
Holy Spirit, nfer,omPLEpviosltie21, col.t 107.
Translated 21, o1Algasia, in Migne, PL, vol. 22, col. 1036.
15
150 PROPH ETIC FAITH
he supposes to be the Ahasuerus of Esther. He makes the forty
days during which Ezekiel had to lie on his right side refer to
forty years, beginning with the first year of Jechoniah and
ending with the first year of Cyrus, king of the Persians.'"
Jerome apparently acquiesces in the application of the
year-day principle to the seventy weeks as made by others
whom he quotes at great length; but he himself refuses to set
forth an interpretation of the seventy weeks, for "it is dangerous
to judge concerning the opinions of the masters of the church." "
He thereupon gives the interpretations of Africanus, Eusebius,
Hippolytus, Apollinaris of Laodicea, Clement of Alexandria,
Origen, Tertullian, and "the Hebrews," so that the reader may
choose for himself.
Such is the remarkable witness of the last great expounder
of the Historical School of interpretation of the early church.
Following Jerome comes. the great collapse, as other concepts
take over. These soon fill the picture.
IV. Theodoret—Herald of Kingdom at the Advent

THEODORET (c. 386-457), Greek theologian, historian, and
exegete, was born at Antioch. He spent twenty years in the
monastery of Saint Euprepius in theological study, perhaps with
Nestorius as a fellow pupil, and was appointed bishop of Cyrus,
in the northern part of Syria, about 423. He became embroiled
in a controversy with Cyril of Alexandria over Nestorianism,
attempting in vain to mediate between the two parties. Con-
demned at Ephesus in 431 and deposed by the "Council of
Robbers" in 449, he was restored by the General Council of
Chalcedon in 451. He wrote commentaries, and a continuation
of the history of Eusebius for the years 325 to 429.'3
He undertook his work on Daniel at the request of friends
" Jerome, Commentaria in Ezechielern, in Migne, PL, vol. 25, cols. 45, 46. On this
point Elliott remarks that Jerome incidentally supports the old Protestant view of furnishing
a Scriptural precedent for the year-day theory. (Elliott, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 322.)
47 Translated from Jerome, Commentaria in Dame/em, chap. 9, in Migne,. PL, vol. 25,
col. 542.
Theodoret was one of a school of church historians covering the period from Constan-
tine to the close of the sixth century—Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Evagrius,
Theodorus, Lector, and Cassiodorus.
with the purpose of recording what he, who had been taught
the Scriptures from childhood, had learned from studying the
fathers." His adherence to the earlier school of interpretation
of the outline prophecies is clear, especially as regards the stone
kingdom to be established at the second advent.
1. IRON STRENGTH WEAKENED BY ADMIXTURE OF CLAY.--
Here is Theodoret's testimony. Identifying the four world
kingdoms of Daniel 2, and definitely naming Rome as the iron
kingdom, he too stresses the intermingling of the clay as another
phase of Rome in weakened, divided form—likewise completely
ignoring Porphyry's counterinterpretation.
"The iron he named the Roman kingdom; and this kingdom suc-
ceeded to the Macedonian. And to it he assigned the legs, inasmuch as they
are at the end of the whole body, and arc able to bear up the body. And
the bases themselves of the feet are also of iron, but mixed with burnt clay.
For this reason it does not suggest a different kingdom, but the same one
which will become weaker, and be mixed with the weakness of the burnt
clay. But he made a distinction between the materials, showing the dis-
tinction to be not that of worth but of strength." 6°
Rome still continues in the weakened, divided period of
the feet and toes.
2. CHRIST THE STONE, CUT OUT THROUGH THE INCARNA-
TION.—The fivefold witness in identification of the stone,
summoned by Theodoret, is important. He cites Isaiah, David,
Jesus, Peter, and Paul to show that Christ is the stone.
"Such is the end of the dream. Moreover it teaches us to commence
our interpretation from the last things, and so we ask first who this may
be who is called a stone, and which at first seems small, soon became very
large, and covered the circle of the earth...
"Therefore we are taught both by the Old and the New Testament
that our Lord Jesus Christ has been designated the stone. For He was cut
out of the mountain without hands, being born of a virgin apart from any
nuntial interenursp, and the rlivine crriprItre had a honsis h.Prt
to name him as having had his origin contrary to nature, the cutting out
of a stone."
.to Edmund Venables, "Theodoretus," in Smith and Wace, op. at., vol. 4, p. 917.
5° Translated from Theodoret, Commentarius t o Visiones Danielis Prophetae, in Migne,
PC, vol. 81, col. 1297.
Ibtd., cols. 1300, 1301.
452 PROPHETIC FAITH
3. STONE CRUSHES NATIONS AT SECOND ADVENT.—Theod-

oret wholly repudiates the Eusebian concept of the stone
smiting at the first advent, with the stone kingdom established
then, and impressively reiterates the earlier interpretation,
placing it in direct connection with the second advent.
"For it [the kingdom of God], he says, shall never be destroyed, and
His Kingdom shall not be left to other people, and it shall break in pieces
and destroy all kingdoms, and it shall stand forever. . . . But if they shall
maintain that the Lord's first coming is signified by these words, let them
show that the kingdom of the Romans passed away at the same time that
the Saviour appeared. For all things are found to be contrary to this, it
was strong and did not pass away at the birth of the Saviour. . .
"If therefore the first coming of the Lord did not overthrow the
empire of the Romans, it properly remains that we should understand
[by this] His second advent. For the stone which was cut out before without
hands, and which grew into a great mountain and covered the whole earth,
this at the second advent shall smite the image upon the feet of clay. That
is, He will come at the very end of the kingdom of iron, which already
has been made weak, and having destroyed all kingdoms, He will consign
them to oblivion, and will bestow His own eternal kingdom upon the
worthy." "
4. FOURTH BEAST SIGNIFIES KINGDOM OF ROMANS.—Theod-
oret is quite certain which power was referred to by the
fourth beast.
"The fourth beast is called the kingdom of the Romans, neither does
he place a name upon it, because the state of the Romans composed of
many nations, became master of the whole earth. . . . And as in the image
[of the second chapter] iron constituted the fourth material, and subdued,
and just as iron crushes and destroys all things, so it will crush and destroy
all things, and here similarly, it says, the teeth of the beast are of iron, and
so it becomes clear that the same kingdom is signified there and here." 5'
5. TEN KINGDOMS ARE CONTEMPORANEOUS.—And, after

having established the fact that the fourth beast is the Roman
Empire, he focuses his interest upon the ten horns, which he
assumes are ten kings arising simultaneously at the end. If that
were not the case, the Little Horn (the Antichrist) could not
subdue three at the same time.'
52 Ibid., cols. 1309, 1310.

ss Ibid., col. 1420.
54 Ibid., cols. 1429, 1432.
6. LITTLE HORN IS PAUL'S SON OF PERDITION.—In the
Little Horn, which rises among the ten and plucks out three
by the roots, he sees a clear indication of Antichrist, who will
overthrow these kings. The horn is called small, which shows
that he will be born from a small tribe of the Jews. But he will
be remarkable, as through the eyes are designated foresight and
cunning, by which he will beguile the majority. And the mouth
speaking great things signifies arrogance and pride. And just
here he connects the "mouth speaking great things" with Paul's
teaching concerning the falling away which would come first,
that the "man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition, who
opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God,"
sitting in the temple of God as if he were God.'
7. "ANTICHRIST'S" TIME IS THREE AND A HALF YEARS.—He
makes the "time and times and half a time," the "thousand two
hundred and ninety days," to be "three and a half years, in
which that horn speaking great things shall bear rule."
8. SEVENTY WEEKS EQUAL 490 YEARS.—Theodoret clearly
uses the year-day principle in reckoning the period of seventy
weeks.
"And so the blessed prophet Daniel is taught that a time of four
hundred and ninety years, seen to be from God, must be granted to Jerusa-
lem itself . . . until that wicked and very horrible act was dared. I speak
of the cross against the Saviour.""
One can scarcely refrain from moralizing on the advantage,
yes, the necessity, of historians having access to God's view
of the decisive epochs and events of history, and His evaluation
of its causes, effects, and relationships, revealed through inspired
prophecy, as a guiding light in traversing the ofttimes dark
mazes of human record, and to keep his peispective clear.
What a change in emphasis would often have been noted had
such always been the case!
Theodoret, In Visiones Danielis Prophetae Commentarius (Rome, 1562 ed.), pp. 81, 82.
Theodoret, Commentarius in Visiones Danielis Prophetae, in Migne, PG, vol. 81,
col. 1432.
col 1473.
454 PROPHETIC FAITH
V. Sundry Voices Round Out the Period
This recital of the leading testimony of the period is not

exhaustive. There were other scattered expressions, but not of
moment, because they were largely echoes of these major utter-
ances heard over the Roman world. Some were clear, some were
hazy, and others were warped. Here are eight supplemental
names: Apollinaris (d. 390), whose work on the millennium was
known to Jerome; Gregory Nazianzen (c. 329-c. 389), styling
Antichrist the beast; Rufinus (d. 410); Gaudentius (d. probably
soon after 410); Prudentius (b. 348); Evagrius .of Gaul (c.
420); and Gelasius of Cyzicus (wrote c. 475).
Evagrius of Gaul was a disciple of Saint Martin of Tours,'
and is believed to be the author of a dialogue supposed to have
taken place between Zacchaeus, a Christian, and Apollonius,
a philosopher. Among the signs of the last times, to which he
devotes a number of pages, he mentions the overthrow of the
Roman Caesars, quakings of the earth, and signs in the heavens;
then Elijah will come, then the three and a half years, and
Antichrist, and then the coming of Christ."
The continued use of Jerome's interpretation of the iron-
and-clay stage as the weakening of Rome is illustrated in a
series of questions and answers on the book of Daniel attributed
to PETRUS ARCHIDIACONUS.
The first answer, on the four kingdoms of Daniel 2, follows
verbatim Jerome's clear recognition of the new development—
the new epoch entered and therefore of the next phase of fulfill-
ment—"which is most clearly acknowledged at this time." "
The popularity of this interpretation of Jerome is evidence
of a rather general recognition of appropriate prophetic
emphasis among those interested in and soundly expounding
prophecy.
"Evag re, Pretre et Disciple de S. Martin," in Histoire litteraire de la France, vol. 2,

p. 121. R. Travers Smith, "Evagrius (I4)," Smith and Wace, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 423.
5°
6s Petrus Archidiaconus, Quaestiones in Danielem, in Migne, PL., vol. 96, col. 1347.
Identified in the foreword as possibly Petrus Diaconus, an associate of Gregory I, about 606.
VI. Summary of Early Church Teachings on Prophecies

The first period of prophetic interpretation in the early
centuries, which had a marked effect on the beliefs and atti-
tudes of the Christian church, is the keynote of this first. volume
of Prophetic Faith of Our Fathers, for• the setting and the de-
velopment of the prophetic exposition of the period, and the
changes which took place in succeeding centuries, are basic to
an understanding of the medieval and later periods.
The second volume centers in the epoch of marked con-
cern over the guiding principles of prophecy covering the Ref-
ormation and Post-Reformation Era. Then the great Protes-
tant church movement was in formation, and was reforming
the faith of its adherents from the departures and perversions
that had become dominant in medieval times, when the Papacy
was ascendant. The third period embraces the nineteenth cen-
tury and onward, in connection with the great world-wide
revival of the advent expectancy, based on the culmination of
all Bible prophecy, which had been recognized through the
centuries as in process of progressive fulfillment. This third
period is portrayed in Volumes III and IV of this work.
The first half of Volume I is devoted to the first of three
vital epochs. The accompanying tabular charts (pages 456-459),
placed here midway in Volume I, systematically tabulate the
prophetic interpretation of the early church.
The tenacity and general uniformity with which certain
positions were held, up until the change of the early interpre-
tation, after Jerome in the fifth century, is very apparent. There
are certain obvious deductions to be drawn from the chart.
1. EARLY CHRISTIAN POSITIONS ON DANIEL—The escha-
tological interpretation of prophetic symbolism. begins with
Daniel himself, and therefore bears the unique credentials of
inspiration—the first three of the series of four world empires
being succinctly identified as Babylonian, Persian, and Greek,
and the fourth, unnamed, as the most powerful of all. A ten-
fold division of empire follows the fourth kingdom, to be super-
EARLY CHURCH PERIOD: LEADING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL
Dan. 2 Dan. 9 Dan. 7
Second Besot- Stone judgment
N. Name Date Page Advent Section 4 Metals Feet & Tam Kgdm. "Ti,.." 9 Beasts 10 Horns 3 Horns Lit. Han 3 VI Times Kgdm. of Cod
I Daniel the Prophet 6th Cent. 125 Literal B. (P.G1-4th Divisions Kgdm. Cod (U1.4 Kgdens.) DiAoions Penn. Power Per. of Control Kgdm. of Saints
2 Septuagint (Paraphrase) 2d Cent. 173 Time---Yr. 4 Kgdms.
3 Talmud. Targum, Midrash B.C. (Vol. II, ISO) 11-P-C-R B-P-G-R
4 Jesus Christ A.D. 137 2 Advents Literal Abom. of Desal. At 2d Adv.

5 Paul hie Apostle 1st Cent. 150 2 Advenh Literal
6 losephus. Historian e. 100 198 B-P-C- I RI Mess. Kgdm. Tirne=Yr. Rome-=4th
7 Johan., ben Zakkai 1st Cent. (Vol. II, 190) (13•P-G-R) Rome=9th
8 Akiba ben Joseph d 132 (Vol. II, 195) B. P.C.R
9 Barnabas ..150 210 (B-P-C) -R Coming Kgdms. 3 Uprooted "Black One"
e. 165 231 2 Advents Literal (B.P-G-R) I Prophe y Ends in 2 Advent) Very Short 2d Advent
10 Justin Martyr
..202 244 2 Advents Literal B-P-C-R 0-f old Div After Dk. B.P.O.R 10 Kgdms, 3 Supplanted Antichrist 3 1/1 Yrs. 2d Advent
11 tremens,
Tertullian c.240 255 2 Advents End of World (B-P-C-RI 10 Kgdms. 24 Ad, (B.P.C.R) 10 Kgdms. (Spans Period Between Advents) Coming Kgdm.
12
13 Clement of Alex. c. 220 265
Hippolytus d. 236 270 2 Advents Literal B-P-C-R 10 Kgdms. 2d Adv. B-P-G-R 10 Divisions 3 Kgdms. Antichrist Literal Kgdm. Saints
14
15 Julius Africanus c..240 279
16 Sibylline. 3d Cent. 290 B.P.G-R B-P-C.R
17 Second Esdras (c. 1501 266 (B-P-C-RI
18 Origen c. 254 317 Daily to Soul Spiritual (Allegorizes All Prophecim) I Fi lkd With Enigmas & Dark Sayings)
19 Porphyry 0.304 328 (Nat Prophecy but History! 3d-Alex. 4th=Plolemies Cr Seleucids Antimhus
20 Cyprian ..258 333 2 Advents Literal Nearing Antiochus—Type After 2d Adv.
21 Victorious c. 304 338 Emphasized (11-P-C-R I 10 Divisions 3 Kgdms. Antichrist
Lactantius e. 330 354 2 Advents Literal (B-P-G-R) Dkisions (B•P.C.R) 10 Kgdms. 3 destroyed Antichrist 42 Months Kgdm. Saints
22
23 Eusebius Pamphili e. 390 362 2 Advents B-P-G-R 10 Kgdms. Kgdm. Cod B-P-C.R 10 Kgdms. 3 destroyed At 2d Ads.
24 Council of Niche 325 367 2 Advents Literal (B-P-C-RI [Alter Gelasim) At Advent
25 Eusebius (Later Views) c. 340 383 Present Church

26 Athanasim 373 393 2 Advents Literal (B-P-C-RI 110 Kgdms.) 3 Kgdms. Antichrist At 2d Ads.
27 Aphrahat c. 350 403 2 Advents Literal B-P-G-R Divisions At 2d Adv. B-P-C-R Seleucids 1094 Yrs. At 2d Adv.
28 Ephraim 373 406 1B-P-G1-Ptolemies & Seleucids Antioch.,

29 Hilary 368 410 Future
30 Cyril 386 913 2 Advents Literal (B-P-C-RI D ern. Kgdm. B-P-C-R Divisions 3 Subdued Antichrist WI Yrs. At 2r3 Adv.
31 Ambrose 397 420 2 Advents Literal

32 Chrysostern 407 926 2 Advents Literal 13-P.G-R Divisions Chr. Kgdm. B-P-G.R 2d Adv.
33 Polychronius 430 430 Spiritual B-P-Ale.. Also. Sues. B•P.Alea. /titt'iecct
34 Isidore of Pefusium 450 432 B-P-C-R B-P-C.R

35 Sulpicius Strewn c 420 435 (B-P-C-)R Pres. Dirk. Fut. Kgdm.
, 36 Jerome 420 441 2 Advents Literal B.P-G-R Pres. Dkis. After Dmtr. B-P-G-R 10 Named 3 Uprooted Antichrist - 3'94 Yrs. Judg.2d Adv.
37 Theodaret 457 451 2 Advents B-P-G-R Divisions At 2d Adv. B-P-C-R Contempor. 3 Subdued Antichrist 3 1/2 Yrs. 2d Ads.
The purpose of this tabular charting is fourfold: First, to summarize

and bring before the eye in balanced form, in a single two-page spread,
the principal prophetic expositions of the leading interpreters of Daniel
for the first five centuries of the Christian Era, thus affording a reliable
bird's-eye view, or over-all picture. (The same is true with the Apocalypse,
in the succeeding opening.) Second, to make possible the comparison of
the exposition of any given interpreter with that of any or all others on a
particular line or feature of prophecy. Third, to reveal the general progres-
sion, or development of interpretation, in all lines throughout the first
of these three great epochs, when Bible prophecy was a vital factor in the
hopes and expectations of men. And fourth, to enable the reader to sum-
marize and evaluate for himself the evidence of the sources, and thus to
draw his own personal conclusions, as well as to check them with sum-
marizations and deductions made by this investigator.
This analytic form of tabulation makes possible an evaluation of the
predominant prophetic exposition of the Christian church of the early
centuries, along with a few outstanding Jewish expositors (antecedent and
contemporary) as a background and for comparison. The chronological
sequence of the expositors is followed as they appear in detail in the chap-
ters. And the pagination of the full expositions, scattered through the
preceding pages, is given in the fourth column for reference or further
checking.
The abbreviations are simple: "B-P-G-R" means Babylon, Persia,
Greece, and Rome; "P-G"—Persia, Greece; "Mess."—Messiah: "Chr."—
Christian; "Ch."—church; "Per."—period; "Persec."—persecuting. Other
abbreviations in the charts are obvious enough to need no defining.
456
EXPOSITORS OF DANIEL (For Revelation See Next Opening)
Dan. 8 Dan. 9 Dan. II Dan. 12 Paul Peter
Notable Etceeding
Ram-Goat Horn 4 Hans Crest Horn 2300 Days 70 Weeks Lost Wk. Cross 2, 3, 4 Powers 1290 d. 1335 d. Hinderer Man of Sin Babylon 6003 Yrs.
P-G 1st King 4 Divisions Fierce Kg. M.

er, M. Cut Off (Midst) P
R-,G
me12(fira,31 Abomination
(Time f olf Neill lAbom. of Deco).)

Now Is To Came
P-G (Alexander/ 4 Divisions Antiochus
Lawless One At Close

Antichrist
Antichrist Antichr.-Beast To Adv.
4 Divisions From Persia To Christ 70th Wk. Rome Antichrist Rome
Literal To Advent During
P-G Literal 490 Yrs. Separated P.G.R-Antichr, Literal Literal Rome End A.D. SCO
P-G Months 490Th. To Christ
Antichrist 4,900 Yrs. To A.D. 70 Son of Satan
Antichrist Ending
Rome Antichrist Rome
Ending
490Th. To Christ Midst
To Cross Rome Antichrist

P-C Romans
IP..GI Antiochos Rome Antichrist
Rome Antichrist
Wks. of Yrs. Literal Literal Rome Antichrist
_
Antichrist Computed
Rome In Every Ch.
P-C 1150 Da, 490 Yrs. 7 Yrs. Midst
P-G Alexander Successors 490 Yrs. Antichr. at close Rome In Church Antichrist 6000
490 Yrs. 3Vx Yrs. Antichrist
The range of exposition of these two leading books of prophecy,

which we are tracing, is thus made possible. Take, for example. Daniel 2,
where the meaning of the four symbolic metals—the head of gold, breast
and arms of silver, waist and thighs of brass, legs of iron, and feet and toes
of iron and clay—is tabulated, together with the meaning of the stone
and the time of the smiting. The same is done with the four beast-kingdoms
of Daniel 7—the identity of the four; the meaning of the ten horns, the
uprooted tree, the Little Horn, the three and a half times, and finally the
judgment scene and kingdom of God. So the various symbols, outline
prophecies, and time periods, and the related prophetic symbols of Paul
and Peter, are here listed, together with the positions held by these ex-
positors on the advent and the related resurrection.
Reading horizontally, the major expositions of each writer listed can
be followed through, and a comprehensive grasp of his essential teachings
on prophecy obtained at a glance. And his views can easily be compared
with those who precede or follow after. This provides a convenient basis
for comparative study.
Then, by following down the vertical columns, a summary of evidence
on any given point can quickly be had, and trends, developments, or
.Ctrswcaaitialb can be tiaLcd with ease. This cumulative evidence becomes
both impressive and highly significant, as is also the case with the identical
four world powers symbolized by the great colossus of Daniel 2, and the
paralleling four beast-kingdoms of Daniel 7, or the meaning of the ten
horns, the seventy weeks of Daniel 9, the specific view on the second
advent, the resurrection which is inseparably related to the advent, and
the identity of the Man of Sin with Antichrist.
457
EARLY CHURCH PERIOD: LEADING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL
1 john 2.8 Rey. 2, 3 Rev. 6, 7 Rev. 8, 9 Rev. 11 Rev. 12
No. Name Date Page Antichrist 7 Churches 7 Seals 7th Seal 7 Trumpets 5th Tr. 6th Tr, 2 Witnesses 314 Days Woman Child Dragon 314 Times
1 Justin Martyr c. 160 231 Apostasy

2 Irenaeus c. 200 244 Apostate, Dan let Christ I I
3 Tertullian c. 240 255 Personal 6th, end (Prophecies Span he 2 Advents) Enoch & Elijah Church Christ Rorer, Literal
4 Hippolytus d. 236 270 From Dan Enoch & Elijah Church Christ Literal
5 Sibyllines 290
6 Origen c. 254 317 Son of Satan
7 Cyprian c. 258 333 Nearing

8 Victorinus c. 304 338 (Nero) 7 Classes Cover Chr. Era Etens. Rest Outline Repeated in Vials Elijah & Jer. 314 Years Church Christ Rome Literal
9 Methodius c. 311 345 Church Saints Mystic
10 Lactantius c. 330 354 Beast Overthrown

11 Eusebius (Later) c. 340 383
12 Athanasius 375 393 Prepared
13 Ephraim 373 406 Succeeds R. Chords

14 Ambrose 397 420 3-fold 7th (Kgdrn.) Enoch & Elias
15 Jerome 420 441 Follows Div.
seded by the "stone," the everlasting kingdom of God; the

four "beasts" being evidently the same four world powers; the
ten horns of the fourth beast the ten kingdoms of the division;
the Little Horn an arrogant, autocratic, persecuting power;
and the saints possessing the kingdom forever, as the sequel.
Also the seventy weeks are dated from the command to restore
and rebuild Jerusalem unto Messiah the Prince. These form
the basic setting, or framework, into which all other features
are to be fitted.
The elemental principles of prophetic interpretation as
laid down in the book of Daniel were transmitted by the
pre-Christian Jewish interpreters into the Christian Era and
church. Confirmed by the teachings of Christ, and especially
by the apostles Paul and John, they became the foundation
principles of prophetic exposition among Christians. For ex-
ample, the four world powers of prophecy, beginning with
Babylon; the year-day principle, as first applied to the seventy
weeks; the term "king" for kingdom; and a "time" standing
for a year—upon these simple elementals the Christian church
began to build her own expanding system of interpretation:
(1) In this there was virtual uniformity of belief regard-
ing the identity of the four prophetic world powers of Daniel
2 and 7—as Babylon, Persia, Grecia, and Rome. Unmistakably
started by the prophet Daniel himself, this interpretation has
persisted first among Jewish writers, and then through a series
of the leading scholars of Christian antiquity, who are spread
over these five early centuries.
(2) There was in evidence at the time of the barbarian
invasions a belief that the feet and toes of the image of Daniel
458
EXPOSITORS ON REVELATION (For Daniel See Preceding Opening)
Rey. 13 Re, 14 1 Rev. 16 Rev. 17 Rev. 20 Rev. 21,22
1st least 10 Herne 42 Months 2d Beast 666 3 Angels 7 Vials Woman 7 Hills Babylon 10 Horns 1000 Yrs. Res. N. ler. New Earth
Pre-mill. 2 Res.
Antichrist False Proph. Teitan 10 Kgdrns. Pre-mill. 2 Res. After Mill. During Mill.
Antichrist 10 Kgdms. Antichrist • Lateinos Last Plagues Rome Pre-mill. Literal During Mill.
Rome Antichrist Lateinos (Rome) Pre-mill. Etern. Kgdm. Etern. Kgdm.
Rome Rome
Anti-mill. Uncertain Gates to Soul
Antichrist Literal
Antichrist Divisions literal false Proph. Dirlus Elias. etc. Repeated Rome City of R. Rome
Literal
Antichrist Literal Antichrist Pre-mill. 2 Res. During Mill. Etern. Kgdm.
Anti-mill.
Antichrist
Antichrist Mad, of Anti.
Anti-mill.
2, and the corresponding ten horns of the fourth beast of Daniel

7, represented the division of the fourth world power (Rome).
Its breakup, as accomplished in the fourth and fifth centuries,
was recognized and recorded as fulfilling at that very time.
(3) It was generally expected that Antichrist would
emerge in the wake of the Roman Empire, which had retarded
his appearance.
(4) The climax of all the grand lines of prophecy was
considered as involving the judgment, the second advent, and
the establishment of the kingdom of God by divine interpo-
sition, at the end of the age.
(5) The Little Horn of Daniel 7 was associated with the
coming Antichrist, thnugh as yet unidentified, but to follow
the breakup of Rome.
(6) It was the consensus of opinion that pagan Rome like-
wise constituted Paul's "hindering," or restraining, power,
which had retarded the appearance of Antichrist, variantly
called the Man of Sin, Mystery of Iniquity, and Son of Perdition.
(7) Universal, of course, was the identification of the
Persian ram and Grecian he-goat of Daniel 8, which Daniel ex-
pressly expounded; and Alexander the Great was considered
the Macedonian goat's notable first horn.
(8) The seventy weeks were understood as 490 years, on
the year-day principle. from Persia Luau the Messiah, ui ilictc-
abouts, and pertaining particularly to the Jews.
(9) All other "time prophecies" were as yet restricted to
literal time—the time, times, and a half, or 1260 days, and the
1290, 1335, and the 2300 days.
(10) The glorious coming of Christ was the ardent hope
459
460 PROPHETIC FAITH
and expectation of the church, to be accompanied by a literal

resurrection at the advent.
(11) Contemporary recognition and concerted emphasis
upon the progressive current fulfillments of prophecy was evi-
dent. For example: When Rome was ruling as the fourth and
last of the world powers of prophecy, men in the east and west,
and north and south, recognized and proclaimed just where
they were in the divine outline of the centuries. And then, as
the predicted division of the empire actually took place, men
again sensed where they were in the fulfilling prophecy, and
left their record. And now, in the fifth century, they awaited
with deepest concern the next great step—the appearance of
Antichrist, whoever he might be. And they believed that the
dread reign of Antichrist would be terminated, and the end of
earthly kingdoms accomplished, by the second advent of Christ,
with the establishment of His kingdom following.
2. OBSERVATIONS ON EARLY POSITIONS ON THE APOCALYPSE.
—As the general distribution and gradual recognition of the
canonicity of the Apocalypse occupied a period of four or five
centuries, the study and understanding of its prophetic symbols
was inevitably slow and gradual in this early period. Tertullian
(c. 240) pioneered the way, with his exposition of the woman
of Revelation 12 as the church, the man child as Christ, the
dragon as Rome, and the Beast of Revelation 13 as the coming
Antichrist. Then comes Victorinus (c. 304) enunciating what
was later to become the key principle of repetition—that the
trumpets, vials, and so on, repeat in time—covering the same
period in successive sweeps to the end of the age. He likewise
held the same positions as Tertullian on the woman, the child,
the dragon, and the beast.
The book of Revelation was less systematically covered, in
the way of specific interpretation, than was Daniel, but in this
early church period the following points were enunciated:
(1) The seven churches are conceived of as representing the
church universal, or as seven classes of Christians,
(2) The seals span the Christian Era, the first being Christ
and the early church, the last the judgment and the eternal rest.
(3) The principle of repetition was recognized by Victori-
ous, but the exposition of the trumpets and vials was not
specific.
(4) The Two Witnesses were generally regarded as indi-
viduals—Enoch and Elijah, or Elijah and Jeremiah. The three
and one-half days of the Witnesses were interpreted as years.
(5) The woman of Revelation 12 was quite generally rec-
ognized as the church, the man-child as Christ, the dragon as
Rome.
(6) The three and one-half times, or 42 months, were gen-
erally taken as literal years, although Methodius took the 1260
clays as mystic, preceding the new dispensation.
(7) The symbol most fully agreed upon was the first beast
of Revelation 13 as the future Antichrist, although Hippolytus
understood it as the Roman Empire: the second beast was de-
fined as either the Antichrist or the false prophet, and the
number 666 was given the numerical value of a name, such as
Lateinos or Teitan.
(8) A personal Antichrist was expected to rule three and
a half years, identified variously as a Jew, an apostate, a son of
Satan.
(9) The woman Babylon in Revelation 17 was identified
as Rome; the ten horns of the beast were ten kingdoms.
(10) Most of the earlier writers placed the millennium at
the second advent, bounded by the two resurrections, although
Origen, Eusebius, and Jerome were antimillenarian.
The belief in a literal resurrection of the body was firmly
fixed; only Origen hinted of a spiritual application in addition
to the literal 011C.
(11) The New Jerusalem was applied generally to the
eternal state, or the millennium.
3. DISSENTING OPINIONS.—There were only a few sharply
conflicting and discordant voices. Origen, the allegorizing Neo-
platonic philosopher of the Alexandrian school, hinted at a
462 PROPHETIC FAITH
spiritualized first resurrection long before Augustine, and alle-

gorized the Scriptures to such a degree as to invalidate any
literal or historical fulfillment of prophecy. And next, Por-
phyry, the sophist, and a few followers, sought to counter Chris-
tianity and to overthrow the prophetic stronghold of the church
by denying the prophetic character of the book of Daniel. He
contended that it was only a history written afterward, in the
time of the Maccabees, but simulating prophecy with intent
to deceive; and he limited the third world power to Alexan-
der's personal rule of Macedonia, with the fourth power as his
Ptolemaic and Seleucid successors, and the Little Horn as Anti-
ochus Epiphanes.
A revolutionary element was Eusebius' later concept—
after the profession of Christianity by Constantine, the cessa-
tion of persecution, and the elevation and enrichment of the
church—which held that the kingdom must mean the church,
being established on earth by political preferment as well as
spiritual means, and with consequent obligation to bring the
nations into submission to the Christian faith.
As millennialism soon became a thorny and highly de-
bated issue, because of the excesses of the chiliastic concept,
revulsion against extreme views led to the first great departures
from the early premillennial view—the rejection of the Apoca-
lypse, by some, for a time. Indeed, some of the "chiliasts" had
reasonable and restrained ideas of the Biblical millennium, but
the name came to have the connotation of extravagance and
materialism, because of the exaggerated elements brought in
from non-Christian sources. Some of the antimillenarians could
have accepted the idea of a thousand-year reign of Christ fol-
lowing the second advent if it had not been for the Jewish and
pagan notions which were involved. As it was, all millennial-
ism was discredited. On the other hand, the non-Christian ideas
of Antichrist, some of which were just as grotesque as the ex-
treme chiliastic notions, continued in the church for many
centuries.
4. CONCLUSION.—We should bear in mind that our knowl-
HERALDS OF -1.14E NEW FULFILLMENT 463
edge of the early church literature is not complete. Where the

writing of one prominent leader has been preserved there were
doubtless many others whose writings have not survived the
centuries. And further, that where one conspicuous teacher
wrote out his convictions, there were probably scores—or per-
chance hundreds of lesser lights who only expounded orally,
following the essential teaching of these outstanding leaders of
thought in their day, whose expositions we have .traced. But
we may judge the attitude of the majority by the leaders whose
works we have. And we should remember the remarkable
spread, both geographically and in language—as well as the
character—of these prophetic interpreters. Always there have
been numerous competent witnesses to contemporary prophetic
fulfillment—God never leaving Himself to the testimony of a
single witness, no matter how illustrious he might be.
The general picture of the grand prophetic o-f1"-e, as con-
ceived by the early church writers, is therefore this: In Daniel
they found just four world powers, beginning with Babylon and
ending with Rome; then Rome's breakup; next the emergence
of Antichrist, and finally the destruction of Antichrist by Christ
at His second advent, with the accompanying judgment scenes,
the literal resurrection of the saints, and the setting up of God's
everlasting kingdom. While prophetic interpretation in the
early centuries was of necessity centered chiefly in the book of
Daniel, this much, however, became clear on the Revelation:
The woman was definitely the symbol of the church; the
dragon was clearly connected with Rome; and the Beast was
either Rome or the Antichrist, soon to come: the outline
prophecies extended to the second advent, although the pic-
ture was not filled out. So much of the Apocalypse was obvi-
~1.. f11h,5rP in their that men rlirl not at firct Pypert nr
attempt to understand many of its portions with any assurance,

until it should first "come to pass," or be fulfilled historically.
Fuller understanding and exposition was to come in later cen-
turies. Further, the common term "Antichrist" was generally
recognized as embracing the triple exploits of the Little Horn
464 PROPHETIC FAITH
of Daniel 7, Paul's Man of Sin of Second Thessalonians, and

John's Beast of Revelation 13. That, to the early church, was
obviously the divine plan of the ages. That was their outline
and philosophy of history. Around that progressive program
all plans and expectations centered. Upon certain details there
was difference of opinion, but upon this main outline of the
ages there was remarkable unanimity.
However, Origen's allegorization of the prophecies, and
then Eusebius' materializing of the kingdom-of-God concept,
though denied and fought by the majority at the time, never-
theless began to burrow from within, and in time won out. In
the chapter following comes the third step in the great de-
parture in prophetic interpretation, under Tichonius and
Augustine, which completely revolutionized the thinking of
men on the first resurrection and the millennium. The revo-
lutionary Augustinian philosophy of the thousand years, as
the reign of the church in the present age, soon swept over the
Roman Catholic Church and dominated the view of Christen-
dom for a thousand years to come—until at last abandoned by
the Protestants, but then only when the Reformation was well
along.
CHAPTER TWENTY
Revolutionary Concept of the Millennium

Introduced
We now enter the period when for the first time the church
in general completely leaves the prophetic trail of the apostolic
period, and gets entirely away from the expectation of the
Lord's second advent to usher in the millennium. Traditional-
ism steadily encroaches on the Scriptures. The allegorizing of
Scripture has made deep inroads, as reported by the contem-
porary Eucherius, bishop of Treves (c. 450)2-
The popularizer of the new millennial theory was the
founder of Latin theology, Augustine, but we must first look
at the writings of Tichonius, a little-known personality, but
the source of much of Augustine's teaching on the millennium,
and of many later prophetic interpretations which followed
this new philosophy of history and prophecy.
I. Tichonius' Rules Mold Interpretation for Centuries
1. DONATIST BACKGROUND.—Tichonius was a writer of the
late fourth century of whom little is known, but who exercised
such a profound influence on the prophetic exegesis of the
Middle Ages, especially of the Apocalypse, that we must pause
long enough to understand his essential positions. Born in
Africa, he belonged to the Donatist group—a schismatic reform
party insisting on a vigorous church discipline, personal con-
1 Farna, History, p. 24.
465
166 PROPHETIC FAITH
version, and pure church worship. Arising after the Diocletian

persecution, they were named from Donatus, one of the leaders
of the strict party, who were unwilling to readmit into member-
ship those who had compromised during the persecutions; and
they believed that the sacraments received at the hands of such
were invalid. Failing to obtain civil support, they became
opposed to intervention by the state in religious matters, and
looked with special disapproval upon the close church-state
relationships that had developed since Constantine. They con-
sidered this to be the devil's work, and refused to have any
dealings with the general church. That is the religious back-
ground of Tichonius.2
2. TICHONIUS' REVOLUTIONARY- `'SEVEN RULES."—A man
of considerable learning and of much originality, Tichonius
was probably the first Occidental historical philosopher who
based his ideas on the divine revelation of Scripture, making
the book of Revelation the basis of his own particular philosophy
of church history.
Among other works, he wrote a commentary on the Apoca-
lypse, interpreted almost entirely in the spiritual sense, molded
somewhat after Origen. In this work he asserted that the
Apocalypse does not so much speak of coming events as it
depicts the spiritual controversy concerning the kingdom of
God.'
The full text of this commentary has since been lost, but
Augustine, Primasius, Bede, and especially Beatus quote suffi-
ciently from it to reconstruct its most essential parts.' The
substance has been preserved in the nineteen homilies appended
to the Paris Benedictine edition of Augustine.' But the far-
reaching influence of this work makes a grasp of its essential
positions imperative at this time.
To outline his general conceptions, he laid down his oft-
2 Traugott Hahn yconius-Studien, p. 100; for the Donatists see Albert H. Newman.
op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 208-210.
Wilhelm Neuss, Die Apokalypse des HI. Johannes in der altspanischen und altchrist-
lichen Bibel-Illustration, vol. 1, p. 27.
4 F. C. Burkitt, The Book of Rules of 7 yconius, Introduction, pp. xi, xii.
6 Elliott, op. tit., vol. 4, p. 326.
REVOLUTIONARY CONCEPT OF THE MILLENNIUM 467
quoted "Seven Rules," which make strange reading today, but
which exerted a powerful influence for centuries. We must
note them, for they become the governing principles of nearly
all expositors for hundreds of years.
(1) De domino et corpore ejus, that is, about the Lord
and His body," or church.
(2) De domini corpore bipartitio, or "on the twofold body
of the Lord."
(3) De promissis et lege, "on the promises and the law."
(4) De specie et genere, "concerning species and genus";
that is, it is permissible to take a "species" of the text, and to
understand thereby the "genus" to which it belongs—to reach
the abstract thought from the concrete picture. (This led away
from all reality to fanciful, symbolic or mystical interpretations.)
(5) De temporibus, or "concerning times," which, he held,
reveal the mystic measure of time in the Bible—a part of time
standing for the whole, as in the three days between the death
and the resurrection of Christ—or the mystical value of
numbers, especially 7, 10, and I2.
(6) De recapitulatione, "on recapitulation," which states,
for instance, that in the book of Revelation the narrative is
not continuous, but repeats itself and goes over the same
ground under new and different symbols. (It was this
principle carried to excess, that soon led to the full premise
of tioleructin;ar;srn .)
(7) De diabolo et ejus corpore, "on Satan and his body,"
an exact analogy to . Christ and His body. As Christ is repre-
sented in His church, the elect, or righteous, so Satan is repre-
sented in the corpus malorum, the evildoers, or the body of
the rejected.'
He therewith laid out the tools which were used in the
exegesis of the Apocalypse for centuries to come. The theo-
logical concept of history was long based on the Tichonius
8 These rules appear in Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, book 3, chaps. 30-37, in NPAT,
1st series, vol. 2,pp.
568-573. Probably the best discussion is to be found in F. C. Burkitt, The
Book of Rules of Tyconius.
4(18 PROPHETIC FAITH
tradition, and therefore resulted in a sharp division of the

world into good and evil. Here are the contrasts:
God Satan
Christ Antichrist
angels demons and evil spirits
Civitas Dei civitas diaboli
church (invisible) totality of the wicked
Jerusalem Babylon
apostles, prophets, learned men, kings and principalities of the
preachers, martyrs, and virgins wicked
the good the evil
the sanctified and just the impious
the saved the damned
the believers the heretics, schismatics, hypo-
crites, false Christians, heathen,
Jews.'
These conceptions, which are largely generalizations, led
away from the historical interpretation of the Apocalypse. In
his exegesis Tichonius was not so much interested in describing
historical events in detail as in describing the ways and means
of the attack of the diabolical powers—not "how it has been"
and "how it will be," but "what is the situation at any given
time." He held that, when reading the Apocalypse, the reader
should sense the strength of his defense against Satan rather
than the location of his particular time.'
3. SET TIME FOR ADVENT IN A.D. 381.—However, despite
the fact that Tichonius laid down these generalizing rules,
he was convinced that the return of Christ was at hand, and
in fact believed that the great day would occur in the year 381.°
4. MAKES CHURCH "SHADOW PICTURE" OF CHRIST.-011
Revelation 12 and 13 he remarks that the beast from the bottom-
less pit is the whole corpus diaboli, among heathen and Chris-
tians. And after Satan, because of Christ's intervention, has
failed by persecution to extinguish the true church (the woman
of Revelation 12 standing on the moon), he produces his
7 W. Kamlah, Apokalypse and Geschichtstheologie, pp. 57, 58.
Ibid., p. 64.
9 Alois Dempf, Sacrum Imperium, pp. 121, 122.
masterpiece of deception—to the seven heads he adds an eighth

one. By the woman of Revelation 17, Tichonius means the
world church, because she is a simulacrum Christi, a shadow
picture of Christ, resembling outwardly the true picture, but
in reality leading people away from Him. This is because she
does not require real repentance, which is, of course, to the
liking of the multitude. This deception of Satan is accomplished
by the false priests and prophets, who are symbolized by the
beast with two horns. Though dogma may be correct, he says,
if it does not produce repentance, it is the devil who is working
behind it.'°
5. CHURCH TO SEPARATE RIGHTEOUS FROM WICKED.—The
last time has now come, he holds, and he calls upon the church
in North Africa to arouse-the sleeping world by powerful preach-
ing, which would separate the righteous from the wicked,
deliver unbelievers to the judgment of God, and lead to perse-
cution at the hands of the wicked. The day of grace is still with
us, but after the devil will have entered into his chosen tool,
the Antichrist, no one will any longer have a chance."
Ass oon the number of saints is reached by the
work of this last preaching, Tichonius continues, Satan, who
has been limited in his work to the wicked, will be freed, and
the pride of the human heart will appear. Man will sin without
restraint. Terrific persecutions will set in which, if not shortened
for the sake of the elect, would destroy all of them. God finally
withdraws His hand and leaves man to himself and the devil.
The church will be a place of utter destruction. Tichonius calls
the church to take up this great work in order to hasten the day
when the final separation will occur."
6. MAKES FIRST RESURRECTION SPIRITUAL.—Tichonius was
against chiliasm, which had been the ardent belief of the
Christians in the first centuries. However, with the help of his
rules of exegesis he could easily overcome this difficulty.
" Hahn, op. cit.. p. 75.
" Ibid., pp. 89, 90.
3, [bid:, pp. 91, 94, 99.
470 PROPHETIC FAITH
Instead of two literal resurrections, Tichonius makes the

first resurrection spiritual, that of the soul, as hinted by Origen,
and the second corporeal, that of the body. The first is of those
awakened by baptism from the deadness of sin to eternal life,
and the second is the general, literal resurrection of all flesh.
Consequently, he denies the reign of the literally resurrected
saints for a thousand years after the second advent. (Revelation
20.) Thus Tichonius spiritualizes the resurrection and secular-
izes the millennium. This change is so vital that the_ covering
statement of Gennadius, who lived in the fifth century, is here
given:
"He jTichoniusj also expounded the Apocalypse of John entire, re-
garding nothing in it in a carnal sense, but all in a spiritual sense. In this
exposition he maintained the angelical nature to be corporeal, moreover
he doubts that there will be a reign of the righteous on earth for a thousand
years after the resurrection, or that there will be two resurrections of the
(lead in the flesh, one of the righteous and the other of the unrighteous,
but maintains that there will be one simultaneous resurrection of all, at
which shall arise even the aborted and the deformed lest any living human
being, however deformed, should be lost. He makes such distinction to be
sure, between the two resurrections as to make the first, which he calls
the apocalypse of the righteous, only to take place in the growth of the
church where, justified by faith, they are raised from the dead bodies of
their sins through baptism to the service of eternal life, but the second,
the general resurrection of all men in the flesh."
7. BEGINS MILLENNIUM BACK AT FiRsT ADVENT.—By the
principle of recapitulation the sixth in his series of Rules—
Tichonius ingeniously steps back the thousand years over the
entire line of the Christian dispensation, dating it from the
time of Christ's first advent. Thus he makes the end the begin-
ning, and the beginning the end. Moreover this millennial
period he shortens from 1,000 to 350 years, because Christ's
three and a half days in the tomb were shortened by employing
only parts of the first and third days. This is part of his "Fifth
Rule," which puts the part for the whole." Reviving probably
a Jewish conjecture that a "time" possibly signifies a century,"
"Jerome and Gennadius, Lives of Illustrious Alen, part 3, chap. 18, in NYNF, 2d series,
ol. 3,
P'. Augustine,
89 On Christian Doctrine, book 3, chap. 35, in .11'7WF, 1st series, vol. 2, p. 571.
4,
Elliott, op. cit., VOL p. 333.
Tichonius assumes each prophetic "time" to be 100 years, and

thus three and a half times would be about 350 years. Beginning
with the resurrection of Christ, this period would he about
expired. So he makes his own day the terminus of prophetic
time.
8. NEW JERUSALEM IS THE PRESENT TRUE CHURCH.
Tichonius sees in God and the devil two great powers struggling
for mastery of the earth, just as he sees the conflict of mystical
Jerusalem and mystical Babylon. But the New Jerusalem, in
Revelation 21, is principally the church in its present state,
existent, he contends, from the time of Christ's death onward."
And the woman of Revelation 12 was the true church," ever
bringing forth Christ in her members, exiled for a thousand
years (shortened to the 350) to live among the wicked ones.
9. YEAR-DAY PRINCIPLE PROJECTED TO THREE AND A HALF
DAYS OF WITNESSES.—He interprets the three and ,a half days
of the slaying of the witnesses (Revelation 11:11) to be three and
a half years.' This makes Tichonius about the first to apply the
year-day principle outside of the seventy weeks, irrespective of
his interpretation of the events set forth. This was amplified by
others to follow.
10. BABYLON FIRST APPLIED TO SECULARIZED ROMAN
CHURCH.—When the Roman emperors employed the secular
power to enforce the unity of the church, the Donatists protested
against civil interference in matters of religion; calling their
persecutors "Babylon," they considered themselves the remnant,
being persuaded that the end was not far off. In fact, Tichonius
wrote his commentary on the Apocalypse, portraying its fulfill-
ment in the light of persecutions of the Donatists as a type of
the final time of trouble. Thus, while certain Catholics thought
to see Antichrist, or his forerunners, in the Arian emperors and
bishops of the church, the Donatist Tichonius applied Revela-
18 Ibid., p. 335 (also Tichonius' Rule V).
'7 Ibid., pp. 333, 334,
Ibid.. p. 332.
472 PROPHETIC FAITH
tion 13 and 17 to the Roman church and worldly bishops,

against whom a decisive stand was to be taken.'
11. POPULARIZED BY AUGUSTINE.—It may seem extraordi-
nary that the Catholic world should have accepted the "work of
a schismatic" as a "textbook of exegesis," but such is the case
with the Rules and basic prophetic interpretations of Ticho-
nius." The reason is obviously that they effectively disposed of
chiliasm, and indicated a successful course for the theologians
of the papal church.'
Augustine was deeply influenced by Tichonius. He speaks
of his own acceptance of the principles, as follows:
"One Tichonius, who, although a Donatist himself, has written most
triumphantly against the Donatists (and herein showed himself of a most
inconsistent disposition, that he was unwilling to give them up altogether),
wrote a book which he called the Book of Rules, because in it he laid down
seven rules, which are, as it were, keys to open the secrets of Scripture."
Aware, however, that the time set for the judgment hour
by Tichonius had already passed, he was anxious to spiritualize
the different visions in the Apocalypse even more, and to
interpret the tremendolis struggle pictured there as a spiritual
struggle between the church, which represents the forces of
light, and the world, which stands for the forces of evil, with
the kingdom of. God to be realized by the triumphant church.
Through the overshadowing authority of Augustine, the rules
of Tichonius were popularized and established, and the com-
mentaries on the Apocalypse throughout the early Middle Ages
echo largely what Tichonius had already stated, and lost all
the fervor of the expectation of the Lord's coming and the
appearance of the New Jerusalem.
The diagram on page 545 will aid in visualizing the tre-
mendous influence which the Rules of Tichonius and his
spiritualizing commentary have exercised. This group of
medieval expositions forms the connecting link between inter-
le Hahn, op. cit., p. 100.
Burkitt, op. cit., Introduction, p. xiii.
2t- Neuss, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 271.
2'2 Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, book 3, chap. 30, in 1st series, vol, 2, p. 568.
pretations of the early church and the interpretations of later

Protestantism and Catholicism.
II. Augustine, Reviser of the Millennial Position

AUGUSTINE (Aurelius Augustinus) (354-430), most illustri-
ous of the Latin fathers, was born in Numidia, North Africa, his
father being still a pagan but his mother a Christian. After
attending the schools of Madaura and Carthage, he became a
teacher of rhetoric, practicing his profession in Rome and
Milan. His mother's Christian influence had followed him all
through his life of licentious dissipation and afterward into
Platonic idealism and Manichaean excesses. Academic skepti-
cism, speculation on man's beginning and the origin of evil, as
well as the study of astrology and divination dissatisfied him;
until finally he turned to the Scriptures to see what they were
like.
This last step he t oo k after Ile had been elected to a pro-
fessorship of rhetoric at Milan, in 384, shortly after the Visi-
gothic hosts had crossed the Danube and begun ravaging Roman
soil. In Milan, Augustine went to hear Bishop Ambrose preach.
In 387, after passing through violent struggles of mind and
having tried out the various schools of thought, he was notably
converted through the message of the Scriptures, and, as a
changed man with changed views, was baptized by Ambrose at
Milan at the age of thirty-three. He broke radically with the
world, and abandoned his lucrative vocation as a teacher of
rhetoric. Then he spent a period in Rome, returning next to
Africa, where he spent three years in contemplative study. In
39.1 he was made a presbyter against his choice, and in 395--
the year of Theodosius' death—was chosen bishop of Hippo,
continuing ac such tor thirty-five years. Combining a clerical
life with the monastic, he became "unwittingly the founder of
the Augustinian order," whence later came Luther.'
It was in the midst of Augustine's episcopate that Rome
22 Schaff, Histou, vol. 3, pp. 990-994.
.ROTTICELLI. ARTIST
AUGUSTINE, BISHOP OF HIPPO, OUTSTANDING LATIN FATHER
The Influence of Augustine's Writings on the Church Has Been Profound. Particulakly That of
His City of God. For a Thousand Years It Dominated Christian Thought (Sec Pages 473 to 190)
REVOLUTIONARY CONCEPT OF THE. MILLENNIUM 475
began to break up—the sack of the city by the Goths coming

in 410, after eleven centuries of triumphal progress, with many
Christians believing the end of the world to be at hand. Augus-
tine's life was, therefore, cast in a transition period of history,
when the old Roman civilization was passing away, before the
sweeping flood of barbarians had completed the destruction and
the new order of things had been formed. Near the close of
Augustine's life, Genseric, king of the Vandals, advanced from
Spain to North Africa. Augustine died in 430, during the siege
of Hippo, in the midst of the Vandal invasion. Soon after this
Africa was lost to the Romans, and within a few decades the
Western empire had completely crumbled.
1. CREATES A NEW PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY.—Augustine
had many controversies with the Pelagians, Manichaeans, and
Donatists,' standing against them all as the champion of so-called
orthodoxy. It was thus that he formed his contact with
Tichonius, whose rules of exegesis he later adopted. "In him
[Augustine] was concentrated the whole polemic power of the
catholicism of the time against heresy and schism." " The
intellectual head of North Africa and the Western church;
Augustine produced extensive works, which fill sixteen volumes
in the Migne collection.
Pre-eminent among these is Augustine's great theodicy and
philosophy of history, De CivitateDei (On the City of God).
PELAGIANISM was a fifth-century heresy advanced by Pelagius, a learned monk, possibly
of British birth. In an attempt to vindicate human freedom and responsibility, Pelagius' followers
denied original sin, confined justifyine grace to forgiveness, asserted that man's will, without
special divine aid, is capable of spiritual good, and that Adam's fall involved only himself.
Pelagius was in direct conflict with Augustine, and he and his doctrines were condemned by
several synods. (See Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 362-369; Schaff, History, vol. 3,
pp. 785-815.)
MANICHAEISM, a form of Gnosticism, was an Oriental, dualistic, and pantheistic religious
philosophy originating with Mani, or Manichaeus, and flourishing from the third to the seventh
century, and possibly lasting until the thirteenth century. Light and goodness, personalized as
God, were represented as in conflict with chaos and evil. Thus man's soul was like light in a
ho,ly of darkness. The Christian elements were reduced to a minimum, and Zoroastrian, old
Baby.kmian, and other Oriental elements were raised to the maximum. The Christian names
employed retained scarcely a trace of their proper meaning. Baptism and communion are
supposed to have been celebrated with great pomp. The elect were a sacerdotal class. The effect
upon the church at large of Manichaeism was the stimulation of the ascetic spirit, with the
degradation of marriage, the introduction of pompous ceremonialism, the systematizing of
church doctrine, sacerdotalism (or the belief that ministers of religion are intermediaries
between God and man, possessing extraordinary powers), and the consequent introduction of
the doctrine of indulgences. Manichaeism, popular in North Africa and Italy in the fourth and
fifth centuries, for a time rivaled Catholicism. Augustine had close contact with the Manichaeans,
which materially a ffected his modes of thought. (See Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1,
pp. 194-197.)
For the Donaiists. see pages 464. 465. Schaff. History. so!. 3. p. 994.
476 PROPHETIC FAITH
The expression "city," however, scarcely conveys the meaning

of civitas, which is a community or state made up of its citizens.
Thus the "City of God" was the commonwealth, or kingdom,
of God as distinguished from the commonwealth of the world
in constituency, character, privileges, present state, and destiny
—the relationship of its citizens in this world being that of
pilgrims and strangers.° This was begun in 413, shortly after
Alaric's capture of Rome. The pagans were attributing the
collapse of Rome to the abolition of pagan worship. Augustine
wrote to answer their taunts and to create a new concept of
history—the two antagonistic governments, the realm of God
and that of the devil—embodying a new interpretation of
prophecy, to explain the history of God and the church in the
world.
This remarkable treatise, discussing the "kingdom of this
world," as doomed to destruction, and the "kingdom of God,"
as destined to last forever, consumed thirteen years in the
making, during the most mature period of his life.
The effect of this treatise is hard to estimate. It projected
a new era into prophetic interpretation. Its popularity in
pre-Reformation times is disclosed, however, by the fact that
between 1467 and 1500, no fewer than twenty editions were
published.' This was the philosophy of history accepted through-
out Europe during the Middle Ages, adopted and used by
Catholic writers, and finally officially endorsed by Leo XIII.
2. STRANGE COMBINATION OF STRONG OPPOSITES.—Augus-
tine was a strange combination of strong opposites. Marked
flashes of genius light up his work, marred by glaring defects
and puerilities. In his clear position on sin and grace, he was
nearest of all the fathers to evangelical Protestantism, the
Reformers, particularly Luther, being strongly influenced by
him.' And through his influence the canon of Scripture was
28 Elliott, op cit., ol. I, pp. 309, 310.

27 Marcus Dods, "Translator's
v Preface" to The City of God, in NPNF, 1st series,
vol. 2, p. xiii; David S. Schaff, The Middle Ages (Philip Schaff, History of the Christian
Church, vol. 5), part I, p. 28, note I.
"'• Philip Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 1021.
listed at the councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397).'

Though at first an advocate of religious liberty, and of
purely spiritual means of opposing error, Augustine later
asserted the fatal principle of forcible coercion, and lent the
weight of his name to civil persecution, the bloody fruits of
which appeared in the Middle Ages, when his writings became
the "Bible of the Inquisition." " He was perhaps the first to
champion the cause of persecution and intolerance by misusing
the words, "Compel them to come in," in appealing to the
secular arm to suppress the Donatists.' Thus he flung a dark
shadow over the church, his intolerance being mainly the
result of his distorted views of Scripture interpretation. His
name was later adduced to justify the murder of Michael
Servetus and to sanction the massacre of Saint BartholomeW's
Day and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes."
Repelled by the literal interpretation of the Scripture,
Augustine snatched up the Philonic and rabbinical rule that
everything that appears to be unorthodox must be interpreted
mystically. And his acceptance of the Rules of Tichonius led to
a system of multiple interpretation that blurred the original
sense. Augustine so draws upon Tichonius and so borrows his
arguments that portions of his writings "seem an echo" of
Tichonius' Book of Rules—rules "as baseless as Philo's, and
even more so than those of Hillel." 3'
Under Augustine the allegorical method degenerated into
a means of displaying ingenuity and supporting ecclesiasticism.
Once this principle is adopted, a passage may say one thing but
mean another. Thus the Bible is emptied of significance, and
the reader is at the mercy of the expositor. Unhappily, allegorism
became completely victorious under Augustine.' But even more
serious, he laid down the sinister rule that the Bible must be
3) Ibid., p. 1017; see also page 106 of the present volume. Augustine's list of canonical
books, which included apocryphal books also, appears in his On Christian Doctrine, book 2,
chap. 8, in NPNF, 1st series, vol. 2, pp. 538, 539.
8° Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 1021 Farrar, History, p. 235.
31 Augustine, Letter 93, in NPNF, 1st series, vol. 1, p. 383; see also Farrar, Lives, vol. 2,
pp. 402, 403.
" Farrar, History, pp. 235, 236.
38 Farrar, History, p. 24. For Tichonius' Rules, see p. 467.
8, Ibid., pp. 237-239.
478 PROPHETIC FAITH.
interpreted with reference to church orthodoxy.' To Augustine

is due the "extravagant exaltation of 'the Church,' as represented
by an imperious hierarchy," as an extravagant reliance upon
external authority substituted a dominant church and an
imperious hierarchy for an ever-present Christ."
Augustine exerted doubtless the most powerful, permanent,
and extensive influence of all ecclesiastical writers since the
days of the apostles." He turned the generations after his time
into the channels of his own thinking, becoming pre-eminently
their teacher and molder in his concept of the nature of the
church."
3. PANORAMIC PREVIEW OF ESSENTIAL POSITIONS.—Before
noting in detail Augustine's various positions—on the proph-
ecies, the resurrection, the millennium, and the kingdom—let
the eye sweep in panoramic view over the entire range of the
Augustinian scheme, the more easily to discern the relation
of part to part through a composite picture.
A new theory of the millennium is here presented—
asserted as a present fact, with Revelation 20 referring to the
first instead of to the second advent. Tichonius' Rules and his
essential exposition are adopted—the thousand years slipped
back by recapitulation to the beginning of the Christian dis-
pensation, and dated from Christ's ministry. The first resurrec-
tion is made spiritual, taking place in this life; the second is
that of the body, at the end of the world. The description in
Revelation 20 of Satan's being bound and cast into the bottom-
less pit (the abyss), is identified with the casting down of the
dragon of chapter 12, and is considered as already accomplished.
The abyss is the "non-Christian nations." The thrones of judg-
ment are present ecclesiastical sees. Thus the emphasis is shifted
back to the first advent and away from the second, which is
increasingly relegated to the background.
35 See Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, book 3, chap. 10, sec. 15, and Against the
Epistle of Manichaeus, chap. 5, in NPJVF, 1st series, vol. 2, p. 561, and vol. 4, p. 131, respec-
tively.
Milrnan, History of Christianity, book 3, chap. 10, vol. 3, p. 170.
3, Johannes Huber, quoted in Schaff, History, vol. 2, p. 1003.
The church militant is the church triumphant. The camp

of the saints is the church of Christ extending over the whole
world. The 144,000 are the church, or saints, or city of God;
and the Jews are to be converted. The imperial Catholic Church
is the stone shattering all earthly kingdoms, untilt i fills the en-
tire earth. The Old Testament prophecies are claimed for the
new ecclesiastical empire. He assents to the four standard em-
pires of Daniel, but makes Antichrist come, nevertheless, at the
end of the thousand years. Thus the union of church and state
becomes a caricature of the millennial kingdom before its time.
A new era in prophetic interpretation is thus introduced; this
specious Augustinian theory of the millennium, spiritualized
into a present politico-religious fact, fastens itself upon the
church for about thirteen long centuries. Note the particulars
of the substantiating evidence.
4. AUGUSTINE ON THE SECOND ADVENT.—After discussing
C4 coming in judgment he also refers to certain. "ambigu-
ous" texts, which seem to refer to the judgment, but may
refer to—
"that coming of the Saviour which continually occurs in His Church, that
is, in His members, in which He comes little by little, and piece by piece,
since the whole Church is His body."
5. FIRST RESURRECTION SPIRITUAL; SECOND CORPOREAL.—
The theory of the spiritual, allegorical first resurrection lies at
the foundation of Augustine's structure—the resurrection of
dead souls from the death of sin to the life of righteousness.
Discussing the nature of the first and second resurrections,
Augustine builds .upon Matthew 8:22—"Let the dead bury
their dead"—which he interprets thus:
"He does not speak of the second resurrection, that is, the resurrection
of the body, which shall be in the end, but of the first, which now is. It is
for the sake of making this distinction that He says, 'The hour is coming,
and now is.' Now this resurrection regards not the body, but the soul... .
Let those who are dead in soul bury them that are dead in body. It is of
these dead, then—the dead in ungodliness and wickedness—that He says,
'9 Augustine, The. City of God, book 20, chap. 5, in NPXF, 1st series, vol. 2, p. 424.
480 PROPHETIC FAITH
'The hour is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the
Son of God; and they that hear shall live.' " 4°
"So are there also two resurrections,—the one the first and spiritual
resurrection, which has place in this life, and preserves us from coming into
the second death; the other the second, which does not occur now, but in
the end of the world, and which is of the body, not of the soul, and which
by the last judgment shall dismiss some into the second death, others into
that life which has no death.""
So, according to Augustine, there is a single, simultaneous
physical resurrection of all men at the last day, instead of a first
and a second literal resurrection. Once this thesis was accepted,
the historic millennialism was, of course, vanquished.
6. Two RESURRECTIONS AND THE THOUSAND YEARS.—Dis-
cussing the relationship of the resurrections to the thousand
years, Augustine refers to the misunderstandings of some con-
cerning the first resurrection, and then says, with reference to
Revelation 20:1-6:
"Those who, on the strength of this passage, have suspected that the
first resurrection is future and bodily, have been moved, among other
things, specially by the number of a thousand years, as if it were a fit thing
that the saints should thus enjoy a kind of Sabbath-rest during that period,
a holy leisure after the labors of the six thousand years since man was
created, and was on account of his great sin dismissed from the blessedness
of paradise into the woes of this mortal life, so that thus, as it is written,
'One day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one
day' [2 Pet. iii. 8], there should follow on the completion of six thousand
years as of six days, a kind of seventh-day Sabbath in the succeeding
thousand years; and that it is for this purpose the saints rise, viz., to cele-
brate this Sabbath.
"And this opinion would not be objectionable, if it were believed
that the joys of the saints in that Sabbath shall be spiritual, and conse-
quent on the presence of God; for I myself, too, once held this opinion.
But, as they assert that those who then rise again shall enjoy the leisure of
immoderate carnal banquets, furnished with an amount of meat and drink
such as not only to shock the feeling of the temperate, but even to surpass
the measure of credulity itself, such assertions can be believed only by the
carnal. They who do believe them are called by the spiritual Chiliasts,
which we may literally reproduce by the name Millenarians."
Be it noted that Augustine had previously been a chiliast,
Ibid., chap. 6, p. 425.
41 Ibid., p. 426.
42 Ibid., chap. 7.
but turned against chiliasm because of the "carnal" positions

of some of its adherents. The extremism of some has been the
bane of the church in all ages.
7. ALTERNATIVE INTERPRETATIONS OF THOUSAND YEARS.—
Augustine's concepts of the thousand years are couched in these
words, citing Tichonius' Fifth Rule:
"Now the thousand years may be understood in two ways, so far as
occurs to me: either because these things happen in the sixth thousand of
years or sixth millennium (the latter part of which is now passing), as if
during the sixth day, which is to be followed by a Sabbath which has no
evening, the endless rest of the saints, so that, speaking of a part under
the name of the whole, he calls the last part of the millennium—the part,
that is, which had yet to expire before the end of the world—a thousand
years; or he used the thousand years as an equivalent for the whole dura-
tion of this world, employing the number of perfection to mark the
fullness of time."
It should be borne in mind that, following TiehoniBs;
Augustine regarded the thousand years as a figurative numeral
expressive of the whole period intervening between Christ's
earthly ministry and the end of the world—a round number,
for an indeterminate time, some saying that "four hundred, some
five hundred, others a thousand years, may be completed from
the ascension of the Lord until His final coming." 44 it is well to
know that Augustine followed the Septuagint chronology; he
believed that the sixth millennium was more than half gone,
and it is natural that he would expect the end in less than a
thousand years." However, the thousand-year idea later came
to prevail.
8. THOUSAND YEARS SPANS THE TWO ADVENTS.—The crux
of Augustine's argument is that the millennium of Satan's
binding dates from Christ's first advent to His second coming.
"From the first coming of Christ to the end of the world, when He
shall come the second time, . . . during this interval, which goes by the
name of a thousand years, he shall not seduce the Church." "
43 Ibid., p. 427.
44 book
Ibid., 18, chap. 53, in NPNF, 1st series, vol. 2, p. 394.
43 book
lb id., 20, chap. 7, p. 427; Elliott, op. di., vol. 1, pp. 395, 397, vol. 4, p. 137,
note 3, p. 325.
10 Augustine, The City of God, book 20, chap. 8, in NPNF, 1st series, vol. 2, p. 428.
16
482 PROPHETIC FAITH
The millennium was therefore no longer a desideratum;

it was already a realization. Augustine laid "the ghost" of
millenarianism so effectually that for centuries thereafter the
subject was practically a closed question.'
9. DEVIL Is BOUND Now UNTIL THE END.—"Now the
devil was thus bound not only when the Church began to be
more and more widely extended among the nations beyond
Judea, but is now and shall be bound till the end of the world,
when he is to be loosed."
Note particularly Augustine's definition of the abyss, and
Satan's binding as expulsion from the hearts of the believers.
"By the abyss is meant the countless multitude of the wicked whose
hearts are unfathomably deep in malignity against the Church of God;
not that the devil was not there before, but he is said to be cast in thither,
because, when prevented from harming believers, he takes More complete
possession of the ungodly. . . .
"'Shut him up,'—i.e., prohibited him from going out, from doing
what was forbidden. And the addition of 'set a seal upon him' seems to me
to mean that it was designed to keep it a secret who belonged to the devil's
party and who did not. For in this world this is a secret, for we cannot tell
whether even the man who seems to stand shall fall, or whether he who
seems to lie shall rise again. But by the chain and prison-house of this
interdict the devil is prohibited and restrained from seducing those nations
which belong to Christ, but which he formerly seduced or held in subjec-
tion." "
10. DEVIL LOOSED FOR THREE AND A HALF YEARS AT END.
—But Satan is to be loosed at the end for a short time.
"For he shall rage with the whole force of himself and his angels for
three years and six months; and those with whom he makes war shall have
power to withstand all his violence and stratagems. . . . And he r the
Almighty"] will in the end loose him, that the city of God may see how
mighty an adversary it has conquered, to the great glory of its Redeemer,
Helper, Deliverer."
Immediately following this, Augustine says it is question-
able whether there will be any conversions during this three-
and-a-half-year period, and again states that the binding began
47 Shirley Jackson Case, The Millennial Hope, p. 179.
40 Ibid., chap. 7, p. 427.
50 Ibid., chap. 8, p. 428.
at "the time of. His first coming." He raises the question

whether this last persecution by Antichrist, lasting for three
years and a half, is comprehended in the thousand years, and
concludes that it is neither deducted from the whole time of
Satan's imprisonment, nor added to the whole duration of the
reign of the saints."
11. PRESENT CHURCH IS KINGDOM OF CHRIST.—He contends
that the heavenly kingdom is now in existence.
"Therefore the Church even now is the kingdom of Christ, and the
kingdom of heaven. Accordingly, even now His saints reign with Him."
"But while the devil is bound, the saints reign with Christ during the
same thousand years, understood in the same way, that is, of the time of His
first coming." "
12. CHURCH RULERS SITTING ON JUDGMENT SEATS Now.—
Augustine applies the text, "And I saw seats and them that sat
upon them, and judgment was given" to the rulers by whom
the church is now governed, for "what ye bind on earth shall
be bound in heaven; and what ye loose on earth shall be loosed
in heaven."
. "BEAST" IS UNGODLY CITY OF WORLD.—What this
beast is requires a more careful investigation. It is the ungodly
city, the community of unbelievers, as opposed to the city of
God and the faithful.
" 'His image' seems to me td mean his simulation, to wit, in those
men. who profess to believe, but live as unbelievers. For they pretend to
be what they are not, and are called Christians, not from a true likeness,
but from a deceitful image. For to this beast belong not only the avowed
enemies of the name of Christ and His most glorious city, but also the
tares which are to be gathered out of His kingdom, the Church, in the
end of the world."
"We have already said that by the beast is well understood the wicked
;.• A rrry t rvf
which we have spoken in the same place." '
31 Ibid., chaps. 8, 9, p. 429.

53 Ibid., chap. 13, pp. 433, 434.
53 Ibid., chap. 9, p. 430.
r" Ibid., p. 429.
55 Ibid., p. 430.
56 Ibid., p. 431.
57 Ibid., chap. 14, p. 434.
484 PROPHETIC FAITH
The mark in forehead or hand, discussed by Augustine, in

another section, is interpreted as freedom from the world's
pollutions.'
14. GOG AND MAGOG ARE DEVIL'S NATIONS.—Gog and
Magog, says Augustine, are not to be understood of "barbarous
nations in some part of the world . . . not under the Roman
government," but are "spread over the whole earth." They
were a then-present reality, and would break forth against the
church in the future.
15. "CANH, OF THE SAINTS" IS THE CHURCH.—The full
significance of the following assertion .from Augustine should
not be lost:
"This camp is nothing else than the Church of Christ extending over
the whole world. And consequently wherever the Church shall be,—and it
shall be in all nations, as is signified by 'the breadth of the earth,'—there
also shall be the camp of the saints and the beloved city, and there it shall
be encompassed by the savage persecution of all its enemies."
Quoting in substance and approving the Rules of
Tichonius, Augustine, under the Fifth Rule, says of the strange
principle of multiplying numbers to get "time universal," "One
hundred and forty-four [thousand], which last number is used
in the Apocalypse to signify the whole body of the saints." "
Augustine includes the Jews among those who will be
converted."
16. DEVOURING FIRE IS BURNING ZEAL.—The "fire out of
heaven" which consumes the wicked is the firm refusal of the
saints to yield obedience to those who would draw them away
to the party of Antichrist.
"This is the fire which shall devour them, and this is 'from God;' for
it is by God's grace the saints become unconquerable, and so torment their
enemies. For as in a good sense it is said, 'The zeal of Thine house hath
consumed me' [Ps. 69:9], so in a bad sense it is said, 'Zeal hath possessed
the uninstructed people, and now fire shall consume the enemies.' " "
58 Ibid., chap. 10, p. 431.
58 Ibid., chap. 11, p. 432.
88 Ibid.
81 Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, book 3, chap. 35, in NPNF, 1st series, vol. 2,
pp. 571, 572.
88 Ibid., chap. 12, pp. 432, 433.
17. "NEW JERUSALEM" IS CHURCH'S PRESENT GLORY.—

Unequivocal is Augustine's declaration that the New Jerusalem
has "indeed descended from heaven from its commencement,
since its citizens during the course of this world grow by the
grace of God, which cometh down from above through the
laver of regeneration in the Holy Ghost sent down from
heaven."
18. MYSTICAL BABYLON APPLIED TO ROME.—On the other
hand, Augustine clearly applies the term "Babylon" to Rome
as "western Babylon," and "mystical Babylon," thus:
"Babylon, like a first Rome, ran its course along with the city of
God. . . . Rome herself is like a second Babylon." "
"Such a city has not amiss received the title of the mystic Babylon. For
Babylon means confusion, as we remember we have already explained." 86
"The city of Rome was founded, like another Babylon, and as it were
the daughter of the former Babylon, by which God was pleased to conquer
the whole world, and subdue it far and wide by bringing it into one fellow-
ship of government and laws." "
19. UNCERTAIN WHETHER ANTICHRIST SITS IN CHURCH.
—Setting forth different views held on the identity of Antichrist,
or the apostate Man of Sin, and the temple in which h,will sit,
Augustine inclines toward understanding it to be the apostate
body appearing in the church.
"It is uncertain in what temple he shall sit, whether in that ruin of the
temple which was built by Solomon, or in the Church; for the apostle
would not call the temple of any idol or demon the temple of God. And
on this account some think that in this passage Antichrist means not the
prince himself alone, but his whole body, that is, the mass of men who
adhere to him, along with him their prince; and they also think that we
should render the Greek more exactly were we to read, not 'in the temple
of God,' but 'for' or 'as the temple of God,' as if he himself were the temple
of God, the Church."
20. R^MAN mpla v PROBABLY THE WITS-HOLDING POWER.
—Augustine avoided making an explicit statement as to the
withholding power of 2 Thessalonians, because as he expressed
" Ibid., chap. 17, p. 436.
05 /bid., book 18, clap. 2, p. 362; see also chap. 22, p. 372.
00 Ibid., chap. 41, p. 385.
07 Ibid., chap. 22, p. 372.
/bid.; book 20, chap. 19, p. 437.
486 PROPHETIC FAITH
it, we "have not their knowledge" of what Paul had told the
Thessalonians. Therefore he says:
"I frankly confess I do not know what he means. I will nevertheless
mention such conjectures as I have heard or read.
"Some think that the Apostle Paul referred to the Roman empire,
and that he was unwilling to use language more explicit, lest he should
incur the calumnious charge of wishing ill to the empire which it was
hoped would be eternal. . . . However, it is not absurd to believe that
these words of the apostle, 'Only he who now holdeth, let him hold until
he be taken out of the way,' refer to the Roman empire, as if it were said.
Ònly he who now reigneth, let him reign until he be taken out of the way.'
Ànd then shall the wicked be revealed:' no one doubts that this means
Antichrist." 00
21. FOUR PROPHETIC KINGDOMS FOLLOWED BY ANTICHRIST.
—Of the four standard prophetic world powers, Augustine goes
no further than to state, "Some have interpreted," and to com-
mend the reading of Jerome.
"In prophetic vision he [Daniel] had seen four beasts, signifying four
kingdoms, and the fourth conquered by a certain king, who is recognized
as Antichrist, and after this the eternal kingdom of the Son of man, that
is to say, of Christ. . . . Some have interpreted these four kingdoms as
signifying those of the Assyrians, Persians, Macedonians, and Romans.
They who desire to understand the fitness of this interpretation may read
Jerome's book on Daniel, which is written with a sufficiency of care and
erudition." "
22. UNCERTAINTY AS TO THE TEN KINGS.—Augustine was
also unsettled as to the ten kings, doubting whether they would
be found simultaneously in the Roman world at the coming
of Antichrist, and suggesting that "ten" could merely symbolize
totality."
23. ALLOTTED TIME OF ANTICHRIST'S ASSAULT.—Augustine
expects Antichrist to reign three years and a half.
"But he who reads this passage, even half asleep, cannot fail to see
that the kingdom of Antichrist shall fiercely, though for a short time, assail
the Church before the last judgment of God shall introduce the eternal
reign of the saints. For it is patent from the context that the time, times,
and half a time, means a year, and two years, and half a year, that is to say,
00Ibid., pp. 437 438.
10Ibid., chap. 23, p. 443.
n Ibid., chap. 23.
three years and a half. Sometimes in Scripture the same thing is indicated
by months. For though the word times seems to be used here in the Latin
indefinitely, that is only because the Latins have no dual, as the Greeks
have, and as the Hebrews also are said to have. Times, therefore, is used
for two times." "
24. DAYS OF CREATION PARALLELED BY AGES OF THE WORLD.
—Augustine did not regard the six days of creation as literal,
but as a step-by-step revelation to the angels of the various
phases of a creation which really occurred all at once." But he
symbolized the events of the six days by the ages of the world.
His enumeration of these ages was followed by later writers
through the Middle Ages and into modern times; they were
used, with slight modification, by Ussher and incorporated into
various Bible chronologies. These periods of Augustine are:
(1) Adam to Noah, (2) Noah to Abraham, (3) Abraham to
David, (4) David to the Captivity, (5)-The Captivity to Christ,
(6) Christ to the end, (7) The second advent and the eternal
rest."
This "world-week" theory was based on earlier sources,
but "Augustine, steeped in Neopiatonism and Pythagoreanism,
really prescribed the doctrine for the Middle Ages." ' He ex-
erted the greatest influence of any of the early church writers.
25. EXACT DATE OF PASSION FORETOLD BY DANIEL.—It is
interesting to observe that Augustine evidently holds to the
seventy weeks as employing the year-day principle, for he
extends the period to Christ's death.
"Daniel even defined the time when Christ was to come and suffer by
the exact date. It would take too long to show this by computation, and
it has been done of ten by others before us." "
Hesychius, bishop of Salona, made them end with the
second advent, which he believed near at hand." Augustine
condemned such a view, declaring:
72 Ibid.
" Augu s tine, De Genesi ad Litteram, book 4, chap. 35, sec. 56, and book 5, chap. 3,
sec. 5, in Migne, PL, vol. 34, cols. 320, 322, respectively.
74 Augustine, De Genesi Contra Manichaeos, book 1, chap. 23, in Migne, PL, vol. 34,
cols. 190-193. He does not make each age exactly a thousand years.
" Jones, editorial note, in Bedae Opera de Tensporibus. p. 345.
7° Ibid., book 18, chap. 34, p. 380.
7'7 Charles Maitland, op. ca.. pp. 252-254.
488 PROPHETIC FAITH
"For, with respect to the Hebdomads of Daniel, I think that this

especially must be understood according to time which is now past: for I do
not dare to enumerate the years [times] concerning the advent of the
Saviour, who is awaited in the end; nor do I think that any prophet has
fixed the number of years concerning this thing, but that this rather
prevails which the Lord Himself says, 'No one can know the times which
the Father has put in His own power (Acts 1:7).' "'8
Augustine then comments upon the generally accepted
Scriptures referring to the second advent, and denominates as
a false theory the concept that the weeks of Daniel relate to
this event.
26. CHURCH-SHATTERING STONE FILLING WHOLE EARTH.—
In his refutation of the Donatist Petilianus, Augustine applies
the prophesied eternal reign of Christ to the present reign of
the Roman church, and contends that the stone has already
become a mountain and is even now filling the earth.
"But you are so bent upon running with your eyes shut against the
mountain which grew out of a small stone, according to the prophecy of
Daniel, and filled the whole earth, that you actually tell us that we have
gone aside into a part, and are not in the whole among those whose
communion is spread throughout the whole earth."
The significance of this revolutionary position based on
Tichonius' Rules, can scarcely be overemphasized. By this
application the eyes of men were turned back from the second
advent to the first, as the time of the initial smiting of the
image. Such an exposition of the stone kingdom was a direct
challenge to the interpretation of the Christian scholarship of
the first four centuries.
Similarly, in one of his tractates on the Gospel of John,
Augustine discourses on the stumbling of the Jews over Christ
as a "small stone" that had already been "cut out" of the
"mountain" of the Jewish nation, citing Daniel 2. But now,
he avers, the Christian church has already become the world-
filling mountain in his day. Thus he says:
"The stone was cut out from thence, because from thence was the
78 Translated from Augustine, Epistle 197 (to Hesychius), in Migne, PL, vol. 33, col. 899.
°D Translated from Augustine, Contra Litteras Petiliant Donatistae, book 2, chap. 38,
sec. 91, in Migne, PL, vol. 43, col. 292,
Lord born on His advent among men. And wherefore without hands?
Because without the cooperation of man did the Virgin bear Christ. Now
then was that stone cut out without hands before the eyes of the Jews;
but it was humble. Not without reason; because not yet had that stone
increased and filled the whole earth: that He showed in His kingdom,
which is the Church, with which He has filled the whole face of the
earth." SO
Rather excusing the Jews for their lesser occasion for
stumbling and being broken, Augustine emphasizes the serious-
ness of denying the mountain church which is filling the earth,
and which is to grind men to powder when Christ appears "in
His exaltation." So he concludes:
"But the Jews were to be pardoned because they stumbled at a stone
which had not yet increased. What sort of persons are those who stumble at
the mountain itself? Already you know who they are of whom I speak.
Those who deny the Church diffused through the whole world, do not
stumble at the lowly stone, but at the mountain itself: because this the
stone became as it grew. The blind Jews did not see the lowly stone: but
how great blindness not to see the mountain!" "
HI. The Earlier Advent Hope Largely Forgotten

Augustine begins his epochal treatise, The City of God,
with the words:
"The glorious city of God is my theme, . . . a city surpassingly
glorious, whether we view it as it still lives by faith in this fleeting course
of time, and sojourns as a stranger in the midst of the ungodly, or as it
shall dwell in the fixed stability of its eternal seat, which it now with
patience waits for, expecting until 'righteousness shall return unto judg-
ment,' and it obtain, by virtue of its excellence, final victory and perfect
peace.""
This idea of the kingdom of God as the church ruling on
earth was a sweeping, resplendent vision; but it was un-Biblical,
unsound, and misleading. And it veered the church tragically
away from her historic course. So long as the tremendous fact
was acknowledged that only the second advent, ending forever
the present world order, destroying all nations, and removing all
the righteous through resurrection and translation, would usher
" Augustine, Tractate 4 on the Gospel of John, sec. 4. in .1VPIVF, 1st series, vol. 7, p. 26.
6, Ibid.,
pp. 26, 27.
02 Augustine, The City of God, book 1, Preface, in WP.AT, 1st series, vol. 2. p. 1.
490 PROPHETIC FAITH
in the visible kingdom of God, just so long was the second

advent hope the focal point of Christian expectation and
deliverance. But this was pushed into the background when
Augustine's misconceived dream became accepted—the dream
of a present spiritual resurrection and a secular millennium
introduced through the first advent, together with a spiritualiza-
tion of the prophecies and the New Jerusalem to accommodate
such a picture, and these accompanied by a denial of the earlier
views of the prophetic course of events.
Augustine, in his City of God, "did more than all the
Fathers to idealize Rome as the Christian Zion.' It is true
that he did not at all foresee the system that would be built upon
that concept; neither do voluminous writers today follow out all
their premises to ultimate conclusions. But he provided the
materials from which in later times was built the medieval
theory and policy of the religio-political state church.
How different the history of the church might have been
if it had heeded the emphasis which Augustine placed, according
to his light, on faith and divine grace, and the inner communion
with Christ, without which sacrament and ritual were valueless.
But the medieval church left these teachings for Luther, the
Augustinian monk, to carry on into the Reformation, and
instead seized upon Augustine's millennial theory and his world-
church ideal, which it easily changed from a spiritual to a
religio-political empire.
It is not to be supposed that the doctrine of the second
advent itself was abandoned or spiritualized away after Augus-
tine's time. The church always held to the Apostles' Creed, with
its definite declarations of faith in the return of Christ "to
judge the quick and the dead," in the resurrection of the body,
the communion of saints, and the life eternal. That much can
be assumed for all the writers cited. But they abandoned the
idea of the millennium separating the two literal resurrections;
and the future, general resurrection and judgment at the second
83 Flick, op. cit., p. 170,

advent were pushed out of range—beyond a "thousand years"

of indefinite duration.
Thus Augustine's millennial theory focused the church's
gaze on the kingdom as a then-present reality on earth. This
resulted in a tragic nearsightedness which blurred her vision
of the future kingdom of Christ to be inaugurated at the second
advent.
CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE
Gradual Emergence of the Papal Power
Augustine witnessed the beginning of the crumbling of

imperial Rome, but his City of God concept was a fore-
shadowing of the churchly counterpart of old Rome, which was
to rise into a vast spiritual empire in succeeding centuries.
This is therefore a suitable place to trace the gradual growth
of the once-humble bishop of Rome into the proud pontiff on
the papal throne, ruling as head of the Catholic Church in
the very seat of the old Roman Empire.
The transformation of the pagan capital of the world into
the ecclesiastical capital of Christendom was a long process, but
the cornerstone of the new structure—an empire based on
religion—can be seen in the legal establishment of the pope
as the "head of all the holy churches," and the designated
corrector of heretics. Future chapters will reveal further stages
in the gradual growth of this mighty religio-political structure
to its pinnacle in the height of the medieval Papacy. But here
we shall trace briefly the outlines of the foundations and witness
the laying of the cornerstone in the time of Justinian.
I. Worldly Advance Matched by Spiritual Decline

1. ROME'S UNIQUE CONNOTATIONS AS A CITY.—The ancient
city of Rome, founded according to tradition in the eighth
century B.c., was for several hundreds of years but of local, minor
importance. By the second century B.c., however, she stood
upon the threshold of her supremacy of the Mediterranean
world; and for five hundred years thereafter she was the
492
GRADUAL EMERGENCE OF THE PAPAL POWER 493
unrivaled metropolis of the last and mightiest of the four

prophesied world empires, the seat of its government, and the
heart of the then-known world. In pagan days Rome was
accounted as everlasting, bearing the proud title of "Eternal
City." This idea continued into the time of the Christian
emperors, down to the end of the fifth century. Said the his-
torian Ammianus Marcellinus (395), "She shall live so long as
men shall exist."
Roma Aeterna, the "Eternal Rome," lent its name to the
wide domain, where its noted sons held sway over subject
peoples, be it at the muddy waters of the Euphrates, in the dark
and somber forests of the Teutons, or in the highlands and
moors of Britain. And when Rome no longer produced men
of outstanding capacity, others of foreign extraction, the
emperors of Byzantium and later of Germany, proudly carried
the name of Ri-,me at the head of their list of titles.
But still another power, of a different sort, and even more
significant, rose to pre-eminence at a period when Rome's
fortunes were at their lowest ebb. And this power carried the
name of Rome into a different realm, gave it a new significance,
raised it to new heights and world-wide fame. This power was
the little church of Rome to which Paul addressed his epistle,
and which in the course of time should become the seat of a
vast ecclesiastical empire.
2. CONSTANTINE'S REIGN THE CHURCH'S TURNING POINT.—
Of course, the Roman church in the early days, in the periods of
pagan persecution, never dreamed of attaining such a position,
but an amazing reversal in imperial attitude toward Christianity
in general, and toward the developing Roman Catholic mani-
festation in particular, took place between the time of Con-
stantine, in the fourth century, and iustinian, in the sixtil.
Previous to Constantine's edict of toleration in 313, Christians
had been at various times cruelly persecuted under pagan edicts.
But between the fourth and sixth centuries a succession of
Ammianus Marcellinus, History, book 14, chap. 6, sec. 3, in the Loeb Classical
Library, Ammianus Marcellinus, vol. I, p. 37.
TRIUMPHAL ARCH AND JUDICIAL BASILICA OF CONSTANTINE
Noble Triumphal Arch of Constantine Erected at Entrance to Roman Forum Commemorating
Victory Over Maxentius at the Battle of Saxa Rubra, or Milvian Bridge, Which Soon Brought
Persecution of Christians to an End—a Witness to the Overthrow of the Persecuting Power and
Dominion of Pagan Rome (Upper); The Basilica of Constantine (Lower)
laws, not only recognizing Christianity and favoring it, but

also making it the state religion, gave legal support to the
increasingly presumptuous claims to primacy made by the
Roman bishop.
The accession of Constantine found Christianity proscribed
and persecuted. The imposing arch of Constantine, built to
commemorate the emperor's victory over Maxentius, is still a
mute witness to the fourth century as the turning point in the
rise of Constantine and the fortunes of the Christian church.
The two centuries after this almost unbelievable transition
were sufficient to entrench Catholic Christianity in the funda-
mental law of the empire, and by the time of Justinian, Roman
primacy was established so firmly that through succeeding
centuries the bishop of Rome progressed from spiritual leader-
ship and temporal rule to the unparalleled power of the Papacy.
Ti_e leading steps by which this was, achieved must now be
surveyed to obtain the setting for the emergence of the papal
power.
3. MUTUAL RELATIONSHIPS OF EAST AND WEST—The
exigencies of frontier defense had lon g drawn the concern of the. •
empire toward the troubled East. Diocletian had divided the
administration, East and West, with a colleague. Then Con-
stantine, who rarely visited Rome, made his capital in 330 in
the "new Rome"—Byzantium by the Bosporus, now rebuilt
and renamed Constantinople. This became a new center of
what seemed a second empire in the East, particularly after the
system of two emperors was resumed, as under Arcadius and
Honorius, with the Western capital placed in Ravenna. Writers
naturally refer to the empires of the East and the West; yet,
technically, such language is inexact. The empire was, and
continued to he, one and undivided. Thouli there were two
emperors, there was Only one empire—two persons, but only
one power. This point is necessary to an understanding of
developments of the time that we are tracing.
"This removal of the capital of the Empire from Rome to Constanti-
nople in 330, left the Western Church, practically free from imperial power,
496 PROPHETIC FAITH
to develop its own form of organisation. The Bishop of Rome, in the

seat of the Caesars, was now the greatest man in the West, and was soon
forced to become the political as well as the spiritual head."
Civil as well as religious disputes were frequently referred
to the bishop of Rome for settlement. And the Eastern emperors
increasingly recognized his high claims in order to gain his
assistance. Thus gradually became established the principle
of primacy that ultimately created the medieval Papacy. This
was the process.
Growing more and more imperial, the Roman church lost
its early purity and simplicity. Her bishops grew more lordly
and her system of government more Roman. Ecclesiastical power
became the object of her eager ambition. Opulence poured in
upon the priesthood. And their intellectual superiority over
that of the invading barbarians still further increased their
ascendancy. In time, as education declined, they also became
the custodians of learning and teaching, reading and preparing
treaties and state documents, which advantage they did not fail
to capitalize.
4. THE BISHOPS WIELD POLITICAL POWER.—Not content
with supporting Christianity by favoring laws, Constantine and
his successors had added to her spiritual authority the splendor
of political power by inviting the bishops to participate in the
administration of civil affairs, and by entrusting to their care
interests connected with public order and welfare. And this
generosity of the Roman emperors was eclipsed by the sovereigns
of the new monarchies arising upon the ruins of the old
empire. A series of fresh accessions to the prerogatives and
powers of the clergy followed. They were summoned to the
councils of kings and political assemblies. The most honorable
rank was assigned them, and they exercised an influence in all
departments of civil government. The influence of this new
sovereignty was felt far and wide. And in the midst of the
disorders of the time, the church created a bond of union
2Flick, op. cit., pp. 168, 169; see also M. Creighton, A History of the Papacy, vol. 1,
pp. 7, 8; Henry Edward Manning, The Temporal Power of the Vicar of Jesus Christ,
pp. xxviii, xxix; Dellinger, The Church and the Churches, pp. 42, 43.
between nations opposed in character and interests, becoming
the rallying point for society.
The weakness of the falling empire but added worldly
strength to the aspiring church. As historians constantly assert,
the dying empire bequeathed to the church her spirit and
power, and furnished her method and organization, until at
length both reappear with startling similarity in papal Rome.
5. DIGNITY OF IMPERIAL CITY EXALTS ROMAN BISHOP.—
The barbarians beheld in the secularized church the faith they
themselves professed, and the representation of that empire
which they still reverenced while at the same time subverting it.
The earthly majesty and power of this worldly institution
impressed them. Daily the bishops grew in influence in the
midst of a shaken and reeling world, and naturally, because of
his metropolitan position, the bishop of Rome became increas-
ingly the leader.
As the civil pow,r of Pnme waned before the barbaric
invaders, this Christian bishopric seemed the sole survivor of
the old institutions. It remained while all else failed. Gradually
it became the one enduring power among the nations into
which the fragments of the old Roman dominion were rapidly
being crystallized.' To these newly evangelized peoples the
church of Rome was naturally the mother church, and the
bishop of Rome the chief of all Christian bishops. Latin episco-
pacy was thus enthroned in the old Roman metropolis.
II. Leo I Attempts to Materialize Aug-ustine's Kingdom Claims

1. DECLARES RIGHT TO VACANT ROMAN THRONE.—The
Western empire perished through internal weakness and bar-
barian inroads. National misfortune and imperial favor were
the twin causes of ecclesiastical Rome's successful early advance.
Alaric the Goth was reluctant to begin his siege of Rome, the
eternal embodiment of universal power and past terror to the
barbarians. But he found himself, he declares, impelled by
Joseph Cullen Ayer, A Source Book for Ancient Church History, p. 476.
498 PROPHETIC FAITH
some hidden and irresistible impulse to accomplish the enter-

prise'—which is significant. When the city succumbed, in 410,
there was no great imperial leader to defend it, the throne of
the West having been removed to Ravenna. But no barbarian
chief really aspired to the role of emperor.
In 452 Rome again trembled, this time before the approach
of the Huns under Attila. But the Roman bishop Leo (I) the
Great (440-461) prevailed upon him to retire from Italy.' And
three years later, when Genseric, leading the Vandals, became
master of the capital, Leo's intercession again spared the lives
of the Romans. Thus this Roman bishop came to be recognized
as a powerful protector, capable and energetic.
These barbarian chiefs did not venture to set themselves up
as Roman emperors, and fill the "vacant shrine of the
imperium." And Leo began to feel that the time had come to
materialize the claims of Augustine regarding the temporal
millennial kingdom of Christ, and with his avowed vested
powers of loosing and binding openly to declare his right to
the vacant throne as the fitting seat of Christ's universal king-
dom. In this way the Roman church pushed its way into the
place of the Western empire, of which it is "the actual continua-
tion." 8 Thus the empire did not perish; it only changed its
form. The pope became Caesar's successor. This was a long
stride forward.
2. PRIMACY BASED ON CLAIMS TO PETER'S POWERS.—Earlier
in the fourth century, the Roman bishop's precedence among
equals, formerly accorded to him, had first been demanded on
a new ground that was reiterated time after time until the
Roman bishop received supremacy of dominion.' The second
Ecumenical Council at Constantinople (381), in Canon 2, had
confirmed the various metropolitans—such as those of Alexan-
dria, Antioch, and Ephesus—in their respective spheres; 8 but it
4 Sozonsen, op. cit., book 9, chap. 6, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 2, p. 423.

5 Ayer, op. cit., p. 476.
8 Adolf Harnack, What Is Christianity? pp. 269, 270.
7 Robert Hussey, The Rise of the Papal Power, p. 1.
s Hefele, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 355.
also decreed (Canon 3) that "the Bishop of Constantinople

shall hold the first rank after the Bishop of Rome."'
Innocent I (d. 417) had maintained that Christ had (a)
delegated supreme power to Peter and (b) made him bishop
of Rome, and that as Peter's successor lie was entitled to exercise
Peter's power and prerogatives, and Boniface I (d. 422) had
spoken similarly." At the Council of Ephesus, in 431, the
legate of Pope Celestine had proclaimed publicly before all
Christendom:
"There is no doubt, and it is noted by everybody, that the holy and
most blessed Peter is the leader and head of the apostles, a pillar of the
faith, and the foundation of the Catholic Church, and that he received
from our Lord Jesus Christ, the Redeemer of the human race, the keys
of rulership with which power is given to absolve and to bind sins; who
[Peter] till our time and forever lives and exercises judgment in his
successors." "
Some twenty years later Leo saw the force implied by this
claim, and entrenched himself behind it. He first outlined
clearly the extreme limits of the claims of the medieval Papacy
to universal rule of the church. Thus the church of Rome
moved on toward the spiritual dictatorship of Christendom.
More, perhaps, than any other, Leo laid the early foundations
of that imposing edifice that towered among the nations for
more than a thousand years, when papal bulls instead of
imperial decrees began to rule the world."
3. LEO ENVISIONS HEADSHIP OF THE WORLD.---Leo's con-
cepts are well set forth in Sermon 82, "On the Feast of the
Apostles Peter and Paul," before his Roman congregation.
Declaring that these were the men through whom the light of
the gospel first shone on Rome, he says:
"These are they who promoted thee to such glory, that being made
a holy na tion, a olosen people, a. priestly and royal state, and the head of
9 /bid., p. 357. In another translation (NPNF, 2d series, vol. 14, p. 178) canon 3
reads, "The Bishop of Constantinople, however, shall have the prerogative of honour after
the Bishop of Rome." This rendering would not confer rank and authority, but only honor.
1O Flick, op. cit., pp. 181, 182; Elliott op. cit., vol. 3, p. 154.
" Translated from Actio 3 of the douncil of Ephesus, in Jean Hardouin, Acta concili-
cram vol. 1, col. 1477.
'12 Flick, op. cit., pp. 182-185; see also Archibald Bower, The History of the Popes,
vol. 1, pp. 247, 248.
500 PROPHETIC FAITH
the world through the blessed Peter's holy See thou didst attain a wider
sway by the worship of Gon than by earthly government. For although
thou wert increased by many victories, and didst extend thy rule on land
and sea, yet what thy toils in war subdued is less than what the peace of
Christ has conquered."
Contending that the spiritual extension of the Roman
Empire was the carrying out of the divine scheme of Rome as
the "head of the world," he continues:
"For the Divinely-planned work particularly required that many
kingdoms should be leagued together under one empire, so that the
preaching of the world [another Latin text can properly be translated
here, "preaching of regeneration"] might quickly reach to all people, when
they were held beneath the rule of one state. And yet that state, in igno-
rance of the Author of its aggrandisement though it rule almost all nations,
was enthralled by the errors of them all, and seemed to itself to have fos-
tered religion greatly, because it rejected no falsehood. And hence its
emancipation through Christ was the more wondrous that it had been so
fast bound by Satan." 14
This sermon became, in turn, a text upon which his
successors loved to expand, exulting in the firm foundation
laid and the actuality of the establishment of the new Jerusalem
that had come down from heaven. And it was a foundation that
survived the centuries.
That success attended Leo's scheme to make the seven-
hilled city the center of the Christian world, is evident from
the imperial authority secured from Valentinian III, in 445,
for his Western supremacy.
"Since therefore the merit of St. Peter, who is the first in the
episcopal crown and the dignity of the Roman city and the authority of
the sacred synod, has established the primacy of the Apostolic See, let no
unlawful presumption try to attempt anything beyond the authority of
that see. . . By this perpetual sanction we decree that neither should a
Gallic bishop nor one of other provinces be permitted to undertake any-
thing against the old customs without the authority of the venerable man
the pope of the eternal city, . . . so that whoever among the bishops
when summoned to the court by his Roman superior neglects to come, let
him be forced to attend by the moderator of the province." "
Leo the Great, Sermon 82, chap. 1, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 12, p. 195.
1-3
14Ibid., chap. 2, p. 195.
15Translated from Valentinian III, Novenae, title 16, in Codex Theodosianus: Nooellae
Constitutionis imperatorum Theodosii II, Valentinian III (edited by G. Haenel), cols. 173-176.
(According to a variant text, this reads: "Let no presumption try to attempt anything
unlawful.")
4. LEO PROTESTS EQUALITY OF CONSTANTINOPLE.—When,

however, the general Council of Chalcedon (451) asserted, in
Canon 28, the equal dignity and privilege of the see of Con-
stantinople with the see of Rome," Leo indignantly protested,
writing letters to the emperor and others, declaring it a deviation
from the canons of Nicaea." He wrote to the bishops assembled
at Chalcedon that the bishop of Rome was officially "guardian
of the Catholic faith, and of the traditions of the fathers," 18
asserting guardianship of the unwritten as well as the
written rules of faith. But the time of full recognition of
Rome's headship over all the churches had not yet come.
In Leo's time we have encountered a legal sanction for the
pope's superior jurisdiction in a decree of Theodosius and
Valentinian. There had previously been another important
edict, that of Gratian and Valentinian II in 378 or 379. Let
us now ey•.,-nine the successive steps in the legal recognition of
the pope's supremacy by imperial edicts.
III. Legal Sanctions for Roman Primacy Obtained

Under the reign of Constantine, Christianity had become
the religion of the emperor; under Theodosius, sixty years later,
it had become the religion of empire, but legal sanction for the
papal claims of primacy were yet to be secured.
1. PROGRESSIVE EDICTS ESTABLISH HEADSHIP.—There were
four separate edicts, by different emperors—for imperial edicts
were then laws of empire—conferring or confirming the
increasing privileges, immunities, and authorities, until the
bishop of Rome became the virtually unchallenged head of all
churches. These four edicts are:
a. The edict of Gratian and Valentinian II, in 378 or 379.
h The edict of Theodosius II and Valcntinian III, in 445.
c. The imperial letter of Justinian, in 533—becoming
effective in 538.
18 Heide, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 411, 412.
17 Ibid., pp. 435-438. These are epistles nos. 104-106, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 12,
pp. 74-79.
18 Leo, Epistle to the bishops at Chalcedon, in Hardouin, op. cit., tom. 2, col. 688.
502 PROPHETIC FAITH
d. The edict of Phocas, in 606.

2. GRATIAN GIVES RIGHT OF SETTLING APPEALS.—Concern-
ing a, the Roman primacy began to be recognized in a limited
way by the edict of the Emperor Gratian (who laid aside the
formerly pagan dignity of Pontifex Maximus) and Valentinian
II, in 378 or 379. This edict, probably issued at the request of
a Roman synod, not only confirmed Damasus (d. 384) as
bishop of Rome, in opposition to a banished rival claimant, but
also provided that certain cases in the churches of the West
should be referred or appealed to the pope and/or a council of
bishops."
This gave various bishops, scattered over the West, occa-
sion to write to the Roman bishops for decision on controverted
points, which they answered by decretal epistles and ecclesiastical
mandates and decisions. The earliest of these decretals still
extant is a letter of Pope Siricius to Himerius of Tarragona
in 385.'
"The decretals [commence] with the letter of Pope Siricius to
Himerius of Tarragona in 385. Such decretal letters were issued to churches
in most parts of the European West, Illyria included, but not to north
Italy, which looked to Milan, and not to Africa, which depended on
Carthage. . . . It would even appear that a group of some eight decretals
of Siricius and Innocent, Zosimus and Celestine, had been put together
and published as a sort of authoritative handbook before the papacy of
Leo (441-461)."
Thus the authority of the bishop of Rome was greater than
that implied in the sixth canon of the Council of Nicaea (325),
which recognized the equal authority of the then-leading
patriarchates of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and Ephesus."
An edict of Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius I, in 380
or 381 against heretics added imperial recognition of the Petrine
theory, on which the Roman bishops based their claim as judge
" William K. Boyd, The Ecclesiastical Edicts of the Theodosian Code, pp. 67,C.68; L.
Caesar Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici, entry for year 381, sec. 6, vol. 4, col. 453; Newton,
Gieseler, A Text-Book of Church History, vol. 1 p. 3801; see translation in Isaac op. cit.,
Observations Upon the Prophecies of Daniel, pp. 95, 96; for the Latin text, see Mansi,
vol. 3, cols. 627-629.
'2° C. H. Turner, "The Organisation of the Church," Cambridge Medieval History,
col. 1, p. 151.
21 p. 182.
"See Hefele, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 388-404.
of the Christian faith, although the Roman bishop was not

recognized as sole judge of faith, the Alexandrian bishop being
named in connection with Damasus.
"1. The Emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius to the
people of the City of Constantinople.
"We desire that all peoples subject to Our benign Empire shall live
under the same religion that the Divine Peter, the Apostle, gave to the
Romans, and which the said religion declares was introduced by himself,
and which it is well known that the Pontiff Damasus, and Peter, Bishop
of Alexandria, a man of apostolic sanctity, embraced; that is to say, in
accordance with the rules of apostolic discipline and the evangelical
doctrine, we should believe that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit consti-
tute a single Deity, endowed with equal majesty, and united in the Holy
Trinity." 23
3. WESTERN CLERGY SUBJECTED TO ROMAN BISHOP.—In
b—the memorable edict of the Western Emperor Valentinian
III, in 445—the subordination of the Western clergy to the
Roman bishop's primacy is recognized as grounded on Peter's
merit.' This was induced, it is thought, by the Roman bishop
Leo. It upholds against a bishop of Gaul the authority of the
Holy See, and suggests that the peace of the churches would.
he preserved if all would acknowledge their ruler. The context-
shows that it refers to the West, for the dispute was over a
Western subordinate, as the expressions "Western Churches"
and "both Gauls" indicate. But in this support given the Roman
bishop is laid the foundation of future expansions. Thus
Ranke says:
"Thenceforth the power of the Roman bishops advanced beneath
the protection of the emperor himself; but in this political connection
lay also a restrictive force: had there been but one emperor, a universal
primacy might also have established itself; but this was prevented by the
partition of the empire."
4. JUSTINIAN ESTABLISHES HEADSHIP OF ALL CHURCHES.—
As to c—the Jubtiolati ckLicc of 533—it was after the partition-
ing of the Western empire, that, under the victorious armies of
The Code of Justinian, book 1, title 1, 1. This translation is taken from Scott's English
version, The Civil Law. See also Ayer, op. cit., p. 367.
See page 500. The translation of the edict is given in full in Isaac. Newton, op. cit..
pp. 123-125.
Ranke, The History of the Popes, vol. 1, p. 8.
504 PROPHETIC FAITH
Justinian, considerable areas of the West acknowledged him as
their overlord. In this period the legal establishment of the
bishop of Rome as head of all the churches—now including the
East—was accomplished. Then the tide of barbarian conquest
rolled again over Italy, effacing the imperial control and leaving
the West permanently in the hands of the barbarian masters,
and to the pope the exercise of the spiritual primacy and power
conferred on him under law by Justinian. This will be more
fully treated in section 4 of this chapter, but reference must
first be made to the fourth edict of our series.
Under d, the edict of Phocas in 606 merely reiterated and
confirmed the Roman bishop's pre-eminence over the rival
bishop of Constantinople. But Phocas' reign and authority was
confined to the affairs of the East, rather than of the West.
IV. Justinian—Legalizer of Ecclesiastical Supremacy of Pope

Justinian I (527-565), greatest of all the rulers of the
Eastern Roman Empire, was a barbarian by birth, but received
an excellent education at Constantinople. In about 523 he
married the famous actress Theodora. He guided the destinies
of the Roman Empire for thirty-eight years, dying at eighty-
three. Justinian was nicknamed "the Emperor who never
sleeps," because of his tremendous activities and excessive hours
of toil. Believing that as a theologian he was superior to any of
the prelates of the church of his time, he spent long hours poring
over the ponderous tomes of the fathers. But he is perhaps best
known to history as a legislator and codifier of law. No reign,
however, was filled with more important and varied events and
undertakings, which were recorded by Procopius, secretary to
Belisarius and Byzantine historian.
The sixth century has well been called the age of Justinian
—his reign, like a dividing line, marking the terminus of the
ancient world. He is likened to a colossal Janus bestriding the
way of passage between the ancient and the medieval worlds.
26 See page 528.

His was an age of transition and innovation, influencing

the whole future of Christendom. That it was the acknowledged
beginning of a new epoch is recognized by many writers.
1. CONQUESTS LEAVE POPE IN UNDISPUTED HEADSHIP.—
Justinian's first great burden was the full restoration of the
glory of that former empire which the barbarians had divided,
and the recovery of those rights over the West which his prede-
cessors had maintained. This was largely realized through his
conquests in Africa, Italy, and Spain. As a result, Justinian
became the acknowledged and legitimate overlord of barbarian
kings who had established themselves in Roman territory!' He
was armed not only with the heritage of past authority, as sole
remaining emperor in the Roman world, but now with actual
military supremacy by reconquest in the West.
His achievements profoundly affected the whole future of
Europe, and his intervention altered the entire status of the
bishop of Rome, His victories were gained over people who to a
large extent adhered to the teachings of Arius. Being subjugated
by the sword, they foreswore Arianism and became followers of
the doctrine of Athanasius, thereby enhancing the pnwer of the
bishop of Rome as they came automatically under his authority.
And they found it to their interest to yield to the ecclesiastical
leadership of the Roman pontiff. So the misfortunes of the
times, however calamitous to others, were in all respects favor-
able to the papal ambitions.
2. SCOPE OF JUSTINIAN'S FAMOUS "CIVIL CODE."--Justin-
ian's second and far more important achievement was the codi-
fication of the vast and confused mass of Roman law. This was
accomplished by 534, and resulted in the Code, or Codex, the
Digest, or the Pandects, and the Institutes, which together
formed the Corpus juris Civths (Rody of Civil Law) And -no
body of law reduced to writing has been more influential in
the history of the world."
21 Charles Diehl "Justinian. The Imperial Restoration in the West," The Cambridge
Medieval History, vol. pp. 4-20.
Ayer, op. cit., p. 541; see also Diehl, "Justinian," The Cambridge Medieval History,
vol. 2, chap. 1; George Finlay, Greece Under the Romans, chap. 3, sec. 6, pp. 290
CORPUS
RIS
C S
GOT 10 FR E 13
ALIOR12ki Non.
Vow
EPOCHAL COMPILATION OF JUSTINIAN AND THE EMPEROR'S PORTRAIT

Title Page of a Famous Gothofredus Edition of Justinian's Corpus Juris Civilis, Containing His
Code and (Right) Portrait in Mosaic of the Famous Byzantine Emperor Who Recognized the
Bishop of Rome as "Head of All the Holy Churches." This Mosaic Likeness of the Emperor, Made
in 547 at Ravenna, on the Walls of San Rafello, Still Stands
The Code was a gathering of imperial constitutions from

the time of Hadrian (d. 138) to Justinian's day. Begun in 528,
it received imperial confirmation on April 7, 529. But this first
Code was imperfect. The second, or revised Code, was duly
completed, and in December, 534, was given all the authority
The Corpus 7uris Ciuilis (the Body of Civil Law) was made up of (1) The Code or
Codex, (2) the Pandects, or Digest, (3) the Institutes, and (4) the Novels, or Novellae.
506
of law, to the absolute suppression of the first. The Novellae
were new constitutions, new laws or amendments, put forth
from time to time to meet the shortcomings of the Code. These
were added throughout Justinian's lifetime, and a few came
from his successors. The Pandects or the Digest of the best
rulings of the ancient jurists, completed and published with
unlooked-for speed, was dated December 16, 533. The Institutes
were a manual of civil law arranged for students of law, based
on the commentary of Gaius, receiving final ratification in
December, 533. Multiplied by the pens of scribes, these were
transmitted to the magistrates of Europe, Asia, and Africa. By
554 they were generally recognized as law.' Said Gibbon:
"The Code, the Pandects, and the Institutes were declared to be the
legitimate system of civil jurisprudence; they alone were admitted in the
tribunals, and they alone were taught in the academies of Rome, Con-
stantinople, and Bervtus." "
3. juSTINIAN PROVIDES THE LEGAL BASIS.--justinian's third
great achievement was the regulation of ecclesiastical and theo-
logical matters, crowned by the imperial Decretal Letter seating
the bishop of Rome in the church as the "Head of all the holy
churches," thus laying the legal foundation for papal ecclesias-
tical supremacy.
This last achievement of Justinian's reign was brought.,
about not entirely by his imperial will and his decrees, but by
circumstances which seemed to lead naturally and logically to
such a development. Justinian had established the seat of
government for the western part of his empire at Ravenna,
thereby leaving the "eternal city" largely to the jurisdiction of
its bishop. Further, the silent extinction of the consulship, which
dignity had been revered both by Romans and barbarians,
which hP arerimplithed in the thirteenth year of his reign, like-
wise had the same tendency—that of establishing the influence
of the bishop of Rome. Thus the entire conduct, policy, and
T. C. Sandars, Institutes of 7nstinian, p. xxxiii.

Gibbon, op. ca.. chap. 44, vol. 4. p. 465.
508 PROPHETIC FAITH
exploits of Justinian, who reigned in such an important era

of history, focalized in one point so far as the church was con-
cerned—namely, the advancement of the see of Rome. Hence
his name properly belongs with Constantine, Theodosius, and
Charlemagne as one of the greatest advancers of the papal
church.
4. LEGALIZED ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PAPACY.—In tracing
the full legalized establishment of the Papacy to the acts and
reign of Justinian, there is solid and abiding ground on which
to stand. As stated, one of the first tasks that Justinian imposed
upon himself, after ascending the throne in 527, was to reform
the jurisprudence of the empire. With reference to this, Gibbon
has said:
"The vain titles of the victories of Justinian are crumbled into dust;
but the name of the legislator is inscribed on a fair and everlasting
monument. Under his reign, and by his care, the civil jurisprudence was
digested in the immortal works of the CODE, the PANDECTS, and the
INSTITUTES; the public reason of the Romans has been silently or studiously
transfused into the domestic institutions of Europe; and the laws of
Justinian still command the respect or obedience of independent nations." "
But the real significance of that achievement, as bearing
upon our quest in tracing the emergence of papal supremacy,
is further set forth by Gibbon:
"Justinian has been already seen in the various lights of a prince,
a conqueror, and a lawgiver: the theologian still remains, and it affords
an unfavourable prejudice that his theology should form a very prominent
feature of his portrait. The sovereign sympathized with his subjects in
their superstitious reverence for living and departed saints; his Code,
and more especially his Novels [Novenae], confirm and enlarge the privi-
leges of the clergy." 32
The full significance of this statement should not be lost.
In Justinian's Code are incorporated edicts of former emperors
in favor of the Roman church, and in the celebrated Novellae,
or new laws, the canons of the former general councils are
turned into standing laws for the whole empire.'
81Ibid., p. 441.
32Ibid., chap. 47, vol. 5, p. 132.
33 J. E. A. Gosselin, The Power of the Pope, vol. 1, pp. 79-84.
In so doing, Justinian improved the advantage afforded by

his reconquest of Italy to achieve his design of a universal con-
formity in religious matters that would exclude heresy and
schism, as well as strengthen his own authority over the Western
kingdoms. His object was to secure a unity of the church which
should embrace both East and West. He considered there was
no surer way of reducing them all to one religion than by the
advancement of the authority of ecclesiastical Rome, and by
acknowledgment of the head of that church as the promoter of
unity among them, whose business it should be to overawe the
conscience of man with the anathemas of the church, and to
enforce the execution of the heavy penalties of the law. From
about 539, the sovereign pontiff and the patriarchs began to
have a corps of officers to enforce their decrees, as civil penalties
began to be inflicted by their own tribunals."
Justinian, of course, was well aware that such a profound
change could not be achieved merely by co-operation without a
certain amount of coercion. The spirit of religious liberty was
quite foreign to the age. Therefore we find that Justinian
re-enacted the intolerant laws formerly given, and accepted
them into his code; for instance, the law of Constantine, Con-
stantius, and Constans, which stated:
"Privileges granted in consideration of religion should only benefit
those who observe the rules of the Catholic Faith. We do not wish heretics
to absolutely be excluded from these privileges, but that they should
merely be restrained, and compelled to accept employment for which the
said privileges afford exemption."
Then there is the more severe law of the year 396 given by
the emperors Arcadius and Honorius, which stated:
"Let all heretics know positively that their places of assembly shall
be taken from them, whether these are designated under the name of
churches, or are called diaconates, or deaneries, or whether meetings his
kind are held in private houses; for all such private places or buildings
shall be claimed by the Catholic Church." "
" Ibid., pp. 159, 160.

35 The Code of Justinian, book 1, title 5, 1 (Scott's translation). (The Latin reads: "We
not only wish heretics. . • •'')
38 Ibid., title 5, 3.
510 PROPHETIC FAITH
In proportion as Christianity had become consolidated on
the ruins of paganism, the emperors not only protected the
public exercise of Christian worship but also confirmed by
edicts the laws of the church on faith, morals, and discipline.
Thus the general Council of Nicaea had been confirmed by
Constantine; the Council of Constantinople, by Theodosius I
(the Great); the Council of Ephesus, by Theodosius II (the
Younger); and the Council of Chalcedon, by Marcian."
Other edicts confirmed the primacy of the Holy See, and
the sanctification of Sunday and the festivals, together with the
canonical penalties decreed by the church against transgression
of her laws, so that there was scarcely an important article of
faith or discipline not confirmed by imperial decree." Temporal
penalties had been imposed on heretics, the laws of Theodosius
being especially heavy and numerous. And Justinian not only
inserted these contributions into his Code, but promulgated
others. In the same law in which he placed the canons of the first
four general councils among the civil laws of the empire, he
decreed that anyone holding unauthorized church services in a
private house could lose his property and be expelled from the
province, and further that no heretic should have the right to
acquire land, upon pain of confiscation of his property, and
without hope of restoration."
V. Establishing Mandate Embodied Permanently in Code

1. CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO PAPAL HEADSHIP DECISION.
—It is essential to understand the precise occasion and circum-
stance of the imperial letter that at last recognized the bishop
of Rome as head of all the churches, East and West. Justinian
was about to begin his Vandal wars, and was anxious to settle
beforehand the religious disputes of his capital. The Nestorian
controversy " had created considerable disturbance. Justinian,
37 Gosselin, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 60.
3'Ibid., pp. 60, 61.
80 justiman's 131st Novella, chaps. 8, 14. See Appendix C, p. 933.
50 The Syrian bishop, Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople in 428, had protested the
implications of the name "mother of God" given to the Virgin Mary; and this point, with
others, had led to a deep split in the Eastern church. (See Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol.
I, pp. 337 if.)
with a personal penchant for theological questions, plunged

into the controversy with recourse to persecution to augment
his arguments.'
By imperial decree the Nestorians were placed under a
spiritual ban. In their distress some of the anathematized made
appeal to Rome. The emperor then sent two Eastern prelates—
Hypatius, bishop of Ephesus, and Demetrius, bishop of Philippi
—as envoys to Rome to lay the case before Pope John. In the
imperial letter which they bore, Justinian ruled in favor of the
primacy, or precedency, of the bishop of Rome, which had been
contested by the bishop of Constantinople ever since the
removal of the capital to that city. In the fullest and most
unequivocal form Justinian recognized, maintained, and estab-
lished by imperial authority the bishop of Rome as the chief
of the whole ecclesiastical body of the empire."
The imperial letter details the "heresy" of the Nestorian
monks, and desires a rescript from Rome to Epiphanius, patri-
arch of Constantinople, and to the emperor himself, giving
papal sanction to the judgment pronounced by the emperor
upon the heresy. Justinian expresses his desire to present to his
"Holiness" at Rome all matters that concern the church at large.
Justinian also states that the patriarch of COnstantinople has
likewise written the pope as being desirous in all things to follow
the apostolic authority of the Roman bishop.
And for the purpose of preserving the unity of the apos-
tolic see, Justinian states that he has exerted himself to unite
all the priests of the Eastern church and subject them to the
bishop of Rome, and that he does not permit anything pertain-
ing to the state of the church to be unknown "to Your Holiness,"
"because you are the Head of all the holy churches." " He was,
4, W. G. Holmes, The Age of Justinian and Theodora, vol. 2, pp. 702, 703.
42 The text of portions of the Code bearing on this subject, including this imperial letter,
appears in Appendix C.
4$ This is Scott's translation, in The Civil Law, in the section which he numbers book 1,
title 1, section or chapter 4. But the standard numbering is 1, I, 8 in Corpus luris Civilis (as in
the Krueger edition). :The Latin says literally: "Vestrae . . . sanctitati, quia caput est omnium
sanctarum ecclesiarum (to your Holiness, because it [Your Holiness] is head of all the holy
churches). For other translations see William Cuninghame, A Dissertation on the Seals and
Trumpets of the Apocalypse, pp. 185, 186; George Croly, The Apocalypse of St. John, pp. 168,
169; see also Richard Frederick Littledale, The Petrine Claims, p. 293.
512 PROPHETIC FAITH
of course, already the actual head in the West. Justinian con-

cludes by declaring the doctrine held by the bishop of Rome
to be the standard of the faith and the source of unity to all the
Christian world.
The emperor's letter to Pope John must have been written
before March 26,533, for, in a letter of that date" to Epiphanius,
bishop of Constantinople, Justinian speaks of it as having
already been written, and repeats his decision to Epiphanius,
that all things touching the church shall be referred to the pope
of ancient Rome, since he is "head of all the most holy priests of
God," and adds that "by the decision and right judgment of his
venerable see [heretics] are held in check.'
2. ENACTMENT ESTABLISHED IN HEART OF CIVIL CODE.—
Pope John's answer to Justinian, which is recorded in the Code,"
is our source for the emperor's letter, for it quotes it entire,
repeating the language of the emperor, applauding his homage
to the Holy See, acknowledging the title—"head of all churches"
—conferred on him by the imperial mandate, and commending
Justinian's reverence for the "See of Rome," in that he had
"subjected all things to its authority." John refers to Justinian's
having "promulgated an Edict" against heretics, which was
"confirmed by our authority." Thus the transaction was fully
understood by both pope and emperor.
Justinian's momentous document to Bishop John II, of
Rome, was not left to the dubious fate of the royal archives.
Together with John's reply, and the imperial letter to Epipha-
nius, it was put into the Code, and cast into the form of law.
Thus it obtained the stamp of public authority as a law of
empire. And this designation of the pope as supreme head of
the churches was repeated in, various ways in the Civil Code.
44 Referred to in Baronins, op. cit., entry for year 533.

45 Code of Justinian, book 1, title 1, 7, in Corpus Iuris Civilis (Krueger ed.; not in
Scott's translation); see also Croly, op. cit., p. 170. For a translation of the beginning of this
letter, see Appendix C, p. 932.
46 Some have doubted the authenticity of these letters, but reputable authorities use them.
(See Flick, op. cit., pp. 179, 180.) The fact that both letters are found in the standard modern
critical edition of the Corpus Iuris Civilis, that of Mommsen and Krueger, is ample evidence
that the best modern scholarship accepts them as genuine.
Its authenticity is sustained by the Preface to the ninth Novella,

reading:
"Not only has the former Rome been allotted the origin of laws, but
also there is no one who doubts that in her is the peak of the highest
pontificate." "
And the 131st Novella states:
"Hence, in accordance with the provisions of these Councils, we order
that the Most Holy Pope of ancient Rome shall hold the first rank of all
the Pontiffs, but the Most Blessed Archbishop of Constantinople, or New
Rome, shall occupy the second place after the Holy Apostolic See of ancient
Rome, which shall take precedence over all other sees."
Thus the supremacy of the pope over all Christians received
the fullest sanction that could be given by the secular master of
the Roman world. From this time, then, is to be dated the
secular acknowledgment of the Papacy's claims to ecclesiastical
primacy, which became effective generally in 538, by the freeing
of Rome from the Ostrogothic siege.
It was thus that Justinian purchased the influence of Rome,
Whatever the motive, the deed was done. And it was authentic
and unquestionable, sanctioned by the forms of state, and never -
abrogated—the act of the first potentate of the 'world." Thus
the pen that wrote that imperial letter , gave legal sanction to
another Rome that was to have spiritual dominion for even
longer than imperial Rome, and was later to climb to the peak
of civil as well as religious domination.'
3. LEGAL TRANSACTION COMPLETE AND AUTHORITATIVE.--
The title of the pope to supremacy over the church was later
questioned in the East by the Patriarch of Constantinople, after
the death of Justinian, and was in turn reaffirmed by Phocas in
606, as will be noted in chapter 22. But the establishing edict
of Justinian was never rescinded. The importance attached to
47 Translated from Novella 9 (collection 2, title 4) of Justinian, in Corpus luris Cioilis

(Krueger ed.), Scott's translation, which often seems more of a paraphrase than a translation,
is unsatisfactory here.
48 Novella 131 of Justinian, 9th collection, title 6, chap. 2 (numbered title 14, chap. 2 in
Scott's translation, here quoted).
Croly, op. cit., pp. 340-342.
8° See pp. 398, 399, and chapter 27.
17
514 PROPHETIC FAITH
Justinian's Code in this study does not rest so much upon the
great body of civil legislation contained therein as upon the
incorporation of purely ecclesiastical edicts and regulations,
and as a result the latter was given imperial and political sanc-
tion. And as the influence of Justinian's Code can be traced in
the legislation of many European nations, this intertwining of
religious and political power by law remained constant prac-
tically till the time of the French Revolution, when it was
dethroned in Europe and when the Code of Napoleon a few
years thereafter made a distinct separation between the ecclesi-
astical and the secular spheres.
The time of Justinian is therefore incontrovertibly the time
of the beginning of the era of the ecclesiastical supremacy of
the Papacy. The placing of the letter to the pope in civil law,
thereby embodying his primacy in that law, was a remarkable
—yes, an incontrovertible—way of accrediting the pope, and
of making prominent his new power and dignity.
It should be stressed that the Justinian transaction has all
the requirements of completeness, authority, and publicity.
Ecclesiastical dominion was conferred not only over the Western
church but also over the Eastern—these two grand, divisions
theoretically embracing the territory of the old Roman Empire
—and it was enforceable as far as Justinian's authority extended,
for it had all the sanction that could be given by the imperial
will, all the formality which belonged to imperial law, and all
the authority comprehended under imperial supremacy.
4. REMOVAL OF GOTHIC IMPEDIMENT IN 538.—The begin-

ning of the era of the headship of the Roman bishop over all
the churches was not marked by some overmastering event in
papal advance, or by an assumption of supreme ecclesiastical
control; at that time the pope was hampered by the fact that
Arian Ostrogoths were ruling Italy. Rather, it was only by the
removal of the impediment of the Ostrogothic control, as their
besieging forces were cleared away from Rome, that the Roman
pontiff was free to exercise the jurisdiction now legally pro-
GRADUAL EMERGENCE OF THE PAPAL. POWER 515
vided for through the imperial Code of Justinian. At that time

the reinforcing second army of Justinian broke the Gothic
siege of Rome, relieving the beleaguered Belisarius, and leaving
thenceforth no power save the Papacy that could be said to
hold sway through many centuries from the seven hills of the
Eternal City.
One year and nine days had been consumed in the siege
of Rome by the Goths, ending in March, 538," Thus the ancient
seat of empire was preserved for the Papacy, for although
Totila, king of the Goths, had resolved to make of Rome, which
"surpassed all other cities," hut "a pasture land for cattle,"
Belisarius wrote to dissuade him, and so he refrained from
destroying it." The war against the Goths continued, for
Ravenna did not immediately fall—five or six years passing
before the remainder of the Gothic empire collapsed; but
the grave of the nstrogothic monarchy in Italy was dug h,, the
defeat of this siege,' the remaining resistance collapsing by 554."
And with the failure of this siege, says Finlay, "commences the
history of - the Middle Ages."
. Bishop Silverius of Rome (536-c. 538) had been elected
under the Gothic influence, and while Belisarius was besieged in
Rome by the Goths under Witiges (Witigis, or Vitiges), Sil-
verius was accused of favoring the Goths." So in 537 Silverius
was banished by Belisarius; and the deacon Vigilius, favorite
of Theodora, was then elected pope.'
It is not to be concluded that Vigilius came into office
wielding more influence than his predecessors. The time when
Roman pontiffs were to be temporal princes playing power
Procopius, History of the Wars, book 5, xxiv, in The Loeb Classical Library, Procopius,
yci 3 pp. 235-237; Diehl "j'ar,tinian" The Cambridge Medieval Hi!lery vol 9 chap 1, p. 15.
r,ibbcm, 41, ‘.,61. 4, pp. 222-325, Rome: From the Fall of the
Western Empire, p. 53.
52 Horace K. Mann, The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages, vol. 1, part 1,
pp. 17, 18.
53 Diehl "Justinian," The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, p. 18.
'4 Hodgkin op. cit., vol. 4, pp. 251, 252; Gibbon, op. cit., chap. 41, vol. 4, pp. 323, 324.
55 Diehl, ustinian," The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, pp. 18, 19.
reece
55 Finla, G Under the Romans, p. 295.
.57 James C. Robertson, History of the Christian Church, vol. 2, pp. 297, 298.
6s Hussey, op. cit., p. 146; Schaff, History, vol. 3, p. 327; Charles Diehl, "Justinian's
Government in the East," The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, p. 46.
516 PROPHETIC FAITH
politics among the rulers of Europe, and demanding allegiance

and submission from kings, was far in the future, and even then
the Papacy was to have its ups and downs. In 538 the prestige
of the popes was at a low ebb under the dominating spirit of
Justinian." It is likely that Justinian never thought of Vigilius
as anything more than the docile head of a "department of
religion" in his imperial government, and intended to keep the
reins the more firmly in his own hands by subjecting the whole
church to the jurisdiction of a court favorite.
But the imperial acceptance of the Roman pontiff's asser-
tions of primacy—already largely conceded in the West—had
denied the claims of all rivals, and given him official status.
Now Vigilius, owing his pontificate to imperial influence, and
bolstered by this new legal recognition of the pope's ecclesiastical
supremacy, marked the beginning of a long climb toward politi-
cal power which culminated in the reigns of such popes as
Gregory VII, Innocent III, and Boniface VIII. The temporary
nature of Justinian's union of East and West, and the subsequent
decrease in the concern of the Byzantine emperors with Western
church affairs, only left the pope with a freer hand to develop
that power. The change in the character of the Papacy from
Vigilius on, and the final result of that change, have been well
described: "From this time on the popes, more and more
involved in worldly events, no longer belong solely to the
church; they are men of the state, and then rulers of the
state." 6°
This transaction engendered new energy in Rome. As the
Papacy began to assume more of a political character, and
entered the path which led on toward temporal dominion, the
voice of the Roman bishop took on a new authority throughout
all Christendom. The growth of that irresistible tyranny before
which Europe would often bow during the subsequent thousand
years, was now begun. By enshrining in the imperial law the
,9 Diehl, "Justinian's Government," The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, chap. 2,

pp. 46, 47.
60 Charles Bemont and G. Monod, Medieval Europe, p. 121.
long-claimed primacy of the pope, Justinian placed the corner-

stone of that towering ecclesiastical structure that was to cast
its shadow through succeeding centuries over the whole of
Europe, and that was to intercept the guiding light of the
Scriptures by its elaborate ceremonies in all their ancient
heathen splendor—its ecclesiastical calendar crowded with
thinly concealed pagan festivals, its pilgrimages, saint worship,
and adoration of the virgin—and by its insistence on obedience
to Rome, as the supreme duties of life.
CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO
Antichristian Principle Denounced

by Churchmen
Great changes are seldom made by a single drastic action.

More often, in fact, nearly always, they are brought about by a
slight veering away from the original course, caused by decisions
which had to be made and for which there were no precedents.
But these steps, once taken, generally and quite logically lead
on to others. The divergence from the original pattern becomes
wider, but is still defensible and apparently justifiable. How-
ever, it commonly leads to more decisions in the wrong direc-
tion. Thus the deviation gains momentum, and finally a course
is taken and an end achieved that is far from the one originally
intended. Indeed, it is often diametrically opposite to the one
set forth by the founder. This very development came to pass,
unfortunately, within the Christian church. One such important
milestone in the tragic development is to be seen in the life and
reign of Pope Gregory I.
"If Leo drew the outline of the mediaeval Papacy, Gregory made it
a living power. He issued the first declaration of independence and as-
sumed actual jurisdiction over the whole Western Church." 1
We find Gregory denouncing as an antichristian principle
the claim of one man—the rival Patriarch of Constantinople—
to be Universal Bishop. Nevertheless, his energetic policy was
destined to build up the Papacy toward the realization of that
very principle. And in time the universal bishops at Rome-
1 Flick, op. cit., p. 185.
518
ANTICHRISTIAN PRINCIPLE DENOUNCED 519
as Gregory's successors did not hesitate to call themselves—

became temporal princes, and makers and unmakers of kings.
The Augustinian ideal of the churchly millennial kingdom
came to hold sway—the Civitas Dei, under the headship of
the Roman pope, ruling on earth, with secular rulers as the
temporal administrators of the one kingdom of God on earth.
The protest of Gregory against pride and self-seeking was
forgotten.
But after several centuries, when corruption and venality
became so evident, in the ninth and tenth centuries, as to draw
attention to the contrast between the high pretensions and the
actual practices of the Papacy, then we again hear echoes of
Gregory's epithets. Solitary voices began to- cry out sporadically
that Antichrist might appear, in all likelihood, in the very spat
of the one who proclaimed himself to be the vicar of Christ on
earth. Or, even more specifically, that such claims might con-
stitute the fulfillment, of what Paul had prnph,-sied in his
second epistle to the Thessalonians. Let us look at Gregory I,
and then sketch some of the developments which led to the
protest voiced at the Synod of Rheims.
I. Gregory I—Proclaimer of Antichrist's Imminence

GREGORY I (c. 540-604), of patrician birth, was noted for
his brilliance as a student. By the year 573 he had been appointed.
prefect of Rome by Justinian. But he soon broke with the world
and became an abbot, employing his wealth to establish six
monasteries in Sicily and another in Rome. Sent to Constanti-
nople by Pope Pelagius II as his representative in 579, he
entered into a prolonged and bitter dispute with the Byzantine
Patriarch. The Eastern patriarchs had never really submitted
to the popes, but were now in open feud with Rome, for the
struggle for the primacy was still on.'
Gregory's pontificate (590-604) was a time of general
distress in the political as well as in the ecclesiastical field,
Hussey, op. cit., p. 151.

520 PROPHETIC FAITH
though there was a temporary cessation from the controversy

over Arianism, Nestorianism, and other theological issues.
Gregory was an outstanding organizer, and built well the
foundations of increasing power and grandeur for the papal
see. In his time only parts of Italy were being governed in
the name of the Eastern emperor—by an exarch, resident at
Ravenna. The greater portion of northern Italy was overrun
by the Lombards, who repeatedly threatened Rome. From these
Gregory, by his resourcefulness, saved Rome.' Unquestionably
he was the most prominent and influential figure of his age.
His wide interest and missionary fervor can be seen in the fact
that he himself wanted to go to convert the Anglo-Saxons to
the Roman faith, and after he had become pope he did every-
thing possible to further the spread of Christianity and to
extend it over the known world.
1. FOLLOWS AUGUSTINE ON MILLENNIUM AND RESURREC-
TION.—Gregory's favorite author and guide was Augustine of
Hippo. And in harmony with the churchmen of the time he
held and taught the allegorical, or spiritual, view of the
present millennium and the world-filling stone. Thus he said
significantly:
"The little stone, which, cut out of the mountain without hands, has
occupied the whole face of the earth (Dan. ii.35), and which to this end
everywhere distends itself, that from the human race reduced to unity the
body of the whole Church might be perfected."'
Among others, Gregory wrote an extensive treatise entitled
Moralia, also known as Morals of the Book of Job, or Magna
Moralia. In this he seeks to connect passages from Daniel and
the Apocalypse, with Job's Behemoth as Satan, whose tail as
Antichrist, now "bound . . . by the dispensation of the divine
power." In this he contends that Revelation 20:4 is being
fulfilled:
3 James Barmby, Prolegomena to The Book of Pastoral Rule, and Selected Epistles, of
Gregory the Great, pp. vi-ix in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 12; see also Ault, op. cit., p. 143;
Schaff, History, vol. 4, p. 215.
Gregory interpreted Augustine for the Middle Ages, and was second only to him as
a theologian. (Ayer, op. cit., p. 590.)
" Gregory the Great, Epistles, book 5, Epistle 43 (to Eulogius and Anastasius), p. 179,
in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 12.
"He [Satan] is set forth as bound, indeed sent into the abyss, since,
concealed in the hearts of the wicked, he is chained by the power of the
divine dispensation, lest he should be unbridled to the extent of being
able to injure, so that although he rages secretly through them, yet may
not break out in violent plunder of pride. But it is intimated how he is
to be loosed in the end of the world when it says: And after the 1,000
years were ended, Satan will be loosed from his prison. . . . For by the
number 1,000 is expressed the whole period of the Holy church for her
perfection, however much it may be."
Since he follows Augustine, Gregory notes only one resur-
rection. The resurrection in the flesh, both of righteous and
wicked, comes at the end of the world. This he discusses at
length; and the judgment, he says, is the gate of the kingdom,
where the elect enter their heavenly homeland?
2. ETERNAL KINGDOM AT SECOND ADVENT.—Gregory seems
to enjoy describing the second advent, and contrasting it with
the first."
"When with the heavens opened, with the angels ministering, and
the apostles sitting with Him, Christ will have appeared on the throne of
His majesty, all, both the elect and the reprobate, will see Him equally,
so that the righteous may rejoice without end concerning the gift of recom-
pense, and the unrighteous weep forever, in the vengeance of punish-
ment." "
3. GREGORY PREACHES ON LUKE 21.—Gregory's Homily
on Luke 21:9-19 weaves in much good advice to the faithful
along with the explanations of the signs of the end. God ha;'
told us, he says, of the evils preceding the end of the world so
that being fortified by knowing ahead of time, we might bear
the ills of the world more bravely. The "wars and commotions,"
of which we are warned, he interprets as the "interior and
exterior" troubles, from enemies and from brethren. But the
end is not yet, for later, "nation will rise against nation, and
kingdom against kingdom," followed by earthquakes, pesti-
lence, famine, terrors in the sky, and great signs. The final
Translated from Gregory, Moredia book 32, chap. 15, in Migne, PL, vol. 76, col. 649.
7 Ibid., book 14, chaps. 55-59, vol. 75, cols. 1075-1082.
B Ibid., book 6, chap. 7, sec. 9, col. 734.
9 Ibid., book 18, chap. 33, vol. 76, cols. 37, 38, and book 10, chap. 31, secs. 53, 54, vol.
75, cols. 951, 952, respectively.
10 Translated from Gregory, Homiliae in Evangelia (Sermons on the Gospels), book 1,
homily 20, chap. 7, in Migne, PL, vol. 76, col. 1163.
522 PROPHETIC FAITH
tribulation is to be preceded by many tribulations, in order

that they may announce the evil without end. These things
come because man has turned to evil use everything given him
for the use of life. But before these things happen there will
come persecution, for "first the hearts of men, and afterwards
the elements, are disturbed." "
4. ANTICHRIST EXPECTED FROM DAN.-Gregory's warnings
include the imminence of Antichrist's coming, likewise on the
Augustinian basis, at the end of the present "thousand years"
of the devil's binding. The subsequent loosing Gregory connects
with the appearance of Antichrist and the great tribulation of
Matthew 24, which must be shortened:2 Antichrist, whose fore-
runner is Antiochus, is identified with Daniel's Little Horn
and Paul's Man of Sin, and he is already living in his members,"
Gregory adds. But he expects a future, personal Antichrist, a
man from Dan, possessed of the devil," ruling the Jews, and
persecuting not only the church but also the converted Jews,
many of them won by the preaching of the Two Witnesses,
Enoch and Elijah." Antichrist is to elevate himself and work
miracles, casting down a third of the stars (of the church) just
before the end, but be will be slain by Christ at His second
advent."
5. LINKS SEVENTH-DAY SABBATH WITH ANTICHRIST.-Ill a
letter written A.D. 602/3, the year before his pontificate closed,
in 604; Gregory curiously links the enforced observance of the
seventh-day Sabbath and of Sunday with the final acts of
Antichrist.
"It has come to my ears that certain men of perverse spirit have
sown among you some things that are wrong and opposed to the holy
faith, so as to forbid any work being done on the Sabbath day. What else
can I call these but preachers of Antichrist, who, when he comes, will
11 Med., book 2, homily 35, secs. 1, 2, cols. 1259, 1260.

12 Gregory, Morelia, book 32, chap. 14, secs. 22, 23, in Migne, PL, vol. 76. cols. 649, 650.
"Ibid., secs. 26, 27, cols. 651-653, and book 28, chap. 7, sec. 15, cols. 484, 485.
14 lb id., book 31, chap. 23, sec. 43, col. 595, and book 15, chap. 58, sec. 69, vol. 75,
col. 1117.
15 Gregory, Homiliae in Ezechielem, book 1, homily 12, secs. 6-9, in Migne, PL, vol. 76,
cols. 920-922.
26 Gregory, Morelia, book 32, chap. 15; secs. 25-2i, vol. 76, cols. 651-653.
cause the Sabbath day as well as the Lord's day to be kept free from all
work. For, because he pretends to die and rise again, he wishes the Lord's
day to be had in reverence; and, because he compels the people to judaize.
that he may bring back the outward rite of the law, and subject the perfidy
of the Jews to himself, he wishes the Sabbath to be observed."''
Gregory denounces the keeping of either day as the Sab-

bath of the fourth commandment, although prescribing cessation
from labor and devotion to prayer on Sunday. He puts forth
the spiritual izing view, often found among certain fathers,
regarding true Sabbath observance, as Christians ceasing from
sin:.
"We therefore accept spiritually, and hold spiritually, this which is
written about the Sabbath. . . . But we have the true Sabbath in our Re-
deemer Himself, the Lord Jesus Christ. . . . We introduce, then, no bur-
den through the gates on the Sabbath day if we draw no weights of sin
through the bodily senses to the soul." 19
Thus .Gregory connects the enforced Sabbath observance

with the preachers of Antichrist, and makes it clear that both
days were still being observed by some in Rome in A.D. 603.
Statements like these were all the more readily accepted
because Gregory was a great teacher in other fields of theological,
learning. Farrar pertinently comments, "With • him [Gregory]
the age of theological originality ceased for five centuries."
By interpreting prophecies concerning Antichrist in this
manner, Gregory blinded the eyes of the believers to the real
Antichrist developing in their very midst, and was himself so
blinded that he thought he could see the millennial kingdom
of Christ, with Satan bound, being fulfilled in his own chaotic
times.
6. LOOKED FOR END AFTER His DAY.—Gregory's fore-
bodings concerning the imminence of the last . days were, as
nnted, based on the Aug t,otliiictii premise. And this belief in
the nearness of the end of the present world and the coming
judgment was disseminated everywhere through his extensive
"Gregory, :pisthts, book 13, Epistle 1 (to the Roman citizens), in NP.VF, 2d series,
vol. 13, p. 92.
Is Ibid.
sn Farrar, History, p. 245.
524 PROPHETIC FAITH
correspondence with emperors, kings, queens, and secular and

ecclesiastical dignitaries. These epistles carried great weight
throughout Christendom. His warning to Ethelbert (Edilbert),
king of the Angles, is a specimen. Here he admonishes of the
approaching "end of the present world," the signs of the times,
and the coming Judge. He expects these soon, but not "in
our days."
"We learn from the words of the Almighty Lord in Holy Scripture,
the end of the present world is already close at hand, and the reign of the
saints is coming, which can have no end. And, now that this end of the
world is approaching, many things are at hand which previously have not
been; to wit, changes of the air, terrors from heaven, and seasons contrary
to the accustomed order of times, wars, famine, pestilences, earthquakes in
divers places. Yet these things will not come in our days, but after our
days they will all ensue. You therefore, if you observe any of these things
occurring in your land, by no means let your mind be troubled, since these
signs of the end of the world are sent beforehand for this purpose, that we
should be solicitous about our souls, suspectful of the hour of death, and
in our good deeds be found prepared for the coming Judge."
And again, in writing to the Patricians Venantius and
Italica, Gregory asserts that "the end of the world draws
near." Since the judgment is near—judicio appropinquante 22
—let everyone fear Him whose glory and majesty draw near, for
who can hide from Him who is everywhere? 01
7. PROTESTS CONSTANTIN OPOLITAN USE OF "UNIVERSAL
BISHOP."—A remarkable contest arose between Gregory, bishop
of Rome, and the patriarchs of Constantinople and other metro-
politan centers. The Byzantine Patriarch John the Faster—so
called because of his pious austerities—had summoned a
council, about 587, and assumed the title Universal Bishop.
And in consequence Pope Pelagius II had disalldwed the synod's
action. Gregory, his successor, jealous of every assumption by
his Eastern rival—not only because Constantinople was not a
see founded by an apostle, but also because it was in the imperial
capital—followed the example of his predecessor and took a
20Gregory, Epistles, book 11, Epistle 66, in ATM', 2d series, vol. 13, p. 82.
21Ibid., book 9, Epistle 123, p. 37.
22Gregory, Moraha, book 7, chap. 27, sec. 33, in Migne, PL, vol. 75, col. 783.
22 Ibid., book 31, chap. 27, sec. 54, vol. 76, col. 603.
"distinctly authoritative attitude," declaring null and void

the synod which had conferred the title upon the Constanti-
nopolitan patriarch.' Greatly irritated, he strained every nerve
to procure from the emperor a revocation of that title.'
He began this vigorous protest about 594, and continued
throughout his subsequent life to inveigh against the title
Ecumenical (or Universal) Bishop, assumed by the Patriarch
of Constantinople.' This controversy was the result of Gregory's
determination to carry through his concept of Petrine rights and
duties. He, of course, considered Rome the see of Peter, and
the first in rank, but he set forth the theory that Rome, Antioch,
and Alexandria were three parts of one apostolic see, which
should curb the pretensions of Constantinople.'
8. USERS BECOME PRECURSORS OF ANTICHRIST.—Gregory
dispatched five letters of remonstrance—to the patriarch him-
self, to Sabinianus, his own legate at Constantinople, to Emperor
Mauricius (or Maurice), and to Empress Constantina. Failing
in his objectives, he sought to arouse the opposition of the
patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch.' In these epistles he„
called the title "execrable," "atrocious," "frivolous," "profane,"
and "proud." He declared that whoever employed it was the
"precursor of Antichrist."
The importance of these statements justifies citation of
excerpts from the initial epistle to Bishop John:
"With what daring or with What swelling of pride I know not, you
have attempted to seize upon a new name, whereby the hearts of all your
brethren might have come to take offence. I wonder exceedingly at
this. . . .
"What wilt thou say to Christ, who is the Head of the universal
Church, in the scrutiny of the last judgment, having attempted to put all
aarmby, op. cu., pp. ion, xxii, ivr.n.P, 2d series, vol. 12; see also Uregory, Eptstles,
book 5, Epistles 18 (to John, bishop of Constantinople), 21 (to the empress), pp. 166-169, 171-
173 respectively.
26 According to Barmby (op. cit., p. xxii), this title had previously been given oc-
casionally to patriarchs generally.
27 This was because it was believed that Peter had been bishop at Antioch before going to
Rome, and that his disciple Mark had founded the church at Alexandria. (See Barmby, op. cit.,
PP. xi, xii.)
zs Gregory, Epistles, book 5, Epistles 18, 19,„20, 21, 43, pp. 166-173, 178, 179, in NPNF,
2d series, vol. 12.
29 Ibid., Epistle 20 (to Emperor Mauricius), p. 169.
526 PROPHE'FIC FAITH
his members under thyself by the appellation of Universal? Who, I ask,

is proposed for imitation in this wrongful title but he who, despising the
legions of angels constituted socially with himself, attempted to start up
to an eminence of singularity, that he might seem to be under none and
to be alone above all? . . . (Isai. xiv. 13)." "°
This final excerpt, stressing the last hour, the fulfillment
of prophecy, and the nearness of the coming king of pride to
put an army of priests under his yoke, should be especially noted.
We shall meet it again.
"Of a truth it was proclaimed of old through the Apostle John, Lit-
tle children, it is the last hour (1 John ii. 18), according as the Truth fore-
told. And now pestilence and sword rage through the world, nations rise
against nations, the globe of the earth is shaken, the gaping earth with its
inhabitants is dissolved. For all that was foretold is come to pass. The
king of pride is near, and (awful to be said!) there is an army of priests in
course of preparation for him, inasmuch as they who had been appointed
to be leaders in humility enlist themselves under the neck of pride."'
This letter was delivered to John by Gregory's legate
Sabinianus, with the statement that only out of consideration
for the emperor Mauricius had he written it so mildly. And
to the emperor, who favored John, he wrote, "My fellow-priest
John, attempts to be called universal bishop. I am compelled
to cry out and say, 0 tempora, O -
9. SUCH PRIDE DENOTES IMMINENCE OF ANTICHRIST.—To
the empress he likewise deplored the pretensions of a fellow
bishop.
"It is very distressing, and hard to be borne with patience, that my
aforesaid brother and fellow-bishop, despising all others, should attempt
to be called sole bishop. But in this pride of his what else is denoted than
that the times of Antichrist are already near at hand?" ''
10. THIS ATTITUDE BELONGS TO ANTICHRIST.—In 595
Patriarch John died and was succeeded by Cyriacus. Gregory
urged him likewise to "turn away from the pride of a profane
name" and to reject the "impious appellation." That admoni-
tion seems to have brought no response, for a later letter
so /bid., Epistle 18, p. 166.
81 /bid., p. 167.
32 Ibid., Epistle 20, p. 170.
'3 Ibid., Epistle 21, p. 172.
34 Ibid., book 7, Epistle 4 (to Cyriacus), p. 212.
ANTickimsTIAN Plow:1131.v TyyNorTNC-FD 5'97
repeats the same counsel, stating the reason in these thought-
provoking words:
"Because Antichrist, the enemy of God, is near at hand, I studiously
desire that he may not find anything belonging to himself, not only in the
manners, but even in the titles of priests." "
Thus he hinted that such an attitude was connected with
Antichrist. And to the demurrer of the emperor against such
strictures, Gregory "confidently" reiterated the charge that
"whosoever calls himself, or desires to be called Universal Priest,
is in his elation the precursor of Antichrist, because he proudly
puts himself above all others." 30 He compared this to the pride
of Antichrist, who would wish to appear as God. But let us fol-
low this further, as a crucial issue that we are destined to meet
subsequently.
Other epistles followed, as Gregory sought the support of
the ancient sees of Alexandria and Antioch. In a letter to
Eulogius, bishop of Alexandria, and to Anastasius of Antioch,
he referred to the difference between himself arid Cyriacus of
Constantinople "on account of the appellation of a profane
name." " Eulogius, in his answer, seems to have disclaimed the
"use of proud titles," and addressed Gregory saying, "As you
have commanded," and calling him "Universal Pope." Gregory
replied that he had not commanded, and begged him not to use
such extravagant attributes, for no man had a right to be so
called.'
1 1 . CONTROVERSY ENDS WITH PHOCAS' DECISION FOR ROME.
—Five years later we find Gregory again entreating Cyriacus to
"make haste to remove from the midst of the church the offence
of a perverse and proud title," adding, "lest you should possibly
fptinA th- ^-iety of our peace," " This last_
letter to Cyriacus dates from the time when, in 602, the usurper
Phocas had secured the Eastern throne by the murder of
35 Ibid., Epistle 31 (to Cyriacus), p. 224.
36 Ibid., Epistle 33 (to Mauricius), p. 226.
3' Ibid., Epistle 34 (to Eulogius), p. 226; see also Epistle 27 (to Anastasius).
33 Ibid., book 8 Epistle 30 (to Eulogius), p. 241.
33 Ibid., book 13, Epistle 40, vol. 13, p. 101.
528 PROPHETIC FAITH
Mauritius.' The Roman pontiff wrote congratulatory letters

to Phocas, full of flattery, one of which begins:
"Glory to God in the highest who, according as it is written, changes
times, and transfers kingdoms, seeing that He has made apparent to all
what He vouchsafed to speak by His prophet, That the most High ruleth
in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will (Dan.
iv. 17)." "
Gregory's adulatory epistles were probably repaid, after
his death, by the new emperor's taking sides with the next pope
against the patriarch. Phocas bore a secret grudge against the
Patriarch of Constantinople, and the insecurity of his throne
made him anxious to have the sanction of the powerful bishop
of the West. So Phocas, the Eastern emperor, soon reaffirmed
(about 606) the sole right of the bishop of Rome—then Boniface
III—to the title of head of all the churches." Justinian had
recognized it in covering principle more than seventy years
previous, when he made the Roman bishop the "head of all
the Holy Churches," as has been noted. It was then that the
legalized power of the Papacy had really begun, but Phocas'
decree was a reaffirmation. A pillar still stands in Rome, erected
in 608, commemorating this act of Phocas."
But the irony of it all is that soon after Gregory's death
"what he had condemned in his oriental colleagues as anti-
christian arrogance, the later popes considered but the appro-
priate expression of their official position in the church
universal." "
12. DENOUNCES PRIDE BUT ADVANCES PAPAL POWER.—
As Schaff soundly points out, Gregory, who is said to have
first used the "humble-proud title," servant of the servants of
4° Pennington, Epochs of the Papacy, p. 16; Ayer, op. cit., p. 595; Gibbon, op. cit., vol.
5, p. 64.
41 Gregory, Epistles, book 13, Epistle 31 (to Phocas), in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 13, p. 99.
42 Baronius, op. cit., entry for year 606, vol. 8, col. 225. Paulus Diaconus and Anastasius,
the original historians who recorded the edict, state that Phocas confirmed this title. But the
original has not been preserved. Gordon gives 606, Muratori, 607. (Elliott, op. cit., vol. 3, pp.
162, 163, 302; see also Thomas Oestreich, "Boniface Popes," The Catholic Encyclo-
pedia, vol. 2, P. 660.)
43 This Corinthian fluted column of Greek marble stands on a pyramid of eleven steps
in the Roman Forum. Excavation at its base disclosed an inscription, giving its history, its
appellation being "The Pillar of Phocas." (Elliott, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 303, 304.)
1VTICT412 1ST! A N iNCI PI DENOUNCED f29
God, did not really recede from the position of Leo I but merely
claimed less while actually surpassing his boldness and energy.
Flick remarks that although Gregory was personally averse to
taking the office, and persistently opposed the title Universal
Bishop, yet he upheld and extended the Petrine theory to the
utmost, and under his able management "papal power was
consolidated and made supreme in Western Europe." "
Thus the same pope who not only called certain contem-
porary Sabbatarians preachers of Antichrist but also denounced
his fellow patriarch as exhibiting an Antichristian spirit because
he claimed the proud title of Universal Bishop, did more than
any other of his day to build the fundamental structure of the
religio-political empire which was to put that Antichristian
assumption into practice on a scale he could never have foreseen.
Strange accuracy of perception—to see that the pretension
to universal episcopacy would involve the prostration of all
authority before it and the transfer of allegiance from Christ
to Antichrist! And strange blindness, not to see that in the
struggles for Roman primacy this very Antichristian principle
he condemned was being built into the Roman church, arid thiir
the hierarchy were the makers thereof! When Gregory closed
his remarkable career the Papacy of the Middle Ages was born,
and in form strikingly resembled the empire. "He merged the
office of Roman Emperor and Christian bishop into essentially
one and thus became the real founder heofmediaeval
t
Papacy." 46
II. Effects of the Saracen Menace
1. THE POPE AND CHARLES MARTEL.—Let US now turn
over some pages of the book of history, so as to follow the
further development of the church, Hardly had the church.
recuperated from the violent upheavals caused by the migrations
of the barbarians from the north when another more dangerous
blow threatened her from the southeast. Out of Arabia, Islam
45 Flick, op. cit., pp. 188, 189.
46 Ibid., p. 188.
530 PROPHETIC FAITH
began its victorious march. Sweeping from Asia through North

Africa, and Spain, it began to encircle the Mediterranean and
endanger Western Christianity." The pope was forced to call
upon every available military resource to defend the faith from
the followers of the Arabian prophet, who were so effectively
attacking the Byzantine Empire. The pope was not left without
protection. He could not look for help to the east, but help
came from the north. It was Charles Martel, father of Pepin,
who led the Franks in defeat of the Saracens in Gaul in 732,
at. the Battle of Tours, which saved Christendom from Islam.'
In gratitude Pope Gregory III sent him "the keys of the
Confession of St. Peter." "
9 . SARACEN CONQUESTS STI MULATE STUDY OF PROPHECIES.
—The Saracen inroads upon Christendom considerably weak-
ened the rival patriarchs in the East, who had disputed the
Roman bishop's supremacy, and demonstrated the importance
of union beneath a central authority. Still another result,
bearing upon our quest, was that during the oppressive con-
quests of the Saracens the prophecies concerning Antichrist
were searched anew by the monks and priests "—in the hope
they would yield perhaps an indication that Mohammed or his
fierce followers could be meant by the passages referring to
Antichrist.
III. Forged "Donation" Used to Justify Temporal Dominion

The ecclesiastical supremacy of the bishop of Rome, recog-
nized by Justinian in the sixth century, was confirmed by Phocas
in the seventh. Quest for temporal dominion by the popes
therefore followed in logical sequence in the eighth century.
By now, the papal system had established a secure despotism
over the minds of men far from the confines of Rome. Truth
was firmly reckoned as springing from tradition as well as from
47 Pennington, Epochs, pp. 20, 21.
48 Gibbon, op. ca., chap. 52, vol. 6, pp. 15-17.
" Christian Pfister, "Gaul Under the Merovingian Franks," The Cambridge Medieval
History, vol. 2, p. 130.
Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. 3, p. 187; Charles Maitland, op. cit., pp. 430, 431.
ANTICHRISTIAN PRINCIPLE. DENOUNCED 5:41
Scripture, with the pope as the interpreter of both. Everywhere

there was national, social, and political confusion. Education
had become ecclesiastical, and piety monastic, with sacerdotal
authority in the ascendancy.''
1. PEPIN MAKES POPE A TEMPORAL SOVEREIGN. When the
Lombards seized Ravenna, ravaged Italy, and threatened Rome,
Pope Stephen II (752-757) " sought the aid of Pepin, king of
the Franks, to "restore" the domain of St. Peter. Pepin drove
them back, but the Lombards returned again. Stephen then
conceived a new stratagem, warning Pepin in the name of St.
Peter and the "Holy Mother of God" not to separate from the
"kingdom of God" but to save Rome, promising him long life
and glorious mansions in heaven. Pepin responded gratifyingly,
being persuaded by Stephen to secure to the pope "the Exar-
chate, taken away from the Longobards, with Ravenna for its
capital, and twenty other towns of the Emilia, Flaminia, and
Pentapolis, or the triangle of coast between Bologna, Comacchio,
and Ancona." Thus in 755 the Papal States were established,
and the pope became a temporal ruler.
This territory was acquired by offering the blessings of the
gospel and brandishing threats of eternal damnation. On this
Schaff remarks:
"To such a height of blasphemous assumption had the papacy risen
already as to identify itself with the kingdom of Christ and to claim to be
the dispenser of temporal prosperity and eternal salvation. . . . But by
this gift of a foreign conqueror he the pope] became a temporal sovereign
over a large part of Italy, while claiming to be the successor of Peter who
had neither silver nor gold, and the vicar of Christ who said: 'My kingdom
is not of this world.' The temporal power made the papacy independent
in the exercise of its jurisdiction, but at the expense of its spiritual char-
acter." s"
FoRGED D °NATI oN
9 . THE CONSTA 0 bring
about this acquisition as a restoration, Stephen evidently em-
ra History, pp. 246, 247.
32 Actually Stephen III, but inasmuch as his predecessor lived only four days after his
election, he is commonly referred to as Stephen II.
33 Johann J. Ignatz von Dollinger, The Pope and the Council., pp. 133-135: G. L. Burr.
"The Carlovingian Revolution and Frankish Intervention in Italy," The Cambridge. Medieval
History, vol. 2, p. 587.
532 PROPHETIC FAITH
ployed the legend of the "Donation of Constantine," which is

supposed to have circulated for some time before the forged
document appeared.' This most famous forgery in European
history was probably written soon after the middle of the
eighth century, and became extensively known through its
incorporation in the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals (c. 847-853).
Portions were also included in certain medieval collections of
canon law; in that of Gratian it is placed among the Paleae,
or authorities added later.'
Forgeries—spurious documents, impostures—thus became
another major means employed for influencing the rulers of the
day, and for the strengthening and consolidating of the super-
structure of the papal dominion." In fact, the next great expan-
sion was largely based on this fabricated Donation of Constan-
tine. Ignorance was so generally prevalent that Rome could
safely presume upon the credulity of her spiritual subjects.'
One would think that the church would be above such degrad-
ing devices as forgeries, especially in view of the fact that power
had so markedly played into her hands that she did not really
need any illegitimate tricks to bolster her claims. But in spite
of it all, for centuries she appealed to this forged document as
her title deed to spiritual and temporal dominion, until it was
exposed by Lorenzo Valla and others in the fifteenth century."
Of this fraud Gibbon says:
"So deep was the ignorance and credulity of the times that the most
absurd of fables was received, with equal reverence, in Greece and in
France, and is still enrolled among the decrees of the canon law. The em-
perors and the Romans were incapable of discerning a forgery that sub-
verted their rights and freedom." 00
55 Warren 0. Ault. Europe in the Middle Ages, p. 166.
55 Christopher B. Coleman, The Treatise of Lorenzo Valla on the Donation of Constantine,
p. 1; A. Van Hove, "Corpus Juris Canonici," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 4, P. 392.
57 See Dollinger, The Pope and the Council, pp. 94-150, for a comprehensive and de-
pendable discussion of the whole forgery scheme.
58 Pennington, Epochs, pp. 52-58; Gibbon, op. cit., chap. 49, vol. 5, pp. 273, 274.
59 Valla (d. 1457) was papal secretary and canon of St. John Lateran at Rome. Un-
daunted by the papal power, in 1440, when he was secretary to Alfonso, king of Aragon,
Sicily, and Naples, he exposed the spuriousness of the Donation of Constantine. The first
printed edition of this work is that of 1517. See The Treatise of Lorenzo Valla on the Donation
of Constantine, text, with translation by Coleman. Also Nicholas (Krebs) of Cusa sensed its
fraudulent character, as did Reginald Pecock. See Johann J. Ignatz von Dellinger, Fables
Respecting the Popes of the Middle Ages, pp. 107-178; Farrar, History, p. 313. After Baronius
conceded its spuriousness, further defense ended.
Gibbon, op. cit., chap. 49, vol. 5, p. 274.
3. EXTRAVAGANT SPECIFICATIONS OF THE DONATION.—In

this Donation the city of Rome and the Exarchate of Ravenna
were allegedly given by Constantine to Pope Sylvester I (314-
335) and to all his successors, supposedly as he declared his
intention of transferring his own seat of government to Con-
stantinople. This fantastic document decreed and ordained
that the bishop of Rome, upon whom Constantine allegedly
conferred the Lateran palace, the tiara, and all the imperial
robes and insignia, as well as "all the provinces, districts and
cities of Italy or of the western regions," should hold spiritual
supremacy over the four patriarchal sees of Antioch, Jerusalem,
Alexandria, and Constantinople (which latter see was not yet
founded!), and "also over all the churches of God in the whole
world." Thus the pontiff was declared to be chief over all the
priests of the world."
The document begins in the name of the Holy Trinity,
and concludes by consigning to the nethermost hell all who
contravene its provisions." Constantine is alleged to have said:
" 'And in our reverence for the blessed Peter, we ourselves hold the
reins of his horse, as holding the office of his stirrup-holder; and we ordain
that all his successors shall wear the same mitre in their processions, in
imitation of the empire; and that the Papal crown may never be lowered,
but may be exalted above the crown of the earthly empire, lol we give
and grant, not only our palace as aforesaid, but also the city of Rome, and
all the provinces and palaces and cities of Italy and of the western regions,
to our aforesaid most blessed Pontiff and universal Pope.' "
IV. Charlemagne Attempts Christian Theocracy on

Augustinian Pattern
Upon the death of Pepin (768), there occurred a Lombard
insurrection in Italy. Responding to the request of the pope,
Pepin's son Charlemagne (742-814) soon overthrew it, and estab-
licherl his rule over the Lombards. Charlemagne, probably
el It should also be borne in mind that the pontifical title "Vicarius Filii Dei" first ap-
peared in this Donation, and continued to be included after the exposure of the document in
various editions of the Decretum of Gratian—such as 1591, 1612, 1687, 1695, 1705, 1717, and
1879.
62 Penning ton, Epochs, pp. 53-56; J. P. Kirsch, "Donation of Constantine," The Catholic
Encyclopedia, vol. 5, pp. 118-121.
eo Translation in E. F. Henderson, Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, pp.
319-329; part appears in Pennington, Epochs, pp. 53-57; see also Gibbon, op. cit., chap. 49,
vol. 5, pp. 373-375.
THE CROWNING OF CHARLEMAGNE BY LEO HI
The Coronation of Charlemagne at Rome, in 800, by Leo III, as Emperor of the "Roman
Empire" Laid the Foundation for Far-reaching Developments and Conflicts. In the Inset Is a
Photograph of the Jeweled Crown Said to Be That Used by the Pope to Crown Charlemagne
influenced by the legendary Donation as referred to in the

letter from Pope Hadrian,' in 774 increased Pepin's grant by
accessions of territory, and was rewarded by the crown of the
West. Charlemagne had visited Rome several times. But during
the king's fourth and last pilgrimage Leo III carried into effect
a design long contemplated—his assertion of independence
from the East, which had long ceased to afford him protection.'
1. POPE ALIGNED WITH HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE.-011
Christmas Day in 800, Pope Leo III was seated on his throne
in his stately church in Rome, surrounded by his clergy.
Charlemagne was kneeling before' the altar. Suddenly the pope
arose, anointed him, administered the coronation oath in which
Charlemagne was pledged to guard the faith and privileges of
the church, and placed the imperial crown upon his brow, as
emperor of the Romans' This territory—Italy and those lands
ackn owl efl ging the ^ver1,-,rd sh ipof the erm PrIrma rch—la ter
came to be known as the Holy Roman Empire. Charlemagne
considered himself the successor of the Caesars, and styled
himself Augustus. Under the weak successors of Charlemagne,
however, the empire dwindled to a merely nominal existence.-
But it was revived by the German king Otto I, in 962, and
continued, despite all the shocks and changes of time, until
1806."
- 2. RELENTLESS STRUGGLE FOR HIGHEST PLACE BEGINS.—
This attempted restoration of the. Western empire was one of
a series of intrigues by which the pontiffs secured support of the
Western world. The act of crowning, of course, implied the
right of uncrowning.P Thenceforth the interests of the pope
and the emperor were closely united. The effect was seen at
once in the augmenting of papal power, as the pope thus
04 Hadrian 1, Letter 1 to Charlemagne, in Mansi, op. cit., vol. 12, cols. 819-821; Dellinger,
The Pope and the Council, pp. 132, 133; Schaff , History, vol. 4, pp. 250 ff.
05 Pennington, Epochs, p. 25; Manning, op. cit., pp. 14-16; Gibbon, op. cit., chap. 49,
vol. 5, pp. 280 If,
60 Baronius, op. cit., entry for year 800, vol. 9, cols. 533, 534.
07 Schaff, History, vol. 4, pp. 251-257, 261-265; Ernest Barker, "Empire," Encyclopaedia
Britannica, vol. 8, pp. 404-406, 409.
Schaff, History, vol. 4, p. 253.
536 PROPHETIC FAITH
obtained recognition of a spiritual empire commensurate with

the secular empire of Charlemagne.' King and pope now stood
together at the summit of empire. And here began the increas-
ingly relentless struggle for highest place, which continued
for centuries, and climaxed in the exaltation of the Papacy
over imperial power." Not until the Reformation was launched
did a new era appear.
3. ATTEMPTS TO MATERIALIZE AUGUSTINE'S CITY OF GOD.
—Charlemagne's great ambition was to consolidate the Teu-
tonic and Latin races under his own Frankish temporal scepter,
linking them closely with the spiritual dominion of the pope.
Thus he sought to set up a sort of Christian theocracy, derived
from the concept set forth in Augustine's City of God, a book
that was his delight and study." This explains his great zeal for
the advancement of the church. Thus in Charlemagne's empire
was to be realized the dream of Augustine—"one God, one
emperor, one pope, one city of God"—the millennial reign
of Christ.
"Charles looked upon his Empire as a Divine State. He felt that he
had been appointed by God as the earthly head of Christians. He read
and loved Augustine's book de Civitate Dei. He believed that he had set
up the Civitas Dei, in the second empirical sense, which Augustine placed
beside the Civitas Dei as the spiritual union of all saints under the grace
of God, as a great earthly organisation for the care of common earthly
needs in a manner pleasing to God, and for the worthy preparation for
the better life in the world to come. Augustine, it is true, had seen the
empirical manifestation of the Civitas Dei in the universal Catholic
Church. Charles saw no contradiction. For him the ecclesiastical body and
the secular were one. He was the head. And while Augustine placed the
Roman Empire as fourth in the order of world-empires and as Civitas Ter-
rena in opposition to the Kingdom of God, for. Charles this dualism was
no more—his Imperium Romanum is no Civitas Terrena. It is identical
with the earthly portion of the church founded by Christ." "
But the popes aimed next at supremacy over emperors
" Thomas M. Lindsay, A History of the Reformation, vol. 1, pp. 31, 32; Guinness,
History, p. 65.
70 Flick, op. cit., pp. 307
n Frederic Austin Ogg, Source Book of Mediaeval History, p. 111.
72 Gerhard Seeliger,"Conquests and Imperial Coronation of Charles the Great," The
Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, p. 628,
to effect their own supreme rule. The medieval church from its
origin had absorbed into itself the Roman world empire as an
idea and a force, for worldly forces forever aspire to world
domination. The church soon developed aggressive character-
istics following the pattern Charlemagne had given on how
the Vicarius Christi on earth must rule.
V. Forged "Decretal Epistles" Affords Supremacy Over Kings

Papal ambition had heretofore been directed to the estab-
lishment of ecclesiastical supremacy. But in the ninth and tenth
centuries this, as noted, was extended to embrace a new realm
of conquest. Already richly endowed by Pepin and Charle-
magne, the empire and the Papacy entered a tremendous
struggle for supremacy. At first the popes submitted to the
authority of the emperor, with excommunication as the weapon
commonly wielded in their struggle with the world's great
potentates. Gibbon Signi ficantly observes, "Under the sacer-
dotal monarchy of St. Peter, the nations began to resume the
practice of seeking, on the banks of the Tiber, their kings,
their laws, and the oracles of their fate." "
I. PAPAL SUPREMACY BUILT ON FABRICATION OF DECRETALS.
—But the boldest of Rome's growing claims had their basis
in the False Decretals, or the Decretals of the Pseudo-Isidore,
the second of two notorious forgeries. (The first was, of course,
the Donation of Constantine.) The effect of these forgeries was
tremendous in advancing the temporal rulership and ecclesi-
astical supremacy of the popes--the Donation of Constantine
forwarding the one, and the False Decretals the other." Two
authorities on Rome will suffice.
"Refcire the end of the eighth century, sorne apristoliral crriho pot-_
haps the notorious Isidore, composed the decretals, and the donation of
Constantine, the two magic pillars of the spiritual and temporal monarchy
of the popes." "
"Upon these spurious decretals was built the great fabric of papal
73 Gibbon, op. cit., chap. 49, vol. 5, p. 268.
14 See Migne, PL, vol. 130; also Decretales Pseudo-Lidorianae, edited by Hinschius.
76 Gibbon, op. cit., chap. 49, vol. 5, pp. 273, 274.
538 PROPHETIC FAITH
supremacy over the different national churches; a fabric which has stood
after its foundation crumbled beneath it; for no one has pretended to
deny, for the last two centuries, that the imposture is too palpable for any
but the most ignorant ages to credit." "
Ignorance of the true history of the past has been bolstered
up by these carefully devised fictions. The forged Donation of
Constantine came to be regarded as indisputable as the callous
of the Council of Nicaea, and the fabricated decretals of Isidore
lay at the basis of all papal law."
The False Decretals were brought forward about 850 by
a compiler who used the pseudonym of Isidor Mercator. These
purported rescripts, or decrees, contained everything necessary
for the establishment of full spiritual supremacy of the popes
over the sovereigns of Christendom. Probably no volume ever
published has exercised a more injurious influence on both
church and state. The False Decretals were the alleged judg-
ments of the popes of former ages, in avowedly unbroken
succession from the first century, in answer to various matters
submitted to them. Rome was set forth therein as a court cf
appeal to protect bishops from the tyranny of metropolitans or
of civil authorities. These decretals supplied the popes with
the means of establishing the superior jurisdiction of Rome
and her authority over the faith and practices of Christendom."
2. EXALTED POPE, DEBASED MONARCHS, AND ABSOLVED
SUBJECTS.—The author or authors of the volume are unknown,
but consummate skill was shown in its construction, as seven
genuine papal epistles are included—just enough to give
credence to the surrounding sixty-five forgeries." Popes of the
first three centuries are made to quote documents that did not
appear until the fourth and fifth centuries, and sixth-century
popes from documents belonging to the seventh, eighth, and
early ninth centuries."
This forgery was brought into active use by Pope Nicholas
78 Henry Hallam, View of the State of Europe During the Middle Ages, vol. 2, p. 164.
77Charles Beard, The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, p. 4.
78Pennington, Epochs, pp. 607 ff.; Salmon, The Infallibility of the Church, pp. 447 ff.
79Pennington, Epochs, p. 64.
8 Louis Saltet, False Decretals," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 5, p. 773.
I (858-867), who pressed the issue of the Roman supremacy to

the point of absolute monarchy." And the Decretal Epistles were
declared by this pope to be on an equality with Scripture."
In the exercise of this supremacy, the pope was to exalt or
debase monarchs, and absolve subjects from oaths of allegiance.
As Gregory and the Roman Synod of 1080 declared: "We desire
to show the world that we can give or take away at our will
kingdoms, duchies, earldoms, in a word, the possessions of all
men; for we can bind and loose." "
3. DECRETALS MAIN PILLAR OF GREGORY'S STRUCTURE.—
The authority of the Decretal Epistles was supreme until the
Reformation, when they were subjected to searching criticism.
The fraud was then recognized by learned divines of the
Reformed churches, including Bishop Jewel, as well as by
antecedent scholars. For a time Catholic controversialists
struggled to maintain its authenticity. But the evidence was so
overwhelmingly against them that they were at last obliged to
admit its imposture, the fraud even being admitted by Pius VI
in 1789. Thus they stand condemned by the united voice of
Christendom.
Nevertheless, it was on this fraudulent decretal foundation
that Gregory VII (1073-85)—the first to assert the authority
of overthrowing kings as belonging to the pope—was to build
his superstructure, seeking to weld together the states of Europe
into a priestly kingdom, of which he should be head, reigning
over all Dollinger goes so far as to say, "Without the pseudo-
Isidore there would have been no Gregory VII."
Weapons are never forged to rust in arsenals; the tempta-
tion is too great to use them in order to prove their effectiveness.
Thus, the popes began to use these ninth-century Decretals of
si Salmon, Infallibility, pp. 449, 450.
82 Pennington, Epochs, p. 60.
ge Mansi, op. mt., vol. 20, col. 535, anno 1080, translated rather freely in Dellinger,
The Pope and the Council, p. 110.
84 Dollinger, The Pope and the Council, p. 109. Gregory VII, however, apparently never
quoted the Donation of Constantine in his struggle for the control of the secular power, though
Leo IX did, as did also Urban II, in 1091. (See Coleman, Constantine the Great and Christian-
ity, p. 178; Dollinger, Fables, pp. 134, 135; Ferdinand Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome
in the Middle Ages, vol. 4, part 1, pp. 175 ff.; Kirsch, op. cit., p. 121.)
Dellinger, The Pope and the Council. p. 105,
540 PROPHETIC FAITH
Pseudo-Isidore in making increasingly bolder claims, fortifying

their demands with threats of their alleged authority which
they were supposed to derive from these decretals. But at times
they ventured too far, and overstepped their boundaries, causing
an outcry from fearless men within the church, and drawing
upon them the epithets which had been set forth in the inspired
writings, as men began to recognize the real nature of this
power. Here is a classic episode of the tenth century.
VI. Antichrist Seen on Papal Throne

1. CHARGE MADE AT SYNOD OF RHEIMS.—During the pontif-
icate of John XV (985-996), Arnulf, archbishop of Rheims, was
charged with high treason toward King Hugh Capet of France.
In 991 a council was called by the king, in the church of St.
Basel, near Rheims, to decide his guilt. The king had notified
the pope of the appointed council, but received no reply. A
group of bishops and archbishops were present, and several
abbots, with Siguin (Sequinus), archbishop of Sens, as chair-
man and the learned Gerbert as secretary." Fortunately the
records of the council were preserved.
Arnulf was brought before the council and evidence
adduced to prove his guilt. In his defense the Isidorian decretals
were produced by certain distinguished clerics, to show that the
synod had no right to judge a bishop; only the pope might do
so.' But despite the decretals, and without waiting for an answer
from the pope, Arnulf, archbishop of Rheims, was deposed. In
the prosecution another Arnulf, the learned bishop of Orleans,
leading spirit of the council, spoke out with astonishing plain-
ness against Roman claims to jurisdiction. He made a strong
and eloquent argument, employing an array of council canons
and papal writings to prove that for the decision of local
matters a provincial council was sufficient. Standing as the
80 Abel Francois Villemain, Life of Gregory the Seventh, vol. 1, pp. 172 ff.; J. C. Robert-
son, op. cit., vol. 4, pp. 32-34; Schaff, History, vol. 4, pp. 290-292; Gieseler, op. cit., vol. 2,
pp. 132, 133.
81 Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 70; J. C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 32; Gieseler, op. cit.,
vol. 2, p. 133, note 21.
advocate of ecclesiastical freedom, he denied that the Roman

pontiff could reverse the ancient laws of the church."
2. BISHOP OF ORLEANS APPLIES "ANTICHRIST" TO POPE.—
Enlarging first upon the degradation and venality of the church
in the ninth and tenth centuries, and especially the enormities
of recent popes, the bishop of Orleans exclaims, "0 wretched
Rome! who after having enlightened our ancestors by the light
of the holy fathers, hast spread over our times those clouds
of darkness that will be a disgrace in after ages!" " After listing
the great papal lights of the past, he contrasts the dread miseries
"under which we groan at this present." He boldly protests these
papal corruptions:
"Looking at the actual state of the papacy, what do we behold? John
[XII.] called Octavian, wallowing in the sty of filthy concupiscence, con-
spiring against the sovereign whom he had himself recently crowned; then
Leo [VIII.] the neophyte, chased from the city by this Octa-vian; and that
monster himself, after the commission of many murders and cruelties,
dying by the hand of an assassin."
Deploring the fact that shining light had been superseded
by darkness, Arnulf then asks whether the "priests of the Lord
over all the world are to take their law from monsters of guilt
like these [John XII and Boniface VII]." And, in the midst of
the council, this bishop of Orleans makes the bold charge of,
prostitution of the papal office and applies the term Antichrist to
the pope in these truly epochal words:
"What shall we say, revered fathers? To what blemish shall we at-
tribute the fact that the first of the Churches of God, once so lifted up
and crowned with glory and honour, should be brought down so low and
tarnished with shame and infamy? If we severely expect gravity of man-
ners, purity of life, joined to sacred and profane learning, in every man who
is ordained to the Episcopate; what ought not to be exacted in the case of
him who aspires to be the teacher of all bishops. How, then, is it that those
have been put in possession of that most high See, who were not worthy
to fill any place whatsoever in the priesthood? What, in your eyes, rev-
erend fathers, is that Pontiff, seated on a throne, and clad in purple and
gold? If he hath not charity, and be puffed up with his learning only, he
C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 33.
89 Villemain, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 174.
90 Quoted in Schaff, History, vol. 4, p..290.
519 PROPHETIC FAITH
is Antichrist sitting in the temple of God, and demeaning himself as a

god; he is like unto a statue in that temple, like a dumb idol, and to ask
of him a reply, is to appeal to a figure of stone."
Amazing statement from the lips of a Catholic bishop,"
uttered in solemn council assembly, concerning the absent
pope of Rome! A new epoch of prophetic interpretation in the
identification of the Papacy, with the pope as its head, was
definitely under way. Antichrist, Beast, Babylon, Man of Sin,
and finally, Little Horn were the terms employed by a growing
chorus of voices.
3. DECLARES "MYSTERY OF INIQUITY IS BEGUN."—Assert-
ing that the church is "not subject to a wicked pope," Bishop
Arnulf continues:
"Let us imitate the great church of Africa, which, in reply to the
pretensions of the Roman pontiff, deemed it inconceivable that the Lord
should have invested any one person with his own plenary prerogative of
judicature, and yet have denied it to the great congregations of his priests
assembled in council in different parts of the world." "
Then comes this astonishing declaration, citing Paul's
prophecy of 2 Thessalonians 2:
"There is, in the words of the apostle, division not only among the
nations, but in the Churches, because the time of Anti-christ approaches;
and, as the same apostle says, the mystery of iniquity is begun. It is mani-
fest that in the decay of Roman power and the abasement of religion, the
name of God is degraded with impunity by those who are perjured, and
that the observance of His holy religion is despised by the sovereign pon-
tiffs themselves." "
As a result of this revolutionary speech, Arnulf of Rheims
confessed his guilt, and was required by council action to sur-
render the ensigns of his temporalities and those of his spiritual
power, and compelled to read an act of abdication' The deposed
01 This English translation is from Villemain, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 175, 176. Various
translations are given by Schaff, History, vol. 4, pp. 290-292; Neander, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 369,
370; and others. For the original text see Mansi, op. cit., vol. 19, anno 991, col. 132.
" According to Schaff, History, vol. 4, p. 292, Gerbert—afterward Pope Sylvester II—
was possibly the framer of the speech. Baronius, unable. to decide, divides the responsibility,
noting in the margin of his Annales (entry for the year 992, p. 877), "Horrible blasphemy
of Gerbert or Arnulf." But the consensus of evidence indicates Arnulf. (See J. C. Robertson,
op. cit., vol. 4, p. 33, note.)
93 Quoted in Schaff, History, vol. 4, p. 291.
" Villemain, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 176.
as Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 70, 71; J. C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 4, pp. 33, 34; Wil-
helm Moller, History of the Christian Church, per. 2, chap. 2, vol. 2, p. 181.
archbishop was then sent to prison at Orleans, and Gerbert

was chosen archbishop in his place. Pope John XV declared the
decrees of the Rheims Synod null and void, but the French
bishops held firm. His successor, Gregory V, threatened France
with an interdict unless Arnulf was restored. Gerbert was com-
pelled to yield, and Arnulf was finally reinstated in Rheims."
Thus the claims of the Decretals of Pseudo-Isidore triumphed.
The significance of the Synod of Rheims, on prophetic
interpretation, is that we find here the echo of Gregory's cry
against Antichristian pride, leveled now, however, at the over-
weening pride of the Papacy itself. And it is the forerunner
of other voices, identifying the Papacy with the Antichrist,
voices that will be seen to multiply until the chorus reaches
a grand crescendo in the Reformation. For the present, having
sketched thus far a phase of church development, we must
return to examine the development and ultimate reversal of'the
Tichonian-Augustinian school of prophetic interpretation, with
its churchly millennial concept.
9, Schaff, History, vol. 4, p. 292; Gieseler, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 133, 134; J. C. Robertson,
op. cit., vol. 4, p. 39; Neander, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 371-374.
CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE
Gradual Reversal of Tichonius Tradition
Tichonius, it will be remembered, started prophetic inter-

pretation in a new direction with his Seven Rules, which in-
fluenced Augustine's doctrine of the Christian Age millennium.
Tichonius' view, not only of the millennium, but also of the
nonhistorical approach to the Apocalypse—finding in its
prophecies only abstract principles applicable to the church
with little regard to time and place—was the source of the
dominant medieval interpretation. We shall here trace the
succession of writers who came under this influence until a
reawakening to historical realities brought a reversal of this
theory. To say that the Tichonian tradition was dominant to
the exclusion of any historical approach to the Apocalypse, is
not to say, however, that, the historical interpretation of the
book of Daniel was abandoned; the four empires of Daniel
needed no discussion, because they were taken for granted. For
that reason we may pass over the references to Daniel and notice
the treatment of the Revelation by these Tichonian expositors.
The analytical chart on page 545 will prove to be a ma-
terial aid in understanding the sequences, developments, and
trends of all expositors in the medieval period we are now
surveying. It also indicates the outcome of these trends, as they
eventuate in the two distinctive but conflicting schools of in-
terpretation—that of the predominant Protestant exposition
on the one hand, and Roman Catholic interpretation on the
other. The reader may well consult this chart frequently for
these relationships, as he progresses from expositor to expositor.
544
Tichonian "Rules" mold Prophetic Enposition
During middle Ages
Abandonment of Early Church
Historical Emphasis in Exposition
After Time of JEROME
TICHONIUS
400
LIBER DE AUGUSTINE
(De Civitate Del)
PROMISSIONIBUS
500 Or'
CASSIODOR
JOHANNES./ PRIMAS IUS
600 DIACONUS (Eliminated Donatist
Viewpoints)
ISIDORE
of Seville
700
BEDE
BEATUST AUTPERTUS I EPITOME in
800 ALCUIN Spicilegium
Solesmense
HRABAN
WALAFRID STR ABO HINCMAR
HAYMO (Glossa rdin aria [?]) tof RHEIMS
Commentaries
1
900
C c
a)
0
1000
RUP ERT of SCHOOL of LAON Glossa ,

1100 D EUTZ BRUNO of ANSELM of LAON Literature)
(New Thoygilts) SEGNI
RICHARD of I
JOACHIM • ,ST. VICTOR
NS M of
1200 of FLORIS HAVELBERG I
Reversal of,
Tichonian Tradition,' NICHOLAS (Revival of Historical •
DE LYRA Interpretation) I
• I
4-'FRANCISCAN ZJ,
•
• I
LUTHER SP(rliviTl
i, Ubertino,
lAiS • I
Arnold of Villanova,etc) I
•I
PROTESTANT CATHOLIC
INTERPRETERS EXPOSITORS
Designed by Erich Bethmann, 1949.

I
CHARTING OF THE TICHONIAN INFLUENCE FOR SEVEN CENTURIES
This Graph Is Designed to Visualize the Molding Influence of Tichonius, and His Rules of
Interpretation, Which Held Sway for Seven Centuries. He Introduced a Purely Mystical or
Spiritual Exegesis of the Apocalypse, Eliminating Application to Material Historical Events.
It Took About Seven Hundred Years Before the Historical Emphasis, or School of Interpretation,
Found Entrance Again Into the Ranks of the Roman Church. In Rupert of Deutz and Anselm
of Havelberg Its First Beginning Is to Be Found, and Through Joachim of Floris and His
Followers, Was Reinstated the Historical Interpretation of the Symbols of the Apocalypse
546 PROPHETIC FAITH
The first important figure is Primasius, who made Tichonius,

the Donatist, respectable by eliminating certain heretical ele-
ments and thereby popularizing his theories in the Roman
church.
I. Writers of Early Middle Ages Follow Tichonius
1. PRIMASIUS POPULARIZES TICHONIAN TEACHING.—PRI-
MASIUS (d. 560) of Hadrumetum, primate of Byzacene in North
Africa, achieved his fame primarily through his commentary on
the Apocalypse.' This work is of great importance, because it
contains the pre-Cyprian Latin text of the Apocalypse of the
early African church, and is of greatest help in reconstructing
the highly influential commentary of Tichonius. Furthermore,
Primasius is one of the important links in the chain of com-
mentators on the Apocalypse, who has influenced Autpertus,
Alcuin, and the Haymo commentaries in later centuries. (See
diagram on page 545.)
From the viewpoint of exegesis the contribution of Prima-
sius is not outstanding. To a large extent he copied Tichonius,
as he considered his writings a piece of treasure adrift. Tichonius
had been a Donatist, and was therefore a heretic in his eyes.
Hence he purged Tichonius' commentary of all Donatist
elements, and presented it in an orthodox ecclesiastical garb.
Primasius accepts the recapitulation theory and also follows
Augustine in the exposition of Revelation 20. But he deviates
from Tichonius in some matters, and some historical explana-
tions reappear. For instance, the Two Witnesses of Revelation
11:3 are considered to be Elijah and Enoch, preaching repent-
ance among the Jews. Antichrist comes from Dan.' And in the
explanation of chapter 13 we find the expectation of a personal
Antichrist.' The second beast of Revelation 13 is held as
related to Simon Magus, and the number of the beast, accord-
1 Primasii Commentaria super Apocalypsim B. Joannis in Migne, PL, vol. 68, cols. 794-
936. His work was first printed by Eucharius Cervicornus of Cologne in 1535, but a better
and more complete edition is that of Basel in 1544.
2 Primasius, Commentaria super Apocalypsim, in Migne, PL, vol. 68, col. 867. (Since
the writers cited briefly for this period are probably accessible only in the Migne collection, the
notes here given include only the page. and the column references of that edition.)
3 Ibid., cols. 878, 879.
A
GRADUAL REVERSAL OF TICHONIUS TRADITION 547
ing to Primasius, refers to the number of days during which the

Antichrist will persecute the church. By a singular method of
computing he arrives at 1,225 days.' So Primasius is important
because he constitutes the link between Tichonius and a
ber of later commentators during the Middle Ages.
2. AUTPERTUS—COMPEND OF PREVIOUS EXPOSITIONS.—A-m-
BRosius AUTPERTUS, sometimes called Anspertus or Ansbert (d.
c. 778), distinguished monk of the Benedictine order, was born
in southern France and died in southern Italy. He wrote a
voluminous work on the Apocalypse 6 during the pontificate of
Paul I (757-767), though it was dedicated to Stephen IV, who
had encouraged him in his studies. He knows Victorinus in the
recension of Jerome, and is well acquainted with Tichonius,
whose general scheme he has retained. But in the main he
copies Primasius. This means that he does not go beyond the
well-accepted exposition of the church. However, he enriches
his commentary by numerous discourses and queries. He also
knows Bede.'
He does not contribute any original ideas. Rather, his
treatise is a compendium of what has thus far been written oil
the subject. That, on the other hand, makes his commentary
of value and importance, as it constitutes a connecting link in
the chain of expositions of the Apocalypse spanning the early'
Middle Ages, and helps us to check on earlier works that are
often fragmentary.
3. ALCUIN—AN ENDORSER, NOT AN ORIGINATOR.—The
importance of Autpertus is further augmented by ALCUIN,
sometimes Ealwhine, or Alkine (c. 735-804), the most influential
teacher and educator of the Carolingian period, who follows
Autpertus on practically every point Alrii;n, springing from
4 Ibid., cols. 884 ff.; see also W. Bousset, Die Offenbarung johannis, p. 66.
6 The complete commentary is found in La Bigne, Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum,
vol. 13, pp. 403-657. The editor in Migne speaks of the ten books of the commentary on
Revelation by Autpertus (Migne, PL, vol. 89, cols. 1265, 1266), but seems not to be certain
of Autpertus' authorship ibid cols. 1277, 1278), and refers us to volume 17. Here, however,
following the works of St. Ambrose, the commentary on the Apocalypse is attributed to
Berengaudus. (Migne, PL, vol. 17, cols. 843-1058.)
6 Bousset, Die Offenbarung Johannis, p. 68. Bede will be discussed in the chapter on
British writers (see page 609), but his influence should be kept in mind throughout this chapter.
548 PROPHETIC FAITH
an old noble family, was born in Northumbria, England. He

received the best education the age could provide, under the
guidance of the archbishop of York. He soon distinguished
himself and was chosen to accompany his venerated teacher to
Rome. Returning to England, he was elected rector of the
famous school of York, in which he himself had studied. During
a second journey to Rome he met Charlemagne, and was invited
by him to come to Germany to help the emperor develop his
educational plans. He accepted, and became the organizer of
the Carolingian reforms.
In 796 he received the abbey of Tours, which became the
nursery of ecclesiastical and liberal education for the entire
kingdom. He was able to gather brilliant young men around
him. And wherever, in the following generation, literary activity
is visible, one is almost sure to find a pupil of Alcuin. Among
them are outstanding men like Arno, archbishop of Salzburg,
Theodulph, bishop of Orleans, Eausald, archbishop of York—
and last, but not least, Hraban or Rabanus Maurus, who con-
tinued Alcuin's work in the famous school of Fulda. Alcuin
was Charlemagne's adviser in all matters pertaining to his
educational reforms and as concerned the church. He was
equally interested in promoting the authority of Rome as well
as the royal priesthood of Charlemagne. He remained his coun-
selor till his death.
One of Alcuin's most far-reaching innovations was the
adoption of the principle of patristic authority. Bede, after
giving all due respect to the writings of the Fathers, set
forth his own opinion and expected to be honored as of like
value, for he did not have the concept of a church whose
dogmatic authority rested on a collection of books--that is,
in the writings of the Fathers. Alcuin, on the other hand,
developed a completely different attitude. He considered the
patristic heritage as authoritative and binding. Just what his
motive was for such a variance in attitude is difficult to ascertain.
Perhaps it was his desire to create a uniform, objective, suffi-
ciently authoritative basis for the education of the clergy in the
new realm. He himself surely did not foresee its later far-
reaching effects.'
Taking this background into consideration, we are better
prepared to evaluate correctly the immense influence of Alcuin's
writings, even though they merely endorse opinions and exposi-
tions made by less-celebrated personalities. This is particularly
the case with his commentary on the Apocalypse. This com-
mentary, as found in Migne 8 is, unfortunately, not complete;
it ends with the twelfth chapter and the twelfth verse. As previ-
ously mentioned, Alcuin follows Autpertus in the main, and
often verbatim, without going into the elaborate detail of the
latter. On the other hand, he adds, here and there, material
from Bede. That means that the allegorical exegesis—the
exegesis which attempted to understand the deeper "spiritual"
meaning of the manifold symbols—had taken firm roots. Alcuin
became a guiding star for the centuries following.
4. RAT'ANUS STRESSES MYSTICAL, NOT HISTORIC " L.--uorn
at Mainz, RABANUS IVIAURUS, or Hraban (776-856), as he usually
called himself, was of noble Frankish stock. He became a deacon
in 801, and was ordained a priest in 814. From 822 to 842 he
served as abbot of Fulda. He sought to avoid politics, which
was not easy in the position he occupied. When that was no
longer possible, he resigned, and devoted his time to literary'
activities. But in 847 the people and the clergy unanimously
elected him archbishop of Mainz, which office he accepted
reluctantly, and held until his death. Significantly enough, in
about his first synodal session, in 847, he stressed the importance
of preaching in the vernacular, and not in Latin.
Under him Fulda became the seat of learning, and he
himself displayed an immense literary activity. His deepest
concern was to understand not only the historical but also this
"mystical" sense of the Word, and to show the way from the
letter to the "spirit." Besides other works, he wrote commen-
taries on all the books of the Bible. Unfortunately, his corn-
7 H. H. Glunz, History of the Vulgate in England, pp. 79-81.
8 Alcuin, Commentaria in Apocalypsim, in Migne, PL, vol.100, cols. 1889-108.
550 PROPHETIC FAITH
mentary on the Revelation has been lost. His works occupy six
volumes in Migne's collection. He did not claim originality,
and habitually gave credit to those from whom he quoted.
In his comments on Second Thessalonians he follows verba-
tim the opinions of Jerome, omitting, however, to mention
Nero as the most wicked Caesar, and speaking of the wicked
Caesars in general.' The reason evidently was that the idea of
Nero redivivus—which was so widely cherished at an earlier
period—was by this time completely discarded. He quotes
further from Augustine, Gregory the Great, and Ambrosius
Autpertus in the same chapter.
5. WALAFRID—INCLUDES ROMAN CHURCH IN 2 THESSA-
LONIANS 2.—With Rabanus' pupil WALAFRID STRAB 0 (807-
849) we reach the period of medieval glossa literature." Wala-
frid was cross-eyed, and was therefore called Strabo. His parents
were poor, and his early education was gained under most trying
circumstances at the monastery of Reichenau. So, when the
opportunity of becoming a pupil of Rabanus offered itself, he
went to Fulda and soon distinguished himself by the exactness
of his work, combined with the ability to write a faultless
Latin. He rose in favor, and became the tutor of one of the
princes of the emperor. Later he was called to be abbot of
Reichenau."
The Glossa Ordinaria is attributed to him, although some
set it at a much later period. The glossa is an explanatory note,
or a loosely running commentary. It became widely used during
the Middle Ages. The marginal and interlinear glossae were
copied from writer to writer, often with meticulous care, and
do not therefore give us much new information. But their
influence is significant because of their brevity of statement and
conciseness of meaning.
Walafrid was, however, in many respects quite original
9 Rabanus Maurus, Enarrationes in Epistulas Pauli, book 12 (on 2 Thess.), in Migne, PL,
vol. 112, cols. 571, 572; compare with Jerome, Epistle 121, in Migne, PL, vol. 22, col. 1037.
10 Farrar, History, p. 251. A number of scholars, unwilling to place the glossa literature
this early, attribute its origin to the school of Laon. See page 557.
Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic, vol. 40, pp. 639, 640.
in his remarks. For instance, on 2 Thessalonians 2:3 he includes

not only the Roman Empire, but gives as an alternative the
spiritual empire of the Roman church. This seems to be the
very first mention of the Roman church in such a connection.
Thus the Glossa explains these phrases of Paul:
"Verse 3.—Except there shall have come already [a falling away].
He speaks in a hidden way concerning the destruction of the Roman
Empire that he might not incite them to the persecution of the church;
or, he says this, concerning the spiritual empire of the Roman Church
or the departure from the faith. Unless a fugitive comes first. Thus certain
manuscripts have it. No one doubts that he spoke of Antichrist whom he
calls a fugitive; certainly he is a fugitive from God. For if this can be said
deservedly of all the wicked, how much more about him! Son of perdition,
Antichrist not by nature, but by imitation." '2
This last phrase needs explanation. Many held that Anti-
christ will be the natural offspring of the devil. But Walafrid
does not share this belief. He only considers him such by
imitation.
•
In Ins. GInssa, Oil the Apocalypse he divides the book into
seven visions, like Bede, but he goes further, and indicates the
divisions in the text. He applies the seven churches spiritually
to members of any church, except that, like Bede, he makes
the sixth refer to the, persecution in the time of Antichrist;
similarly he finds in the seals (1) the church robed in baptismal
whiteness (the early church?), (2) open persecution, (3) the
secret persecution by the heretics, (4) the open and secret per-
secution of false fratres perverting the faith under the garb of
religion, (5) the assurance of future victory for the faithful,
(6) the obscuration of the true light in the time of Antichrist,
(7) the introduction of the seven trumpets.'
But in the trumpets a certain historical scheme becomes
visible. The theme is the condemnation of the wicked through
Inc preac"-g which they reject. The first four are in the, past:
(1) the blindness of the Jews, (2) the turning of the apostles
to the Gentiles, (3) the heretics, (4) the apostate members.
Walafrid Strabo, Glossa Ordinaria, on 2 Thessalonians, in Migne, PL, vol. 114. col. 622.
13 Ibid., on the Apocalypse, cols. 716, 721-723, 725 (see also Bousset, Die 011enbarung
johannis, p. 70).
552 PROPHETIC FAITH
The last three are future, concerning the end, given for the
consolation of the present generation: (5) the star falling is
Satan, who opens the pit of the heretics, whence rises the smoke
of Antichrist's doctrine, the locusts are the disciples of the
heretics, and the furnace is Antichrist himself, to purify the
good and reduce the wicked to ashes; (6) the Euphrates, the
river of Babylon, means the worldly princes through whom
Satan works; and (7) the end of preaching in the time of Anti-
christ is followed by the secret reward of the saints, the eternal
Sabbath after the six periods of the church's warfare."
The time element given in verse 15—the hour, day, month,
and year—he computes to be three and half years, as the
period of persecution under Antichrist." We shall frequently
come across this same period under later expositors as the time
given to Antichrist. The three and a half years of Antichrist,
and his doings on earth, Walafrid makes obviously to parallel
the three and half years of Christ's ministry on earth. This
becomes clear when he assigns the 1260 days of Revelation
12:6—of the woman in the wilderness—likewise to the three
and a half years of Christ's preaching." This parallelism between
Christ and Antichrist is stressed in many other instances: Christ
is born of God by a virgin; so a child will be born of Satan by
a polluted woman. Christ performed miracles; Antichrist will
do the same. Christ was from Israel; Antichrist will likewise
be from Israel, from the tribe of Dan. And here the length of
their respective active periods is the same.
Presently we shall learn that Walafrid saw, in the first
beast of Revelation 13, Antichrist simulating death, but after
three days being carried into the air by demons; and so his
deadly wound becomes healed. And in the second beast, Wala-
frid sees the apostles of Antichrist, whom he disperses all through
the world, just as the apostles of Christ went out into all the
world."
14 /bid., cols. 725-729, 731.
16 Ibid., col. 728.
16 Ibid., col. 732.
17 Ibid., cols. 733, 734.
On Revelation 20 he more or less implies the Augustinian

theory, but does not mention the thousand-year period specifi-
cally.' After Walafrid, the schools of Ferrieres, Auxerre, and
Laon developed the glossa further. It thus became the standard
method for centuries during the Middle Ages.
II. Haymo Pursues Accepted Line of Exposition
Not much is known about the life of HAYMO OF HALBER-
STADT, bishop in 840-853. He was a fellow student of Hraban,
and dedicates his work De Universo to him. In 840 Haymo
received the bishopric of Halberstadt, in those times a mission
district,• in close proximity to the heathen population. In fact,
its own constituency had been but recently converted to Chris-
tianity. Much diligent work was involved in the spiritual leader
shipin such a district.
Despite the manifold burdens cast upon him, Haymo
found time to write extensively,. and his writings and com-
mentaries on many books of the Bible are conspicuous for
learning and clarity. Indeed, they exercised a profound influence
upon the exegesis of the Word for centuries. Although it has:.
sincebeen proved that a number of commentaries attributed
to him were probably written by one of his pupils—Heiric of
Auxerre, or possibly some other person--they are all known.
as the Haymo Commentaries, and we shall note them without
attempting to decide the question of authorship."
Haymo takes Autpertus as the basis for his commentary
on the Apocalypse, and finds help for details in the Venerable
Bede." He endeavors to make an exact analysis of the structure
of the book of Revelation. He follows Bede's example in re-
ducing it to seven major divisions, whereas Autpertus had had
ten. He did not merely cony his predecessors, tried to fir,,,
his own independent conclusions. In general, however, he does
not deviate much from the accepted line of exegesis, though
in details we find interesting side lights.
as Ibid., cols. 744, 745.
Kamlah, op. ca., p. 14.
20 Bede will he discussed in connection with English writers in chapter 25.
554 PROPHETIC FAITH
For instance he explains the names of the seven churches

in the following manner: Ephesus, my will and counsel; Smyrna,
their song; Pergamos, division of horns; Thyatira, illuminated
—that is, the universal church; Sardis, the beginning of beauty;
Philadelphia, brotherly love; and Laodicea, the beloved tribe
of the Lord." This is an isolated example.
1. FOLLOWS ACCEPTED INTERPRETATIONS FOR SEALS.—In
the seals Haymo follows the accepted interpretation. The earth-
quake in the sixth seal he explains as the last.great tribulation
that will come upon the earth. Christ, the sun of righteousness,
will be completely darkened; the moon, understood of the
church, will be red with the streams of blood of the martyrs
during this terrible time; and the stars that fall are the
righteous who are unable to stand this severe test of their
faith during the last great persecution.'
2. ANTICHRIST AND THE 'TWO WITNESSES.—In the fifth
trumpet, like many others, Haymo sees the coming of the Anti-
christ.' A more detailed and better description of Antichrist
is found, however, in his commentary on 2 Thessalonians 2.
Here he states that Antichrist comes from the tribe of Dan,
but will be born in Babylon; he will rule for 1260 days, slay the
Two Witnesses (Enoch and Elias), and will then be himself
slain by Christ or by Michael at the command of Christ. After
the death of Antichrist, forty-five days (according to Daniel)
—that is, the difference between the 1290 and 1335 days—are
given to the elect to repent.' Probably that period of grace is
given that those who have become weak during the terrible
time of persecution may have opportunity to confess and to
repent.
In his remarks on the death of the Two Witnesses of
Revelation 1 1 , he qubtes Malachi 4:5 in this way: "Ecce ego
mittam vobis Enoch et Eliam, ut convertant corda patrum ad
21 Haymo of Halberstadt, Expositio in Apocalypsin, in Migne, PL, vol. 117, cols. 962,
970, 972, 976, 985, 989, 993.
22 Ibid., cols. 1030, 1031.
23 Ibid., col. 1051.
24 Ibid., cols. 779-781.
fiiios." (Behold I shall send to you Enoch and Elias, that they
may turn the hearts of the fathers to the children.) According
to this quotation, it appears that Haymo must have had a version
of Malachi before him—or at least have known about it—in
which both names occur. If such were the case, although such
a version is unknown to us now, it would explain why many
of the early church writers identify the two witnesses with Enoch
and Elijah. Tertullian had already connected them with Anti-
christ. He advanced the idea that their death was only postponed
at the time of their translation, because, "They are reserved for
the suffering of death, that by their blood they may extinguish
Antichrist."
3. DRAWS CHRIST-ANTICHRIST PARALLEL.—Haymo, like
Walafrid, draws the parallel between the period of activity of.
Christ and Antichrist. As Antichrist will reign 1260 days, so
has Christ preached for 1260 days—that is, three and a half
years.' And Haymo's exposition of .P.evelation 13 is identk•al
in content to that of Walafrid, except that he differs in the
matter of the secret number 666. He applies it to Teitan, or
Genserikos in Greek, or Dic Lux in Latin."
4. 1. HE 1. HOUSAND YEARS BRING PERFECTION.—On the
thousand-year period Haymo makes these interesting observa-
tions: The number 1,000 signifies perfection. It therefore covers
the period during which everything will come to perfection.
It embraces the entire period from Christ's death to the coming
of Antichrist, regardlesS of the number of actual years. During
this period the devil is bound in the abyss, that is, in the hearts
of the infidels and all perverse men. There he exercises his full
power. With the coming of Antichrist, Satan will be loosed and
will C-rirg• anti Ma
earth npr•nr. trng TATil 1
And according to Haymo, these are the Getae and the Massa-
getae, or also the twenty-four nations which were shut out,
Ibid., col. 1070.
26Tertullian_, A Treatise on the Soul, chap. 50, in Ah'F, vol. 3, pp. 227, 228.
Haymo, Expositio, in Migne, PL, vol. 117, cols. 1084, 1085.
o Ibid., col. 1103.
556 PROPHETIC FAITH
according to the Alexander legend, beyond the mountains of

the Caucasus.'
That, in short, is a survey of Haymo's teaching on the
points of greatest interest to us in this study. Haymo's com-
mentaries, and Walafrid's Glossa, laid down the direction in
Biblical exegesis for a long time to come.
In order to trace the development and reversal of the
Tichonian school of interpretation down to the time when the
prophecies of the Apocalypse began again to be interpreted
through historical events, we shall defer until the next chapter
other earlier writers who are outside of this series, and proceed
with the glossa literature.
III. School of Laon Popularizes Glossa Type of Exposition
After the ninth-century Carolingian period—whose repre-
sentatives in the field of exposition we have met in Alcuin,
Hraban, and Walafrid, and in the Haymo commentaries—we
now encounter a revival of theological studies in the school
of the Norman monastery of Bec, in France. Lanfranc and
Anselm both taught in Bec, and both became leaders of the
church in England. The continuation and completion of this
school of thought is found in the school of Laon during the
twelfth century.
The man who brought this institution to fame was ANSELM
OF LAON (d. 1117). Born in Laon, he studied in Bec, later
returning to his home town to become a teacher in the cathe-
dral school. At the beginning of his teaching the young clerics
were taught just enough to be able to sing and celebrate mass;
at the time of his death his pupils were seated on many a
bishop's seat, and held professorships all over the Western world.
Anselm had become a scholar of international fame, and his
main theme was Bible exegesis."
1. TICHONIANISM MOLDS GLOSSA LITERATURE FOR CEN-
TURIES.—The glossa type of literature, or annotation of the
Ibid., col. 1187.
3° Kamlah, op. cit., pp. 27 ff.
text of Scripture, was a special feature of Laon. Some hold that

this type of commentary originated with Anselm. There were
two different kinds of glossae—marginal and interlinear. They
became so popular that to be well versed in the glossa meant
to have high scholarly attainment. In fact, the glossa ushered
in the scholastic system of learning.
In this special literature we also find annotations on the
Apocalypse. These, in general, follow Haymo's lead, and show
the strong influence of Bede. Through these two authorities
the Tichonian tradition became fixed for another long period,
as they were both firm adherents to this theory. One name
occasionally mentioned in connection with the Laon school is
that of MENEGAUDUS. He wrote a commentary on the Apocalypse
that is rather elaborate in its beginning chapters, but becomes
shorter and more and more abbreviated in the later ones. He
follows 'the glossa and contributes 11 original ideas.
2. RICIIA IV' OF ST. VICTOR BEGINS TO most
distinguished commentator on the Apocalypse of this French
school of thought, however, is RICHARD OF ST. VICTOR (d. 1173).
He was a native of Scotland, though the date and place of MS
birth are unknown. A disciple of the great mystic, Hugo of St.
Victor, he spent practically his entire life within the walls of the
Abbey of St. Victor, of which he became abbot in later years.
Richard was purely a theologian, and unlike his teacher, was
not interested in philosophy. He regarded secular learning as
useless in itself, but was willing to avail himself of the deductive
and constructive methods taught by Abelard. Among his writ-
ings are a work on. the Trinity, two books on mystical contem-
plation, and a commentary on Revelation—In A pocalypsim
Joannis, in seven books.'
This latter work was written before 1150. In it he often
cites the glossa verbatim, but absorbs it so well that it becomes
a vehicle for his own independent concepts." He likes to discuss
dogmatic problems, on which he. offers inserts at some length.
al In Migne, PL, vol. 196, cols. 683-888.
32 Kamlak op. cit., p. 42.
558 PROPHETIC FAITH
Otherwise his style and composition are crystal clear; and he

gives a scholarly summary at the end of each vision. According
to his opinion, the period from the birth of the church till the
end of time is five times repeated; namely, first in the vision of
the seven churches, which do not figure, however, prominently
in his scheme; second, in the vision of the seven seals; third, in
that of the seven trumpets; fourth, concerning the woman, the
dragon, and the beasts; and fifth, that of the seven vials.
These five visions have this point in common: they have to
do with the state of this temporal world, but the last two visions
pertain also to eternity. The sixth vision pictures the aeterna
damnatio malorum (eternal damnation of the wicked); the
seventh, the aeterna beatitudo bonorum (eternal bliss of the
good).
Then he arranges them in still another way, and ascribes
the second, third, and fourth visions to the good, and the fifth
and sixth to the wicked. In the fifth their temporal punishment
is described, and in the sixth their perpetual or eternal punish-
ment." Moreover, he attempts to find an answer as to why the
same period should be recapitulated several times, and comes
to the conclusion that the seven seals are given particularly to
the doctors and teachers of the church, whereas the seven
trumpets are more for the hearers and the lay members.' Such
was his scheme.
In general, Richard adheres to the spiritualized exegesis,
and not to historical interpretation. However, a slight deviation
from the Tichonian tradition is already noticeable. For instance,
he definitely ascribes the sounding of the first trumpet as
preaching to the Jews," and the second seal as the time of perse-
cution, beginning with Nero and ending with Constantine, and
finding its climax under Diocletian." There is a further inter-
esting remark in connection with the celestial phenomena of
the sixth seal. After describing its symbolic value he states that
33 Richard of St. Victor, In Apocalybsinr7oannis, in Migne, PL, vol. 196, col. 819.
34 Ibid., col. 798.
85 Ibid., col. 778.
38 Ibid., cols. 763, 764.
it could also be explained literally, and seeks to connect it with

the celestial signs of Matthew 24."
3. STRUGGLES TOWARD HISTORICAL POSITION.—In the sym-
bolic woman of Revelation 12 Richard sees the church. The sun
is Christ and the moon the world. The male child is also Christ,
born of the church, and the retreat of the woman into the wil-
derness is the secret of a spiritual life." The beast coming from
the sea in Revelation 13 is thought to be the principalities of
the heathen, and one of its heads is Antichrist. On the other
hand, he holds that the second beast does not arise from among
the heathen but from false brethren, who nevertheless continue
to believe in one God." On the thousand-year period Richard
is not clear, allowing a spiritual as well as a literal meaning. If
the latter should be correct, then the thousand years have
already passed. However, he holds that we do not know when
the exact time of the coming of the Antichrist will be, or when
the loosing of Satan will be effert,-(1."
IV. Bruno—Assumes Back-to-the-Bible Attitude
BRUNO OF SEGNI (r. 1049-1 123), bishop of Segni (sometimes.
called Bruno of Asti), was born of noble parentage at Solero,
in Piedmont. He received his preliminary education in a Bene-
dictine monastery, completing his studies at Bologna, and was-
made canon of Sienna. He was then called to Rome, where he
became a counselor to four popes. He was a personal friend of
Gregory VII and a stanch defender of the claims of the Papacy
against the emperor, in the dispute over the investiture. At the
Synod of Rome (1079) he induced Berengar of Tours to retract.
In 1080 he became bishop of Segni," and in 1095 accompanied
Urban II to the council at Clermont, where the first crusade
was proclaimed."
In 1102 Bruno entered the famous Monte Cassino monas-
8' Ibid., col. 769.
38 Ibid., col. 800.
33 Ibid., col. 806.
Ibid., cols. 853, 854.
J. A. Birkhaeuser, "Bruno, Saint Bishop of Segni," Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 3,
p. 14.
560 PROPHETIC FAITH
tery as a monk, and became its abbot in 1107. But after he had
severely reprimanded Pope Paschal for his leniency toward
Henry V, in permitting the latter the right of conferring ring
and crosier upon bishops and abbots, he was asked to resign
from his abbacy and return to his bishopric at Segni.
Bruno, however, was not only a politician but a Bible
expositor as well. He considered occupation with the Bible and
Bible explanation as the center of all theology. He was a declared
enemy of all dialectics, and denounced philosophers and heretics
in the same breath." Besides other commentaries on different
books of the Bible, he wrote a commentary on the Apocalypse,
which reveals considerable originality in detail, although it
does not deviate much from the generally accepted exegesis of
the time. Bruno knew that he was merely beginning again
the work on the Apocalypse "post multos alios" (after many
others)."
Bruno knows Haymo and accepts him as basic, and uses
Bede for corrections and additions. He is, however, so original
that his sources are often scarcely recognizable." More than that,
he made a different structural analysis of the book. He divides
the Apocalypse, according to the seven main visions, into seven
books. Six of them comprise the fate of Christ's church, from
the resurrection to the return of Christ. And the seventh
describes the "sabbatismus populo Dei" (rest of the people of
God)." Note these divisions:
1:1 - 3:22 the seven churches.
4:1 - 8:1 the seven seals.
8:2 -11:18 the seven trumpets and the two witnesses.
11:19-14:13 the woman and the beast.
14:14-19:10 the seven vials and the Harlot Babylon.
19:11-21:8 Christ and the judgment.
21:9 -22:21 the New Jerusalem.
Some details are worthy of note.
42 Bruno of Segni, Expositio in Apocalypsim, in Migne, PL, vol. 165, col. 648.
" Ibid., cols. 603-736.
44 Kamlah, op. cit., pp. 17, 18.
45 Bruno, Expositio, in Migne, PL, vol. 165, col. 638.
1. SCOPE OF THE SEVEN SEALS.—After explaining the first

five seals as pertaining to the gradually worsening situation in
the church, he sees in the sixth seal the last tribulation, caused
by Antichrist, during which many will fall away from Christ,
like figs in a storm. And then Christ will appear suddenly, and
mankind will see Him face to face."
2. Two WITNESSES ARE THE TWO TESTAMENTS.—On the
TWo Witnesses of Revelation 11, Bruno has his own explana-
tion. He says, of course, that literally they are to be taken as
Enoch and Elias, but in a spiritual sense they represent the doc-
tors of the church who are strengthened by the two Testaments,
which are called the witnesses of the Lord. To these doctors the
Lord gives the ministry of prophesying, that they might preach
1260 days, for so many days the Lord Himself preached, and they
will preach nothing else but those things which Christ preached
during His earthly ministry. They will be clothed in sackcloth
in order w kindle. the spirit of penitence. They arc two UlIvC
trees, which never lack the act of mercy. Their fire is the fire
of charity, and people touched and devoured by such a fire
will turn from enemies into friends. He adds, however, that
this fire can also be understood as the vengeance of the divine
curse." This explanation of the Two Witnesses emphasizes his
back-to-the-Bible attitude.
3. WOMAN SUSTAINED BY SCRIPTURES.—On Revelation 12
he remarks that the woman is the church, clad in beauty and
splendor like the sun, whereas the moon, deficient and transi-
tory, refers to the world which is under her feet. The male
child symbolizes the sons of the church. There is no feminine
weakness in them, but firmness and strength. Such will over-
r ,4 irits -n,-1 t-"-h the p—pl- ,-4 fil"
by a strong and unsurpassable rule. During the period of the
woman's flight into a solitary place, who will sustain her if not
the sacred volumes of the Scriptures? Read Isaiah, he says, and
46 Ibid., vol. 165 cols. 638, 639.
47 Ibid., cols. 66Z, 663.
562 PROPHETIC FAITH
you will find food; read the other prophets, and you will find
pastures. The earth that is helping the woman refers to the
kindness of Christ."
These are surely refreshing words from the pen of a
counselor to popes in the spiritual haze of the eleventh century.
They show the deep influence which the Apocalypse has exer-
cised upon all circles during the ages, even at this time. It
was by no means a book taken seriously only by outsiders and
cranks, but it had a definite part in the main line of religious
thinking, and has influenced many in the highest stations of
life who directed the affairs of men. On Revelation 13, Bruno
follows Haymo.
4. BRUNO AFFIRMS YEAR-DAY PRINCIPLES.—Bruno also
proves the right of interpreting a year for a day from Ezekiel 4:6,
which he mentions in connection with the slaying of the Two
Witnesses and their lying in the streets for three and a half days."
V. Anselm—Prepares Ground for Repudiation of Tichonianism

Biographical data on ANSELM OF HAVELBERG (d. 1158) IS
meager. Presumably he was from Lorraine, though some believe
he hailed from upper Italy. Norbert, archbishop of Madgeburg,
was hi,5 friend and protector, bestowing upon him the bishopric
of Havelberg, situated to the northeast on the river Elbe. This
diocese he held from 1129 to 1155. But, significantly enough,
before he could occupy his see, he had first to secure it from
the Slays. It was distinctly a frontier station, on the German
border to the east. Twice it was devastated, and twice he rebuilt
it. It was a mission outpost in the most literal and rugged sense
of the word.
More than that, Anselm was a man of deep learning, and
evidently of unusual diplomatic skill. He was sent by the em-
peror as an ambassador extraordinary to Constantinople. And at
the same time he was commissioned to represent Rome in a
48 Ibid., cols. 667 ff.

49 Ibid., cols. 663, 664.
GRADUAL REVERSAL OF TICHONIUS TRADITION 56S
discussion of points of difference with the heads of the Greek

Orthodox Church. His disputation with Nicetas (Nechites),
archbishop of Nicomedia, was later published upon request of
Eugenius III, His Dialogi, the three books of this discussion,
brought him to fame, and long were considered the best on the
subject.
Having thus come into contact with other forms of Chris-
tianity, Anselm struggled with the problem of how to explain
these differentiations and varieties. This he did in his dialogue
De Unitate Fidei et Multi formitate Vivendi ab Abel Iusto
Usque ad Novissimum Electum' (Concerning the Unity of
Faith and the Multiform Expressions of Life From Abel the Just
to the Last of the Elect), where he comes to the conclusion that
the differences are caused by human frailty, but that God uses
these in His great plan for the rejuvenation of the church. Even
more are they necessary because progress in recognition of truth
is possible only by this means_
I. INTRODUCES NEW PRINCIPLE OF INTERPRETATION.—With
Anselm a new scheme of interpretation began to appear—or,
rather, the restoration of the old. It was a paralleling, or match-
ing, of the demands of prophecy with the consecutive and
continuous development of history.
Anselm saw three great progressive steps during the ages,
each ushered in by a revolutionizing catastrophe. First, the earth-
quake at Sinai brought the law and the exemplary dispensation
of the Old Testament, overcoming the idolatrous concept of
the heathen therewith. The second catastrophe came on Gol-
gotha, revealing the love of God and His boundless grace. And
the third era was to be ushered in by another catastrophe, a
catastrophe that would bring the full and eternal vision of
God.'
This new and bold concept of a progressive revelation was
a radical turning away from the Augustinian theory of the
so Anselm of Havelberg, Dialogi, in Migne, PL, vol. 188, cols. 1141 ff.
r' Dempf, op. cit., pp. 241, 242.
564 PROPHETIC FAITH
saeculum senescens" (aging world), and from the remainder of

the lex-aeterna' (law-eternal) teaching.
2. MAKES THE SEALS HISTORICAL.—This was first applied
to the seals. There has been common agreement as to the first
and the sixth and seventh seals and their meaning. The first
was the gospel triumphs; the sixth, the precursor of the last
judgment; and the seventh, the beginning of the eternal rest.
But the intervening sections had been left blank, so far as any
historical sequence is concerned. Now Anselm found in history
the missing four.
Although not a commentary on the Apocalypse, the first
book of his dialogue takes these seven seals, according to the
Glossa Ordinaria of Walafrid, and covers the bare skeleton of
the seven eras with flesh and blood. He begins to show where
and when these periods can be fitted into the history of the
church. He sees clearly in the first seal the very beginnings of
the church in her purity and virtue, with Christ the conquering
One. Under the second seal, red with martyrdom till the time
of Diocletian, he sees the martyrs having their forerunner in
Stephen, followed by Peter and Paul, Andrew ,in Achaia, Bar-
tholomew in India, with many others following them. The cross
of Christ, once derided and considered a rock of offense, is
exalted, honored, and venerated. Magnificent churches are con-
structed, and bishops and presbyters recalled from exile to
minister in them.'
3. HERESY, HYPOCRISY, AND MARTYRS' REWARD.—In the
period of the third seal he sees the church blackened by heresy,
as Arius, Sabellius, Nestorius, and Eutyches appear and teach
false doctrines. But, on the other hand, the most important
councils of Nicaea, Antioch, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, which he
believes established the sound doctrine of the church, fall under
52 The aging period of the world. The life span of this world was compared with the
life span of man, and divided into the periods of childhood, adolescence, early manhood,
maturity, and senility.
53 The lex-aeterna concept involves the theory that God has fixed definitely the number
of the blessed spirits in His everlasting kingdom, that, in fact, the elect are those who will
replace the fallen spirits. The historical process is subordinated to this predestined eternal law.
Anselm, Dtalogi, in Migne, PL, vol. 138, cols. 1149, 1150.
the third seal. The fourth seal, pale under the impact of hypoc-
risy, illustrates the degradation of all the lofty ideals of the
church by the pride of many who in abominable hypocrisy
pollute her fair name. Fortunately others are found—such as
Augustine, Rufus of Burgundy, Norbert of Magdeburg, Ber-
nard of Clairvaux, and Benedict of Nursia—who counterbal-
ance this deplorable state. Such men are also found in the
Eastern church, among whom he names Basil the Great.
The fifth seal concerns those who have fought and suffered
in the cause of God. And the sixth refers to the world convulsed
under Antichrist, the most violent persecution ever to come over
this world to be during this time of Antichrist. In the seventh
the church reposes in infinite bliss in the deep silence of heaven.'
4. LAYS GROUNDWORK FOR JOACHIM OF FLORIS.—This
teaching of Anselm of Havelberg is certainly a departure from
what we are accustomed to find in these medieval fathers. It is
no longer the vague corpus diaboli (body of Satan) teac'-"g
of Tichonius, or merely the factual differentiation of seven
eras or orders; but these orders are now transformed into
chronological order."
The introduction of concrete historical counterparts is
the new element which AnseIm has contributed. Under him
the exegesis of the Apocalypse passes into the stage of an
explanation of church history. Therewith the ground was pre-
pared for the eventual overthrow of the Tichonius tradition.
Although Anselm's work does not seem to have made a deep
impression in Germany, it certainly exerted an influence upon
the revolutionary Joachim of Floris, through whom the com-
plete reversal of the Tichonius tradition was accomplished.
VI. Rupert of Deut7 intrnd ly-pc Different rx,positicfn
With Rupert of Deutz we come to a theologian who recog-
nizes and confesses that the Holy Bible is the center of Christian
life, and should be the mainspring of all theology. He considers
Ibid., cols. 1152-1157.
54 Kamlah, op. cit., pp. 67-69,
566 PROPHETIC FAITH
neither Plato nor Aristotle to be worth-while textbooks for a

Christian theologian, but rather the Bible. And it is not dialec-
tics, but the aid of the Holy Spirit that is to be the key to the
understanding of the Scriptures. Without the knowledge of
Christ the soul has no place to anchor; and without the study of
the Scriptures it is impossible to know Christ. Those were daring
words at a time when scholasticism was at its overshadowing
height.'
RUPERT OF DEUTZ (fl. early 12th century) was born in
Germany, probably in Franconia, during the second half of the
eleventh century. He was ordained as priest in 1101 and became
abbot of Deutz in 1120. The year of his death is variously given
as 1129, 1130, or 1135. His greatest work was the Commentarius
de Operibus Sanctae Trinitatis (Commentary on the Operation
of the Holy Trinity), which divides history into three important
periods, according to the work of the three Persons of the
Godhead. In this he was paralleled by Joachim of Floris, in
Italy, soon to be noted. As a side light, it is significant that
Rupert did not accept transubstantiation, but taught that only
those who accept the sacrament in faith will partake of Christ
and receive the blessing, whereas those without faith receive
nothing except a piece of material bread and a sip of wine.'
Bellarmine later, although not condemning Rupert of Deutz
in toto, condemned his teaching on the Lord's supper as
heretical.
1. MAKES APOCALYPSE RETROGRESS TO OLD TESTAMENT
TIMES.—But Rupert is of greatest interest to us because of his
commentary on the Apocalypse, written about 1120, when he
was abbot of Deutz. It is the only surviving complete commen-
tary of the twelfth century in Germany. He definitely states that
he wants to find a way to a better explanation." Therefore we
find new ideas in his work, not merely echoes of the positions of
former commentators. Although he certainly knew and used
57 Mangold, "Rupert von Deutz," Johann Jakob, in Herzog, Real-Encyklopiidie prot-
estantische Theologie and Kirche (Ist ed.), vol. 13, pp. 176, 177.
58 Ibid.; see also F. Doyen, Die Ettcharistielehre Ruperts Deutz (1889).
5P Kamlah, op. eir., p. 89.
Haymo, Bede, and Jerome, he did not simply copy them. He

proposed a new handling of the Apocalypse. It differs mainly in
teaching that the visions which need an explanation begin,
according to him, only with chapter 4. Chapters 2 and 3 he
sees as a kind of prologue to the sayings of the Holy One to the
churches. They are dicta, whereas the other chapters give the
facta.'
Whereas the majority of commentators of the Historical
School begin their exegesis as pointing to events in the Chris-
tian Era, Rupert has the prophecies retrogress, and sees in the
trumpets, for instance, scenes in the history of the people of
God during all ages. The first trumpet, he suggests, represents
the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha. The second sets forth
the destruction of the Egyptians in the Red Sea. The third is
the outcry of Israel against the Canaanites, and so on. With
chapter 1 n he finally arrives at the ""'^ of Christ.' He tries to
place as much of it as possible in the early Christian centuries,
but on the later periods is seriously confused. In the seven heads
of the dragon he sees the following kingdoms with correspond-
ing types:
Kingdom Type of Antichrist Symbol Vice Type of Christ
Egypt Pharaoh Dragon Witchcraft Moses

Israel Jeroboam Golden Idolatry Elijah
calf
Babylon Nebuchadnezzar Lion Pride Daniel
Persia Haman Bear Carnality Cyrus
Greece Antiochus Leopard Fickleness Maccabees
Rome Pilate, Nero Beast Savagery I st Coming of
Christ
Corpus diaboli Antichrist Man Terror 2d Coming of
Christ "
2. THE DRAGON, WOMAN, AND VIALS.—Ill the water-

spouting dragon, and the earth swallowing the water which he
"" Ibid., p. 84.

"1 Ibid., pp. 90, 91.
"Dempf, op. cit., p. 238,
568 PROPHETIC FAITH
shot against the "woman," he sees the heresy of Arius, together

with the salvation of the woman by the Council of Nicaea.°
The outpouring of the vials indicates the preachers of the gospel
proclaiming the judgment.
3. STANDARD INTERPRETATION OF DANIEL'S BEASTS.—Like
other writers of this section, Rupert was more interested in the
Apocalypse, but in his work on the procession of the Holy
Spirit he mentions the four beasts of Daniel 7 as Babylon, Persia,
Greece, and Rome."
4. DRAWS UPON NON-BIBLICAL SOURCES.—Rupert is un-
usual in many respects. Others, before him, referred to the Old
Testament, because they saw in it topics related to the Apoca-
lypse. But Rupert explains certain figures of the Apocalypse as
having their fulfillment in the Old Testament.' Tichonius had
said that the recapitulations begin with Christ. Rupert starts
them with the beginning of the Old Testament history. At the
same time he appears to be the first who is in complete opposi-
tion to the Tichonius tradition, before noted, which had avoided
all reference to particular events in history. Rupert points to
specific events as having been meant by the apocalyptic pictures.
He is also the first who, in his exegesis, uses non-Biblical
or later than Biblical sources for events proving the fulfillment
of prophecy. Joachim of Floris likewise used that method, and
through him it afterward became common usage." Rupert's
commentary is certainly the most original of the twelfth century,
bearing no resemblance to the French works, which depend
upon the glossae." His book was widely read; Gerhon of Reich-
ersberg is full of praise for Rupert. He was later rediscovered by
Cochlaeus.
63 Kamlah, of,. cit., p. 94; Rupert of Deutz, In Apocal ypsim Joannis Apostoli Comnzen-
taria, in Migne, PL, vol. 169, cols. 1059, 1060.
64 Rupert of Deutz, De Glori/icatione Trinitatis et Processione Sancti, in Migne, PL,
vol. 169, cols. 166, 167.
65 Kamlah, of,. cit., p. 96.
66 Ibid., p. 101.
67 Ibid., p. 104.
CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR
Antichrist Colors Medieval Thinking
The preceding chapter discussed the developments of one

particular school of interpretation, and continued as far as the
twelfth century in order to trace that widespread influence
during the centuries that followed. This chapter now returns
to the seventh century to assemble various voices, from both the
East and the West, dealing with the Apnralypse, regardless of
their belief or their adherence to a special school of exegesis.
I. Andreas of Caesarea—Strongly Historical

Among the Greek fathers of th,- church, interest in the
book of Revelation was less pronounced. Therefore we find
fewer commentaries on the Apocalypse written by them than
by the fathers of the Western church. One rather outstanding
exposition, however, is that of seventh-century ANDREAS (or
Andrew), archbishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and another
is that of Aretas, likewise a later bishop of the same city. The
exact date of the life of Andreas is difficult to establish. It is
variously given as between the fifth and ninth centuries. It is
clear, however, that he must have lived after the Persian perse-
cutions, and the strife between the Arians and the orthodox
court. On the other hand, there is no mention by him of toam
or the Saracens, so that his commentary was, in all probability,
written before A.D. 632.
1. SEEKS A CHRISTIAN INTERPRETATION OF HISTORY.—
Andreas' exposition, although emphasizing the spiritual and
569
570 PROPHETIC FAITH
symbolical values of the pictures and symbols of the Apocalypse,

nevertheless does not lose sight of their historical significance.
Andreas seriously attempts to arrive at a Christian interpretation
of history—a clear indication that he was not controlled by the
Tichonian school of the West. We can see this tendency in his
singular explanation of the seals, where he sees in the first
the victory of the apostolic church °vex demons and the fiery
dragon; in the second, the struggle and warfare caused by the
church, as Christ did not come to bring peace but the sword; in
the third, grief over the backsliding of many from the true faith,
because of their unstableness and slipperiness of mind.
In the fourth seal he sees a literal fulfillment in the horrible
plague which swept the empire at the time of Maximian, of
which Eusebius speaks; during the fifth seal the martyrs cry for
vengeance, waiting in Abraham's bosom until their number is
completed; the sixth seal brings us to the time of exceedingly
great trouble, when God permits Antichrist to do his destructive
work, when, however, the heavens are rolled back, unfolding
the good things which are deposited there for the blessed.'
2. ANTICHRIST IS THE LEOPARD BEAST.—On Antichrist,
Andreas is quite specific. He believes that by the dragon is meant
Satan; and the first beast rising from the sea is Antichrist; the
second, the false prophet.' Among the many names for Anti-
christ, according to the demands of the number 666, he has also
added am* cisotog, or the "iniquitous lamb." He believes that
Antichrist will come from the region of the Euphrates,' will
slay the Two Witnesses in Jerusalem,' and will fight the church.
3. THE FOUR KINGDOMS SYMBOLIZED IN THE BEAST.—On
verse 2 of chapter 13 Andreas says that the leopard refers to
Greece, the bear to Persia, and the lion to Babylon, but that
the Antichrist will take hold of them all and ornament himself
1 Andreas of Caesarea, In . . Apocalypsin Commentasius, in Migne, PG, vol. 106, cols.

264-276.
Ibid., col. 336.
3 Ibid., col. 340.
4 Ibid., col. 301.
5 Ibid., col. 316.
ANTICHRIST COLORS MEDIEVAL THINKING 571
with the title of king of the Romans, especially as he will over-

throw the clay kingdoms, which are weakened by internecine
strife, in order to unite them again into one.' He also sees
Antichrist in the beast that was, and is, and is not, of Revela-
tion 17: 1 1: The woman of Revelation 17 he assigns to the old
Rome which was built on seven hills, the seven heads pointing
to seven Caesars--beginning with Domitian and ending with
Diocletian—who have persecuted the church in a most atrocious
way.' In connection with Revelation 17:9, Andreas speaks of
the seven heads, which are seven mountains, as kingdoms:
"First, by way of example, may be the kingdom of the Assyrians,
which had its beginning in Nineveh; second, that of the Medes, in Ecba-
tana under the rule of Arbaces. . . . This kingdom having been extin-
guished by Alexander the Great, the kingdom of the Macedonians fol-
lowed. Moreover, after these the power of the Romans broke forth in an-
cient Rome, which gradually increased even in the same way, until under
Augustus Caesar, after its first kings and consuls, it obtained the absolute
rule; which having been held constantly under wicked rulers at length
came to Constantine the great. He moreover, after all these tyrants had
been destroyed, transferred the ornaments of the Christian kingdom to
new Rome."'
Then, however, he summarizes by saying they have to be
understood as the Assyrians, the Medes under Arbaces, the
Babylonians under Nebuchadnezzar, the Persians under Cyrus,
the Macedonians and Greeks under Alexander, the Romans
under Augustus Caesar, and New Rome, or Constantinople,
under Constantine."
But the mystical character of many of his secondary appli-
cations must also be noted. The seven heads of the dragon are
given as the seven vices opposed to spiritual powers and opera-
tions. The ten horns of the dragon denote ten sins contrary to
the Decalogue. And the Beast of Revelation 17 is Satan."
4 lUtkicERm the subject of the
ON THE MILEENNIUM.—On
thousand years he recites various opinions, for example, that it
6 Ibid., col. 333.
7 Ibid., col. 384.
8 Ibid., cols. 373, 376.
Ibid., cols. 380, 381 (translated).
Ibid., col. 381.
Ibid., col. 321.
572 PROPHETIC FAITH
comprises the whole time of preaching the gospel from the

resurrection of Christ till the coming of Antichrist, though not
necessarily precisely one thousand years, but any approximate
length of time. Then he adds that what the period really means
only God knows.' This commentary of Andreas is remarkable,
because it shows clearly that the Eastern church followed its
own line of interpretation; on the other hand, the many points
of similarity—or even exact likeness—prove that in general
the teaching and aim of the Apocalypse were well understood.
II. Arethas—Largely Follows Andreas

The second outstanding scholar on the Greek side is
ARETHAS (b. 860), who became archbishop of Caesarea (Cappa-
docia) in 912. A defender of orthodoxy and a powerful promoter
of learning, he had great influence at the Byzantine court and
among ecclesiastical leaders.
In his commentary on the Apocalypse, which is mostly a
compilation, he follows Andreas in the main. He considers the
Apocalypse to be a revelation from the world beyond, and finds
in each prominent word the possibility of reference to both
past and future history. However, he states that they must be
justified by the rest of Scripture and by pure Christian thought.
On the Two Witnesses, Elias and Enoch, Arethas remarks
that we have no Scriptural proof about the coming of Enoch,
but that a generally accepted tradition speaks concerning it,
because Enoch went to heaven without tasting death. And the
beast from the bottomless pit (Rev. 11:7) will be Antichrist. In
his explanation of Revelation 13:2, of the leopard beast,
he refers to the rule of Babylon, which is now succeeded un-
doubtedly by the Saracens, who have their seat of power there,
and over whom Antichrist will rule, although he will be the
emperor of the Romans." This must have been written after the
establishment of Baghdad as the seat of the Islamic Empire.
However, in most respects he follows Andreas.
" Ibid., col. 409.
Arethas, In . . . Apocalypsin, in Migne, PG, vol. 106, cols. 649, 672,
III. Moslem Belief in Christ and the Judgment

In addition to the Christian and Jewish interpretations,
we find in the seventh century that the idea of the return of
Christ, preceded by Antichrist, also found entrance into Mo-
hammedan thinking. Baydawi's commentary on the Koran sums
it up that 'Isa (Jesus) will descend on a mountain in the Holy
Land carrying a spear wherewith he will kill al clajjal (the great
deceiver, the Antichrist). Then he will enter the holy mosque
and worship. 'Isa will then reign for forty years, and finally die
and be buried near Mohammed and Abu Bakr in Medina. And
the expectation of the coming judgment day also played a
prominent role in Mohammed's message to the Arabs. For many
years it was his main topic."
IV. "Sargis d'Aberga"—the Four Empires and Seventy Weeks

This is really the title of a widely circulated Ethiopian
manuscript rather than a person. It was edited and translated
into French by Sylvain Grebaut. Its original has been discovered
to be a seventh-century work in Greek, the Didascale of Jacob.
Its writing was occasioned by the forced conversion of the
Jews under Phocas and Heraclius, and was written in the name
of such a converted Jew, who began to study the claims of Chris
tianity, and finally became convinced of these claims by proofs.
from the Old Testament, and now attempts to convince his
brethren through this treatise. The work is in dialogue form,
and was translated into Arabic and Slavic, as well as Ethiopic."
In the Ethiopian version the texts are replaced by those of
the Ethiopic Bible, which frequently differs from the Greek.
Furthermore, all concessions under duress are attributed to a
strong, choleric governor of Africa and Carthage, called Sargis
d'Abcrga, whom nothing iii die Greek. Research
has revealed that under Justinian there was, around 543, a
governor of Carthage called Sergius, who was presumptuous
14 E. W. Bethmann, Bridge to Lgam, pp. 69, 70, 26. For Mohammed's teaching, see the
Koran, Sura 81:1-14; 88:1-16; 82:1-7; 75:1-14, 20-25; 69:13-18.
16 La didasealie de 3acob, Texte Grec (original of Sargis d'Aberga, edited by F. Nau) in
Patrologia Orientalis, vol. 8, p. 714.
574 PROPHETIC FAITH
and arrogant, and who abused his powers incessantly." The

Greek work is dated 640, and the Ethiopic translation 740,
which might, however, be a mistake.
This little work is of interest to us only because it shows
how clearly and widely the prophecy of Daniel concerning the
four kingdoms was understood at the time, and that it was
quoted as clinching proof to establish the correctness of the
claim that Jesus was the Messiah. It also connects the coming
of Christ with the expiration of the sixty-nine weeks. It declares:
"'The four beasts of Daniel, which are mentioned in Daniel, are the
four kingdoms of the world. Then the ten horns, then the little horn,
which is the false Messiah. After that the Son of Man will come on the
clouds of heaven to judge the quick and the dead. . . . The golden head
is the kingdom of the Chaldeans; the breast of silver, the kingdom of the
Medes and Persians; the brass the kingdom of the Greeks, that is, the king-
dom of Alexander; the iron legs are the Romans. Are then the sixty-nine
weeks passed and has Christ come, or not?' And Justus the Jew had to
admit, 'Yes, it must be so.' ""
And after many other convincing arguments Justus makes
the final confession: "I believe in Christ, born of Mary the
virgin, at Bethlehem, Juda, 69 weeks after the reconstruction
of the temple after the return from the captivity of Babel."
V. Beatus' Illustrated Commentary on Apocalypse
A remarkable contribution, which kept the multiple themes
of the Apocalypse alive during the Middle Ages, was made by
Beatus, Spanish priest and probably monk, who lived during
the latter part of the eighth century. He is known to church
history by his determined stand against Archbishop Elipandus
of Toledo, who had propagated certain heterodox views about
Christ, maintaining that Christ is the Son of God only by
adoption. But the fame of Beatus lies not so much in defending
the orthodox view as in his commentary on the Apocalypse.
This was by no means an original work; rather, it was a record
of past interpretations.
18 Ibid., p. 716.
17 Sargis d'Aberga (Controverse Yudeo-Chritienne), texte etbiopien edite et traduit par
Sylvain Grebaut, in Patrologia Orientalis, vol. 13, pp. 45, 46.
18 Ibid., p. 92.
ANTICHRIST COLORS MEDIEVAL 'THINKING 575
It contained: (a) a dedication of the work to Bishop

Etherius of Osma; (b) a prologue attributed to St. Jerome,
which in reality belongs to Priscillian; (c) a second pro-
logue, a letter of Jerome to Anatolius introducing Jerome's
re-editing of the commentary on the Apocalypse by Victorinus
of Pettau; and (d) very important, a lengthy excerpt from the
commentary by Tichonius.' In fact, a large part of the original
Tichonius material can be reconstructed with the help of this
Beatus commentary. Most of the Beatus manuscripts also contain
Jerome's commentary on the book of Daniel.
1. VARIOUS PROPHETIC SYMBOLS GRAPHICALLY ILLUS-

TRATED.—But this would not have been sufficient to elevate the
fame of Beatus, nor would it have helped him to survive the
wear and tear of the centuries. His commentary had, in addition,
one feature which gave it an outstanding position—it was
richly illustrated. His illustrations of the entire Apocalypse
probably constitute the first great enterprise of its kind; at least
on Western European soil. With his pictures he brought life
into the manifold figures and symbols of the book of Revelation,
and kindled and influenced the imagination of generations to
come. Many of these may seem rather crude to us, but they are
often highly dramatic. Moreover, modern illustrators cannot
claim to have made very material progress in portraying more
aptly the Apocalyptic visions of John.
The illustrations of Beatus picture the fearful struggle of
the seven-headed beast and the ten-horned monster against the
church, as well as the scorpion-tailed lions and dreadful locusts
warring against mankind. Antichrist is shown slaying the Two
Witnesses, and his fight against the Holy City is depicted, as
well as the poilring nut of the vials of the seven: last plamucs. and
the binding of Satan. There are also pictured the Lamb on the
throne, the holding of the four winds, and Christ's return in the
clouds—almost every aspect of the Apocalypse.
19 Neuss, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 6, 7.

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ORIGINAL IN BIBLIOTHEOUL .4ATIONALE

EARLIEST ORIGINAL DRAWINGS OF PROPHETIC SYMBOLS EXTANT
Beatus, Eighth-Century Spanish Priest Left Earliest Extant Attempts to Picture Prophetic
Symbols of Daniel and Apocalypse. Done in Colors That Have Scarcely Faded, They Afford
Striking Evidence of the Concepts of Earlier Times (Lower); Opening Page of Beatus' Manu-
scripts Which Contain the Drawings (Upper)
In style these illustrations belong to mozarabic art, in which

the brilliant colors of light gTeen, yellow, red, and strong blues
predominate. By admixture and clever combination these have
resulted in a multitude of shades and hues, that blend into an
exceedingly rich and harmonious symphony of colors."
2. REALISTIC TO AN UNUSUAL DEGREE.--The Beatus Com-
mentary, with its illustrations, was copied again and again
during the centuries following. At present twenty-five manu-
scripts are known to exist, mostly from the tenth and eleventh
centuries, though some are as late as the middle of the sixteenth.'
One of the most beautiful manuscripts is that of Gregory of St.
Sever (eleventh century), now in the Bibliotheque Nationale at
Paris."
Since many artists have copied these illustrations, we find
in different manuscripts considerable variation in the reproduc-
tion of the same themes. Often completely new ventures are
made, so that a peculiarity of one version may not be found
in other copies. For instance, the Antichrist is pictured by one
as a knight slaying the Two Witnesses, Elias and Enoch' In an-
other manuscript Antichrist is pictured as a one-eyed giant
dressed in priestly garb, with a headgear similar to a miter,
standing before the Holy City to make war against her, after
the binding of Satan during the thousand years." In other=i5ic-
tures we see the binding of Satan, fettered hand and foot,
and the snake-dragon bound by an angel who holds in one
hand the key of the abyss' Most of these pictures are extremely
realistic.
Neuss concludes with the thought that in the Old Spanish
Apocalypse alone the horrors of the Apocalypse really came to
life. Here the uncanny figures of hell fight with convincing
fearfulness, and here the beasts and monsters are overcome after
a realistic combat. These pictures bear witness to a time during
2° Neuss, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 11.
2, Ibid., p. 58.
Ibid., p. 34. From this Paris MS. the illustrations in these pages were secured.
23 Ibid., vol. 2, plates 150, 151, p. CIV.
24 Ibid., plate 189, p. CX'CXI.
22 Ibid., plate 185, p. CXXVIII.
19
SELECTED DRAWINGS FROM BEATUS' WORK
Persian Ram Whose Two Horns Were Broken by the Swift Grecian He•Goat (Upper Left);
Strange Prophetic Symbols of Revelation 9 (Upper Right); Woman in White, and Woman
in Purple Riding the Beast (Center, Left and Right); Two horned Beast of Revelation 13, and
Dragon Being Cast Into Abyss by Angel of Revelation 20 (Lower, Left and Right)
which the book of Revelation meant absolute reality, a time

when people felt that they were involved in a life-and-death
struggle with the powers of evil, when Satan and Antichrist
were so hated that illustrators were able to picture these figures
with such abhorrence that later onlookers more than once felt
themselves urged to scratch out the eyes of Satan on some of the
illustrations." This presents an intensity of religious feeling
hardly conceivable in our age.
3. OTHER ILLUSTRATED COMMENTARIES INDICATE INTEREST.
—Besides this illustrated work of Beatus, there existed a goodly
number of other illustrated commentaries on the Apocalypse,
independent of this old Spanish version. There is still extant
the Bamberg Apocalypse, a beautiful work, which is dated about
the year 1000.27 Then there is also an Apocalypse manuscript of
Paris, and another of Valenciennes. Both of these seem to have
been v-.4 en in the ninth or tenth centuries. And in the Apoca-
lypse manuscript of Cambrai, mentioned in a catalogue of the
Library of the Cambrai Cathedral in the tenth century, we find
forty-six miniatures. Still another manuscript, kept in Trier,
seems to have had its origin in northern France," likewise in the".'''.
tenth century. All this proves that interest in the Apocalypse
never lapsed, and its visions and symbols influenced the thinking
of the times more deeply than has been generally understood.::,
VI. Berengaud—Geographical Allocation of "Ten Horns"

Leaving the realms of art, we now come to the commentary
of BERENGAUD (probably late 9th century), which like others of
the time was influenced by the Tichonius tradition. Neverthe-
less, it contains certain markedly original ideas. Little is known
of this writer except that he was a monk of the Benedictine
order. His Exposiiiu Super Septern Vistones. Libri Apocalypsis
(Exposition of Seven Visions of the Book of Revelation) is found
in Migne as an appendix to the •work of Ambrose of Milan.'
Ibid., vol. 1, P. 267.
27 See pages 591-593.
03 Ibid. vol. 1, pp. 247-249.
25 In Migne, PL, vol. 17, cols. 841.1058.
580 PROPHETIC FAITH
Migne places this with the works of Ambrosius because he is

reprinting an edition which includes works attributed to
Ambrose as well as genuine works. Berengaud is certainly much
later, as he mentions the Saracens as having overrun Asia and
the Lombards as established in Italy." Originality marks much
of his exposition, with a regular, connected, chronological plan.
It is based on the frequently employed septenary division.
1. GIVES LOCATION OF TEN HORNS.—It iS in connection
with his statement on the Lombards that there appears his very
interesting specification of the ten horns mentioned in Revela-
tion 17:12. These kingdoms he connects, significantly enough,
with Daniel 7, and then gives the following list and allocation:
The Saracens have subjugated Asia; the Vandals, Africa; the
Goths, Spain; the Lombards, Italy; the Burgundians, Gaul; the
Franks, Germany; the Huns, Pannonia; and the Alans and Suevi
have depopulated many places." Berengaud is obviously one of
the earliest expositors to attempt a definite historical designa-
tion of the ten horns as divisions of the Roman Empire.
2. BEGINS SEALS WITH CREATION.—After expounding the
seven epistles to the churches as lessons of warning and instruc-
tion to the church in general, Berengaud turns to the seven
seals. His most singular departure is his beginning of the seals
and the trumpets with creation. Prior to this most writers on the
first seal had explained it as the early triumphs of the gospel.
Here is Berengaud's arrangement:
a. White horse—before the Flood.
b. Red horse—from the Flood to Moses.
c. Black horse—from Moses till the first advent of Christ.'
d. Pale horse—the prophets, who by their announcement
of hunger, sword, and destruction made the people pale; and
the horseman whose name is death is Jesus Christ. That even
seems strange to Berengaud, but he explains that Christ is not
ao Berengaud, Expositio, in Migne, PL, vol. 17, col. 1000.

Ibid.
82 Ibid., col. 905.
only life for the elect but also death for all sinners, and there-
fore even this picture of Him is not out of place."
e. The souls under the altar—the marytrs, in the first
period of the church at the beginning of the New Testament era.
1. The sixth seal—the rejection of the Jews, the destruction
of Jerusalem, and the incoming of the Gentiles.'
3. TRUMPET ANGELS PARALLEL SEALS.—The four angels
of the sealing message are explained as the four world empires,
climaxing with the Roman. Then he comes to the seven trumpet
angels, divinely taught preachers—the patriarchs, Moses and
the doctors of the law, the prophets, Christ's own era, the primi-
tive teachers of the church, the martyrs under pagan Rome, and
the preachers living in the end of the world.'
4. WITNESSES ARE MINISTERS; BABYLON, THE REPROBATE.—
With respect to the Witnesses, the measuring of the court and
its worshipers is taken to be Christian ministers ministering.
Babylon is all the reprobate, and the three and a half days are
three and a half years.' Antichrist is the slayer of the Witnesses.
And the travailing woman is the church, with Christ the child."
5. LEOPARD BEAST, ANTICHRIST; SECOND BEAST, HIS
PREACHERS.—Satan attacks the woman's seed remaining at the
end of the world, through the beast of Revelation 13, that is,
Antichrist. This beast, he implies, is a person, an open infidel, an
arrant advocate of licentiousness. The second beast he interprets
as the preachers of Antichrist—the two horns being the Jewish
and Gentile reprobates. Berengaud disclaims knowledge of the
meaning of the 666.'
6. THREE ANGELS ARE GROUPS OF PREACHERS.—The
144,000 are the elect on earth. The first of the three angel
messengers of Revelation Rprpngaud applies to Christ and
33 Ibid., cot. 920.
" Ibid., cols. 921-923 (cf. Elliott, op. cit., vol. 4, pp. 373-375).
ss Ibid., cols. 934-943, 956.
se Several have thus already extended the year-day principle to include the three and a
half days of the Two Witnesses, making them three and a half years. These are Tichonius,
Primasius, and now Berengaud.
Berengaud, Expositio, in Migne, PL, vol. 17, cols. 950-960.
ag Ibid., cols. 965-972.
582 PROPHETIC FAITH
His apostles and preachers before the beginning of the judg-

ment. The second angel refers in a special way, he adds, to the
doctors of the church who direct the church during the time of
the last persecution. Babylon is here taken to be the "city" of
the devil, that is, of all the wicked. Under the third angel
Berengaud understands the true and upright preachers during
the times of Antichrist, who will not bow before him."
7. SCARLET WOMAN IS ROME; SEVENTH HEAD, ANTICHRIST.
—The beast-riding harlot is explained to be, not only the city
of the devil, that is, the whole mass of evildoers, but especially
pagan Rome." The seven heads of the beast are the satanic
forces all through the ages, which appeared in the evildoers
before the Flood, in those who opposed Moses, in false prophets;
the sixth head represents the pagans who persecuted and still
persecute the church; and the seventh will be Antichrist. Those
seven are only instruments in the hands of Satan; 41 the eighth,
however, is the devil himself with his demons."
Concerning the thousand years, he remains fully under the
influence of Augustine," holding the present-millennium-on-
earth concept. Although Berengaud had quite original ideas—
or perhaps because of these original ideas—he did not exercise
a marked or notable influence upon the exegesis of the Apoca-
lypse during the Middle Ages.
VII. Far-reaching Influence of Pseudo-Methodius

One of the most influential books of the Middle Ages, and
even beyond, in shaping the ideas of men concerning things to
come, appeared under the pen name of "Methodius, bishop of
Olympus and Tyrus," who suffered martyrdom under Diocle-
tian. This little treatise was first printed in Basel in 1498. In the
same year a German translation appeared in Memmingen, fol-
lowed by various editions in both Latin and German in the
sixteenth century, and even as late as the seventeenth."
32 Ibid., cols. 977-979. Ibid., col. 996. 41 Ibid.
42 Ibid., col. 999. 43 Ibid., cots. 1015 ff.
44 E. Sackur, Sibyllinische Texte and Forschungen, pp. 4, 5.
Long before the art of printing was devised this Pseudo-
Methodius exercised a tremendous influence. When in 1241
the Tartars stormed over Europe, Thomas of Spoleto recog-
nized in them the Ishmaelites of Methodius. We find traces of
"Methodius" in the old oriental literature, in Armenian and
Syriac sources, for instance in Solomon of Basra's Book of the
Bee, about 853." Well we may ask, What is the reason that this
little work could hold attention for centuries? The answer is
that it predicts the triumphs of Christianity over Islam, and it
contains the most concise world history of the time, from Adam
to the end, with inclusion of the main prophecies of Daniel, and
a detailed eschatology.
This little work was obviously composed under the vivid
impressions produced by the powerful onslaughts of Islam
against the civilized world of Eastern Rome. It is written in
Greek, but its writer was probably a Syrian 46 And th e of
writing was about A.D. 676-678, or possibly A.D. 682-686." It
was probably brought to the West by Syrian traders soon after
its appearance in the East, because we have early translations
of it in Gaul." At the same time a pseudo-Ephremitic sermon
concerning the end of the world, based partly on the Latin
translation of Methodius, found extensive circulation in Gaul.
1. THE ABODE OF GOG AND MAGOG.—Now as to his ideas:
After giving a detailed chronology of happenings before the
Flood—in which he runs parallel to another Syrian source
called The Treasure Cave "—he accepts the four prophetic
empires of Daniel, the last of which (the Roman Empire) will
remain till the end. In the last days, according to Psalms 68:31,
Ethiopia stretches out her hands, and Pseudo-Methodius takes
considerable pains to prove how that could come about. He
incorporates the Alexander saga—which tells how Alexander,
48 Solomon, bishop of Basra, The Book of the Bee, translated by E. A. Wallis Budge, in
Anecdota Oxoniensia, Semitic Series, vol. 1, part 2; see also A. Vassiliev, Anecdota Crocco
Byzantina, vol. I, pp. 33 ff.
48 Sackur, op. cit., p. 54.
47 Ibid., p. 49; see also Bousset, The Antichrist Legend, pp. 50 ff.
48 Sackur, op. cit., p. 56.
4" Die Schatzhahle, edited with German translation by Carl Bezold.
584 PROPHETIC FAITH
in order to stem the onrush of the wild tribes of the North (the
peoples of Gog and Magog)—built mighty iron gates in one of
the narrow valleys of the Caucasus. These gates, he contends,
will be broken at the end of time, and the hordes of Gog and
Magog will stream forth.
2. THE PROMINENT FEATURES OF ANTICHRIST.—After the
Persian Empire has vanished, the Ishmaelites will break forth
from Yathrib (i.e., Islam) and will overflow everything. But
when the disaster has run its course and the tribulation has
reached its height, then the Greek, or Roman, emperor will
rouse from his stupor to shake off the fetters of the invaders.
Peace will reign again. Towns and cities will be rebuilt and
flourish. But now Antichrist will appear. He will be born in
Chorazin, educated in Bethsaida, and rule in Capernaum." In
somewhat similar language this idea had already been expressed
in the Arabic-Ethiopic Apocalypse of Peter. This was concluded
because those towns had heard the words of Jesus and had seen
His signs, and had rejected Him. And Friedlander informs us
that these very places were the stronghold of the Minim or
Manuth—the antinomian, or free-from-the-law, movement
among the Jews in Galilee—a movement which undermined all
the precepts of Mosaic Judaism." No wonder that even in Jewish
thought these places were considered the right breeding ground
for such an abomination as the great deceiver.
Gog and Magog will be loosed from behind the iron gates
of Alexander, we are told, and will come close to Joppa (Jaffa).
Then God will intervene, and send one of His angelic princes
to smite them forever. We also find in Pseudo-Methodius the
idea of the emperor laying down his crown on Golgotha, which
found widest acceptance during the Middle Ages. Whenever
we consider the influence of eschatological ideas on the people
of the Middle Ages, and the development of religiou§ thought
on their lives, we should never omit Pseudo-Methodius."
5° Sackur, op. cit., p. 41.
51 Friedlander, op. cit., p. 189.
55 Sackur, op. cit., pp. 42, 43; see also Latin text in Sackur,
VIII. Adso—Depicts Career of Coming Antichrist
ADSO OF M ONTIER-EN-D ER, France (d. 992), became the
leading teacher of the Antichrist tradition during the Middle
Ages. He was made abbot of the Cluniac monastery of Montier-
en-Der in 960, after he had received a good education in the
Abbey of Luxeuil, and had been an instructor of the clergy for
some time. He was born of the nobility and was a friend of Pope
Sylvester II and of other influential personalities of his age. He
was a prodigious writer. But only his Libellus de Antichristo
(Little Work on Antichrist) is of concern in this study.'
It was written upon request of Queen Gerberga of France,"
who sought information about this strange doctrine ,of Anti-
christ and about the correctness of the expectations concerning
the year 1000. Adso, her court chaplain at the time, collected all
the material he could, and presented it to her in the aforemen-
tioned form. It is assumed that Adso's Libellus was written
about 954. So widely was it circulated that, from being copied
into the spare parchment pages of other works, it has been
variously but erroneously ascribed to Augustine, Alcuin, and
Rabanus Maurus.'
1. SUMS .UP PREVAL,ENT ANTICHRIST BELIEFS.—In his short
treatise Adso sums up all the many traits of Antichrist, and the
divers teachings about that mysterious figure which were preva-'
lent in his day. In many respects his little work shows similari-
ties to Pseudo-Methodius, and incorporates all those points
which, as has been previously noted, are of Judaistic origin.
Just note them: Antichrist becomes the exact antithesis
of Christ. Christ was humble; Antichrist will be boastful. Christ
came to lift up the meek and lowly, and to justify sinners;
Antichrist will come to exalt the unrighteous. Christ came to
tea ch virtue; Antichrist will come to teach vice. In many the
spirit of Antichrist has already been revealed—for example, in
53 In Migne, PL, vol. 101, cols. 1289-1298.
64 Wife of Louis IV (d'Outremer) and sister of Otto the Great of Germany.
55 Charles Maitland, op. cit., p. 301. In Migne we find it recorded after the work of
Alcuin, as Adsonis . . . Lzbellus de Antichristo (The Pamphlet Concerning Antichrist by Adso),
but a better recension can be found in Sackur, op. cit., pp. 104-113.
586 PROPHETIC FAITH
Antiochus, Nero, and Domitian—but Antichrist himself will

be born in Babylon from the tribe of Dan. In sin will he be
conceived, and in sin be born. He will be educated and do his
works in Chorazin and Bethsaida. Then he will make his appear-
ance in Jerusalem, place himself above all gods, and persecute
the Christians and all the elect for three and a half years. So
dreadful will be this persecution that if those days should not
be shortened even the elect would perish.
But Antichrist will not appear before the Roman Empire
is laid in ruins. The last great king of the Franks is still to come,
who will lay down the scepter and crown upon the holy
sepulcher. Israel will be converted, and Gog and Magog will
be loosened from behind the mountains of the Caucasus. That
means the twenty-two (other manuscripts read twelve) peoples
that were shut out by Alexander. Enoch and Elijah will come
to be effective Witnesses, until they will be killed by Antichrist
during the time of his terrorization for three and a half years.
Antichrist will sit either in the Jewish temple or in the Christian
church, and will finally be killed by Christ or by the archangel
Michael at the command of Christ.'
2. ANTICHRIST PATTERN SET.—A complete pattern of Anti-
christ was thus set, which became a standard view for centuries
to come.
IX. The Play of Antichrist
The idea of Antichrist's appearing as a person and ruling
in Jerusalem, which dominated the imagination of the medieval
mind, found expression not only in theological works but also
in poetical and theatrical forms.. In the middle of the twelfth
century, for instance, a play was written in southern Germany
called Ludus de.Antichristo (Play of Antichrist), which depicts
the emperor of the West receiving the submission of the kings
of France, Greece, Babylon, and Jerusalem. As the time of this
age is completed the emperor lays down his imperial crown on
r'G Adso, Libellus de Antichristo, in Migne, PL, vol. 101, cols. 1294, 1295.
the altar of God in Jerusalem; but the followers of Antichrist,

under the latter's guidance, usurp the power and emulate the
false miracles of Antichrist himself, gain the following of the
heathen, the Jews, and the empire. At this extremity none can
help except God. He sends the Two Witnesses, Enoch and
Elijah, but Antichrist kills them. Then, just at the moment
when Antichrist is ready to proclaim that peace will now reign
on earth, as these disturbing witnesses are silenced forever, a
clap of thunder supposedly shatters the head of the Antichrist.
Christ the Lord has destroyed him."
This idea—that all the world will be united under one
emperor before Antichrist appears—is nothing new. It can be
traced back to the Tiburtine Sibylline." The old Tiburtine is
found in many editions and recensions, but the original docu--
ment dates back to the fourth century, and celebrates the
emperor Constans as the last Romanruler. Here, perhaps for
the first time, the idea is mentioned that the emperor will obtain
the dominion over all the world, and at the end of his reign
will march to the holy city Jerusalem to lay down his crown on
Golgotha.
X. A.D. 1000 Expectancy of End of World

About the time of the Council of Rheims, when the hint
was thrown out that the Antichrist might be sitting on the papal
throne, the day of judgment at the world's end was anticipated
by many. This expectation was based, perhaps, on a literal
reckoning of Augustine's indefinite thousand-year period which
placed the devil's binding at the first advent of Christ. And
incidentally, it was the same Gerbert, secretary of that Council
of Rheims, who, as Sylvester H," occupied the pontifical chair
at the paccing of the fateful year A.D. 1000. THIS very na me,
Sylvester II, carries the mind back to Sylvester I and the tern-
Dempf, op. cit., pp. 256-258.
Sackur, oo. cit., pp. 114 ff.
Gerbert of Aurillac entered the ranks of the clergy and studied in Spain, at Rome,
and in France. For a time he was master of the cathedral school of Rheims.He became
abbot of Bobbio, archbishop, and finally pope (Sylvester II) 999-1004. (Ault, op. cit., pp. 509,
510.)
588 PROPHETIC FAITH
poral power of Rome gained through the forged Donation of

Constantine to Sylvester I.
By reckoning the millennium from the incarnation, the
appearance of Antichrist at its close seemed, to such, to be fixed
for about the year 1000. Baronius states that this expectancy
"was published in Gaul, first preached in Paris, and then circu-
lated throughout the world, believed by many, indeed accepted
with reverence by the more simple, but disapproved by the
more learned." 00
Augustine had left the terminus of the thousand years
somewhat indefinite, the period being considered a round
number or a symbol of the Christian Era. Some reckoned it
from the birth of Christ, others from His death; " but A.D. 1000
was roughly the terminus if it was to be taken as a definite
period. Soon after its close, news of the conquest of Jerusalem
by the Turks, in 1009, caused fear and consternation to not a
few who supposed the end to be upon them. Likewise with the
terrible famine of 1033—considered to be approximately a
thousand years after the death of Christ. Between these dates-
1000 and 1033—there was much tension and unusual religious
activity. And the majority felt greatly relieved when the time
had passed uneventfully.
As Baronius has noted, the approach of the year 1000
caused apprehension and consternation to a great number of
simple souls. It could have been connected with the miscon-
ceptions growing out of Augustine's theory of the millennial
reign of Christ, which would end, they presumed, about the
year 1000. Or, just as likely, it may have originated with the
idea that the world would continue for six thousand years.
This idea was widespread, for it had been taught long before
by the ancient Persians. Then it found entrance into the Jewish
Apocrypha, and later into their Cabalistic literature. And this,
in turn, was taken over by the millenarians and other early
Christian groups. Such notions had not been forgotten as men
00 Baronius, op. cit., anno 1001, vol. 11, col. 2.
01 Frederic Duval, Les terreurs de l'an mine, p. 71.
approached such a fateful turning point. And the dismal expec-

tancy might have been a blending of both concepts.
1. AGITATION CENTERS IN FRANCE.—Abbo of Fleury de-
clares that in his youth he had heard a preacher in Paris speak-
ing of the coming of Antichrist about the year 1000," and of
the fearful times associated with this event. Baronius cites the
witness of the abbot of Fleury to Robert, king of France, thus:
"When in my youth, I heard a sermon preached in church before
the people of Paris, about the end of the world. In that sermon it was said
that as soon as the thousandth year had ended, Antichrist would come,
and soon afterwards the universal judgment would follow. To the best of
my power I opposed this preaching from the Gospels, the Apocalypse, and
the Book of Daniel. . . . The rumor had filled almost the whole earth."
In 960 a certain hermit, by the name of Bernard of Thu-
ringia, appeared before an assembly of nobles and princes in
Wurzhurg to warn them of the soon-approaching end.' Further-
more, we are told of a hymn that was sung at the end of the tenth
century, emphasizing the approaching day of wrath.' We know,
moreover, that there was great religious excitement in the
province of Lorraine, a decade or so before that eventf ul year
it was conjectured that the Annunciation would fall
on Good Friday, an aspect which led many to think that the
world's end was at hand,"" but this event was already due in the
year 992.
The star witness of the times, on this expectation, was an
old monk, Raoul Glaber. He has been cited time and again by
later historians, although he was rather gullible about accepting
gossip, and his chronicle only alludes to events of a local nature."
Among the calamities of his time, which he describes, we find
the following statement in his fourth book: "People believed
that the orderc of ceasons, and the laws Gi e, which until
. J. Ampere, Histoire littiraire de la France, vol. 3, p. 275.

oa Baronius, op. cit., anno 1001, tom. 11, col. 3, par. 4; see also Mann, op. cit., vol. 5,
pp. 64, 65.
04 Ch. Pfister, Etudes sur le regne de Robert le Pieux, 996-1031, p. 322.
66 Emile Gebhart Moines et Papes, p. 4.
ee G. L. Burr, aThe Year 1000 and the Antecedents of the Crusades," The American
Historical Review, vol. 6, October, 1900 to July, 1901, p. 432.
67 Gebhart, Moines et Papes, p. 5.
590 PROPHETIC FAITH
then had governed the world, had forever relapsed into eternal
chaos and they feared that the end of humanity had come." "
But this refers to the great famine of the year 1033, which
was so severe that it gave rise to the wildest panic. 'We therefore
see that during these decades here and there minds were highly
agitated and concerned. It is clear, however, that there was no
such widespread panic—embracing all France, much less the
whole of Christendom in its grip—which some writers of the
last two centuries have sought to picture. For example, Hagen-
bach refers to the "almost universal expectation of the approach-
ing end of the world, which was to take place about the year
1000." Thus he quotes from Lucke:
"The notion began to spread in the Christian world, with the ap-
proach of the year 1000, that, in accordance with Scripture, the millennial
kingdom would come to a close at the completion of the first period of a
thousand years after Christ; that, further, Antichrist would then appear,
and the end of the world take place." 08
Milman and Mosheim state practically the same. Similarly
with Luden in the German, as also Michelet and Lausser in the
French.
2. NOT FOSTERED BY CHURCH DIGNITARIES.—MOreOver, it
was not the official church of the time that sounded the alarm;
nor did she lay any general plans that could be construed as
inspired by the idea of a soon-approaching climax. Some have
argued that, in 909, the dignitaries of the church at the Council
of Trosley (or Troli), in France, had become convinced of the
approaching end because the minutes carried the preamble,
"Appropinquante mundi termino" (as the end of the world
is approaching). But it can easily be established that this expres-
sion belongs to the old formula collection of Marculf, and had
been in use back as far as in the sixth and seventh centuries, and
also continued to be employed after the year 1000 passed." It
was, however, used only in France, and not in Italy or Germany.'
68Ibid., p. 3.
'°Hagenbach, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 378, 379.
lo Burr, op. cit., p. 433; Pfister, Etudes, p. 323.
n Duval, op. cit., p. 48.
There is evidence, furthermore, that the Council of Rome,

in 998, imposed upon Robert, the king of France, a penance
of seven years." Assuredly they did not expect to have it cut
short by the soon-coming day of judgment. Neither Pope
Sylvester II, the former Bishop Gerbert of Rheims, nor the
youthful emperor Otto III, were particularly perturbed by this
year of expected doom. On the contrary, they were laying long-
range plans for the renovation of the old Roman Empire."
We must therefore come to the conclusion that any expecta-
tion of the coming of Antichrist, the loosing of Satan, and the
judgment day occurring in connection with or around the year
1000, was not fostered by the hierarchy of the church or by the
doctors of divinity, but found its chief expression among larger
or smaller groups of the laity, especially in France. Needless to'
say, the year 1000 passed without any remarkable occurrence.
3. AN UN JUSTIFIED AND UNPROPHETIC FEAR.—The firma-
ment did not depart as a scroll, and the graves remained un-
opened. The millennial year 1000 passed without any awful
mundane catastrophe, any obvious loosing of Satan, or spec-
tacular manifestation of —"christ as popularly expected. This
would also tend to shake any confidence in the theory of a
current ecclesiastical millennium. Later the passing of the
twelfth century opened to expositors the opportunity of apply-
ing the year-day principle to the prophesied three and a half
times of Antichrist, as of 1260 prophetic days, or literal years,
without putting the second advent far into the future." About
the year 1260 we really find a much greater expectancy for the
coming of the Lord and of a new age than in the year 1000.
We shall deal with this important date at greater length, in its
place.
XT. Th e 'illustrated Bamberg Apocalypse
In this chapter we have already dealt with the eighth-
century Spanish monk, Beatus, whose illustrations of the Apoca-
72 Pfister, op. cit., pp. 322, 323.
Mann, op. cit., vol. 5, pp. 66, 67.
74Elliott, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 381.
Illustrated Bamberg Apocalypse
of Eleventh Century
Fifth Trumpet, With Fighting
Locusts Emerging From Well
(Upper Left); Dragon Attacking
the Woman, Who Had Just
Given Birth to the Man-child
(Center); The Woman Fleeing
From the Dragon's Flood
(Upper Right); Leopard Beast
of Revelation 13 (Lower Left);
Two-horned Beast of Revelation
13 (Lower Right)
aa..lasnow _ 4r- s
lypse exerted a profound influence upon successive generations

during the Middle Ages. But Beatus, and the school developing
after him, were not alone in this field. In southern Germany,
at the monastery of Reichenau, art was cultivated and produced
its own distinctive style. A beautiful specimen is the illus-
trated Apocalypse that was finished around the year 1000—
probably in 1005 or 1007—and which brought fame to this
school. This work is known as the Bamberg Apocalypse, because
the emperor Henry II presented it to the church of St. Stephen,
at Bamberg, in 1020. With its fifty-eight illustrations on the
Apocalypse, it constitutes the main part of a larger work.'
The illustrations in the Bamberg Apocalypse, compared
with those of the Beatus group, contain, in general, less detail.
However, their main figures are mostly well proportioned and.
show a harmony of movement that reveals real artistry. Nones-
sentials are merely indicated by a few suggesti ve lines. For in-
stance, the sea is indicated by wavy lines, and the earth by a
straight line. This leaves the definite impression that the effect
desired is to emphasize the symbolic nature of the entire picture
—a point that modern illustrators often fail to take into con-•
sideration.
After becoming accustomed to the medieval lack of per-
spective in drawing, one immediately notices the very careful
composition of these pictures by the artist. For instance, the
direct attack of the seven-headed dragon upon the woman who
had given birth to the man child, in the one picture, and the
spewing out the stream of water after her when she is fleeing,
in another, show the dragon already on the defensive. In the
pictures illustrating the leopard beast of Revelation 13 and
the two-horned beast of the same chapter, the dragon character
of both is definitely emphasized Tn the former it will lo o not i ced
that one of the heads is bent, indicating its deadly wound.
In the picture illustrating the outpouring of the plagues
the similar postures of the different angels emphasize the
75 Heinrich Mifflin, Die Bomberger Apokalypse, p. 8.

FURTHER ILLUSTRATIONS FROM BAMBERG APOCALYPSE
The First Three Plagues (Left); The Great Harlot, Riding the Beast (Center); Satan Bound,
Then Loosed (Right)
sameness of their task. However, differentiation is effected by

showing various ways of holding the vials. Really grotesque is
the binding and loosing of Satan. He is bound, together with
the dragon, and the fiery pit rolls into the picture like an
immense ball. It reminds one somehow of modernistic symbolic
illustrations. All the paintings are done in opaque colors, prin-
cipally in three—gold, darkish green, and a purple-brown, with
many intermediate shades. It is assuredly the work of an out-
standing though unnamed artist of that time.
The theme chosen shows the marked influence the apoca-
lyptic visions of John had upon the minds of the people—kings,
priests, and laymen alike. This is especially well illustrated
by the fact that this work was given by the holy Roman emperor
to a noted church in Bavaria. All this shows clearly that the
Apocalypse had a much greater place in the thinking and
imagination of the people of that century than it has today.
594
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE
British Expositors Exhibit

Greater Independence
It has seemed desirable to complete the sequence of Con-

tinental expositors to the eleventh century, and then to take up
the prophetic expositors of Britain, from Bede onward, in a
single chapter, since they were more independent. And inas-
much as the beginnings of. British Christianity, little known
generally, had a bearing on this spirit of independence, it may
he well to take a backward glance over the historical develop-
ment and relationships of the church in Britain during the
first seven centuries as a background for Bede and the other
interpreters to follow.
I. The Beginnings of Christianity in Britain

From the landing of Julius Caesar on the shores of Britain,
in 54 B.c., down to A.D. 410, when the Roman soldiers were
withdrawn from the isles, the secular history of Britain can be
traced with fair continuity. But for about 150 years thereafter
there comes a break in the narrative—a sort of Dark Age. Of
the transition by Ivhich the provincial Britain of Honorius (d.
423) became the Angln-Satnn Britain of Ftlip1hprt (d. 1A) and
Ethelfrid (or Aethelfrith), there is little certain knowledge.
The mists of uncertainty likewise cover the early entrance
of Christianity into the British Isles. The exact date cannot be
determined, and the mode and the route by which the Christian
faith first penetrated these isles is not known. Much has been
595
596 PROPHETIC FAITH
written concerning it, and many claims have been made, but
uncertainty still prevails. It seems virtually impossible to sepa-
rate the strands of truth from the tangled skein of conflicting
legend. Milman declares: "There can be no doubt that con-
quered and half-civilised Britain, like the rest of the Roman
empire, gradually received, during the second and third cen-
turies, the faith of Christ."'
Neander says the evidence is against its coming from Rome,
concluding that it was rather through Gaul, from Asia Minor,'
as its ritual agrees more nearly with the latter.
1. CHURCH EXISTENT FROM SECOND CENTURY ONWARD.—
As noted, just when Christianity was introduced into Britain
cannot be stated with certainty. Some scholars claim it was
during the first century. If it followed the entrance of Chris-
tianity into Gaul, then it was probably toward the close of the
second century, for the first churches in Gaul were planted there
about A.D. 150. And there seems to be evidence of the influence
of Gallic Christianity, which came directly from the East. 'Ter-
tullian, writing about 202, exultantly mentions the British
churches, referring to "the haunts of the Britons—inaccessible
to the Romans, but subjugated to Christ."'
Origen also writes of an already existing church there by
the third century.' In the fourth century Eusebius of Caesarea
similarly alludes to the gospel's having penetrated Britain;
Athanasius was in correspondence with the British Christians.'
Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, salutes the bishops of Britain, and
regrets that distance forbids frequent communication.' Both
Chrysostom and Jerome similarly refer to the Christian faith in
1 Milman, Latin Christianity, book 4, chap. 3, vol. 2, p. 226. Also on early British church
history see William E. Collins, The Beginnings of English Christianity; John R. Green, The
Making of England; Arthur W. Haddan and William Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Docu-
ments; Arthur J. Mason, editor, The Mission of St. Augustine to England According to the
Original Documents; Joseph B. Lightfoot, Leaders in the Northern Church; Joseph Stevenson,
translator, The Historical Works of the Venerable Beda, in Church Historians of England,
vol. 1, part 2.
2 Neander, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 85, 86.
Tertullian, An Answer to the Jews, chap. 7, in ANF, vol. 3, p. 158; Collins, op. cit.,
p. 27.
Origen, Homily 4 on Ezekiel, in Migne, PG, vol. 13, col. 698.
5 Eusebius, The Proof of the Gospel, book 3, chap. 5, vol. 1, p. 130.
Athanasius, Letters, Letter 56 (to the emperor Jovian), in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 4,
p. 568.
7 Hilary, On the Councils, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 9, p. 4.
BRITISH EXPOSITORS EXHIBIT INDEPENDENCE 597
the British Isles.' And Theodoret of Cyrus, in his fifth-century

ecclesiastical history, includes the British Christians.' So there
is continuity and consistency of early contemporary evidence.
As early as 314 three bishops from Britain appeared as
representatives at the Synod of Arles," in Gaul. And in 359,
at the Council of Ariminum (Ariminium), Rumania, three
more British bishops are noted by Sulpicius Severus.' There is
no evidence, however, that any sat in the general Council of
Nicaea in 325. And after the withdrawal of the Roman army
from Britain, in 410, there was little intercourse for a time
between the British Christians and those under the influence
of Rome."
2. SETBACKS UNDER THE GERMANIC INVASION.—About 449
the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes from the Continent began to
invade Britain. Thus the British Christians were gradually
forced back to the western mountain fastnesses of Wales, where
they dwelt communities ;—
Iii se mim fashion.
munity was presided over by an abbot, probably a perpetuation
of the Celtic clan system. Information concerning the ensuing
century is exceedingly scanty. But when an effort was made
about the close of the sixth century to bring them into subjec-
tion to Rome, the British were found to be very tenacious in
their beliefs and practices. They were students of the Bible
and were intensely missionary-minded, evangelizing among the
Picts of the North, and in France and Germany. And it was thP
Iro-Scottish Celts, it should be noted, who were so strongly
missionary-minded."
Britain had been pretty thoroughly Romanized in secular
matters when this invasion by Germanic tribes from the Rhine
Jos }--,-' St . , tra-n,..^tcr's ty.:. The Hilt,Frira! Works of the fier."%th!e

Beda, in C'hU"rch 'Historians of' England, vol 1, part 2, p. 28; see also Jerome, Letter 46 (to
Marcella) in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, p. 64.
9 Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History, book 5, chap. 9, in NPNF, 20 series, vol. 3, p. 137.
10 Landon, op. cit. vol. 1, p. 44; Sir Charles W.History man, of England Before the
Norman Conquest, p. 1811; John Williams, The Ecclesiastical Antiquities of the Cymry: or The
Ancient British Church, p. 81; Collins, op. cit., pp. 33, 34.
11 Sulpicius Severus op. cit., book 2, chap. 41, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 11, p. 116; Oman,
op. cit., p. 181; see also Landon , op. cit., vol. 1, p. 41,
12 AlbertIL Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 409.
1, Ibid., pp. 409-411.
598 PROPHETIC FAITH
got under way in the fifth century. There had been fine build-
ings, public baths, and good roads in Britain. Latin was quite
generally spoken in the cities. But the invasion radically changed
the entire picture. The barbarians swept over the decadent
Roman Empire and interposed themselves like a giant wedge
across Central Europe, largely isolating Britain. The Roman
legions had withdrawn from Britain, and the Picts and Scots
had begun to ravage the northern country. Pirates from the
West plundered the towns. The Jutes from Jutland occupied
East Kent, and then much of the rest of the country. Saxon war
bands followed from the German coast, pillaging the southern
shores, while tribes of Angles landed on the north side of the
Thames and along the eastern coast."
The cities and roads fell into decay, for the Germanic
invaders were rural peoples. The Christian Celts were driven
back, and the pagan gods Woden and Thor were worshiped.
Latin disappeared, and a German dialect was substituted. In
fact, the civilization of the Romans was largely destroyed.' The
barbarism of the German forests prevailed. Various sections
were ruled by petty kings, with overlordships by the stronger
kings. The Anglo-Saxon dialect came to supersede the Latin
tongue, and Christianity was to a great degree driven out of a
sizable portion of Britain.
3. IONA BECOMES LIGHT OF WESTERN WoRLD.—However,
by the fifth century Ireland had been Christianized, largely
through the efforts of PATRICK (c. 396-469)." She began to
manifest great missionary zeal, but had little intercourse with
the churches of the Continent. About 570 COLUMBA (c. 520-
597)," Irish evangelist, with twelve companions, came to the isle
of Iona, on the southwest coast of Scotland, and founded a
14 See Oliver J. Thatcher and Ferdinand Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, p. 66.
15 Thatcher and Schwill, op. cit., pp. 66, 67.
16 The zeal of Patrick in the winning of the Irish resulted in the conversion of Ireland.
Patrick Columba, and Columban rejected the Roman hierarchy and Mariolatry, and recognized
no authority outside the Scriptures. But they were highly ascetic and laid much stress on
monastic rules. (Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 412-415.)
17 COLUMBA, of royal descent, was born in Donegal, Ireland. He was a disciple of Patrick.
Ordained a priest, he taught near Dublin, and founded numerous monasteries. Finally he
settled in Iona (or Hy) in 565, founding his chief monastery there. He evangelized the heathen
Picts, and taught the Scots, who had already accepted Christianity. (Bede, Ecclesiastical History
monastery. And the Picts of Scotland—then called Caledonia

—were Christianized, along with a considerable portion of
northern England.
Monasteries in those days, it should be remarked, were the
chief repositories of knowledge and learning. Here early Eng-
lish literature was cradled. Here the earliest poets received their
inspiration. And here, even before that, Hilda (d. 680), abbess
of Hartlepool and Whitby, became the chief educator of the
Northumbrian church. She presided over a great religious
house, a training school for the clergy. No fewer than five of
her pupils became bishops." These monasteries of Britain
produced many noted scholars, most famous -of whom was the
Venerable Bede (673-735), of Yarrow, soon to be noted, who
had six hundred monks as his pupils.
In 586 the leading British bishops fled to Wales. A large
number assembled at T Rrefi, where the church was
reorganized, and centers were established in various places.

The few churches in England that escaped the Saxon torch had
been converted into heathen temples, and their altars polluted
with pagan sacrifices. The missionary effort of this exiled British
church was now directed toward the pagans of Central Europe,
who had barely been touched by the church of Rome. The
monastery of Iona led the way, and for several centuries the
Iro-British church was a great missionary force in Europe. Iona
became known as the "Light of the 'Western World." Its first
evangelizing company of twelve set out under COLUMBAN," in
585, and settled in the south of France.
It was during this period that the British church first came
into conflict with ecclesiastical Rome. This was induced by
differences between the teachings and practices of the British
and those of Rom,, and by thP refusa l of the
of the English Nation, book 3, chap. 4, and book 5, chaps. 9, 24. in The Loeb Classical
Library, Baedae Opera Historica, vol. 1, p. 341, and vol. 2, pp. 237, 377, respectively; Adamnan,
Life of Saint Columba, in The Historians of Scotland, vol. 6, ed. by William Reeves; Charles
Montalembert, The Monks of the West, vol. 3, book 9, pp. 3-168.)
Is Lightfoot, op. cit., pp. 66, 204, 205, n. 46.
" COLUMBAN, Columbanus, or Columcilla (543-615), horn in Leinster, Ireland, was the
Irish missionary to France, Switzerland, and Italy. He founded the monastery of Luxeuil (Vogos)
about 590; also that of Bobbio, Italy, where he died. (Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 413;
Montalembert, op. cit., vol. 2, book 7, pp. 241-362.)
600 PROPHETIC FAITH
British to acknowledge the primacy of the pope. A conspiracy

was formed to expel them, and Columban and others moved to
Switzerland, where they worked among the Suevi and Alemanni.
After a time they were driven from there and took refuge in
northern Italy, establishing the monastery at Bobbio, in the
Apennines. Other British missionaries carried the gospel into
Germany, Bavaria, and Thuringia. And centers were established
in the Netherlands and others in France. Of the impact of the
British church, as it burst upon Central and Western Europe,
Green says:
"For a time it seemed as if the course of the world's history was to be
changed, as if the older Celtic race that Roman and German had swept
before them, had turned to the moral conquest of their conquerors, as if
Celtic and not Latin Christianity was to mould the destinies of the
Churches of the West." "
This Celtic period of the Northumbrian church throbs with
interest. Columba, who started his intensive missions from
Iona, labored on for thirty years, and died just after Augustine
landed on the shores of Kent. His work was independent of
Rome. The influence of the Roman faith, on the other hand,
was largely dependent on the extension of the empire, whereas
Celtic Christianity was a native growth." It was thus that Iona
was the light of Christendom and the center of the evangelism
of the time.
II. Augustine's Attempt to Romanize Britain

1. GREGORY SENDS AUGUSTINE ON BRITISH MISSION.—But
another stream of missionary activity stemming from Rome
began moving westward. The Saxon settlement of Britain and
the missionary zeal of the Celts in carrying the gospel to the
Continent caused Pope Gregory I (the Great) to turn his
attention upon Britain. Before his elevation to the pontificate
20 John R. Green, History of the English People, vol. 1, pp. 56, 57.
21 Lightfoot, op. cit., p. 7. Irish Christianity remained essentially free from Roman
domination until the twelfth century, when, along with the English conquest, the yoke of
Roman dictation was firmly fastened on the neck of the ancient Irish church. (Ibld., pp. 7, 194,
195.) See also Milman, Latin Christianity, book 4, chap. 3; Stevenson, introduction to "The
Historical Works of the Venerable Beda," in Church Historians of England, vol. 1, part 2, p. 35.
Gregory had himself purposed to go to Britain to convert the

Saxons. In his stead he now sent Augustine, the Benedictine
monk (d. 604), to Kent, in southeastern Britain, together with
a company of some thirty other missionaries and interpreters.
'They landed in 597 on the isle of Thanet. The little band then
went to Canterbury, where shelter was given them, and assur-
ance of protection."
Ethelbert, king of the Saxons, had married Bertha, the
Christian daughter of King Charibert of the Franks. She had
brought with her a Catholic bishop, and Ethelbert gave them
a ruined British Christian church in which to worship. They
succeeded in converting Ethelbert. And within a year he and
ten thousand of his subjects accepted the Catholic faith and were
baptized in the Swale.' It was a crucial hour, destined to affect
all future British history. It brought England into close connec-
tion with the Continent, and especially with the bishop of
Rome. With Canterbury as its headquarters, this Roman form
of Christianity spread slowly northward from Kent. The bound-
aries of the two faiths—the Celtic and the Roman—drew
nearer to each other. A life-and-death struggle between the two
ensued as they came face to face in Northumbria.'
The Catholic missionaries resolutely addressed themselves
to the difficult task of subjecting the British Christians to Rome,
who proved exceedingly intractable. When other means failed,
the Saxon king even used armed force against them.' This
spirit of resistance, it may be added parenthetically, persisted
for centuries. In fact, through the later long centuries of Roman
domination the English church remained perhaps the least
subservient of all the churches. There was a constant protest
against foreign aggression, until the yoke was finally thrown off
under the English Reformation.'
2. OVERTURES INDIGNANTLY REPULSED.—TO the northern
22 Collins, op. cit., pp. 61-64.
23 Ibid., pp. 57, 58, 68.
24 Thatcher and Schwill, op. cit., pp. 69, 70; Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 410.
2-5 See page 604.
53 Lightfoot, op. cit., pp. 52, 53.
602 PROPHETIC FAITH
barbarians "Rome" was a magic word. It did not so much mean

the Papacy to them, or the city of Rome, as Roman civilization.
The two terms were regarded as virtually synonymous.' When
the Roman state fell the Christian church was the only power
left in the West, and completed its conversion of the pagan
peoples in the succeeding years of chaos and misery' But the
Celtic-British church had drifted out of contact with the church
at large, and with Rome in particular. And the mission of
Augustine to England in 597, it may be remarked, was but one
of many enterprises undertaken by Pope Gregory, designed to
remedy the situation. The activities of this founder of the
medieval Papacy were amazing in their scope.'
The British church having few relations with other
Christian bodies except Ireland, the Celts saw little reason to
accept Augustine, the stranger, as overlord. He had sojourned
but a short time in Britain, and had made converts only in
districts distant from their own. So they refused to surrender
their autonomy. They were unwilling to recognize human
authority in matters of religion, and repelled Gregory's effort
of 597 to bring them into subjection to the pope. They were
offended by the pomp and worldliness of the Roman mission-
aries, steadfastly differing from them in the time of celebration
of Easter and following the Eastern mode of baptism. The cleav-
age was wide.
Augustine had come to Britain with the express design of
converting the pagan Saxons to Christ. He had been admitted
to episcopal orders at Rome under the specific title of bishop
of the English, and was invested by the pope with authority
over all native prelates. This recognition he demanded from
Dunawd, most eminent of the Celtic scholars, who maintained,
on the contrary, that his countrymen owed no allegiance to
any other than their own bishop, and supported his position
by Scripture." It was a critical hour.
27 Collins, op. cit., p. 54. se Oman, op. cit., p. 185.
" Frank M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 103, 104.
" Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 2, chap. 2, in The Loeb Classical Library, Baedae
Opera Historica, vol. 1, pp. 205, 207; John Williams, op. cit., p. 141.
BRITISH EXPOSIT ORS EXHIBIT INDEPENDENCE 603
3. FAILURE OF THE ROMAN MISSION.—Augustine's methods

were different from those of the missionaries of the British
church. Augustine was instructed by the pope to retain the
customs of the heathen: id ol tPrrylpo were CiMply te, he red e.1:
cated as Christian churches, and heathen festivals renamed as
days of Christian saints. Animals formerly sacrificed to heathen
deities were to be slaughtered for festivals of thanksgiving to
God."
Augustine soon attempted the subjection of the native
British church. Two conferences, both in 603, were held with
Augustine over his claims. The first came to nought, the Britons
refusing to accede to his demands. Augustine proposed that they
acknowledge the pope as spiritual head, and submit to himself
as his representative. This the astonished British bishops indig-
nantly refused to do, with these memorable words:
"Be it known, and without doubt unto you, that we all and every
one of us are obedient subjects to the Church of God, and to the Pope of
Rome, and to every godly Christian, to love every one in his degree in
perfect charity; and to help every one of them, by word and deed, to be the
children of God; and other obedience than this I do not know to be due
to him whom you name to be pope, or father of fathers, to be claimed
and to be demanded; and this obedience we are ready to give and to pay to
him, and to every Christian continually; besides, we are under the govern-
ment of the Bishop of Caerleon-upon-Usk, who is to oversee, under God,
over us, to cause us to keep the way spiritual." 32
The tactless Augustine pressed his case, but the British
bishops were immovable. Then Augustine moderated his
demands, asking only three things: (I) Obedience in the time
of celebrating Easter, (2) the practice of baptism according to
the Roman form, and (3) joint endeavor in preaching to the
English. But the British bishops still refused, asserting, "We
will do none of these things, neither will we have you for nur
archbishop. tlf•
The second conference fared no better. Seven British
31 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 1, chap. 30, in The Loeb Classical Library, Baedae
Opera Historsca, vol. 1, p. 163.
32 Quoted in John Williams, op. cit., P. 143.
al Bede, Ecclesiastical History book 2, chap. 2, in The Loeb Classical Library, Baedae
Opera Histortea, vol. 1, pp. 205. 2 06.
604 PROPHETIC FAITH
bishops, with the archbishop of Caerleon and numerous learned

men, met with Augustine. Their response, according to Bede,
was to be determined by Augustine's attitude in greeting them.
If he rose and went to meet them, they would yield. But if he
haughtily remained seated, they were not to accede to his
demands. Augustine remained seated. So they refused to yield
or to accept him as their bishop." Augustine was furious, and
declared:
"If you are unwilling to accept peace with brethren, you will have
to accept war from enemies; and if you will not preach the way of life to
the nation of the Anglians, from their hands you will suffer the punishment
of death."
This was the opening of undisguised conflict between the
Celtic and the Roman churches.' Not long afterward the
Northumbrians under Ethelfrid 37 slaughtered twelve hundred
British monks in a fearful massacre. Augustine retired to Kent
and was superseded by Laurentius, who similarly failed in
negotiating with the British and Irish bishops. They did, how-
ever, win over Northumbria to the Roman faith for a time.
But it was short-lived. The Roman mission under Augustine
had failed for the time being.
Stevenson, in the scholarly introduction to his translation
of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, adduces much evidence to prove
the prior existence of an "independent Celtic Church" with "a
non-Roman origin," in discussing the "Celtic Church in its
origin, mission, and jurisdiction."
III. Romanism Triumphs at Whitby in 664

1. AIDAN OF IONA RECOVERS ENGLAND FROM PAGANISM.—
Paulinus, another Roman missionary, sent by Gregory in 601
to augment the mission of Augustine, advanced northward. But
facing difficulties, he abandoned the task, and the night of
Sir Henry H. Howorth, Saint Augustine of Canterbury, pp. 164, 165.
33Ibid., pp. 163-165; John Williams, op. cit., p. 144.
38Green, The Making of England, pp. 228, 229.
37John Williams, op. p. 144; Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 2, chap. 2, in The
Loeb Classical Library, Baedae Opera Historica, vol. 1, p. 213.
38 Joseph Stevenson, op. cit., pp. 29, 33, 35.
heathenism again settled over that section of the land. Rome's

failure became Britain's opportunity. After the turmoil in
Northumbria, Ethelfrid's sons found refuge in Iona, and the
Columbans were invited to send a teacher to instruct the people.
So AIDAN (d. 651) 39 of Iona, founder of the Northumbrian
church, was dispatched in response to the call of King Oswy
(Oswald) of Northumbria to evangelize his people. With his
helpers Aidan landed in 635 at Lindisfarne, an island off the
coast of Northumberland, near Berwick-on-Tweed. There he
erected a church and a school, and from this center he went
forth preaching, teaching, and establishing other churches and
schools. Great numbers were won to the faith. Lindisfarne was
now the mother monastery that furnished the missionaries.
And for thirty years these missionaries went forth and won
much of England to Christ. That is why Lightfoot was con-
strained to say, "Net Augustine, but Aidan is the true apostle
of England." 4°
From Lindisfarne missionaries went to the ether sertinns
of England, and -these efforts were supported by missionaries
from Ireland. Most of Christian England was attached to-the
Scottish church; Wina of Wessex was in communion with Brit-
ish bishops, and in 664 only Kent and East Anglia were in com-
plete communion with Rome and Canterbury!'
2. AUGUSTINE'S MISSION ONLY AN INCIDENT.—It seems
strange that Roman Catholics persistently assert that English
Christianity begins with the incident of 597, the mission of
Augustine, when he was sent there as a missionary by Gregory I.
Obviously Augustine's mission was merely an incident in a
continuing history of what had begun centuries earlier. Britain's
spiritual inheritance clearly comes from the British churches."
2, Lidaout. oh. cit.. on. 42 43
"Ibid., pp. 9-11, 41149, 195, 196; J. C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 63; cf.
Montalembert op. cit., vol. 3, book 11, pp. 293-298. This declaration of Lightfoot is chal-
lenged by Collins, op. cit., pp. 77, 111, but the latter says that there was a marked gap in
communication between the British church and the Roman see from 455 to 597. (Ibid., p. 22,
note 2.)
41 wir.bk , Wine, or Wini (d. 675), bishop of Winchester, was the only bishop in Wessex
at this time. (Collins, op. cit., pp. 79, 80.)
42 William Bright, The Roman See in the Early Church, pp. 357-367; John William
Willis-Bund, The Celtic Church of Wales, pp. 1-48; F. Haverfield, "Early British Christianity,"
The English Historical Review, July, 1896, vol. 11, no. 43, pp. 417-430; Stenton, op. ca.
(i06 PROPHETIC FAITH
Moreover, the Papacy of Gregory's day was vastly different from

the Papacy of later centuries. The claims made later were
unthinkable in Gregory's earlier time. There is an enor-
mous spread between the assumptions of the sixth-century
Gregory I, Patriarch of the West, and the presumptuous
claims of the eleventh-century Gregory VII and twelfth-century
Innocent III."
As noted in chapter 22, though Gregory severely strained
the authority of the patriarchal chair, he nevertheless denounced
the title of Universal Bishop when used by the rival patriarch
of Constantinople, as a proud and pestilent assumption, an act
of contempt, a wrong to the entire priesthood, an imitation
of Satan, who exalted himself above his fellow angels, and a
token of the speedy coming of Antichrist. But as the Papacy
grew in its pretensions, its influence in England spread in ever-
widening circles until it prevailed.
Gregory's attempt to extend the dominion of the Roman
church through his emissary Augustine was ultimately success-
ful. Within a few years a well-organized state church devoted
to Rome was developed in the Saxon dominions of Britain.
Large numbers of monasteries were founded, and during the
eighth and ninth centuries Roman Catholicism was nowhere
more vigorous than in those isles. The die was cast at Whitby
in 664."
3. FINAL CAPITULATION TO THE ROMAN CHURCH.—The.
tide had begun to turn as King Oswy extended his rule over
Northumberland and Mercia. He married Ingoberga, a Kentish
princess, who brought a Roman priest, Romulus, to York. Abbot
Wilfrid," afterward bishop of York, returned from a visit to
Rome (c. 653) captivated with the concept of Roman supremacy.
The developing struggle between the two faiths—Celtic and
43 Lightfoot, op. cit., p. 51.
op. cit., p. 50.
44 Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 356; Lightfoot,
45 WILFRID (c. 632-709), Catholic bishop of York, of Northumbrian extraction, made a
pilgrimage to Rome at the age of nineteen, and returned after five years to advocate the Roman
time and customs of celebrating Easter. The Council of Whitby was carried away by his argu
meat, the king deciding in favor of the Roman party. He was made bishop of York in 668, but
later deposed by the king, and returned to Rome in 703. (Lightfoot, op. cit., p. 11; Montalem-
bert, op. cit., vol. 4, book 12, pp. 3-70.)
Roman Catholic—became intense. Prince Alcfind, won to Ro-

man ism, persuaded Oswy to convene a conference at Whitby's
to decide the issues. Bishop Colman appeared for the native
church, and Wilfrid for the Roman. As the authority of St.
Peter seemed to the king to outweigh that of St. Columba, Oswy
decided he would follow the faith and party of Rome. This he
proceeded to impose upon his people. The Scottish delegation
went home, however, unconverted to the Roman view."
Assurances of the rights of dissenters were given. But soon
the scholarly THEODORE of Tarsus (c. 602-690), consecrated at
Rome as archbishop of Canterbury in 669, came to England as
head of the Roman party. He organized the church efficiently
with Canterbury as the center and all parts bound to Rome."
Beautiful churches were built. Rich vestments and pictures were
brought from Rome, and a special teacher arrived to instruct
the choirs in chanting. Schools were established to disseminate
the Roman influence, which spread rapidly.
Then a pan-Anglican synod was convened in 673 at Hert-
ford." The opposition to Romanism melted under the silver-
tongued eloquence of Theodore, and the church surrendered
to him as head. The outwardly united Anglo-Saxon church was
now thoroughly organized, the country having been divided
into dioceses, with Canterbury as the permanent seat of the
archbishopric. From time to time Celtic revivals appeared, but
Roman control was now too strong to be overthrown. Adamnan,
abbot of Iona,' submitted to reordination, but was soon deposed
by his fellow monks because of this. At the beginning of the
eighth century the monastery was divided into two rival fac-
46 This Council of Whitby (Streanaeschalch) was held to settle these differences; it was
attended by Colman, bishoja of Lindisfarne, Hilda, abbess of the Benedictine Abbey of Whitby,
and Cftdd, hichon of the Eao- Svanc a..4 • :d
- mac do ia,c
Cathniic viPut ,uc„, ., . : tr.” appears i LigMfoot, op. cit., pages 198. See
also Herbert Thurston, "Whitby, Synod of," The Catholic ncyclopedia, E vol. 15, p. 610;
Haddan and Stubbs, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 100-106; Stenton, op. cit., p. 129.
Hefele, op. cit., voi. 4, p. 481; Thatcher and Schwill, op. cit., p. 70.
48 Thatcher and Schwill, op. cit., p. 70.
Haddan and Stubbs, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 121; Hefele, op. cit., vol. 4, pp. 485, 486;
Stenton, op. cit., pp. 133, 134.
6° ADAM NAN (625-704), Irish author of Life of Saint Columba, at twenty-eight joined
Columban brotherhood of Iona, becoming abbot in 679. Later he embraced the Catholic view
on Easter and the Roman form of the tonsure. (Lightfoot, op. cit., pp. 178, 194; William
Reeves, Introduction to Life of Saint Columba, pp. cxlix, clxi.)
608 PROPHETIC FAITH
tions: Romanist and British—rival abbots holding sway until

772, when the whole monastery conformed.
Somerset and Devon surrendered early in the eighth
century, and North and South Wales followed. The Cornish
bishops held out until in the tenth century. And in parts of
Scotland, Celtic practices persisted until the eleventh century,
when they were suppressed. Some parts of Ireland were not
subjugated until the twelfth century. Nathaniel Bacon, reciting
how the Britons had told Augustine they would not be subject
to him or let him pervert the ancient laws of their church,
declares:
"This was the Briton's resolution, and they were as good as their
word; for they maintained the liberty of their Church five hundred years
after this time; and were the last of all the Churches of Europe that gave
their power to the Roman beast." 51
So Whitby marked the turning point, and brought about
the decline of Celtic influence. There the rivalry between Rome
and Iona came to a head. Though the dispute was outwardly
over unimportant matters chiefly the style of the tonsure and
the time of Easter tm—the underlying issue was actually the
alternative of allegiance to Rome or allegiance to Iona. The fiat
of Oswy, the king, prevailed. Iona was defeated, and the Celtic
brotherhood at Lindisfarne was broken up.' In this way the
Roman church came into control. In the succeeding centuries
the Celtic churches, with their walls of timber and thatches of
reeds, gave way to sturdy structures of stone built in Roman
style. This all resulted in a sense of solidity and at least an out-
ward unity of the church. And this unity of the church was the
first step toward the unity of the state. That is why Bede and
others approved the submission to Rome.'
51 Nathaniel Bacon, An Historical and Political Discourse of the Laws & Government
of England From the First Times to the End of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, p. 13.
52 There was no dispute over the day of the week. But in their calculation the Celtic
churches used the old Paschal calendar, which allowed Easter to fall on the fourteenth day of
the moon, while the Roman church did not permit it before the fifteenth. (Lightfoot, op. cit.,
p. 197.) When the cycle of Dionysius Exiguus was adopted at Rome in 527, the Britons knew
nothing of it, and continued to use the old cycle. Thus the Paschal controversy arose over the
time of Easter. (Collins, op. cit., p. 22, n. 2.)
53 Lightfoot, op. cit., pp. 13, 197; Howorth, op. cit., p. 160.
5 Lightfoot, op. cit., pp. 15, 200, 201.
We are now ready for the important testimony of the

Venerable Bede.
IV. The Venerable Retie Friterc the Finlri r.f
BEDE, or Beda (c. 673-735), commonly called "The Vener-

able," and also the "Father of English History," was doubtless
the most conspicuous British character of his time. He owes his
reputation to the sheer excellence and thoroughness of his
writings.' Bede was born at Yarrow, in Durham. At the age of
seven he was placed in St. Peter's, a Northumbrian monastery
at Wearmouth. Here he was brought up under the discipline of
the Benedictine cloister. Bede was then transferred to the shel-
tered precincts of St. Paul's at Yarrow, where he continued to
study under Coelfrith." His life was thereafter virtually confined
to this one institution—for he remained at Yarrow for sixty-
three years, or until his death. He was ordained a deacon at
nineteen and a priest at twenty-nine, devoting his entire life
to teaching and writing. He was said to be master of all the
learning of his time. At that time both Wearmouth and Yarrow
specialized in the new Gregorian chant, the Roman style of
church music."
Bede seemed, however, to blend the evangelic passion of
the Celtic missionary with the disciplined devotion of the Bene-
dictine Catholic monk. He was an English scholar with Celtic
learning, and with broad ecclesiastical sympathies. His name
is closely associated with the history of the English Bible, and
he was devoted to Bible study' But above and through all he
was a monk; monasticism colored all Europe at this time, and
Bede's very life epitomized the period in which he lived. He
was a prolific writer, and is said to have produced perhaps 1 cn
works. There are thirty-six volumes known to us, published in
65 Montague Rhodes James, "Latin Writings in England to the Time of Alfred," The
Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. 1, p. 87.
5.5 A. Hamilton Thompson, Bede, His Life, Times, and Writings, p. 5.
"Henry M. Gillett, Saint Bede the Venerable, p. 41.
5S A. H. Thompson, op. cit., pp. xiii, 16; Henry Morley, English Writers, vol. 1,
pp. 349, 350.
20
J. O. PENROSE. ARTIST
THE VENERABLE BEDE DICTATING TO HIS AMANUENSIS
His Was the Most Notable Exposition of Prophecy of His Century Pointing to a Clearer
Understanding
seventy-eight books. He was unquestionably the most eminent

scholar of the West, and the great early historian of the Anglo-
Saxons. His studies covered theology, prophecy, natural science,
history, and language—Greek and Hebrew, as well as Latin.
Bede was the first chronicler to reckon his dates from Christ's
birth, thus introducing the Dionysian Era into the usage of
Western Europe.
"'In chronology,' says Charles Plummer, 'Bede has the enormous
merit of being the first chronicler who gave the date of Christ's birth, in
addition to the year of the world, and thus introduced the use of the
Dionysian era into Western Europe.' "
Between 691 and 703 Bede devoted his writing to theology.
About 703 he produced his De Ternporibus (Concerning
40 James, op. cit., p. 89.
610
Times), which contains chapters on the division of time and the

calculation of Easter, and ends with the six ages of the world.°
About 716 he wrote his exposition of the Apocalypse. His most
noted treatise was, of course, his Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis
A 'Iglu- t ttnl (Ecciesiasticai History of the English People), which
he finished at the age of fifty-nine. This comprises five long
books—with every scrap of evidence analyzed and verified." As
to his standing, A. L. Maycock states:
"In the age of Charlemagne, his works were to be found in every
cathedral and monastic library in Western Europe. Historians and theolo-
gians relied on him implicitly, incorporating large sections of his writings
in their own works. . . . As a commentator he came to possess an
authority inferior only to that of the four Fathers of the Western
Church." "
He also adds that Bede's works are to be found in most of-
the great libraries of Europe.'
1. INFLUENCED BY TICHONIUS AND AUGUSTINE ON THE
APOCALYPSE.—Bede's Explanatio Apocalypsis (The Explana-
tion of the Apocalypse) is the earliest British exposition of the
Revelation (c. 716) that is known.' It is prefaced by a letter to
Eusebius, abbot of Yarrow, at whose urgence it was written.
Bede conceives the several visions of Revelation to be contem-
poraneous, not successive. At the outset he cites the rules of
Tichonius approvingly, twice stressing recapitulation, and
frankly presenting the millennium as the spiritual view pro-
pounded by Augustine.' Bede understands the burden of the
Apocalypse to be to reveal the conflicts and triumphs of the
church." He divides the book into several natural sections:
(1) the seven churches, with the coming of the Lord at the end;
(2) the seven seals, the future conflicts and trials; (3) the seven
80 A. H. Thompson, op. cit., pp. 15, 112; Morley, op. cit., pp. 352, 353.
61 Gillett, op. cit., p.
72.
A. L. Maycock, "Bede and Alcuin," Hibbert journal, April, 1935, vol. 33, no. 3;
pp. 403, 404.
63 Ibid.
° Bede, The Explanation of the Apocalypse by Venerable Beda, translated by Edward
Marshall based on the Giles Text of 1844.
" Bede, Explanatio Apocalypsis, Preface, in Migne, PL, vol. 93, cols. 129-134.
00 Ibid.
612 PROPHETIC FAITH
trumpets, various events; (4) the woman as the church; (5) the
seven last plagues; (6) the great whore, or ungodly city; and
(7) the Lamb's wife, the New Jerusalem, coming down from
God out of heaven."
2. SEVEN CHURCHES, SEALS, TRUMPETS PARTLY HISTORI-
CAL.—Bede holds that John, banished to Patmos under Domi-
tian, sent messages to the seven churches of Asia which "are
figures of the whole sevenfold church," for "in the number
seven consists all fullness." Yet there is a hint of historical
sequence, for the sixth church, Sardis, is taken as referring to
the time of Antichrist, and the seventh, Laodicea, to the scarcity
of faith at the time of the second advent."
Of the seven seals he says:
"In the first seal therefore, [he sees] the beauty of the primitive
church; in the following three, the threefold war against her [persecutors,
false brethren, and heretics, respectively]; in the fifth, the glory of the
victors under this war; in the sixth, those things which are to come in the
time of Antichrist; . . . in the seventh, the beginning of eternal rest."
Bede characterizes the first five trumpets as (1) the de-
struction of the wicked with hail and fire; (2) the devil, cast
from the church into the sea of the world; (3) the falling away
of heretics; (4) the defection of false brethren; " (5) the devil
falling from heaven, opening the hearts of the heretics with his
blasphemous doctrine and teaching them to rise like smoke to
speak their wickedness in high places, and the members of the
dragon multiplying as locusts, which torment men like the fu-
ture persecutors of the last days; this woe is past. The last two
are future, in the time of Antichrist and the judgment: " (6)
the ancient enemy, and his satellites hound since the death of
Christ in the hearts of the wicked, will be loosed by the four
angels, and will be permitted to persecute the church every
67 Ibid., cols. 130, 131.

Translated from Bede, Explanatio Apocalypsis, in Migne, PL, vol. 93, col. 135; see
also cols. 134, 137.
6. Ibid., cols. 129, 130, 141, 142.
7o /bid., col. 146; see also cols. 147-149, 154.
71 Bede, The Explanation of the Apocalypse (Marshall trans.), book 2, chap. 8, v. 2, p.
56 (for Latin, see Migne, cols. 153, 154).
72 Ibid., chap. 9, vs. 1-12, pp. 61-65 (Migne, cols. 157-159).
BRITISH EXPOSITORS EXHIBIT 11\111FPFIkIDvNry 613
moment; the Euphrates, the river of Babylon, is the persecut-

ing power of the earthly kingdom; and (7) the preaching will
be finished when both good and evil are rewarded; the seventh
annnlinrec thp lJ1.'GULL
whereas the first six trumpets, compared to the present ages of
the world, announce the wars of the church."
3. FOUR KINGDOMS NAMED, THREE AND A HALF TIMES
LITERAL.---Bede makes four angels (chap. 7:1) the four princi-
pal kingdoms, namely, of the Assyrians, and of the Persians,
and of the Greeks, and of the Romans."
To him the three and a half times were literal years. And
the triumph of the church of Christ is "to follow the reign of
Antichrist." Then Bede refers to Daniel 7, and the four beasts
which came up out of the sea. After Antichrist, will come rest
for the church—after Daniel's 1335 days, or 45 days beyond the
1290, when our Saviour is to come "in His own Majesty," after
the destruction of Antichrist.'
4. WOMAN, CHURCH; DRAGON, DEVIL; TEN HORNS, KING-
DOMS.—The woman of chapter 12 is the church, the dragon 15
the devil, and the ten horns are "all the kingdoms." A time, he
repeats, is a year; and three and a half times therefore equal
three and a half years." The "lioness" is Cliaidea, the "bear" is
Persia, and the "leopard" represents the Macedonians in the
application of Daniel 7 to the composite Beast of the Apoca-
lypse." The 666 he bases on T eitan (Greek spelling) as the
fateful name."
5. AUGUSTINE'S VIEW OF MILLENNIUM( AND Two CITIES.—
Bede sets forth the 144,000 as a finite number for an infinite—
those who are completely consecrated to God." Not only is the
Holy City trodden down in the time of Antichrist, but this is
" Ibid., vs. 13-21; chap. 10, v. 7 i chap. 11, v. 15, pp. 65 ff. (Migne, cols, 159-161, 165).
74 Ibid., chap. 7, v. 1, p. 44 (Migne, col. 149).
75 /bid., chap. 8, v. 1, p. 55 (Migne, col. 154).
78 /bid., chap. 12, vs. 1, 3, 14, pp. 80, 81, 85 (Migne, cols. 165, 166, 168).
n Ibid., chap. 13, v. 2, p. 88 (Migne, col. 10).
78 Ibid., v. 18, pp. 93, 94 (Migne, col. 172).
79 Ibid chap. 14, v. 1, p. 95 (Migne, col. 173).
614 PROPHETIC FAITH
done by the whole body of the wicked." The leopard beast is

also the corpus diaboli, the wicked, headed by earthly kingdoms,
the Man of Sin of 2 Thessalonians 2; the wounded head seems
to be the Antichrist; the image to the beast represents people
who worship and imitate the beast in its Antichrist phase." In
Revelation 17 the harlot, the multitude of the lost, sits on the
beast, whose heads are the kings of the world, and whose eighth
head is Antichrist reigning at the end of the age." The ten kings
are rulers who will divide the world among themselves, three
of whom will be slain by the Antichrist, rising from Babylon,
whom he identifies with the Little Horn of Daniel 7." Bede also
gives the Augustinian view of the two cities, one from heaven,
and one from the abyss."
Bede holds that the Augustinian thousand years of Revela-
tion 20 represent the rest of the sixth thousand-year day in which
Christ was born, in which the church reigns and judges with
power of binding and loosing in this present time.' He sees the
first resurrection as brought about through baptism." In Revela-
tion 21 the New Jerusalem is established by heavenly grace.'
After the ruin of Babylon the Holy City will be placed on a
mountain, for the stone cut out of the mountain has broken in
pieces "the image of worldly glory" (Daniel 2), and has become
the great mountain filling the earth." Bede frankly states in the
preface that he draws on Tichonius and Augustine, and here he
discusses Tichonius' Seven Rules. Still tied to the past, Bede is
nevertheless far in advance of his contemporaries.
6. SEVENTY WEEKS OF "ABBREVIATED" YEARS.—Bede
reckons the seventy weeks like Africanus, as 490 uncorrected
or "abbreviated" lunar years (twelve lunar months, or 354 days,
each), the equivalent of 475 solar years. He counts this from the
Migne, chap. 11, col. 162.
n Bede, Explanation (Marshall trans.), chap. 13, vs. 1-3, 14, pp.- 87, 88, 92 (Migne,
col. 169).
" /bid ., book 3, chap. 17 vs. 1-11, pp. 117-119 (Migne, cols. 182-184).
" Ibid., v. 12, pp. 119, 120 (Migne, col. 184).
"Ibid., V. 18, p. 122 (Migne, col. 185).
85 /bid., chap. 20, vs. 2, 4, pp. 135-137 (Migne, cols. 191, 192).
"Ibid., v. 5, p. 137 (Migne, col. 192).
87 Ibid., chap. 21, v. 2, p. 143 (Migne, col. 194).
" Ibid., v. 10, p. 145 (Migne, col. 195).
twentieth year of Artaxerxes to Christ. He places the baptism

in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, in the midst of the last week,
which covers John's and Jesus' ministry, and ends "in the seven-
teenth or eighteenth year of Tiberius." In this last date he
follows Eusebius rather than Africanus."
7. Six AGES OF WORLD PARALLEL CREATION DAYS.—Bede,
who is very enthusiastic about the seven ages of the world,
probably follows Augustine on this point. He draws parallels
between the events of the six days of creation and the ages of the
world, which he enumerates:
(1) Adam to Noah.
(2) Noah to Abraham.
(3) Abraham to David.
(4) David and Solomon to the Babylonian Captivity.
(5) Babylonian Captivity to Christ.
(6) Christ to the end of the world with the persecution of
Antichrist in the evening ofthis age.
(7) The rest of the blessed souls, beginning with Abel but
ending in the eternal Sabbath of future blessedness."
Bede stands at the beginning of the Middle Ages, and in
his study on the Apocalypse he undertakes the same work as
Primasius did 150 years earlier. Therefore we find another
ecclesiastical acceptance of Tichonius. Bede is, however, about
the first to discover that the number seven is at the base of the
structure of the Apocalypse. His influence is far reaching, for
he became the standard authority up to the twelfth century.'
V. Cynewulf's "Doomsday" a Star in the Night

Divergence of opinion still obtains among scholars as to
the time when (;vvizwrit r (probably Rth rpritiiry) 1 iverl i ,rl
from what section of England he came." Some have pictured
89 Bede, De Temporum Ratione, chap. 9, in his Opera de Temporibus, edited by Charles
W. Jones, pp. 198-201; and also note on p. 344.
/bid., chap. 10, pp. 201, 202, and note on p. 345; see also his De Temporibus, chap. 16,
p. 303 of same volume.
91 Kamlah,. op. cit., pp. 21, 22.
Earlier investigators, like Kemble, Grimm, and Thorp, held that he was abbot of
Peterboro and bishop of Winchester (992-1008). Later Trautmann. Leo. Dietriech, Grein, and
616 PROPHETIC FAITH
him as a bishop; others, as a wandering minstrel. The consensus

among modern scholars is that he was a Northumbrian poet.
There is no conclusive proof as to his position in the church,
but he must have been a professional ecclesiastic, as evidenced
by his knowledge of liturgy and ecclesiastical literature, and by
his emphasis on Christian doctrine as taught by the Western
church." He is known to be the author of at least four of the
finest poems preserved from that period, with various others
ascribed to him with varying plausibility. The poem Christ in
particular possesses a lofty sublimity and power that is unsur-
passed in early Anglo-Saxon verse.' These poems are not, of
course, on a parity with Dante or Milton. Yet in vividness, hope,
love, and tenderness they belong to the same order." Cynewulf
was a scholar, familiar with Latin, and skilled in meter."
So, it may be said that of no other genius in early English
literature is less known, for we know less of his life than of his
character."' But from his writings it is evident that a decided
change came into his life. The Christian faith touched him, and
the very current of his life was altered. Irving M. Glen states that
he now "turned the course of his song into more serious chan-
nels, and applied himself to Scriptural themes and ecclesiastical
traditions." " A sense of sin and a dread of the final judgment
were linked with an unshaken faith in the perfect justice of
God. And this found eloquent expression. Though experts differ
on how many other writings are actually his, there is common
agreement that Juliana, Elene, Christ, and The Fate of the
Apostles—each of which has his runic signature interwoven
—establish Cynewulf's authorship."
Rieger believed he was a Northumbrian and bishop of Lindisfarne (737-780). (See Marguerite-
Marie Dubois, Les eldments latins dans la poisie religieuse de Cynewulf, pp. 8-11.)
,3 Charles W. Kennedy The Earliest English Poetry, a Critical Survey of the Poetry
Written Before the Norman Conquest, pp. 199, 205.
94 Charles W. Stubbs, The Christ of English Poetry, p. 15.
95 Ibid., p. 27.
""Cynewulf " Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 6, p. 926; see also Kenneth Sisam,
Cynewulf and His Poetry, p. 24.
97 Stubbs, op. cit., p. 12; Kennedy, op. cit., p. 198.
Gs Irving Mackay Glen, Beowulf, Cynewulf and His Greatest Poem, p. 24; Kennedy,
op. cit., p. 199.
""Kennedy,
- op. cit., p. 198. Some of these were found in the Exeter Book (on various
subjects in one volume), some in the Vercelli manuscript. The Exeter Book has been known
since the death of Leofr,c, first bishop of Exeter, in 1071, when the library of 60 volumes was
transferred to Exeter, where it is still on deposit in the Exeter Cathedral. (Stubbs, op. cit.,
pp. 36, 37; Albert Stanburrough Cook, editor, The Christ of Cynewulf, pp. xiii, xiv.)
Cynewulf's Christ is a poem of rare power and beauty.'"

It has three sections: the "Nativity," the "Ascension," and the
"Last Judgment," or "Day of Doom." In writing on the "Last
Judgment," comprising 798 lines, intensity and dramatic force
appear. The flames are real that consume the earth, being pic-
tured as the "destroyer of the world, and the fire-bath of the
damned." 101 His intensity of feeling is scarcely surpassed by
Dante in the sweep and splendor of that great assize. They are
swirling verses, full of imaginative power. Here is Stubbs'
excellent translation of a few lines:
"Lo, the fire-blast, flaming far, fierce and hungry as a sword,
Whelms the world withal. Then on every wight
Fastens the death-flame! on all fowls and beasts,
Fire-swart or raging warrior, rushes conflagration
All the earth along." 102
Dr. Glen estimates that "the vigor of faith, the worshipful
spirit, the deep pervading reverence indicates that in Anglo-
Saxon England, somewhere, twn centuries of Christianity fl?(-1
been centuries of amazing spiritual growth." '"
The grand outline of the third section of Cynewulf's great
poem, C,hrist ("Day of Doom"), according to Cook, includes
the trumpet call to judgment, and the resurrection of the dead;
the coming of the judge; the destruction of the universe; the.
good and evil drawn to the place of judgment; the sign of the
Son of Man in the sight of all; the redeemed gathered to the
right, the wicked to the left; the good welcomed to heaven, the
wicked consigned to hell.'"
Cynewulf's illuminating poem ends with the final locking
of hell and the opening of heaven to the just, with this descrip-
tion of the Perfect Land:
"There is angels' song, bliss of the blessed,
There is the dear face of the Lord Etero4 i
To the blessed, brighter than all the sun's beaming;
,00 Glen, op. cit., p. 25; Cook, op. cit., Preface, p. xvi.
101 Cynewulf, Christ, quoted in Kennedy, op. cit., p. 229.
002 Stubbs, op. cit., pp. 23, 24.
0°2 Glen, op. cit., p. 25.
104 Cook, op. cit., Preface, pp. xlv, xlvi.
618 PROPHETIC FAITH
There is love of the loved ones, life without death's end;

Merry man's multitude, youth without age,
Glory of God's chivalry, health without pain,
Rest for right doers, rest without toil,
Day without darkness, bliss without bale,
Peace between friends, peace without jealousy,
Love that envieth not, in the union of the saints,
For the blessed in Heaven, nor hunger nor thirst,
Nor sleep, nor sickness, nor sun's heat,
Nor cold, nor care, but the happy company.
Fairest of all hosts shall ever enjoy
Their sovran's grace and glory with their King." '
Such is the song of this Northumbrian bard of the eighth
century—the gleaming star of the period. It has the evangelic
note.
VI. Gerard of York, Precursor of English Reformation
GERARD OF YORK (d. 1108) sprang from noble Norman
ancestry. He became precentor of the cathedral of Rouen, and
was a counselor and ambassador for the kings of England.
Gerard was the leading supporter of William I, William II,
and Henry I in their quarrel with the Papacy over the issue of
investitures.' Made archbishop of York in 1101, he occupied
that see until 1108. Because of his aggressive attitude in defend-
ing the rights of the crown, he was drawn into bitter conflict
with Anselm of Canterbury, finally losing and having to submit
to the claims of the primate. He was one of the great figures of
his time and was, intellectually at least, , the equal of Anselm
of Canterbury. But his character was not free from blemish.
For this reason, and because of his vigorous support of the royal
against the pontifical power, an unprejudiced verdict upon him
is hardly to be looked for, since our chief knowledge of him is
from ecclesiastical historians. Such is the conclusion of his
biographer in the Dictionary of National Biography.
There exists, however, a very interesting little book, called
Tractatus Eboracenses (York Treatises), which was attributed
105 In Stubbs, op. cit., p. 26.
"0 Edmund Venables, "Gerard, or Girard," Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 7,
pp. 1087-1089.
to an "Anonymous of York" whom Alois Dempf, German

scholar of medieval history, definitely identifies with Gerard
of York.' This little work contains most revolutionary thoughts
for those times, and it is no wonder that it was not well received
and soon disappeared. The writer divides time into three eras:
First there is the Old Testament era, with a professional priest-
hood having a typical significance, beginning with Adam and
leading to Christ. Then there is the second era, of the New
Testament, lasting from the first advent of Christ to the second
advent, with the true and universal priesthood. And finally,
the third era, that of the eternal Jerusalem, without any priest-
hood.
The kingdom of the devil is here completely separated
from any definite structure in this world, and is considered to
be the amoral and sinful life which exists as the sublayer beneath
the positive consciousness of God's power in men to bring about
the kingdom of God. The grace of God, which leads to the new
birth from God, and the Holy Spirit make us at the same time
children of God. We become living stones in the true and holy
temple of God and of the heavenly kingdom, which is far,,,
superior to all temples built of stone.'"
1. UNIVERSAL PRIESTHOOD OF THE LAITY.—In this temple
the holy faith of the heart is the altar. We have to bring our faith
as a holy sacrifice pleasing to God, that we may become one
body. This universal priesthood of all believers, not merely
the hierarchy, is the highest kind of priesthood, because the
"corpus Christi, quod est ecclesia in quo omnia menibra divino
ordine disposita sunt" (the body of Christ, which is the church in
which all members have been arranged in divine order) is the eye
and the face of the church; and further, because the garment of
baptism, by which we have been clothed with Christ, is ihr"rn-
parably higher than the stole of the priesthood. To hear the
Word of God itself, in such a way that it becomes eternal life,
107 Dempf, oh. cet., p. 199.

p. 202.
"9 Ibid.,
620 PROPHETIC FAITH
is much more valuable than merely to hear the preaching. To

take part of the body of Christ in the Eucharist is greater than
to consecrate it. Thus we become partakers not only of the
grace of God but of the nature of God.'"
What, then, is the value of the priesthood? It does not
lie primarily in teaching. If the pope were simply set up in order
to teach, that would be superfluous, because we have the
prophets, the Gospels, and the writings of the apostles, which
contain all God's commands. And the knowledge of this is more
widespread among us than it is with him. The pope may go to
the heathen to teach them. No bishop is subject to the Roman
church. He is responsible only to the universal church. More-
over, according to the scale of rank and position in the heavenly
kingdom (Luke 22:24), and according to the teachings of Peter
himself, the pope is subjected to every human creature. The
churches of Rome and Rouen are "one single Peter"; that is,
Rome is not superior to Rouen.
2. ROMAN PRIMACY FROM MAN ONLY.—Rome became
the mother of all churches only per potentiam romani imperii
et propter urbis excellentiam quae caput est totius orbis
(through_the power of the Roman Empire, and because of the
excellency of the city, which is the head of all the world). But
in the ancient church such was not the case. Then Jerusalem
was mother of all the churches. Zion, the heavenly Jerusalem,
possesses the honor and the secret of the mother. Zion is the seat
of Christ. He Himself is her High Priest, the apostles are His
priests, and Stephen is His deacon. From Zion the law is pro-
claimed. The Roman church has received that preference from
men only, not from Christ and His apostles.
The present priesthood is created to fill a special need.
Through the devil's instigation many splits occurred, and every
priest began to consider his church members his own property
and not Christ's property; therefore one priest had to be chosen
above all others to avoid schisms and dissensions, but originally
109 Ibid., p. 204,
BRITTSH EXPOSITORS EXHIBIT INDEPENDENCE 691
the church was led by a general council of the presbyters (com-

m,uni presbyterorum consilio)."° Thus he taught.
Gerard was precocious for his time. He remained the
Anonymous of York, but is surely to be counted a forerunner
of the Reformation. It is highly probable that Wyclif came
across Gerard's tract in Oxford, and was indebted to him. All
the main points of the Reformation are here clearly stated—as,
for instance, the universal priesthood, the Scripture as basis for
religious teaching, the presbytery of the early church, and the
fact that sacraments, except the Eucharist, are mere symbols.
VII. Robert Grosseteste—Repeatedly Identifies Papacy as Antichrist

ROBERT GROSSETESTE, or Greathead (c. 1175-1253), most
famous of English medieval ecclesiastics, and able bishop of
Lincoln (1235-1253), was a native of Suffolk. Of humble origin,
he studied at Oxford and also in Paris, and early identified him-
self with the Franciscans. He was regarded as the most learned
man of his time in all Europe."' He was versatile, excelling in
law, medicine, theology, literature, music, and natural philoso-
phy, as well as being a master of languages—Latin, Greek, He-
brew, and French."' Grosseteste exercised a profound influence
upon English thought and life for centuries after his death.
Roger Bacon lauded his knowledge of science, and Matthew
Paris paid him high tribute, citing him as a confuter of the pope.
He was a great reformer in a corrupt period of the dominant
church, a thirteenth-century "Protestant" of highest principle."'
He believed in the Bible as the foundation of theological instruc-
tion, and replied to questioners as follows:
"He answered that, just as skilful builders in laying foundations
made careful choice of such stones as were capable of supporting the
Ibid.,jo. 205.
Ben C. Bouiter, Robert Grossetete, the Defender of Our Church and Our Liberties,
p. 5; T. F. Tout, "Grosseteste," Dictionary of English History, p. 546; J. E. Sandys, "English
Scholars of Paris and Franciscans of Oxford," Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. 1,
pp. 226, 227; Samuel Pegge, The Life of Robert Grosseteste, pp. 10-19.
112 Matthew Paris, English History, vol. 1. pp. 38, 39; H. C. Maxwell Lyte, A History
of the University of Oxford, From the Earliest Times to the Tear 1530, P. 29.
313 Roger Bacon, The Opus Majus of Roger Bacon, vol. 1, pp. 76, 126; Henry William C.
Davis, England Under the Normans and An4evins, p. 426; Lyte, op. cit., pp. 38, 39. Testi-
monies to his character appear in Pegge, op. ca., pp. 245 ff.
622 PROPHETIC FAITH
structure above, the Masters Regent in Divinity ought to take the Old
and New Testaments as the only sure foundations of their teaching, and
make them the subject of all their morning lectures, according to the
practice prevailing at Paris." "4
Grosseteste became rector scholarum, or first chancellor of
the Franciscans who played an important part in European af-
fairs because of their training under Grosseteste and the reputa-
tion he gave them. Between 1214 and 1231 he held successively
the archdeaconries of Chester, Northampton, and Leicester. In
1224 he was given a doctorate in divinity. But in 1232 he
resigned all benefices- and preferments except Lincoln. He
planned to spend the remainder of his life in contemplative
study. However, in 1235 he was made bishop of the large diocese
of Lincoln.:' This gave him wider scope; yet he continued to
have a close relationship to the university.
Grosseteste had an intense faith in the divine mission of the
church. His zeal for holiness was the constraining influence of
his life. Upon his appointment as bishop he set about reforming
the abuses throughout his diocese, and purged the monasteries
of incompetents. He formulated rules of conduct, forbidding
certain wrong practices.'" This brought him into inevitable
conflict with privileged groups. There was even an unsuccessful
attempt to poison him, but he was undeterred by this opposition.
He witnessed the confirmation of the Magna Charta in 1231,11'
and took part in the London Council of 1237. In 1239 the quar-
rel began between the bishop and the Lincoln chapter, the long
struggle ending only with the personal intervention of the
pope.' With Grosseteste conflict was constant.
I. THE CHAMPION OF TRUE LIBERTY.—Grosseteste was a
sturdy champion of all true liberty. When the liberties of the
national church came into conflict with the assumptions of
11-4 Lyte, op.F.cit., p. 346.

no George Holmes, "Grosseteste," M'Clintock and Strong, op. cit., p. 1014i Boulter,
op. cit., pp. 12, 13, 18, 35, 43; Francis S. Stevenson, Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, p.
29; Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 10, p. 906. art. "Grosseteste, Robert."
116 /bid., pp. 60-62; see also Lee Max Friedman, Robert Grosseteste and the Yews, pp. 6, 7.
117 Friedman, op. cit., p. 9.
718 Boulter, op. cit., pp. 70-75; Davis, op. cit., p. 427.
Rome, he stood by his own countrymen. In 1247 two papal

emissaries came to England to secure money for the pope. These
intrusions resulted in riots, and on May 13, 1248, he delivered
his celebrated sermon against the abuses of the papal court and
the scandals prevalent in the clergy.' In 1252 he prevented the
collection of a tithe, or tenth, imposed upon the clergy by Henry
III. When the pope tried to force his nephew into the rich
cathedral benefice, declaring he would excommunicate Grosse-
teste if he failed to accede, the bishop nevertheless refused.'
In his rage Innocent IV excommunicated him. Grosseteste then
"appealed from the court of Innocent IV to the tribunal of
Christ," and paid no further attention to the decree.'"
In his letter of refusal Bishop Grosseteste said, "I . . .
refuse to obey, and oppose and resist the orders contained in
the aforesaid letters."'" Preceding this appears the clear state-
ment:
"Mnrenver, since the cin of T ticifer, whirh same sin will at the end
of *;'"' be that of the son of perdition, Antichrist, whom the L-srd will
slay with the breath of his mouth, there is not and cannot be any other
kind of sin so adverse and contrary to the doctrine of the apostles and of
the Gospel, and at the same time so hateful, detestable, and abominable
to our Lord Jesus Christ, as to mortify and destroy souls by defrauding
them of the offices and ministry of their pastors." 12'
The pope was furious, and demanded:

"Who is this raving old man, this deaf and foolish dotard, who in
his audacity and temerity judges of my actions? By Peter and Paul! were
it not that my innate generosity restrained me, I would precipitate him
into such an abyss of confusion and shame, that he should be a subject
of talk, and an object of amazement and horror to the whole world. Is
not the king of England our vassal, or I should rather say our slave? and
he can at his will imprison and consign to ignominy this same old
prelate." 124
Therefnre he ci-nnel agnirw corm ptinn in the clergy 4,,
injustice of the king, and even against the pope's selling of
119 H. R. Luard, "Grosseteste, Robert," Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 8, p. 720;
Boulter, op. cit., pp. 106-109.
12° Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. 1, pp. 364-366.
121 Thomas Newton, Dissertations on the Prophecies, p. 459.
Matthew Paris, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 37.
129 Ibid., p. 36.
124 Ibid., p. 38.
624 PROPHETIC FAITH
benefits for gold. In fact, for twenty years, as bishop, he was

seldom free from struggle with the king or the pope.'"
2. DESIGNATED PAPAL SYSTEM AS ANTICHRISTIAN.—The
conviction was forced upon Grosseteste that the papal system
was Antichristian. The pope's evil use of his pre-eminence
revolted him, and stirred his soul in protest. In a famous
memorial to Innocent IV, Propositio Roberti Grosthead de
Visitatione Diocesis Suae (Proposition of Robert Grosthead
About the Visitation of His Diocese), Grosseteste denounced
the papal court. And in his epochal sermon on May 13, 1250,
before the pope and the cardinals at the Council of Lyons,'° he
charged the clergy with being "full of lust, fornicators, adul-
terers, incestuous, gluttonous" and, in a word, stained with every
sort of crime and abomination. Also he charged them with
being "teachers of error." Then he solemnly charged that the
source of all this was the court of Rome.'" Grosseteste is said to
have been the author of some two hundred writings, most of
which are unpublished. The printed list extends over many
pages.'"
3. APPLIES EPITHET "ANTICHRIST" TO POPE.—At last, in
1253, lying seriously ill at Buckdon, the bishop of Lincoln said
to Master John of St. Giles that he "knew, as if by inspiration
that the tribulation was coming upon the church in a short
time, which we were not provided against." Then he asked for
a definition of "heresy," which John was hesitant to give. So
the bishop himself supplied it. "Heresy is an opinion selected
by human feelings, contrary to the holy scripture, openly taught,
and pertinaciously defended." And on this principle he rebuked
the Roman prelates, and went so far as to declare that the pope
himself ought to be called to account for heresy.'" As his illness
125 George F. Holmes, op. cit., in M'Clintock and Strong, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 1014, 1015.
128 Pegge, op. cit., p. 178.
127 Edward Brown, Appendix ad Fasciculum Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum,
vol. 2, pp. 250, 251.
129 The catalogue of Grosseteste's works appears in Pegge, op. cit., pages 263 ff. S. Harri-
man Thomson, professor of medieval history in the University of Colorado, presents a technical
study of his writings in The Writings of Robert Grosseteste.
129 Matthew Paris, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 44, 45 (see also Foxe, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 529).
increased he sent for his associates and gave a remarkable address,

in which these impressive words occur:
"Christ came into the world to gain souls, therefore, if any one has
no fear of destroying souls; does he not deserve the title of Antichrist?
The Lord made the entire world in six days, but to repair the faults of
man, he laboured for more than thirty years; ought not, therefore, a
destroyer of souls to be considered an enemy to God and an Antichrist?
By means of that clause 'Notwithstanding,' &c., the pope unblushingly
annuls the privileges of the holy Roman pontiffs his predecessors, which
is not done without prejudice and injury to them; for by so acting, he
sets at nought and destroys what it has taken such a number of great saints
to build up: lo, he is despised of the saints."'"
VIII. Matthew Paris—Likens Roman Court to "Strumpet"

MATTHEW PARIS, or Matthieu (c. 1200-1259), considered
the greatest medieval English chronicler, was a Benedictine
monk of the Abbey of St. Albans. Diplomatist, mathematician,
poet, and theologian, he was born on the lands of St. Albans. He
was called "Parisiensis" (the Parisian) simply because he re-
ceived his advanced education in Paris. At the age of seventeen
he put on the religious habit of St. Albans."' He was a man of
marked accomplishments, and exceptional in that he, as a monk,
did not leave to history any theological work or commentaries
as such. His life was spent mainly at St. Albans, though in 1248
he was sent to Norway with a message from Louis IX to King
Haakon VI.' He was the royal historiographer to Henry III.
Matthew's life was thus devoted to the chronicling of his -
tory—history when England was dominantly Catholic. By 1200
the best days of the old monasteries were past. The coming of
the friars and the rise of the universities were a sharp challenge
to the monks. Then the St. Albans school of history arose, after
1200, and persisted for nearly three centuries. When Matthew
came to the institution St. Albans already had a special scribe—
Roger of Wendover, who had started to write soon after 1215.
Ibid., p. 46. Full address appears on pp. 46-49 (see also Foxe, op. cit., vol. 1, pp.
363-368). Willi am Hunt, "Paris, Matthew," Dictionary of National Biography,
131 vol. 15, pp.
207 ff.
"2 Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 15, p. 97, art. "Matthew of Paris."
626 PROPHETIC FAITH
Thus a chronicle of England developed."' Matthew was diligent,

and developed into an expert scriptor. When Wendover died
Matthew succeeded to the post, beginning to write in 1235. He
was alert and kept his eye on public affairs, gathering informa-
Matthew Paris, English Chronicler,

Boldly Attacked the Corruptions of
the Roman Court
.(
11~! cfa
,_ /42VM .lcy ,( oyti .Vg ,
":Z '
tion from all quarters. He derived much of his information

from letters of important personages, and from conversations
with the participants and chief eyewitnesses. He visited kings,
and men of highest rank were eager to tell him of their doings.
Portions of the old walls of St. Albans still stand, incorporated
as part of a later structure.
English politics were involved and' tedious in those days.
But Matthew had a vigor of expression, a boldness and a fresh-
ness for the time, that was refreshing. For twenty-four years he
recorded the chronicles, and has been called the greatest histori-
'33 See Vivian Hunter Galbraith, Roger Wendover and Matthew Paris, pp. 5, 9; M'Clintock
and Strong, op. cit., vol. 5, pp. 897, 898, art. "Matthew of Paris"; Lagarde, op. cit., p. 582.
BRITISH PiPrISITOR INTIPPrNlIvNCF 697
cal writer of this great historical century in Britain. His industry

was untiring, his curiosity insatiable, and his output enormous.
His most notable work as a historian, was his Chronica Majora,
or Historia Major. Down to 1235 it was a continuation of Roger
Wendover's Flores Historiarum (Flowers of History). But the
years from 1235 to 1250 were compiled by Matthew exclusively
from the original sources. He also wrote a Historia An.glorum, or
Historia Minor, extending from 1067 to 1253."
Matthew was noted for his pungent comments and spar-
kling vignettes.' He was easily the greatest of the English
medieval chroniclers, and had few rivals on the Continent. He
claimed to be the interpreter of the English people. And the
boldness with which he attacked the abuses of the court of Rome
is remarkable. Thoroughly English in feeling, and a lover of
freedom, he was angered when foreigners were promoted to
high places in the church, and when English money was spent
in enriching those who brought no benefit to the country. in
such cases he spared neither king nor cardinal, royal or papal
favorite. The venality of the papal curia, and the oppression
of the English church by successive popes, found trenchant
expression in his indignant language. He called the Roman
court a "strumpet," because it could be corrupted for money!"
With him closes our survey of the British writers.
134 J . A. Giles, Preface to 1853 ed. of Matthew Paris' English History (a translation of the
Historia Major), p. vi; G. G. Coulton, A Mediaeval Garner, p. 280; Galbraith, op. cit., pp.
15, 45.
sss Galbraith, op. cit., p. 17.
12C Matthew Paris, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 332; see also Lagarde, op. cit., pp. 582, 583.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX
Two Movements That Strengthen

the Papal Power
In order to include the British writers in one discussion,

the previous chapter was extended to include Matthew Paris.
But before this time in Europe great movements were afoot
which had their effect not only on doctrine but also on the
relationships of church and state. This chapter will therefore
take up the monastic reforms and the rise of scholasticism and
the universities.
I. Medieval Monasticism Becomes the Predominant Force

Between the sixth and tenth centuries the Latin church
passed through a period of marked decadence, followed by a
definite resurgence of power. After the great migration of the
barbarian peoples southward and westward, in the fifth century,
the Western church was severely shaken and had to emerge
again from its prostration. Darkness had spread over Gaul, Italy,
and Spain, and security and order had to be restored to some
extent before any sustained religious and cultural activity could
develop. Such a restoration began to take place undex Charle-
magne, when schools were established in many places, not alone
for the clerics, but for young nobles as well.
Numerous monasteries were founded. In many places
monks penetrated unentered regions, cleared the forests, and
established new settlements. These monasteries were often the
outposts in more than one sense, and became the centers of
628
TWO MOVEMENTS STRENGTHEN PAPAL POWER 629
medieval learning. Here the art of reading and writing was

zealously fostered, and from such centers the courts of princes
and of kings were supplied with scribes and learned men. And,
quite naturally, the subjects taught in these monasteries were
of a predominantly religious nature.
During the period under consideration we find three great
monastic movements—the Cluniac Reform movement, then the
stricter rule enforced by Bernard of Clairvaux among the Cister-
cians, and finally the altogether new departure of the Franciscan
and Dominican Friars.
Monasticism was one of the predominant characteristics of
medieval life. But, whereas in the East meditation was the
central occupation of the monks, in the West emphasis was
laid upon activity, in addition to prayer. And the monasteries
were governed, in general, by the sixth-century rules of Bene-
dict, which required poverty, chastity, obedience, piety, and
labor. This rigorous discipline, however, often softened; and
indulgence, idleness, and vice followed in its train. Worldli-
ness intruded, education was neglected, and religious service
frequently degenerated into an empty formality. And the dis-
repute that resulted eventuated first in the "Cluniac movement"
of reform.
1. CLUNIAC MOVEMENT ASPIRES TO WORLD DOMINION.-
The monastery of Cluny, on the border of Aquitaine and Bur-
gundy, was established in 910. Its charter provided that the
abbot be chosen by the monks without outside influence, and
this institution soon became one of the principal centers of
learning. New houses were built up, and the "Cluny congrega-
tion" resulted. By the twelfth century more than three hundred
monasteries were established, scattered over France, Italy, Spain,
Poland, Germany, and England; and by the fifteenth century,
825 were counted. All were under the control of the abbot-
general of the parent institution.
The abbots of this famous monastery of Cluny, impelled
by the concept of Augustine's City of God, had as their goal
630 PROPHETIC FAITH
the reform of all the convents and the clergy, and the training
of a vast army of monks. More than that, their aim was to get
control of the papal chair, and thus to bring to pass Augustine's
concept of a millennial kingdom in the form of universal
ecclesiastical dominion. Indeed, it was the aspiring spirit of
Cluny that lay back of Hildebrand's ambitious dreams of world
dominion and his vast crusading projects.' Between 1122 and
1156 Cluny reached the height of its power, second only to
Rome as the chief center of the Catholic world. The monks of
Cluny who came to sit in the papal chair were Gregory VII,
Urban II, Paschal II, and Urban V' Hama& describes the
attendant success, the relationship to secular rulers, and then
the revolutionary turn under Hildebrand, or Gregory VII.
"The Monastery of Clugny, founded in the tenth century, became
the centre of the great reform which the Church in the West passed through
in the eleventh century. Instituted by monks, it was at first supported against
the secularised monachism, priesthood (Episcopate), and papacy by pious
and prudent princes and bishops, above all, by the Emperor, the represent-
ative of God on earth, until the great Hildebrand laid hold of it, and, as
Cardinal and successor of Peter, set it in opposition to the princes, the
secularised clergy, and the Emperor."'
2. MONASTIC POPES CAPITALIZE FOR ROMAN SUPREMACY.
—This powerful force was soon turned, by the monastic popes,
to the goal of securing world dominion.
"What were the aims of this new movement which took hold of the
entire Church in the second half of the eleventh century? In the first
instance, and chiefly, the restoration in the monasteries themselves of the
òld' discipline, of the true abnegation of the world, and piety; but then,
also, first, the monastic training of the whole secular clergy; second, the
supremacy of the monastically trained clergy over the lay world, over
princes and nations; third, the reduction of national churches, with their
pride and secularity, in favour of the uniform supremacy of Rome."'
And, significantly enough, this ambition aimed at ruling
the world after renouncing it, as Harnack observes:
"Thus out of the programme of renunciation of the world, and out
of the supra-mundane world that was to permeate this world, out of the
George Waddington, A History, of the Church, p. 380.

2 G. G. Alston, 'Cluny," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 4, pp. 73, 74.
Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. 6, pp. 3, 4. 4 Ibid., p. 4.
Augustinian idea of the city of God and out of the idea of the one Roman
world-empire, an idea that had never disappeared, but that had reached
its glorifiCation in the papal supremacy, there developed itself the claim
to world-dominion, though the ruin of many an individual monk might be
involved in making it. With sullied consciences and broken courage many
monks, whose only desire was to seek after God, yielded to the plans of the
great monastic Popes, and became subservient to their aims. And those
whom they summoned from the retirement of the cloisters were just those
who wished to think least of the world. They knew very well that it was
only the monk who fled from the world, and would be rid of it, that could
give help in subduing the world. Abandonment of the world in the service
of the world-ruling Church, dominion over the world in the service of
renunciation of the world,—this was the problem, and the ideal of the
Middle Ages!"
It is not too much to state that without the reformatory and
energizing influence of Cluny the effeminate church of Rome
would not have been able to muster the strength she needed to
climb to that apex of power that enabled her to dominate the
world and make kings and princes how to her commands, Rnt,
curiously enough, at the very time when she was at the height
of her worldly glory it was none other than a monk of Cluny
who discerned in all her outward display the utter lack of true
spirituality, and who had the temerity to proclaim that none
other than the Antichrist had taken possession of her, and had
seated himself on her throne. This monk was Bernard of Morlan.
3. BERNARD OF CLUNY: "ROME Is BABYLON."—BERNARD
OF CLUNY (or of Morlaix), in the Latin form, Bernardus Mor-
lanensis, but often Bernard of Morlan, or Morval (fl. 1120-
1150), was famous for his poetical work De Contemptu Mundi
(The Contempt of the World). Here he declared that the Roman
pontiff had become "king of this odious Babylon," causing
himself to be adored as God. This bitter satire on the fearful
corruption of the age was published again and again. It was
U.U11L awood thcoic of thc Lowing of Cin judinetti..
Its intent was to inspire men to seek the things of God. It por-
trayed the enormity of sin, the charms of virtue, the torture of
an evil conscience, and the sweetness of a God-fearing life.
5 Ibid., p. 6.
632 PROPHETIC FAITH
Thomas J. Shahan expresses his opinion of it in these words:

"This master of an elegant, forceful, and abundant latinity cannot
find words strong enough to convey his prophetic rage at the moral apostasy
of his generation, in almost none of whom he finds spiritual soundness.
Youthful and simoniacal bishops, oppressive agents of ecclesiastical cor-
porations, the officers of the Curia, papal legates, and the pope himself are
treated with no less severity than in Dante or in the sculptures of medieval
cathedrals. Only those who do not know the utter frankness of certain
medieval moralists could borrow scandal from his verses."
Here is a specimen of Bernard's scathing condemnation of
Rome:
"Rome gives all things to all who give all things to Rome, for a price,
because there is the way of justice, and all justice is dead. She wobbles like
a rolling wheel, hence shall Rome be called a wheel, who is wont to burn
like incense with rich praises. . . . The peace that wisdom cannot, money
gives you. Money makes agreements and restrains the threatener.. . . If
money is given, pontifical favor stands near; if not, that is afar off—that is
the law and teaching obtaining there."
And some lines farther on he wails:
" 'Tis right for me to say, to write: 'Rome thou art no more.' Thou
liest buried under thy walls and thy morals. Thou art fallen, famous city,
sunk as low as thou wast high before, the higher thou wast, the more utterly
art thou shattered and cast down. 'Tis right for me to write, to say: 'Rome
thou halt perished.' Thy walls cry out: 'Rome, thou art fallen.' Thou, the
head, art become the tail; thou the high, liest prostrate before the
Omnipotent."'
His powerful language at once reminds us of the apocalyptic
vision in Revelation 18.
II. Bernard of Clairvaux and the Cistercians—Hierarchy the
Ministers of Antichrist
The second spur to a new life, a life based on the old rigor
of the monastery, was next given by Bernard of Clairvaux, one
of the greatest figures of the twelfth century. (For portrait, see
p. 685.) He entered a monastery of the Cistercians, but soon
founded a new branch house.
Thomas J. Shahan, "Bernard of Cluny," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 2, p. 502.
7 Bernard of Cluny, De Contemptu Mundi, book 3, lines 601 ff. (Latin edition by H. C.
Hoskier, p. 91), translation by Henry Preble, in The Source of "Yerusalem the Golden"
(edited by S. M. Jackson), pp. 164, 165.
8 Ibid., lines 737-743, p. 168.
The Cistercian order, springing from the Benedictines in

1098, was organized at Cistercium (Citeaux), France, in an
attempt to return to the original strictness of the Benedictine
rule. It was noted for its austerity and emphasis on manual labor,
although it also became notable for collecting and copying
manuscripts. The widespread influence of the order stems from
the time of Bernard, whose deeply religious spirit, fervent zeal,
purity of intention, and most eloquent tongue soon gathered a
large number of followers about him. And during his lifetime
he was able to witness the springing up of a great number of
sister institutions in which the same high standards that he had
set were adhered to. And fifty years after his death the movement
had grown to the number of 530 abbeys and 650 dependencies.
These Cistercians cultivated the wildest and least accessible
districts. In contrast to the Cluniacs, who centralized all author-
ity 1/1lilt- abbot rt iiey
•-•-1-1f,."1
the Pl/OLLIAJIL that eucl.
monastery was an independent abbey, but they all bound them-
selves to the pope by oaths of direct obedience. By this step the
monk became the auxiliary of Rome, with the control of his
organization centered in the pope. This really meant a giving
away of the old monastic ideal—which was a complete renun-
ciation of the world, and sole attachment. to God.'
1. FOUNDS NEW MONASTERY AT CLAIRVAUX.—BERNARD OF
CLAIRVAUX (1090-1153), who made kings tremble and caused
popes to ponder, was a Burgundian, born near Dijon, France,
in the feudal castle of Fontaines, which belonged to Tescelin
the knight, his wealthy father. Bernard received his early train-
ing at the Cathedral School of St. Martins, at Chatillon-sur-
Seine. In this school Latin poetry was stressed, both secular and
religious, and emphasis was laid on dialectics and on music.
This latter training reappears in Bernard's enduring hymns.
Bernard sprang from the fighting caste. He lived in a turbu-
lent, warring world, and seemed destined for the army. But his
whole inclination was toward study and a life of devotion to
Herbert B. Workman, The Evolution of the Monastic Ideal,
Five Centuries of Religion, vol. 1, pp. 280-282.
pp. 242-245; G. G. Coultoria
634 PROPHETIC FAITH
God. In the silvery peal of the monastery bells he seemed to hear

Christ saying, "Come unto Me"; and in 1112, at the age of
twenty-two, he, with a group of twenty-nine other nobles and
literati, knocked at the gate of the abbey of Citeaux, ruled by
the English abbot Stephen Harding and belonging to the Cis-
tercian reformed group of the Benedictine order.' There, where
the monks rose at two A.m., and sometimes had but one meager
meal a day, Bernard entered upon a life of extreme austerity.
The extreme rigors of fasting and manual work, with few
periods of rest, nearly broke his health.
During that time Citeaux was growing rapidly, and found-
ing other abbeys. Stephen, the abbot, chose Bernard as leader
of a group of twelve monks to establish another abbey in 1115.
Bernard, eager to break new ground, chose a deep valley on the
river Aube, a tributary to the Seine, called the Valley of Bitter-
ness. This he renamed Claire Vallee, or Clairvaux. Painful years
of struggle and shortage at the new abbey followed. There Ber-
nard composed his first sermons. He was stirred by the lawless-
ness of the church, and moved by the walls of splendor within
sight of children undernourished and miserably clad. He
attacked the departures of the clergy and was horrified over the
spectacle of two simultaneous popes opposing each other.
2. FOSTERS HOLINESS AND EXPOSES EVIL.—Bernard became
a revivalist. Although at first speaking to deaf ears, he soon
developed into a powerful preacher and persuasive pleader, as
we may see in his wonderful series on the Song of Solomon.
Bernard cast his soul unreservedly on the pardoning grace of
Christ, though he sought to lay hold of Him through the church
and through asceticism—the best way he knew. He wrote a
number of books and powerful poems, and his influence was
far reaching. Even Luther and Calvin paid high tribute to him.
Bernard thundered against the growing scholasticism of the
time, which aimed at the discovery of rational truth, while he
fostered asceticism, which sought the attainment of holiness. His
" Coulton, Five Centuries, vol. 1. p. 288,
TWO MOVEMENTS STRVNGTI-1 EN PAPAL. POWER 635
eighty-six homilies on the Song of Solomon illustrate his quest.

His clear spiritual insight and experience are reflected in the
long poem from which two great hymns have come down
through the centuries—"Jesus, Thou Joy of Loving Hearts"
and "Jesus, the Very Thought of Thee"—which are now the
common heritage of all Christian bodies."
Although he was acquainted with the writings of Origen,
Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory, Bernard was pre-
eminently a man of one Book—the Vulgate Bible, which he
knew from cover to cover.
Men came to Bernard's monastery for refuge from the chill
of the world, that side by side they might keep themselves warm
through a purer faith, and many of his sermons had. one pre-
dominant theme—this evil world and the evil in the church.'
Bernard preached as often as he could find occasion. His sermons
were doubtless taken down by the brethren, with the help of his
notes." Sermons in those days were not conventional. It is said
that the preacher's admonitions were often punctuated with
interruptions from the hearers, and by rejoinders from the
preacher.
According to the times, monasticism was the refuge of most
men of learning or discipline. Bernard was a scholar; he was
proficient in Latin and was a master of satire, as his letters show
here and there." He strove for retirement as other men strive
for prominence, but he was constantly drawn out of his seclusion
by the appeal of others who needed help. The real Bernard was
the man of the cloister, and he considered that his real lifework
was interrupted when he came out into public affairs--at the
call of duty, as he saw it—to make popes or rebuke them, to
11 Ibid., p. 301. Music should be good but plain, he held, and never such as would distract
attention from the words. Bernard gives some Interesting directions concerning church music.
It should "have nothing of novelty or lightness,— but should be "authentic and serious, redolent
of hoary antiquity, of grave and Church-like character," "equally distant from rusticity and
luscious sweetness.' Yet it may be sweet, so as to touch the heart, so long as it is not "trifling."
The spiritual meaning of the words must not be obscured by the "levity of the chants" or
by a display of the voices. (Bernard, Letters, Letter 398, to Guy, Abbot of Montier-Ramey, in
Life and Works of Saint Bernard, translated by Samuel J. Eales, vol. 3, pp. 97, 98.)
12 Coulton, Five Centuries, vol. 1, pp. 304, 311.
1, Ibid., p. 302.
11 Ibid., p. 292.
636 PROPHETIC FAITH
contend to the death with Abelard, or to preach a crusade."

He cried out courageously against entrenched abuses in the
church. He protested to Pope Eugenius III that "the court of
Rome" was "a sink of litigation and unjust appeals," and to
Louis VII he was similarly plain spoken." It must not be for-
gotten that he lived during the height of the dominance of the
all-embracing Roman church, unrivaled because it brooked no
rivals. He publicly protested the massacres of the Jews, and made
no attempt to excite the populace to the burning of heretics.]'
In the preface to one of Bernard's greatest works, De Considera-
tione (On Consideration), he gives frank and forthright coun-
sel to Pope Eugenius III, who had formerly been one of his
pupils!'
3. BERNARD'S VIEWS ON SECOND ADVENT.—Concerned
chiefly with devotional themes, Bernard's writings have little to
say on eschatology. He mentions a twofold advent—the first, in
which Christ comes to save the lost; and the second, "in which
He shall come and take us to be with Him." " But in another
place he speaks of the threefold advent—the coming "to men,
within men, against men." " By the central coming he obviously
means the entry of Christ into the heart."
4. RESURRECTION AT THE SECOND ADVENT.—At Christ's
second advent in glory, Bernard holds, comes the resurrection of
the body." God's works will remain imperfect until the "con-
summation of the Church," at the end, for both the lower
creation and the ancient patriarchs and prophets await the
perfecting of the church " by the Bridegroom, whose return
is eagerly awaited by the bride, and prayed for daily in
"Thy kingdom come." 24 Bernard expects Christ to return
1', Ibid., p. 284.
26 ibid., PP. 289, 290.
22 Ibid., p. 294.
18 Ibid., p. 295.
Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermons for the Ecclesiastical Tear, Sermon 4 (Homily 4 on
the Advent), sec. 1, in Life and Works of Saint Bernard, vol. 3, P. 273.
20 Ibid., Sermon 3, sec. 4, p. 268. (Italics supplied.)
21 Ibid., Sermon 5, sec. 1, p. 279.
22 Ibid., Sermon 4, secs. 3, 4, p. 275.
23 Bernard, Sermons on the Song of Songs, Sermon 68, sec. 4, in Life and Works, vol.
4, p. 418.
24 Ibid., Sermon 73, sec. 3, p. 450.
to the judgment in human form (forma humana), in like

manner as He went to heaven—to bring salvation to the
Jews, to judge the world, and to set up the eternal kingdom,
whose subjects are not literal Israel but spiritual.' Bernard fre-
quently makes allusion to other prophecies, bat without definite
prophetic interpretation.
5. SPIRITUAL VIEW MOLDS VARIOUS TEACHINGS.—To his
congregation of monks Bernard held up the ideal of watching
for the Lord's return, with loins girded and lamps burning,
whether it be in the first watch (interpreted as obedience to
their strict monastic rule), the second watch (purity of motive),
or the third (the preservation of unity among themselves)."
But the spiritual or mystical emphasis of the time perme-
ated much that he wrote, as might be expected—for example,
"Tomorrow the Lord shall come; and in the morning we shall
behold His glory" (Ex. 16:6, 7):
"These words have indeed their own first fulfilment in place and
time recorded in tile Scripture; but our mother Church has not unfitly
adapted them to the Vigil of our Lord's coming in the flesh. . . . When
then she either transfers or varies the words of Holy Scripture, that trans-
ference is even of as much more weight than the original sense as the
truth is more than the figure." 2'
He explains: "After two days He will revive us, and the
third day He will raise us up" (Hosea 6:3), as meaning "three
epochs": one "under Adam, another in Christ, the third with
Christ"; but he also applies it spiritually to the individual as
the days of sin, of present life in Christ, and of "tomorrow,"
when we shall go forth from the body to be with Christ.'
6. SEES VIRGIN MARY IN REVELATION 12.—Bernard has a
curious and apparently original interpretation of the woman
of Revelation 12:1, in his sermon for the .Sunday in the r - t,2ve
of the feast of the assumption of the Virgin Mary:
25 Ibid., secs. 4, 5, pp. 450, 451, and Sermon 79, sec. 5, p. 486; Sermons for the Ecclesias-
tical Year, Sermon 11 (Homily 4 on the Missus ea), sec. 2, in Life and Works, vol. 3, pp.
332, 333.
03 Bernard, Sermons for the Ecclesiastical Year, Sermon 14 (Sermon 3 for the Eve of the
Nativity) sec. 6, in Life and Works, vol. 3, p. 368.
27 ibid., secs. I, 2, pp. 362 363.
Ibid., Sermon 13, secs. f, 3, pp. 355-357.
638 PROPHETIC FAITH
"Do you think she is the woman clothed in the sun? Let it be, indeed,
that the very series of the prophetic vision shows it to be understood of the
present church; but it seems clearly to be attributed not inconveniently to
Mary. Certainly it is she who as it were clothes herself with another sun.
For just as he rises indifferently upon the just and the unjust, so she also
. . . shows herself approachable to the prayers of all."
7. MOON CONSTRUED TO BE THE CHURCH.—It is nothing
great, says Bernard, to say that the moon (any defect of frailty
or corruption) is beneath the feet of her who must be accepted
as exalted above all the angels. The moon, he continues, cus-
tomarily represents foolishness of mind, "on account of fickle-
ness," and sometimes the present church, because of its reflected
light."
Mary, he adds, is doubtless "the woman once promised by
God to crush with the foot of her virtue the head of the ancient
serpent." Finally the dragon, through Herod, lies in wait to
destroy the woman's Child at His birth."
Then he continues the eulogy, typical of the time, of Mary
as mediatrix:
"Assuredly the fleece is the medium between the dew and the ground,
the woman between the sun and the moon; Mary is set between Christ
and the church." '2
Paul says, "Put ye on the Lord Jesus" (Rom. 13:14); simi-
larly, as Christ, our Sun, remains in Mary, she clothes Him and
is clothed by Him."
8. SUN AND TWELVE STARS EXPOUNDED.—"It is beyond
man" to explain the crown of twelve stars, yet "not incongru-
ously, perhaps, we seem to understand those twelve stars as
twelve prerogatives of grace with which Mary is uniquely
adorned."
22 Translated from Bernard, Dominica Infra Octavam Assumptionis B. V. Mariae, Sermo,

sec. 3, in Migne, PL, vol. 183, col. 430. 3° Ibid., col. 431.
"Ibid., sec. 4. (The reference to Genesis 3:15 is based, of course, on the Vulgate, which
makes the woman, not the Seed, crush the serpent.)
12 Ibid., sec. 5, col. 432. 38 Ibid., sec. 6.
34 Mid, sec. 7, col. 433. The Cistercian order like the later monastic reform movements,
boasted the special patronage of the Virgin, and Bernard himself was a notable devotee and
champion of Mary. Yet, although he believed that she was born without sin and lived without
sin, he would not believe that she was conceived without sin. His opposition to the new teaching
of her Immaculate Conception was the strongest influence in postponing for centuries the final
official acceptance of this dogma. (See Coulton, Five Centuries, vol. 1, pp. 142, 368, 293, also
Bernard's letter 174, to the Canons of Lyons, in Life and Works, vol. 2, pp. 512-518.)
9. PAPAL CLAIMANT CALLED ANTICHRIST.—Bernard's treat-

ment of Antichrist offers an interesting example of the way in
which a preacher, concerned with moving his hearers to right
living rather than with formulating systematic theology, some-
times approaches a subject from different angles at different
times. Around 1128 we find him disagreeing with Norbert, arch-
bishop of Magdeburg, who was convinced that Antichrist, and
a general persecution in the church, would come in his genera-
tion.'
But in 1130, at the death of Pope Honorius II, when Ber-
nard championed the cause of Gregory (Innocent II), against
a Tival claimant, Peter Leon is (Anacletus), who won control in
Rome, he applied the prophetic epithet to the other claimant.
"Behold, Innocent, that anointed of the Lord, is set for the fall and
rising again of many (cf. S. Luke ii.34). Those who are of God, gladly
join themselves to him; but he who is of the opposite part, is either of
Antichrist, or Antichrist himself. The abomination is seen standing in the
holy place: and that he may seize it, like a flame he is burning the
sanctuary of Got-1.'8
"They [who claim "that the whole Church has been led to recognize
Peter Leonis"] are lying men whom, with Antichrist their head, the Truth
shall destroy with the breath of His mouth." "
10. APPLIES "BEAST" OF APOCALYPSE TO ANTIPOPE—It was
in this connection that he wrote concerning this antipope:
"That beast of the Apocalypse (Apoc. xiii. 5-7)., to whom is given a
mouth speaking blasphemies, and to make war with the saints, is sitting
on the throne of Peter, like a lion ready for his prey."
He even applies the term Antichrist to a bishop who had
deserted the cause of Innocent for that of the schismatic
contender.
"But whosoever tries to divide those whom Christ has joined together
for their salvation proves himself to be, not a Christian, but an Antichrist,
and guilty of the Cross and death of unrist." '
Bernard, Leturs, Letter 56 (to Geoffrey, bishop of Chartres), in Life and Works,
vol. 1, pp. 235-237.
se Bernard, Letters, Letter 124 (to Hildebert, archbishop of Tours [c. 11311), in Life and
Works, vol. 1, p. 397.
3 Ibid., Letter 127 (to William, count of Poitou), p. 417.
as Ibid., Letter 125 (to Geoffrey of Loretto), p. 399; for a similar reference see Letter 126
(to the bishops of Aquitaine), p. 408.
39 Ibid., Letter 126 (to the bishops of Aquitaine), p. 407.
640 PROPHETIC FAITH
11. LATER SEES ANTICHRIST AS COMING MESSENGER OF

SATAN.—In his sermons on the Song of Solomon, written several
years after the letters regarding the papal schism, Bernard
makes several allusions to Antichrist without specifically iden-
tifying him. He is evidently Paul's Man of Sin, for he is to be
slain "by the Breath of His Mouth"; but he is also identified
as "night," which "signifies the devil, the angel of Satan," who
transforms himself into an angel of light." In another sermon
he is described as the demon of noonday who simulates the
midday light in order to deceive, and exalts himself above all
that is worshiped."
Quoting psalm 91, Bernard says that the "terror that walk-
eth by night" was the persecution of the early church; the
"arrow that flieth by day" was the teaching of the heretics in
the period of the church's elevation; now, in his time, after
the church is free from both these evils, she is still contaminated
by "the pestilence that walketh in darkness," that is, the insidi-
ous corruption of the hypocrites in the church, the "Ministers
of Christ" who "are serving Antichrist." This present evil
period of walking in darkness is to be followed by "the destruc-
tion that wasteth at noonday"—the appearance of Antichrist,
who has already seduced the great ones of the church:2
"There remains only one thing—that the demon of noonday should
appear, to seduce those who remain still in Christ, and in the simplicity
which is in Him. He has, without question, swallowed up the rivers of
the learned, and the torrents of those who are powerful, and (as says the
Scripture) he trusteth that he can draw up Jordan into his mouth (Job
x1.23)—that is to say, those simple and humble ones who are in the Church.
For this is he who is Antichrist, who counterfeits not only the day, but also
the noonday; who exalts himself above all that is called God or worshipped
—whom the Lord Jesus shall consume with the Spirit of His Mouth, and
destroy with the brightness of His Coming (2 Thess. ii.4, 8); for He is the
true and eternal Noonday: the Bridegroom, the Defender of the Church,
Who is above all, God blessed for ever. AMEN." "
40 Bernard, Sermons on the Song of Songs, Sermon 72, sec. 5, in Life and Works, vol. 4,
p. 445.
41 Ibid., Sermon 33, sec. 9, p. 220. 42 Mid, secs. 14-16, pp. 222-224.
42 Ibid., sec. 16, p. 224. Bernard later repeats this explanation of the periods of the
church, which are reminiscent of an earlier interpretation of the second, third, and fourth seals
as the periods of the martyrs, the heretics, and the hypocrites (see page 551) ; this time he calls
12. MINISTERS OF CHRIST ARE "SLAVES TO ANTICHRIST."—

Although ardently attached to the church, Bernard saw in "the
pestilence that walketh in darkness," the corruptions and pride
of the hierarchy, now grown too flagrant to be kept secret. He
was so struck by the marks of antichristianism in the church
of Rome that he thus boldly employed all the thunder of his
rhetoric to proclaim that its clergy had become the "servants
of Antichrist." The eminence of the man made his utterances
all the more noteworthy, and possibly exerted an influence
later on the developing tendency to look in the church and at
the Papacy for the prophesied Antichrist.
Note in the sermon just quoted Bernard's incisive rebuke
of the clergy who constitute "the destruction that wasteth at
noonday".:
"All are her [the church's] friends, and all her enemies; all are her
intimates, and all her adversaries; all are of her own household, and none
at peace with her; all are very nearly related to her, and yet all are seeking
their own interests. They are Ministers of Christ, and they are serving
[serviunt, are slaves to] Antichrist. They are advanced to honour upon
the goods of the Lord, and to the Lord they render no honour at all. From
this proceeds that meretricious splendour, that habit fit for a comedian,-
that magnificence almost royal which you see every day. Because of this
you see gold upon the bits of their horses, upon their saddles, and even
upon their spurs; yes, their spurs shine more brightly than their altars.
Because of this you see fine tables loaded with splendid services of
plate, chased goblets, and, also, with viands correspondingly costly; then
follow merrymakings and drunkenness, the guitar, the lyre, and the
flute. Thence come groaning winepresses and storehouses full and over-
flowing with all manner of good things. Thence come vases of rich per-
fumes, and coffers filled with immense treasures. It is for the attainment of
such objects that they desire to be, and are, Provosts of churches, Deans,
Archdeacons, Bishops, Archbishops. For these dignities are not given for
merit, but are disposed of in that infamous traffic which walketh in dark-
ness." "
The Cistercian "eschatology was practically that of the
early disciples; a close expectation of the Second Coming and
a conviction of the imminent appearance of Antichrist; the final
the "noonday demon" the Man of Sin. (See his sermon 6 of the series on psalm 90 [A.V.,
psalm 91], Qui Habitat, secs. 6, 7, in Migne, PL vol. 183, cols. 199, 200:)
44 Bernard, Sermons on the Song of Songs, §ermon 33, sec. 15, in Life and Works, vol.
4, pp. 223, 224.
21
642 PROPHETIC FAITH
fight, in fact, seemed already to have begun. Nation was rising

against nation; the disastrous earthquake of 1222 seemed a clear
fulfillment of Christ's prophecy." " Loyal to the pope, and most
active in the Albigensian crusade, inevitably they were drawn
into world affairs, and away from their strict adherence to the
original Rule of Benedict. But a new factor was about to he in-
jected at this time.
III. The Friars Overthrow the Old Monastic Ideal
And now, in the beginning years of the thirteenth century,
after the monastic reforms of Cluny and the Cistercians, an en-
tirely new expression of the monastic ideal appeared in the form
of various orders of friars—in fact, it was a complete reversal of
the old monastic ideal. "Live," said the monk, "as if you were
alone in this world with God." "Live," said both St. Francis and
St. Dominic, "as if you existed only for the sake of others." Their
conception of monasticism was so utterly different that the friars
were forbidden to enter the walls of any monastery." The old
orders had emphasized retirement from life in the world, and
preoccupation with personal salvation amid the quiet austerities
of monastic life. The new orders deliberately planted them-
selves in the heart of the busy haunts of men, and sought to make
themselves indispensable to humanity." They were essentially
a company of social workers.
The order of Franciscan Friars sprang, of course, from
Francis of Assisi, in Italy, who was born in 1181 or 1182. In 1208
he felt the urge to go out to preach and to heal the sick just as
Jesus had done. He and some companions gave up all their
worldly connections and went out barefoot to sing and to preach,
and to dwell among the despised of mankind. Soon many fol-
lowed, seeing in this way of life the only remedy for the cor-
ruption of the world. This order grew enormously. Then its
founding ideals changed, and great churches 'were built, espe-
cially in Italy, to accommodate the vast crowds that came to hear
45 Coulton, Five Centuries, vol. 1 p. 367.
40 Workman, op. cit., pp. 271,2n. 47 Ault, op. cit., p. 489.
the now popular Franciscan preachers, or Minorites, as they

frequently called themselves."
Another group, the Dominican Order, recognized by Ho-
norius III in 1216, was founded by Dominic of Castille (b.
1170). His burden was to preach the correct doctrine, to estab-
lish the true faith, and to erase all heresy from Christ's king-
dom. The Dominicans, or preaching friars, came to emphasize
intellectualism. They were accomplished Latinists, and were
thoroughly trained in theology and canon law. They became
especially active in university towns. Some became noted schol-
ars, and obtained professorships at Paris, Oxford, Montpellier,
Bologna, and Toulouse. Thomas Aquinas was one of their
greatest lights." Whereas the Dominicans were proud of their
libraries, the Franciscans were proud of their sick wards. This
perhaps best illustrates the difference between the two orders."'
In 1233 the Dominican Order was made primarily respon-
sible, by Gregory IX, for carrying out the work of the Inquisi-
tion. As Inquisitors they became a distinct clan, dissociated from
the pastoral care of souls. They even had power over priests and
bishops, and no appeal could be made from their judgment
except to the papal court."
Both orders thus appeared in the period when papal might
was reaching its climax, along with marked spiritual depravity.
These, although willing instruments in the hands of the Papacy,
nevertheless emphasized the spiritual side of religious .life,
thereby seeking to counterbalance and somewhat redeem the
evil effects of an ecclesiastical hierarchy that had departed from
the simple precepts of Christ.
IV. Scholasticism's Contribution to Papal Power
Having outlined in the preceding paragraphs the tremen-
dou
s inllnence nt monasticism upon the upsurge of papal power,
we have now to notice another strand of influence which helped
to form the tightly woven pattern of Roman Catholicism.
Ibid., pp. 489-491.
"Joseph R. Strayer and Dana Carleton Munro, The Middle Ages, p. 312.
.73 Ault, op. cit., p. 492. 5, David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, p. 523.
644 PROPHETIC FAITH
1. CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES EMERGE.—Along

with the growth of the towns, large churches and cathedrals were
erected into which generations of skilled workmen contributed
their best efforts. Then schools came to be attached to these
cathedrals, which often outshone the purely monastic schools.
Tours, Orleans, Rheims, Chartres, and Paris became famous for
such training, and during the eleventh and twelfth centuries the
greatest scholars of the age came from these cathedral schools.
And during this period yet another type of institution en-
tered the picture—the universities. These sprang up on the
soil of the cathedral schools, but were of independent growth.
Their organization was patterned after that of the guilds. They
became, in fact, the literary guilds, each representing a com-
munity of intellectual workers. At first they centered around
groups of brilliant and enthusiastic teachers. The famous school
of medicine, at Salerno, was perhaps the first on European
soil to resemble the later universities. And in the twelfth
century a group of students of law in Bologna organized and
formed an association, out of which developed the University
of Bologna."
A similar institution was founded in Paris, which became
the center of theological studies, but it soon came under super-
vision of the church. Oxford, Cambridge, Toulouse, Valencia,
Naples, Salamanca, and others followed. During the late Middle
Ages, Paris became the most important educational institution
in Europe, so that a saying of the thirteenth century ran: "The
Italians have the Papacy, the Germans have the Empire, but
the French have the University." At Prague, Vienna, and
Heidelberg universities were established by the princes. So,
by the fourteenth century there were forty-five separate univer-
sities in Europe.
The courses of studies in these centers of learning were
based on the so-called seven liberal arts. At that time, however,
the term "arts" did not have the same connotation as it has
52 Strayer and Munro, op. cit., p. 261.
63 Ibid., p. 262.
today. "Arts" merely meant the different branches of learning

taught at that time. These were divided into two groups: First
came the trivium, embracing grammar, rhetoric, and dialectics
—in other words, the sciences of language, oratory, and logic.
The quadrivium comprised the second group, consisting of
arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. The period of
study extended over seven to nine years. Four to five years were
required for the degree of baccalaureus artium (B.A.), and three
to four more for the magister artium (M.A.).
To receive a Master's degree, the candidate was required
to know most of the philosophy of Aristotle, that is, the ethics,
metaphysics, and politics. After having received his Master's
degree, the student then went on to the higher faculties of
theology, law, or medicine. The course of theology at Paris
required a minimum of eight years before the degree of Doctor
was conferred upon the student.' However, the bulk of the
clergy was not materially afected by thp universities. The
country priests, and many city priests as well, did not commonly
come to them.
2. PHILOSOPHY BECOMES MASTER OF RELIGION.—In the
cathedral schools, and later in the universities, dialectics were
applied intensively to the religious field, and great efforts were
made to translate dogma into rational concepts and revelation
into a philosophy. That is, an attempt was made to understand
and to interpret all religious truth by philosophical reasoning.
Scholasticism really began with the conflict between traditional-
ism and free inquiry. Philosophy was at first considered to be
the handmaid of religion, but soon became its master, leaving
its imprint on all dogma and interpreting all doctrine.
In defining a doctrine and deciding a case Aristotle and
his metaphysics was the final authority more often than the
Bible. Thus scholasticism was established as a philosophico-
theological system, professing to revive the vanished science
of dogma. The variations of the syllogism were sedulously
54 Ault, op. tit., pp. 506, 507.
646 PROPHETIC FAITH
studied, in order to acquire facility in reasoning about dogma.

But scholasticism retained the monopoly.'
This era of scholasticism is often divided into three
periods: its infancy, from the eleventh to the thirteenth cen-
- turies; its maturity, from the thirteenth to the fifteenth, when
the great universities and religious orders were flourishing; and
its decline, from the fifteenth to the end of the sixteenth cen-
turies.' Among the great names of the first period are Anselm,
Abelard, and Peter Lombard. The second period embraces
Alexander of Hales, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Bona-
Ventura, Roger Bacon, and Duns Scotus; and the third period
includes William of Occam."
3. SCRIPTURE MADE TO SUPPORT EVERY EXTRAVAGANCE.—
The Bible was considered to have a deep, mystical meaning, and
its plainest verses were allegorized to such an extent that nothing
of the simplicity of the Word remained. Theology developed
more and more into a system of mental gymnastics, and subjects
of no practical importance were discussed to unbelievable
lengths. For instance, they sought to establish the very hour
when Adam sinned, or whether an angel can be in several places
at the same time, and so on. Gross perversions resulted. Legates
trampled upon the decrees of emperors on the basis of "feed
my lambs." The plural of "keys" was proffered as proof that
the pope had kingly as well as pontifical power. The forged
Donation of Constantine was considered only a just restitution.
And the Inquisition was defended with the words, "They gather
them in bundles and burn them."
Orthodox scholasticism treated the letter of Scripture—
even its plainest portions as an enigma, destroying the mean-
ing of the Old Testament in an attempt to make it speak the
language of church tradition. Useless and irrelevant parallels
resulted, with plays on words and idle Jewish fancies. Farrar
refers to this way of explaining the Scripture as not only the
Lagarde. op. cit., pp. 538, 539.
5' David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, pp. 592, 593.
Farrar, History, p. 298,
"helpless secondhandness of the mediaeval commentators, but

also the absurdity to which their systematic allegorising often
led them." " This naturally nullified all understanding of
prophecy. Under scholasticism every part of Scripture was sub-
jected to a multiple exposition, borrowed from Jewish Talmud-
ism and Cabalism, or traced back to Origen and his triple
meaning—which the scholars now expanded to four or five.
Thus they made the Scriptures a book of deep mysteries, with
seals that only the priests and monks could unlock, thereby
keeping them out of the hands of the multitude.
Verily the scholastics had woven interminable webs. They
were afflicted with boundless prolixity, and ponderous tomes
were produced. They were cursed with a mass of verbiage, word-
splitting, tyrannical dogmatism, and wordy wars about nothings
—the number of angels that could dance upon the point of a
pin, whether man in the resurrection will receive back the rib
he lost in Eden, or what happens to a mouse which eats a crumb
of the consecrated host." Nothing short of a revolutionary
reformation could shake the walls of such a structure and rescue
the Scriptures from centuries of misuse.
4. BATTLE BETWEEN "NOMINALISM" AND "REALISM."—
Such endless and profitless discussions brought scholasticism
into grave disrepute, and justly so. But the main battle in that .
age was really fought out on a different issue. It was waged
around the philosophical concepts of what were termed "nomi-
nalism" and "realism." To grasp the intent of these terms, we
must understand that "nominalism" defended the premise that
the general conceptions at which we arrive—the "universals," as
they were called in medieval language—are inere-names, and
have no real or objective existence. This meant that the general
conception of tree exists only in ones mind; and that there is
no reality to support the conception.
The same principle was applied to esthetics and ethical
conceptions. For example, beauty and ugliness are both simply
Ibid., p. 269.
0. David S. Schad, op. cit., part 1, p. 594.
648 PROPHETIC FAITH
conceptions of the mind, gotten from the observation of objects

which are considered either beautiful or ugly. But beauty and
ugliness do not exist in themselves. This doctrine found ex-
pression in the statement universalia post rem, that is, the
abstract becomes known after the concrete.
The other side was represented in "realism." This, in its
unmodified form, states that our conceptions of the universals
have a real existence, that they, in fact, are creative types—
exemplars in the divine mind, from which spring the diversity
of the actual types. In other words, a tree exists, unspecified,
and all the many kinds of trees, as birch, beech, and oak trees,
are only the offspring of this original conception of a tree. This
maxim was stated in the words universalia ante rem, that is,
the universals exist before the individual, concrete object.
This difference may seem to be of trifling importance in
our age, but it would be fallacious to underestimate its concern
to the Fundamentalists of their day, as they might be termed,
bent on defending the reality of spiritual truth. The Nominal-
ists were the Rationalists, accepting as reality only what could be
grasped by the senses. In modern parlance we would call it the
struggle between the principle of faith and the evidence of
science.
V. Berengarius—Battles Transubstantiation; Labels Rome

"Seat of Satan"
Before the controversy between the two schools of scholas-
ticism began to flare up there were always men who would not
accept certain doctrines propagated by the church which were
mainly based on the miraculous. Instead, they defended the
position that reason should have its rightful place in the devel-
opment of religious thought.
One such was BERENGARIUS (Berengar) or Berenger of
Tours (c. 998-1088), canon of the cathedral at Tours, and later
head of its school. Afterward he became archdeacon of Angers,
France. He had publicly and resolutely maintained the merely
spiritual character of the holy supper. Of deep learning, he
came to the conclusion that the rather common teaching of

transubstantiation was untrue—that the bread and wine were
not changed and that Christ's presence in the Eucharist was only
spiritual, not material." The dogma of transubstantiation was
not yet formally pronounced by the Catholic Church, though
it was tacitly regarded as the correct position.
The disclosure of his views to his pupils created a sensation
which resulted in the extension of many warnings and entreaties
to Berengarius, for his views began "corrupting" the French,
the Italians, and the English." His greatest controversy was with
Lanfranc of Normandy, later archbishop of Canterbury from
1070 to 1089. The ebb and flow of the prolonged controversy
lasted for thirty years, through eight pontificates, or until 1080,
when Berengarius retired to live a solitary life until his death
at the age of about ninety, in 1088.
1. SEE OF ROME DENOMINATED "SEAT OF SATAN."—In this
battle with the hierarchy; especially after the council at Rome in
1059, Berengarius denounced the contemporary pope and the
Roman church in severest language. In fact, he went so far in.
this controversy as to call the Rorhan church "vanitatis con-
cilium, et ecclesiam malignantium, . . non apostolicain sed
sedem Satanae" ("council of vanity, and church of malignants,
. . . not the apostolic see, but the seat of Satan")." A writer in
1088, the death year of Berengarius, leaves an account of the
various condemnations and recantations in which this brief but
illuminating paragraph occurs:
"But Berengarius, according to his custom, did not fear to return
to his own vomit, and beyond all heretics, he presumed to blaspheme
Roman pontiffs, and the holy Roman church, by words and writings.
Actually the holy pope Leo he called, not Pontifex, but 'pompifex' and
'pulpifex': and the holy Roman church, the c ancii of vanity, and the
church of malignants; and he did not fear to call, by speech and pen, the
Roman see [seatl, not Apostolic, but the seat of Satan." s*
Schaff, History; vol. 4, pp. 554 ff .; J. C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 4, pp. 351 ff.;
Waddington, op. cit., pp. 292-294.
62 Thomas Newton, op. cit., p. 451.
63 C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 362, n. f.
8, T
anslated
ra from De Berengarii Haeresiarchae Damnatione Multiplici, attributed to
650 PROPHETIC FAITH
2. FORCED TO RECANT; REVERTS TO CONVICTIONS.-The

allusion to returning "to his own vomit" refers to his several
recantings under papal council pressure, followed by his repu-
diation of these recantings. Though forced to capitulate, he re-
verted again and again to his convictions. The full force of this
reference can best be perceived by listing and noting the nine
councils, under four popes, before which he was cited, personally
or in absentia, for admonition and disciplinary action.
(1) Rome (April, 1050), under Leo IX. Berengarius was not present;
his letter to Lanfranc was read; Berengarius was deprived of church com-
munion and condemned.
(2) Vercelli (September, 1050). Berengarius refused to attend; he was
condemned a second time without a hearing; also a book of John Scotus
on the Eucharist was condemned.
(3) Paris (1050). Former judgment against Berengarius was con-
firmed. Berengarius was threatened with death unless he retracted; he was
deprived of the temporalities of his benefice.
(4) Tours (1054, formerly dated 1055). At this council Berengarius
made his first retraction, which was soon abandoned. He escaped condem-
nation through the aid of Hildebrand, the papal legate, who was satisfied
with the admission that the consecrated bread and wine are the body
and blood of Christ.
(5) Rome (1059), under Nicholas II. There were 113 bishops pres-
ent; Berengarius signed a profession of faith concerning the Eucharist,
but soon reverted to his former position.
(6) Poitiers (1075 or 1076), under Gregory VII. Berengarius nar-
rowly escaped with his life.
(7) Rome (1078). Berengarius made a confession of the faith. Gregory
VII wanted to give hiin peace, but his cardinals demanded full recanta-
tion, or death.
(8) Rome (1079). There were 150 bishops present; Berengarius was
compelled to subscribe to a formula, which he soon repudiated upon
return to France.
(9) Bordeaux (1080). Once more before a council he made a final
confession.'
Bernaldus, in /vligne, PL, vol. 148, col. 1456; see also Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part 1,
cols. 1014 1015.
65 1 Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 103; Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part 1, cols. 1015, 1016.
2 Landon, op. cit., vol. 2 p. 264; Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part 1 cols. 1017, 1018.
3 Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 23; Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part I, cols. 1021-1026.
4 Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 176; Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part 1, cols. 1041, 1042;
(5) Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 103,_104; Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part 1, col. 1064.
(6) Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 57; Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part 1, cols. 1551, 1552.
(1 Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 106.
(8 Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 106: Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part 1, col. 1585.
(9 Landon, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 100; Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, part 1, cols. 1587, 1588.
For a sketch of the actions of the councils see Lagarde, op. cit., pp. 434, 435.
It was during this prolonged battle, be it noted, that Beren-

garius' remarkable statements were made concerning Antichrist.
He died in sorrow over his vacillation."
VI. The Battle Within Scholasticism

ANSELM OF CANTERBURY (1033-1109), a native of Pied-
mont, went to France, and became a monk. He studied under
the famous Lanfranc, and succeeded him as abbot of the monas-
tery of Bec and later also as archbishop of Canterbury, becom-
ing thereby the head of the church in England. He was meek
and humble, and of spotless integrity. At the same time he loudly
defended the rights of the church against those of the crown. He
was pre-eminently a scholar, however, and in the history of the-
ology he stands as the father of orthodox scholasticism.
He was a representative of extreme "realism," in order to
irieet the nominalistic tendency of his time. Dogma should not
be probed by reason, and reason should be subordinate to tradi-
tion, which to him was equal to revelation. The task of scho-
lastic theology, according to him, was to show the logical devel-
opment of the doctrines of: the church as translated by the
Fathers, and to give a dialectical demonstration:" This finally
became the norm of ail orthodox theology in the Roman church.
PETRus ABELARD (Pierre de Palais, or Petrus Palatinus,
1079-1142) placed reason above the authority of tradition. Born
nea r Nantes, France, he must be noted as one of the boldest
thinkers of the Middle Ages, who sought to break down the
authority of tradition and the veneration of the Fathers. A
professor at twenty-three, he helped to develop the restless spirit
of speculation, and became a master in dialectics, taking as his
motto, "By doubting, we arrive at truth." He was the first great
critic. Theprophets did not always speak under the Spirit of
Mosheim, op. cit., century 11, part 2, chap. 3, sec. 17, n. 2, vol. 2, pp. 382, 383.
67 C. A. Beckwith, "Anselm, Saint, of Canterbury," The New Schaff-Herzog, vol. I,
pp. 188-190.
63 Farrar, History, p. 259; Lagarde, op. tit., pp. 570, 573.
652 PROPHETIC FAITH
God, he held. Even Peter made mistakes. Why should not the
Fathers also have made mistakes? In his book Sic et Non (Yes and
No), he presented the contradictory opinions of the Fathers,
and opened the way to criticism of the patristic texts.
The didactic faculty was predominant. If the principles,
"Reason aids faith" and "Faith aids reason," are to be taken as
the inspiration of scholastic theology, then Abelard was inclined
to emphasize the former.
Abelard brought searching logic to bear on the whole range
of contemporary theology, and challenged the old concepts. He
exerted his influence over some five thousand students, some
of whom were later bishops, and one was even a pope (Celestine
II). That brought him often into conflict with the more ortho-
dox, and one of his strongest opponents was Bernard of Clair-
vaux. Both men saw plainly enough what was at stake in the
conflict of principle. If Bernard's principle should prevail, then
authority should be the only guide of the Christian conscience
and the appeal even to historical facts would be treason and
heresy. If Abelard's principles should prevail, they must un-
doubtedly lead to the modernist's view and evolve doctrines
entirely incompatible with the authoritarian position. Here,
already in the twelfth century, we have the beginnings of the
struggle of Ultramontanism against Modernism." Abelard was
tried as a heretic, and condemned at the Council of Sens in
1141, and ordered to silence and retirement in a monastery.
1. PETER LOMBARD—FATHER OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY.
—Next we come to one who is outstanding, not so much for his
originality, as for his industry in the collection of all available
theological knowledge, thus rendering a remarkable service to
the church. This is PETER LOMBARD (c. 1100-1164), who was
born at Novara, Italy, and studied in Bologna, Paris, and
Rheims. He was sponsored by Bernard of Clairvaux. He eagerly
read Abelard, but was not so polemically inclined as to take sides.
Rather he was interested in spanning the whole field of theology.
7° Coulton, Five Centuries, vol. I, pp. 296, 297.
TWO MOVEMENTS STRENGTHEN PAPAL. POWER 653
He systematically covered the entire ground of dogmatics, and is

considered the father of systematic theology in the Catholic
Church. His four books of Sentences became the most popular
theological textbook, and these were held in esteem as high as
were Calvin's Institutes later in the Reformed Church. Loni-
bard's Sentences and Thomas Aquinas' Summa were studied
and expounded more than the Scriptures."
As an index to the scope of Peter Lombard's influence, it
may be noted that 152 commentaries were produced by the
Dominicans and about as many by the Franciscans.
2. PETER COMESTOR: STRESSES LITERAL, HISTORICAL IN-
TERPRETATION.—PETER COMESTOR (d. about 1178) was praised
to the pope as being among the three most cultured men in
France. His works include commentaries on the Gospels and a
Biblical history. Comestor's exposition of Daniel 2 delineates
the gold, silver, brass, and iron as Babylon, Persia, Grecia, and
Rome in standard form. On the ensuing divisions and the still
future establishment of the kingdom of God he quotes Josephus
as saying that the stone is believed by the Hebrews to be their
future kingdom."
He applies the beast symbols of Daniel 7 to the same series
of world kingdoms, with the ten horns as ten divisions of the.
Roman kingdom at the end, and the Little Horn as Antichrist
(out of Dan, born in Babylonia), who uproots three kings and
kills the Two Witnesses, Enoch and Elijah, and rules three and
a half years."
VII. Scholasticism's Apex Under Albertus Magnus

The next two figures to be noted, who exerted a deter-
mining influence upon the development of Catholic dogmatic
teaching, are two Dominicans—Aibertus Magnus and his even
more illustrious pupil, Thomas Aquinas.
The literary giant of his time was ALBERTUS MAGNUS (1193
n Farrar, History, p. 263; Lagarde, op. cit., p. 577.
n Peter Comestor, Historia ScholastIca, Historia Libri Danielis, chap. 2, in Migne, PL,
vol. 198 col. 1449.
d Ibid., chap. 6, cols. 1453, 1454.
654 PROPHETIC FAITH
or 1206-1280). Born in Swabia, he taught theology and philos-

ophy at Cologne, and also for a short period in Paris, was made
bishop of Ratisbon, but resigned soon thereafter, that he might
return to his professorship in Cologne.
He was a keen student of nature, and wrote effectively on
botany, zoology, meteorology, and astronomy. His knowledge
was often faulty, though some of his statements have proved to
be prophetic of modern discoveries. Because of his vast learning
he was called the Doctor Universalis. He sought to harmonize
the philosophy of Aristotle with the dogmas of the church. He
considered theology, however, as the truest science, and even
more than a science—as wisdom. He wrote a number of com-
mentaries; among them were two on Daniel and the Apocalypse.
His commentaries were a verse-by-verse explanation, fol-
lowing the method of the glossa, giving not so much his own
opinion and explanation as the different possible explanations.
For instance, the "ten days" mentioned in connection with
the Smyrna church can be the present life of man, which should
pass through ten forms of development, or it can mean the
Roman rulers, who are indicated by the ten horns of the beast
(starting with Nero and ending with Diocletian), or the forms
of tribulation which the church must suffer—and after enu-
merating seven specific tribulations, he adds three of a general
nature, namely, the world, the flesh, and the devil." Often he
follows Bede or Haymo or others. Frequently interesting side-
lines open up, as for example under Jezebel, mentioned in the
Thyatira church, he sees the heresy of Mohammed."
Similarly, in his explanation of the fifth trumpet he remarks
that the smoke rising from the pit is Antichristian teaching, and
the locusts are the forerunners of Antichrist." The forty-two
months mentioned in Revelation 11 refer to the ruling time or
period of Antichrist.' In the woman in the sun he sees the
church in her struggle against Satan.' The twelve stars on her
head are the twelve apostles of Jesus. But he also gives another
74 Albertus Magnus, In Apocal ypsim B. Joannis Apostoli, in Opera Omnia, vol. 38,
pp. 511, 512.

75 Ibid., p. 520. 78 Ibid., pp. 614, 615. 71 Ibid., p. 639. 78 Ibid., p. 652.
TWO MOVLMENTS STRENGTHEN PAPAL POWER 655
explanation, as referring to Mary the virgin—and he mentions

Bernard's Mariology in this connection." We see, therefore, that
his explanation is not original, but is rather a compendium of
the opinions of others.
In the leopard beast of Revelation 13 he sees Antichrist,
and in the second, lamblike beast he understands the preachers
of Antichrist." In the matter of the thousand years he follows
Haymo, who said that it comprises all the time from the Passion
of Christ to the end of this saeculum," while the believers are
living in faith with Christ during that period." This is, of course,
the old Augustinian view that still held general sway. There is
here no progress in prophetic interpretation but simply a reiter-
ation of the generally accepted opinion dominant during the
Middle Ages. The rejuvenation of prophetical research will
obviously come, not through the learned masters of theology and
philosophy, but through individuals perturbed by the excesses
of their times, and ever searching for a hope which would give
them courage to continue their way in this weary world.
VIII. Thomas Aquinas, Codifier of Theology

Albertus Magnus had opened new fields of investigation,
and gathered an enormous amount of knowledge. But an organ-
izing genius was needed to make the material available for the-
church in general. This genius came upon the scene in the
person of his pupil THOMAS AQUINAS (1225-1274). He was born
near Naples about 1225, went to Monte Cassino, later to the
university of Naples, and then entered the Dominican Order in
1243. There he sat at the feet of Albertus Magnus, who recog-
nized his coming greatness. Thomas, in his later life, became
the most eminent divine of the Latin church, next to Augustine.
In his teachings, especially in his famous work SUMIna
Theologica, we have, with but few exceptions, the doctrinal
tenets of the Latin church, in their perfected exposition, just
as we find them later in the decrees of the Council of Trent,
79 Ibid., p. 654. 8° Ibid., p. 670. sl Ibid., p. 755. 22 Ibid., p. 756.

656 PROPHETIC FAITH
there in their final redaction. Thomas is revered in the Catholic

Church as the Doctor Angelicus.
Just as monasticism underwent a radical change during
this period, and became more and more an instrument in the
hand of the hierarchy, so scholasticism provided the scholars
that helped the church to crystallize her doctrines and to estab-
lish her foundations. At the same time it is noteworthy that
these scholars sprang mostly from the ranks of the new orders,
the Dominicans and the Franciscans.
Thomas Aquinas was not important as a prophetic exposi-
tor; his commentary on Daniel is not particularly original,
although an occasional detail shows his individual touch. His
exposition on the Apocalypse was largely incorporated in his
Summa Theologica, especially in the Supplement to the third
part, which, after his death, was compiled from an earlier work.
What makes him important is the fact that the Summa is still
regarded as the greatest codification of Catholic doctrine, and
is used to this day in Catholic schools and colleges. That is not
to say, of course, that every word, written from his medieval
viewpoint, is considered authoritative, but the theological prin-
ciples are still the same.'
His exposition of Daniel is the old, familiar interpreta-
tion, for which he cites Jerome, Augustine, and others, but his
scholastic method is apparent in the formal treatment of the
material. In each section he organizes the discussion in such sub-
divisions as the "original cause," the "final cause," the "material
cause," the "formal cause," the "arguments," the "doubtful
opinions," the "moral opinions," and the like.
1. HOLDS HISTORICAL VIEW ON FOUR EMPIRES.—Up to
Daniel 7, he says, the first coming of Christ is referred to, but
from here on the second advent is dealt with, including the time
of Antichrist, who is the Little Horn ruling over seven horns.'
"See various essays on the use of the Summa in religious education in Thomas Aquinas,
Summa Theologica, Appendix, following the Supplement in vol. 3 of the complete American
edition. They cite the Supplement on a par with the rest; for its origin, see note to Supplement,
vol. 3, p. 2573.
84 Thomas Aquinas, Expositio in Danielem, chap. 7, p. 32, in Opera, vol. 18.
The four kingdoms of Daniel 2 and 7 are the usual Babylonia,

Persia, Grecia, and Rome; and the stone is the kingdom of
Christ, which will last through all generations.' The ten horns
are the ten future kings in the time of Antichrist; Egypt, Ethi-
opia, and Africa are uprooted. The time, times, and half a time
are the three and a half years of the Antichrist's kingdom. And
in one Roman Empire, because of Antichrist's proud words, all
kingdoms are to be destroyed. Then the saints are exalted at the
advent of the Son of man; all the earth is subjected to the
churchly power, and perhaps the prelates and members of
monastic orders will be holy like the apostles of Christ."
He doubts Porphyry's theory of Antiochus as the Little
Horn of chapter 7." But he makes Antiochus the Little Horn
of chapter 8, coming out of the Seleucid division of Alexander's
empire, with the 2300 days as the time of his devastation of
Jerusalem. This horn is also A"christ, and his three-nri-^ne-
half-year persecution is equated with the 1290 days."
2. SEVENTY WEEKS LUNAR YEARS TO UHRIST.—The 70
weeks are 490 "abbreviated," or lunar, years frcm the twentieth
year of Artaxerxes. The seven weeks are the building under
Nehemiah; in the last week Christ is baptized after three and
a half years, and crucified at about the end (in the second half).
Citing Jerome and Bede, he reckons the 490 lunar years, or 475
solar years, to extend to the eighteenth year of Tiberius.'
3. FOLLOWS AUGUSTINE ON ANTICHRIST.—In chapter 11
Aquinas finds Antiochus as a type of Antichrist. He cites Jerome
for a Jewish Antichrist from Babylon. This is the Man of Sin
who will stand in the temple and make himself as God, pretend-
ing to be the Messiah, but secretly worshiping the devil. He will
F-rs.te three of the 1-inrpc, hilt will he
killed when he ascends the Mount of Olives.'
Ibid., chap. 2 p. 15; chap. 7, pp. 33, 34.

"Ibid., pp. 35, 36.
87 Ibid., chap. 7, p. 36.
88 Ibid., chaps. 8, 12, pp. 38, 40, and 58, respectively.
88 Ibid., chap. 9, pp. 43-45.
0, Ibid., chap. 11, pp. 53-55.
658 PROPHETic FAiTH
In the Summa there are scattered references to Antichrist.

He is the Man of Sin, the fullness of wickedness, into whose
humanity Satan infuses his wickedness by suggestion, not by
personal union or indwelling. Antichrist is a "member" of the
devil but is the "head" of the wicked.' Enoch and Elijah are
believed to have been taken to the earthly paradise, in the
atmospheric heaven, where Adam dwelt, where they will live
until the coming of Antichrist."
4. AQUINAS' VIEWS ON THE LAST THINGS.-In the posthu-
mously edited Supplement are included the sections on last
things. At the end of the age comes the second advent, with the
cleansing fire which reduces to ashes the bodies of all, both bad
and good, and cleanses the earth, followed by the resurrection of
all and the glorification of the saints, and after the judgment the
casting of the wicked into the fire for eternity."
The place of judgment will probably be the Mount of
Olives, so that the Saviour will return to the earth on the spot
from which He ascended." The promise of sitting on twelve
thrones includes all who, like the apostles, leave everything to
follow Christ in "perfection of life," referring especially to
voluntary poverty. And the "twelves tribes" are all the other
nations, because they were called by Christ to take the place of
the twelve tribes." Christ will come to judgment in His glorified
human body; the "sign of the Son of Man" is the sign of the
cross."
After the sounding of the seventh trumpet comes the resur-
rection; then the motion of the heavenly bodies will cease, but
they will be brighter, and the world will be glorified. There will
be left no corruptible bodies (animals, plants, minerals, and
mixed bodies), but only the elements, the heavenly bodies, and
man." The blessed will see God spiritually, not with the bodily
" Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, part 3, question 8, art. 8, vol. 2, p. 2081.
92 Ibid., q. 49, art. 5, p. 229, and part 1, q. 102, art. 2, vol. 1, p. 501.
93 Supplement, q. 74, arts. 8, 9, and q. 76, art. 2, vol. 3, pp. 2872-2874, and 2880,
Ibid.,
respectively.
'4 Ibid., q . 88, art. 4, p. 2938.
96 Ibid., q . 89, arts. 1, 2, 5, pp. 2939, 2940, 2943.
96 Ibid., q . 90, art. 2, p. 2947.
"Ibid., q . 91, arts. 2, 3, 5, pp. 2951, 2954, 2957.
TWO 'MOVEMENTS STRENGTHEN PAPAL POWER 659
eyes, and their "many mansions" correspond to the various

grades of blessedness."
The time of the judgment and the end of the world is
reserved to God. The signs are uncertain, for, says Augustine,
those mentioned in the Gospels refer also to the fall of jerusalem
and the daily spiritual coming of Christ to His church. It is
impossible to fix the time by year, century, or thousand years;
expressions like "the last hour" do not indicate the time, but
mean the last state of the world, which is indefinite.' It is
possible that the sun, moon, and stars may be darkened as a
warning, but all the signs of the judgment are to occur within
the time occupied by the judgment, after the death of Anti-
christ and preceding the coming of Christ.'
The Augustinian thousand years constitute the. present
age, wherein the saints now reign with Christ; their first resur-
rection was that of the soul, and their bodily resurrection is
fnture. The for mer calculations mentioned by Augustine__
four hundred, five hundred, or one thousand years from Christ
—are false; the 1260 days are indefinite, denoting the duration
of the church, by analogy with Christ's ministry of three and
a half years.'
Thus we see that Thomas Aquinas followed•the old inter-
pretation of Daniel's empires, but the Augustinian view of the
Apocalypse. In spite of the fact that this eschatology was com-
piled from old sources, such as the fathers and the glossa, it is
in the form of the Summa that these doctrines are circulated
today in the Catholic Church.
IX. Scholasticism in Transition—Roger Bacon and

William of Occam
The climax of the influence of scholasticism was reached
with Thomas Aquinas. Then, beginning with Roger Bacon and
William of Occam—although both were well versed in scholas-
" Ibid., q. 92, art. 2, q. 93, art 2, pp. 2965, 2970.
0 Ibid., q. 88, art. 3, p. 2937.
100 Ibid., q. 73, arts. 1, 2, pp. 2863, 2864.
'' Ibid., q. 77, arts. I, 2, pp. 2883, 2884.
660 PROPHETIC FAITH
tical methods and still belonged to this period—we begin to

observe a new element emerging, an urge for factual truth
instead of speculative philosophizings. This finally led to a
reversal of scholasticism's trend, and helped to usher in a new
age. Both these men, consequently, and especially Roger Bacon,
were in advance of their times, and did not receive the respect
and honor due them.
1. ROGER BACON ASSAILS SPECULATIVE PHILOSOPHY.—Born
of wealthy parents at or near Ilchester, England, ROGER BACON
(c. 1214-1274) studied at Oxford and Paris. He was influenced
by Grosseteste, the famous exegete and bishop of Lincoln,' and
also by Adam Marsh. He became a noted professor, and entered
the Franciscan Order. He had wonderful insight, for his time,
into natural science, which he made one of his main fields of
investigation. Often misunderstood, he encountered numerous
difficulties. In time he was forbidden to write any further. Later
he was even held under arrest in a monastery.
In 1266, by request of Pope Clement IV, he sent his Opus
Majus to Rome, followed shortly by the Opus Minus, and Opus
Tertium. In his Opus Majus he very frankly criticizes the evils
of the current methods of study. Among these he enumerates
the preponderance of speculative philosophy. Theology is a
divine science, he holds. Therefore it should be based on divine
principles, and not exhaust itself in hazy philosophical distinc-
tions. He inveighs against general ignorance of the theologians
of the original languages and their high regard for Peter Lom-
bard's Book of Sentences, and their almost complete negligence
of the Holy Scripture. The Bible is an inexhaustible fountain
of truth, from which all human philosophers, even the heathen,
have drawn their knowledge directly or indirectly; therefore no
science can be true if contrary to the Holy Writ.'
But it is largely in the field of natural science that Bacon's
light shines, in his treatises on the principles of optics, the celes-
102 See p. 621.

103 Theophilus Witzel, "Roger Bacon," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 13, p. 114.
tial bodies, and their distances from one another. In this con-
nection he also proves that the Julian calendar is inaccurate
and urges its revision. Furthermore he computes the long-
accepted crucifixion date for A.D. 33 by means of lunar tables;
assuming that the later rabbinical Jewish calendar was in force
back in the time of Christ, he calculates the lunar Passover date
astronomically so as to put N isan 14 on Friday.'
This date was used by later prophetic expositors as a pivotal
point for the seventy weeks—for it was not until some centuries
later that the applicability of the rabbinical computation was
challenged '''—but Bacon does not connect it with prophecy.
Yet he evidently refers to the seventy weeks when he says, "The
prophecy of Daniel by a computation of years evidently extends
up to Christ; for he came after that time." '°° He cites 2 Esdras
7:28, 29 for four hundred years from Ezra to Christ.'"
But Bacon's prophetic interpretation is mostly incidental
to his interest in natural science, such as his remark that "an
equality of elements" in resurrected bodies "excludes corrup-
tion for ever." '" When he wishes to impress the leaders of
Christendom with the importance of promoting experimental
science as an aid to faith and a weapon against the enemies of
the faith,' he says:
"The Church should consider the employment of these inventions
against unbelievers and rebels, in order that it may spare Christian blood,
and especially should it do so because of future perils in the times of
Antichrist, which with the grace of God it would be easy to meet, if
prelates and princes promoted study and investigated the secrets of nature
and of art." 110
This is necessary, he contends, because Antichrist, like the
Tartars and Saracens, will use astronomy and science; if the
pope would use these means to hinder the ills of Christianity,
biecsingc would re-Quit, and life would he proiongeci."
104 Roger Bacon, Opus Majus (Burke trans.), vol. 1, p. 231, and table.
005 The Jewish calendar-problem will be discussed in Volume IV.
106 The Opus Majus of Roger Bacon, vol. 2, pp. 808, 809.
"7 Ibid., p. 809.
1°6 Ibid., p. 624.
1°9 Ibid., pp. 632, 633. 110 Ibid., p. 634. 111 Ibid., vol, 1, p. 417, and vol. 2, p. 633.
662 PROPHETIC FAITH
He recommends chronology as necessary to trace the history

of the world and the time of Christ, and to avoid the errors of
Jews, Saracens, and those who will follow Antichrist, and says
that "all wise men believe that we are not far removed from
the times of Antichrist," I" but the subject needs more study.
"If the Church should be willing to consider the sacred text and
prophecies, also the prophecies of the Sibyl and of Merlin, Aquila, Seston,
Joachim, and many others, moreover the histories and the books of philos-
ophers, and should order a study of the paths of astronomy, it would gain
some idea of greater certainty regarding the time of Antichrist." "a
Bacon describes Antichrist in terms of the old traditions
concerning the races of Gog and Magog, from the north around
the Black Sea, and those behind the Caspian gates of Alexander,
who will break forth and devastate the world, and will exalt as
God of gods "a leader [Antichrist] who will come with a foul
and magical law--the next law after that of Mohammed—and
who will "destroy the other laws" and rule for a short time."'
9. WILLIAM OF OCCAM DENIES NEED FOR PAPACY.—The
second man, likewise an Englishman, who made a deep impres-
sion upon his contemporaries, and whose influence was felt for
many centuries thereafter, was WILLIAM OF OCCAM, or Ockham
(c. 1280-1349). Born in Surrey and educated at Oxford, he, like
Bacon, joined the Friars Minor and was a professor in both
Oxford and Paris. His fame as a philosopher and logician rose
to such heights that he was called the "Invincible Doctor," and
in the quarrel between the Minorites and the curia, over the
question of poverty, he sided with others against the pope. In
1323 he was summoned to the papal court at Avignon and im-
prisoned there for more than four years. Shortly before the
reversal of his excommunication by John XXII, in 1328, was
announced, he escaped with some other leading spirits to Italy,
and found protection under Louis of Bavaria, who had broken
with the Avignon authorities. As a counselor to Louis, he
developed the ideas that he had already enunciated in Paris.
Ibid., pp. 208, 417. "3 Ibid., p. 290.
U4 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 289, and VOL 2, pp. 644, 645.
Occam advocated a clear separation between spiritual and

secular authorities, and tried to prove that the political preten-
sions of the Papacy were contrary to the will of Christ. He also
contended that the Papacy itself, in its Roman and monarchical
form, was not necessary to the church, which might quite as
well be governed by collective authority."' He aimed at a
restoration of the strict form of nominalism, which held that no
"universal" is a substance existing outside of the mind. At the
same time he declared that scientific proof of dogma is impos-
sible. Authority, reason, and experience are sources of religious
knowledge. He was in some respects a forerunner of Luther, and
Luther spoke most highly of him, calling him his "dear teacher,"
and declared himself to be of Occam's party:" Surely all these
movements were necessary in order to prepare the way for a
new approach, and to make possible the Reformation destined
to come in due time
Lagarde, op. cit., pp. 583, 584.

110 David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 2, p. 193.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN
The Summit of Papal Power Attained
I. Three Medieval Builders of Papal Destiny

In the previous chapter our attention was focused upon
two of the most important factors molding medieval life—
monasticism and scholasticism. At the same time we realized
how, in spite of their divergencies and their internal struggles,
both were utilized to strengthen the crystallizing structure of the
papal church. We now turn specifically to ecclesiasticism and
to the three great architects of the medieval papal edifice, and
consequently of the growing power of the Roman Catholic
Church. They are Gregory VII (1073-1085), Innocent III (1198-
1216), and Boniface VIII (1294-1303).
Despite the turbulent times, these three popes, whose pon-
tificates were spread over a period of more than two hundred
years—with each separated about a hundred years from the
other—succeeded in erecting the enduring structure of the
Roman church as it stands to the present time. It is true that
the Roman church existed before Gregory VII, but it had a
materially different physiognomy. Through Gregory its face was
altered, and it became the Roman church, the world power.
Gregory left his indelible mark upon it.
1. TREMENDOUS TRANSITION HOUR IN EUROPE.—The
period of these two hundred years was filled with most momen-
tous events. It was a time of deep religious fervor, the era of the
crusades, and the establishment of the Latin kingdom in Con-
664
THE SUMMIT OF PAPAL POWER ATTAINED 665
stantinople. It was a period of mighty kings and emperors, as

William the Conqueror and Frederick Barbarossa, Richard the
Lion-hearted and Frederick II. It was the age of the first awaken-
ing of nationalism. Philip the Fair of France is one of its repre-
sentatives, and it marks the rise of the cities and the decline of
the knights and feudal barons.
It was a period when recourse was had to the notorious
ecclesiastical forgeries, but also a time when, dissatisfied with
the existing institutions, many started out in imitation of Christ
(imitatio Christi) as mendicant friars. It was the time of a new
spiritual awakening under Joachim, and of a very real end-of-
the-world expectancy, around 1260, and of fearful apprehen-
sions regarding the terrible times to be experienced by the
coming of Antichrist and the loosing of Satan. It was a time of
strange fanaticism, which flared up suddenly, when thousands
of penitent sinners marched through the towns lacerating their
naked backs with lashes and chains. Strong lay movements
started, attempting the return to apostolic simplicity, oft inter-
mingled with erroneous notions—like that of the Albigenses.
It was a time also when the Inquisition—the first organized_
spy system and man hunt—started in the name of Christ. It was
a time when the plague visited Europe several times, decimat-
ing its population, while hunger stalked the land. During these
two centuries there climbed to the throne of Peter three men
who proved entirely capable of facing the challenge of their
times, of mastering the circumstances, and of shaping the destiny
of the church and, indeed, of the whole Western world for
centuries to come, for better or for worse.
2. GREGORY'S GRANDIOSE CONCEPT OF CHURCH.—The first,
as noted, was Gregory VII, known as Hildebrand, the monk of
Cluny, pope-maker and power behind the throne long before
he himself took the reins into his own hands. Born near Florence
and said to be of humble parentage, he went for a time to Cluny,
the monastery where gathered the restless spirits who longed for
a reformation of the church. There in the solitude of the dark
666 PROPHETIC FAITH
forests and in the seclusion of the cloister he dreamed his dream

of the church as the bride of-Christ the King, of the church as
the executor of the divine will, the visible representative of God
on earth. Therefore the church should be recognized as the
highest social order in the world—higher than princes and
dukes, higher than kings, higher even than the emperor. The
church, in short, should rule the world.
3. CELIBACY FIRST OF THREE RADICAL "REFORMS."—But
Hildebrand was not only a daydreamer; he was a practical
builder. He was stern and austere, frugal in his habits, with
unbending energy, and having conceived his goal, no obstacle
could cause him to swerve from his objective. If the church
should ever fulfill this postion on earth, she must be reformed,
he reasoned. She must become a unified body, with officers
worthy of this high calling. She must become an ecclesia
militans, a fighting church. She must become an army, and
every soldier in it must be free from the encumbering burdens
of ordinary life.
Therefore, as soon as Gregory was raised to the seat of Peter
he began with his three great reforms. In March, 1074, at a synod
in Rome, he opened the battle. He decreed strict celibacy for the
priests, prohibited all future sacerdotal marriage, required mar-
ried priests to dismiss their wives or cease to read mass, and
ordered the laity not to attend their services' Enforced celibacy
is, of course, anti-Biblical, but celibacy had from ancient times
been considered higher and more praiseworthy than marriage.
Gregory aimed to separate the clergy more definitely from
the world, to withdraw them from family squabbles and dis-
putes, to disentangle bishops from the state of private warfare,
and to detach every minister of the church from all earthly
bonds, so that he could give his sole allegiance to that one great
spiritual body, the church. When this decree became known
throughout the Western world, a storm broke out all over
Europe. In Germany, Gregory was called a heretic, and a mad-
man. In France his legates were beaten and spit upon. In Spain
he found very strong resistance, and even in Rome the decree
could be enforced only with the greatest difficulty.' But Gregory
remained unperturbed. With an iron will he enforced his
decree. When princes and bishops were unwilling to enforce it,
he roused the laity against the married clergy until they were
driven out from their parishes, often tortured and mutilated,
and their legal wives branded as harlots and their children as
bastards.'
Gregory's will prevailed; celibacy became an established
fact in the Roman Catholic Church, and the priest's sole attach-
ment thenceforth became God and His representative on earth,
the church. The priest became a pliable, willing instrument in
the hand of whoever wielded the power in the church.
4. SIMONY AND LAY INVESTITURE ATTACKED.—His second
reform was directed against the evil practice of simony; that is,
selling church offices to the highest bidder—a practice against
which many popes had fought in vain. Closely connected with
this was Gregory's third reform, the abolishment of lay investi-
ture. In this way Gregory thought to eradicate simony forever,
and at the same time to emancipate the church from the bond-
age of the secular powers.
According to the feudal system, which was built upon land
tenure and mutual obligation of lord and vassal, the church,
which often owned a considerable portion of the land, was
hound to bear the burden which such land tenure entailed.
Kings and secular lords considered themselves as patrons of the
church, and claimed the right of appointing and investing its
officers. Thus the bishop became the vassal of the lord, had to
swear allegiance to him, had to serve at the court, and had to
furnish troops for the defense of the country.
In those appointments the king was often influenced by
political, financial, and family considerations. And often men
not at all fit for the priestly office were made bishops and abbots.
2 Flick, op. cit., pp. 453, 454. David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, p. 42.
668 PROPHETIC FAITH
Many churchmen before Gregory considered this state of affairs

deplorable, but it was for Gregory to snap these fetters and free
the church from the bondage of the state, to make bishops and
clergy subservient to the popes alone, and to claim the property
of the bishoprics as the property of the church. From this it was
only one step to proclaiming that the land is God's, and there-
fore the representative of God on earth should invest kings and
emperors with their divine prerogatives.
II. Classic Example of Pope's Overbearance

This question of lay investiture quite naturally led Gregory
into a head-on collision with the emperor. But Gregory was pre-
pared for it. We all know what followed. Henry IV of Germany
flatly refused to acquiesce to this papal demand. He pronounced
the deposition of Gregory at the Synod of Worms in 1076. How-
ever, he did not have the power to follow up his threat, as he
was himself excommunicated by the pope, and all his subjects
were absolved from their allegiance to him. Here are the proud
words of the "vicar" of Christ:
"I now declare in the name of the omnipotent God, the Father, Son,
and Holy Spirit, that Henry, son of the Emperor Henry, is deprived of his
kingdom of Germany and Italy. I do this by thy authority and in defense
of the honor of thy Church, because he has rebelled against it. He who
attempts to destroy the honor of the Church should be deprived of such
honor as he may have held. He has refused to obey as a Christian should;
he has not returned to God from whom he had wandered; he has had
dealings with excommunicated persons; he has done many iniquities; he
has despised the warnings which, as thou art witness, I sent to him for his
salvation; he has cut himself off from thy Church, and has attempted to
rend it asunder; therefore, by thy authority, I place him under the curse.
It is in thy name that I curse him, that all people may know that thou
art Peter, and upon thy rock the Son of the living God has built his
Church, and the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it."'
As the German Diet decided on the forfeiture of the throne,
if Henry could not clear himself by February, 1077, he was
forced to capitulate. Hearing that Gregory was on his way to
4 Ogg, op. cit., p. 273; text in Michael Doeberl, Monumenta Germaniae Selecta, vol. 3,
p. 26; see also Hardouin, op. cit., vol. 6, col. 1566; and Migne, PL, vol. 148, cols. 74, 75.
Germany to force the issue, Henry hurried over the mountains

with his wife and infant son, in one of the coldest winters,
through a hostile country, and waited three days bareheaded
and barefooted within the walls of Canossa, in Tuscany, Italy,
before he was absolved. Gregory then revoked the ban of excom-
munication, and Henry took an oath fully acknowledging the
papal claims.'
Gregory remained the victor, yet he too had overstepped
his actual powers. Rebellion was rife against him, kings and
barons turned away from him, and he had to flee from his
eternal Rome. A counterpope was proclaimed, and Gregory died
in exile, a bitter man. But in spite of his personal misfortune,
the idea he had proclaimed and for which he had fought was
never lost; it became the guiding star for the Roman church
ever after.
III. Assumptions Expressed in "Dictatus Papae"

Gregory's conception of the nature of papal power and of
the Papacy's destined place in the world is expressed in the
Dictatus Papae, or the Dictates of Hildebrand. This was based
on the premise that if the temporal states were too weak to be
capable of rendering justice, the church should assume the
management of civil government, with the right to coerce or
to depose sovereigns.' These pretentious points were not written
by Gregory himself, as their date has been fairly well established
as 1087, but in spite of the uncertainty of their authorship, they
represent Pope Gregory's views as accurately as if they were
written by his own hand. Here are some of the amazing claims
and assumptions:
"1. That the Roman Church was founded by God alone.
"2. That the Roman bishop alone is properly called universal.
"3. That he alone has the power to deposc bishops and reinstate..
them.
"4. That his legate, though of inferior rank, takes precedence of
5 Gregory's own description of the episode, translated into English, is available in Hender-
son, Selected Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, pages 385-388. Ogg. op. cit., pp.
275-278. See also Draper, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 18-20.
Ogg, op. cit., pp.' 261, 262.
670 PROPHETIC FAITH
all bishops in council, and may give sentence of deposition against them.
"5. That the Pope has the, power to depose [bishops] in their absence.
"6. That we should not even stay in the same house with those who
are excommunicated by him....
"8. That he alone may use the imperial insignia.
"9. That the Pope is the only person whose feet are kissed by all
princes. . . .
"11. That the name which he bears belongs to him alone.
"12. That he has the power to depose emperors.
"13. That he may if necessity require, transfer bishops from one
see to another. . . .
"16. That no general synod may be called without his consent.
"17. That no action of a synod, and no book, may be considered
canonical without his authority.
"18. That his decree can be annulled by no one, and that he alone
may annul the decrees of any one.
"19. That he can be judged by no man.
"20. That no one shall dare to condemn a person who appeals to
the apostolic See. . . .
"22. That the Roman Church has never erred, nor ever, by the
testimony of Scripture, shall err, to all eternity. . . .
"26. That no one can be considered Catholic who does not agree
with the Roman Church.
"27. That he [the Pope] has the power to absolve the subjects of
unjust rulers from their oath of fidelity."
IV. Innocent III, the Master of Christendom
One hundred years had to pass before another pope of

equal caliber to Gregory VII ascended the papal throne. He was
a young man—only thirty-seven years of age—from the illustri-
ous family of the Count of Segni, and named Lothario. He was
destined to become Innocent III, the most powerful of all the
pontiffs and the achiever of that daring goal of theocratic rule
over all the world which Gregory VII had envisioned. Under
him the Papacy reached its culmination—the peak of control-
ling power. He had been ordained a priest but a single day
prior to the placing of the tiara upon his head, having previously
7 Dictatus Papae, in Ogg, op. cit., pp. 262-264. Text in Doeberl, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 17, 18.
Nom: It should be observed that Justinian's recognition of the Roman bishops headship
of all the churches is here reiterated in (2); also, the exclusive use of the imperial insignia,
based on the "Donation of Constantine" in (8) i that this is the first claim to exclusive right
to the use of the title pope, once applied to all bishops (J. H. Robinson, Readings in European
History, vol. 1, p. 274):in (11); and that claim is explicitly made to authority over the
highest temporal power, in (12).
served as cardinal, archdeacon, and chief adviser to the pope.

Innocent III ruled from 1198 to 1216. He had studied law
in Paris and Bologna, and was not only a conspicuous scholar,
but a man born to rule. It has been said that Gregory was the
Julius Caesar, but Innocent III was the Augustus of the papal
empire. The ambitious scheme that Gregory VII had projected,
Innocent actually brought to realization. In fact, in sheer audac-
ity he surpassed Gregory. Under him the see of Peter became the
throne of the world, and from his chancery letters to kings and
rulers, cardinals and bishops went forth almost daily. He
brought all Europe under his heel.
"Order, method, unswerving resolution, inexorable determination,
undaunted self-assertion, patience, vigilance, and cunning, all co-operating
to the accomplishment of a single well-defined object—and that object
the unlimited extension of the political power of the Pontiff of Rome—
had achieved a signal triumph over the irregular, the selfish, and the
impulsive political opposition of the secular powers."'
He contended that not only the whole church was entrusted
to Peter' but the whole world as well. That is, the pope was not
only the vicar of Christ, but even the vicar of God on earth "
—thereby meaning that through Christ spiritual power over
souls was bestowed upon him, but as vicar of God, who is the
ruler of the universe, temporal power as well was vested in
him. And to enhance this claim he used, with tremendous effect,
two terrible weapons at his disposal. One was excommunication;
the other, the interdict.
1. 'TERRORS OF EXCOMMUNICATION AND INTERDICT.—Ex-
communication meant that a private individual who came under
its condemnation was thereby made a social outcast. None was
allowed to give him shelter, and he was not only excluded from
all leaal
-0"
tyrotPrtityn hut
r
Itr:IC 111.:PIA;;CP fl.t-Irivi.d "If t h e soroyn.nts
of the church. And as life eternal, according to medieval belief,

was possible only by partaking of the sacraments, the person ex-
Greenwood, Cathedra Petri, vol. 5, pp. 321-368, quoted in Flick, op. cit., p. 566.
Innocent III, Letter to Patriarch of Constantinople, in Migne, PL, vol. 214, cols.
759, 760.
10 Innocent III, Letter to Bishop Faventin, in Migne, PL, vol. 214. col. 292.
672 PROPHETIC FAITH
communicated was thereby consigned to perdition. By now the

life of the layman, whether king or serf, was completely in the
hands of his father confessor.
The other weapon was the interdict, which was directed
against a city, a region, or a kingdom. It was used to force a ruler
to obedience. All religious rites, except baptism and confession,
were suspended. It practically stopped all civil government, for
the courts of justice were closed, wills could not be made out,
and public officials of all kinds were forbidden to function. It
lay like a dread curse over the land or the city." Under Innocent
it began to be employed for political purposes as well. This is
illustrated in the well-known papal conflicts with Philip Augus-
tus of France and John of England, both of whom were brought
to submission through interdicts, the latter being deposed and
forced to surrender his kingdom to the pope and receive it
back under annual payment as a feudal fief held in vassalage
to the pope.'
2. SUMMONS FOURTH LATERAN COUNCIL (1215).—But even
more important than his almost unrestricted political sway over
Europe, were his unceasing endeavors to increase the religious
power of the Latin church. In this field the crowning event of
his life was the summoning of the Fourth Lateran Council, in
1215, the most splendid gathering of its kind held for many
centuries. Four hundred and twelve bishops and eight hundred
abbots and priors attended, as well as a large number of
delegates representing absent prelates. Representatives of Em-
peror Frederick II, Emperor Henry of Constantinople, and
the kings of England, France, Aragon, Hungary, and Jerusalem,
and other crowned heads were likewise present."
3. TRANSUBSTANTIATION ESTABLISHED.—Among many other
actions two of utmost importance were taken. One was the exact
definition and canonization of the dogma of transubstantiation.
Thenceforth any divergent definition of the dogma of the
n Ibid., pp. 551-555; Ogg, op. cit., p. 380.
13 David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, pp. 174, 175.
Eucharist would be heresy. The other was the legalization of the

Inquisition."
Transubstantiation means that the actual body and blood
of Christ are truly contained in the sacraments of the altar,
under the mere forms of bread and wine, the bread being tran-
substantiated into the body and the wine into the blood of
Christ by divine power exercised by the priest!' This is not the
place to enlarge upon the subtle reasoning of the churchmen
over the fine points of this dogma. However, the end result
stands out clearly—it increased the power of the priest to its
utmost limit, and made him the sole mediator between God and
the people.
This was because his ministering hands alone were regarded
as able to work this supreme miracle, to transform the bread -
and the wine into the real body and blood of Jesus Christ, re-
creating, so to speak, the Son of Gnd in order that the faithful
might partake of His real body, without which there was no
salvation. Thus, in reality, the "keys" of heaven and hell were
placed in the hands of the priest. That is precisely what the
church has been teaching ever since. In the works of St. Alphon-
sus de Liguori, of the eighteenth century, we read:
"The dignity of the priest is also estimated from the power that he
has over the real and the mystic body of Jesus Christ.
"With regard to the power of priests over the real body of Jesus'
Christ, it is of faith that when they pronounce the words of consecration
the Incarnate Word has obliged himself to obey and to come into their
hands under the sacramental species. We are struck with wonder when
we hear that God obeyed the voice of Josue. . . . But our wonder should
be far greater when we find that in obedience to the words of his priests
—Hoc est Corpus Meurt—God himself descends on the altar, that he comes
wherever they call him, and as often as they call him, and places himself
in their hands, even though they should be his enemies. And after having
come, he remains, entirely at their disposal; they move him as they please,
from ore plate to another; they may, if they wish, shut him up in the taber-
nacle, or expose him on the altar, or carry him outside the church; they
may if they choose, eat his flesh, and give him for the food of others. . . .
" 'Never [here he quotes St. Laurence Justinian] did divine goodness
give such power to the angels. The angels abide by the order of God, but
22
674 PROPHETIC FAITH
the priests take him in their hands, distribute him to the faithful, and par-
take of him as food for themselves.' ""
4. THE INQUISITION ESTABLISHED BY COUNCIL ACTION.—
The action second in importance taken by the Fourth Lateran
Council, under Innocent's guiding hand, was the canonical es-
tablishment of the Inquisition, or the systematizing of perse-
cution of heresy by council action, the work of extermination
being denominated "sacred," for the prosecutors were called the
"Holy Office." The fight against heretics had been a long-estab-
lished practice in the Roman church. But now it was thor-
oughly fixed by the decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council.
Previously the Synod of Tours in 1163 had introduced the be-
ginnings of inquisitorial methods, and had forbidden Catholics
to mingle with the Albigenses. But it was left for Innocent III
to institute the "Holy Office," as the Inquisition was called.
In his famous opening sermon at this notable council of
1215, Innocent employed the vivid symbolism of Ezekiel 9—
the man clad in linen applying to the pope passing through the
church and seeking out the righteous, to set a mark upon them.
And the six men, with the slaughter weapons, were the bishops
who punish all not thus marked with the ban and with death."
Having thus clearly indicated the action he wished taken,
Innocent III opened the third canon adopted with an anathema
upon heretics of all names. It enjoins princes to swear to protect
the faith, on pain of losing their lands. The same indulgences
were proffered to those taking part in the extermination of here-
tics as for those participating in the crusades. Bishops were in-
structed to make the rounds of their dioceses at least once a year
for the express purpose of searching out heresy."
Although presumably acting upon the principle of keep-
ing the faith pure, the church assumed a power. which did not
belong to her. She set brother against brother. She invaded the
sanctity of the realm of conscience, and set in motion a move-
Liguori, inDignity
AlphonsusIII,deSermon and Duties of the Priest, pp. 26, 27.
17Innocent the 4th Lateran Council, in Migne, PL, vol. 217, cols. 676-678.
IS Fourth Lateran Council, canon 3, in H. J. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the
General Councils, pp. 242-244: see also Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal. A
Source Book for Mediaeval History, pp. 208-215; David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, p. 520.
ment that resulted in the indescribable agony of countless mil-

lions, and the shedding of veritable streams of blood. The very
result as became evident in subsequent times was extermination
of the Albigenses, to be followed by the slaughter of unnum-
bered Waldenses, of the Moriscos in Spain, and later of thou-
sands of Protestants over Europe. And all this in the name of
Christ, the most compassionate!
5. LEAVES CHURCH AT PINNACLE OF POWER.—Shortly after
the close of the council Innocent died, being only fifty-six years
of age, but leaving the papal church at the very summit of her
power, and having strengthened her foundations as far as earthly
wisdom could devise. Thus by the time of Innocent's death the
theocratic principle was fully established. It was then generally
conceded that the bishop of Rome was the representative of God
on earth, that the pope and priesthood really constituted the
visible church, and that the title of the church to its possessions
was invulnerable. It was likewise conceded that the pope is the
ultimate judge in all spiritual matters, and the dispenser of
temporal honors, the sole guardian of the faith and the supreme
judge of secular matters, with power to repress and extirpate
gainsayers."
"No other wearer of the papal tiara has left behind him so many
results pregnant with good and ill for the future of the Church. Under
him the Papacy reached the culmination of its secular power and preroga;
tives. The principles of sacerdotal government were fully and intelligently
elaborated. The code of ecclesiastical law was completed and enforced_
All the Christian princes of Europe were brought to recognise the over-
lordship of the successor of St. Peter. All the clergy obeyed his will as the
one supreme law. Heresy was washed out in blood. The Pseudo-Isidorian
Decretals and the dreams of Hildebrand had been realised. Yet in this
very greatness, wealth, and strength, were the germs of weakness and
disease which were eventually to overthrow the great structure reared by
Innocent III. and his predecessors." 20
6. INNOCENT'S INTERPRETATION OF "BEAST" AND "666."—
A word as to Innocent's pontifical interpretation of prophecy
19 Milman, Latin Christianity, book 9, chap. 1, vol. 5, pp. 168-175; David Hume, The
History of England, vol. 1, chap. 11.
Flick, op. cit., pp. 566. 567.
676 PROPHETIC FAITH
is in order. In his Convocatory Bull, to this Fourth Lateran

Council of 1215, Innocent gave new impetus to the crusaders
by stating that Mohammed was clearly the Man of Sin, and that
his kingdom would last 666 years. Here is Innocent's interpre-
tation:
"There has arisen a certain son of perdition, the false prophet
Mahomet [Machometus], who by worldly allurements and carnal pleasures
has turned many from the truth; and though his imposture still continues
to flourish, yet we trust in the Lord, who has already granted us a sign for
good, that the end of this Beast is drawing near; for his number, according
to the Apocalypse of John, is limited to 666, and will soon be brought to
an end by the operation of the sevenfold Spirit, who, with the flame of
charity, will rekindle the hearts of the faithful, now growing cold: for of
that number nearly six hundred years are now elapsed." '
Quite apart from the truth or error of interpretation in-
volved, two points should be noted in passing: First, Innocent
spelled Mohammed's name Machometus, showing that he was
not trying to derive the name from the numerical value of the
letters—as did others with "Maomet" after the revival of Greek
learning—but made the 666 mean years. Second, he interpreted
the Beast not as an individual of brief duration, but as a power
and empire, both secular and spiritual, already in existence
some 600 years—contrary to the usual Catholic teaching con-
cerning the Beast as Antichrist, conceived to be a single indi-
vidual. And, third, Innocent places the beginning of the Beast's
period back in the seventh century, instead of wholly in the
future for three and a half years, as had then become customary.
Such is an interesting interpretation of the Papacy's most power-
ful pope.
Thus the age of Innocent III ended. He was never sur-
passed by any of his successors. Perhaps Boniface VIII surpassed
him, although not in greatness, but only in sheer audacity.
This was the peak of papal achievement in world affairs,
which very attainment drove men to a restudy of inspired
prophecy to find the meaning of it all.
21 English translation in Charles Maitland, op. cit., p. 325; for the original Latin see
Innocent III, Regesta, book 16, year 1213, Letter 28 in Migne, PL, vol. 216, col. 818.
V. Bonif ace VIII Sets the Capstone of Presumption

Nearly another century had passed since the reign of Inno-
cent III. Papal power was at its culmination point, the church
of Christ virtually ruling the world with a rod of iron. But that
very assumption of world rulership made many wonder whether
it were still the true church of Christ, or whether another power
had taken possession of the church, and was now ruling under
a pious guise. Movements like those of Joachim of Floris, the
Spirituals, and the Waldenses had sprung into prominence,
looking and earnestly hoping for a new age, or a reformation
of the church, or a new beginning in simplicity and purity.
Finally, on April 4, 1294, the hermit Peter di Murrhone
was raised to the papal throne and occupied it as Celestine V.
Clad in his monkish habit, and riding on an ass, he proceeded
from his m ountain retreat to A quila where he was err,wnP,1.22
He was a person of simplicity and of great humility, his sole
desire being the salvation of the souls of men. All the spiritually-
minded at this time hoped that now the longed-for papa angeli-
cas had appeared. But, alas, Celestine was unable to cope with
the wickedness of the world and with the intrigues and machina-
tions that always surrounded the see of Rome. He soon sensed
his incompetence, and thinking that he might even lose his own
soul, he abdicated, an unheard-of step for a pope to take.
I. BONIFACE MOUNTS PAPAL THRONE IN SPLENDOR.—The
one who followed Celestine V was an old man, nearly eighty
years of age, yet full of vigor, assumptive and vainglorious, over-
bearing and implacable, and destitute of spiritual ideals. He
was from the house of Gaetani, and carved his place in history
under the name of BONIFACE VIII (1294-1303). He rode to the
Lateran not on an ACS hilt on a white palfrey, with a crownon hiQ
head, robed in full pontificals. Two sovereigns walked by his
side—the kings of Naples and Hungary. The festivities were
of unusual splendor.'
z' Ibid., part 2, p. 10.
678 PROPHETIC FAITH
Putting forward claims that surpassed in arrogance those

of either Gregory VII or Innocent III, he found it impossible to
make them good. Citing Jeremiah 1:10 as authority for disin-
heriting kings and transferring kingdoms, he claimed to be the
final arbiter of the disputes of Christendom. In the "preamble
of a Bull giving away the island of Sardinia," Boniface states:
"Being set above kings and princes by a divine pre-eminence
of power, we dispose of, them as we think fit." "
2. PAPACY'S MOST PRESUMPTUOUS BULL.—His were the
most presumptuous claims ever made by any pontiff, not so
much that these were substantially new, but never before were
they set forth with such clearness and actual bluntness as appears
in Boniface's famous bull, Unam Sanctam. In it, says Schaff,
"the arrogance of the papacy finds its most naked and irritating
expression." This bull was issued by Boniface on November
18, 1302, during his historic struggle with Philip the Fair, of
France, though the struggle had begun back in 1296. And
although it was written in powerful phrasings, it did not have
the desired effect upon the stubborn king of France, as will
be noted shortly."
3. UNPARALLELED CLAIMS OF UNAM SANCTAM.—This bull,
in fact, establishes the authority of the Papacy over princes in
its extreme form. It gives her the full right to wield both swords,
and it proclaims everyone outside the Roman church to be a
heretic. Here are some of those high claims given verbatirri.
The Unam Sanctam begins thus:
"Unanz sanctam ecclesiam catholicam et ipsam apostolican urgente
fide credere cogintur et tenere, . . . extra quam nec salus est, nec remissio
peccatorunz." "Urged on by our faith, we are obliged to believe and hold
that there is one holy, catholic, and apostolic Church. . . . Outside of her
there is no salvation nor remission of sins."
24 Decretals of Gregory, book 1, title 33, chap. 6, translated in Salmon, Infallibility, p. 461.
David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 2 p. 20.
22 Oswald J. Reichel, The See of }tome in the Middle Ages, pp. 275-278.
27 The Latin, as well as the English translation, is taken from David S. Schaff op. cit.,
part 2, pp. 25-28 (see also Corpus fuzes Canonici, Extravagantes Communes, book title 8,
chap. 1).
The second paragraph of the English translation continues:

"That in her and within her power are two swords, we are taught in
the Gospels, namely, the spiritual sword and the temporal sword. For
when the Apostles said, `Lo, here,'—that is, in the Church,—are two swords,
the Lord did not reply to the Apostles 'it is too much,' but 'it is enough.'
It is certain that whoever denies that the temporal sword is in the power of
Peter, hearkens ill to the words of the Lord which he spake, 'Put up thy
sword into its sheath.' Therefore, both are in the power of the Church,
namely, the spiritual sword and the temporal sword; the latter is to be used
for the Church, the former by the Church; the former by the hand of the
priest, the latter by the hand of princes and kings; but at the nod and
sufferance of the priest. . . .
"But this authority, although it be given to a man, and though it be
exercised by a man, is not a human but a divine power given by divine
word of mouth to Peter and confirmed to Peter and to his successors by
Christ himself. . . Whoever, therefore, resists this power so ordained by
God, resists the ordinance of God, unless perchance he imagine two s.
principles to exist, as did Manichaeus, which we pronounce false and
heretical."
And then comes the final climactic statement:
"Porro subesse Romano Pontifici OMNI HUMANAE CREATURAE decla-
ramus dicimus, definimus et pronunciamus omnino esse de necessitate
salutis.- "Furthermore, that EVERY HUMAN CREATURE is subject to the
Roman pontiff,--this we declare, say, define, and pronounce to be alto-4--
gether necessary to salvation."
4. CLAIMS CHAMPIONED TO THIS DAY.—Through the issu-
ance of this bull the guiding principles of the church of Rome
were fully set forth. It was not merely an outburst of medieval'.
pompousness in bombastic grandiloquence, but a bull that the
Roman church is proud to claim as declaring her basic principles
to this very day. In the Catholic Encyclopedia we find:
"The question has been raised whether it be lawful for the Church,
not merely to sentence a delinquent to physical penalties, but itself to
2s Ibid., pp. 26, 27. The Latin is on pages 27, 28 as follows:

"In lent, prusave votestate duos esse pladios. spirierealent virldirot of t,mixnralom
insiruimur- Nato direntilms ;4postolis: Fee gblaild,.n hic [ 1144:k 22::;FL in
;Cclesia scilicet, cum apostoli loquerentur, non respondit Dominus, nimis esse, sates. Certe
qui inpotestate Petri temporalem gladium esse negat, male verbum attendit Domini proter-
ends: Convene gladium tuurn in vagtnam. Watt. 26:52.) Uterque ergo est in potestate ecctesuze,
spirituous scilicet gladius et materialts. Sed qutelem pro ecclesta, ille vero ab ecclesia exercendus,
isle sacerdotis, is manu regum et militum, sed ad nutum et patientiam sacerdotis. . . .
"Est autem haec auctoritas, etsi data sit homini, et exerceatur per hominem non humana,
sed potius divina polestar, ore divino Petro data, sibique suisque successoribus in ipso Christo.
. Quicunque tettur huic potestati a Deo sic ordinatae resistit, Dei ordinattoni resistit,
nisi duo. sicut Man:chaeus,fineat esse principia, quod falsum et haereticum- judicamus,"
.3
" Ibid., pp. 28, 27. (Small capitals not in the original.)
680 PROPHETIC FAITH
inflict these penalties. As to this, it is sufficient to note that the right of

the Church to invoke the aid of the civil power to execute her sentences
is expressly asserted by Boniface VIII in the Bull 'Unam Sanctam.' " 3°
5. CLAIMS PREROGATIVES OF CAESAR.—Boniface had his
legates all over Europe, and in his political deals he sought to
carry into practice what he had set down in writing. When the
ambassadors of Albert I, the newly elected German emperor,
requested the papal sanction, Boniface VIII is said to have
received them, seated on a throne, having a crown on his head
and wearing a sword. He exclaimed, "I, I am the emperor."
Is it to be wondered at that the prophecy of Daniel concerning
the Little Horn speaking great things was already finding a
new and ready explanation? "
6. ANAGNI BECOMES COUNTERPART TO CANOSSA.—But in
the conflict with Philip (the Fair, of France, Boniface went too
far, and met his match. Philip was not disposed to give way to
the papal demands. Before Anagni, Boniface's native city—to
which he had withdrawn with his cardinals to escape the sum-
mer heat of Rome—Philip's keeper of the seals appeared at
the head of a troop of armed men, and the cry resounded,
"Death to Pope Boniface! Long live the King of France!" The
people sided with the soldiers, and the cardinals fled in terror.
Boniface, however, put on the stole of St. Peter, placed the
imperial crown upon his head, and with the keys of St. Peter in
one hand and the cross in the other, planted himself on the
papal throne. The people soon reversed themselves, the
French were driven out, and Boniface was again at liberty;
but never again did he have such extensive sway over the earthly
rulers."
So the decline of the medieval Papacy as the supreme ruler
and arbiter of Europe really began with Boniface VIII. Could
his ambitious claims have been made good, the power of the
empire would have shifted over to the Papacy, with supremacy
a°G. H. Joyce, "Pope," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 12, p. 266.
31David S. Schaff op. cit., part 2, p. 13.
82See pages 796 if. pp. 272-278.
33 Reichel, op. cit.,
over the state system of Europe. But it was not to be. Anagni was
the dramatic counterpart to Canossa."
In 1300 Boniface had also established the jubilee year, in
which heaps of gold and silver were brought in by the pilgrims
in the hope of gaining indulgences. This abuse was aggravated
by the frauds that were soon introduced into the traffic.
VI. Papal Exploits Induce Prophetic Application

It was during these epochal centuries of the Middle Ages,
when the power_ of the Papacy was mounting ever higher and
higher, its spiritual claims more extravagant, its rule more
intolerant, and its audacious assumptions more and more daring,
that a new concept of its character began to dawn on an increas-
ing number of clerics in different lands.
The papal theory that made the pope alone the represent-
ative of God on earth, the overlord of emperors, was claimed
through succession from Peter,' and supported by arguments
from the power of the keys, the forged Donation of Constantine,
the coronation of Pepin and of Charlemagne, and from such
figures as sun and moon, body and soul.
"It was upheld by Nicholas I., Hildebrand., Alexander III., Innocent
III., and culminated with Boniface VIII. at the jubilee of 1300 when, seated
on the throne of Constantine, girded with the imperial sword, wearing a
crown, and waving a sceptre, he shouted to the throng of loyal pilgrims:
Ì am Caesar—I am Emperor.' " "
It was this unveiling of the Papacy's real character and
obvious aims that caused spiritually-minded monks and abbots,
as well as bishops and archbishops, to cry out, one after another,
against these unconcealable papal departures from earlier sim-
plicity and purity. It was these that impelled strong men to
protest her advancing encroachments upon the rights of men
and the prerogatives of God, and eventually to apply increas-
ingly to her those prophetic symbols—such as the Mystery of
Iniquity, Man of Sin, Beast, Babylon, Harlot, and Antichrist.
of lbid., pp. 409, 410, 277.
35 James T. Shotwell and Louise R. Loomis, The See of Peter, pp. xxiii, xxiv. For the
early development of the Petrine theory, see the source documents and discussions comprising the
whole volume. a8 Flick, op. cit., p. 413.
682 PROPHETIC FAITH
It was during this peak of the Papacy that we shall find Eber-
hard calling the see of Rome the fateful Little Horn of the
prophet Daniel, in chapter 7, which is described as overthrowing
kings, treading down the whole earth, wearing out the saints,
and speaking "great words against the most High."
One after another among the most learned and godly of
her sons—with hearts breaking because of her unconcealable
departures, and minds horrified by her hold trampling of the
right and her relentless drift from God—not only spoke out
against it all, but wrote it down in searing words, that all men
might read and heed their application of those vivid symbols and
epithets to the now clearly corrupted church of Rome. These
increasing voices we shall note with considerable fullness in the
remaining chapters of this volume and still further in Volume II.
Furthermore, this rising tide of protest was found not only
within the church—scattered all the way from Britain in the
north down to Italy in the south, and from France in the west
clear across the expansive face of Europe—but outside, among
such dissentients as the Waldenses, who had about the clearest
perception of all, as will shortly be seen. And even among the
Jews the conviction came to be expressed by one famous Jew,
Don Isaac Abravanel, before the Reformation had formulated
its clear position, that the Little Horn of Daniel 7 was none
other than the "rule of the pope." " Such was the threefold cord
of testimony to the prophetic significance of the Papacy.
So it was clearly the audacious acts and mounting arrogance
of the Papacy herself that drew forth these indicting applications
of prophecy to her ambitious career. It can therefore be sum-
marized that it was the cumulative effect of the pontificates of
Gregory VII, Innocent III, and Boniface VIII that brought
about a new phase of prophetic interpretation, which now cen-
tered in the identification of the Antichrist of prophecy under
its multiple names, which were all alike applied to one and the
same power—the Roman Papacy.
.7 See Prophetic Faith, vol. 2, pp. 223-229.

CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT
J oachim of Floris—
New Interpretation
With JOACHIM OF FLORIS (Flora, or Fiore) we reach the

most outstanding figure among the medieval expositors of
prophecy. With him we definitely come to a turning point.
The old Tichonius tradition, which had held rather undisputed
sway for seven hundred years, is now replaced with a completely
!Lew concept. Born neat Cosenza, Italy, about 1130, Joachim
became abbot of the Cistercian monastery in Corace, from
1178 to 1188, founded his own order with theappr oval of the
pope, and died in his own monastery, San Giovanni di Fiore,
in 1909_ These are the incontestable farts of his life. His pil-
grimage to Jerusalem and his travels to Constantinople may
well have taken place, but their actuality has not been fully
established, according to some. As abbot and scholar, not as
politician, Joachim had close contact with three popes—Lucius
III, Urban III, and Clement III—as well as with the imperial
court under Henry VI.'
The impetus given to prophetic interpretation by Joachim,
together with the completeness and availability of his authentic
writings, calls for greater adequacy of discussion and citation
than is customary in this period. To Joachim, then, we now
LUI II LU uudei3tand the man, his times, and his COntlibutions.
He is important not only contemporarily, for the new era that

he introduced, but for his far-reaching influence upon exposi-
tion for centuries to come.
1H. Grundmann, Studien ill'', Joachim 1:on Paris, p. 13.
683
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MANUSCRIPT AND PRINTED TREATISES OF JOACHIM OF FLORIS

Manuscript Copy of Joachim's Concordia (Upper Left); Printed Edition of Pseudo Joachim on
Isaiah (Upper Right); Joachim on the Apocalypse (Lower Left); Joachimite Treatises Reflecting
Joachim's Teachings (Lower Right); Joachim's Concordia (Printed), First to Apply Year-Day
Principle to the 1260 Days (Bottom)
joAcHIM OF FroRis—NEW INTFRPRPTATioN 685
I. Outstanding Expositor of the Middle Ages
1. CALLED AND SET APART TO PROPHETIC EXPOSITION.—
Joachim gained far greater repute as an expounder of prophecy
than any other personage of the Middle Ages. Indeed, in the
later Joachimite school of prophetic interpretation a unique
restoration of prophecy to power and influence took place ac-
THREE GREAT MEDIEVAL FIGURES

Illustrious Spokesmen on Prophecy From the Middle Ages—Bernard of Clair-
vaux (d. 1153), Joachim of Ennis (d. 1202), and Arnold of Vilianova (d. c. 1313).
See Pages 632, 743 -ff. for Bernard and Viiianova
companied by a remarkable penetration into ecclesiastical and

even secular literature. Strange as his teachings may seem to
modern ears in many respects, certain major points neverthe-
less continued for centuries to influence the minds of men
respecting the divine counsels. Not only the "Joachimites" and
the Spiritual Franciscans, but also Dante, Wyclif, Cusa, Huss,
and some of the Reformers were definitely molded by certain
principles enunciated by oj achim.2
Joachim formed one of the first links of a long spiritual
chain extending through St. Francis, the Spirituals with their
apocalypticism and poverty, and on "to the later forms of
2 Dollinger, Prophecies, p. 106; W. Beveridge, "Joachimites," Hastings, op. cit., vol. 7,
p. 567.
686 PROPHETIC FAITH
ascetic, mystic, and antiecclesiastical movements that preceded

the Reformation and even persisted afterwards."
Joachim is said to have been by turns a courtier, traveler,
missionary, and contemplative hermit. He made a pilgrimage
in early life to the Holy Land at a time when Jerusalem was
still held by the successors of the Crusaders, though threatened
by the surrounding Moslems. According to the account of this
early visit, he was converted after seeing some calamity, pos-
sibly a pestilence; and this pilgrimage had a definite influence
on his interest in prophecy--indeed, it was there that the
conception of a call to the exposition of prophecy first came
to him.'
Born of wealthy parents, Joachim was, in his youth, intro-
duced to the court of Roger II of Sicily. But after a short
residence there he broke away in disgust and went on his
pilgriniage to Egypt and the Holy Land, retracing Christ's
footsteps and giving himself over to severe ascetic exercises.
On his return Joachim joined the Cistercian monks, first as a
lay brother and volunteer preacher, and finally as a priest and
abbot.'
About 1177 he became abbot of the Cistercian Abbey at
Corazzo. Having already entered upon a period of intense Bible
study and contemplation, especially in the interpretation of
the hidden meaning of Scripture, Joachim found the duties of
his office an intolerable hindrance to this higher calling. In
1182 he appealed to Pope Lucius III to relieve him of the
temporal care of the abbey, and obtained permission to dwell
in any Cistercian house.
2. RETIRES FROM ABBACY TO PURSUE STUDIES.—Already
noted for his Scriptural "research and explication," Joachim,
with express permission from the pope, retired from the abbacy,
George La Piana, "Joachim of Flora: A Critical Study," Speculum, April, 1932 (vol. 7,
no. 2), pp. 259, 260.
4 Buonaiuti has pointed out that this controverted pilgrimage to Jerusalem is proved by
a statement of Joachim himself, in his book on the four Gospels. (Ernesto Buonaiuti, Intro-
duction, p. 'mil, and footnote, p. 93, in his modern edition of Joachim, Tractatus Super
Quatuor Evangelia.)
Edmund G. Gardner, "Joachim of Flora," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 8, p. 406.
6 Coulton, Five Centuries, vol. 2, pp. 114, 115.
JOACH1M OF FLORIS—NEW INTERPRETATION 687
and gave himself exclusively to his studies at the Abbey of

Casamari, where the monk Lucas—afterward archbishop of
Cosenza—was assigned as secretary. Day and night Lucas and
two other monks assisted Joachim as scribes on the three major
works upon which he .was engaged simultaneously. For a year
and a half he applied himself to "dictating and correcting,"
though continuing to perfect the books until the time of his
death. These writings were Liber Concordiae Novi ac Veteris
Testamenti (Book of the Harmony of the New and Old Testa-
ment), Expositio . . . in Apocalipsim (Exposition of the Apoc-
alypse), and Psalterium Decem Cordarum (Psaltery of Ten
Strings).
Two other popes—Urban III, in 1185, and Clement III,
in 1187—urged him to complete his work and submit it to the
Holy See. In 1192 he was summoned by the Cistercian leaders
to appear to answer the charge of apostasy.' Later, 1-vith t'ae
approval of Celestine III, Joachim founded a new monastery
of stricter rule at Fiore, or Flora (in the instep of the Italian
boot), which became the center of thirty or forty monasteries.'
In. 1200 Joachim publicly submitted his writings to the exam-
ination of Innocent III, but died before any judgment was
passed.
It is still an unsettled question whether Joachim attained
great fame during his lifetime,' but after his death his influ-
ence rose on the crest of the Franciscan wave. He had a high
reputation as an expositor and was even reverenced by many
as a prophet.
3. DISCUSSIONS WITH KINGS AND PRELATES.—It was in-
evitable that in later years traditions should cluster about Joa-
chim. In these traditions Joachim was assumed to have exer-
cised a powerful influence over important personages, secuiar
as well as ecclesiastical. According to Roger de Hoveden, his
reputation at length reached the ears of Richard I, called the
Lion-hearted, king of England, who resolved to hear for him-
J. C. Robertson, op. cit., vol.
s Henry Bett, Yoaclum of Flora.5,pp.P.16.
340.17. 0 La Piana, op. cit., p. 279.
688 PROPHETIC FAITH
self, and engaged Joachim in discussion over the interpretation

of the prophecies." Both Richard the Lion-hearted and Philip
Augustus of France, on their way through the Mediterranean
to the Holy Land for the Third Crusade, in 1190, are said to
have held conferences with Joachim at Messina, wherein Rich-
ard was greatly impressed by the prophecies of the Apocalypse.
And in 1191, it might be remarked, Sicily was a halfway house
for the crusading princes. Another story relates that Joachim
caused Henry VI to desist from his cruelties, and that Henry
requested him to expound the prophecy of Jeremiah."
English and French bishops of high standing were said
to have sought his advice, and his predictions were said to have
caused a great stir, even in the distant north, before his writings
were widely known. Perhaps his contemporaries knew that
he was said to have declared to the king of England and his
bishops that an Antichrist would soon appear, and would usurp
the papal chair.
Hoveden gives this sketch of the views expounded during
Richard's visit with Joachim. Revelation 12 and 17 were under
discussion. The symbolic woman of Revelation 12, Joachim
asserted, is the church, clothed with Christ, the Sun of Right-
eousness. The church's head, crowned with twelve stars, is
Christ, whose crown is the Catholic faith preached by the twelve
apostles. The dragon is the devil, working principally through
seven, persecuting powers—Herod, Nero, Constantius, Moham-
med, Melsermut, Saladin, who at that time possessed Jerusalem,
and Antichrist. These seven are also the heads of the beast in
Revelation 17. Saladin, Joachim averred, will lose the Holy
City within seven years of the capture of Jerusalem, and Anti-
christ, the last of the seven, is already born in the city of Rome,
and is to be elevated to the Apostolic See in fulfillment of
2 Thessalonians 2:4.12
10 Roger de Hoveden, Annals, entry for 1190, vol. 2, pp. 176-180.

11 J. C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 5, p. 340. This evidently refers to the pseudo-Joachim
commentary on Jeremiah long ascribed to him.
12 Hoveden, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 177, 178; see also Paul Fournier Etudes sur Joachim de
Fiore ses doctrines, 5, note 2. Fournier does not endorse hoveden's account, but
considers it an exaggeration or distortion of Joachim's thought by later narrators.
JOACHIM OF FLORIS—NEW INTERPRETATION 689
Richard replied with the usual concept of Antichrist as a

Jew, from the tribe of Dan, to reign in the temple at Jerusalem."
A number of bishops and other learned ecclesiastics joined in
the controversy. Many arguments were adduced on both sides,
the matter remaining undecided.' Thus the keen interest in
prophecy engendered by Joachim's innovations in exposition
is attested. Significantly enough, it was the concern of eminent
statesmen as well as of churchmen.
4. ONLY A STUDENT WITH KEEN UNDERSTANDING.—Dante
(d. 1321) voiced the general opinion of his age that Joachim
had been "endowed with prophetic spirit." But Joachim him-
self asserted that he was no prophet, in the proper sense of
that term; that he had only the spirit of understanding, of deep
penetration and knowledge, or of rightly interpreting the
prophetic content of the Old and New Testaments, and of
construing the course of events in the world and the church
from the prophecies, types, and analogies of the Bible."
According to Doflinger," Joachim was a keen theologian,
trained in careful study of the Scriptures, although in order to
make his writing appear to have come from special illumina-
tion, others maintained that he was destitute of scholastic train-
ing. But Buonaiuti rejects the traditional view that Joachim
was a noble, and regards him as having risen from the peasantry.
He bases this on Joachim's calling himself a homo agricola (a
farmer) from his youth up." Certainly Joachim's mystic or spir-
itual illumination did not take the place of study, but rather
led to closer examination of Scripture. The mystics, it might be
added, claimed to see divine truth through the inner vision of
the soul, by reflecting, brooding, and waiting for light. Joachim,
and the Joachimite school that followed the trail that he blazed,
exemplified Mysticism, believing that the world was growing
old, and. that the time of her change was at hand.
sa Hoveden, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 179.

14 Ibid., p. 180.
Dollinger,, Prophecies, p. 107; J. C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 5, pp. 340, 341.
Dollinger, Prophecies, p. 106.
,7 Cited in La Piana, op. cit., p. 271.
690 PROPHETIC FAITH
Later Joachim. was variously adjudged. He was called a

pseudo prophet by Baronius, but he was supported by early
papal approbation of his works; his prophetic teachings were
not disparaged by the Fourth Lateran Council's condemna-
tion of his teaching concerning the Trinity (1215). Half a
century after his death his teachings were condemned by a
French council (Arles, 1260), but they were never condemned
by a pope."
Although his writings made little impression during his
lifetime, thirty years after his death he became the oracle of
his time, and continued to hold the place of paramount inter-
est in wide circles for about a century thereafter. His two
principal books were printed in Venice in 1519 and 1527 re-
spectively, but no longer occasioned' any unusual notice. In the
nineteenth century he was so little known that some scholars
denied that he had ever written anything, and others attributed
to him many of his followers' writings of a much later date.
Thorough investigation by Denifle and others, and more re-
cently by Grundmann and Buonaiuti, has sifted the evidence
so that we are now able to get a true picture of his writings
and his influence.
To sum it up briefly: Joachim was the turning point mark-
ing the return of the historical view of prophecy as opposed
to the Tichonius-Augustine view.
In Joachim we find "a typical and complete renascence of
the apocalyptic spirit with which the early Christian genera-
tions were saturated"; his motives were not primarily theo-
logical, but he used whatever theology was concerned with his
interpretation of history."
II. Joachim Restores Historical View
1. AUGUSTINE AND THE CHURCH'S SOVEREIGNTY.—As men-
tioned, Joachim's writings constitute a definite turning point.
A new era begins with him, not only in prophetic interpreta-
18 Dollinger, Prophecies, pp. 107-110, 122.
19 Ernesto Buonamti, Gioacchino da Fiore (Rome: Collezione Meridionale Editrice, 1931),
p. 8, translated in La Piana, op. cit., p. 270.
jmacula OF FL OR IS—NEW INTERPRETATION 691
tion, but in a much wider sense—in the whole religious and
philosophical outlook of Europe. To evaluate Joachim cor-
rectly, one must understand the medieval Catholic philosophy
of life and of history, a philosophy that was formulated by
Augustine, and that exerted a controlling influence over the
centuries following. Augustine, of course, had lived in the
-atmosphere of the declining Roman paganism, with its many
cults and theories of life. At the same time the still young
Christianity was struggling to find the satisfactory formulas
for expressing its own set of beliefs. It was defining its aims,
rejecting false claims, and setting up barriers to protect itself
from the onrush of detrimental foreign ideas and isms which
ever sought entrance into the church under the garb of re-
spectability.
Augustine, having himself gone through that welter of
divergent philosophies, realized at the time of his conversion
that the life and sacrifice of Jesus Christ is the central theme
and cardinal doctrine of Christianity. The life and sacrifice of
Christ, not as a mere historical event but as a metaphysical
reality, meant to him that it stands outside of any historical
continuity. History, and even the entire cosmic world process,
loses its significance, lie felt, because faith deals in the ultimate
with the salvation of the individual and the life beyond. The
life problem of each individual is, as it were, put vertically
between heaven and hell, not horizontally between past, present,
and future. The individual's acceptance of Christ, and his
partaking of the grace offered by Christ, are alone important,
and nothing else. That naturally leads to the idea that it is
completely irrelevant to consider what will happen in history,
as in fact, nothing essentially new can happen, because this
tru th—shration through Christ—is the iast and final revela-
tion before the ushering in of eternity.
It is easy to understand how this intriguing concept, even
if not originally intended to be so, laid a sure foundation for
the church, giving her finality and sovereignty. She, as avowed
steward and guardian over Christ's work and sacrifice, must,
692 PROPHETIC FAITH
as a matter of course, become the sole arbiter in all transitory

matters. There can be no higher authority than the church,
for she alone deals with eternal values, and the only fact that
matters—the salvation of the soul. This was the philosophical
position of the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages, and is
to the present time.
Such premises being granted, this position was practically
unassailable. It is no wonder, therefore, that all historical con-
siderations in prophetic interpretation became nearly extinct.
The time element no longer mattered. And this fundamental
proposition, which Augustine had laid down, was not challenged
until the coming of Joachim, who vas destined to become the
counterpole to Augustine.
2. JOACHIM'S AGES OF FATHER, SON, AND SPIRIT.—Joachim,
working on his Concordia, had, according to his own claim, a
divine illumination during one Easter night, which gave him
a new insight into many connections and relationships of the
divine plan with humanity, which formerly were dim. Joachim
conceived the Trinity—God the Father, God the Son, and God
the Holy Spirit—as the great pattern for all that was, and is,
and ever will be on this earth. To him the whole history of
mankind must be considered under this guiding principle.
There exists, therefore, an age of the Father, an age of the Son,
and an age of the Holy Spirit. Each age has its initial period
and its period of maturity. The period of maturity of one age
is, to a certain degree, the initial period of the following age.
Thus the ages merge into one another without any sudden
break, and the historical continuity is preserved.'
History thus becomes an essential part and plays an impor-
tant role in Joachim's concept of the progressive development of
revelation. This is an idea which appeared, in its beginnings, in
Anselm of Havelberg. Although there is no direct evidence that
20 Joachim, Liber Concordie Novi ac Veteris Testamenti (Book of the Harmony of the
New and Old Testament) fol. 8 v. (This work will hereafter be referred to as Concordia.) See
also. Grundmann, op. cit., pp. 64, 65. Complete photostat copies of those exceedingly rare
genuine Joachim writings—the Concordia (1519 printed ed.) and Expositio . . . in Apocalipsim
(1527 printed ed.)—are in the Advent Source Collection, secured from the Bibliotheque
Nationale in Paris, the British Museum in London, and the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin.
Joachim derived this idea from Anse1m, it is entirely possible

that he was acquainted with the latter's work.
Joachim's exegesis, says Grundmann, is based on the same
method that his predecessors used for moral and dogmatical
purposes, but is distinguished by its essentially prophetic basis,
and is amazingly imaginative and original. His allegorical
treatment interprets everything in terms of his historical theory.
Buonaiuti says Joachim's allegorism merely applied traditional
principles of patristic exegesis, but his "boundless exegetical
virtuosity" leads "to a highly original and personal teaching."
"The symbolistic orgy in which Joachim indulges becomes a kind of
rite of initiation to a new, solemn, triumphal epiphany of the new gospel.
Hence, Joachim's works must not be considered or studied as if they
contained an ordinate exposition and an organic justification of a system,
but rather as the passionate appeal of a preacher of conversion." 21
Joachim's theory of three ages has similarity to the divi-
sions of "before the law," "-under the !.w," ",,tyler grce."
But it is not the same, and should not be confused therewith.
According to. Joachim, the age dominated by the Father was
still a carnal period of this world's history. At the same time,
however, it was a period preparatory to the revelation of spirit-
ual things. The age dominated by the Son was partly carnal
and partly spiritual, but the coming age was already fore-
shadowed. This would be the age of the Holy Spirit, which he
expected to begin around his own time. In this era the full
revelation of spiritual things would become a reality, and each
individual would have a part in it, sharing in it directly and
freely, without need of intercessors. The Spirit of God would
be the guiding principle in the affairs of men.
"For there was one time in which man lived according to the flesh,
that is, up to Christ, [a time] whose beginning was made in Adam; an-
nthPr in which they lived between both, that is, between the flesh and the
spirit, namely up to the present time, whose beginning was made from
Elisha the prophet or Uzziah the king of Judah; another in which they
live according to the spirit, up to the end of the world, whose beginning was
from the days of the blessed Benedict.
Buonaiuti, Gioacchino da Fiore, p. 194, translated in La Piana, op. cit., p. 274,

694 PROPHETIC FAITH
"And so the fructification or [peculiar qualities] of the first time, or as

we say better, of the first state, [was] from Abraham even to Zacharias the
father of John the Baptist, the beginning from Adam. The fructification of
the second state from Zacharias up to the 42d generation, the beginning
from Uzziah or from the days of Asa under whom Elisha was called by
Elijah the prophet. The fructification of the third state from that genera-
tion which was the 22d from Saint Benedict up to the consummation of
the age, the beginning from Saint Benedict." "
He assigns these three ages not only to the Father, Son.
and Holy Spirit,' but also particularly to three "orders" of men
with the third a period of monasticism:
"The very changes of times and works attest three states of the world.
It is permitted to call this whole present time one; so the three are orders
of the elect.... And of those orders indeed the first is that of the married,
the second of the clerics, the third of the monks. The order of the married
was begun from Adam; it began to fructify from Abraham. The order of
the clerics was begun from Uzziah; . . . it fructified, however, from Christ
who is the true King and Priest. The order of the monks according to a
certain proper form, since the Holy Spirit is its author, exhibited the
perfect authority of the blessed; it began from the blessed Benedict . . .
whose fructification is in the times of the end." "
As Christ preached the first gospel, so Joachim conceived
of himself and others as announcing the final gospel.' Joachim's
theory of earth's history was of three ages: The first 'age was
that of the Old Testament; the second, that of the New Testa-
ment; and the third would be that of the eternal gospel—with
no new book; but with a gospel proceeding from the Old and
New Testaments, only read with purer and clearer eyes.'
Psalmody would help them find in their Bibles the ever-
lasting gospel, guided by the Spirit. As the second age was• the
age of faith, so the third should be the age of love—despite
calamities and bloodshed. Only the elect would survive.' The
concept is rather remarkable from any point of view. It May
well be noted that there was greater freedom of expression then
than later, particularly from the time of the Council of Trent
forward, and Joachim wrote far more freely, of course, in
22 Translated from Joachim, Concordia, fol. 8 r.
22 Joachim, Expositio, fols. 5 v, 6 r; see also the diagram of the three periods of Father,
Son, and Spirit in the Concordia, fol. 21 v.
24 Joachim, Concordia, fol. 8 v. • Coulton, Five Centuries, vol. 2, P. 116.
Ibid. Ibid., p. 117.
JOACHIM OF FLORIS-NEW INTERPRETATION 695
Calabria than he could have done at the University of Paris.'

3. SHIFTED ACCENT TO GOD IN HISTORY.—Moreover, by
shifting the accent to God's revelation in history Joachim raised
history to a supreme place of importance. He himself began
to look into the past in order to find the confirmation for his
hypothesis. And in his profound studies in the Bible he saw
the key to this historical problem in the figures given as "forty-
two months," or "1260 days." These, he saw, were the God-
given time limits, and contained the holy numbers 3 and 7.
They should therefore be considered as basic for all important
computations. Hence, each age encompasses forty-two genera-
tions, each having an initial period and a period of maturity.
The twenty-one generations of the initial period and the forty-
two of the first age are of unknown length; the forty-two genera-
tions of the second age, at thirty years each, are 1260 years.
4. JoAmines SCHEME OF THE AGES.—This is what his
scheme for the world's history looks like:
ABRAHAM OR JACOB CHRIST 42° GENERATION

BENPALmat ..... oama
UZZ1AH
UNKNOWN
42 GENERATIONS
ADAM 42 GENERATIONS 1260 YEARS THIRD AGE
21 GENERATIONS FIRST AGE SECOND AGE
FATHER SON HOLY SPIRIT
Adam to Abraham 21 generations

First Age (of the Father) Abraham to Uzziah 21 generations
Period of fructification, at the
same time initial period of the
second age,
Uzziah to Zacharias 21 generations
Second Age (of the Son) Christ to Rene,lirt of Mil-6n: en
founder of monasticism in Enrnre
Period of fructification from 13en- 21 generations

edict to 1200 (1260)
Third Age (of the Spirit) From 1200 (1260) to Day of (42) generations
Judgment
bid pp. 118-120, 2° Dempf, op. cit., p. 274,

696 PROPHETIC FAITH
The first period of the second age does not quite fit with
the time involved, which shows that it is not the exact number
of years which are important in his reckoning, but that he takes
the generation as a unit. Furthermore, he was not out to com-
pute the exact time of the end, but was interested in finding
the order and the dynamic of all that happens between the be-
ginning of the world and its end. Therefore, having established
the parallelism of structure between the first two periods, it
might well be assumed that the third age would have a similar
development."
The grand plan of God in history thus being established,
it was easy to subdivide the different ages and to establish simi-
larities. Here again a tabulation will illustrate his concepts.
First Era Second Era

Prechristian Leaders Christian Kings Antichristian
and Leaders Leaders
1st period Jacob, Joshua, Moses, Christ Herod

Caleb Peter, Paul, John Nero
2d period Samuel, David Constantine, Sylvester Constantius,

Arius
3d period Elijah, Elisha Justinian, Benedict Chosroes,

Mohammed
4th period Isaiah, Hezekiah Gregory, Zacharias, The New Babylon

Pepin, Charlemagne
5th period Ezekiel, Daniel; Henry VI Saladin
Captivity in Babel
6th period Zerubbabel Bernard 6th & 7th—Kings of
the Apocalypse
7th period Year of Jubilee the DUX The Antichrist 3,-
As can be seen, historical events and historical personali-

ties again become of importance, and history now finds a place
in the interpretation of the figures of the Apocalypse. This is
truly a radical turning away from the old Tichonius tradition,
and is clearly the establishment of a historical method of inter-
ao op. cit., p. 61.

sr Dempf, op. cit., p. 276.
pretation. Here also and this is important—Papal Rome is

mentioned for the first time as the "new Babylon," and that
on the basis of a methodical study of the Bible. It is not simply
flung as a derogatory epithet against an adversary, but is a genu-
ine interpretation of prophecy.
5. THE EVANGELICAL IDEAL OF THE THIRD AGE.—We may
well ask: In what way did Joachim conceive the third age (that
of the Holy Spirit) would be fulfilled? In what way would it
differ from the previous age of the Son?
The second age covers the era of the medieval church,
with the hierarchy and its world claims. It was an era when
spiritual and carnal things were still interwoven. The church,
according to Joachim, had never been wholly pure and spirit-
ual, and was not even expected to be so during this second
age, for it was "between the flesh and the spirit." " The church
needed ceremonies and sacraments, and therefore J",ch;m, ful-
filled all his obligations with meticulous care. He was careful
to submit his writings for the approval of the pope, to avoid the
accusation of schism.
But the third a2.e would be a new a.e. This new era would
set in, supported by a new, monastic, purely evangelical society,
which would raise life to a new spiritual basis. Not a clerical
society, not bishops and cardinals who fight for worldly gains,
but a new monastic order would dominate life in this period,
which would have as its sole aim the imitatio Christi. A new
form of life and a new society would spring up. Joachim's call
was not so much, "Repent, turn back to the old sources," but
to change and become new, reach the higher goal. Oportet
mutari vitam., quia mutari necesse est statum mundi. (It is
fitting that the life be changed, since it is necessary that the
state ^f the w"r1,1 ha
This conception of the progressive development of revela-
tion was, of course, diametrically opposed to the old Augus-
tinian concept, and rocked the church to its foundations.
32 Joachim, Concordia, fol. 8 r.
38 Ibid., fol. 21 v; see also Grundmann, op. cit., p. 106.
698 PROPHETIC FAITH
Joachim saw definitely where this new conception would lead,

and he shrank from its consequences. So he couched his phrases
most carefully, in order to remove the sting of offense. But
in spite of his extreme care, and in spite of his acceptance of
the church in its current form as fulfilling its rightful place
during the second era, this concept disclaimed the finality of
the church, with her clergy and hierarchy and the sacraments
necessarily administered by human means, because in this spir-
itual era, soon to come, a better, more advanced, really spiritual
form of worship had to supersede the then-present forms.'
Actually Joachim saw no conflict between this idea and
his loyalty to the papal church, for he expected the new spirit-
ual church to be welcomed by the pope, just as the child Jesus
was embraced by Simeon in the temple.' But when the im-
plications of his doctrine came to be carried by his successors
toward their logical conclusions, the two main pillars of the
church were badly shaken. The later Joachimites were moved
to speak bitterly of the hierarchy, which fell short of their
standards and which persecuted them for their ideals.
Benz's treatment of Joachim is summarized by La Piana:
"The problem of the Church, the Sacraments, and the Papacy in the
new dispensation, destined to disappear because the ordo spiritualis would
take their place, is the truly revolutionary doctrine of Joachim. For, by
prophesying the imminent coining .of an age of pure evangelic morals,
he provided his contemporaries with a kind of standard by which they could
judge and criticize the papal Church. Furthermore, he gave to the monastic
orders the right to consider themselves as the bearers of the spiritual
Church, to affirm their independence from the Church of the Pope, nay,
to consider it as the anti-Christ. In other words, the attitude toward the
Church of the later Joachites, was contained in germ in Joachim's own
teaching."
La Piana qualifies this with the observation that antisac-
erdotal and antipapal currents were older than Joachimism,
and that Joachim taught unquestioning obedience to the ec-
clesiastical authorities, and refers to the fact that Joachim
expected papal approval for the new order.
n4 Joachim, Tractatus, p. 86.
Ibid., p. 87.
30 La Plana, op. cil.. p. 280.
jclArt-lim ryr FtripIs—NEW INTERPRETATION 699
Joachim assigned a place of importance to monastic reform
in the preparation for the new spiritual economy." In this he
showed his Cistercian background, for he was "the faithful
interpreter and the bold herald of that social and religious
palingenesis which the Cistercian rule introduced into Latin
Catholicism of the late Middle Ages."
Troubled by the laxness which had already crept in among
the Cistercians, he founded his own Florensian order to restore
the full original austerity. Buonaiuti observes that Joachim's
dream of "liberty from worldly cares," to be perfected only in
the great Sabbath, was the contemplative but active and con-
structive spirit of the Cistercian tradition. That movement lib-
erated large rural masses from feudal bondage, gave them a
work reclaiming the land, and gave to the work a spiritual
value. Bernard was too occupied by manifold ecclesiastical and
political activities. But Joachim was "the great interpreter of
thc. re vol ution contained in germ in the • Cistercian rule," He
"found in the monastic libertas the ideal state of man in the
coming age of the Spirit."
The future twofold order, lay and clerical, which Joachim
expected would "live by rule, not indeed, according to the
form of monastic perfection, but according to the institution
of the Christian faith," '° would enjoy the vision of peace and
rule the earth," for it was "the people of the saints of the most.
High" (Dan. :27) to whom was to be given the blessed vision
of peace and the- dominion from sea to sea."
We might sum up Joachim's influence on later times under
three heads: the historical element, the spiritual-evangelical
element, and the chronological element. We have seen how
Joachim's three ages placed the emphasis on history. His third-
age concept was also to influence later movements, such as
ar Buonaiuti, footnote in Joachim, Tractatus, p. 35.

Buonaiuti, Gloated:in° da Fiore, Introduction, p. xi, translated in La Piana, op. cit.,
p. 270.
Ibid., p. 273.
41 ibid., fol. 95 v.
joac.him, Trartatus. p. 101: cf. p. 35.
700 PROPHETIC FAITH
the Franciscans," and even to some extent the antisacerdotal

heresies, by its ideal of the spiritual life and the imitation of
Christ. Attention must be called here to the chronological ele-
ment in Joachim's historical interpretation, particularly his
1260-year period, which paved the way for the application of
the year-day principle to the longer time periods of prophecy.
6. APPLIES YEAR-DAY PRINCIPLE TO THE SYMBOLIC TIME
PROPHECY.—Under Joachim an epochal advance was made in
the symbolic-time aspect of prophetic interpretation. Hereto-
fore, for thirteen centuries the seventy weeks had been recog-
nized generally as weeks of years. But the first thousand years
of the Christian Era did not produce any further applications
of the principle, among Christian writers, save one or two
glimpses of the "ten days" of Revelation 2:10 as ten years of
persecution, and the three and a half days of Revelation 11 as
three and a half years. But now Joachim for the first time ap-
plied the year-day principle to the 1260-day prophecy.
Time was required for the development of the later con-
ception of the setting of that time period. Thirty-five years
after Joachim's death Eberhard was to point out the Papacy
as the fulfillment, historically, of the prophesied specifications
of Daniel's Little Horn symbol. This had no connection with
Joachim's interpretation. But eventually the growing identifi-
cation of papal Rome as the predicted apostasy, under the
terms Antichrist, Babylon, Beast, Man of Sin, and Mystery of
Iniquity, resulted in the application of the 1260 years as the
era of the ecclesiastical supremacy of the papal Little Horn.
This conception of the Little Horn, soon to come, gave the
clue to the time placement of the 1260 years as developed in
Reformation times and afterward.
Joachim provided the basis for the historical method of
interpretation of the time relationships of prophetic symbols,
as applied to both nations and churches when he extended to
this period the Biblical principle of a day for a year, which
43 The influence on the Spiritual Franciscans will be traced in the next chapter.
had in the early centuries been applied only to the seventy

weeks. To the early expositors, who expected the end soon,
or within a few centuries, all time perspectives pertaining to
last things were foreshortened, for they could not conceive of
the world's lasting long enough to cover time prophecies of
such length as 1260 years. Joachim himself never extended the
year-day principle to the 2300-day prophecy, probably for the
similar reason that he expected the end of the age sooner."
But only three years after his death, as we shall see, an anony-
mous work attributed mistakenly to him makes the number
2300 refer to twenty-three centuries, and within a relatively
few years more, other writers applied the year-day principle to
the 1290, 1335, and 2300 days as well. Thus the principle which
he enunciated was later employed by the leading Protestant
expounders of prophecy, though he had made an application
of its meaning and chronological placement which they, of
course, rejected.
Lei us ram tut n from the general survey of joachim's con-
tributions to consider some of his specific prophetic interpre-
tations.
III. Joachirn's Exposition of Leading Prophecies of Daniel
1. FOUR EMPIRES OF DANIEL 2 SPECIFIED.—In his Con-

cordia, Joachim outlines the four prophetic empires of Daniel
2, which Daniel "wonderfully explained." The gold he inter-
prets as the kingdom of the Chaldeans, Medes, and Persians;
the silver, as that of the Macedonians, from Alexander to the
time of the Maccabees; the third, as the Roman Empire. The
Saracens who seized the territory of the Romans, Joachim re-
gards as the iron kingdom that is to strike at Babylon."
"This statue . . . certain of the fathers have so explained that they
attributed the iron to the Roman Empire as ruling all the kingdoms. For
there was not, in that time, any kingdom of the Saracens, through which
44 Alfred-Felix Voucher, Lacunziona, p. 58.

45 Joachim, Concordia, fol. 127 r, v.
702 PROPHETIC FAITH
now, almost daily, the gold and silver and brass are being ground to
pieces." "
2. EARTH-FILLING STONE IS YET FUTURE.--The phase of
the iron and clay, Joachim says, is "the last kingdom, which
will be in the time of antichrist." Joachim parts company with
Augustine by placing the filling of the earth with the heavenly
stone kingdom, or mountain, as yet future:
"But that kingdom [of iron and clay] will last a short time, even until
that stone, which was cut from the mountain without hands, falls upon
it, and with the arms with which it formerly conquered the Roman empire
conquers and destroys it. . . . So therefore that precious stone, which
will descend from heaven, is to fill all the earth, when the universal king-
doms of the nations have been destroyed which fought against it." "
3. UNUSUAL EXPOSITION OF DANIEL 7.—Different ones
have had different opinions, Joachim declares, concerning the
beasts of. Daniel 7, which have been handed down to posterity.
Once more he seeks to connect the Saracens with the fourth
beast, as well as to tie them in with the ten-horned apocalyptic
beast. The ten horns and the Little Horn are future kings, but
the exposition of the eleventh king is hazy. In Daniel's first
three beasts he sees the Jews, the Romans, and the Arian king-
doms respectively '9
4. ALEXANDER THE GREAT, HORN ON GRECIAN GOAT.—"He who in-
terpreted the vision at the petition of Daniel, dedared the he-goat of the
goats to be the kingdom of the Greeks. But that the great horn was the
first king, that is, Alexander, who was to smite Darius, king of the Persians
and the Medes." "
5. ANTIOCHUS NOT INTENDED BY LITTLE HORN.—"Antiochus must
not be considered as the one concerning whom it was spoken. Although
iniquities will have increased, a king will arise, impudent in face, and
understanding propositions: even though this may seem possible to be
considered according to the literal sense, yet that one is the Antichrist,
whose type Antiochus held. For Antiochus did not lay waste the whole
world, whom so few soldiers of the Jews so strenuously resisted, even more
than could be believed; but of that one concerning whom it is written:
Who is exalted, and stands up against all that is called God, or what is wor-
46 Ibid., fol. 127 r.

47 Ibid., fol. 127 v.
48 Ibid., fols. 127 v, 128 r.
49 Ibid., fol. 128 v.
JOACHIM OF FLOR1S—NEW INTERPRETATION 703
shiped, so that in the temple of God he sits, showing himself as if he were
God."'
6. MYSTERY OF 1335 DAYS NOT YET CLEAR.—"And blessed is he who
waits and comes to the thousand three hundred and thirty-five days. I say
one thing more fearlessly—that when these mysteries are completed the
seventh angel will sound with a trumpet, under which all the sacred
mysteries which have been written will be fulfilled, and there will be a time
of peace in the whole earth. Concerning explaining the true mystery of
this number, let no one annoy me; let no one compel me to go beyond
the decreed limit; for God is powerful to make His own mysteries more
clear yet." "
IV. Exposition of Apocalypse Presents Notable Advances

1. SEVEN PERIODS PARALLEL SEVEN OLD TESTAMENT DIVI-
SIONS.—In the "Prologue" to his Expositio . . . in Apocalipsim,
Joachim expressly states that he does not enter upon this work
presumptuously, but by authorization. In the "Introductory
Book," Joachim summarizes the three ages of the Father, Son,
and Holy Spirit: (1) From Abraham to joust the Baptist; (2)
from John the Baptist to the fullness of the Gentiles; and (3)
from the expiration of that time to the consummation. His
idea of the harmony of the two Testaments is illustrated by his
application of the seven seals " to the sevenfold division of the
Christian Era, paralleling seven Old Testament divisions from
Abraham onward. This needs to be grasped as the setting for
his further exposition.
(1) From Christ's resurrection to the death of John the
apostle. (Paralleling Jacob to Moses and Joshua.)
(2) From the death of John to Constantine. (Paralleling
Moses and Joshua to Samuel and David.)
(3) From Constantine to Justinian. (Paralleling Samuel
and David to Elijah and Elisha.)
60 Ibid.
51 1bid., fol. 135 r.
62 It is to be noted that these seven periods are interpreted in connection with the
seals and trumpets but not the seven churches. Joachim speaks of Peter's five churches (the
principal sees) and John's seven as if they were the literal churches; yet again he refers to
the former as five general orders—apostles, martyrs, doctors, virgins, monks—and the latter as
seven special orders devoted to the religious, that is, the monastic, life. (Joachim, Expositio,
fols. 17 v, 18 r.)
704 PROPHETIC FAITH
(4) From Justinian to Charlemagne. (Paralleling Elijah

and Elisha to Isaiah and Hezekiah.)
(5) From Charlemagne to the present days. (Paralleling
Isaiah and Hezekiah to Judah's captivity.)
(6) From present days to the smiting of new Babylon.
(Paralleling the Jews' return to Malachi's death.)
(7) The last state, the Sabbath of the Lord's saints, until
the coming of the Lord. (Paralleling Malachi's death to Zach-
arias the father of John the Baptist.)
2. SEVEN SEALS SPAN CHRISTIAN ERA.—Joachim gives a
further exposition of the seven seals under chapter 6, which
may be summarized thus:
(1) The white horse: The primitive church; Christ, the
rider; heralded by the Apostolic order.
(2) The red horse: The pagan Roman priests; the devil
or the Roman emperors, the rider; the order of martyrs.
(3) The black horse: The Arian clergy; the balances, the
Arian disputations, the barley, wheat, oil, and wine, are the
historical, typical, moral, and anagogical interpretations; the
order of Catholic doctors.
(4) The pale horse: The Saracens; Mohammed, the rider;
the order of hermits and virgins.
(5) The altar: The Roman church clergy and monks; the
martyrs under persecution in Spain (ending in Joachim's time).
(6) Judgment of Babylon (of whoever attacks the Roman
church); persecution.
(7) The last Sabbath of rest; silence of the contemplative
life.'
Referring to the angel of Daniel 12:7, Joachim compares
this "time, times, and a half" with the periods of Revelation:
"The seven seals are contained in these forty-two generations; and
it is nothing else to say: in the time, and times, and dividing of time will
53 Joachim, Expositio. fol. 6 v. A fairly complete epitome of Joachim's teachings on the

Apocalypse from the Expositio appears in Elliott, volume 4, pages 386-421. Numerous footnotes
give the Latin extracts of the original, with the precise reference to our 1527 edition. And there
is a comprehensive table, or chart, on page 421. For a less detailed summary of Joachim's
doctrine, see Bett, op. cit., chapter 3.
Joachim, Expositio, fols. 113 v to 120 r, 123 r.
be fulfilled all the wonders of that one, than that which another angel,
or perhaps, one and the same, says under the sixth angel sounding the
trumpet: There shall be time no longer, but in the voice of the seventh
angel, when the trumpet shall begin to sound, the mystery of God shall
be consummated. 0 wonderful concord under the sixth seal! the angel
is said to take this oath in the Old Testament; and under the opening of
the sixth in the New." "
3. SEVEN TRUMPETS AGAIN COVER CHRISTIAN ERA.—Under
the trumpets, Joachim again retrogresses to the beginning of
the gospel dispensation. The locusts of the fifth trumpet, of
his own day, he understands to be the schismatics or heretics,
specifically the Patarines, who were the "Manichaean" or
Catharist type of heretics. "These are those heretics who are
commonly called Pathareni, that is, among some; and among
others are called by different names." 56
4. Two WITNESSES ARE TWO ORDERS.—The Two Wit-
nesses of Revelation 11 are possibly the traditional Enoch and
Elijah, more likely Moses and Elijah, Enoch being represented
by the angel of Revelation 10. These three are reckoned the
same as the flying angels of chapter 14." But Moses and Elijah
are most likely spiritual—an order of clerics and one of monks.
Joachim identifies the "everlasting gospel" as the gospel "in
the Spirit," belonging to the third age of the contemplative
church.' The forty-two months of treading down the city are
the same as the time of Daniel's Little Horn, and the Witnesses'
preaching is three and a half years." When Enoch and Elijah
come twelve men will be chosen, like the patriarchs and apos-
tles, to preach to the Jews; and there will be most famous
monasteries, like the twelve tribes and the twelve churches (the
five churches of Peter and the seven of John). In this connec-
tion he mentions five principal Cistercian houses.'
J. WOrvIAN IS CHURCH, DRAGON DEVIL —The
woman of Revelation 12 is in general the whole church, and in
55 Joachim, Concordia, fols. 133 v, 134 a.
56 Translated from Joachim, Expositio, fol. 130 v; see also fol. 131 r.
57 Ibid., fols. 146 r, v, 147 v. E8 Ibid., fol. 95 V.
56 Ibid., fols. 145 v, 146 v. The 1260 days, on the year-day principle, are covered fully in
Section V.
00 Joachim, Concordia, fol. 57 v.
23
706 P ROPHETIC FAITH
particular the church of hermits and virgins.' The dragon is
the devil, the body is all the wicked multitude, and the seven
heads are seven successive persecuting kings through the period
of the church. The ten horns are the ten kings to come; the
tail is the last tyrant (Antichrist); the man-child is Christ."
6. BEASTS ARE USURPATIONS OF KINGLY AND PRIESTLY
POWERS.—The first beast of Revelation 13 is a combination of
the four beasts of Daniel. The lion means the Jews; the second
beast, the pagans; the third beast, the Arians, whose four heads
are the (Arian) Greeks, the Goths, the Vandals, and the Lom-
bards; the fourth beast, the Saracens.' The head wounded and
healed is the Saracens. They seem to have revived in his time
after earlier defeats, but perhaps this is a future spiritual
wounding, with the revival in the time of the eleventh king."
The second beast of Revelation 13 is the sect of the false
prophets, and his two horns are an imitation of the expected
Enoch and Elijah.' When the new Babylon (Rome) has been
given into the hand of the beast to smite, when the eleventh
king rules among the Saracens, then the false prophets will
have their opportunity. They will go over to the civil power
and betray the Christian religion.' Just as the first beast will
have his final Saracen king, so the beast with two horns will
have a false pontiff, who will be Antichrist.
"Truly it seems that just as that beast which comes up from the sea
is to have a certain great king from his sect who is like Nero, and a quasi
emperor of the whole world, so the beast which will come up from the
land is to have a certain great prelate who is similar to Simon Magus, and
a quasi universal pontiff in all the world, and he is that Antichrist con-
cerning whom Paul says that he will be lifted up and opposed above every-
thing that is called or that is worshiped, so that he sits in the temple of
God showing himself as if he were God."
81 Joachim, Expositio, fol. 154 r, V. 62 Ibid., fols. 156 r, v, 157 r.

03 /bid., fols. 162 r, v, 183 r,
V.
84 Ibid., fols. 164 v, 165 r. It is curious to note that Joachim here (fol. 164 v) mentions
a star shower in 1015 [i.e., 1095'l as a sign encouraging Urban and the Crusaders. His attitude
toward the Saracens is noteworthy. It is possible, he says, that the Christians will prevail over
them by preaching, not fighting. (Joachim, Tractatus, p. 117.)
66 Joachim, Expositto, fol. 166 v.
66 Ibid., fol. 167 v.
67 Ibid., fol. 168 r (see English paraphrase in Elliott, op. cit., pp. 408, 409). We see
here that heidentifies the Man of Sin with Antichrist. Elsewhere he makes Herod a type of
both. (Tractatus, p. 67.)
Some doctors, he continues, say that the eleventh king is

Antichrist, but Joachim is willing to accept that also. The
dragon is one, but he has many heads, and there are many Anti-
christs. Elsewhere Joachim hints that Antichrist will usurp the
place of the pope.
"Antichrist will usurp for himself the kingdom of Christ, saying that
he is the Son of God, and he will sit as Lord in His temple, seeking to ex-
tinguish the vicar of Christ and those who were on his side, and persecut-
ing them from city to city. . . .
"Perhaps since there will be many Antichrists, someone would say
that in Absalom was meant not only that greatest persecutor whom the
Lord Jesus will slay with the breath of His mouth, but someone else ac-
cording to which we read that some have usurped the Roman see, and we
find that this has happened recently under the emperor Frederick [Bar-
barossa, says Buonaiuti]. I think, however, that a considerable multitude
of Greeks and Jews will already have been collected for the use of the
church when that happens."
7. NUMBER 666 NOT YET REVEALED.—The image is a tra-
dition made by the false prophets in memory of the first beast,
saying that it was the kingdom which was to remain forever.'
Of the number 666, says Joachim, we must wait and know the
name before speculating as to the number; but the number is
not revealed. Yet he continues with a colorful speculation on
the 666 as the whole period between Adam and Antichrist."
8. THE THREE ANGELS AND THE EVERLASTING GOSPEL.—
Joachim says that the three angels may be future, because the
first is said to have "the everlasting gospel," but he thinks that
the first angel of Revelation 14 comes at the opening of the fifth
seal (either the announcer of the woes, or the angel of Reve-
lation 10), but the other two at the opening of the sixth seal,
the time of Antichrist—the Two Witnesses who preach 1260
days." Perhaps, he says, they are Moses, Enoch, and Elijah, who
will come as three great preachers in the end of this second age,
announcing the everlasting gospel, the fall of Babylon, and the
wrath poured on the worshipers of the beast." The eternal gos-
66 Joachim, Concordia, fol. 95 r, V.
69 Joachim. Expositio, fol. 168 r.
,0 Ibid., fol. 169 r.
"1- Ibid., fol. 173 r.
12 Ibid., fol. 147 v.
708 PROPHETIC FAITH
pel, he says elsewhere, is that of the Spirit; the literal gospel

is temporal, not eternal."
9. GOD'S SEAT HAS BECOME SEAT OF BEAST.—The vials
are made to parallel the seals and the trumpets, beginning with
the early church again, but considered as the outpouring of
God's wrath in the same periods." One point is of interest in
the fifth vial, which is poured out upon the false ones among
the clergy and conventuals, who, under the form of the church,
which is God's seat, have become the seat of the beast, which is
the kingdom of Antichrist ruling at least from the beginning
of the church in his members. Another is that the sixth is
poured on the Roman Empire, whose peoples are the river of
Rome, the new Babylon." The seventh plague cleanses the
air, or the spiritual church, which remains after the judgment
on Babylon."
10. HARLOT SYMBOLIZES THE REPROBATE OF ROME.—The
Harlot of Revelation 17 is understood as Rome, in the sense of
all the reprobate who blaspheme the church of the just—Jeru-
salem—who sojourns among them. She is not only the city of
Rome, or all of it—far from it—but the whole multitude of
wicked men, those born of the flesh, in the whole extent of the
Christian empire." The "kings of the earth" are bad prelates
who compromise with the wicked ones." In the seven heads of
the scarlet beast (the same as the beast of chapter 13 and of
Daniel), he sees successive persecuting kingdoms of unbe-
lievers—the Judaic, the pagan Roman, the four Arian powers
(Greek, Gothic, Vandal, Lombard), and the Saracen king-
doms." It is to the sons of Babylon within the Roman church
and empire to whom the doom of Roman Christendom be-
longs." Babylon's destruction by the beast brings the liberation
73 Ibid., fol. 95 v. The Joachimites later called Joachim's writings the Eternal Gospel.
(See Bett, op. cit., pp. 49, 50,fols.
103.)
74 Joachim, Expositio, 187 ff.
75 Ibid., fols. 189 v, 190 v.
76 Ibid., fol. 191 v.
77 Ibid., fols. 194 r, 195 r, 198 r.
1 Ibid., fol. 194 r.
3
79 Ibid., fol. 196 V.
80 Ibid., fol. 198 r.
of the just and the conversion of the Jews." But before the
establishment of the kingdom there is one more tribulation
yet to come.
11. OVERTHROW OF BEAST AND ANTICHRIST.—After the re-
joicing over the destruction of Babylon comes the final battle
of Antichrist, the beast in the phase of the seventh king. He is
uncertain whether Antichrist is the sixth or the seventh head,
but he thinks that it involves both the beast and the false
prophet (identified elsewhere as the Saracen quasi emperor and
the heretical quasi pope). Christ will conquer those nations
personally or through His saints."
"Indeed we are certain, and all the church of the righteous un-
shakably hold that He is to come in the glory of His Father to judge the
living and dead, and the world with fire, but whether in the time of Anti-
christ or afterward it is doubted by many. . . . I, however, think that He
Himself will come to destroy biro; on account of what He Himcelf says
in the Gospel: 'But immediately after the tribulation of those days shall
the sun be darkened, and the moon shall not give her light.' For if He did
not say 'Immediately' the question would remain doubtful enough on this
point. But since this is said, it seems that while Antichrist is still reigning,
Christ will come that He Himself might put an end to his reign and his,
blasphemy." "
Joachim is uncertain whether the armies accompanying

Christ are the dead who are in Christ, or those who were raised
at the time of His resurrection, or, as he rather thinks, the
earthly saints.' After the beast and the false prophet are cast
into the lake of fire, and the rest cut down by the sword from
His mouth, none are left except a "small people," for in the
seventh period none except the saints are living."
12. A NEW NOTE ON THE MILLENNIUM.—In Revelation 20
the seventh period of the world is portrayed, which is the third
ace of the spirit i his is rirlt the actcial seventh mill enary from
the world's creation, Joachim says, but the seventh age of the
81 Ibid., fol. 204 r.

82 Ibid., fol. 207 r.
83 Ibid., fol. 207 r, V.
84 Ibid., fol. 207 v.
85 Ibid., fols. 209 v, 207 v.
710 PROPHETIC FAITH
world, really of indefinite length, possibly very short, dated

from the overthrow of Antichrist and the beast."
Joachim combats the chiliastic idea of a future earthly king-
dom of a thousand years. He thinks those who make this sev-
enth age the seventh thousand years are wrong according to
the Greeks and the Latins, because the former claim more and
the latter less—evidently a reference to the difference between
the Septuagint and Vulgate (Hebrew) chronology of the world.
He contends that the seventh age is not a specific time but that
there will be a sabbatical period after the overthrow of the
beast and the false prophet." The final judgment of the Anti-
christ is not at the last moment of the world, for the end of
the world does not always mean the very last time but the time
of the end, or the last age.
"Already more than a thousand years have passed from [the time]
when the blessed John said, 'Little children, it is the last hour.' Therefore
there will be a time after the fall of Antichrist, but whether in the end of
this time the Lord will come to judgment, or in the beginning, some have
thought it ought to be doubted rather than defined." 88
This third age, with probably the personal advent of Christ
at its beginning, and only the saints—those living the contem-
plative life—left in the church, differs radically from Augus-
tine's present millennium. He insists that Satan is to be bound,
and suggests the possibility that the period may not be reckoned
by recapitulation from the first advent." Yet he reconciles it
in some measure with Augustinianism, for he is a loyal son
of the church, not an attacker of the traditional beliefs. The
dragon began to be bound—some part of him, at least—at
Christ's death, but he is completely bound only when all the
seven heads have been conquered "from that day or hour when
the Beast and the False Prophet are cast into, the lake of fire,"
and the sabbatic seventh period therefore "began in part on
the Sabbath when Christ rested in the sepulcher; [it will begin]
" Ibid., fols. 209 v-211 r. 8, Ibid., fol. 211 r.
88 Ibid., fol. 210 r; see also fol. 84 v, This repeated statement about the time interval
since the apostle John is almost the same as that used in the Waldensian poem "The Noble
Lesson." See p. 873.
so Joachim, Expositio, fol. 210 v; see summary on fol. 16 r.
according to its fullness, from the ruin of the Beast and the
False Prophet." Thus the thousand years extend to the loosing
of Satan and the battle with Gog and Magog.
"The Holy Spirit has already bound the devil in part, and He will
bind him more fully in that day, . . . until the time is fulfilled which is
signified by the thousand years, from the time of the Lord's resurrection to
the time of his [Satan's] loosing; shutting him up in the hearts of the tribes
of the Scythians.""
During the seventh, or sabbatical, age, when the devil is
bound fully, the saints of the Most High reign in the spiritual
"vision of God" in which the martyrs and certain of the right-
eous have been living since the hour of their death, during the
thousand years. (The "dead who are in Christ," the "perfect,"
rise to heaven without delay.) "
"And this the kingdom of happy vision and of peace, which will be
given according to its fullness to the multitude of the just after the ruin
of the seventh king, takes its beginning from the very time of the resur-
rection of the Lord, and is rightly said to remain for a thousand years,
so that the same time is understood of the imprisonment of the dragon, and
of the kingdom of the saints, since also one is distinguished from the other
by the cause. Yet the rest of the dead do not live with Christ until the
thousand years are completed, for to the righteous pertains the judgment of
the Omnipotent."
13. "THOUSAND YEARS" NOT LITERAL.— i he perfect num-

ber 1,000 merely indicates fullness, not a future literal period,
for the seventh age may be very short—possibly short enough
to allow the same Man of Sin to take part in the battle at the
end, when Satan is loosed and attacks the saints, and God will
finally wind up the affairs of this earth in the general judg-
ment."
"Seeing that the Lord will come, who will illuminate the secret things
of darkness, and will manifest the plans of the hearts. But in whatever
manner ii may be Lunsidered, yci ibis altogether holds true that at the
time of the end of the world the devil will lead (away) these nations,
and will lead them against the church of the elect, which will be loved by
"" Ibid., fol. 211 r. "Ibid., fol. 211 s': see also fol. 16 r.
" Joachim, Tractatus, pp. 79-81. 9. Joachim. Erpositio, fol. 212 r.
"Ibid., fols. 210 v, 211 r.
712 PROPHETIC FAITH
Christ, just as Rachel by her husband, so that he [the devil] will bring
upon them and upon himself temporal and eternal judgment, lest he
further have time and place for persecuting the church."
14. NEW HEAVEN AND EARTH THE BLISSFUL STATE.—The

new heaven and earth—in the blissful state, when the tares are
gathered from the wheat—means the saints who no longer live
according to the flesh, and the rest of the faithful who expect
to see the kingdom through God's mercy. The New Jerusalem
is still distinguished as the church in its earthly state," similar
to Augustine's view.
V. Year-Day Principle for Five Months and 1260 Years

1. FIVE MONTHS OF 150 PROPHETIC DAYS ARE LITERAL
YEARS.—In his work on the Apocalypse, Joachim applies the
year-day principle to the five months of Revelation 9, referring
to the locusts as the heretical Catharist perfecti. The location
of this 150-year period is admittedly unknown, for he does not
know whence this sect came—only that it has existed a long
time.
"But wherefore the five months? Possibly because five months have
150 days; and sometimes a day is wont to designate a year; truly thirty
days, one generation of years. Probably, therefore, five months signify five
generations of years, namely 150 years, because it is a long time from whence
that sect was fostered, although we do not know whence it originated or
grew."
But Joachim's most noteworthy use of the year-day prin-
ciple is in connection with the 1260 days. The key to his
whole chronological scheme is the symbolic period variously
named as forty-two months, three and one-half times or years,
and 1260 days. He calls this "that great number which contains
all these mysteries. For there are 42 months or 1260 days, and
they designate nothing else than 1260 years, in which the mys-
teries of the New Testament consist." 98
95 Ibid., fol. 212 V.

99 Ibid., fol. 215 v.
97 Ibid., fol. 131 V.
2. THE 1260 DAYS ARE 1260 YEARS "WITHOUT DOUBT."—

Having established a concord, or correspondence, of events,
between the Old and New Testament times in the seven seals,
Joachim tries to formulate a correspondence of time. The forty-
two generations " of the Old Testament age of the Father are
taken as a type of forty-two spiritual generations of the New
Testament age of the Son, which is 1260 years if thirty years
are counted for each generation. In connection with the 1260
days of the symbolic woman—the church—of Revelation 12,
hidden in the seclusion of the wilderness, Joachim makes a
remarkable application of the year-day principle, destined to
reverberate through the centuries following:
"The generations of the church, under the space of 30 years, are
to be taken each under its unit of thirty; so that just as Matthew includes
the time of the first state under the space of 42 generations, so there is no
doubt that the time of the second ends in the same number of generations,
especially since this is shown to be signified in the number of days during
which Elijah was hidden from the face of Ahab, and during which the
woman clothed with the sun, who signifies the church, remained hidden
in the wilderness from the face of the serpent, a day without doubt being
accepted for a year and a thousand two hundred and sixty days for the
same number of years."
3. ANTICIPATED BY JEWISH YEAR-DAY APPLICATION.—Ap-
plication of the year-day principle to the longer time periods
of Daniel had appeared first among Jewish expositors some
three centuries before any Christian interpreters are known to
have so applied it. Nahawendi, in the early ninth century, was
evidently the first to interpret the 1290 and 2300 days as years.
Then Saadia, Jeroham, Hakohen, Jephet ibn Ali, and Rashi of
the tenth century applied it not only to the 70 weeks but also to
one or more of the 1290-, 1335-, and 2300-day periods. And Ha-
nasi and Eliezer, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and
Nahmaiiides in the di it Lecniii, similarly extended it to the
longer time periods of Daniel.'
s A reference to Matthew 1:1-17.
too Joachim, Concordia, fol. 12 v. (Italics supplied.) The italicized phrase reads, in the
original, accept° haud dubtum die pro anno."
101 See Prophetic Faith, vol. 2, P. 216.
That Joachim had Jewish contacts is not unlikely, but we have no conclusive evidence
as to the source of his interpretation of the 1260 days as 1260 years.
714 PROPHETIC FAITH
To what extent Joachim and the Joachimites, who likewise

applied the year-day principle to these same periods, were ac-
quainted with or aware of these interpretations, we do not know.
But it is most likely that they had some knowledge of this ap-
plication. That there were some exchanges of ideas between the
two groups is evident, as, for instance, in the debate between
Nahmanides and Fra Pablo in 1263, before King James of
Aragon. The significance of these interpretations will become
increasingly apparent in Volumes II to IV.
4. EXPECTS THE PERIOD TO END BEFORE 1260.—Joachim
would seem to imply that the third age, that of the Spirit, would
begin about the year 1260, although he is inclined to expect
it earlier than that. He refuses to be dogmatic about it. Note
what he says immediately after the sentence in which he lays
down the principle "a day without doubt being accepted for
a year." He prefers rather to remain uncertain as to whether
Zacharias and his son John the Baptist should be counted as
two generations of the forty-.two--and therefore the third age
placed only forty generations, or 1200 years, after Christ—or
whether there are two more generations left after that time.
And in the latter case he wonders whether the two remaining
generations will run the same length as the others or will be
shortened for the elect's sake, possibly to three and a half
years.'"
It is clear that in Joachim's opinion the second of the
three ages is about to end in his day, and the critical period
is to be expected between 1200 and 1260, beginning about
1200,1" but it is not clear how the year 1200 fits into the scheme.
On the one hand he seems to compute the full 42 months
to the year 1200.
"For as we have written above in this work, from Adam to Jacob
were 21 generations, from Jacob indeed to Christ 42 generations. Likewise
from Uzziah to Christ 21 generations, and from Christ to the time of this
tyrant, as our opinion holds, as it were 42 generations. These forty-two
102 TOaChiffl, Concordia, fol. 12 v.

,"3 'Ibid., fol. 40 v; see also Fournier, op. cit., pp. 23, 24; Vaucher; op. cit., p. 47.
generations are of thirty years each, and are called forty-two months, or
1260 days, or a time and times and half a time. .. . There are from Adam.
in all, up to the year 1200 from the incarnation of the Lord, 105 genera-
tions, although the two last arc of uncertain time and 'moment."'
On the other hand, he seems to reckon 1260 years from
Christ, with the year 1200 at the end of the fortieth generation,
where he places his own time on a tabulation,'" with forty-one
and forty-two yet to come, but he is uncertain whether these
final two run the full thirty years each, ending in 1260, or
whether they are shortened. He suggests elsewhere that the sixth
and seventh periods, which begin together, may be very short,
spanned by the time of Antichrist:7
As to the problem of how he can reckon 1260 years from
Christ ending about the year 1200, he gives an intriguing and
typically medieval explanation in his work on the Gospels. He
is discussing the forty-two generations from Abraham to Christ,
or rather to Joseph, as listed in Matthew 1. He notes that the
List of forty-two generations contains only forty names, and
brings up several irrelevant parallels to show that this passage
contains .a mystery."' So, he continues, the number forty is held
in the sum, but "the consummation of mysteries is extended
to the forty-second number."
The number of generations of the. church up to the con-
version of Israel corresponds to the number of months during
which Elijah prevented rain, and during which the woman, the
church., fled from the dragon into solitude. She spends forty of
these months in peace, of a sort, but two in a period of dark-
ness in connection with the consummation of the mystery at
the sounding of the seventh trumpet—the period of tribulation
followed by the darkening of the sun and the moon, and the
fallinc, of the stars, and the rest, whose length no one knows."
lw Joachim, Concordia, fol. 134 r.

1-G5
Ibid., fol. 11 r, v.
106See page 709.
107For example, the Israelites had forty-two stopping places between Egypt and Canaan,
but made thejourney in forty years. Re does not notice that the forty-two generations are the
sum of three divisions of fourteen generations, each of which is reckoned inclusiudy, according
to a common custom of ancient times. (See Appendix A, part 1, page 917, for other examples
of this method of counting.)
Joachim, Tractafvs. p. 15.
716 PROPHETIC FAITH
It is clear that Joachim himself never intended to press a

precise year for the epoch of the Spirit. But after his death the
specific year, 1260, came to be considered by Joachim's follow-
ers as the fatal date that would begin the new age, so much so
that when it passed without any notable event some ceased to
believe any of his teachings.
5. BECOMES PROPHET OF THE NEW AGE.—Joachim's teach-
ings would have remained without great significance or influ-
ence were it not for the fact that a few years after his death
Francis of Assisi preached the evangelical ideal with unsur-
passed force. He seemed to be the direct fulfillment of the
coming Dux (leader) in that new era of the Spirit predicted by
Joachim. Joachim's writings now became important, and he
became the prophet of the new and final age of the world.
People began to look for the opposite pole to the Spiritual
Franciscans, and believed they had found it in the emperor
Frederick II. If he should die in 1260, he certainly would be
the Antichrist, they thought. Numerous writings sprang up
under Joachim's name, and these pseudo-Joachim writings were
even more widely canvassed in Franciscan circles.
It was the Franciscan principle not to remain secluded in
stately cloisters but to mingle freely among the common peo-
ple, there to preach and to help. Therefore these ideas became
widely known among all strata of the population. What Joa-
chim had still avoided in pinning prophecy down to exact
dates, these Franciscan Spirituals no longer did. Concerning
this significant development we shall hear in a later chapter.
But one thing is certain: Joachim of Floris stands at the turning
point of an epoch—the turning point from the Middle Ages
to the Renaissance and modern times, a transition which he
was instrumental in achieving. His hope had been that the new
age would be the age of the Spirit; he did not imagine that it
would become the age of science. Now let us consider the sub-
sequent influence of his teachings.
CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE
Strange Teachings Among the

Joachimites and Spirituals
I. "De Semine" Emphasizes Twenty-three Centuries
Before dealing with the writings which usher in the era

of the Joachimites we must first carefully note a little work
long attributed to Joachim, and written only three years after
his death. In reality it belongs to a quite different category of
writings. This treatise is called De Semine Scrip-Ito-arum, or iii
some manuscripts De Seminibus Scripturarum (On the Seed, or
Seeds, of the Scriptures), and is of a rather mystical nature.
It has a definite bearing upon our investigation as the earliest
instance found, among Christian writers, of the interpretation
of the 2300 days as a period of 2300 years. The date of this
treatise is given in the text as 1205, although at least in the
Vatican manuscript of it here cited, it also appears later as
1304/5, but the latter is obviously a copyist's error for 12M/5.1
The internal evidence clearly points to the earlier date. The
very chronological schemes in which these dates occur require
it. Further, the writer prophesies the beginning of a new era
with the year 1215, yet to come, during which time both Jeru-
salem and Rome will be delivered from their material and
; hum the simoniacal clerics.'
spiritual enernieb, meal'nig
De Seminibus Scripturarum, fol. 7 r, col. 1, lines 44-46, fol. 13 v, col. 2, lines 15, 16.
The manuscript used here (Vat. Latin 3819) is the abridged form with the variant title De
Seminibus. It contains no folio numbering whatever. A complete reproduction in microfilm
is in the Advent Source Collection.
2 See F. Kampers, "Zur `Notitia saeculi' des Alexander de Roes," Festgabe Karl Theo-
dor von Heiget, p. 108; and Beatrix Hirsch-Reich, "Zur `Noticia and zum `Pavo,' "
Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung, vol. 38 (1920), pp. 581, 582.
717
to14t crunuck
tom trtmere •bn ,b7otio
410,10
,Pbbibibib
tb) ,sitryb
b 1.4
PSEUDO-JOACHIM MANUSCRIPT ATTRIBUTED TO MONK OF BAMBERG

Opening Page of De Seminibus Scripturarum, First Known Christian Treatise That Explains
the 2300 Days of Daniel 8:14 as Twenty-three Centuries (Left); Later Page of Same Document,
Showing Interesting Numerical Key, Beginning in Left Column (Right)
In its general trend De Semine defends extreme papal

power, although at the same time it condemns simony in strong
terms. On the other hand, it makes highly favorable remarks
about Charlemagne and the Ottos, and dedicates a large por-
tion of its space to Emperor Henry II and his spouse Kuni-
gunde, and the events connected with Henry's establishment
of the bishopric of Bamberg. This leads Kampers to assume
that the author might be a monk of Bamberg.' Franz Wilhelm,
on the other hand, believes that the author was a German
residing in Italy' Beatrix Hirsch-Reich, who has prepared a
critical edition of the work not yet published, based on more
than a dozen manuscripts, says that the archetype is a manu-
script found at Bamberg, and that it is extant in a long and
a short recension, the latter with an added introductory para-
3 Kampers, "Zur `Notitia saeculi,' " p. 109.
4 Franz Wilhelm,"Zu Jordanus von Osnabruck," Mitteilungen, des In:gigues
fir Oesterreichische Geschichssforschung, vol. 24 (1903), p. 366.
718
STRANGE TEACHINGS 719
graph." Precisely who the author was seems impossible to de-

termine from the evidence at present available.
1. CONTENTS UNLIKE JOACHIM'S TEACHINGS.—If it were
not for the introductory passage of this little book, "Incipit liber
Joachim ," and for its later acceptance as Joachim's by the
Spirituals, hardly anyone would assume any particular relation-
ship between it and the abbot's writings. In fact, it has little in
common with the true Joachim.' The teaching on the Trinity
is there, but it has not .become the foundation of a grand sys-
tem, as in Joachim. Nor do we find the division of the history
of the world into three great periods, but rather into four; and
it ignores Joachim-'s preoccupation with the forty-two months
and the 1260 days as numbers of central interest. On the other
hand, we find in its odd computation, based on a play with the
letters of the alphabet in a rather cabalistic style, an element
completely absent in the genuine writings of Joachim; and its
central figure is the 2300 days—which Joachim ignored—inter-
preted as twenty-three centuries extending to the -sixteenth.'
Where did our unknown author's ideas come from? Alfred
Vaucher—a careful Swiss Scholar, to whom I am indebted for
access to this pseudo-Joachim treatise and to the other Joachim-
ite material on the 2300 years—is of the opinion that these
notions probably did not come from Joachim at all, but were
rather derived from the same sources as Joachim's—Jewish
cabalism. It is not necessary to suppose that the conception of
the 2300 days as 2300 years was derived from reading Joachim's
calculation of 1260 years. For not only had earlier Jewish
writers attached numerical values to the letters of the alphabet,
and applied the year-day principle to the 1260, 1290, and 1335
days, but also a contemporary writer, Eleazar ben Judah Ka-
lonym-s 1176-193R), who was a disciple of -caadia Gaon, the
early popularizer of the year-day principle among the Jews,
6 Cited in Vaucher, op.. cit., p. 58.

8 Kampers, "Zur `Notrtia saeculi,' " p. 112.
Joachim's 1260 years never led him to extend the year-day principle to the longer
period of the 2300 days, probably because of his belief in the imminence of the end. (Vaucher,
op. cit., p. 58.)
720 PROPHETIC FAITH
occupied himself with Messianic calculations, and was supposed

to have written a work on the alphabet.' At least six previous
Hebrew expositors had calculated the 2300 days symbolically,
applying the year-day principle.
2. TWENTY-THREE CENTURIES FROM THE TIME OF DANIEL.
—The entire work is based on the Latin alphabet, the twenty-
three letters of which (as the "seed" of the Scriptures which
produce a hundredfold) are curiously made to signify the
twenty-three centuries from the earliest days of Rome, or ap-
proximately from the time of the prophet Daniel, on to the
expected end. The whole chronological scope is stated at the
end of the introductory paragraph: "Under the first letter, a,
Daniel grew up; under the second he died; unto the evening
and the morning, two thousand three hundred."
This same sentence is found at the end of the work, fol-
lowed by the explanation that a means 100; b, 200; and so on
through the alphabet. This mention of Daniel and 2300 occurs
only at the end in the long recension, but in the abridged re-
cension at the beginning also." If, as Miss Hirsch-Reich thinks,
the Joachimite who abridged the original added this introduc-
tory paragraph as a preface, the body of the work would begin
with a series of Roman numerals from 100 to 2300 equated
with the letters of the alphabet:
".c.cc.ccc.cccc.d.dc. a.b.c.d.e.f. dcc.dccc.dcccc.m.mc.mcc.
mccc.mcccc.md.mdc.m[d]cc.m[d]ccc. n.o.p.q.r.s. m[d]cccc.mm.mmc.mmcc.
mmccc. t.u.x.y.z.
"The seed fell into good ground and springing up brought forth
fruit a hundredfold." "
Then comes an acrostic: "Assumet. Benignus. Carnem.
Dominus. Emmanuel," and so on through the alphabet. In
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, continues the author, which were
the languages inscribed upon the cross, the prophetic Scrip-
tures have been sown over the whole world. Since the seeds, or
8 Vaucher, op. cit., p. 60. For the earlier Jewish writers on these periods see Volume II
of the present work.
8 Translated from De Seminibus Scsepturarum (short recension, Cod. Vat. Lat. 3819), fol.
1 r, col. 1. (See reproduction on page 718.)
ro Vaucher, op. cit., p. 58.
11 De Seminibus, fol. 1 r, col. 1.
letters, produce a hundredfold, he reckons a hundred years for

each letter, but he does not say why he takes years as the unit.
Beginning with a, the discussion proceeds through the alphabet,
filled with symbolism of numbers and letters, of vowels and
consonants, and of metrical schemes. Under s there is an extrav-
agant eulogy of the emperor Henry II and his wife, comparing
the latter to the celestial woman of Revelation 12. There are
philosophical side excursions, including the old notion of the
resurrection day as the "eighth day," and the "octonary" of the
New Testament_ supplanting the "septenary" of the Old Tes-
tament.
3. SEVEN LETTERS BEFORE CHRIST.—Throughout this
strange mixture, however, runs a definite though fanciful time
scheme. If no one knows the day or hour, neither do I,. says
the writer, "but I know concerning the years." " Few dates are
given, and the location of events within the centuries is indefi-
nite, but the general characteristics of the periods are unmis-
takable. The interval from the founding of Rome to the in-
carnation is represented by the first seven letters of the Latin
alphabet, which stand for seven centuries; " Christ comes under
the eighth letter, h (homo), as the new divine Man, the prom-
ised Seed in whom all the families of the earth were to be
blessed."
Under i and k (the second and third centuries of our era)
there is persecution; the "red color in God's picture" is covered
with black, but the sun, hidden hitherto by the mountains,
shines forth through 1 (lux), the light of God, when under
Constantine and Sylvester peace is restored to the church, and
the two swords (referring to Luke 22:38) are confederated in
the priesthood and the kingdom." In the next century, charac-
terized by thc gTeen color, there follemi "wilfessois and
virgins," and the Arian controversy concerning the Trinity,
which is symbolized by the triple letter m." The sixth century,
32 Ibid., fol. 1 v, col. 1, lines 48, 49. 13 Ibid., fol. 2 v, col. 1, fol. 3 r, col. 1.
14 Ibid., fol. 3 r, cols. 1, 2. 15 Ibid., fol. 5 r, col. 1.
16 Ibid., fol. 5 r, cols. 1, 2, fol. 8 r, col. 1.
X 99 PROPHETIC: FAITH
, is identified through the mention of "the abbot Benedict";

ii
by the seventh century, o, identified with Gregory the Great,

the Catholics have spread over the world in the seven hundred
years (inclusive) since the h century, heresies are quiescent,
"for no one -sits upon the whole world except him who holds
the see of blessed Peter";" under p (pax), there is peace after
so many tribulations from pagans and heretics; q represents
temptation and trial by persecution."
4. SEES EMPEROR AND EMPRESS IN REVELATION 12.—Under
r (rex), referring to "a king discerning between peace and war,"
the difference is shown between "pontiffs and princes who
wished to prohibit the small and humble from the praise of the
Lord," and those who receive the scourge (flagellum) of trial
and humiliation as a test before receiving the kingdom.' Under
the letter s the Saviour cures those who submit themselves
voluntarily to the scourge.' At this point the treatise launches
into a six-page eulogy of Emperor Henry II and "his most noble
wife Kunigunde." The author relates how in this century (the
eleventh) "the most holy emperor Henry" bent over like the
letter s, from the height of his power, and founded bishoprics
and monasteries; he waxes enthusiastic over the royal couple's
supposed espousal of celibacy."
T, the form of a cross, represents the century in which so
many religious orders rose—such as the Cistercians—taking up
the cross of Christ. In this century the region of Jerusalem was
taken.' Just as Christ is on the cross under the letter t, He
expires under u (or v), the last of the vocals. Christ, the Via,
V eritas, Vita (the Way, the Truth, and the Life) was crucified,
he says, thirty-three years after the annunciation. The twofold
U represents His first coming in humility and His second in
glory."
5. AUTHOR EXPECTS ANTICHRIST BEFORE RESURRECTION.-
17 Ibid., fol. 8 r, col. 2, fol. 8 v, col. 1. 11 Ibid., fol. 8 v, col. 2, fol. 9 r, 1.

1'4 Ibid., fol. 9 r, col. 2. 20 Ibid., fol. 9 v, cols. 1, 2.
21 Ibid., fol. 10 r, col. 1. 22 Ibid., fol. 10 r, col. 2.
Ibid., fol. 13 r, cols. 1, 2. 14 Ibid., fol. 13 v. col. 1.
Our author places himself in the u century (the thirteenth),

and begins to use future tense for x, under which letter he ex-
pects Jerusalem, captured by the "pagans," to be restored to
the Christians."
The corruptions of the church are to be ended by the sec-
ond advent.
"After the time of the martyrs He purged her [the church] from the
terror by night; after the time of the heretics He purged her from the arrow
flying by day, which is the craftiness of the heretics; up to now, however,
we hope that He will purge her from the trouble walking in darkness, that
is, from hidden heresy of the simoniacs. Last of all He will purge her from
the evil demon of noonday, which is Antichrist This will be before
the general resurrection of all." "
Under x, before Antichrist comes, the Jews are to be con-
verted; under Antichrist they, with many other Christians, will
apostatize. X is the fullness of the Gentiles, the end of the Latin
letters.' But y and z added from the Greek alphabet, mean the
union of all the world under Christ, and then eternity."
6. ALPHABET ENDS IN SIXTEENTH CENTURY.—At the end
of the entire alphabet the sum of twenty-three centuries is
reached. This is shown by a tabulation of the Latin letters with
the Arabic numerals 100, 200, 300, and on through 2300. This
chronology would seem to make the alphabet end with the six-
teenth century. Were it not for the sequence, the unfamiliar no-
tation would make the numbers unintelligible without a dic-
tionary of medieval manuscript forms.
Following the tabulation, we find mention of the 6000-
year theory:
"In six days God formed all things, and on the sixth day He made
man, on the sixth day He redeemed him. . . . Just as under the sixth day
man was formed, under the sixth millenary man will he reformed. For
according to the epistle of Peter, we indicate a thousand years as one
day, and 6,, In:cause in six days God the wnrld, crl it will last six
thousand years. It is conceded that that sixth will not be completed at all
because of the eighth of the resurrection and of glory."
25 Ibid., fol. 13 v, col. 2.

29 Ibid., fol. 14 r, col. 2. This wording is reminiscent of Bernard of Clairvaux. See
page 640.
Ibid., fol. 17 r, col. 1.
29 Ibid., fol. 16 v, cols. 1, 2, fol. 17 v, col. 1. Ibid., fol. 18 r col. 2.
724 PROPHETIC FAITH
At the end comes the final restatement of the chronology

of the alphabet:
'What is Dic [speak] but the Word incarnate? The book of life.
Christ is through D, 500, through I, 100 [he must mean 1000],' through
C, 100, which combined fill up. 1600. . . . To these add 700 years from the
foundation of the city [Rome] up to Christ, and you will have the sum
of the alphabet and the number of Daniel demonstrated. This is 2300, and
the book of life ends, whose beginning is like the end.
"For in the beginning it is said under the first letter, a, Daniel grew
up; under the second he died; unto the evening and the morning, two
thousand three hundred. For a signifies 100, b 200, c 300, d 400, and so
on to the end of the alphabet, so that every element adds 100 upon the
year.
"[Here is] ended the book of Joseph [sic] on the seeds of the Scrip-
tures." "
7. PROTOTYPE OF LATER YEAR-DAY IN TERPRETATION.—I t

is noticeable that the word "days" is not used with the expres-
sion "two thousand three hundred." " The time is not reckoned
from a definite year to a specific ending date; rather, the cen-
tury is the unit. These twenty-three centuries, then, may be re-
garded as a prototype of the later year-day interpretation of the
same period by Arnold of Villanova; but this author does not
arrive clearly at the year-day principle.
The elements of his interpretation are subjective and quite
fanciful: the seed producing a hundredfold, the twenty-three
letters, the twenty-three centuries, "to the evening and the
morning, two thousand three hundred." But there is no definite
basis for a conclusion. There is no equation "2300=--days--=
years." Still, it may be that this curious theory offered the clue
—perhaps combined with Joachim's year-day application to
the 1260 days—without which Villanova might not have taken
the next step. In any case, it is in the latter's discussion of this
so One thousand is required here in order to total 1600. This is the more likely because
our scribe makes the same error in copying the tabulation in which occurs the sequence 900,
100 [sic], 1100. (See fol. 18 r, col. 1.)
31 Ibid., fol. 18 v.
32 It is either translated from the Hebrew, which reads literally, "until evening morning
two thousand and three hundred " or is quoted from an old form of the Vulgate "unto eve-
ning and morning, two thousand three hundred." The word days in the Authorized Version
is a free translation of the Hebrew phrase evening morning, but the Vulgate inserts et between,
and makes "unto evening and morning" a modifier. The later Vulgate inserts the word days
also at the end, which Jerome apparently did not do.
very work, his Introductio in. Librum [Joachim] De Semine
Scripturarum, that Villanova sets forth Daniel's 2300 days as
2300 years, and cites Ezekiel's "a day for a year" as the basis of
reckoning, as the next chapter will show.
And herein, perhaps, lies the significance of De Semine
Scripturarum, and its resurrection—that Arnold of Villanova
and Pierre Jean d'Olivi found it valuable enough to use it, and
also that Alexander de Roes adorned his tractate Notitia Saeculi
with long quotations extracted from it.
II. Pseudo-Joachim Commentaries on Isaiah and Jeremiah

Strange as it may seem, Joachim did not rise in fame so
much by his own writings as by those which were later falsely
attributed to him. Among the most outstanding of these
pseudonymous writings are the two commentaries on Isaiah
and Jeremiah. These established joachim's reputation as a
"prophet," and were quoted again and again by the Joachim-
ites and the Franciscan Spirituals, who suLcccded them. They
were, in reality, the pattern for innumerable tracts and pam-
phlets of like nature, appearing fr^m then on till the ''-ê of
the Protestant Reformation.
Why did these pseudo-Joachim writings find greater ac-
ceptance and a wider circulation than the genuine writings of
the noted abbot of Fiore? And what are the main differences
between them? Just this: The genuine writings of Joachim
were more in the realm of abstract thinking and theorizing.
They were an attempt to find a new solution to the perplex-
ing problem of the outworking of the plan of God in human
history, and of the realization of God's will in the material
sphere. They were an attempt to harmonize divine revelation
with cvcryday facts, and tlicy expie6scd Clic Along hope that in
a future age, soon to come, the complete fulfillment of all that
had been predicted by revelation will take place.
To think along the lines of general principles and abstrac-
tions is in most cases too difficult for the untrained mind of
the common man. He wants tangible facts and figures and
726 PROPHETIC FAITH
things he can visualize. He wishes to lift the curtain, not from

the distant future, but from his immediate future. He is inter-
ested in what is going to happen within his own lifetime. This
need the writers of these commentaries both sensed and sought
to supply. They were good Joachimites. They sought to write
in the spirit of Joachim, but what they produced was clearly a
substitute, which finally led men in a direction far away from
the one intended by Joachim.
1. PAINTS GLOOMY PICTURE OF CONTEMPORARY CONDI-
TIONS.—Of the two pseudo-Joachim commentaries, the one on
Jeremiah is the earlier. It is mentioned by Salimbene in 1248,
by Albert of Stade in 1250, and by William of St. Amour in
1255." Kampers dates it as between 1244 and 1247, whereas
the commentary on Isaiah is generally dated 1266, or shortly
before. Both are very much alike in general structure and in
attitude toward their own time. They paint a most gloomy
picture of the general degeneration, corruption, and depravity
of their own day. They point to the worldliness of the church,
and charge the ambition and lustfulness of her ministers as the
cause of the prevailing evil. The emperor Frederick II is con-
sidered the scourge of God to punish the fallen church.
Here is one of the differences between the two commen-
taries, which is regarded as a clue to the later dating of the
Isaiah commentary. The earlier Jeremiah commentary sees in
Frederick II the seventh head of the dragon, which is also the
Antichrist, whereas the Isaiah commentary includes Frederick
and his successors, as represented by the red dragon, yet who
is not himself the Antichrist but only his forerunner or his
vicar; both, however, consider him to be the Little Horn of
Daniel 7, and the king of fierce countenance of Daniel 8."
2. YEAR 1260 LOOKED TO AS END OF PERIOD.—Both com-
mentaries mention the year 1260 as the end of the forty-two
as nett, op. cit., p. 29.
34 Kampers, Kaiserprophetieen and Kaisersagen ins Mittelalter, pp. 95 ff.; Grundmann,
op. cit., pp. 16 ff.
K. Friderich, "Kritische Untersuchung der dem Abt Joachim von Floris zugeschriebenen
Commentare zu Jesatas and Jeremias," Zeitsehrift fiir zoissenschaftliche Theo!ogle, vol. 2,
pp. 486, 487.,
generations or months, as Joachim himself had particularly

avoided doing. The Isaiah commentary says that at that time
Elijah will come or the seventh angel will sound the summons
to judgment at the coming of the Judge." The Jeremiah com-
mentary speaks of the affliction of the holy city, that is. the
Roman or general church, during forty-two months, ending in
the year 1260." "In 60 years will be ended the affliction of the
church," it says, and speaks of a particular tribulation of three
years and a half. This reference to sixty years shows that, when-
ever this work might have been written, it is put back ostensibly
to the time of the genuine Joachim.
3. STRICTURES ON THE PAPAL COURT.—Both commentaries,
although upholding the orthodoxy of the Catholic faith, attack
the papal system without mercy; so much so that the Protestant
church historian Flacius, in 1562, and Arnold in his history of
the church and her heretics (1740), consideted Joachim to be
a true "'prophet." as Here are sample strictures:
"The papal court outstrips all others in intrigues, machinations, ex-
tortions, and blackmailing. It is full of hedgehogs, hawks, and cunning,
covetous hooting owls.-
"And as the Roman Church asserts to have preeminence among all
others, just as Judah claimed the same among the tribes of Israel, there-
fore in a special manner is the Roman Church the woman in golden dress,
riding on the scarlet colored beast; she is the harlot who, without dis-
crimination, commits adultery with all the princes of the world." '°
And in another place we read, "Because of avarice and lust

the church went to Egypt and Assur, to receive from the French
rich benefices and from the Germans power and great honor." "
According to this pseudo Joachim, the beginning of all this
disaster springs from Pope Sylvester, who raised the church to
'° Pseudo Joachim, Eximii Projandissimique Sacroru.m. Eloquiorum Pesscruiatoris ac

Futurorum Prenunciatoris Abbatis Joachim Florensis Scriptum Super Esaiam Prophetam (Of
the Distinguished and Most Profound Investigator of the Sacred Communications and Predictor
of Future Events, Abbot Joachim of Floris, a Writing on Isaiah the Prophet), fol. 33 v.
81 Pseudo Joachim, Interpretatio Praeclara Abbatis Joachim in Hieremiam Prophetam (The
Famous Interpretation of Abbot Joachim on Jeremiah the Prophet), fol. 45 v.
Friderich, op. cit., p. 361.
3° Ibid., p. 458, translated.
'° Ibid., p. 459.
u Ibid., p. 466.
728 PROPHETIC FAITH
worldly glory. The day on which Sylvester received the patri-

mony was the one on which the church ate from the tree of
the knowledge of good and evil. It would have been better for
Sylvester not to be born at all.42 All this is in striking contrast
to the genuine writings of Joachim, who lauded Sylvester be-
cause under him the church began to enjoy the freedom of
worship."
4. FRIVOLOUS POPES DANIEL'S ABOMINATION.—MOSt unlike
Joachim's unfailing respect is this attitude toward contem-
porary popes.
"Now, frivolous popes are sitting in the chair of Peter; their hearts
are hardened, they inflict the severest wounds upon the church without
the least care; they despise the incense and the myrrh; their desire is
gold, in order to mix strong drink in golden cups with Babylon, the world;
and they defile with their outrages and depravity all sons of the church.
To them the prophecy of Daniel refers in the expression, the 'abomina-
tion of desolation.' " "
5. A FERMENT IN THEOLOGICAL THINKING.—But the judg-

ment will come, this Joachimite continues. The Imperium Ro-
manurn, that is, the empire of the Germans, these new Chal-
deans, will be the scourge in the hand of God to punish the
church. Their emperor (Fredefick II) will be the destroyer.'
Then follow many predictions of a local nature. The empire
will be reduced to a most miserable state by the invasion of
the Saracens, who, according to the Isaiah commentary, will be
destroyed in turn by the Mongols and Tartars." Thereupon
peace will reign between the kings of Europe; the church will
sit in their midst as the true light from heaven, following her
original calling to contemplation and poverty. This blessed
state will be interrupted only by the coming tribulation, caused
by Gog and the last Antichrist, whence will follow the resurrec-
tion."
42 Ibid., p. 469.
es Ibid., p. 476.
44 Ibid., p. 471.
45 Ibid., p. 481.
46 Ibid., p. 497,
49 Ibid.
He also lashes out against the Crusades, declaring that the

popes under pretext of desiring to rescue desolate and rejected
Jerusalem, which Jesus declared would be destroyed, are seek-
ing to gain temporal advantage to themselves."
These concrete, down-to-earth interpretations of the proph-
ecies had a tremendous effect upon the common people, and
gave strength to the Joachimite movement. They became a
constant ferment in the development of theological thinking
during the next centuries, and without doubt helped materially
to prepare the ground for the Reformation in the sixteenth
century. It must be remembered that succeeding generations
derived their ideas of Joachim's teaching largely from these
more extreme spurious writings which were believed to be his.
III. Characteristics of the "Pope Book"

The ideac rveJoachim had opened the vision of many to
expect a new and better state to come. The claim of the Roman
church—to be the final and supreme institution on earth, and
to have the last word in all matters religious—was, by such, no
longer held valid. Critics arose in many places. Some were
moved by a pure and pious zeal. Others were stirred by egotistic
and revolutionary motives, and many by purely malicious joy
in having the chance to criticize those who claimed superior or
really divine powers. The more insignificant these critics, the
more they attempted to make their products appear authentic
by covering themselves with the "prophet's" mantle.
1. A POPULAR ILLUSTRATED TRACT.—Among these inter-
esting products is the Liber de Pontificibus Sive Praedictiones
Venerabilis Joannis Joachim Abbatis Florensis (Book of the
Popes, or Predictions of the Venerable John Joachim, Abbot
of Floris), an illustrated tract of the pseudo-Joachim school, ap-
pearing under varying titles. First printed in Latin, and in
Italian as well, it was reprinted many times prior to the six-
teenth century. Internal evidence leads to the conclusion that it
Neander, op cit., vol. 4, p. 189.
730 PROPHETIC FAITH
could hardly have been written before the time of Clement V,

who changed the seat of the Papacy to Avignon, in 1309.'°
It contains many impressive illustrations picturing the
popes overstepping their rights and trampling upon the true
and faithful. Through its many redactions the editors made
every effort to bring it up to date; as for instance, we find
among the predictions against the Turks, mention of a dream,
which Mohammed II had on the eve of capturing Constanti-
nople (1453), a proof that this prediction was slipped in after
the downfall of the Byzantine Empire.' Therefore, although it
is impossible to attribute this book to Joachim, or to allocate
to any of these predictions a definite date, it shows the tremen-
dous influence which the concepts of Joachim exercised upon
a large section of the people even one hundred or one hundred
and fifty years after his death.
2. CARTOONS OF THE POPES.—A Venice edition of 1639
contains thirty illustrated "prophecies," half of which are at-
tributed to Joachim, and the other half to a fictitious bishop,
"Anselm of Marsico." " These illustrations could classify as
medieval cartoons, for they approach this mode of art in their
conception. To correctly understand their implications today
would require a detailed study and knowledge of the exact
time of their origin, which is impossible . to establish with any
accuracy. We shall therefore restrict these observations to de-
scriptions of just a few of these Vaticinia. Number 6, for in-
stance, represents the pope, with a (Gallic) cock climbing his
staff having the tines of a pitchfork with which the pope is
stabbing a dove carrying an olive branch. In his other hand,
close to the keys, lie is holding an eagle well plucked.
Number 9 shows the pope with the tiara on his head, and
at the right a smaller person with a body like a dragon, likewise
crowned with a tiara, while a lamb is suffering under the blows
of the pope's cross-staff. And the caption informs the reader
49 J. C. Huck, Ubertin non Casale and dessen Ideenkreis, p. 95.
5' Ibid., p. 97.
st Vaticinia, Sine Prophetiae Abbatis loachimi, & Anschni Episcopi Mar ,icani, edited by
Pasqualino Regiselmo. (Unpaged.)
that the pseudo prophet is doing much harm because the pope
with his "evils" has "wounded the most gentle lamb with most
cruel blows."
Number 15 represents a horrible winged dragon with a
human face. It is crowned, though not with a triple crown, and
drags down a cluster of stars with its tail. The tail ends in an
eagle's head biting a sword.
And Vaticinium number 30 illustrates a pope taking the
triple crown and placing it on the head of a leopard beast, pos-
sibly of Revelation 13. These and many similar pictures must
have made a deep impression upon the public at that time.
IV. The Influence of Joachim on the Franciscans

Joachim had not only gone back to the historical interpre-
tation of the apocalyptic portions of Bible prophecy, but he
had introduced a completely new element into theological
thinking. With this three-ages theory he laid the foundation for
the concept of a progressive development of revelation—the
a•ge c-)f. the ..Father, the age "f scm, an al the er,11,1;ng age "f
the Spirit—succinctly stating that the revelation of Christ, and
even His words, would be superseded by a higher and more
pertinent revelation of the Spirit, which would no longer be
hampered by the impediment of words.
1. CHALLENGE BROUGHT BY FRANCIS OF ASSISI.—Strange to
say, these revolutionary concepts did not cause any marked agi-
tation during Joachim's lifetime. And they probably would
have remained confined to his own small circle, without notice-
able effect on the course of the world, had not another great
figure appeared on the historic scene about this time. This
was Francis of Assisi, possibly ilie gl-eatesi fi g ure iiie Roiiiaii
church brought forth during the Middle Ages. He was dis-
gusted with the world and distressed over a church that was
ruled by feudal lords, who called themselves bishops and pas-
tors of the flock, but who did not care for the lambs, except to
shear them in order to live a life of splendor and self-aggran-
732 PROPHETIC FAITH
dizement. Francis set out to live the life of Christ in poverty,

and gave himself without stint to preaching, singing, and heal-
ing. He went to the weary and heavy-laden to cheer their hearts
and raise their spirits.
This was doubtless the greatest and noblest attempt to re-
form the church ever made from within. Francis' way of life
was a heroic effort to imitate the life of Christ. It was a call to
reform, and was revolutionary in the highest degree. It upset
all well-established and age-honored modes of life in the
church. It presented an inescapable challenge, because either
the simple way of life—with all its poverty, and without any
intention of acquiring riches and power—followed the true
pattern of life given by Christ; or, the church—in all her pomp
and splendor, and in her endeavor to dominate the world, en-
forcing her will upon princes and kings—was executing the
true will of Christ her Lord. This was the alternative; there
was no third road.
Francis had many followers. The meek and lowly flocked
to him. The church could not disregard him; nor could she
openly deny the principles for which he stood. She could not
condemn an exemplary life, so she had to accept him. But at
the same time she knew that these two principles of life—her
own and his—were irrevocably apart. Something had to be
done. Perhaps time would mend the break. Or, the ardor and
zeal of the followers of Francis would most likely wane; then
they could be led back to the old, established way of the church.
Eventually the order became patterned after the regular mo-
nastic orders, but there was a stricter group which long clung
to Francis' original ideals.
2. FRANCISCANS BELIEVED FULFILLING JOACHIM'S PREDIC-
TION.—This realignment would have been accomplished much
earlier had it not been for the fact that the ideas of Joachim
had found entrance into the Franciscan circles. These ideas
strengthened and fortified them in the belief that their order
had come as a fulfillment of prophecy. It came about in this
way. In the year 1241 an abbot of the Fiore (or Floris) order,
hearing of the approach of the emperor Frederick II, whom he

and many other Joachimites considered as possibly the pre-
dicted Antichrist, fled to Pisa in order to prevent the precious
writings of Joachim from falling into the hands of the emperor.
This abbot found shelter in the convent of the Minorites
at Pisa, and began to study Joachim's writings with the Fran-
ciscan brethren. Here he found a deeply interested audience,
and soon a goodly number became enthusiastic followers and
believers in Joachim's teachings. Among them were Salimbene,
Rudolf of Saxony, Bartholomeus Guisculus, and Gerard of
Borgo San Donnino. Pisa thus became the center of Joachimism
among the Franciscans.'
The Franciscans were earnest and aggressive preachers.
They mingled chiefly with the common people. And those who
had accepted the ideas of the Joachimites soon spread them all
over Italy, southern France, and Catalonia. About 1250 Joa-
chim's writings reached England, being sent to Bishop Grosse-
tesie of Lincoln.' Record has been preserved of a simple man,
generally called Asdenti, sitting in a tollhouse on the road to
Parma. He was a sincere and pious soul, without higher educa-
tion but with an enlightened spirit, eager to understand the
sayings of those who spoke on prophecy—such as Joachim,
Merlin, and Methodius, as well as Daniel and John of Patmos.'
Another, Hugo Provincialis, lived in a small, fortified place be-
tween Marseille and Nice; and in his little room lawyers and
judges, physicians and other intellectuals of the surrounding
district, met together on holidays to learn from him the teach-
ings of Joachim and the secrets of Holy Scripture.
A new hope stirred their hearts—the hope of the soon
coming of a new age. They felt that they were living in a tran-
sition period, a period still fraught with many perils. But the
rays of a new dawn were breaking over the horizon. Joachim
became their prophet, and they believed that the spiritual
church of the Minorites was the fulfillment of the prediction
52 Ernst Benz, Ecclesia Spiritualis, pp. 175, 176.
53 Bollinger, Prophecies, pp. 111, 112.
54 Benz, op. cit., p. 179.
734 PROPHETIC: FAITH
of Joachim concerning the coming kingdom, and that the ideal

of Franciscan poverty was the fulfillment of the real evangelical
life.
Joachim's references to a future spiritual order, and even
to a twofold order, formed the basis for the conviction, which
spread through the thirteenth century, that the fulfillment of
those prophecies was to be found in the new orders of friars,
the Franciscans and Dominicans."
3. SPECULATION ON FREDERICK II AS ANTICHRIST.—At first
these circles believed that Antichrist had already come in the
person of the emperor Frederick II, although not commonly
recognized. However, the year 1260 would bring the climactic
change. The true nature of this emperor would be plainly re-
vealed to all the world. He would then be recognized as the
Antichrist.
In the long struggle between the German emperors and
the Roman hierarchy Frederick II had again attempted to chal-
lenge the papal claims by placing the rights of the emperor and
those of the state above those of the church.' In order to
strengthen his case, he and his chancellor, Peter of Vinea, made
extravagant claims. They compared, for instance, Frederick's
town of birth, Jesi, with Bethlehem, from which the Dux, or
leader, would come. The emperor was described as the perfect
man, the center and hub of the world. In the eyes of the faith-
ful this would mean that he had usurped the throne of Christ,
and hence would become the Antichrist." Daniel 7:24, 25 and
Daniel 8:23-25, as well as Daniel 11:44, were thought to find
their fulfillment in him.' But when Frederick died before 1260,
this passing speculation as to his being the Antichrist broke
down, and he was thenceforth simply regarded as Frederick the
cursed, the bringer of the plague, the schismatic.
The untimely death of Frederick brought consternation to
55 Buonaiuti, footnote in Joachim, Tractatus, p. 95.

" See pages 793 ff.
57 Benz, op. cit., pp. 227 ff.
Ibid., pp. 214, 215.
the ranks of the Minorites. Salimbene, who had once been
one of the most ardent followers of Joachim, lost out completely
and abstained from further prediction of coming events. On
the other hand, we are indebted to him because, through his
chronicle of this period (11 67-1987), much detailed evidence
has come down to us.'
It is a valuable source for understanding the events then
taking place and the forces at work during the early thirteenth
century in Italy. It affords, moreover, a clear insight into the
conditions that prevailed among the different groups of Fran-
ciscans, and hence among the Joachimites.
V. Odd Figures Among the Joachimites
Having given this brief account of the literature of the

Joachimite period, we shall now consider some of the leading
actors.
1. SALIMBENE OF PARMA (1221-c.1288).—Salimbene, whose
chronicle has just been mentioned, entered the Franciscan
r•AAv r1 in life ^t,^t,,,, Ti7;
rf -M1 ;11 r 3 Ch th T. , rr-v ;do
he became an enthusiastic Joachimite. Like many others of his

time, he considered the pseudo-Joachim commentary on Jere-
miah as genuine, and therefore based his eschatological expec-
tations largely upon statements found therein. He believed,
for example, that in A.D. 1260 the emperor Frederick II would
appear openly as the Antichrist. When, therefore, he heard of
the death of the emperor many years before the expected date,
it shook his faith so severely that he turned away from Joachim-
ism, embracing again the orthodox views of the church. From
then on he began to deride his former convictions.
However. Salimbene had drunk so deeply from that source
that the underlying philosophy of Joachim's teaching never
left him. It is clearly discernible in his writings. He retained
Bett, op. cit., p. 98. The title is Cronica Fratris Salimbene de Adam (Chronicle of
Brother Salimbene of Adam). Complete edition found in Monumenta Germaniae Historica:
Scriptores, volume 32. The principal portions are translated, or sometimes summarized in
English by G. G. Coulton in his From St. Francis to Dante.
736 PROPHETIC FAITH
the basic idea of Joachim—that the prophetic books, especially

the Revelation, constitute the key to the understanding of the
outworking of the plan of salvation in history. He did not, how-
ever, adopt Joachim's idea of definitely fixed epochs, and con-
sequently his explanation became vague and quite unsound."
Moreover, having returned to the fold of the church, he
tried to parry the attack that was launched against her through
the followers of Joachim. To illustrate: Whereas the pseudo-
Joachim writings understood the symbol of the "whore" of
Babylon to refer to the hierarchical church, which had drunk
deeply from the chalice of worldliness, Salimbene explained the
great "harlot" in the following manner: "It is possible to un-
derstand under the whore of Babylon every soul who commits
a deadly sin." Accordingly, the Antichrist was not in the
church, as such, but rather the satanic power that wrought evil
among Christians, causing them to fall.
On the other hand, Salimbene uses exceedingly strong
words against the prelates, which is illustrated by this episode
which he relates. At a certain church council of his time a letter
from hell was supposed to have been tossed into the midst of
the participants, having the following heading and content:
"The princes of darkness to the prelates of the Church: Many
thanks to you, because as many as have been committed to your
care, just so many have been transferred to us." 62 That means
that the clerics are the bankers of Satan, who transfer the be-
lieving souls to him.
2. GERARD'S "INTRODUCTION" BRINGS ON CRISIS.—The sec-
ond man to be mentioned in this connection is GERARD (Gerar-
dino) OF BORGO SAN DONNINO, of the group of Franciscans at
Pisa. He accepted Joachim's teaching enthusiastically, and
threw the emphasis on the year 1260; but, unlike Salimbene,
he never lost his faith in the soundness of this new doctrine,
even when events contrary to the expectation and hopes of these
early Spirituals occurred.
00 Benz, op. cit., p. 213; see also Dellinger, Prophecies, pp. 113, 114.
61 Benz, op. cit., p. 192. 62 Ibid., p. 222.
In his deep veneration for Joachim, Gerard decided to

publish the three main works of his master—the Concord of
the Old and New Testaments, the Psaltery of Ten Strings, and
the Commentary on the Apocalypse—to which he added an
introduction. This was apparently a very harmless and quite
legitimate act, but actually it had most revolutionary conse-
quences. He called his work Liber Introductorius in Evange-
lium Aeternum (Introductory Book on the Eternal Gospel).
The title was based on Revelation 14:6, but was construed to
refer to the writings of Joachim. In it we find the most radical
ideas of Joachim treated as if their fulfillment were already in
process.
This Evangelium Aeternum abolishes the Evangelium of
Christ. The message of the Spirit, in the age of the Spirit, super-
sedes the message of words. Christ's words remain fully signifi-
cant only until 1260. From then onward, he asserts, those who
continue to live are no longer required to accept the New
Testament. According to Gerard, the prophecies of Joachim
become the "everlasting gospel," and his writings will become
the c2nPri of the ne..v spiritual church." Tlic Roman, or papal,
church will be abolished, and will be superseded by the spirit-
ual church, whose representatives are the Franciscans, through
whom the complete turnabout will be made possible. That, of
course, was more than the official church could tolerate.
By the publication of this Introduction he became the
mouthpiece of a large group of Franciscan Spirituals. He be-
came their hero, and that at the very moment the church began
to consider them as dangerous innovators, if not indeed here-
tics. Moreover, Joachim himself, although resting in his grave
for more than half a century, also came under suspicion.
Gerard's work was published either in 12“ nr 19 55 _ And
in the very year 1255 a commission of cardinals were called
together in Anagni to investigate the matter. They left exact
protocols through which we come to know the content of his
teachings, as his original work is no longer available. The five
63 Ibid.. pp. 250 if.; see also Dellinger, Prophecies, pp. 124-126.
24
738 PROPHETIC FAITH
points condemned are: (1) Joachim's idea of three periods of

salvation; (2) the change from a clerical church to a spiritual
church; (3) passages which refer to Peter and John as types of
systems; (4) eschatological teachings which do not conform to
the teachings of the church; (5) the superseding of the gospel
of Christ by the gospel of the Spirit.
Gerard himself suffered a terrible fate. He was deprived of
his office as lector, forbidden to preach, and afterward sentenced
to perpetual imprisonment. There, in prison, his life ended
after eighteen years of misery."
3. WILLIAM OF ST. AMOUR INJECTS RADICAL NOTIONS.—
Still another strong figure, although not a Joachimite, in that
tense thirteenth-century controversy was WILLIAM OF ST.
AMOUR. Around 1250 he was a professor of the University of
Paris, becoming the most eminent of the secular doctors. He
wrote with bitter satire against the mendicant friars. But
finally both his and the university's case was lost; the pope
decided in favor of the friars. So William was banned from
Paris. In spite of his hostility against the Franciscans, he never-
theless shared the apocalyptic notions that were afloat. And,
like the Joachimites, he believed that the year 1260 would be
of extreme significance—a belief which he based on Revelation
11:3 and 12:6." In 1266 he issued another little book, called
Liber de Antichristo et Ejusdem Ministris (The Book of Anti-
christ and His Ministers). In this book he vigorously condemns
the teaching of Joachim, although his own treatise is itself full
of dark prophetic speculations, and even imaginations. When
he died 'he was buried in his home village outside the church,
in the spot where excommunicated persons and suicides were
interred."
4. JOACHIMISM PRODUCES FRANCISCAN SPIRITUALS.—In this
short survey we have sought to cover men and events up to the
fateful year 1260. We have seen how the teachings of Joachim
64 Bett, op. cit., pp. 106, 107; D011inger, Prophecies, p. 126.

Bett, op. cit., p. 88 (see also Dollinger, Prophecies, p. 123).
66 Ibid., p. 97.
began to influence wider and ever wider circles. At first his
teachings were confined to his own rather small order, and
these followers we can truly call Joachimites, or as they are
sometimes referred to, Joachites.
As is always the case with a new dr,rtrin. it dnPs not inng
remain in its pure or original form. The epigoni, or followers,
of a genius either subtract or add to his thought—perhaps be-
cause of not understanding the full meaning of his ideals, or
because of their inability to conform to them. We have found
therefore, among the circles of the Joachimites, persons un-
known to us by name who took up the pen and wrote addi-
tional works under his name, still in the spirit of Joachim, but
diluting some of his essential ideas. These may properly be
called pseudo-Joachim writings. Furthermore, it is well to re-
member that, at no two periods of its existence, does Joachim-
ism stand for precisely the same definite ideas. It was a spiritual
movement, always in flux, and affording considerable latitude
for divergencies of opinion.
When the teaching of Joachim entered into the ranks of
We Franciscans, they acted as a ferment. Among these Francis-
can friars there was already considerable agitation between
those who persisted in following the very strict rules concern-
ing absolute poverty laid down by Francis, and those who
sought to relax these rules in order to bring them into con-
formity with those of other monkish orders. Now, when Joa-
chim's ideas of a third age became known—a new age of the
Spirit, brought about and ushered in by a new order—these
concepts were eagerly accepted by the more rigorous segment
among the Franciscans.
This group assimilated them and began to place full em-
v1/1•10 » the 1.P/1 of .V./.1;7111 a thPCP cniritnal aims T1, P..
became generally known as Spirituals. The Spirituals are con-
sequently a direct product of the impact of Joachimism upon
deepest Franciscan piety. They were at first just a group of
Franciscans, but by the very nature of these new teachings they
soon came into such strong opposition to the dominant church
740 PROPHETIC FAITH
that they were branded as heretics, and in time became a sepa-

rate group or sect.
Other small groups sprang up, more or less loosely con-
nected with the Spirituals, or claiming adherence to the ideals
of the Spirituals, but often running to extremes and bringing
the whole movement into disrepute.
VI. The 1260 Expectancy
In a previous chapter we noted how, around the year 1000,

different groups became agitated, especially in France, believing
that this ominous date might usher in the end of the world and
bring about the long-desired millennium. However, the com-
motion around the year 1000 was slight compared with that of
A.D. 1260. The 1260 days, or the forty-two months, are more
frequently mentioned in the prophecies than the 1000 years,
and more definitely attached to certain important events, and
therefore received much greater attention than the latter num-
ber. We have likewise noted that the year 1260 loomed large
in the expectations of the Joachimites and early Spirituals. And
when that fateful date drew near, new movements appeared,
stirring large areas of the population out of their apathy.
1. FLAGELLANTS ON THE MARCH IN A.D. 1260.—In 1259 a
violent epidemic ravished the cities of central and northern
Italy. This was considered by many as a special sign of the
times, and was connected with the widespread expectation of
the beginning of a new era in 1260, as taught by Joachim and
the Spirituals. Suddenly, and quite spontaneously, in this cru-
cial year, large processions of men in all walks of life marched
through the cities lashing and scourging their naked backs with
leather thongs until the blood flowed. This practice started in
Perugia, spread like wildfire through all the cities of central
and northern Italy, crossed the Alps into Germany, went down
the Rhine valley, and on as far east as Bohemia and. Poland.
These Flagellants, as they were called, believed that by self-
inflicted pain and suffering they could do penance for their

sins and therewith prepare the way for a new life."
2. FREAKISH VIEWS OF GUGLIELMA AND SEGARELLI.—Not
only did incohesive movements like that of the Flagellants
make their appearance in 1260, but also groups with a definite
teaching. One of these was inspired by a woman called GU-
GLIELMA, appearing in Milan in 1260, and gathering a large
band of disciples around her. She was reported to have worked
miracles and to have been marked by the stigmata of the
wounds of Christ. Her disciples began to assert that she was the
incarnation of the Holy Spirit, and expected her to initiate the
third age. The day of Pentecost was celebrated as a special
festival. But she died at Milan in 1281.68
Another group of much greater influence started in 1260.
It originated under GERARD SEGARELLI, a tradesman of Parma.
Devout but ignorant, he marched through the streets with a
company of brethren crying, Penitencagite (Do penance).
They definitely proclaimed joachimite ideas and doctrines. At
first they were protected by the bishop of Parma. In time, how-
ever, as their teach;ngs spread, the bishop became alarmed, and
confined Segarelli to his palace in 1280. Later he set him at
liberty. But the council at Wiirzburg denounced him and his
followers, and he was thrown into the prison of the Inquisition.
He recanted, but was nevertheless burned at the stake on the
18th of July., 1300.69
3. DOLCINO STRANGE NOTIONS BASED ON APOCALYPSE.—
The followers of Segarelli found a new leader in DOLCINO OF
NOVARA, who assumed that the prophecy of Joachim regarding
the beginning of the new age had been fulfilled in Segarelli.
Dolcino proclaimed that the church would now be superseded
by an apostolic brotherhood whose only bond would be love.
During the age of the Spirit all outward ordinances would pass
€0 Rufus M. Jones, "Flagellants," in Hastings, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 49-51; see also Herman
Haupt, "Flagellation, Flagellants," The New Schaff-Herzog, vol. 4, pp. 323-326; Hollinger,
Prophecies, p. 100.
68 Bert, op. cit., p. 124.
69 Ibid., pp. 148-150.
742 PROPHETIC FAITH
away, and the life of the Christian would be a life of liberty

inspired by love. Some of Dolcino's followers believed that
Frederick of Sicily would become emperor and enter Rome at
Christmas of the year 1335; that he would appoint ten kings,
in accordance with the prophecies of the Apocalypse about the
dragon with the ten horns; and that he would put to death the
apostate pope and monks. Then the church would be restored
to apostolic purity; whereupon Antichrist would appear. But
he would fall, and the whole world would then be won to
Christ." The year 1335 was derived, of course, from the proph-
ecy of Daniel.
Dolcino himself began to proclaim that the tribulation of
the church would begin around 1303, and that the faithful
were then to hide themselves until the grievous persecutions
were past. So they banded together and lived by foraging in
the neighboring country. Thereupon a crusade was proclaimed
against them. But it took four campaigns before they were over-
whelmed. Most of Dolcino's followers were killed, and he him-
self was burned at the stake. We have only the accounts of
enemies; therefore nothing favorable to him has come down
to us. But he must have had some good points; else his preach-
ing would not have drawn such a large following.
Another group that could be mentioned in this connection,
although they have nothing to do with prophetic interpreta-
tion, are the Fraticelli or little brethren. They are an extreme
fringe of the Minorites. Not content with the asceticism of the
latter or pleased with their attitude toward the hierarchy, they
took more radical positions in both matters, and separated
themselves from the Minorites. Their radicalism attracted
many malcontents of various colors, which led to their condem-
nation and persecution by the official church. Their field of
activity was mainly in central Italy.
70 Ibid., pp. 151-157; see also Dellinger, Prophecies, pp. 103-106.

CHAPTER THIRTY
Villanova—
A Physician's Contribution
Our study now turns to a group of writers in the end of

the thirteenth. century and the beginning of the fourteenth.
The earliest of this group was not in the main stream of Joa-
chimism; he was not a churchman but a layman and scientist.
It was, Villanova, the celebrated Spanish physician and alche-
mist, who made a still further application of the year-day prin-
ciple that had been stressed for the 1260 year-days by Joachim
of Floris a century prior, and had been extended in effect,
though not in specific application, to the 2300 days by the pseu-
donymous DP Semine. Villanova asserted the year-dayequation
as a basic rule for the 2300 days.. This was a. noteworthy ad-
vance.
I. A Colorful Medieval Figure
ARNOLD OF VILLANOVA, or Arnaldus of Bachuone (c. 1235-

c. 1313), is well known to history as a brilliant scholastic physi-
cian, adept in alchemy and astrology, but less known as a lay
theologian, reformer, adviser and ambassador of. kings and
popes. He was one of the most colorful figures of the Middle
Ages. Little is known of his early lifer but Spain appears to
have been the land of his birth. Of humble origin, he grew up
in poverty. He probably took his medical training in Italy and
Spain. Villanova was also versed in Hebrew and Arabic. His
early history is obscure, but we find him, in 1285, called as a
famous physician to treat Peter III, king of Aragon. He then
743
744 PROPHETIC FAITH
practiced at Montpellier and taught medicine at the university.

He traveled extensively over Europe.'
1. A MEDICAL PIONEER IN EXPERIMENTAL METHODS.—As
a physician Villanova was a genuine pioneer of experimental
science. Although he followed the traditional medical theories
of Galen and the Arabs, he was always ready to abandon theory
for empirical methods based on keen observation of actual cases.
He had a touch of the modern spirit in spite of the admixture
of medieval quackery which he partly believed in and partly
used to satisfy his patients.' He discredited magical spells, but he
fought magic with countermagic; and he wrote on alchemy and
astrology, out of which modern chemistry and astronomy were
to emerge only after centuries of slow progress.
Many of his medical works exhibit an extraordinary
amount of common sense and scientific approach, such as his
study of the causes of disease. He wrote on diet and hygiene.
In De Esu Carnium (On the Eating of Meats) he contended
against the critics of the vegetarian diet used by the Carthusian
order, showing that meat is not necessary and often harmful.
In his De Regimine Sanitatis (On the Rule of Health) he rec-
ommended washing the mouth after every meal, and bathing
newborn infants daily. He gave special attention in this work
to hydrotherapy—cold baths, vapor baths, showers, and the
like. Some of his ideas were revolutionary and centuries ahead
of his time.'
2. LAY THEOLOGIAN AND REFORMER.—It was not, how-
ever, Villanova's medical methods or his astrology but his
theology which in his later years incurred the enmity of the
ecclesiastics. He was only a layman, but he was fond of po-
lemics, and felt called upon to reform the Catholic Church of
his day, especially the religious orders. He fought for the spirit
against the letter. However, his speculations on prophecy fur-
Henry E. Sigerist, Introduction, The Earliest Printed Book on Wine, pp. 7, 8; Heinrich
Finke, Aus den Tagen Bonifaz VIII, pp. 193-195; Bett, op. cit., pp. 134-137.
2 Finke, op. cit., pp. 196-198.
3 Emmanuel Lalonde (under the pseudonym "Marc Haven"), La vie et les oeuvres de
maitre Arnaud de Villeneuve, pp. 56, 119, 120.
VILLANOVA—A PHYSICIAN'S CONTRIBUTION 745
nished the occasion for his conflict with the theologians. In

1299 or 1300 he was sent to Paris as the ambassador of James
II of Aragon, with a mission to the king of France. While there
he got into trouble with the Parisian Dominicans over his theo-
logical treatises predicting the coming of Antichrist about 1378
(?). Arnold was arrested, released on bail, tried, convicted, and
forced to recant, and his treatise was condemned. He protested
the sentence on the ground that he was the ambassador of a
king.
Arnold sought the intervention of Pope Boniface VIII.
The pope was diplomatic, and furthermore, he was a sick man.
He upheld the sentence but released the famous doctor, whom
he then appointed as his physician in ordinary. Arnold held -
this post till 1302, and during the years from 1302 to 1311 he
occupied high positions in the service of popes and kings, treat-
ing their ailments and serving on political missions. His feud •
with the Dominicans continued, but his influence in high places
saved him.'
The ecclesiastics suspected him of heresy, not only for his
prophetic interpretation, but also for his attacks upon their,
polluted lives and principles, for he denounCed "the worldli—
ness of the clergy with as much energy and eloquence as any
Waldensian."
• In 1309 he is said to have appealed to Pope Clement V at_ •
Avignon to heal the schism among the Franciscans in behalf of
the stricter "Spirituals"—who held to the - "evangelical pov--
erty" of Francis' original rule and were persecuted by the order
at large. At this time he is supposed to have predicted the..ad-
vent of Antichrist in the first forty years of the century just
begun, and the end of the world within the hundred years,'
although this chronology disagrees with his writings on the
subject. Either he changed his mind between 1301 and 1309,
or this account is erroneous.
4 Bett, op. cit., pp. 134, 135; Sigerist, op. cit., pp. 8, 9.
A. S. Tuberville, "Heresies and the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, c. 1000-1305," The
Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 6, p. 709.
6 Bett, op. oil., pp. 136, 137.
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4,
ESCHATOLOGICAL WRITINGS OF ARNOLD OF VILLANOVA

Opening Page of Manuscript Copy of Villanova's Expositio Super Apocalypsim (Upper Left);
Introductio in Librum De Semine Scripturarum, Early Villanova Attempt to Apply Year-Day
Principle to 2300 Days (Upper Right); Adjacent Pages From Villanova's Tractatus de Tempore
Adventus Antichristi, Likewise Stating That the 2300 Days Are Years (Lower Left and Right)
Finally he took refuge with Frederick III of Sicily, whom
he urged to reform his court, and who actually accepted his
advice. His enemies wished to have him burned at the stake,
but he always had friends among powerful rulers. Not until
1316, a few years after his death, did the Inquisition, at Tarra-
gona, condemn thirteen of his theological writings as heretical.
About 1311 or 1313 Pope Clement V fell seriously ill. Sus-
pending the French condemnation of 1309, Clement sought
Villanova's medical skill. But the latter died on the voyage to
Genoa, on his way to the bedside of the pontiff, probably by
drowning.'
Villanova was a prolific writer. Haureau lists seventy-eight
printed and forty-five unpublished or lost writings—some of
which are doubtless spurious.' Collections of his works were..
printed at Lyons in 1504 and 1520, and at Basel in 1585. Many
of his writings have never been published, and are still avail-
able only in manuscript form.
3. JOACHIMITE AND EXPOUNDER OF PROPHECY..—Villanova
was a zealous Joachimite on some points. He was a pioneer ex-
pounder of the prophetic numbers of Daniel. He continued
on, as noted, past Joachim's initial contribution and the inter-
mediate step taken in De Semine, to apply the year-day princi-
ple definitely to the 2300 days as well as the 1290 and the 1335-
a fterward.
II. Villanova's Commentary on "De Semine"
About 1292 Vil.lanova wrote a commentary on what he

thought was a genuine work of Joachim. This short treatise
bears the formidable title: Introductio in Librum [Joachim]
De Semine ScriPturarum, Quod Est de Prophetis Dormienti-
bus Sive de Dormientium. Prophetlis (Introduction to Joa-
chim's Book De Semine Scripturarum, Which Is Concerning
the Sleeping Prophets or Concerning the Prophecies of the
Sigerist, op. cit., pp. 9, 10.

8 Ibid., p. 10.
748 PROPHETIC FAITH
Sleeping Ones)! The argument of this little work seems in-

volved enough to the modern reader, but as compared with
De Semine it betrays the scientific mind of the author. He
begins by describing De Semine in truly medieval terms:
"Therefore in the mysteries of numbers and the significations of
letters of the alphabet, which the author touches in the course of this work,
this wonderful net of divine wisdom is set forth for us. . . . For there will
appear the wheels of Ezekiel, so that no doubt we see a meaning within
a meaning and a mystery within a mystery." "
But when he comes to the point of proving that the twen-
ty-three letters of the alphabet mean twenty-three centuries, he
lines up his arguments in a comparatively systematic way.
1. ARGUES FROM REASONS, SIGNS, AUTHORITY.—On the
thesis that the unit—root or seed—of the Scripture is the let-
ter, and that not one "iota" or "apex" (i or vowel point—jot
or tittle) is to pass from the law until all things are fulfilled,
he contends that everything symbolized by the letters of the
alphabet must be fulfilled, and then time will end. That each
letter means a century is proved (1) by reasoning, (2) by sign,
and (3) by authority. It is reasonable, he proceeds, that as the
roots of a tree contain, potentially, the complete number of the
fruit, so the roots of the Scripture when multiplied agree with
the fruits of the Scripture, which fruits are (1) the explanation
of the works by which the elect are saved and (2) the manifes-
tation of the coming of Christ incarnate. The works are con-
tained as seed in the ten commandments, and ten multiplied
by itself is one hundred.
As for the incarnation of Christ, it can be proved by three
signs which he draws from De Semine: (1) that the twenty-two
letters of the Hebrew language agree with the number of cen-
turies from the origin of that language (the confusion of
9 This work seems never to have been printed. A complete microfilm (from Cod. Vat.
Lat. 3824 fols. 1-121 is in the Advent Source Collection. For the date see Finke, op. cit.,
p. CXVIII. In this Vatican manuscript the name Joachim has been deleted from the heading,
probably by someone who later found that De Semine was pseudonymous, but it appears clearly
at the end: "Explicit introductio in librum Joachim, etc. Deo gracias." Villanova obviously
regards Joachim as the author, for he refers in the text to the Concordia, Expositio, etc.
10 Translated from Arnold of Villanova, Introductio in Librum [Joachim] De Semine,
fol. 1 r, col. 1, line 22 to col. 2, line 2,
tongues) to the birth of Christ; (2) that the number of cen-

turies from the origin of the Latins (the founding of Rome)
agrees with the seven letters from a to g up to the time of
Christ, whose letter is h (homo, man); (3) that the twenty-three
letters of the Latin alphabet—the most efficacious sign—agree
with the prophetic number revealed to Daniel:
"For to him, as an old man, was revealed in sum the number of
time from his time up to the end of the world, when it was said to him
as it is read in the 8th chapter of the same book, that up to the evening
and the morning, two thousand three hundred days." 11
He adds that Daniel's age at the time of the vision is not
precisely known, but that he is approximately placed by the
Roman and Jewish historians and chronologists.
"Therefore that author [of De Semine] wishing to leave what was
uncertain and to accept what was certain concerning the time of Daniel,
in order to signify this, said that Daniel grew up under the first letter a
and died under the second. As if he had said that to Daniel, who certainly
was contemporary in part with the first and second centuries of the Latins,
it was revealed that from those times up to the evening and the morning
are two thousand three hundred days. It is established, moreover, that in
this number there are so many centuries, and no more, as the Latins have
in the alphabet, namely 23." 12
2. TWENTY-THREE CENTURIES FROM DANIEL TO SECOND
ADVENT.—These letters of the alphabet, he continues, were
given to the Latins not only to foretell the first advent of Christ,
but particularly the second advent, "when twenty-three cen-
turies have been completed from the time of Daniel." This is,
of course, the central theme of the pseudo-Joachim De Semine.
Furthermore, the angel said to Daniel that the vision of
the evening and the morning is true, and again that "in the
time of the end the vision will be fulfilled." What are the eve-
ning and the morning? "Evening," he says, "is the end of time
or the consummation of temporal things," and "the morning of
perfect splendor and light is the beginning of eternal things." "
"'Ibid., fol. 6 v, col. 2, lines 25-32. The Latin reads usque ad vespere et mane, dies duo
milia trescenti. Note that this contains the word dies (day), unlike the same quotation in
De Semine. (Compare page 724.)
12. Ibid., fol. 7 r, col. 1, line 20 to col. 2, line 2.
12 Ibid.. fol. 7 v, col. 1, lines 1-5.
750 PROPHETIC FAITH
Our commentator, having now finished his "reasons". and

"signs," turns to his "authority" for the reckoning of twenty-
three centuries for twenty-three letters: "the authority of the
divine scripture, Luke 8. . . . "The seed fell upon good ground
and brought forth fruit a hundredfold,' " " so that each letter
would mean a hundred days or months, as the case may be.
"But hundreds of days or months do not suffice for the completion
or consummation of the mysteries of the Sacred Scripture, for already all
things would have been fulfilled, which is clearly false even from the
predictions, because according to this the second advent of the Lord would
have passed, even time would be no more, neither of which is true. There-
fore it is necessary that they are centuries of years." "
3. A STEP BEYOND "DE SEMINE"-2300 YEAR-DAYS.—Vil-
lanova goes on to state explicitly the year-day principle:
"When he says 'two thousand three hundred days' it must be said
that by days he understands years. This is clear through the explanation
of the angel when he says that in the end the vision will be fulfilled, from
which he gives it to be understood by clear expression that in that vision
by days are understood years." "
It would be absurd, he continues, to reckon a period ex-
tending to the time of the end by 2300 ordinary days, which
would not even total eight years. Then as additional Scripture
authority, he quotes Ezekiel 4:6:
"It is not unaccustomed, in the Scripture of God, for days to under-
stand years. Nay, it is certainly usual and frequent. Whence also the Spirit
in Ezekiel testifies: 'A day for a year I have reckoned to you.' " "
So speaks the Joachimite theologian. But in Villanova the
scientist crops up characteristically. He wishes to clinch the
year-day argument with what seems to him valid astronomical
evidence. Like many moderns, he believes on Scriptural au-
thority, but rejoices when he can find scientific evidence to add
to his faith. The Spirit of God did not interpret a day as a year
without solid reason, he says.
"For do not philosophers say that a day is a 'bringing' of the sun
over the earth, and that a natural day is one revolution of the sun from
1, Ibid., lines 30-32. 15 Ibid., col. 2, lines 11-22.

15 Ibid., fol. 7 v, col. 2, line 34 to fol. 8 r, col. 1, line 2.
19 Ibid., fol. 8 r, col. 1, lines 14-20.
one part of the orbit to the same? Therefore according to these definitions
a day can well and conveniently be called, in the absolute, that bringing
of the sun over the earth or through the circuit of the earth in which the
sun revolves perfectly in its own orbit from point to point. . . . There
is not but one such perfect revolution of the sun, namely, the one which
it completes in its own orbit in a year." 's
Consequently, a year more accurately fits the definition
of a day:
"Therefore, since a year is the measure of the time in which the
sun revolves in its own orbit from point to point, according to this it
could absolutely be called a day; that is, the only and perfect revolution
of the sun from point to point in its orbit." '°
Thus Villanova, in his exposition of the twenty-three let-
ters of De Semine as twenty-three centuries, goes a step beyond
the original. He takes the 2300 as days, which he interprets as
years by applying the day-for-a-year rule cited specifically from
Ezekiel,: and he proves by'systematic arguments that the 2300
could not be taken for literal days, but rather for symbolic days,
meaning solar years.
He does not in this booklet take up any other prophetic
period. Much of the latter part of the work is devoted to a dis-
cussion of the number 1000 and the 7000-year theory based on
the days of creation. Not u-"1 1297—in the same year as Olivi,
or two years after, according to the varied dating of the latter's
work "—did Villanova apply the year-day principle to the 1290
and 1335 days of Daniel 12.
III. Calculates Time of Antichrist From 1290 Years
In 1297 Villanova wrote the first part of his Tractatus de

Tempore Adventus Antichristi (Treatise on the Time of the
Coming of Antichrist)"—the tract which was to bring upon his
head L_. . eParis theologians.
tewra th rlfth
'° Ibid., fol. 8 r, col. 1, line 23 to col. 2, line 12. This reasoning is based on the fact
that after one complete day the sun and earth are again in the same position in relation to
each other, but not in relation to the stars. Not until the completion of a year, after the
sun has passed through all the signs of the zodiac, is it again aligned in the same relation
to the stars. He, of course, believed that the earth was at the center of the universe and that
the sun's apparent motion around it was actual.
19 Ibid., fol. 8 r, col. 2, line 29 to fol. 8 v, col. I, line 2.
'° See page 764.
Finke, op. cit., pp. CXXIX-CLIX, prints most of the work (omitting a good portion
752 PROPHETIC FAITH
It is concerned largely with the approximate time of Anti-

christ by means of the 1290 days interpreted as years. He now
uses the year-day principle, as he has worked it out five years
earlier for the 2300 days, as a basic rule to apply to the 1290
and 1335 days. The two main points of the argument are to
show that the days are years, and to locate the starting point of
the period from the taking away of the Jewish sacrifices after
the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans.
Villanova first leads up to the subject by way of Christ's
great prophecy of Matthew 24, Mark 13, and Luke 21. He says
that after the personal reign of Antichrist and the great tribu-
lation, will come the darkening of the sun and the moon and
the falling of the stars, accompanied by the roaring of the sea
and the "withering" of men with fear, and then the sign of the
second advent. The clay and hour of the end is not revealed, he
continues; yet Christ gives a hint when He refers to the proph-
ecy of Daniel concerning the abomination, namely, the Anti-
christ." Then, since Daniel is cited by Christ as authority, it is
sufficient to believe what he wrote concerning the year of the
end in Daniel 8.
1. REITERATES YEAR-DAY ARGUMENT FOR 2300.—He refers
to the 2300 days as the duration of the world:
"In the third year of King Belshazzar there were revealed to him
the years of the duration of the world under these words: 'Up to the eve-
ning and the morning, two thousand three hundred days.' By a day, how-
ever, he understands a year."
Continuing, he repeats the arguments from the sun's orbit,
and from Ezekiel's "day for a year" and the angel's statement
to Daniel that "in the time of the end the vision will be ful-
filled." If one knew, he says, how many years passed from the
third year of Belshazzar to Christ, one could add the years from
of part 1). This is taken from the complete manuscript in Cod. Vat. Lat. 3824, fols. 50-78.
Photostats of part 1 complete (fols. 50 v to 68 r) are in the Advent Source Collection. The
date of part 1 appears in the manuscript on fol. 56 v, col. 2, line 30 (and in Finke, op. cit.,
p. CXXXI). The second part (fols. 68 r to 78) was added in 1300, after the trouble with the
Dominicans of Paris. (In Finke, op. cit., p. CLIX.)
22 Villanova, Tractatus . . . Antichristi, fol. 59 v, col. 2 to fol. 60 r, col. 2.
23 Ibid., fol. 60 v, col. 1, line 33 to col. 2, line 6.
Christ to the present, and compute how many remain of the

2300 years until "the year in which all generation and corrup-
tion will cease and time will be no longer." " He expects this
before the close of the fifteenth century—at least a century
earlier than the computation of De Semine—for he places that
starting point at some uncertain time more than eight hundred
years before Christ (actually three hundred years too early).
Because of this uncertainty he turns to another method."
If he cannot locate the end of the 2300 years, he will calcu-
late the time of Antichrist. The key is furnished by the 1290
and 1335 days of Daniel 12, which are years.
" 'From the time when the continual sacrifice will have been taken
away, and there will have been set up'—that is, up to the time when will
be set up—`the abomination upon the desolation' namely, of the faithful
people, 'a thousand two hundred and ninety days.' And here, just as above,
by a day a year is understood, which is clear through what precedes, since
it says 'And when the dispersion of the power of the holy people, all
these things will be completed.' " '
2. CONNECTS 1 290 WITH 70 WEEKS.—Disagreeing with

"many 1:,slinA watci--en" v.the -late the 1290 ye-rs frem the
death of Christ, as the taking away of the continual sacrifice,
he connects it rather with the destruction of the temple and
the fall of the city "through Titus and Vespasian in the forty-
second year after the passion or ascension of Christ." He-
begins the period with the taking away of the continual Old
Testament sacrifice when the Jews lost the Promised Land—
the only place where they were allowed by law to sacrifice; this
was "in the midst of the week," probably in the fourth year
after Jerusalem's fall,' that is, the forty-sixth year after the
crucifixion of Christ.
In placing this event he brings in the "one week" although
he does not offer a complete interpretation of the seventy
weeks. He merely says that "after 62 weeks, Christ will be
2' Ibid., fol. 61 r, col. 1, lines 11-24. 25 Ibid., col. 1, line 33 to col. 2, line 7.
Ibid., fol. 61 r, col. 2, line 28 to fol. 61 v, col. 1, line 5.
27 Ibid., fol. 61 v, col. 1, lines 24-26, and col. 2, lines 29-34.
754 PROPHETIC FAITH
killed," after which follow the war and desolation and the con-
firming of the covenant in one week.'
Daniel 9, says Villanova, gives the time of the first advent
of Christ, just as Daniel 12 gives the time of Antichrist; the
seventy weeks are weeks of years which point out the time of
Christ's first advent and death."
3. END OF 1290 YEARS IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY.—After

some discussion he summarizes:
"What, however, suffices us here is this, namely that when 1290
years have been completed from the time when the Jewish people lost
possession of their land, there will stand, as the Lord says, the abomination
of desolation, namely Antichrist, in the holy places, which will be about
the 78th [sic] year of the following century, evidently the 14th [century]
from the advent of the Saviour. I cannot determine how many [years]
before or how many after, for the reason that I do not know how many
years after the overthrow of Jerusalem the Jewish people lost the land
of promise. Yet it is certain from the words of the prophet that that num-
ber will be completed within the century mentioned or the following, by
understanding for days lunar or solar years."
This, as written, would end the 1290 years in 1378, but it

was definitely not 1378 originally. The 78 is a correction over
an erasure, and the original number is uncertain." Whatever
Villanova's date was here, he claimed for it no "certainty or
necessity," but only "possibility having evidence of the more
probable and sane understanding," " but he repeats with em-
phasis that "it is certain, as was clear above, that Daniel under
the name of days gives us to understand years and not usual
2, Ibid., fol. 61 v, col. 2, lines 12-25.

3° Ibid., fol. 66 r, col. 2, and fol. 67 r, col. 1 (also in Finke, op. cit., pp. CXXXVI,
CXXXVII).
31 Ibid., fol. 62 v, col. 1, line 28 to col. 2, line 18 (also in Finke, op. cit., p. CXXXII).
32 It appears again as 78th (septuagesimum octanum) in the final column (ibid., part 2,
fol. 78 v, col. 1, lines 27, 28), but here septuagesimum. is clearly a correction for sexagesimum,
sixty, and the word octavum is also a correction for a shorter word. Was it originally 66th?
The number appears again in the next treatise (De Misterio Cimbalorum) immediately fol-
lowing in the same manuscript (fol. 92 r, col. 2, lines 8, 9) as 68th, but here again there has
been a correction, and a different manuscript of this latter tract (B. N. Paris Latin 15033),
fol. 210 (227) r, line 15, gives 1376, clear and unerased.
What was the original figure? The date 1368 would be 1290 years after A.D. 78, which
is three and one half years after the forty-second year from A.D. 33; Villanova would be
likely to calculate from A.D. 33, since he was familiar with De Semine, which refers (fol. 7 r,
col. 1, lines 8, 9) to "Christ's age of thirty-three years" at His crucifixion. But 1376 or 1378
seems out of line with any possible crucifixion date. Finke thinks that the original figure—prob-
ably 1376—was changed later to 1378 because of the Great Schism, which began then. (See
Finke, op. cit., pp. 210, 211.)
33 Villanova, Traciatus . . . Antichristi, fol. 63 r, col. 1, lines 8-13.
days," and adds that "such an understanding agrees with the

common concepts of men and the truth of Sacred Scripture
commonly known." "
4. CITES SIBYL FOR FOURTEENTH CENTURY ANTICHRIST.—
Quite characteristic of Villanova's medieval outlook is his addi-
tion of arguments from the Babylonian Sibyl, from whom
"Augustine and the rest of the holy doctors have accepted par-
ticularly the fullness of the signs of the judgment." She goes,
he says, "through the successive kings of the Greeks and the-
Romans, and describes the advent of the beast, namely Mo-
hammed," the rise and maturity of the Dominicans and Fran-
ciscans, the advent of Antichrist, and finally the coming of the
heavenly Lamb and the general judgment. He finds some of
her predictions fulfilled in the political events of his day, and
enumerates only four events that have not yet been fulfilled:
the forced reunion of the Greek with the Latin church; the
scattering of the "barbarian nation" (the Saracens), which he
regards as imminent; the coming of Antichrist; and the second
coming of Christ to judgment."
By allowing at least twenty-four years between these four
events he is certain that Antichrist will come before the end
of the following (the fourteenth) century, "about the afore-
mentioned terminus." The fact that his reign is not to last as
long as a century, fits in with the fifteenth-century ending of
the 2300 days and of the other number of Daniel 12, the 1335
years. This last number he reckons from the same starting
point as the 1290, ending it in "the time of universal tran-
quillity and peace of the church, in which throughout the whole
world truth will be known and Christ will be worshiped, and
'there will be one shepherd and one fold.' " This will be at the
of the seventh seal; and following the silence of half
an hour (as if a half year, or the middle of the century), and
then will come the sudden tribulation of the judgment."
Ibid., lines 21-32.

3, Ibid., fol. 64 r, col. 2, and fol. 64 v, col. 1 (Finke, op. cit., pp. CXXXII, CXXXIII).
"lb id ., fol. 64 v, col. 2, and fol. 64 r, col. 1 (Finke, op. cit., p.
756 PROPHETIC FAITH
5. ARGUES FOR FOURTEENTH CENTURY FROM AUGUSTINE'S

SIXTH MILLENNIUM.—After this 1297 exposition was attacked
by the Dominicans at Paris, and Villanova escaped punishment
through influential friends, he wrote part 2, in which he an-
swers his critics and reiterates his arguments. This peppery
reply assails the Paris theologians on their own ground. If they
accuse him of error, in saying that the end is near, he can show
that they are accusing the church of error in preaching the
Crusades, for unless the end of the times of the Gentiles is near,
how can the "faithful people" regain the Holy Land from the
unbelievers? If they cite Augustine, so can he. Did not Augus-
tine reckon the sixth millennium from about a century before
his own time? That would put the end of it in the fourteenth
century, the century which, he reminds them, is to begin at
the end of the present year, 1300. Therefore he expects the ex-
piration of the times of the Gentiles and the scattering of the
Mohammedans in the near future, and the conversion of the
Jews in the end of the age."
6. CALLS OPPONENTS FORERUNNERS OF ANTICHRIST.—Vil-
lanova declares his fidelity to the pope and accuses his oppo-
nents. He does not identify the Antichrist, but points out his
forerunners as he lashes out at the Paris theologians who have
tried to silence him:
"For who of the faithful is ignorant, since the Chaldeans and bar-
barians are not ignorant, [of the fact] that the Roman pontiff is Christ on
earth? . . . How, therefore, without the greatest ruin of the Catholics, can
those despise his authority who have been chosen for the protection of the
Lord's vineyard? Can it be argued from this that the persecution of Anti-
christ already hastens exceedingly, since he is to be specially armed with a
whole phalanx of his iniquity against the apostolic see as against the chief
and personal see of Jesus Christ, and he is to speak great things against the
chief pontiff as against the God of gods in the church militant. Are not
such despisers of the apostolic see the exact forerunners of Antichrist?"
Villanova ends the second part of this work with a con-
cluding section in which he invites the reader to consider
37 Ibid., [part 2], in Finke, op. cit., pp. CXLVIII-CLI, CXLII.

33 Ibid., p. CLVII.
three things carefully: "Whether the assertions set forth in it

are possibly true, whether they may be proved in an orthodox
way, and whether they are effective to lead the hearts of mortals
to a contempt of earthly things and a desire for heavenly things,
which is the principal purpose, and one appropriate to the
bride of Christ"; then he closes with a concise nine-point sum-
mary of the work."
IV. Urges Preachers to Explain Prophecies
Villanova was far from cowed by the opposition of the

theologians. In 1301 he not only appealed to the pope but re-
stated his arguments in the Tractatus de Misterio Cimbalorum
Ecclesie (Treatise on the Mystery of the Church Bells), which
he sent with an accompanying letter to various leading church-
men and princes, including the Dominicans of Paris and other
orders." In this he protested more strongly than ever his loyalty
to the church, and urged the preachers of the church to fulfill
their responsibility to explain to the people the prophecies of
the end.
1. BELLS ARE PREACHERS SOUNDING GOD'S MESSAGE.—The
symbolism of the title is explained thus:
"Since the material caenpanae or cymbala (large or small bells) de-
note the preachers of the church, it can reasonably be said that because the
church rings the small bells a long while in matins and afterwards the
large ones, it commemorates by a convenient sign the grade and order of
those preachers." "
The matins, he continues, would represent the period of
darkness before Christ, and the bells—first smaller and then
larger—the patriarchs and later the prophets who sounded forth
the message of God. One of the larger bells was Daniel, who
39 In Finke, op. cit., pp. CLVII-CLIX.

°° See Finke, op. cit., p. CXX.
This work follows the preceding treatise in the same Vatican manuscript (Cod. Vat. Lat.
3824), fols. 78-98. (Complete photostats of this are in the Advent Source Collection, as well
as complete microfilm of another manuscript of it once belonging to the Monastery of St.
Victor of Paris, now in Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris (Fond Latin 15033), fols. 183 (200)-
224 (241).
4, 'Translated from Villanova, Tractatus de Misterio Cimbalorum (Cod. Vat. Lat. 3824),
fol. 79 r, col. 1, line 28 to col. 2, line 3,
758 PROPHETIC FAITH
sounded forth "not only the advent but even the fruit of that
advent under a certain number of weeks," and then Christ's
coming multiplied the sound of the great bells in the temple
of God as the virginal dawn brought forth the sun."
2. PROPHETIC PERIODS END IN WORLD'S EVENING.—In the
church the same order was observed, and the preaching of the
apostles and evangelical men continued. Reaching his own time
in prophetic interpretation, Villanova points out that the eve-
ning of the world draws near when the two greatest vesper bells,
Enoch and Elijah, will sound forth in the time of Antichrist."
Usque ad vespere et mane, dies duo milia ccc—to the evening
and the morning, 2300 days, he says, refers to the evening of the
world, and to Antichrist, 1290 days from the taking away of the
continual sacrifice, etc." The prophecy is ambiguous until one
determines the starting point and meaning of the term day,
which may, he explains, mean a day, a whole period of time, a
thousand years, or a year (citing Ezekiel 4:6); and that year
may be either lunar, solar, or "hebdomadal," which he explains
as 365 weeks of clays, months, or years.'
3. CITES AUGUSTINE, DANIEL, FOR CHRONOLOGY.—In this
tract Villanova is not on the defensive. Ignoring opposition, he
is trying to arouse the church bells to sound forth the message
of the nearness of the end, and thus give the people what he
considers "meat in due season." " It is not difficult, he urges, to
find an opening to announce the time of the end of the age,
for Augustine's dating of the sixth millenary would 'make the
end less than two centuries away." If one wishes to use Daniel's
visions, let him first study the Scriptures to determine the start-
ing point, and the sort of day used in computation of the 2300
days to the evening of this age and morning of the next." It
would be reasonable to start from the time of the vision, and
42 /bid., fol. 79 r, col. 2 to fol. 79 v, col. 2.

Ibid., fol. 80 r, col. 1.
44Ibid., fol. 80 r, col. 2, lines 26-34.
48lb id., fol. 80 v, cols. 1, 2.
48Ibid., fol. 90 v, col. 1.
47Ibid., fol. 91 r, cols. 1, 2.
48Ibid., col. 2.
if Daniel used day to mean year, the century may be deter-

mined.
"Yet it will be safer for preachers, if they wish to assert something
in a common audience concerning the last times of the world through
the words of Daniel, to dismiss this prophecy concerning the end of the
world and accept that which is concerning the time of Antichrist." '°
The chronology which he offers for the 1290 days is the
same as in the tract on Antichrist, on the supposition that
Jerusalem fell in the forty-second year after the cross, and that
a covenant made with the Jews was broken three years later, in
the midst of a week of years, or in the forty-sixth year after the
cross; the period is ended, however, in the sixty-eighth year
of the fourteenth century.' The year number" in this manu-
script is likewise a correction from the original, and in the
Paris manuscript of this same work it reads "seventy-sixth" with
no erasure."
As for the year-day reckoning, he argues that a day could
not here be reckoned as an ordinary day, as the whole period,
or as a hebdomadal year.' It is necessary, he contends, since the
Scripture is true, that the exposition of it should agree. If
Daniel uses days for lunar or solar years, the prophecy agrees
with Augustine, and to this the Sibyl agrees as well." Thus
Villanova makes a bid for orthodoxy according to the standard
authorities of his day.
Informed, then, by these arguments, the preachers of the
church can probably assert that by a day Daniel means a lunar
or solar year—the difference between them being only about
two years at the end.'
4. CHRISTIANS ARE TO UNDERSTAND DANIEL.—With these
proofs, cries Villanova, the preachers can announce boldly the
nearness of Antichrist; nevertheless they have remained mute,

50 Ibid., fol. 92 r, col. 1 line 2 to col. 2, line 16.
51 Ibid., col. 2, lines 8, 9.
52 The Paris manuscript (B. N. Lat. 15033) carries the date in question on folio 210
(227) r, line 15. For the confusion concerning this date, see page 754 of the present work.
53 Ibid. (Cod. Vat. Lat. 3824), fol. 92 r, col. 2, line 24 to fol. 93 r, col. 1, line 8.
Ibid., fol. 93 r, col. 1, lines 12-30.
55 Ibid., fol. 93 r, col. 1, line 30 to col. 2, line 18.
760 PROPHETIC FAITH
frightened by Daniel's saying that the book is sealed.' Then he

argues at length that this fear is unreasonable. Let the preachers
study the Scriptures, and they will understand, for it is the
wicked who are not to understand. The words of Daniel are
not to be closed to the Christian people. The Jews, who de-
clared that Daniel's words could not be understood because the
seventy weeks proved the time of the first advent of Christ,
would ridicule and insult any Christians who would concede
that, for they would say our faith concerning Christ was empty."
Furthermore, he argues, another fear which restrains a
preacher is removed by the Scripture, for Daniel says that the
book is sealed only to the prescribed time, and then "many
shall pass through it and knowledge shall be multiplied." And if
a preacher fears to be caught in a mistake by proclaiming a de-
termined time for the last persecution, he can preach cautiously
—for the hearts of mortals are frightened—and he will be pre-
served from falsehood. If he says, "Watch and be cautious for
many believe that the last times are here," he will then speak
with Catholic moderation.'
5. PREACHERS MUST STUDY SCRIPTURES.—But he ends with
the exhortation to ring out the message of the Scriptures like
large bells in the vespertime of the world.
"It is therefore the conclusion of all these sayings that the preachers
of the church ought to study the Scriptures and their expositions so
diligently that they may not, like a small bell at the evening of this world
make an imperceptible sound; . . . let them imitate the great bells, so that
as if with a thundering sound they may warn all the citizens to take part in
the praises of the heavenly Lamb." "
And he adds, discreetly, as a final token of loyalty to the
Papacy: "From 'whose throne, namely, the summit of the
Roman see, He makes the mystery of the church bells, briefly
explained, to be given out to the rest." Villanova's loyalty to
the popes, to say nothing of his value to them as physician, was
56 Ibid., fol. 93 r, col. 2, line 18 to fol. 93 v, col. 1, line 8.
5, Ibid., fol. 94 r, col. 1, line 9 to col. 2, line 26.
69 Ibid., fol. 98 r, lines 17-22.
to save him from the wrath of his ecclesiastical enemies, but

his attempt to rally the orders to his prophetic message failed.
V. Contends for 2300 Year-Days
1. STILL FIGHTING IN 1305.—Included in the same manu-

script as his two preceding expositions is another work written
in 1305," Antidotum Contra Venenum Effusum per Fratrem
Martinum de Atheca (Antidote Against the Poison Poured Out
by Brother Martin of Atheca). In chapter 3 he finds eleven mis-
takes. The third, he says, is "the argument which he uses to
disprove the exposition of the numbers of Daniel written by
me in my treatises," namely, that in the 2300 days and the 1290
days "the Holy Spirit takes a day for a year." "
2. DECLARES INDEPENDENCE OF THE GLOSSA.—He ridicules
as "worthy of a cowherd" the argument of Martin, that the
"common glosses" interpret those as ordinary days, for there
can be more than one interpretation. Daniel himself, he con-
tends, says that "many shall pass through it and knowledge shall
he manitnIrl" !Ti a n 12:4), and the common gloss says that what
is applied to Antiochus in type is also applicable to the Anti-
christ at the end.' His opponent's fourth error, he continues,
is saying "that none of the doctors have explained [the Scrip-
tures] as I explain them." In defense he cites "Bede, in his book
of numbers, and Joachim, in his book De Semine Scriptura-
rum," who are not at variance with him, and names some excel-
lent writers among "the moderns" who "accept this exposition
as Catholic," or orthodox.'
Villanova could never convince the Inquisition that his
writings were Catholic. His theology was denounced by the In-
aftel his death. Nevertheless, his teachings exerted a
great influence on the Spirituals, and were passed on to later
alFink, op. tit., p. CXXVII.

Arnold of Villanova, Antidoturn (Cod. Vat. Lat. 3824), fol. 245 r, col. 2, line 26 to fol.
245 v, col. 1, line 5.
e" Ibid., fol. 245 v, col. 1, lines 5-21.
"/bid., fol. 245 v, col. 2, line 25 to fol. 246 r, col. 1, line 17.
762 PROPHETIC FAITH
writers. His works in the library of Cardinal Cusa are testi-

mony to the influence of his year-day application to the 2300
days on Cusa's more widely known interpretation of that pro-
phetic period. His was another of those insistent and persuasive
voices ringing out in the early gray light of dawn before the
sunrise of reviving prophetic exposition after the dense night of
the Dark Ages.
CHAPTER THIRTY -ONE
The Second Generation

of Spirituals
I. Olivi—Leading Light of the Spirituals
We now turn to the greatest figure belonging to the sec-

ond generation of the Spirituals—PIERRE JEAN D'O LI VI (1248-
1298). Born in Serignan, a town of Languedoc, in southern
France, he entered the order of the Franciscans in 196n, and
received the finest theological training of his time. He was
attracted by the teachings of the Spirituals, and soon became.
their outstanding exponent. Olivi recognized the serious mis-
take of depreciating and minimizing the lofty ideas of Joachim
and his followers as those of an insignificant or even a heretical
sect. He gave a new impetus to the heroic fight to bring these
ideas to the knowledge of all, and to build them into the larger
framework of the church, that they might receive general rec-
ognition and acceptance.
The Spirituals had not only always felt that they were
called of God to high missionary endeavor, but also that their
supreme task was to reform the church. So they tried to bring
representatives of their movement, or at least sympathizers with
it, into important positions in the church. Iii this they at times
succeeded. But when the hermit pope, Celestine V, resigned in
1294, and Boniface VIII stepped into his place, the Spirituals
had finally lost, because Boniface began almost immediately to
suppress and to persecute them. This, in brief, is the historical
background of the times during which Olivi worked, and dur-
763
764 PROPHETIC FAITH
ing which he attempted once again to raise the banner of the

Spirituals.
1. ROMAN CHURCH MUST BE ANTICHRIST.—Olivi wrote a
number of works. Two, however, are of chief interest to us.
One is a letter addressed to the sons of Charles II of Naples, of
the house of Anjou (c. 1295). The territory of Charles II, it
should be added, had become a haven for the persecuted Spir-
ituals. The other work is entitled Postilla in Apocalypsim
(Commentary on the Apocalypse), and its date is variously given
as 1295, 1297, or 1299—the latter date being, of course, just
after Olivi's death.'
In these two treatises we find the grand ideas about the
manner and the processes through which God reveals Him-
self, and realizes His will in history. The essence of all history,
he held, is rebirth or regeneration, which is always accom-
plished by suffering and death.2 This was most completely dem-
onstrated through the incarnation of Christ. In like manner,
and only under the same principle, will spiritual powers find
their full realization in this material world. Olivi believed that
in his own day—the fifth "epoch," extending to the end of the
thirteenth century—would be seen the complete reign of the
church, and that the time of trouble and of Messianic travail
was at hand.
This would be signified by the opening of the sixth seal
and the sixth trumpet, as well as the outpouring of the sixth
vial. And, as in the six hundredth year of Noah the fountains
of the great deep were broken up and the windows of heaven
were opened, so in like manner must the "whore of Babylon"
be drowned by a flood, when under the sixth head of the beast
which carries the great courtesan, the ten horns or kings of
the earth receive power for one hour. They will then hate the
woman and destroy her. Thereafter these kings will fight with
the Lamb, but the Lamb will overpower them and gain the
1 For Olivi's remark about thirteen centuries from Christ, of which number only three
years remain, see page 767.
2 Benz, op. ctt., p. 259.
THE SECOND GENERATION OF SPIRITUALS 765
victory—because the Lamb is the King of kings' Thus Olivi's

expectations were tied into the symbolism of the Apocalypse.
Although he employed harsh words to rebuke and brand
the hierarchical church, these words, however, related solely to
the then-existing status of the church. He did not see the child
of deception in her in the earlier stages, but his condemnation
fell upon the then-present feudal church of Rome, as the carnal
church of the "fifth" period, one which must come to an end,
and must, of necessity, be followed by the Church of the Spirit.'
The cause of the decadence in the church, lust for power and
wealth, was most markedly apparent in the general practice of
simony.
The Church of the Spirit, freed from the poisoning influ-
ence of temporal possessions, as proclaimed by the Spirituals,
and most eloquently defended by Olivi, was not to be consid-
ered a sect. Rather, she was regarded as the natural successor
of the feudal church, because the latter had neglected her sol-
emn task and forgotten to hold aloft the torch of truth. So the
Spirituals were not a sect, Olivi averred, but the purified and
sanctified church, which would soon obtain its rightful place,,..
because it would have its historical position in the plan of God
with mankind.
With this and similar statements he sought the transfer of
authority from an individual primacy in the hierarchical church
to a group primacy in the Church of the Spirit. If, therefore,
the history of the Franciscan Order in general, and that of the
Spirituals in particular, was the history of the church, then the
Roman church who was persecuting the followers of Christ was
the church of Satan, and must be the Antichrist.' The Roman
church, he reasoned, must consequently be the whore of Baby-
lon, the Beast from the bottomless pit.
These statements were not merely theological derivations,
but the result of a series of severe persecutions and cruel priva-
Ibid., p. 263 (see also Dollinger, Prophecies, pp. 126-128).

4 Ibid.,pp. 285, 286.
5Ibid., p. 304.
766 PROPHETIC FAITH
tions to which the Spirituals were exposed for more than half
a century.' It was to them clearly the fifth period of the church,
during which the pope and his clerics persecuted the Christlike
lives of His true followers. It was indeed the midnight hour
of spiritual darkness.'
However, these courageous endeavors of Olivi were of no
avail; he was not able to reform the church. The Church of the
Spirit became a sect, and later its heritage was kept alive among
the Beghards and Beguines. Olivi's great theological concept
became thus derided as that of a despised sect. Olivi, however,
was highly venerated by his followers, and after his death in
1298 his burial site become the mecca of pilgrimage, until the
friars dug up Olivi's bones and destroyed the shrine.
Pope John XXII (1316-1334) ordered an inquiry, con-
ducted by a commission of doctors, who condemned sixty ar-
ticles of Olivi's work on the Apocalypse.' However, at the close
of the fourteenth century the opinions of Olivi were vindicated
by Bartholomew of Pisa. But his writings remained under the
ban until Pope Sixtus IV (1471-1484), himself a Minorite, or-
dered them examined afresh, and declared them orthodox.'
2. BABYLONIAN ROME HASTENING TO DESTRUCTION.—Olivi
deals with the seven ages of the church, together with the pro-
gressive development of paralleling Antichristianism and Chris-
tian principles, to the last climactic struggle—this to be followed
by the new world, or age of the Holy Spirit." The Babylon
of the Apocalypse Olivi uniformly represents as the corrupt
church of Rome, hurrying to ruin. And he describes her de-
struction in pointed terms, as the following citation attests:
" 'She is Babylon, the great whore, because wickedness thrives and
spreads in her, not only intensively but extensively; so that the good in her
are like a few grains of gold in a vast sand-heap; and as the Jews in Babylon
were captives, and grievously oppressed, so will the spirit of the righteous,
in this period, be oppressed and afflicted beyond endurance, by the count-
p. 312.
Ibid.,
7 pp. 324, 325.
Ibid.,
8 J.C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 6, pp. 437, 438; Landon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 271; Livarius
Oliger, "Olivi, Pierre Jean," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 11, pp. 245, 246.
Dollinger, Prophecies, p. 128.
Neander, op. cit., vol. 4, pp. 621, 622.
less host of a fleshly church, which they are enforced to serve against their
will. The Babylon which stood in heathendom, made all men drunk with
her idolatries; so that Babylon, which is the fleshly church, has made herself
and all the people in subjection to her drunk, and led them astray by her
shameful carnalities, simony, and worldly pomp. And as, previous to her
fall, her malice and her power grievously oppressed the spirit of the elect,
and hindered the conversion of the world, so will her overthrow be to the
saints as a release from their captivity.'"
3. APOCALYPSE COMMENTARY BASED ON JOACHIM'S.—

Olivi's Postilla in Apocalypsim (Commentary on the Apoca-
lypse) became the favorite book of the Spirituals. It was based
on Joachim's treatise on the Apocalypse, and portrayed the car-
nal church as ripening for judgment and awaiting the victory
of the spiritual order; yet it did not follow Joachim in detail.
Olivi's third state, the age of the Spirit, shows a difference
from Joachim in respect to its duration, for it was expected to
be a long period:
"The state of the church from the condemnation of Babylon, that is,
the carnal church, up to the end of the world ought to have so much space
of time that the whole world and all Israel may be converted to Christ, and
that time may ascend from the sea by appropriate stages up to the meridian,
and then by appropriate stages destclici to so great an evening and night of
iniquity that scarcely will He find faith on the earth, and that through the
abundance of evil ChriSt will as it were be compelled to come to judgment.
For far be it [from the truth] that the third principal state of the world,
bearing appropriately the image of the Holy Spirit, should be momentary
or so ridiculously and disproportionately abbreviated." 12
Olivi's longer outlook is exemplified by his late dating of

the 2300 day's, as will be seen later. He, of course, had to find
a later ending than Joachim's for the 42 generations, or 1260
years. Olivi begins them from the seventh year after the death
of Christ, to which, date he assigns the elevation of Peter to
the Primacy, that is, his acceptance of the cathedra at Antioch,
and later h they would end thirteen centuriPQ frr,rn
Christ, from which number "only three years remain." "
11 pp. 624,
Ibid., 625, quoting Olivi.
12 Translated from Pierre Jean d'Olivi, Postilla in Apocalypsim (B. N. Paris, MS. Lat.
713), fol. 18 r, col. 1, line 32 to col. 2, line 15. (Complete microfilm in the Advent Source
Collection.)
fol.
13 Ibid., 134 r, col. 1, lines 17 ff.
768 PROPHETIC FAITH
II. Doctrines Draw Roman Doctors' Censures
When Olivi's Commentary on the Apocalypse was referred,

as mentioned, to a commission of Roman doctors of theology
in 1318, they returned to John XXII their censure of sixty
articles drawn from his work, on the basis of which the Com-
mentary was condemned and suppressed as blasphemous and
heretical. It is well that Olivi was dead, or he would doubtless
have fared as did the four Minorite monks who were "reduced
to ashes" one year later for sharing the same views. Here are
some of the views concerning the Roman church which drew
the censure of the commission.
1. CALLS ROMAN CHURCH BABYLON.—Condemning Olivi's
position, as cited in his own words, regarding "the judgment
of the great Harlot and the seven-headed Beast," and his dec-
laration of "the solemn marriage of the Lamb with His Bride,
to take place after the destruction of the great Harlot"—as
pointing to "the time of the rejection and ruin of Babylon, of
the reformation of the church, and the restoration of her Christ
in His primeval beauty."—"Censure III" of the Roman doctors
declares it heretical on three significant counts: 1. It calls the
Roman church, which is the universal church, the great Har-
lot. 2. It pretends that it is to be damned. 3. It teaches about a
new marriage of the Lamb with His bride; whereas this union
is now daily taking place, and will be completed in heaven.'
Olivi's statement, "When Babylon, the Harlot, with the
Beast which bears her, reaches her summit, then will her night
become darkest," calls forth the commission's "Censure IV,"
with this elaborated statement:
"This article contains two heresies: First, so far as it relates to this,
that when Babylon the harlot and the beast bearing her shall be at their
highest, then will be her darkest night; because, as will appear more plainly
later from his own words, in that whole treatise, by Babylon he under-
stands the Roman Church and the universal Church obedient to her, which
we designate as the Catholic Church; which is not Babylon, the city of the
14 Letter of the theologians censuring Olivi's commentary, printed in Etienne Baluze,

Miscellanea, vol. 2, p. 259.
devil, but the city of God, not a harlot but a virgin, not carried by the
devil but by Christ, not gloomy or pertaining to the night, but lighted up
by faith and established in the day of grace."'"
The place referred to as "later" is probably the passage
condemned in "Censure XLVI," where Olivi speaks of the sec-
ond angel of Revelation 14, who announces the fall of Babylon,
the "carnal church" which persecutes "spiritual men."
"The carnal church is for this reason called Babylon here and
farther on, in the 17th and the 18th chapter, and not only there but also in
the 19th chapter she is called a great harlot. . . . The spirit of the
righteous ones of this time is in difficulty beyond measure and oppressed
by the supremacy and the predominance and the innumerable multitude
of the carnal church, whom they must serve whether they wish or not;
further, because publicly and most shamelessly she is untrue to her bride-
groom Christ, as will be dealt with more fully farther on. Whence also here
it is added 'who has made all nations drunk with the wine of her fornica-
tion,' because . . . the carnal church has inebriated herself and all nations
subject to her and corrupted them with her filthy carnalities and simoniacal
g-reecl and earthly glory of "-;- world. And . . . she burns inwrath against
spiritual men and against the forces and inpourings of the Holy Spirit." "
2. COMPARES CARNAL ROMAN CHURCH TO SYNAGOGUE.—
Olivi speaks of the enemies of the Franciscans "at the time
w hen hiq [Francis' riilP is to be . . . attacked and condemned
by the church of the carnal and proud ones, just as Christ was
condemned by the wicked synagogue of the Jews. For this must
precede the temporal removal of the church, just as that pre-
ceded the removal of the synagogue."'
The doctors reply, in "Censure XXIII," that the Roman
church, which Olivi blasphemously qualifies as being carnal
and haughty, is not capable of imitating the Synagogue which
condemned Jesus Christ.
3. FALSE PROPHETS WILL CLAIM SUCCESSION FROM ANTIQ-
UITY.—Olivi draws fire because of his somewhat sarcastic pic-
10 from Baluze, op. cit., vol. 2, P. 259; the statement under censure is from
Olivi, op. cit., fol. 11 r, col. 2. In the following quotations the source reference to the Olivi
manuscript is given first, then the Baluze reference to the censure, but the translations of
Olivi's statements are made from the printed extracts accompanying the censures.
Olivi, op. cit., fol. 154 r, col. 1; Baluze, op. cit., p. 267.
rr Olivi, op. cit., fol. 81 r, col. 1; Baluze, op. cit., p. 262. Taking exception elsewhere to
Olivi's expression "Babylon, that is to say the carnal church," "Censure VII" likewise con-
demns calling the church Babylon "by which he [Olivi] means the Catholic church." (Olivi,
op. cit., fol. 18 r, cols. 1, 2; Baluze, op. cit., p. 259.)
25
770 PROPHETIC FAITH
ture of the pseudo prophets among the orders whom he expects

as the two horns of the second beast, and because of his making
the image to the beast a pseudo pope.
"When, however, the apostate beast from the land of the monastics
will ascend on high with two horns of the pseudo-monks and pseudo-
prophets falsely similar to the true horns of the Lamb, then will the temp-
tation of the mystic Antichrist be strongest. For there will rise then false
Christs and false prophets who will cause the cupidity and carnality or
carnal glory of the worldly beast [from the sea] to be worshiped by all. •
"And they will give for this purpose great signs: first, indeed, [signs]
of their own ecclesiastical authority to which will seem to be opposed
disobedience and obstinacy and schismatic rebellion; second, of the univer-
sal knowledge of all their masters and doctors and of the whole multitude,
or of the opinion of all, to which will seem to be opposed [anything]
stupid and foolish and heretical; third, they will give signs of reasons
and of scriptures falsely twisted, and even the signs of a sort of superficial
and ancient and multiform religion established through long succession
from antiquity; so that with these signs they will seem to cause the fire of
the Lord's wrath to fall upon their opponents, and on the contrary they
will seem to cause a fire as it were of holy and even apostolic zeal to descend
from heaven upon their disciples.
"They will even decree that those who will not obey be anathematized
and cast out of the synagogue, and if it is necessary, be handed over to the
secular arm of the first beast. They will even appoint that an image to
the first beast, that is, a pseudo pope, elevated by the king of the first beast,
be worshiped, that is, that he be believed more than Christ and His gospel,
and that he be honored in an adulatory way as God of this world." 's
"Censure XLIV" dismisses this false pope as blasphemous,

denies any "mystic" Antichrist preceding the real one, and re-
gards the "first," "second," and "third" remarks as uncompli-
mentary insinuations against the church.
4. PSEUDO POPE MAY BE ANTICHRIST.—It is no wonder

that the churchmen condemned Olivi's views of. Revelation 13.
He goes further on the subject of the false pope. Although he
does not vouch for it, he says that certain ones believe, from
many things written by Joachim (he evidently means pseudo
Joachim) and from a supposed secret opinion expressed by St.
18 Olivi, op. cit., fol. 149 v, col. 2, line 31 to fol. 150 r, col. 2, line 7; Baluze, op. cit.,
p. 267.
Francis, that Frederick II would so live again in one of his

descendants that he would rule the empire and France, and
would establish the pseudo pope. The resulting upset of the
church would be the earthquake at the opening of the sixth
seal. This would partly fulfill the falling away of 2 Thessalo-
nians 2, inasmuch as almost everyone would abandon obedi-
ence to the true pope and follow the false one, who will not
only be heretical but be schismatically introduced in an irreg-
ular election."
Later he cites an opinion which takes the pseudo pope a
step further:
"And certain ones think that not only the mystic Antichrist but also
the true and great one will be the pseudo-pope, head of the false prophets,
and that through the advice and cooperation of him and his false prophets
the empire will be acquired by that king through whom he will be estab-
lished in his false papacy. But that king who will establish him will make
him, beyond this, to be worshiped as God."
5. CALLS ROME SEAT OF BEAST.—COMrnenting nn the fifth

vial of Revelation 16, Olivi mentions the four horses of the
first four seals as the first four periods of the church, after which
"the Rom a n church has raised her seat above all the churches
of the East." In the fifth period, he says, signified by Daniel's
four beasts and the war upon the saints, "the seat of the beast
and of all her followers has magnified itself and has prevailed
by its multitude and by its power, until she has abolished the
seat of Jesus Christ, while she claims to honor it by a vain con-
formity of name and place." The forthrightness of his stric-
tures is really remarkable.
The commission's rejoinder, as "Censure XLVIII" con-
cludes the excerpts as follows:
"This article reveals four heresies. 1. In that it makes the seat of
the Beast to prevail over the seat of Jesus Christ, that is to say. the Catholic
or Roman church, which, having become the seat of the Beast, would
cease to be the church of Jesus Christ. 2. In that it says that her govern-
ment will be darkened, for although many of its conductors are in deep
io Olivi, op. cit., fol. 150 r, v; Baluze, op. cit., p. 267.

2" Olivi, op. cit., fol. 165 v, col. 1, lines 9-17; Baluze, op. cit., p. 269.
772 PROPHETIC FAITH
darkness, her reign however is always luminous, always venerable, and
will never be overthrown. . . 21
III. Survey of Teachings on the Apocalypse

Having considered certain of Olivi's specific interpreta-
tions condemned by the church, it will be profitable to sum-
marize some of the other points.
1. CHURCHES, SEALS, TRUMPETS ARE SEVEN PERIODS.—
Olivi, like Joachim, believed that he was living near the end
of the fifth of seven periods of the church's history. These he
saw symbolized by the seven churches, the seven seals (depict-
ing the early hardships, pagan persecutions, the Arians, the
hypocrites, etc.), and the seven trumpets (the sevenfold preach-
ing in these successive states of the church)."
2. Two INTERPRETATIONS OF 1260 DAYS.—In Revelation
11 he sees the Two Witnesses as Enoch and Elijah preaching
three and one-half years, during the period of Antichrist (42
months, or 1260 days)." But in Revelation 12 he does not make
the period of the woman's flight the same short period. The
woman, who brings forth the man-child, Christ, is specifically
the virgin Mary, but in general the church." The 1260 days
here, equal to 42 months of 30 days each, are compared—after
Joachim—to the time from Abraham to Christ; using 42
months of 30 years each, we have 1260 years. "A day is taken
for a year. Thus Ezekiel 4:6." Here he mentions also the 70
weeks as years.' As already mentioned he expected the 1260
years to end in three years from the date of writing."
3. YEAR-DAY PRINCIPLE APPLIED TO 1290 AND 1335.—Olivi
may have first, if not practically simultaneously with Villanova,
applied the year-day principle to the 1290 and 1335 days.' It
would be interesting to know whether he and Villanova had
Olivi, op. cit., fols. 163 v, 164 r; Baluze, op. cit., p. 268.
22 Olivi, op. cit., fols. 7 r, 74 r-76 v, 94 r.
o' Ibid., fo1. 119 r, v.
2, Ibid., fols. 127 r-130 v.
25 Ibid., fol. 13 r, col. 1.
26 See page 767.
27See page 751.
any contact on this subject before 1297. As it is, without further

information we can only wonder who had the idea first. Olivi's
interpretation of both the symbolism and the dating of the
period differs considerably from Villanova's.
"From the time when the continual sacrifice was taken away and the
continual abomination of desolation was placed among the nations are
1290 days. Blessed, however, is he who looks to and arrives at the 1335 days.
And yet a little while before he [Daniel] had said that the end of these
wonders of the vision evidently would be permitted in a time, times, and
half a time, that is, after 31/2 years, which without minute details make
1260 days but with minute details make 1277 or 1278 with the bissextile
day.' By saying this those numbers of Daniel can be said to be taken first
indeed from the destruction of the synagogue and its continual sacrifice
in the holy death of Christ, or from the flight of the church from Judea
or from her legalism, and from the abominable desolation. . . . And this
means the time of the church from the death of Christ, or the aforesaid
flight of the church, up to the great Antichrist, concerning whom that
vision of Daniel about the end attempts something further, and truly up
to the blessed silence after the death of Antichrist and the full conversion
of Israel and of the whole world upon the opening of the 7th seal."
He explains further that the 1260 and 1290 days are the
same three-and-one-half-year period counted in two ways; if the
difference between the shorter reckoning and the fuller compu-
tation (by a 365-day year) is reckoned as a full 30-day month
added to the 1260 days, the result will be 1290 days. There-
fore, he says, some teach that the 1290 years are the time from
Christ's death to Antichrist.
"This, however, to one noticing the various beginnings to the various
endings of these numbers, is not ever certain unless it is precisely proved
that this number, just as it ends in Antichrist, precisely begins from the
death of Christ. This, however, or its opposite the . . . evidence will
prove in its own time." 30
this we see that Olivi takes the 1290 years as merely

die 1260 years, 'uoth symbolized by 42 months, or
a vai it:Li:WU of
three and one-half years. But the 1335 years extend beyond the
28 He evidently means that without including the few extra days, that is by reckoning
30-day months, three and one half years can be considered as 1260 days; but by reckoning the
full 365 days to a year, 3,/, X 365 = 1277y, or 1278 counting leap year.
011V1, op. cit., fol. 136 r, col. 1, line 25 to col. 2, line 20.
3° Ibid., fol. 136 r, col. 2, line 32 to fol. 136 v, col. 1, line 6.
774 PROPHETIC FAITH
ending of the shorter period at the time of Antichrist, and

reach to the seventh period. All three periods are calculated on
the year-day basis.
"The addition, indeed, of 45 days, that is, of years, which with the
above number makes 1335, seems to extend to the Jubilee of peace, that
is of grace, the seventh state. And John says blessed is he who about the
last things reaches the evening with faith and hope. For John promised:
Blessed is he who 'looks to' [this time], in order that it might not be
believed that he is blessed who without hope and love arrives at the end
of those days or years."
In addition to this year-day interpretation Olivi is willing
to admit a literal application to the three and one-half years
of Antichrist's persecution, allowing either 1290 or 1260 days'
duration, depending on the mode of computation:
"Second, the aforesaid numbers can be begun from the beginning
of the persecution of Antichrist which is to last three years and a half, in
which perhaps will be 1260 days in one way, and in another way 1290.
Certain ones, on the other hand, by comparing those numbers with the
numbers of the Apocalypse probably think that those three years and a
half will have various beginnings and various endings for the blinding of
the wicked and for the stronger trial and the raising up of the elect. Just
as also the years of the preaching of Christ are begun by one from the
preaching of John, by another, however, from the baptism of Christ, and by
another from the imprisonment of John." "
4. THE Two BEASTS, SECULAR RULERS AND FALSE CHRIS-
TIANS.—After this side excursion into the numbers of Daniel,
Olivi returns to Revelation 13. The first beast, rising from the
sea of infidel or pagan nations, is "the bestial crdwd and sect,"
"the beast Judaic and pagan and Arian or heretical," through
whom the dragon, Satan, operates.' The second beast is not
from the sea of unbelief but from the land of Christianity; his
head is the false prophet, a king belonging to the beast."
The beast from the sea represents the kings of the nations;
but the second beast, the wicked rectors of false Christians."
Other points of this chapter have been discussed under the cen-
31 Ibid., fol. 136 v, col. 1, lines 7-15.

" Ibid., lines 16-30.
33 Ibid., fol. 141 v, col. 2.
34 Ibid., fol. 146 v, col. 1. (He cites Joachim for the beast's heads.)
35 Ibid., fol. 147 r, col. 2.
sured articles, and similarly enough has been given there on

the subject of the woman of Revelation 17 and 18."
5. THREE DATINGS FOR THE BINDING OF SATAN.—After the
condemnation of the Harlot, the Beast, and the false prophet
comes condemnation of the dragon—the binding of Satan and
the rule of the saints for a thousand years with Christ. Then
follow his loosing at the end of the world to tempt the world
and to persecute the saints, and finally the condemnation of
.
evil"
In the Sabbath of peace after the death of Antichrist "the
power of the devil who disturbs the world and the church will
be bound much more than in former times, and finally . . . the
final judgment and the renewal of the earth, about the end of
things, and the city of God about the consummation." "
But the binding of Satan, which opens the millennium, is
reckoned from three different starting points:
"It is rcferred to three times: first the death and resurrection of
Christ, when Christ bound his power in order that he might not be able
to detain the holy fathers any longer in the underworld limbo nor shut
up other saint. there when they died, and that hc might not be able- to
hinder the conversion of the nations to the Lord as he had done formerly
from the beginning of idolatry to Christ.
"Second, it is clear that it refers to the time of the expulsion of
idolatry from the world under the time of Constantine; for from then he
was not able to seduce the nations to worshiping demons and idols as he
had done before.
"Third, it is referred to the time of the death of Antichrist in the
seventh state, in which he will be bound that he might not be able to seduce
the world and to tempt the church as he had done in the other six states
of the church." "
Some say, he adds, that this binding of Satan in the time
of Sylvester and Constantine agrees With the 1260 years of the
woman in the wilderness, or the church among the Gentileg, or
with the 1290 days, and ends the thousand years about 1300;
but they do not end the period with the final Gog and Magog.
36 See pages 768-772.

011V1 op. cit., fol. 186 v, col. 1, lines 1-13.
3s Ibid., lines 23-28.
36 Ibid., col. 2, lines 6-24.
776 PROPHETIC FAITH
And much less do they know whether the seventh state, from
the death of Antichrist to the last Gog, is literally a thousand
years.'
6. THEORY OF 6000 YEARS AND "DE SEMINE" CITED.—Leav-
ing that question, he mentions the tradition of 4000 years from
Adam to Christ and the Jewish idea of 6000 years, according
to which 700 years are left. Here he cites "Joachim" for the
De Semine alphabetical system-22 Hebrew letters represent-
ing centuries B.C., followed by 23 Latin letters which extend
from the founding of Rome to the end of the age."
"Up to the evening and the morning, 2300 days, and the
sanctuary will be cleansed, for by taking a day for a year there
are 23 centuries of years." "
But he changes the interpretation slightly. By omitting
the last two letters, y and z, which are Greek, he runs the 1260
years from the ascension of Christ to the letter x, the cruci-
form letter which points to the crucifixion of the church under
Antichrist in the fourteenth century."
7. SHIFTS 2300 YEARS TO BEGIN WITH ANTIOCHUS.—The
2300 he takes as both days and years; as literal days in the period
of Antiochus' treading Jerusalem underfoot and as years from
the same time—two centuries before Christ, and 15 centuries
before Olivi's own time—to the evening of the age, still 700
years in the future."
Thus we see that Olivi adopts the year-day principle for
the 2300 days, but he places the period differently from either
De Semine or Villanova. By beginning it in the second century
B.c. he extends it many centuries farther than they did. But he
ends the 1260 years, and possibly the thousand years, in 1300.
This, then, is another insistent voice stressing the year-day prin-
ciple and applying it to the longer time periods.

4' Ibid., col. 2, lines 7-27, fol. 189 r, col. 1, lines 17-26. He uses the title De Seminibus
Scripturarum as it appears on the Vatican manuscript 3824.
43 Ibid., col. 2, line 29 to fol. 189 r, col. 1, line 18.
"Ibid., fol. 189 v, col. 2, line 26 to fol. 190 r, col. 1, line 8.
IV. Ubertino Becomes Leader of the Spirituals

UBERTINO OF CASALE (b. 1259) was born at Casale, in the
diocese of Vercelli. At the age of fourteen he entered the Fran-
ciscan Order. Being an enthusiastic and brilliant youth, he was
sent to Paris, where he studied for nine years. Returning to
Italy, he became a lecturer in Tuscany, and came under the
influence of John of Parma. Later he became acquainted with
Olivi, accepted his positions, and became his stoutest defender.
After Olivi's death he became the recognized leader of the
Spirituals.
He was called to be a pastor in Perugia, loved and re-
spected by many. Yet, on the other hand, he caused deep re-
sentment in wide circles by his violent criticisms of the popes
and the hierarchy. Finally, in 1304, he was no longer allowed'
to preach, and was banished to a little village in the mountains.
There he wrote his chief work, Arbor Vitae Crucifixae Iesu
Christi (Tree of the Crucified Life of Jesus Christ), which was
completed in 1305. In it we sense the spirit of Joachim, and
find that sometimes even his words are borrowed.' On the
ether hand , thic work strongly defende d the ideas and princi-
ples of Olivi, without bringing in much new material.
One thing is certain, Ubertino belongs to the great move-
ment that was started by Joachim and carried on further by
the Joachimites, and which found its full expression among the
Spirituals. It was this movement of the thirteenth century
which revealed the great hunger of many souls for a more spir-
itual conception of Christianity, and their deep yearning for
a pure and holy worship. Ubertino, in turn, influenced Dante,
who by his poetical genius pictured life and death in the most
lucid as well as the most somber colors, but whose real aim
was to bi abuui, a 1 COOValitill of Christianity from within_
Ubertino, after having completed his book, was accepted
in the service of Cardinal. Napoleon Orsini, a protector of the
Spirituals. Later he was summoned by the pope to Avignon,
45 Huck, op. cit., pp. 24, 25; Bett, op. cit., pp. 141, 142.
778 PROPHETIC FAITH
with other Spirituals, to discuss the issues between the two

parties in the Franciscan Order. The result, after two years of
discussion, was made public in the papal bull Exivi de Para-
diso, of May 6, 1312, and in the decisions of the Council of
Vienne of the same year. Here in this council the opinions of
Ubertino about absolute poverty of the friars were to a large
extent vindicated."
However, his fortunes changed upon the accession of John
XXII to the papal throne. The latter, after a long dispute,
finally excommunicated him. Ubertino fled, was for a time
with the forces of Ludwig of Bavaria, and probably went with
him on the campaign to Italy. However, from this time on
(1328), nothing definite is known of Ubertino."
1. INFLUENCED BY JOACHIM.—As already mentioned, he
was deeply influenced by Joachim, and often restated the latter's
prophecies, and those of pseudo-Joachim writings in the light
of his day. The apparent failure of Joachim's expectations con-
cerning the year 1260 presented little difficulty to Ubertino. If
not from the incarnation, then the period should be dated from
the crucifixion—which would extend the date to 1293'—for
he found a significant event in the very next year.
2. POPES IDENTIFIED AS "BEASTS" OF APOCALYPSE.—It was
Boniface VIII, ascending the papal throne in 1294, who was
to Ubertino the "mystical Antichrist." 49 Boniface, who is not
named, may be identified by his "horrible innovation" of re-
jecting Pope Celestine V, and forcing, or at least inducing, him
to abdicate; Ubertino therefore regards him as a usurper. He
considers that Boniface, in canceling the privileges of the Fran-
ciscans, has killed the Spirit of Christ in His "middle coming,"
that is, in the evangelical life; and that the two slain Witnesses,
46 Huck, op. cit., pp. 18, 19; Bett, op. cit., pp. 142, 143.
Hieron. Golubovich, "Ubertino of Casale," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 15,
pp. 116, 117.
48 Ubertino, Arbor Vitae, book 5, chap. 8, "Iesus Falsificatus," sig. F2v; also in the
abridged reprint from book 5, Tractatus Ubertini de Casale de Septem Statibms Ecclesie, chap.
4, fol. LXVII r; see also Hollinger, Prophecies, p. 114; Edmund G. Gardner, Dante and the
Mystics, p. 219.
49 See Gardner, Dante and the Mystics, pp. 220-222,
Enoch and Elijah, preachers of the "third advent," are already

represented spiritually by Dominic and Francis, the preachers
of "second" or middle advent, who lie dead in the corrupt state
of their sons.'
He distinctly identifies this persecuting pope not only as
the "mystic Antichrist" but also as the beast from the sea, hav-
ing seven heads, seven vices, and ten horns (his presumption
against the Ten Commandments), the wounded head being his
pride, because of the charge brought against him that he had
secured his see by ousting his predecessor."
The two-horned beast from the earth Ubertino believes
to be the host of the "ambitious religious," who for the sake of
earthly gain have proclaimed the legitimate authority of the
usurper." And he also sees in Boniface's successor, Benedict XI,
the second beast of Revelation 13, for he connects the number
666 with 'the name Benedict. Because the latter's- reputation for
sanctity makes him more acceptable among the people in gen-
eral, he is the lamblike beast, but of the same wickedness as
the first.'
T ThPrtInn here finc a dcmille application; he experts a fu-
ture "open Antichrist" according to the tradition, who will

judge concerning Babylon, who will slay Enoch and Elijah,
preachers of the advent, and who is represented by the beast of
Revelation 13. But he sees also a "mystic Antichrist" preceding
him, a pope who is the clerical beast from the sea, persecuting
the two spiritual Witnesses, Francis and Dominic. The second
beast in this sense means the false religious, who bolster the au-
thority of this pope by the same false signs mentioned by Olivi
—ecclesiastical authority, the wisdom of the doctors, and ra-
tional arguments.' Thus we find Ubertino following Olivi,
somctimes Cti it u vcibatim, and -y-ct going bcyond him. He ap-
plies the beast and the Antichrist to a pope—not a future anti-
'° Ubertino, Arbor Vitae, book 3, chap. 8, svgs. F2v, For; Tractatus, chap. 4, fol.
LXVII r, v.
Ubertino, Arbor Vitae, book 5, chap. 8, sig. Foe (omitted from the abridged Tractatus).
52 Ibid., sig. For.
52 Ibid., sig. For.
54 Ibid., sig. F,r. Cf. page 770.
780 PROPHETIC FAITH
pope, rival of a legitimate pontiff, but the recognized pope of
Rome.
3. CITES "DE SEMINE" FOR 2300 YEARS.—Ubertino invokes
the authority of Joachim, whom he supposes to have written
De Semine, for the 2300 years. He locates the period, however,
similarly to Olivi, from the time of Antiochus, and reckons 700
years yet to pass after his own time."
4. FOLLOWS OLIvi ON MILLENNIUM.—On the binding of
Satan, Ubertino uses almost Olivi's exact words. Mentioning
Augustine's alternative interpretations of the thousand years—
the sixth millennium or the whole Christian Era—he has vary-
ing possibilities for the millennium, beginning with the death
of Christ, the time of Constantine, or the last days.'
V. John of Paris Opposes Villanova
JOHN OF PARIS, also called "Quidort" (d. 1306), a French

Dominican, was professor of theology at the University of Paris.
He is renowned chiefly because of the prominent part he played
in the controversy between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII.
The pope was then doing everything within his power to ad-
vance the doctrine of papal absolutism, both in matters spirit-
ual and in matters temporal. Philip, however, not only denied
the papal claims but scorned the attempt of Boniface to frighten
him by issuing bulls against him and his kingdom. The Uni-
versity of Paris sided with the king, and John of Paris, one of
Philip's most outspoken friends, published De Potestate Regia
et Papali (Concerning Royal and Papal Power)."
In this John contended that "the priest, in spiritual things,
was greater than the prince; but in temporal things the prince
was greater than the priest, though he definitely considered the
priest to be the greater of the two." He also held that the pope
55 Ubertino, Arbor Vitae, book 5, chap. 12, "Iesus Pauper Firmatus"; Tractatus, chap. 8,
fol. LXXVIII r.
58 Ibid., fols. LXXVII v,. LXXVIII r. Cf. p. 775.
5, David S. Schaff, op. ca., part 2, p. 40.
58 M'Clintock and Strong, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 973, art. "John of Panic."
had no power over the property of either the church or her sub-
jects. John also stood for the independent power of individual
bishops and priests, and denied that it is derived through the
mediation of the pope alone, but rather springs directly from
God through the choice or concurrence of the various commu-
nities.
For this he offered Biblical reasons, challenging the prin-
ciple of the primacy of Peter and his successors. Peter received
Paul. It was not Peter who sent forth the great apostles but
Christ, and their commission came not from Peter but from
Christ Himself. John even declared the pope accountable to a
worldly power for his conduct in the papal chair, and advanced
the concept of the right of the state to force the abdication of
a pope who brought scandal to the church. And if the pope
would not yield, he should be compelled to by force of secular
rulers through commanding the people to refuse obedience to
him as pope.
This aroused the hatred of the church, and he was made
to feel the strong arm of Boniface. Having questioned, in the
pulpits the dogma of the real presences he was prohibited from
preaching by the bishop of Paris. An appeal to the pope, of
course, proved futile' John was a token of a growing revolt
against the extreme claims of the medieval Papacy.
John of.Paris also wrote a Tractatus de Antichristo against-
the views of Villanova. In this, he mostly repeats the ideas of
pseudo Methodius about Antichrist, which views were wide-
spread in this period of the Middle Ages. He mentions the use
of the year-day principle by the Joachimites in connection with
the 1260 days. If they reckon these years, he says, from the as-
cension of Christ, in the year 34, they would end in 1294, dur-
ing which time the church is fed by the holy Eucharist, which
wiii be taken away during the terrible time of Antichrist. Or,
if they begin with the time when John received the vision in
A.D. 96, the period would end in 1356. He mentions similarly
69 Ibid., pp. 973, 974; David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 2, P. 40.
782 PROPHETIC FAITH
a calculation of the 1290 years from A.D. 76 to 1366. But he re-

jects these calculations.'
He also mentions the 2300 days, and says that if the year-
day principle should be applied to this number, it would bring
us to the year 1741, beginning the computation with 559 B.c.,
when Cyrus ascended the throne in Persia. However, he rejects
this idea, probably because he saw no way of harmonizing it
with the other, and preferred the explanation of Porphyry, who
expounded this prophecy as having found its fulfillment in
Antiochus Epiphanes." So the battle line sways back and forth
over the year-day principle.
VI.• Anonymous Tract Against Joachimite Commentaries

In this connection reference might be made to an anony-
mous tract against the doctrine of Joachim and Olivi as ex-
pressed in their commentaries. This small work follows John
of Paris' De Antichristo in a manuscript collection in Avignon.
It mentions De Seminibus and discusses the 2300 years, also
the 1290 and the 1335.02
VII. Archbishop Aureoli Attempts to Answer Attacks by Spirituals
PETER AUREOLI, known as doctor facundus because of his

eloquence, became archbishop of Aix, France, in 1321. Aureoli
deserves particular notice here, because he was about the first
prominent spokesman of the dominant Catholic Church to
break away from the generally held Tichonius tradition of
exposition, and accept certain basic positions of Joachim and
Olivi regarding the exposition of the Apocalypse. Like Joa-
chim, he professed to see in the Apocalypse a divine revelation
concerning the completion of the plan of salvation in history.
In order to meet the Spirituals on their own ground, he openly
00 John of Paris, Tractatus de Antichristo, fols. XLVIII v, XLIX r. Does this 1366 for
the end of the 1290 years refer to the original of Villanova's much corrected dating? See
pages 754 759.
"Ibid., fol. 49 r v.
02 Bibliotheque du Musee Calvet, Avignon, MS. 1087, fols. 222 v, 223 r. See Vaucher,
op. cit., p. 66.
TEIE SECOND GENERATION OF SPIRITUALS 783
accepted Joachim's view that the different symbols in the Apoc-

alypse point to definite events in history.'
1. UNUSUAL HISTORICAL APPLICATIONS.—HOW he attempts
to fit them to actual history is interesting and unusual. For
example, in the seven angels of the seven churches he sees the
following persons: The first angel is Timothy, representing the
first church. The second is Polycarp, representing the second
church. The third angel is Carpus of Pergamon, and- the fourth
is Irenaeus. Under Jezebel he sees the Moritanist prophetesseS;
Prisca and iiiaximiila. The fifth angel is identified as Melito of
Sardis, the sixth as Quadratus of Philadelphia, and the seventh
AS Sangar, bishop of Laodicea."
Even more interesting, but likewise out of the ordinary,
is his explanation of the vision of the throne of God in Reve2'
lation 4: The throne is the Roman church, as the most noble
and head of all churches-; the precious stones point 10 the sta-
bility- of faith; the rainbow surrounding the throne is the cove-
nant which Christ made with Peter: "But I have prayed for
thee; that thy faith fail not." The four and twenty seats, he says,
indicate the sum total of the bishoprics; the lightnings, thiin-
derings, and voices are the great number of learned theologians
and saints; the seven lamps before the throne, the seven sacra-
ments; and the four living creatures, the four patriarchal sees
of Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Constantinople, which
surround the Roman See. The Lamb; which was sacrificed, he
believes to be the Eucharist, which is daily brought before the
throne of God in all the churches.'
2. SEEKS CONTINUOUS HISTORICAL SEQUENCE IN APOCA-
LYPSE.—Aureoli attempts to bring all the symbols mentioned
in Revelation, into chronological sequence. Thus he breaks
with the TirKonian recapitulation theory. Fleur. h. makes the
seven seals end with Constantine, and has the trumpets denote
heresies developing in the centuries immediately following.
(0, Benz, op. cit., p. 434.

6* Ibid., pp. 435, 436.
85 Ibid., p. 438.
784 PROPHETIC FAITH
The great red dragon, according to his explanation, is the Per-

sian king Chosroes, who subjugated Palestine and killed more
than 90,000 men, but was later overcome by Heraclius of By-
zantium. Chosroes, he believes, is also the first beast of Reve-
lation 13; whereas the second beast is Mohammed, who fought
against Christianity."
The angel with the everlasting gospel he curiously declares
to be St. Boniface (Winfrid, or Wynfrith), who went forth to
convert the Germans to the Catholic faith. The second angel
points out the falling away of the Greeks from the right faith,
and the third angel he allocates to Pope Constantine and his
decision in the iconoclastic controversy. The patience of the
saints Aureoli connects with the reconstruction of the abbey of
Monte Cassino. The seven vials are treated in a similar manner.
For example, the dragon and the other apocalyptic beasts, in
Revelation 16, are identified as the Saracens and Turks, when
their armies laid waste the whole Eastern Empire." And the
beast of Revelation 17 Aureoli explains as the sultan of Egypt,
the woman riding upon it being the sultan of Persia. And Babel,
he says, means Islam in general.
3. UNCERTAIN ON THE MILLENNIUM.—The strong angel
of Revelation 18 is identified as Godfrey of Bouillon, when
he entered Jerusalem victoriously and reconquered the holy
places' Aureoli is not sure how to place the thousand-year
period correctly, and make it fit to his scheme. He is inclined
to compute it as beginning with the time of Constantine; but
that would give him only a few years until Antichrist should
appear, which seems improbable to him. Therefore, he adds
that this period must belong to the secrets of the Holy Spirit,
which will be revealed in due time Anyway, he believes that
practically all symbols given in the Revelation -have already
found their historical fulfillment, except the coming of Anti-
christ and the great day of judgment.
" Ibid., pp.447, 448.
p. 453.
67 Ibid.,
458.
68 Ibid., p.
to Ibid.
This little work by Archbishop Aureoli is obviously the

first definite attempt of the Roman church to find an an-
swer to the attacks of the Joachimites and the Spirituals, and
to meet and overcome them with their own weapons. Most
important in this connection is that he refuted the Joachimite
teaching of the three stages in the development of Christ's king-
dom, and held fast to the orthodox view of the two dispensa-
tions of the Old Testament and the New Testament, followed
by eternity.
The chapters on Joachim, the pseudo-Joachim writings,
and the Spirituals have taken us down to the beginning of the
fourteenth century. It was necessary so to follow the thread of
prophetic interpretation through in order to gain a unified
view of the new trend begun by Joachim and continued by his
spiritual successors. But in so doing much has been unavoid-
ably omitted in relation to that period_ We now turn to some of
those omitted problems.
CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO
Antichrist a System,
Not an Individual
The preceding four chapters have carried the survey of

Joachimite writers to the peak of development in the second
generation of Spirituals, who around 1300 were proclaiming
the fulfillment of apocalyptic prophecies in their own day and
the near future. The reversal of the Tichonius-Augustine tra-
dition was complete in the Joachimites, the historical view of
prophetic interpretation was in the ascendant, and the finger
of prophecy was being pointed at the worldly church, the
monastics, and even the popes.
But this chapter must pause for a backward look before
going on to consider the attitudes of certain groups outside the
main body of the church—the reforming and antisacerdotal
heretics and schismatics who had gained momentum and were
increasingly clashing with ecclesiastical authority by the thir-
teenth century, and who, driven underground, would never-
theless seep later into the springs which were to feed the
Reformation. We must turn back to look at some aspects of
ecclesiastical and political development which had a bearing
on both the Joachimite movements and the schismatic tenden-
cies of the time.
Even as the maturing power of the Papacy neared its peak,
as Rome was perfecting its organization, its canon law and its
Inquisition, and fastening the supreme control of its priest-
hood, through spiritual penalties, on all Christendom, there
786
ANTICHRIST A SYSTEM, NOT AN INDIVIDUAL 787
emerged a titanic struggle for supremacy between the popes

and the emperors' This struggle, with first one and then the
other antagonist in the ascendancy, formed part of the back-
ground of the Joachimite prophetic exposition, and at the same
time it gave rise to still another development in prophetic in-
terpretation—one which, along with the Joachimite emphasis
on the year-day principle, pointed toward the later pre-Refor-
mation and Reformation views regarding the historical Papacy.
I. Papal Departures Awaken New Suspicions
In previous chapters we have observed how the Roman

church consolidated her positions, and how she came very close
to attaining her ambitious aim of transforming the . Christian
world into a close-knit theocracy, ruled by the pope. When,
hnwever, in the rni ircp of political events and generl clevelnp-
ments, the national states of Europe deprived her of her final
victory, she had, nevertheless, during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, established well-defined guiding principles for all
her future activities. aLLiinde toward all problems con-
cerning church policy became fixed, and has since that time
undergone only very minor changes.
1. FORGERIES PERMEATE CANON LAW.—MellI10I1 Should be
made, in this connection, of the famous Decretum Gratiani
(Decretum of Gratian). This work of the Benedictine monk,
Gratian, was issued about 1150 from the University of Bologna,
Europe's leading law school. It thenceforth became the stand-
ard textbook, or manual, for the guidance of Roman Catholic
theologians. For six centuries it was the court of appeal on all
questions of canon law, just as Protestants appeal to Holy Scrip-
ture:
The growth of canon law extended over centuries, and its
sources are as multiform as are those of Roman civil law. These
embrace the Scriptures, the early pseudo-apostolic writings, the
1 See chapter 27.

788 PROPHETIC FAITH
traditions of the primitive Christian community, the writings
of the Fathers, together with ecclesiastical customs—and most
important of all, the decretals of the popes and the decrees of
the councils.
I• irst, these collections were assembled in historical se-
quence. Then, in time, they were brought into topical arrange-
ment. And after the time of Charlemagne gaps were often filled
with citations from forged documents. The two best known
among such forgeries were the False Decretals of Isidore of
Seville and the. Donation of Constantine. Beginning with the
tenth century, many such compilations of canon law had been
made, but all were superseded by the famous Decretum Gra-
tiani, which accomplished for canon law what Peter Lombard's
Sentences have done for theology.'
Gratian's work was soon supplemented by various compi-
lations, and these in turn were superseded by the codification
made under order of Gregory IX, in 1234. This codification
preserved Gratian's Decretum intact. Arranged in five books,
it became the Corpus Juris Canonici (Body of Canon Law). A
new and authentic edition, decreed by the Council of Trent,
and completed in 1580, was introduced by these words of Pope
Eugenius III, in a papal bull:
"It shall not be lawful to make any addition to this work, or to
change or transpose anything in it, or add any interpretation to it; but
as it is now printed in this our city of Rome, let it be preserved uncorrupt
for ever."
No single book has exercised greater influence in the
Roman church, its system of laws constituting the Papacy in
essence. Yet Pennington shows that of 107 alleged decretal
epistles of popes of the first four centuries, eighty-four were
forgeries, with only twenty-three genuine. Gratian has quoted
as authority sixty-five of the forgeries and one of the genuine
epistles, basing 324 canons on the forgeries and 11 canons on
2 David S. Schaff, The Middle Ages, part 1, pp. 765, 766; G. K. Brown, Italy and the
Reformation to 1550, p. 10.
8 Pennington, Epochs, p. 71.
the genuine! Such is the amazing picture presented by this

Decretum.
2. PAPAL ARROGANCE BRINGS NEW PROTESTS.—The per-
sistent assumption of the Roman church—of being the su-
preme force in ruling the world, and the highest authority in
deciding not only spiritual but purely worldly matters—
brought the church, by the very nature of the case, into con-
flict with her own primitive positions. The higher she rose in
worldly power, the farther she departed from her earlier spir-
itual inheritance. And men in all walks of life began to see the
vast discrepancy between the teachings of Jesus and His sim-
ple life dedicated to the service of humanity and pulsating with
the divine stream of love—and the pompous behavior of the
professed vicars of Christ, who used political devices of all de-
scriptions to enhance their power, and employed fire and sword
to annihilate opponents and dissenters.
The more courageous of these men spoke out loudly
against the abuses of the hiciait hy and yearned for a reform
of the church or for a new age to come. These movements in
the church we encountered in the preceding three chapters.
This entire development likewise definitely shifted the accent
in prophetic interpretation of certain of the figures in Daniel
and the Apocalypse, especially those referring to Antichrist.
We have noticed that all through the earlier part of the
Middle Ages, almost without exception, Antichrist was antici-
pated to be the personification of all satanic powers. He was
also expected to come from the East, to rule for three and a
half literal years. Under him the most gruesome persecution
of the church would finally occur, with his destruction at the
ushering in of the great judgment day.
3. cl UIBERT OF NOGENT ON ANTIC”RIST. The early Cru-
saders, for example, strongly believed that they were fulfilling
a divine mission by establishing a Christian kingdom in Jeru-
salem, and thereby hastening the coming of Antichrist, and
4 Ibid., ri 71.
790 PROPHETIC FAITH
indirectly the return of Christ in glory. A clear witness to this

was GUIBERT OF NOGENT (1053-1124), bishop of Puy, one of
the fiery preachers of the First Crusade. Hear him:
"For it is clear that Antichrist is to do battle not with the Jews, not
with the Gentiles; put, according to the etymology of his name, He will
attack Christians. And if Antichrist finds there no Christians (just as at
present when scarcely any dwell there), no one will be there [at Jerusalem]
to oppose him, or whom he may rightly overcome. According to Daniel
and Jerome, the interpreter of Daniel, he is to fix his tents on the Mount
of Olives; and it is certain, for the apostle teaches it, that he will sit at
Jerusalem in the Temple of the Lord, as though he were God. And accord-
ing to the same prophet, he will first kill three kings of Egypt, Africa, and
Ethiopia, without doubt for their Christian faith. This, indeed, could not
at all be done unless Christianity was established where now is paganism
[meaning Mohammedanism]." '
Therefore, reasons Guibert, the Christians should conquer

Egypt, Africa, and Ethiopia (the three horns of Daniel 7),
so that "the man of sin, the son of perdition, will find some to
oppose him."
The "times of the Gentiles," when "Jerusalem shall be trod-
den down," means their rule over the Christians, or else "the
fulness of time fo: those Gentiles who shall have entered se-
cretly before Israel shall be saved."
"These times, most beloved brothers, will now, forsooth, be fulfilled,
provided the might of the pagans be repulsed through you, with the co-
operation of God. With the end of the world already near, even though
the Gentiles fail to be converted to the Lord (since according to the
apostle there must be a withdrawal from the faith), it is first necessary,
according to the prophecy, that the Christian sway be renewed in those
regions, either through you, or others, whom it shall please God to send
before the coming of Antichrist, so that the head of all evil, who is to
occupy there the throne of the kingdom, shall find some support of the
faith to fight against him."
4. CRUSADES USED TO INCREASE INFLUENCE.—At the same
time the Papacy capitalized upon the Crusades as a means of
gaining influence in the Greek and Armenian churches, and
spreading the influence of Latin Christianity eastward. But,
according to Harnack, the ardor of the earlier Crusades was
5 Quoted in A. C. Krey, The First Crusade, p. 38. 6Ibid., p. 39.
the direct result of the Cluny monastic movement. The suprem-

acy of the church must be established. "It was the ideas of the
world-ruling monk of Cluny that guided the crusaders on their
path." And Ranke states:
"Now the high priest [Pope] put himself at the van of the warlike
knights, who although in a different sense were still bearing the Frankish
name. He crowned himself as emperor and received by their bow the
twofold adoration. In like manner as the great caliphs on whose order
Jerusalem was conquered, the pope attempted to present to the world
in his person also the worldly unity of the people which were bound
together in like faith."
5. THEATRICAL PLAYS ON ANTICHRIST.—The general public

was well acquainted with these ideas of Antichrist. They were
even propagated by means of theatrical plays, for instance, the
Ludus de Antichristo, previously mentioned.' But when the
Crusades did not bring the expected results, voices began to
be heard loudly disclaiming the idea of a percnnal Antichrist,
and stressing the need for another explanation. One highly
outspoken voice was that of Gerhoh of Reichersberg.
Gerhoh of 12 eirhPrchprg—Worldly Church Is A v.t;ch.r;st
GERHOH OF REICHERSBERG (1093-1169) was born in Polling,

Upper Bavaria. He received his education in various schools of
learning, and was accepted as a teacher in one of the cathedral
schools. Later he became abbot of Reichersberg. Full of zeal
in aiding the church to attain her rightful station among men,
he fought in the forefront of the battle for realization of the
ideals and demands of Rome. On the other hand, however,
he was not satisfied with the laxity and worldliness of the church,
and minced no words in condemning unrighteousness. He
was a friend of bishops and rulers, and liked at the court of
Rome; nevertheless popes and prelates had to put up with his
severe criticisms.
Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. 6, p. 8.

s Translated from Ranke, Weltgeschichte, vol. 8, pp. 84, 85.
9 See page 586.
792 PROPHETIC FAITH
Gerhoh held a highly spiritual concept of the church. He

idealized her as an immaculate bride, loyal to her bridegroom.
Therefore the corrupted worldly church constituted a new
Babylon. And the bishops who carried on wars, and fought
and meddled in worldly affairs, were bound with a twofold
chain—the chain of the feudal vow and the chain of fear.
In reality, nothing should belong to the bishop except the
tithe. And that tithe should be divided into three parts, one
for the clerics, another for building churches, and a third part
for widows and orphans.
In 1142 Gerhoh wrote his Libellus de Ordine Donorum
Spiritus Sancti (Booklet on the Order of Gifts of the Holy
Spirit). Here he explains that the seven gifts of the Holy
Spirit are the seven trumpets. Five times, now, the trumpets
have voiced the victory of the church—the victory of the
apostles, of the martyrs, of the doctors; and now in the sixth
period they will proclaim the victory over the Simonists and
Nicolaitans. Pope Gregory VII has already called for a more
spiritual kingdom, but the victory is not yet complete. The
full freedom of the church has not yet been achieved, he reasons.
Gerhoh lived in an cKtraordinarily agitated time. In the
decades between 1140 and 1160 fell the unhappy Crusade of
1147 to 1149, the rebellion of the Romans under Arnold of
Brescia," the schism between two rival popes, and the schism
between the two philosophies of nominalism and realism. In
his time also the Antichrist was a subject of fear and apprehen-
sion; the play Ludus de Antichristo had become popular.
Gerhoh, however, did not approve of the latter. In his Libellus
de Investigatione Antichristi (Booklet About the Investigations
of Antichrist), in 1162 or 1163, he tries to prove that Anti-
christ should be conceived of neither as a person nor as com-
ing from Dan or from Babylon. These terms should be under-
stood in a spiritual and broader way.
Antichrist is the spirit of the time, the spirit of worldliness
10 See pages 812, 813,

in the church. The struggle between the emperors and the

popes, and between popes and counterpopes, is the unleashing
of the forces of Gog and Magog, he thought. Like Joseph in
Egypt, who had been freed from the dungeon and lifted to
Pharaoh's chariot, so the church was in the same manner lifted
by Constantine onto the royal horse. In the church, however,
times of elation and times of sufferings alternate, and now a
mingling of the two powers has taken place. The spiritual
and temporal forces have been interwoven. Bishops are pastors
of the flock as well as worldly judges. That is a clear indication
of the workings of this unspeakable beast of Revelation, whose
mysterious number is 666, a number which signifies threefold
worldliness."
In this, Gerhoh becomes a forerunner of the later interpre-
tation, pointing away from a personal Antichrist of Jewish origin
to a spiritual but apostate force. To him the worldly church
is symbolized in the figure of Antichrist. But the full and
revolutionary force of such a statement became understood
only gradually. The church had to make more extravagant
claims before men could gain the clearest understanding as
to who this dire figure of Antichrist might be. We have seen

how the Spirituals among the Franciscans were thinking,
for a time, that Antichrist might find its personification in
Emperor Frederick II, which, in a way, was a return to the
former conception of an individual. It will be well at this
point to turn the spotlight briefly upon that life-and-death
struggle between the Papacy and the empire in the days of
Frederick II (1194-1250).
III. Frederick's Battle With Pope Regarding Antichrist
Frederick II, ruler of the Holy Roman Empire, having

become an orphan early in life, was brought up under the
special care of Pope Innocent III. He received the imperial
Dempf, op. cit., pp. 258, 259.

EMPEROR AND POPE WHO EXCHANGED PROPHETIC EPITHETS
Frederick II (Left), German Emperor and Outstanding Figure of Thirteenth Century, Engaged
in Mortal Contest for Supremacy With Pope Gregory IX (Right), Each Hurling the Epithet
of Antichrist at the Other
crown in 1215. Proclaiming a universal peace in Germany,

he took a vow to go on a crusade. However, he found many
reasons to delay his departure. Finally Pope Gregory IX (1227-
1241), in the first days of his pontificate, demanded that Fred-
erick depart for Palestine. For failing to go forward the em-
peror was placed under the papal ban. However, in 1228 he
started on the crusade, and gained possession of Jerusalem,
Bethlehem, and Nazareth by diplomacy, and crowned himself
king of Jerusalem.
But Frederick faced trouble at home. Upon his return he
was again excommunicated for disobedience to the pope. In
1231 he established a real kingship in Sicily. And with Ger-
many and Sicily in his hands, he gained control of the cities
of Lombardy, including Milan, in 1237. In 1238 he laid claim
to Sardinia. His ideal was to establish imperial might again,
according to the pattern of ancient Rome." Gregory, on the
other hand, was just as determined to have all power central-
ized in the Papacy, and he therefore sought to turn the Ger-
man people and princes against the astute and learned Fred-
12 Dellinger, Prophecies, pp. 101, 102; J. C. Robertson, op. cit., vol. 6, p. 168.
794
erick, freeing them from their oath of allegiance in 1239."

1. EMPEROR MAINTAINS POPE IS ANTICHRIST.—Frederick
was charged by the pope with ingratitude and heresy, copies
of the charge being sent to all the leading personalities of
Europe. But the emperor defended himself with vigor. In a
circular letter he had recourse to the Apocalypse, maintain-
ing that the pope was Antichrist. It was a terrific struggle. The
emperor expostulated over the "wickedness of Babylon," while
the pope in turn called Frederick the "beast from the sea"
(Rev. 13:3), with the name of blasphemy on his forehead—
the very forerunner of Antichrist.'
2. FREDERICK BEMOANS WICKEDNESS OF BABYLON.—In a
letter to Richard of Cornwall, Frederick II calls upon man-
kind to witness the "wickedness of Babylon," proceeding from
the "elders of the people."
"Cast your eyes around you: attend, ye sons of men, and grieve over
the scandal of the world, the quarrels of nations, and the universal banish7
ment of justice; since the wickedness of Babylon comes forth from the
elders of the people, who appeared to be its rulers, in that they turn
judgment into bitterness, and the ;suits of justice into wormwood.'
3. GREGORY DENOMINATES FREDERICK BEAST FROM SEA.—
Gregory, in a long, "invective letter" to the archbishop of
Canterbury, then castigates Frederick as the "beast" from the
sea, of Revelation 13.
"There has risen from the sea a beast, full of words of blasphemy,
which, formed with the feet of a bear, the mouth of a raging lion, and,
as it were, a panther in its other limbs, opens its mouth in blasphemies
against God's name, and continually attacks with similar weapons his
tabernacle, and the saints who dwell in heaven. This beast, endeavouring
to grind everything to pieces with its claws and teeth of iron, and to trample
with its feet on the universal world, formerly prepared secret battering-
engines against the faith; and now it openly sets in array the engines of
the Ismaclitcs, turning souls from the right path, and rises against Christ,
the Redeemer of the world (the records of whose Testament, as report
declares, he endeavours to destroy by the pen of heretical wickedness).
13 Dollinger, History of the Church, vol. 4, pp. 48-50.

14 Dempf, op cit., p. 324.
15 Cited in Matthew Paris, English History (A.D. 1239) , vol. 1, p. 201.
796 PROPHETIC FAITH
Cease, therefore, to wonder, all of you, to whose ears the slanders of
blasphemy against us which have emanated from this beast have reached
. . . because he now aims at blotting out the name of the Lord from the
earth; but, that you may be the better able to oppose his lies by open
truth, and to confute his deceits by the arguments of purity, carefully
examine the head, the middle, and the lower parts of this beast Frederick,
the so-called emperor." 16
4. FREDERICK RETORTS POPE IS ANTICHRIST.—In Frederick's
circular-letter reply he succinctly states in the introduction
that Gregory himself is in verity the Antichrist who misquotes
prophecy. Here is his remarkable statement:
"Even as there exist two lights on the heavens, the greater light and
the lesser light, so Providence has placed two ruling powers upon this
earth, the Priesthood and the Emperorship, the former to warn and guide
humanity, the latter for protection, but both to serve the cause of peace
in the world. 'But,' continues the Emperor, 'that one who sits on the
priestly chair, and who is anointed with the oil of flattery above his fellows,
that great Pharisee, the present pope seeks to annul all that originated
under the leadership of heaven. He seeks to eclipse our majesty by trying
to accuse us of leaving our faith. He, who carries but the name of a pope
has ventured to compare us with that beast which rose up out of the sea,
which had upon its heads the name of blasphemy. (Rev. 13.) (I reply)
And there went out another horse that was red and power was given to
him that sat thereon to take peace from the earth, and that they should
kill one another. For, ever since the time of the exaltation of this present
pope he has not at all proved to be a father of mercy and compassion, but
a destroyer and an offender to all the world. He is that great dragon,
who deceives the whole world, the Antichrist of which he has dared to call
us the fore-runner, that second Balaam who is ready to betray and to curse
for money. He is the prince of darkness who misquotes prophecy, who mis-
states the Word of God." "
IV. Eberhard Interprets Papal System as Little Horn
In the midst of this tremendous struggle between the em-

peror and the pope pne great ecclesiastical figure towers con-
spicuously. It is EBERHARD II, archbishop of Salzburg (1200-
1246), chief spokesman for the emperor among the German
bishops, and one of Frederick's chief counselors.
Frederick had conquered nearly all the states of the church
16 ibid., pp. 213, 214.

17 Translated from Johann M. Schrockh, Christliche Kirchengeschichte, part 26, p. 373.
ANNALIVM BOIORVM
LIBRI SEPTEM 10.
aline Auentino Au.
tore.
EBERHARD II, FIRST TO APPLY LITTLE HORN TO HISTORICAL PAPACY

Eberhard II, Thirteenth Century Archbishop of Salzburg, Chief Supporter of Frederick II and
Initial Expounder of the Little Horn of Daniel 7 as the Hionrital Papacy; Aventinue.Armals of
Bavaria, in Which This Remarkable Exposition of the Prophecy of Daniel 7 Appears
when the pope summoned a council to meet at Rome in 1241.

In a summons requesting Salzburg to be represented at the
papal council—a document which is still preserved in the Salz-
burg ecclesiastical office—Eberhard was ignored by the Roman
Curia. As a countermove Eberhard appeared at a diet in
Verona, called by Frederick. Some clerics sided with the papal
party, but Eberhard took his stand by the side of the emperor,
though it brought him many vexations. His whole position
toward Rome was endangered, not because of doctrinal contro-
vPrsiF.s, but beca use of his fidelity to the ernperr.r.'
1. SETTING OF EBERHARD'S "LITTLE HORN" INTERPRETATION.
—His boldest statement, however, was made at a synod of Ba-
varian bishops held at Regensburg, or Ratisbon, in 1240 or
213 Josef Hirn, "Erzbischof Eberhards II. von Salzburg Beziehungen zu Kirche and Reich,"
jahresbericht des k.k. Ober-Gymnasiums in Krems (1875), pp. 30, 31.
797
798 PROPHETIC FAITH
1241; where he gave utterance at the same time to a new inter-

pretation of some lines of prophecy. Here, during this council,
Eberhard, in a brilliant oration preserved by Aventinus, or
Turmair, in his noted Bavarian Annals," clearly sets forth this
identification of the prophecy of the Little Horn. In this strik-
ing presentation Eberhard not only openly calls the pope a
wolf in shepherd's garb, the Son of Perdition, and Antichrist,
but also gives his revolutionary exposition of the pope as the
Little Horn of Daniel 7.
Eberhard returns to a neglected exposition taught before
Augustinianism had crowded the earlier views out of the current
belief—the interpretation of the breakup of the fourth kingdom
as the division of the Roman Empire among the barbarian
kingdoms. Only now, instead of looking forward to the coming
of an unidentified individual Antichrist as the prophesied Little
Horn, Eberhard looks back over the centuries since Rome's
dismemberment and sees in the historical Papacy, as a system or
line of succession, the fulfillment of the predicted Little Horn,
coming up among the ten divisions of Rome, and uprooting
three. Such is the bold outline.
Eberhard's Regensburg Council speech, in 1240 or 1241,
came at approximately the same time that the pope attempted
to convoke the Council of Rome, which was thwarted by Fred-
erick. And at the First General Council of Lyons (1245) the
emperor was again excommunicated by the pope; Eberhard
was excommunicated subsequently, and died under the ban in
1246. Burial in consecrated ground being refused, he was buried
in common ground in an annex of the parish church in Rad-
" Eberhard is not named in the record, but is referred to as the Archimysta. In the well-
known medieval Latin dictionary Glossarium . . . Mediae et Infirnae Latinttatis, by Charles
Dufresne du Cange, the term "archimysta" is set forth as an expression of Aventinus, used as
a synonym for archbishop.
As to the reliability of these ANNALS, Johann Turmair better known as Aventinus
(1477-1534), the "Father. of Bavarian History," studied at the universities of Ingolstadt,
Vienna, Krakow, and Paris. After tutoring for Prince William IV, he was appointed histori-
ographer of the royal court of Bavaria. Thus he was enabled to gather the materials for his
Annales Boiorum, completed in 1521. Their antipapal tone hindered publication, as Aventinus
openly confessed sympathy for Luther's doctrines. Arrested in 1528, then released, he lived
a rather unsettled life until he died in Regensburg in 1534. (Patricius Schlager, "Thurmayr,
Johannes," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 14, p. 713; Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 2, p.
794, art. "Aventinus.")
ANTICHRIST A SYSTEM, NOT AN INDIVIDUAL '799
stadt. Some forty years later, in 1288, his remains were trans-
ferred to the consecrated ground of the Salzburg Cathedral.'
In the Annals of Convent Garsten his obituary states that he was
"a man of great learning" who "ruled his see most nobly forty-
six years." 'Let us examine the details of his statements.
2. CALLS PONTIFF A SAVAGE WOLF IN SHEPHERD'S GARB.—
The hidden character of the popes is set forth in Eberhard's
speech at Regensburg:
"Under the title of Pontifex Maximus, we discern, unless we are
blind, a most savage wolf, with the garment of a shepherd; the Roman
priests [flamines] have arms against all Christians; made great by daring, by
deceiving, by bringing wars after wars, they slaughter the sheep, they
cut them off, they drive away peace and harmony from the earth, they stir
up internal wars, domestic insurrections from below, day by day they
weaken more and more the energies of all, so that they revile the heads of
all, they devour all, they reduce all to'slavery."
3. GREGORY VII LAID FOUNDATIONS FOR ANTICHRIST'S
RULE.—Declaring that the more powerful priests "rave with the
freedom of a despot," Eberhard adds that there is injustice,
wickedness, and ambition among the Roman priests under the
appearance of piety. They use "the covenant, consecrated by the
name of God, for deceiving men," to cheat and defraud, and to
lead men to "resist the sovereign majesty" established by God,
and thus show contempt of appointed civil government. Greg-
ory VII is then charged with laying the foundations of Anti-
christ'S rule.
"Hildebrand, one hundred and seventy years before, first laid the
foundations of the empire of Antichrist under the appearance of religion.
He first began this impious war, which is.being continued by his successors
even until now. They first drove out the emperor from the pontifical elective
assemblies and transferred them to the people and the priests." "
The apostle Paul, Eberhard continues, admonished us to
be "subject to one another in the fear of Christ," but the
pontiff teaches that "those who lord it over the conquered
2° Joseph Rainier, "Salzburg, Archdiocese of," The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 13, p. 412.
Hans Widmann, Geschichte Salzburgs, p. 351.
22 Translated from Ioannes Aventinus, Annales Boiorum Libri Septem, p. 683.
23 Ibid., p. 684.
800 PROPHETIC FAITH
should serve him," while, in contrast, "the Supreme Majesty as-
sumed the form of a servant that He might serve His dis-
ciples."
4. PRIESTS OF BABYLON SIT IN TEMPLE OF GOD.—Connect-
ing Babylon and Antichrist with the Man of Sin sitting in the
temple of God, Eberhard reaches his climax when he connects
these symbols of Antichrist with the Little Horn and its lawless
proclivities—its flouting of established law and its ordination
of its own laws—all revealed in the secrets of the Holy Writ-
ings to those who will understand. Of the popes he says:
"Those priests [flamines] of Babylon alone desire to reign, they
cannot tolerate an equal, they will not desist until they have trampled all
things under their feet, and until they sit in the temple of God, and until
they are exalted above all that is worshipped. . . . He who is servant of
servants, desires to be lord of lords, just as if he were God. . . . He
speaks great things as if he were truly God. He ponders new counsels
under his breast, in order that he may establish his own rule for himself,
he changes laws, he ordains his own laws, he corrupts, he plunders, he
pillages, he defrauds, he kills—that incorrigible man (whom they are
accustomed to call Antichrist) on whose forehead an inscription of insult
is written: 'I am God, I cannot err.' He sits in the temple of God, and has
dominion far and wide. But as it is in the secrets of the holy writings, let
him that readeth understand: the learned will understand, all the wicked
will act wickedly, neither will they understand." 24
The significance of Eberhard's expression should not be
lost—that men were "accustomed" in his day, to call the pope
"Antichrist." He was but voicing dramatically what had become
a widespread conviction and open declaration.
5. PAPAL HORN ARISES AMONG ROME'S DIVISIONS.—The
historical dismemberment of the Roman Empire, so strangely
ignored in the preceding centuries, not only because of Augus-
tinianism but also because of creation of the Holy Roman Em-
pire, which was meant to be its successor, is put in its rightful
place by Eberhard. The ten divisions of Rome that he listed
differ from later enumerations, as is also the case with the three
horns, but it is the first attempt of its kind of which we have
24 Ibid.
record. And Eberhard's conclusion from the outline is, "What

is more clear than this prophecy!" Note it:
"Ten kings exist at the same time, who have divided the circle of
the earth, formerly the Roman empire, not for ruling but for destroying.
There are ten horns, that which seemed incredible to divine Aurelius
Augustine; the Turks, the Greeks, the Egyptians, the Africans, the Span-
iards, the Gauls, the English, the Germans, the Sicilians, the Italians
possess the Roman provinces and have cut off the Roman colonists in these
parts. And a little horn has sprung up under these, which has eyes and a
mouth speaking great things; he reduces to order the three most powerful
kingdoms of Sicily, Italy, and Germany, and compels them to serve him;
with an unendurable lordship he plagues the people of Christ, and the
saints of God; he mingles divine and human things, he sets in motion the
abominable and the detestable things. What is more clear than this proph-
ecy? All the signs and wonders which that heavenly teacher of ours pointed
out to us (unroll the chronicles) have been fulfilled long ago."
It must be apparent that Eberhard's building upon earlier
prophetic interpretation on this point of the dissolution of the
Roman Empire had an important bearing on his attitude toward
the Papacy. If the Roman Empire had not yet fallen, the Anti-
christ and the Little Horn could not have come; if, as Eberhard
said, the dissolution of Rome had occurred centuries ago, these
prophesied powers could be looked for in history.
V. The Revolutionary Implications of Eberhard's Interpretation

Why was this such a revolutionary idea? Why was the
church so slow to realize that the Roman world power was a
thing of the past? During the barbarian invasions Jerome had
cried out that the Roman world was falling," but he had not
lived long enough to see the accomplished fact. Indeed, long
after his lifetime men could not bring themselves to believe that
Rome had fallen. The spell of the Eternal City was upon even
her conquerors, and after a lapse of several centuries Charle-
magne made the unsuccessful attempt at restoring it. The fiction
of the "Holy Roman Empire," which, to repeat the cliché,
25 Ibid., p. 685.
21 See page 445.
26
802 PROPHETIC FAITH
was neither holy, nor Roman, nor an empire, was never a

restoration, much less a continuation, of the real Roman power.
1. REASONS FOR LATE DEVELOP MEN T.—Although the
church after Jerome's day was certain that the fourth empire
was Rome, and that the next stage was the dissolution of that
empire, it was somewhat blinded by this persistence of the
illusory afterimage of Rome's continuance. It is doubtless true
that Jerome's influence actually operated to hinder the historical
view for the simple reason that his commentary on Daniel, which
was later enshrined in the medieval Glossa Ordinaria' (so often
referred to as "the common gloss") places the divided kingdoms
and the Little Horn in the future, although to him the end
seemed near; and that future tense, remaining static on the
margins of the Vulgate Bible for centuries, kept prophetic ex-
position forever looking ahead for the fulfillment.
Further, the formation of a concept of the 'Little Horn or
Antichrist as a long growth of a religio-political empire emerg-
ing from gradual apostasy in the church would necessarily be
a late development.
(1) The conviction of the imminence of the end would
not have allowed the earlier expositors to imagine such a long
period, even if the initial stages of such a process had been
recognized.
(2) The popular traditions of an individual Antichrist—
a Jew, an unbeliever, or a semi-demon—ruling for a short
period as despot and persecutor, although derived largely from
non-Christian sources," would tend, in combination with the
expectation of the speedy dissolution of all things, to condition
the early church against an interpretation involving Antichrist's
long development in history.
(3) In the nature of things, such a fulfillment could never
be perceived until a long time after it had begun to develop,
27 Walafrid Strabo's Glossa Ordinaria incorporated Jerome's commentary on Daniel. (See

Migne, PL, vol. 114, cols. 63, 64.)
22 See page 446.
29 See pages 293-301.
for not until its maturity could a system of that kind fill the
specifications of the prophecy.
(4) Probably the most powerful influence that would pre-
vent the earlier development of a historical interpretation of the
Little Horn and the Antichrist was the Augustinian view, which
completely changed the direction of prophetic interpretation
and dominated the church from Augustine's time on." The
concept of the millennium as fulfilled in the earthly church
and of the hierarchy as rulers of the kingdom of God on earth
blinded men to the departures of the church and made it seem
all the more unthinkable that the bishops of Rome, the most
venerated prelates of Christendom, could so depart from the
original faith as to be represented by such prophetic symbols.
2. EBERHARD SEES PEAK OF PAPACY.—Not until the apostasy
and corruption in the church became more and more evident,
and the pride and power of the pontiffs of Rome had grown
until it not only used the temporal sword on dissenters, but
even sought to make vassals of kings and emperors, could the
accusation be raised that the pope was exhibiting the traits of
Antichrist. NOE until a Gregory VII had ciaimed to be Vicar,
of Christ with authority over kings, arid an Innocent III had
set himself up as Vicar of God over the whole world, wielding
the two swords of spiritual and civil penalties over great and
small," did Eberhard stand forth to level his finger at the
Papacy as the Antichrist and the Little Horn "speaking great
words against the most High."
He could not have made that application in the infancy
of the Papacy. The claim to primacy, the imperious tone, and
the political influence were already growing in the time of
Gregory I, but the prophetic expositors of that day could hardly
have applied to him the epithet with which he denounced the
pride of a fellow prelate. In spite of Gregory I's denunciation
of the claim to universal bishopric as a manifestation of Anti-
20 See pages 473 ff.

Sr See chapter 27.
804 PROPHETIC FAITH
christian spirit," the application was not made to the Roman

popes when they afterward assumed the same dignity.
The modern conception of religious liberty had not de-
veloped, and its early gleams in the pre-Constantinian church
had been lost in the deceptive glitter of political power under
the Christian emperors; consequently the sinister aspect of the
persecution of minorities was lost on the church. Not until the
papal sword, after centuries, had been wielded with increasing
ruthlessness upon multiplied victims, did the description of the
Little Horn wearing out the saints become attached in men's
minds to the Roman See.
3. THIRTEENTH-CENTURY DISILLUSIONMENT.—But in the
thirteenth century the corruptions of the hierarchy had long
been apparent. Men had become weary of the worldliness of
the clergy, the avarice, the simony, the injustice. The failure
of the monastic reforms to cure the corruption of the church
increased the protest of the laity against the contrast between
the life of the clergy and the Christian ideal of self-renunciation
and service, a protest which expressed itself variously, in the
voluntary poverty of various lay groups, such as the Waldenses,
in the wistful dreams of Joachim, and in the original zeal of the
Franciscan and Dominican friars. These ideals, even among
those loyal to the pope, such as Joachim, inevitably threw the
worldly Papacy into an unfavorable light by contrast—at least
for many who had eyes to see.
It was natural that Eberhard in Germany, in contact with
the emperor, saw more clearly than did Joachim in Italy the
menace of the Papacy's struggle to control both spiritual and
civil power, and doubtless there he had more opportunity to
hear the pontiff called Antichrist in the contest with Frederick.
But his "Little Horn" application was not merely name-calling.
He was not an enthusiast for voluntary poverty, for he was an
influential archbishop; nor was he a disillusioned Joachimite,
for Joachim's writings—genuine or pseudo—had not yet spread
32 See chapter 22.

so far. But he was in a position to see three things: (1) that

Rome had fallen long ago when her domain was divided into
barbarian kingdoms; (2) that the Little Horn rising out of the
divided successors to the empire, growing "among them" and
coming into power "after them," was connected with the
breakup of Rome, which no illusion of a. Holy Roman Empire
could push into the future; and (3) that the description of the
Little Horn, with "eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth
speaking great things," "whose look was more stout than his
fellows"—a kingdom among kingdoms, yet diverse from the
rest, and at the same time a religious power, speaking "great
words against the most High," and a persecuting power wear-
ing out the saints—fitted the Papacy most remarkably. And the
reader of medieval history as it is written today—even allowing
for bias on the part of a supporter of Frederick—can see that
the picture is not overdrawn.
Eberhard's historical interpretation of the Little Horn and
th e Antichrist doubtless had lecs circulation in Italy, and espe-
cially in papal circles, than. in Germany. The Joachimites at first
looked to Frederick as the Antichrist, and not until the Spir-
ituals had experienced persecution do we find the application
of the term "mystic Antichrist" to a future pseudo pope and
then an individual, actual pope.
Eberhard was not the first to call a pope Antichrist, for he
says that he was accustomed to that. Gerhoh of Reichersberg a
century earlier had applied the term to the worldliness in the
church and to the contest between pope and emperor. But Eber-
hard was a pioneer in seeing in the Little Horn, which sprang
out of the divided kingdoms of the fourth prophetic empire,
the Roman Papacy, which had slowly emerged to world power
out of the breakup of the Roman Empire many centuries in
the past.
Both true and false concepts of the continuance of Rome
powerfully influenced not only churchmen but statesmen, but
the position taken by Eberhard in 1240—that the breakup of
Rome gave rise to a group of smaller kingdoms, among whom
806 PROPHETIC FAITH
afterward came up the religio-political power of the historical

Papacy as the Little Horn—became the standard interpretation
of fourteenth-century Wyclif in Britain," then of sixteenth-
century Luther and most of his associates, and next of Cranmer,
Knox, and the bulk of the British Reformers.' Practically all the
post-Reformation writers on the Continent and in Britain and
America declared the same." Even the Jewish expositor Don
Isaac Abravanel of Spain, in 1496, made a like explanation."
This Reformation view was the sort of belief which helped
to nerve men to withstand the powerful forces under the com-
mand of the Papacy, and to go to the stake rather than yield
to her spiritual despotism; for Protestant martyrs dared not
obey her injunctions or follow in her apostasies, and thus incur
the displeasure of Heaven. Therefore they no longer feared her
anathemas.
"See Prophetic Faith, vol. 2, p. 55.
34 Ibid., chart on p. 528.
35 Ibid., p. 784, under "Little Horn"; also vol. 3, p. 252, under "Little Horn."
33 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 228.
CHAPTER THIRTY-THREE
TT
neresies and
Evangelical Reform Movements
In our studies so far we have dealt largely with the broad,

accelerating stream of Christianity as it was generally accepted
in the Western church. We have followed its turbulent course
and have witnessed its growing power, along with the church's
increasing world-mindedness. We saw how fearless men stood
up making every attempt within their power to alter its
devastating course; to reimbue the church with the spirit of
self-negation and Christlike humility. But their efforts in most
cases fell short; the greed for power in man and the desire for
glory were stronger than the self-effacing love of Christ.
However, beside this broad, sweeping stream of the gen-
eral church there were always other streams and streamlets
through the ages, through which virile Christianity attempted
to express itself. These streamlets were mostly branded as
sects, or even as heresies, by the general church, and it is true
that their adherents often held erroneous notions. But in most
cases their lives were exemplary, and their ultimate aim was
to serve God according to the dictates of their conscience along
the lines of their understanding of spiritual things. These groups
were the connecting link between the early and the Reformation
churches. C. A. Scott gives a discerning description of the sub-
merged Scriptural church as—
"that continuous stream of anti-Catholic and anti-hierarchical thought
and life which runs parallel with the stream of 'orthodox' doctrine and or-
ganization practically throughout the history of the Church. Often dwin-
807
808 PROPHETIC FAITH
dung and almost disappearing in the obscurity of movements which bad
no significance for history, it swelled from time to time to a volume and
importance which compelled the attention even of unsympathetic his-
torians. The initial impulse of such reaction and of successive renewals of
its force was probably practical rather than intellectual—an effort after a
`purer,' simpler, and more democratic form of Christianity, one which ap-
pealed from tradition and the ecclesiastics to Scripture and the Spirit. . . .
The notes common to nearly all the forms of this reaction [were] the
appeal to Scripture, the criticism of Catholic clergy in their lives, and of
Catholic sacraments in the Catholic interpretation of them, and the empha-
sis on the pneumatic [spiritual] character and functions of all believers."'
I. Strange Teachings of Cathari and Albigenses
One of these groups was the Cathari, which spread under

various names in Italy as Patarini, Concorrezani, and Bagnoliesi,
and in Septimania (southern France) they became known as
Albigenses. Here they had become a formidable force by the
twelfth century and were able to defy the official church with
impunity for a certain period. They enjoyed full protection
of the counts of Toulouse and many other nobles. Being fully
convinced that the medieval church was totally corrupted,
they held that only outside of her could true salvation be
found. In 1167 they held a council at St. Felix de Caraman,
near Toulouse, where a representative from the East, Nicetas,
or Niquinta, consecrated several Cathari bishops by the laying
on of hands, the baptism of the spirit, or the consolamentum,
as they called it.2
The Albigenses by now had become a force that swept
the country, so that Bernard of Clairvaux lamented that the
churches were forsaken, and were falling into ruin; the flocks
had left the priests, and often had gone over to the heretics.
The Albigenses, and other heretical groups, came increasingly
into prominence from the twelfth century onward because
the church, made more acutely aware of them, and finding
ecclesiastical discipline breaking down before the swelling tide
1 C. A. Scott, "Paulicians," in Hastings, op. cit., vol. 9, p. 697.

2 0. Zackler, "New Manicheans," The New Schaff-Herzog, vol. 8, p. 145,
HERESIES AND EVANGELICAL REFORM MOVEMENTS 809
of dissent which threatened to overwhelm Catholicism in many

areas, felt compelled to devise more effective methods of stamp-
ing out the heresy. She used all means at her disposal—persua-
sion and coercion, preaching and the sword—which led to a ter-
rible crusade of wholesale murder and plunder. And finally
came the Inquisition, resulting in the virtually complete exter-
mination of the Albigenses and the laying waste of one of the
most flourishing provinces of France to such an extent that it
never completely recovered. It may be of interest to list some
dates:
1148—Council of Rheims: the protectors of the heretics
in Gascony and Provence excommunicated.
1163—Council of Tours, declaring the Albigenses should
be imprisoned and their property confiscated.
1165—Disputation at Lombaz, with no agreement.
1167—Council of Albigenses at Toulouse.
1178—Another attempt at peaceful settlement.
1179—Third Lateran Council, summoned to use force
against the heretics.
oi oo
doc, with scanty results.

1206—Dominic de Guzlan [founder of the Dominicans]
goes out with others to preach to the Albigenses; but is, how-
ever, rebuffed. They affirmed, on his questioning, the identity
of the church of Rome with the Babylon of the Apocalypse.'
1207—The papal legate, Peter of Castelnau, murdered.
Innocent III orders crusade; 20,000 knights and 200,000 foot-
men assemble. War carried on with utmost ruthlessness. After
the storming of Beziers 20,000—some say 40,000—were massa-
cred. War turns into a fight between the king of France and the
counts of Toulouse.
1229—Peace; Septimania becomes a dependency of France.
The Inquisition takes over.
3 J. Bass Mullinger, "Albigenses," in Hastings, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 282. The Cathari are
quoted as calling the church the beast, the harlot, and a nest of serpents. (Salvus Burce, Supra
Stella, in J. J. I. von Dollinger, Beitrdge zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 2, pp. 63-65,
71, 72.)
810 PROPHETIC FAITH
1250—From the middle of the thirteenth century the name

Albigenses gradually disappears.
What were the doctrines of the Albigenses that made
them so obnoxious in the eyes of the orthodox? The Cathari,
of which the Albigenses were a group, likewise had strong con-
nections with Bogomiles in Bulgaria and the Eastern half of
the Roman Empire. In these Eastern groups through the in-
fluence of Gnosticism and Manichaeism a dualistic view of the
universal forces was accepted, and this view was also cherished
by the Cathari in general, either in its pure form of two gods, the
god of good and of light, and the god of evil and of darkness, or
in a somewhat milder form, accepting one supreme god having
two sons, Satanael, the elder, and Christ, or Michael, the
younger. A whole cosmogonic drama was developed. In one of
the phases Christ came from heaven and assumed only a ma-
terial body; in reality He brought His spiritual body from
the higher world, and in this He conquered Satanael, His
brother, who had succeeded in seducing a number of angels
from the abode of light.
The Cathari discarded the Old Testament; they lived by
the New. They regarded as deadly sins the possession of
property, association with men of this world, lying, war,
killing of animals except snakelike creatures, eating of animal
food except fishes, and above all, sexual intercourse. Therefore
they discouraged marriage. The perfecti (perfected) were very
strict, and if, after his admission, a "perfected" should commit
a single sin, he would be lost forever. Therefore many preferred
suicide by fasting, to life at the risk of everlasting damnation.
But these strange Catharist beliefs were not necessarily
held by all Albigenses; possibly they were current mostly among
the perfecti, who in comparison were few in number. The con-
nection between the differing groups of Albigenses and the
older Manichaeism is not clear, and Catholic charges against
them were likely somewhat exaggerated. Certainly their wide
influence stemmed from their upright, unworldly lives, in con-
trast to the ways of the corrupt Catholic clergy; and undoubt-
edly many of them—particularly those in contact with Petro-

brusians or Waldenses—were true evangelicals, with the
dualistic elements reduced to a minimum. At least they were
genuine martyrs to their protest against the Roman church,
and they attempted, according to their light, to live by New
Testament ideals.'
II. Peter of Bruys—Stanch Defender of Gospel

Beside this movement of the Cathari, which was dualistic
in its conception and which in spite of the many excellent
characters it produced, cannot be claimed as purely a gospel
movement, there were heard other voices who cried aloud in
the general degeneration of the times for a return to the sim-
plicity of the gospel. One of these stanch defenders of gospel
truth was PETER OF BRUYS (fl. 1105-1126). His followers were
called Petrobrusians. We know nothing of his youth; our only
information comes from Peter the Venerable, his opponent.
He was a powerful preacher and made the four Gospels
the cornerstone of his preaching; then followed the Epistles.
Tin curl 11"t hlvm,,ov r rPgard the n1,1 -rPsorn,nt tpr, highly
He recognized only the baptism of adults; those who had re-
ceived baptism in infancy had to be rebaptized. He rejected
transubstantiation, the sacrifice of the mass, and even the Lord's
supper. He abhorred the veneration of the cross and of relics,
as well as prayers for the dead. He was not opposed to marriage;
he obliged priests who accepted his teachings to take a wife. He
disparaged images, saint worship, fasting, and holy days.
His great dislike for crosses and crucifixes led him into
rashly burning a number of them, which so outraged the pop-
ulace that eventually he was seized and burned to death on a
heap of crosses which. he had lighted.' His followers seem to
have been absorbed by the more widespread and better organ-
ized Waldenses, as we shall see in the following chapter.
Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 545-551; Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 1, p. 528,
art. "Albigenses"; Mullinger, op. cit., pp. 281, 282; for sources, Dellinger, Beitriige, vol. 2.
Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 559-562; Lagarde, op. cit., p. 449; Elliott, op. cit.,
vol. 2, p. 282.
812 PROPHETIC FAITH
III. Henry of Lausanne—Reformer Before Reformation

Another eloquent preacher WaS HENRY OF LAUSANNE (d.
c. 1148). He was a man of deep learning and extraordinary
oratorical powers, combined with marked modesty and piety.
In 1101 he appeared in Le Mans and from the bishop obtained
permission to preach. He preached against a formal Christianity
and demanded the fruits of repentance. This led him to warn
against false guides and against the reliance upon relics, in-
dulgences, and the like.
He was a reformer before the Reformation, seeking a
spiritual awakening and revival, and many were deeply in-
fluenced by him. He wandered through France, came to Langue-
doc, where he probably came in close touch with Peter of
Bruys, and is thought to have worked with him. His followers
were called the Henricians; and sometimes Albigensian notions
were wrongly attributed to them. About 1135 he was arrested
by the archbishop of Arles, and brought before the Synod of
Pisa, which refused to condemn him. But he was sent to Bernard
of Clairvaux for a while. Soon he departed from there and
continued his work of preaching for another ten years.°
IV. Arnold of Brescia—Separation of Church and State

Another figure in this medieval pattern of life was ARNOLD
OF BRESCIA (c. 1100-1155). As a young, enthusiastic cleric he
came in touch with Abelard, the great speculative thinker and
rationalist, and many of the latter's ideas must have influenced
him deeply. But whereas Abelard was a philosopher, Arnold
was a practical preacher and a politician. Although less able
in intellectual power than his teacher, he was more dangerous
in his practical drift. Baronius calls him the father of political
heresies.
Arnold, deeply stirred by the corruption of the church,
zealously opposed the worldly-minded clergy and monks, and
David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, pp. 483, 484; Albert H. Newman, cit., vol. 1, pp.
560, 561; A. Hauck, "Henry of Lausanne," The New Schaff-Herzog, vol. 5,op.p. 228.
preached the lofty ideal of a holy and pure church, a renova-

tion of the spiritual order after the pattern of the apostolic
church.' He claimed that the church should be without posses-
sions and live from the tithes and voluntary offerings. Her call-
ing is spiritual, not worldly. Whereas Hildebrand aimed at
the theocratic supremacy of the church, Arnold desired her
complete separation from the state.
Arnold practiced what he preached, and his powerful
sermons caused considerable agitation among the people 4.gf
Lombardy—so much so that Innocent II at the Lateran Coun-
cil in 1139 felt himself forced to take preventive measures.
Arnold was charged with inciting the laity against the clergy
and was banished from Italy as a schismatic, but not condemned
as a heretic. He went to Paris, began to preach, was forced to
leave the country, fled to Zurich. But even there Bernard of
Clairvaux denounced him, declaring that his speech was honey
but his doctrine poison.'
After some years he appeared in Rome and became en-
tangled with the Roman Republican movement, in fact, be-
came their fieriest supporter. When this movement was crushed
he was imprisoned, killed, and burned, and his ashes were
thrown into the Tiber. Gerhoh of Reichersberg mourned him
and said they should at least have done to him as David did
to Abner (2 Samuel 3), and allowed him to be buried and
his death to be mourned over, instead of causing his remains
to be thrown into the Tiber. The Arnoldists, probably his fol-
lowers, continued for some years, but after they were branded
as heretics by the Council of Verona in 1184, they disappeared.
V. A Reaction Against the Corruptions of the Church

It would be too much to say that one cause could be
assigned to the various uprisings against the dominant church
in one form or another. The picture is more complex than
Neander, op. cit., vol. 4, pp. 148, 149. He is believed to have been unorthodox on infant
baptism and the sacrament of the altar. (Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. I, p. 564.)
s David S. Schaff, op. cif., part 1, p. 100.
814 PROPHETIC FAITH
that. But by the twelfth century there was undoubtedly emerg-
ing a reaction against the corruption and worldliness of the
church. Whether the increase in the degeneration of the Roman
church was the main factor, or whether a combination of local
conditions of that period caused the opposition to break forth
more strongly, it is undeniable that the submerged elements
were increasingly ready to accept the idea that the church had
departed from its early purity, and a longing grew for a return
to the earlier, simpler gospel as it had existed in the long ago—
Ire ideal of evangelical poverty, of forsaking the world and
following in the footsteps of Christ. This ideal expressed itself
even within the church in the Franciscan order, for example.
In the survey of the development of prophetic interpreta-
tion through the centuries it has become evident how the
eschatological views of the church changed, both influencing
and being influenced by the changing background of the
expanding and ever more powerful church and its relations
with a changing world. The church of the Middle Ages could
not, in the nature of things, be exactly the same as the early
church, living under changed political, social, and economic
conditions after the breakup of the Roman Empire, but the
difference was unfortunately a change for the worse, and in
the growing opinion of many, worse than it had any right to be.
It might be well to review briefly some of the most notice-
able ways in which organized Christianity departed from its
original state.
In the early centuries the church believed generally in
the simple evangelical truths of the gospel and defined its
doctrines only gradually. Worship was relatively simple—prayer,
Scripture reading, preaching, hymn singing, the Lord's supper,
and baptism. Its ministers were at first pastors, but later the
title of "bishop," which had meant simply overseer, or pastor,
came to mean a ruler of a group of churches. A hierarchy de-
veloped, with the bishops of such centers as Antioch, Alexandria,
Carthage, and Rome in the lead—Rome gradually taking pre-
cedence. The growth of power within the church and then in
the empire operated to lower the standards of the hierarchy,

and the application of the pagan philosophy to Biblical interpre-
tation opened the way for innovations and heresies, while the
influx of half-converted pagans as the church became popular
brought degeneration.
Fundamental changes in organization took place as the
church grew. A sharper distinction between clerics and laics
was drawn; the power of the episcopate increased. Favored and
protected by the emperor, the church was put in possession of
pagan temples and loaded with wealth, the hierarchy exalted.
The climax was reached when the emperor Justinian supported
the Roman bishop's claim to primacy over the whole church.
The practices of the public church service were likewise
affected, particularly as Christianity was substituted for pagan,.
ism as the state religion. Idol worshipers brought old practices
into the church. The temples were adorned with pictures, and
later sculptured images, which became the objects of venera-
tion, and the ritual was enhanced with pagan elements. The
ceremonial splendor of pompous ritual worship was introduced
to captivate the pagans. To conciliate the w-,tariPc of pnlythPicm,,
the Christian hierarchy thought it expedient to leave the popu-
lar superstitions in vogue, and adapt them to Christianity.
Images, processions, relics, pilgrimages, votive offerings, and
penances were taken over; veneration of saints and saints' bones,
and asceticism.
Doctrine as well as worship underwent continual modifica-
tion. The Lord's supper, originally designed to commemorate
the sacrifice of Christ, gradually became a so-called sacrifice
for the remission of sins for both living and dead. Gross super-
stitions gained ground in the nominal church; quasi-magical
sacraments, good works, and saints' intercession were looked
to for salvation. Increasing veneration for the opinions of the
fathers, and the pretensions of the councils to fix the sense of
scripture, climaxed in the exaltation of tradition at the expense
of the Scriptures.
Thus, by the absorption of these corruptions, Christianity
816 PROPHETIC FAITH
was gradually supplanted by what has aptly been called a bap-
tized paganism.'
VI. Independent Spirit of Southeastern France and

Northern Italy
It would be interesting to know just what factors operated
to make certain territories, more than others, nests of discon-
tent with the secularized church, areas where we find repeated
outcroppings of the spirit of antisacerdotalism, of yearning for
the return of the church to the old ways, and of independence
of the increasingly centralized hierarchy. Such an area in the
Middle Ages was what is now northern Italy and southwestern
France. We find various voices and movements for reform, but
we do not have sufficient information to trace their continuous
history and their interrelationships. Unauthorized and per-
secuted minorities do not leave an abundance of records, for
their enemies tend to destroy their writings and to question and
to challenge those that remain. All this conspires to make their
study particularly difficult, but the more important and neces-
sary.
In the succeeding pages we shall trace a series of proto-
Protestants whose roots go back into the history of north
Italy and southeast France. We have found roots of protest
in that region before the Middle Ages began, as testified by
Jerome, in the time of Vigilantius,'° with organized opposition
to the unscriptural innovations of the dominant church of the
day. The archdiocese of Milan, which at one time stretched
westward far enough to embrace the valley dwellers of the
Cottian Alps, was a nest of independence from the time of the
fourth century, and we learn from Pope Pelagius I (about
555) that the bishops of Milan and Aquileia did not come to
Rome for ordination, for "this was an ancient custom" of theirs."
9 See pages 381, 382.

.0 See page 819.
11 Translated from a fragment of a letter of Pelagius I, in J. D. Mansi, op. cit., vol. 9,
col. 730. See also Thomas McCrie, History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation
in Italy, p. 9.
And about 590 several of the bishops of northern Italy refused

to adhere to the decisions of the Council of Chalcedon, rejected
the communion of the pope, and renewed their declaration of
independence of the Roman church."
The independence of northern Italy, from the fourth
century onward—when Rome's claims began to be pressed---
was a challenge to that ecclesiastical supremacy that had been
sought for several centuries, and finally was achieved under the
emperor Justinian. By imperial authority all priests and bishops
—so far as Justinian had power and jurisdiction—were sub-
jected to the bishop of Rome, and were to be instructed and
corrected by him." Rome spread out until she dominated much
of Europe, but here, in Italy itself, was an insubordination and
an open defiance that was intolerable and perilous—the more so
since it was near home, in the very land where the Papacy had
its seat..
I. PROMINENCE AND INDEPENDENCE OF MILAN.—In the
early centuries of the Christian Era, Milan, situated in the
midst of the plain at the foot of the Alps, and command ing the
natural gateways between Italy and the countries north and
west, was hardly less important in the north of Italy than Rome
to the south. When Rome lost its controlling position in the
empire, Milan assumed an almost independent status. In the
period of the divided empire its powerful diocese was virtually
independent of the church of Rome. From Constantine on-
ward for a time Milan was honored almost constantly by the
presence of emperors. Under Ambrose, who became one of the
most powerful figures of his time, began a struggle between
temporal and spiritual interests. During the supremacy of the
kingdom of the Lombards the Roman pontiffs steadily in-
creased their power, before which the Ambrosian church had
to succumb in the end."
la Peter Allix, Some Remarks Upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of
Piedmont, chap. 5.
'a See pages 510 ff.
14 See page 419.
818 PROPHETIC FAITH
This independence of Milan is likewise noted by Turner:

"Just about the same time with the commencement of the continuous
series of councils whose canons were taken up into our extant Latin codes,
commences a parallel series of papal decretals . . . with the letter of Pope
Siricius to Himerius of Tarragona in 385. Such decretal letters were issued
to churches in most parts of the European West, Illyria included, but not
to north Italy, which looked to Milan, and not to Africa, which depended
on Carthage. . . . Each district in the West had its separate Church Law
as much as its separate liturgy or its separate political organisation; and
it was not till the union of Gaul and Italy under one head in the person
of Charles the Great, that the collection of Dionysius, as sent to Charles
by Pope Hadrian in 774, was given official position throughout the Frank-
ish dominions." "
This independence was possible because the see of Rome

in the early centuries embraced only the capital and surround-
ing provinces. Even after the Roman bishop's claim to primacy
came to be recognized over all the West, and even farther, his
direct episcopal jurisdiction could be exercised only over his
archdiocese. For hundreds of years the powerful archdiocese
of Milan--including the plains of Lombardy, the Piedmontese
Alps, and part of France—was nonsubservient to the papal
chair. Thus the independence of these outlying districts pro-
vided the opportunity for a freedom which was impossible
nearer Rome. And the mountainous regions in this territory
provided a haven for independence.
How early the Alpine valleys and the foothills were in-
habited by seekers for liberty, and to what extent the older
usages and beliefs of the church persisted there from primitive
times, we have no contemporary historical sources. But it is
not impossible to suppose that the evangelical tendencies no-
ticeable later were to an undetermined extent a genuine sur-
vival."
According to the claims of later Waldenses, the early Chris-
tians, under pagan Rome's persecutions of the second, third,
and fourth centuries, had found in the valleys of the Cottian
Alps, separating Piedmont and Dauphine, a citadel fashioned
15 Turner op. cit., p. 182. (Italics supplied.)

le AlbertII. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 541.
by Providence. By the fifth century, they contended, the dwell-

ers of the valleys still held the essential doctrines and practices
of the primitive church, and in so doing, they witnessed against
the growing superstitions and perversions. They contended that
the church of Rome had long ago departed from the primitive
faith and that they really constituted the successors of the
apostolic church.
2. VIGILANTIUS' EARLY DISSENT SENT FORTH FROM THE

ALPS.—Vigilantius of Lyons, in Aquitaine, and presbyter of
the church of Barcelona in Spain, had a controversy with Jerome
about 396." In 406 Vigilantius published a treatise against
superstitions, celibacy of the clergy, the veneration of martyrs'
relics, burning of tapers, vigils, and the like," and his audacity
drove Jerome, nurtured in adulterated Christianity, to frenzied
defense of the relics of the saints:
"Dnec the hichnp of Rome do wrong when he offers sacrifices to the
Lord over the venerable bones of the dead men Peter and Paul, as we
should say, but according to you, over a worthless bit of dust, and judges
their tombs worthy to be Christ's altars? And not only is the bishop of
one city in error, but the bishops of the whole world, who, despite the
tavern-keeper Vigilantius, enter the basilicas of the dead, in which à
worthless bit of dust and ashes lies wrapped up in a cloth,' defiled and de-
filing all else." "
But the significant point is that Vigilantius wrote from

a region situated "between the Adriatic and the Alps of King
Cotius," " a region which, as Faber points out, "formed a part
of what was once styled Cisalpine Gaul."
This district to the east of the Cottian Alps is . precisely
the country of the Waldenses. Here, according to Faber, the
secluded mountain and valley folk presented a striking contrast
to the wealthy inhabitants of the cities of the plains corrupted
1, See Jerome's letters to Vigilantius and Riparius, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 6, pp. 131-
133, 212-214; also his treatise Against Vigilantius, chaps. 1-4, pp. 417, 418 of the same volume.
18 Cited by Jerome in Against Vigilantius, chaps. 1, 4, 9, 10, pp. 417, 418, 421; see also
George Stanley Faber, An Inquiry Into the History and Theology of the Ancient Vallenses and
Albigenses, pp. 291, 292.
1° Jerome, Against Vigilantius, chap. 8, p. 420.
20 Jerome, Letter to Riparius, chap. 2, p. 213.
F'aber, op. cit., p. 293.
820 PROPHETIC FAITH
by an opulent clergy.' Seclusion in a mountainous district

naturally has a tendency to preclude change and innovation;
opinions and practices are handed down from father to son.
That the innovations of the great city churches were not so
acceptable to the churches of the mountains and the country
is apparent from the protest of Hilary- that he feared a city
Antichrist.'
Declaring Vigilantius "a forerunner of the Reformation,"
and one of the earliest of the protesters, Gilly places him in
that line of dissentients which parallels the line of those who
perpetuated "another gospel"—the pro-Roman fathers, the
schoolmen, and later the Jesuits. He places Vigilantius in that--
"sacred and indestructible line of Christianity, which has continued since
our Lord's promise of the duration of His Church, uncorrupted by those
who boast of their succession from the Church of the Fathers, the Church
of the Schoolmen, and the. Church of Rome: often being in the visible
Church, and yet not of it. The Wilderness-church, and the succession of
Witnesses in sackcloth, have been predicted from the first, and this implies
a condition the very reverse of Ascendancy, and Supremacy, and Prosperity.
The succession of pure Gospel Truth has been perpetuated by despised
and humble witnesses."
Faber concludes, as the result of his researches:
"Through the medium of the Vallensic Church, which, at the very
beginning of the fifth century, not to speak of even a yet earlier period,
subsisted where it still subsists, in the region geographically defined by
the angry Jerome as lying between the waters of the Adriatic Sea and the
Alps of King Cottius, we stand connected with the purity of the Primitive
Church." '5
Coming to the ninth century, we shall find some of this
north Italian community constituting a part of the flock of
Claudius (Claude), bishop of Turin, the attacker of image
worship. Later we find the outlying districts practically sepa-
rated from the Roman church, functioning as an independent
church in the wilderness, and retaining the simpler ways of the
early church.
22Ibid., pp. 293, 294.

23See page 409.
24 W. S. Gilly, Vigilantius and His Times, p. vi.
Faber, op. cit., pp. 593, 594.
VII. Claudius Discourages Dependence on Rome

CLAUDIUS (d. 839), bishop of Turin, and sometimes styled
"Bishop of the Valleys," was born in Spain. A talented preacher,
he was for some years chaplain at the court of Louis the Pious,
the successor of Charlemagne. Upon the advancement of Louis
to the throne of empire, he made Claudius the bishop of
the important metropolis of Turin, about 822, during the
pontificate of Paschal I, who opposed him. Claudius' diocese in-
cluded the plains and mountain valleys of Piedmont. Thus the
mantle of Ambrose and Vigilantius descended upon him. With
dismay he beheld the papal encroachments bowing the necks
of men to its yoke, and the people bending their knees to its
idols. In the very territory where Vigilantius had inveighed
against the errors of Jerome, Claudius now led a strong move-
ment to promote and perpetuate the same reforms. As a result,
capitulation of the independence of his church to the yoke of
Rome was stayed, and the evangelical light continued to shine
at the foot of the Alps.'
1. GREATEST BATTLE FOUGHT OVER IMAGE WORSHIP .—
Claudius was an "indefatigable student of Floly- .(3cripture." as
By pen and voice he constantly proclaimed truth and opposed
error. He maintained that there is but one Sovereign of the
church—the Lord in heaven; that Peter had no superiority over
other apostles; that human merit is of no avail, but that faith
alone saves. He repudiated tradition, prayers for the dead, and
relics. He contended that the Lord's supper is simply a memorial-
of Christ's death, not a repetition. He fought strenuously against
image worship, kissing the cross, et cetera. He specifically de-
nied Roman primacy.' Thus he has come to be called the
"Protestant of the ninth century."
It was over iconolatria, or image worship, that Claudius
Allix, Churches of Piedmont, chap. 9; M'Clintock and Strong, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 371;
J. A. Wylie The History of Protestantism, vol. 1, p. 21.
27 Wylie, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 21; Gilly, Narrative of an Excursion to the Mountains of
Piemont, Appendix 3, pp. xii-xvii.
29 Allix Churches of Piedmont, chap. 9; Wylie, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 21,
5' Waddington, op. cit., p. 268,
822 PROPHETIC FAITH
fought his greatest battle, resisting it with all the logic of his
pen and all the force of his eloquence. The worship of images
had been decreed by the second Council of Nicaea (787),°° but
was rejected in certain sections. The Council of Frankfort
(794), called by Charlemagne, with 300 western bishops par-
ticipating, took its stand against image worship.3° Claudius' at-
tack on image worship is best described in his own words:
"'Against my will I undertook the burden of pastoral office. Sent by
the pious prince, son of the holy Church of God, Louis, I came into Italy,
to the city of Turin. I found all the churches (contrary to the order of
truth) filled with the filth of accursed things and images.' . . . 'What men
were worshiping I alone began to destroy.' . . . 'Therefore all opened their
mouths to revile me, and if the Lord had not helped me, perhaps they
would have swallowed me alive.' " "
Fearing the effects of the superstition and idolatry taught
and practiced at Rome, Claudius endeavored to keep his own
diocese from being further infected. To this end he told his
people that they ought not to run to Rome for the pardon of
their sins,' nor have recourse to the saints or their relics; " that
the church is not founded upon St. Peter or the pope," and
that they ought not to worship images?'
2. PROCLAIMS EVANGELICAL FAITH AND EXALTS WORD.—
Claudius wrote several books to refute his opponents." He main-
tained the doctrine of justification by faith," denied the in-
fallibility of the church, declared it heresy to depart from the
Word of God, and affirmed the presence of a multitude of such
heretics in his day," which he declared to be within as well as
3° Schroeder, op. cit., p. 143; Landon, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 411; for the Latin original see
Mansi, op. cit., vol. 13, cols. 377-380.
31 Canon 2. See Landon, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 282, 283; Mansi, op. cit., vol. 13, col. 909.
32 Translated from excerpts from Claudius' book entitled Apologeticum atque Rescriptum
. . . Adversus Theodemirum Abbatem, cited by his contemporary opponent Jonas of Orleans in
his De Cultu Imaginum (Concerning the Worship of Images), book 1, in Migne, PL, vol. 106,
cols. 315-317.
" Ibid., cols. 365, 366, 370, 383.
3'Ibid., cols. 380-382.
35 Ibid., cols. 375-378, 385, 386.
38 Aid., cols. 325.330. See Philip Schaff, History, vol. 4, pp. 472, 473.
37 A list of Claudius' writings appears in Allix, Churches of Piedmont, pp. 64, 65; also
in Gilly, Narrative, Appendix 3, p. xiv. His Enarratio in Epistolam D. Pauli ad Galatas (Com-
mentary on the Epistle to the Galatians) is published in full, but the manuscripts of his com-
mentaries on the epistles are in the Abbey of Fleury near Orleans; those on Leviticus, at
Rheims; and several copies of his commentary on St. Matthew, in England and elsewhere.
Faber, op. cit., pp. 310, 311.
33 Claudius, Enarratio in . . . Galatas, in Migne, PL, vol. 104, cols. 863-868.
3° Faber, op. cit., pp. 311-313.
outside the church. Claudius' attitude toward the crucifix is

illuminating:
"God commands [us] to bear the cross, not to worship it; they wish
to worship it because they are unwilling to bear it either spiritually or
corporally." "
His position on the supremacy of the pope is likewise suc-
cinctly stated:
"For we know that this sentence of the gospel of the Lord Saviour
is ill understood, where he says to the blessed apostle Peter 'Thou art Peter,
and on this rock will I build my church; and I will give unto thee the keys
of the kingdom of Heaven.' (Matt. xvi). On account of these words of the
Lord, an ignorant race of men destitute of all spiritual knowledge, wish to
go to Rome for the attainment of everlasting life. . . . The ministry
belongs to the superintendants of the church, as long as they sojourn in
this mortal body." 4-`
Claudius flatly denied the authority of tradition. The writ-
ten Word was to him the one standard of truth, his burden be-
ing to deliver the unadulterated Word of God. In this he was
declared by contemporaries to be promulgating the doctrine
of Vigilantius, as appears from the two treatises against Claudius
by Jonas. bishop of Orleans, and by the French monk Dungal,"
who declared that his influence extended all over Italy, France,
and Germany."
Dungal continually referred to Claudius as teaching the
same as Vigilantius. And Rorenco, pribr of St. Roch at Turin
(c. 1630), employed to inquire into the origin of the opinions
and connections of the mountaineer Vallenses, declared that
"Claude of Turin was to be reckoned among these fomentors
and encouragers," as the principal destroyer of images.
3. MAINTAINS TRADITION OF NORTH ITALIAN INDEPEND-
ENCE.—In addition to the purity of the faith, Claudius had
held for the independence traditional to the churches of north
40 Translated from Apologeticum, cited by Jonas, in Migne, PL vol. 106, col. 351.
41 Ibid., cols. 375 379. See also H. D. Acland, "Compendium of the History of the
Vaudois," p. xxix, in _Henri Arnaud, The Glorious Recovery by the Vaudois of Their Valleys;
Allix, Churches of rtedmont,p. 83.
42 See Dun gait Reclusi Liber Adversus Claudium Taurinensem, in Migne, PC, vol. 105,
cols. 458-530.
4,, Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 239.
" Faber, op. cit., pp. 325-328, citing from the original,
824 PROPHETIC FAITH
Italy. For they remained free in his day, though most other
churches had become subservient to Rome. Milan still used
the Ambrosian liturgy and pursued her course in independence
of Rome." Claudius was joined, in these protests against image
worship, by his contemporary on the other side of the Alps,
Agobardus, archbishop of Lyons from 810 to 841."
The papal power had not yet established supremacy in
northern Italy; nor had it yet proceeded to deeds of blood to
enforce its ever increasing control, for not yet had the secular
power surrendered itself to be the instrument of death at
Rome's bidding—which marked the culminating achievement
of the papal power. Thus Claudius "suffered not unto blood." "
After his death (c. 839), however, the battle was but languidly
maintained. His mantle was not taken up by any outstanding
leader, and came to trail in the dust. Attempts were made to
induce the bishops of Milan to surrender in spiritual vassalage
to the pope.
When, a century or so later, the religionists of the plains
entered the pale of Roman jurisdiction, some protesters fled
across the Alps and descended to the Rhine and the diocese of
Cologne. Still others retired to the Piedmontese Alps, and there
maintained both their Scriptural faith and ancient independ-
ence, "spurning alike the tyrannical yoke and the corrupt tenets
of the Church of the Seven Hills," considering that Rome
abandoned what was once the common faith of Christendom,
and that to them who remained in the old faith belonged the
"indisputably valid title of the True Church." "
VIII. Capitulation of the Milan Diocese

1. MILAN RESISTS FOR CENTURIES.—It has been noted that
the powerful diocese of Milan—originally including the plains
of Lombardy and the Piedmont Alps and southern Gaul-
45 McCrie, op. cit., p. 9.
48 Agobardi Episcopi Lugdunensis Liber de Imaginibus Sanctorum, in Migne,
PL, vol.
104, cols. 199-228; see also Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 232.
47 Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 238.
48 Wylie, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 24, 25.
was for centuries practically autonomous and not subservient

to the papal claim." McCrie states:
"The supremacy claimed by the bishops of Rome was resisted in
Italy after it had been submitted to by the most remote churches of the
west. The diocese of Italy, of which Milan was the capital, remained
long independent of Rome, and practised a different ritual, according
to what was called the Ambrosian Liturgy."
And Davison adds:
"Abundantly conscious of the prestige she had enjoyed more or less
intermittently since the days of the Roman Empire, she [Milan] was
little inclined to submit to any interference or surveillance, lay or ecclesi-
astical, local or foreign. At this time [11th century] she was one of the
strongest cities not only of Italy, but of western Europe. Her influence
extended from Mantua to Turin, while her archbishops claimed jurisdic-
tion over more than a score of dioceses. . . .
"Up to this time [1045] the Milanese Church, jealous of its
Ambrosian ritual and of the prestige of its famous archbishops, had
resisted the efforts put forth by the popes for uniformity of organization." "
Rome's attempt to subvert the "ancient custom" com-
plained of by Pope Pelagius I, in 555—that the bishops of
Milan did not go to Rome for ordination "—resulted in still
VVIUCI estrangement. Platina, speaking of the ele-v-enth century,
admits that "for almost 200 years the Church of Milan had
separated herself from the Church of Rome."
2. SUBJUGATION IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY.—Even then

the subjugation of the Milan diocese was accomplished only
over the protest of its clergy, and tumult on the part of the
people. The clergy and people affirmed that the Ambrosian
church ought not to be subject to the laws of Rome; that under
their fathers it had always been free, and could not with honor
surrender its liberties. And the people broke out into clamor
and threatened violence to Peter Damian, the deputy sent to
effect their submission."
4° Allix,Churches of Piedmont, chap. 1.

'do McCrie, Reformation in Italy, p. 9.
61 Ellen S. Davison, Forerunners of Saint Francis, pp. 98-100.
52 Letter in Mansi, op. cit., vol. 9, col. 730.
53 Translated from Platinae Hystoria de Vitis Pontificum, folio [clxjl, verso.
Baronius, op. cit., Anno 1059 (1609 ed.), vol. 11, col. 277.
826 PROPHETIC FAITH
McCrie summarizes the whole situation in these significant

words:
"It was not till the eleventh century that the popes succeeded in
establishing their authority at Milan, and prevailed on the bishops of
that see to procure the archi-episcopal pall from Rome. When this was
proposed, it excited great indignation on the part of the people, as well
as of the clergy, who maintained that the Ambrosian church had been
always independent; that the Roman pontiff had no right to judge in its
affairs; and that, without incurring disgrace, they could not subject to
a foreign yoke that see which had preserved its freedom during so many
ages."
But long after that north Italy was regarded as infested
with heresies, for the spirit of independence would not be
downed. And Milan long remained a center for later reactionary
groups.
There were many such groups in the west, as we have
seen—some genuine heretics, some semipolitical or social re-
formers, some connected with eastern groups like the Paulicians,
some tinged with Manichaean ideas.
IX. The Humiliati and the Waldenses

These different movements that we have considered had
in part strongly heretical conceptions or were partly inspired by
some great personality, and were therefore short-lived. But
of the nonconforming groups the purest of all was that of the
Waldenses, who were less heretics than schismatics, even their
enemies admitting their general orthodoxy while denouncing
their resistance to the hierarchy. The Passau Inquisitor com-
presses the issue into a single sentence, as he declares in the
thirteenth century:
"They [the "Leonists"] live righteously before men, they believe
well everything concerning God and all the articles which are contained
in the creed; only they blaspheme the Roman Church and the clergy."
55 McCrie, Reformation in Italy, p. 9.

Reineri Ordinis Praedicatorum, Contra Waldenses Haereticos, Liber, chap. 4, in
Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (hereafter abbreviated to MBVP) vol. 25, p. 264. The
term "Passau Inquisitor" is applied to the monk Reiner (Reinerus, or kei nerius Saccho) and
to the anonymous colleague in the Inquisition at Passau, whose writings were formerly attributed
to Reiner.
Because of their importance the Waldensians will be dis-
cussed at greater length in the following chapters, but another
group must be mentioned first.
Perhaps about the time when Milan was coming under
papal control, there was arising in Lombardy a party under the
name of the Humiliati—the humiliated or humble ones. Noth-
ing is known definitely of their origin, and little of their views.
They seem to have been at first a semicommunal lay movement,
centering in Milan and other north Italian cities, mostly en-
gaged in wool weaving. They abstained from oaths and
dressed in simple, undyed wool garments. Celibacy was not re-
quired, but poverty was enjoined—not the rejection of all
possessions, but labor for the bare necessities of life and for the
support of the cause.
By the close of the twelfth century, after their preaching
had been forbidden by the pope, part of the Humiliati disre-
garded the ban, and were excommunicated at the Council of
Verona, along with the Waldenses of Lyons. The other part,
the "orthodox Humiliati," who were later given a rule (under
three orders: lay, monastic, and clerical) by irmnrent 111, with
limited permission to preach, does not concern us; but the
"false Humiliati," who withstood the pope, fused with the
Waldensian movement.
The bull of excommunication in 1181 or 1184 implies that
"those who falsely call themselves the Humiliati or the Poor
Men of Lyons" were one party. This would indicate that they
were already in, or on the verge of, union with the Poor Men of
Lyons in that complex of groups, now known under the name
Waldenses, the most important and the most successful repre-
sentatives of the western protesters who scattered as an "unre-
formed" church through the very heart of Western Europe,
survived in sufficient numbers to constitute links of evangelical
truth between the early church and the Reformed churches of
the sixteenth century."
57 On the Humiliati see Emilio Comba, History of the Waldenses of Italy, pp. 68, 69;
Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 566; see Davison, op. cit., chap. 5,
© 1950. ar HA RY ANDERSON. ARTIST
WALDENSIAN MISSIONARY TRAINING SCHOOL IN PIEDMONTESE ALPS
In the Innermost Angrogna Valley, Nestled High Amid the Eternal Snows, Waldensian Youth Were Trained as Missionaries to Bear the Gospel
to the Far-flung Lands of Europe in the Middle Ages. The Waldensian Candlestick Insigne Appears on the Wall Behind Their Teacher
CHAPTER THIRTY-FOUR
A.ncient Roots
of the Waldenses of Italy
I. Waldenses a Stock With Many Branches
The name Waldenses belongs today to a relatively small

group of evangelical Christians inhabiting a few Alpine'..val-
leys near Turin. But that name evokes memories of an ancient
and honorable ancestry, whose devotion, perseverance, and
suffering under persecution have filled some of the brightest
pages of religious history, and have earned immortality in
Whittier's charming miniatiirp and Mil ton's
But the Waldensians of old were not confined to the Italian val-
leys where live their modern remnant; they were scattered over
Europe among many peoples and in varied circumstances.
Their boundaries are now hard to define, for the name' has
been applied to many groups more or less connected with one
another. And the very name has been a center of bitter dispute
as to whether it points to the origin of that movement in Peter
Waldo and his group of lay preachers called Poor Men of
Lyons.
1. VARIOUS EXPLANATIONS OF ORIGIN.—The whole ques-
tion of Waldensian origins has suffered from a scarcity of source
materials and an excess of controversial bias. The older Prot-
estant historians were led, in their zeal to find in the Waldenses
a visibb- "apostolic succession" from the early church, to take
unsound positions in support of Waldensian antiquity; the
Catholics, on the other hand, zealous for the defense of their
829
830 PROPHETIC FAITH
own apostolicity, made the most of Waldo as the founder in

their efforts to brand the movement as innovation and heresy.
The Roman Catholic controversialist Bossuet contended
that the Waldenses owed their origin to Peter Waldo and had
no existence in any part of the world prior to his time, but
Thomas Bray charged that "it was only the malice of their
enemies, and the desire to blot out the memorial of their an-
tiquity, which made their adversaries impute their origin to
so late a period, and to Peter Waldo."'
The more critical historians, who cared nothing for prov-
ing apostolic succession, either Catholic or Protestant, surveyed
the extant source material. They saw on the one hand the
Waldensian traditions ascribing their origin to the time of
Sylvester and to the apostasy of the church on the occasion of
the apocryphal Donation of Constantine, and on the other the
statements of the Catholic Inquisitors that the Waldenses had
received their name from Peter Waldo, about 1170; conse-
quently, they concluded that the Waldensian heresy was no
older than the name of Waldo, and that the movement began
entirely with his Poor Men of Lyons.
But further research in the field of medieval heresies has
made it clear to many historians that the Waldensians in Italy
are not to be traced back merely to Waldo but to earlier evan-
gelical movements.' The English historian Beard, cataloguing
the Waldenses under the term "Biblical Christians," expresses
it thus:
"The more accurate research of recent years traces the origin of the
Waldenses to a double fountain, the streams from which soon mingled,
and were thenceforth hard to be distinguished. On the one hand, there
were the Vaudois, the 'men of the valleys,' who still hold their ancient
seats in the mountains of Dauphine and Piedmont; on the other, the so-
called 'Poor Men of Lyons,' the followers of Peter Waldo, a rich merchant
1 Jacques-Benigne Bossuet, The History of the Variations of the Protestant Churches, vol.
2, pp. 110, 120; see also Faber, op. cit., p. 464; Thomas Bray, footnote in his translation of
Jean Paul Perrin's Histoire des Vaudois, in History of the Ancient Christians Inhabiting the
Valleys of the Alps, p. 24. This controversy over origins was intense between Archbishop
Ussher (1581-1656) and Bishop Bossuet (1627-1704) in the seventeenth century, and between
S. R. Maitland (1792-1866) and G. S. Faber (1773-1854) and W. S. Gilly (1790-1855) in the
nineteenth century. See also Gilly, Narrative, p. 20.
2 For a survey of sources on Waldensian origins with a chart, see Appendix D.
ANCIENT ROOTS OF THE WALDENSES OF ITALY 831
of that city, who gave himself up to apostolic work and adopted an apostolic
simplicity of living. But the Waldenses, whatever their origin, were from
the first Biblical Christians. They translated the Scriptures into their own
tongue, and expounded them in their natural sense only. They maintained
the universal priesthood of the believer."
But it is not enough to find only two sources. It is clear
that the contemporary documents divide the Waldenses into
two principal branches, the Poor Men of Lyons and the Poor
Men of Lombardy, but they also use other subordinate desig-
nations, some of the older party names. The Italian branch
was complex in itself. Even those who trace the name Wal-
denses to Waldo recognize that his followers combined with
older evangelicals in Italy, and that the movement known
under the name of Waldenses was a fusion of elements from
a number of older groups—such as the Humiliati, the Arnold-
ists, the Petrobrusians, the Apostolicals—who accepted Waldo's
leadership.'
The north Italian Waldenses, with whom those in Aus-
tria, Germany, and Bohemia were more closely connected,
were more independent of the Catholic Church, and differed
tit mitt". icspcds Lulu those ttt Fiance, doubtless on account
of their earlier sources of dissent. This multiple source evi-
dently accounts for the fact that they denied that they origi-
nated in Waldo's Poor Men of Lyons. That is the crux of the
whole problem.
Peter Waldo was obviously not the founder of the churches
of the Piedmont valleys, which were in existence long before
him. We have seen how north Italy had a long tradition of in-
dependence and of evangelical principles which broke forth
into antisacerdotal reactions from time to time. It is in this
sense that the Italian Waldenses were the spiritual descendants
of the earlier evangelicals, of Claudius, of Vigilantius, and of
3 Charles Beard, The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, p. 24.

4 Henry C. Vedder "Origin and Early Teachings of the Waldenses, According to Roman
Catholic Writers in the 'Thirteenth Century," The American :Journal of Theology, July, 1900
(vol. 4, no. 3), pp. 476, 477; Walter F. Adeney, "Waldenses," in Hastings, op. cit., vol. 12,
p. 666; Wilhelm Preger, "Beitrage zur Geschichte der Waldesier im Mittelalter," Abhandlun-
gen der historischen Classe der koniglich bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaf ten, vol. 13,
part I, pp. 209, 211; Davison, op. cit., pp. 237, 252, 253.
832 PROPHETIC FAITH
Jovinian.' Yet they were stirred into action and organized for
aggressive propaganda by Waldo.
2. WALDO BECOMES SOURCE OF NEW MISSIONARY IMPETUS.
—The rich converted merchant of Lyons, PETER WALDO (Val-
des, Valdesius, Waldensis), is credited with founding the Poor
Men of Lyons, whom the Passau Inquisitor specifies as being
called Leonists.° He began his evangelical labors about 1173.
Peter's experience was similar to that of Luther, who, having
finished his course of philosophy at Erfurt, found his whole
life attitude profoundly affected when a stroke of lightning,
in a violent thunderstorm, induced him to withdraw from the
world and enter the Erfurt monastery. The story of Waldo's
conversion is that on some public occasion at Lyons, when the
citizens were gathered together, one of their number suddenly
dropped dead. This made a profound impression upon his
mind, and his contact with a ballad singer who sang of the
piety and voluntary poverty of St. Alexis brought him to a
decision to devote his life to following Christ literally.
Waldo distributed his substance among the poor, and de-
voted himself to the profession of the gospel. Having employed
part of his wealth on the translation of the Scriptures into the
vernacular, he distributed them among his countrymen. He
also enlisted reciters and expounders of these translations, send-
ing them forth as traveling preachers. These Poor Men of
Lyons, when reprimanded for their lay preaching, warned that
God must be obeyed rather than the prelates, and eventually
they came to denounce the Roman church as the Babylon of
the Apocalypse.' The obtaining of the Scriptures gave boldness
and confidence. They could show that they were not advancing
new doctrines but simply adhering to the ancient faith of the
Bible. Forbidden to preach by the archbishop of Lyons, Waldo
5 Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 558, 559, 566.

6 Reineri . . . Contra Waldenses, chap. 5, in MBVP, vol. 25, p. 264; the anonymous
chronicle of Laon, "Ex Chronico Universali Anonymi Laudunensis," entry for 1173, in Mono-
menta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores (hereafter abbreviated to MGH, Scriptores), vol. 26,
p. 447.
7 Reineri . . . Contra Waldenses, in MBVP, vol. 25, pp. 264, 265; see also Faber, op. cit.,
p. 457.
appealed to the pope, Alexander III, who sanctioned the vow
of poverty, but not the unauthorized preaching. Walter Map
(Mapes), a Welsh delegate at the Third Lateran Council, tells
of seeing several deputies of Waldo, who presented portions
of the Scriptures in the "Gallic" tongue to the pope. Unable
to obtain papal authorization to preach, they went forward
without it.°
Finally Waldo and his followers were scattered after they
had been excommunicated and exiled by the archbishop of
Lyons in 1184. Leaving Lyons, Waldo took refuge in Dau-
phine. Persecution forced his retreat to Belgium and Picardy,
and from thence to Germany. Finally he settled in Bohemia,
where he died.'
His followers spread over southern France, Piedmont, and
Lombardy, where they "mingled with other heretics, imbibing
and spreading" the teachings of older sects." Thus the name
Waldenses came to embrace various groups, some more evan-
gelical than the Poor Men of Lyons. Peter's followers became
supporters of the principles of the valleys, and boldly resisted
the corrupt ;""^‘,"^"s of Rome So in "—e Peter's new
French society joined hands with the ancient valley dwellers
of Italy.
Until the days of Peter Waldo the valley dwellers of north
Italy seem not to have moved much from their secluded homes,
save into the lowlands of Turin or Vercelli. Now a new impulse
was given. With the appearance of the Poor Men of Lyons, a
new order of preacher-missionaries was instituted, who instead
of remaining at home from generation to generation, went
forth into the world at large, carrying the gospel aggressively
into every quarter of Europe. Of this powerful missionary
characteristic, there is abundant historical testimony from
their enemies alone—the Passau Inquisitor, Pilichdorf, Map,
8 Laon chronicle, entry for 1178, MGH, Scriptores, vol. 26, p. 449; Walter Map's "De
Nugis Curalium," translated by Montague R. James, pp. 65. 66.
A. de Thou, Jac. Augusti Thuani Historiarum Sut Temporis, vol. 1, book 4, sec. 16,
p. 221; see also J. C. L. Simonde de Sismondi, History of the Crusades Against the Albigenses,
p. XXXII.
10 This is referred to by Stephen of Bourbon, by the proceedings of the Inquisition of
Carcassonne, and by other early sources to be cited in Appendix D.
27
834 PROPHETIC FAITH
Burchard of Ursperg (formerly confused with Conrad of Lich-

tenau), Thuanus, and so forth.' Large numbers of French Wal-
denses, harassed by incessant persecution, migrated into the
valleys of Dauphine and on beyond to dwell with their breth-
ren, but they also continued to go forth into other countries.
3. ANCIENT ITALIAN SECT REVIVED UNDER PETER.—The
comparatively late Poor Men of Lyons were clearly the disciples
of Peter Waldo. But Burchard, provost of Ursperg (d. 1230),
tells, in a chronicle entry for the year 1212 formerly attributed
to Conrad of Lichtenau, that these Poor Men (or Leonists or
Valdenses) had long since sprung up in Italy." This, concludes
Faber, was previous to their becoming celebrated in France
under the impulse of Peter—the Gallican branch springing
out of the parent stock, which had long flourished in the Valdis
(Valden, Vaudra) of the bordering Cottian Alps of northern
Italy."
This accounts for the Passau Inquisitor's language as he
states that the Leonists are of the ancient heretics, older than
either the Arians or the Manichaeans, but that the Poor Men
of Lyons, as well as the members of the older sect, are also
denominated Leonists, and are modern heretics, having been
founded by the opulent merchant of Lyons." Thus in France
the followers of Waldo were no older than he, but the stock
of which they were a continuation reaches back to earlier
times. 'Walter Map in 1182 first mentioned their name, Val-
desians, as connected with their leader Valdes. He had met
some Waldensians at the Third Lateran Council at Rome in
1179."
4. WALDENSES—ONE STOCK WITH MANY BRANCHES.—As
noted, the followers of Waldo mingled with various other
groups, and the name Waldenses covered many local varia-
11 Faber, op. cit., pp. 466-477, in detail; also Morland and Gilly.
12 Burchardi et Cuonradi Urspergensium Chronicon, chronicle of the year 1212, in MGH,
Scriptores, vol. 23, p. 376.
13 Faber, op. cit., pp. 363-365, 460.
is Reineri . . . Contra Waldenses, chaps. 4, 5, in MBVP, vol. 25, p. 264; see also Faber,
op. cit., pp. 460, 461.
15 Walter Map's "De Nugis Curalium," pp. 65, 66.
tions and fusions of evangelical parties. Doubtless some of the

older local names persisted, and that is why their contempo-
raries used different names in describing them. Nevertheless,
the name Waldensians has been rather broadly used by some
writers to designate widely separated groups. Historians of a
century or so ago were inclined to extend the coverage—some-
times correctly, sometimes not—much farther than more mod-
ern writers." Often it is difficult to know whether an appar-
ently farfetched identification is the result of an error, a
linguistic corruption of names, a local popular usage, a term of
ridicule applied by enemies, or even an isolated case of genuine
contact between minor groups of which source evidence is
now lost.
We cannot say, for example, that in a given place there
were not cases of Waldenses and Albigenses mingling or wor-
shiping together, and that sometimes Cathari were not absorbed
into the Waldensian movement. Undoubtedly the two groups
were sometimes confused in the minds of their earlier oppo-
nents, but it must be noted that the Waldenses were distinctly
separated from the dualistic Albigenses or Cathari in the rec-
ords of the Inquisition and, according to one chronicle, even
opposed them "most sharply." " There was, on the other hand,
a definite connection between the older Waldenses and such
late groups as the "Waldensian Brethren," or "Picards"—Bo-
hemian Brethren who had procured ordination from a Wal-
densian bishop, and who undoubtedly absorbed Waldensian
elements. These were called Waldensians by their enemies and
70 Perrin lists the various names by which they were called by their adversaries, as fol-
lows: Waldenses, Albigenses, Chaignards Tramontanes, Josephists, Lollards, Henricians, Es-
peronists, Arnoldists, Smears, Fraticelli, I'nsabbathas, Patarins, Passagenes, Gazares, Turlupins;
likewise, by the countries in which they dwelt: Thoulousians, Lombards, Picards, Lyonists, and
Bohemians. And to make them odious they were charged with confederacy with ancient here-
sies, and called Cathari, Arians, Manichaeans, Gnostics, Adamites, Apostolics. (Perrin, op. cit.,
p. 25; see also Samuel Morland, The History of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys of
Piemont, pp. 12, 13; Antoine Monastier, A History of the Vaudois Church, pp. 51, 52.)
As a term of general reproach it was used as a synonym for misbelief, sorcery, etc. In this
sense Joan of Arc was condemned as a Vaudoise. (Alexis Muston. The Israel of the Alps,
vol. 1, p. 13, n. 1.)
17 See two extracts from the records of the Inquisition at Carcassonne, in Dollinger,
Beitrage, vol. 2, pp. 3, 6, 286, and a specific statement of the difference in the Tractatus of the
Inquisitor David of Augsburg on p. 316 of the same volume (or in Wilhelm Preger, "Der
Tractat des David von Augsburg fiber. der Waldesier," Abhandlungen der historischen Classe der
koniglich bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. 14, part 2, p. 211); also William of
Puy Laurens, Chronique, prologue, p. 206.
836 PROPHETIC FAITH
by Luther, who admired them, and they even used the popular
designation in some of their own writings, as minority groups
often do.18
The ramifications of the Waldenses as they spread over
Europe cannot be fully traced. There were many branches
springing from a common protest—the reaction against the
corruptions of the dominant church—and the absorption by
the Waldenses of members from other groups in various local-
ities probably causes considerable confusion of designations.
In France, because of their voluntary poverty, they were
called Poor Men of Lyons, and in north Italy there were the
Poor Men of Lombardy. In some cases they were nicknamed
in the vernacular, as, for example, siccars, or pickpockets. Be-
cause they did not observe the holy days of the church, it is
said, they were sometimes called Insabbatati."
II. Older Italian Waldenses Form Connecting Link
Although it is frequently stated that the Waldenses sepa-

rated themselves from Rome, it would be more accurate from
their point of view to say that Rome, degenerating, gradually
departed from the original principles of the church maintained
by the proto-Waldenses long before Peter Waldo of Lyons.
They continued for centuries without a separation from Rome,
until Rome attempted to force her errors. Then they "went
out of Babylon." In her attempt to sustain the claim of un-
changeableness and antiquity, Rome has resorted to the con-
1, See page 853.

ie Though some think this term refers to a kind of slipper they wore as a distinguishing
mark, others dissent, especially the older investigators. Eberhard of Bethune says they are called
Xabatatenses, from xabatata, referring to shoes (MBVP, vol. 24, p. 1572) but Monastier cites
Natalis Alexandre as saying that they were thus named because they "celebrate no sabbath or
feast-days, and do not discontinue their work on the days consecrated among the [Roman]
Catholics to Christ, the blessed virgin, and the saints." (Monastier, op. cit., p. 51.) Perrin says:
"The Waldenses rejected the Romish festivals, and observed no other day of rest than Sunday;
whence they were named Ìnsabbathas,' regarders not of the Sabbaths." (Perrin, op. cit., book 1,
chap. 3, p. 25.) They generally disregarded the church's festival days, considering them to be
man-made, except perhaps Christmas Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost. (Citations in Comba,
op. cit., pp. 283-285.) On the other band, most of them kept Sunday (ibid., pp. 283-286 and
note 1179, p. 355) because they regarded it as based on the fourth commandment. And there
were those classed as Waldenses in the broader sense—the Passagii and some among the
"Waldensian Brethren," or Picards, of Bohemia—who took that commandment quite literally
and observed the seventh day of the week (extracts in Dellinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, pp. 327, 662).
tention that the Waldenses were late innovators, thus denying

the Vaudois contention that they are the spiritual link that
unites evangelical Protestantism with the teachings of the
primitive church, just as she claims that Protestantism is with-
out credentials or antiquity—as but of yesterday, forsaking the
mother church by a revolution, miscalled a reformation. But
the Waldensian principles of doctrine and worship were those
which antedated papal ritualism and error.
1. TRADITION OF DISSENT FROM ROME.—In north Italy,
as noted, evangelical tendencies were repeatedly coming to the
surface. That ecclesiastical independence of the ancient see of
Milan, built up by Ambrose, enabled that region to remain a
haven for the preservation of greater purity of faith and
worship. There, in the Cottian Alps, Vigilantius found a hear-
ing for his protest against growing superstition, and there
Claudius, later attacking the worship of images, was accused of
rPviving th e There flonri.hed reform-
ing and schismatic groups proud of their ancient heritage of
freedom.
That thc older Ii-ombardian Waldenses reached I-Jack aS a
connecting line to Claude of Turin, and even to Vigilantius
before him, is the considered conviction of various investiga-
tors. Thus A. H. Newman makes Claudius "a connecting link"
between these early Reformers and the evangelicals of the
twelfth century.' The Waldenses are by several clearly con-
nected with the antecedents Peter de Bruys and Henry of Lau-
sanne. Waldo's followers simply became the rallying point for
other earlier groups, such as the Petrobrusians, Arnoldists, and
Humiliati. These became fused together, and this union even-
tuated in a great spiritual and missionary impulse that nothing
could check.
2. PRE-WALDO ROOTS OF WALDENsEs.—Much of the early
Waldensian testimony as to their antiquity and origin was ad-
mittedly destroyed in the dark days of papal persecution. But
20 Albert H. Newman, op. cit., vol. I, p. 558.

WALDENSIAN COLLEGE, TORRE PELLICE, AT ENTRANCE TO VALLEYS
Beautiful for Situation, This Waldensian College Is Nestled Conveniently on the Slopes of the
Foothills Which Merge Into the Alpine Peaks With Their Eternal Snows (Upper); Statue of
Henri Arnaud, Leader of the Glorious Return in 1690, With Waldensian Library at Right (Lower)
sufficient evidence remains, coupled with the attesting witness

and candid admission of their enemies, to constitute satisfying
evidence of their pre-Waldo rootage in northern Italy. An
analysis of the available contemporary source statements of the
twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries is rather
technical for inclusion in the running text of this chapter. It
is therefore given in detail with source references in Appendix
D, and is there visualized by means of an analytical chart.
The sources naturally comprise the only fair basis for a sound
conclusion. The opinions of authorities are interesting and
helpful, but they are not decisive. Too often prejudice or bias
or ecclesiastical leaning overbalances evidence.
III. Organization and Missionary Ministry
The Italian and French Waldenses, united during Waldo's

lifetime, did 'not long remain in one body. The French Wal-
denses regarded him as the founder of the whole sect, but the
Lombards had a slightly different form of organization and
retained their own ideas on the Eucharist—that it was invalid
if administered by an unworthy priest. Further, they did
as did the French, eschew manual labor. After an attempted
reconciliation in a conference at Bergamo in 1218, the two
groups went their separate ways for a long time."
"The French Waldenses were still afraid of schism; for fear of the
church they feared to cross the Rubicon. Their brethren in Milan, on the
contrary, had learned in a good school that conciliation was a snare. They
could not consent to a protest without issue, and they were not far from
anticipating that separation which was to take place in the days of the
Reformation." ==
1. INFLUENCE PENETRATES SURROUNDING COUNTRIES.—In
Italy the Waldensian witnesses against the corruptions of Rome
were spread over the towns of Lombardy, and in Naples, Sicily,
Genoa, and Calabria. They had regular correspondence with
brethren in other countries. Waldensian believers were dis-
2,- David S. Schaff, op. cit., part I, pp. 497, 498.
Comba, op. cit., p. 72.
840 PROPHETIC FAITH
persed in not only Italy but Austria, Switzerland, Germany,

Hungary, Poland, Moravia, and Bohemia. Their principal cen-
ter, however, was at Milan.' Later, after persecution increased,
the center was in the Alpine valleys, for persecution did not
become drastic there until the beginning of the fourteenth cen-
tury, and the worst came after the Reformation."
In view of the claims of the Waldenses to being the true
church, with a valid ministry and organization, it is necessary
briefly to survey the qualifications of that ministry, and the
efficacy of that organization as it functioned in the valleys of
northern Italy.
2. TRAINING SCHOOL IN SECLUSION OF PRA DEL TOR.—The
Waldensian ministers, or pastors, were called barbes, or barbas,
which was a title of affectionate respect, originally meaning
"uncle." There was once a training center in Lombardy, but
there remain to this day the traces of a school of -the barbes at
Pra del Tor, in Piedmont, behind the well-nigh inaccessible
pass of the secluded Angrogna Valley,' which served the three-
fold purpose of citadel, college, and meeting place of the annual
synod. There the encircling mountains shut out the world,
fostered habits of contemplation and study, and opposed every-
thing soft and yielding.' One of the old stone table tops around
which the young missionary-pastors sat as they studied and
transcribed the Word of God can still be seen by the visitor to
Pra del Tor, as reproduced on page 838. And the old stone foun-
dations of the ancient training school are still pointed out.
There was also a large cavern in the mountainside, which some-
times served as a lecture room.
From this sanctuary, one of the most secluded spots of
Europe, the intrepid young preachers sallied forth upon their
sacred missions, crossing the Alps, the Apennines, and the Pyr-
enees to spread the evangelical message which afterward came
23 Ibid., pp. 73-75, 66.

"David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, pp. 498, 499.
25 Morland, op. cit., p. 178; Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 18.
26 Monastier op. cit., pp. 93, 94; Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 18.
21 Gilly, Waidensian Researches, p. 438.
to fruitage in the Reformation." This preaching undoubtedly

paved the way for Huss, Luther, and Calvin.'
3. WELL-ROUNDED TRAINING PRECEDES ORDINATION.—
These young men were painstakingly trained, with the Scrip-
tures as their basic study and text. They were required to mem-
orize whole Gospels and Epistles—particularly Matthew and
John, some of the general Epistles and some from Paul, with
parts of David, Solomon, and the prophets." Printing not yet
being known, a part of their time was spent in laboriously copy-
ing portions of the Scriptures by hand, which they were later
to distribute when they scattered over Europe as missionaries.
Each transcribed copy must serve many, because of the difficult
task of reproduction.
This period of instruction, occurring in the first two or
three years, was followed by a similar period of retirement and
further study, before they were set apart to holy ministry by
the laying on of hands." Not until then were they qualified to
administer the Word and the sacraments." During this period
they were also instructed in Latin, their own Romance vernac-
ular, and Italian; " they likewise learned some trade or profes-,
sion, so as to provide for their own wants, particularly when
traveling."
Many of these youth became proficient in the healing art,
as physicians and surgeons. Morland throws an illuminating
word on their combining of medical and missionary work, as
well as on the breadth of their general training.
"Those Barbes who remained at home in the Valleys, (besides their
officiating and labouring in the work of the Ministry) took upon them the
disciplining and instructing of the youth (especially those who were ap-
pointed for the Ministry) in Grammer, Logick, Moral Philosophy, and Di-
vinity. Moreover the greatest part of them gave themselves to the study
28 Gilly, Narrative, p. 255.

Comba, op. cit., p. 80.
so Perrin, op. cit., p. 238. Art. II, "Concerning Pastors or Ministers," from an early
Waldensian Discipline of the Valles, Churches of Piedmont, gives a comprehensive statement
of training, duties, and privileges. Morland, op. cit., pp. 73, 74.
al Perrin, op. cit., p. 238; Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 19.
32 Article. IX in Confession of 1508, in Morland, op. cit., p. 51.
Muston, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 19, 20.
34 ibid., p. 19.
842 PROPHETIC FAITH
and practise of Physick, and Chirurgery [surgery]; and herein they excelled
(as their Histories tell us) to admiration, thereby rendring themselves
most able and skilfull Physicians both of soul and body. Others of them
likewise dealt in divers Mechanick Arts, in imitation of St. Paul, who was
a Tent-maker, and Christ himself."
4. EMERGED TO FILL A MANY-SIDED MINISTRY.—When

their training was over, and after certification of character "—
for only true men were to be consecrated to the office—they
-were set apart to the ministry by the imposition of hands, and
any who later fell into gross sin were expelled from the church
and the preaching office." Very few pastors were married; as a
rule they were not, so as to be free for travel.'
Sometimes these young barbes, after their training, entered
the great universities of Europe to propagate quietly their evan-
gelical truths, many being expert dialecticians." In their min-
istry they preached, visited the sick far and near, administered
the two sacraments of baptism and the Lord's supper, and in-
structed the children. In this they were assisted by laymen. In
their communities they had a considerable number of schools."
They also had a form of oral confession, for the comfort of
those who sought their advice, but the Waldensian did not,
like the priest, say, "I absolve thee," but "God absolve thee
from thy sins." The barbes served as arbiters in disputes,
and disciplined the unruly, even to excommunication." If
problems could not be handled locally, they were brought be-
fore the synod.'
In their public worship the congregation often prayed in
unison just before and after the sermon." They sang "hymns
and paraphrases," though most of their singing was outside of
35 Morland, op. cit., p. 183. This must have represented the peak; the training in Ref-
ormation times was more elementary, according to Barbe Morel.
33 Perrin, op. cit., p. 238; Monastier, op. cit., p. 92.
37 Georges Morel, Letter to Oecolampadius, translated in Comba, op. cit., pp. 290, 291;
Perrin, op. cit., p. 238; Monastier, op. cit., p. 92.
Monastier, op. cit., p. 94; Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 20; art. 19 of 1508 "Confes-
sion," in Morland, op. cit., p. 57; Morel, quoted in Comba, op. cit., p. 290.
33 Wylie, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 29.
Gilly, Narrative, p. 211; Perrin, op. cit., p. 112.
41 Comba, op. cit., pp. 266, 267, and, quoting Morel's letter, 291.
42 Perrin, op. cit., p. 239.
43 William Beattie, The Waldenses, p. 60.
44 Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 20.
the church service." They used no prayers of the church except

the Lord's prayer. And the Bible was freely recited in the ser-
mons of the barbes.
5. ANNUAL SYNOD DIRECTS ALL PASTORS AND MISSION-
ARIES.—An annual synod," or general assembly, usually held in
September," was composed of all the barbes available, with an
equal number of laymen--sometimes as many as 150 each. A
frequent place of meeting was the same secluded, mountain-
encircled valley of Angrogna. These synods were presided over
by a general director, with the title of president or moderator,
who was named at each synod." There was no hierarchal dis-
tinction, only the recognition of age, service, and ability." And
they themselves chose the leaders who were to govern them.'
At these synods young men were examined, and those that -
appeared qualified were admitted to the ministry. Those who
were to travel to distant places or churches, usually by turn,
were designated. As a rule these missions were for two years,
but one did not return until another had taken his- 'place."
Similarly, at the synod, changes of pastoral residence in the
valleys or distant churches were made, the pastors commonly--
being changed or exchanged every two or three years." The
barbes never attempted important tasks without the advice and
consent of their leaders." Regid.ors (elders) were chosen to col-
lect alms and offerings, these being taken to the general synod
for distribution, for the barbes serving as pastors were usually
supported by voluntary contributions—that is, their food and
clothing were supplied.' Here also the condition of their vari-
ous parishes was reported, and plans were laid for coming years,
and assignments made for various posts.
Ibid• Beattie, op. cit. p. 99.

Moriand, op. cit., p.85; Gilly, Narrative, pp. 209, 210; Perrin, op. cit., p. 239.
di Pierre Gilles, Historie ecclesiastique des 4lises ref ormiies, ricueillies en quelques amides
de Piedmont, chap. 2.
" Muston, op. ci'., t, p. 20..
49 Monastier, op. cit., p. 93.
Morland, op. cit., p. 74.
ei Monastier, op. cit., p. 93.
52 Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 20; Morel's letter, q uoted in Comba, op. cit., p. 290.
53 Gilles, op. cit., p. 16; Perrin, op. cit., p. 238; Morland, op. cit., p. 74.
'4 Monastier, op. cit., pp. 92-94; Acland, op. cit., p. lxxx; Perrin, op. cit., p. 238; Mor-
land, op. cit., p. 74.
844 PROPHETIC FAITH
6. ALL WERE MISSIONARIES TRAINED IN EVANGELISM.—

The Waldenses were evangelistic as well as evangelical. They
were a missionary group, not only maintaining the light in
their own mountain retreats, but carrying it throughout Eu-
rope. Each barbe was required to serve as a missionary, and to
be initiated into the "delicate duties" of evangelism. This train-
ing was secured under the guidance of an older minister, bur-
dened to train his younger associate aright.' It was an old law
of the church that before becoming eligible as a barbe to a
home charge, a man should serve a term as missionary, and the
prospect of possible martyrdom was ever set before him.
The missionaries visited scattered companies of Wal-
denses; but their chief work was to evangelize. They spread
out in every direction—into Italy, France, Spain, England,
Germany, Bohemia, Poland, and even Bulgaria and Turkey'
Their paths were marked with congregations of worshipers and
with the stakes of martyrdom; we can trace their principal sta-
tions by the light of the blazing piles."
The Catholic Bernard of Fontcaud bitterly complained
that they "continued to pour forth, with daring effrontery, far
and wide, all over the world, the poison of their perfidy." Be-
fore the Inquisition closed in on them they engaged in public
debates with the Catholics." They were cast in heroic mold.
Later they went forth, concealing their real mission under
the guise of merchants, artisans, physicians, or peddlers of rare
articles obtainable only at distant marts, such as silks or jewels.
Thus they had opportunity to vend without money or price,
the Word of God, always carrying with them portions of the
Scriptures, usually their own transcriptions. The well-known
story of distributing the Bible among the higher classes, in the
55 Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 19. 20; Monastier, op. cit., p. 100.
66 Valerian Krasinski, Historical.Sketch of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of the Refor-
mation in Poland," vol. I, p. 53. Sep also Jean Leger, Htstoire ginerale Mises ivangeliques des
vallies de Piemont, book 2, pp. 336,337; Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 385.
Comba op. cit., pp. 74 75.
Bernard of Fontcaud, Adversus Waldensium Sectam, in MBVP, vol. 24, p. 1585. See
translation in Monastier, op. cit., p. 101.
Comba, op. cit., pp. 47, 54, 55.
guise of peddlers of jewels, comes to us from the Passau In-

quisitor.' The coarse woolen garments and naked feet of the
peddler were in sharp contrast to the priestly purple and fine
linen.
Whittier has beautifully pictured the scene:
'0 lady fair, these silks of mine are beautiful and rare,—
The richest web of the Indian loom, which beauty's queen might wear;
And my pearls are pure as thy own fair neck, with whose radiant light
they vie:
I have brought them with me a weary way,—will my gentle lady buy?'
"'O lady fair, I have yet a gem which a purer lustre flings,
Than the diamond flash of the jewelled crown on the lofty brow of kings;
A wonderful pearl of exceeding price, whose virtue shall not decay,
Whose light shall be as a spell to thee and a blessing on thy way!' "
IV. Persecution Follows Control of Secular Powers

When Rome was climbing, first to legally recognized head-
ship of all the churches, and later to mastery of the nations,
her hands were full. But time cared for that. As Rome's power
grc'w rlissPnt incrPsPd and relncequpntly the Tnquicitinn wya c
established early in the thirteenth century. Then as the Scrip-
tures in the vernacular came to be made available to the people
by the Waldenses, and as the developed and revealed character
of the Papacy was openly exposed as the fulfillment of inspired
prediction, Rome was stirred to her very depths against these
thorns in her side. Having at last achieved power over the na-
tions as well as the churches, together with the instruments of
coercion, she turned the full force of the secular arm upon the
Waldensian and other "heretics" in a relentless attempt to sub-
due or to annihilate them. Thus Rome, unwilling to tolerate
these burning and shining lights, loosed her fury upon them,
and sought to put out the torches that flamed amid the papal
darkness of apostasy. It was relentless warfare.
Reineri . . . Contra Waldenses, in MBVP, vol. 25, p. 273. See translations in Monas-
tier, op. cit., pp. 101-103, and Comba, op. cit., py 278-280.
John Greenleaf Whittier, "The Vaudois Teacher," The Complete Poetical Works of
Sohn Greenleaf Whittier, p. 3.
846 PROPHETIC FAITH
"Unfortunately, the Inquisition also was spreading everywhere on
their track, putting out, one by one, the torches that were gleaming in the
darkness. . . . With all that a light does still hold on to burn upon yonder
'Alpine-altar.' " "
As the Waldensian expansion was checked by persecution
in various parts of Europe, some gave up, some betrayed their
brethren, some died for their faith, and some were driven un-
derground, to a measure of outward conformity cloaking their
secret faith. Many attended church occasionally to avert suspi-
cion—perhaps muttering imprecations instead of prayers—
went to the priest for marriages and baptisms, but met secretly
with their brethren and received the ministrations of the trav-
eling Waldensian missionaries.°
As persecution increased, many evangelical witnesses re-
tired from the plains of Lombardy to the wilderness of inac-
cessible seclusion in the Piedmontese Alps and the near-by
mountainous parts of France. There they remained hidden,
though active in the more populous sections. Nowhere was
there more steady, long-continued, and successful opposition
to Rome than there, where evangelical truth had had a succes-
sion of witnesses, dating back before the great apostasy. It was
there that the true "church in the wilderness" found one of
her retreats, while most of Christendom was bound under the
dominion of the papal church.
1. INDEPENDENCE OF ROME MAINTAINED IN ALPINE FAST-
NESSES.—The province of Piedmont is so named because it is
situated ad pedes montium, or "pie d'mont," at the foot of the
mountains—the Alps which separate Italy from France. The
plains of Piedmont are studded with towns and villages. And
behind them rises this mountain range in sublime grandeur,
with glacier summits, and masses of granite sometimes rent in
two, creating vast chasms through which racing cataracts pour.
Here, within this rampart of mountains, amid the wildest and
most secluded Alpine fastnesses—which God had prepared in
62 Combo, op. cit., p. 80.

Ibid., p. 158.
advance and over which He had watched—the remnarcelhof the
evangelical church of Italy maintained its independence of the
spreading Roman apostasy, and held aloft that lamp which con-
tinued to burn through the long night that descended upon
Christendom. And as a lamp gathers brightness in proportion
to the deepening darkness, so the uplifted. torch of the moun-
tain dwellers became increasingly conspicuous as the night of
papal darkness deepened.
When God has a special work for a people to do He often
makes their outward environment favorable to its performance.
So it was with the Jews in Palestine, at the crossroads of the
nations. And thus it was also with the Waldenses in their
mountain fastnesses between Italy and France. In mountainous
districts men cling longest to old customs and faiths, and are
least affected by the changing world about; so these Alpine
fastnesses formed a retreat in which the faith could be pre-
served. At the same time their central location afforded access
both 1101111 and south, and east and west.
2. WALDENSIAN VALLEYS NEAR OLD ROMAN ROAD.—The
valleys occupied by the 'Waldenses lay not far from the old
Roman road leading over the passes of the Cottian Alps, the
principal ancient line of communication between the primitive
churches of northern Italy and southern France. It would have
been the route followed by Paul if he journeyed overland from
Rome to Spain. Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, who was sent to
Rome to report the state of the Gallic church, perhaps trod
this mountain path. Ambrose, who made repeated journeys
from Italy to Gaul, must have passed near here." Its location
was strategic.
The Councils of Arles (314), Milan (346-354), Aquileia
(381), and Turin (397) all called for the use of this celebrated
mountain pass. Bergier's outline of the route " makes it clear
that it would have been possible for messengers and pilgrims
Gilly, Waldensian Researches, pp. 49.56.

63 Nicolas Bergier, Histoire des grands chemins de l'empire romain, book 3, pp. 452-
455, 467-471.
848 PROPHETIC FAITH
431r
journeying between Italy and France, Spain, and Britain to be
brought into near contact with the inhabitants of these valleys
by means of the road, which was from early times the principal
and central pass into Gaul.' Thus the country of the Waldenses
lay near a historic path of vital European travel.
A well-nigh impregnable fortress had thus been provided,
in the purpose and providence of God, in the very center of
Roman Christendom. This made both for protection and for
persecution. Even from the top of the famous cathedral of
Milan a magnificent view may be had, on a clear day, of the
Alps of Piedmont, among the highest in Europe, stretching
east and west as far as the eye can see. Approached from the
south, across the plains, the Alps rise like a barrier chain in the
background, stretching like a great wall of towering magnifi-
cence along the horizon. Some summits shoot up like spires;
others resemble massive castles. Forests nestle at their base and
mantle their slopes, while eternal snows and glaciers crown
their summits. And the setting sun touches with gold their
crowded peaks, until they glow like torches and burn like a
wall of fire along the sky line.
Here, among these mountains, lie the Waldensian valleys
that run up into narrow, elevated gorges, winding among the
steeps and piercing the clouds that hover around the Alpine
peaks—the mountain temple of the Vaudois, often crimsoned
in those memorable days of old with the blood of martyrs.
These were the long-time refuge and the home of the Israel of
the Alps."
3. INTERRELATED VALLEYS FORM FORTRESS OF AMAZING
DESIGN.—These Piedmontese valleys where the Waldenses long
flourished, and still live, are seven in number, separated by high
mountain ridges. The first three run out like the spokes of a
wheel, from the hub. These are the Luserna, or Valley of Light,
6° Ammianus Marcellinus, op. cit., book 15, chap. 10, secs. 3-8, in Loeb Classical Library,
Ammianus Marcellinus, vol. 1, pp. 183, 185.
67 Many impressive descriptions of the valleys have been penned—such as in Morland,
Gilly, Muston, Wylie, and Beattie—and they are here epitomized, augmented by the writer's
personal observations in the valleys.
enclosed by a wall of mountains; the Rora, or Valley of Dews,

like a vast cup, fifty miles in circumference, with the rim
formed of craggy peaks; and the Angrogna, or Valley of Groans,
the innermost sanctuary of all, which will be especially noted.
Beyond that lie four others forming the rim of the half wheel
and enclosed by a line of lofty mountains that constitute a com-
mon wall of defense around the entire territory. Each valley
is a fortress with its own entry and exit, its caves and mighty
rocks. But these valleys are so related that one opens into the
other, forming a network of fortresses. They constitute a rough
triangle—a fan-shaped group of valleys resting against the giant
Alps. Experts declare that the highest engineering skill could
scarcely have better adapted the several valleys so as to form a
fortress of amazing strength. It is impossible to survey the
scene and not perceive the trace of providential design plainly
stamped upon it.
No• other spot in Europe was so adapted to protection as
this mountain home of the Waldenses. Strongholds and inac-
cessible glens, through which no stranger could find his way,
fnrmerl an acylnm fortifier) by the God of natnre The en-
trance to each is guarded by mountain ranges, perpendicular
rocks, mountain peaks, and frightful precipices, and escape is
provided through a labyrinth of paths, forests, rocky beds of
torrents, and caverns. Impenetrable mists frequently settle
down over all like an obscuring blanket. Thus were the Wal-
densians preserved from destruction in the times of persecution.
The Waldensian writer Leger states:
"The Eternal, our God, having destined this land to be in a special
way the theatre of His marvels, and the haven of His ark, has by natural
means most marvelously fortified it." Gs
4. WALDENSIAN AND CATHOLIC CHURCHES SYMBOLIZE CON-

TRASTING DIFFERENCES.—TO the traveler approaching from
Turin toward the town of -forre Pellice, there opens an im-
pressive mountain portal—the entry to the Waldensian ten-i-
os Translated from Leger, op. cit., book 1, p. 3.

MILAN CATHEDRAL AND PANORAMA OF WALDENSIAN VALLEYS
Topographical Sketch of Geographical Layout of Waldensian Valleys, With Traditional Portrait
of Peter Waldo, as Inset (tipper); Multi-spired Gothic Cathedral of Milan, From the High Tower
of Which the Snow-capped Piedmontese Alps Can Be Seen in the Distance on a Clear Day (Lower)
tory. A low hill in front serves as a defense, while behind it rises

the great Mont Vandelin, upon whose slopes, shooting up like
a stupendous monolith, is Castelluzzo, like a sentinel standing
guard at the gate of this renowned region. It irresistibly fills
850
ANCIENT ROOTS OF THE WALI)ENSES OF ITALY 851
the eye, and is hallowed by the memory of its countless martyrs,

for from its top Waldenses were hurled to their death. On a
hill to the right are the ivy-clad ruins of the old Catholic fort,
built to overawe the inhabitants. Here, in the Middle Ages,
stood a high tower from which the town derives its name—
Torre meaning "tower."
Torre Pellice is the present headquarters of the Walden-
sian valleys, and the present Catholic and Waldensian churches
of the town symbolize the contrasting differences. The Roman
church exhibits a large picture of the Virgin Mary pointing to
a very material-looking heart, with the words below, "Refu-
gium peccatorum" (Refuge of sinners); whereas the text over
the door of the Waldensian church reads, "This is life eternal,
that they might know thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ,.
whom thou hast sent." John 17:3. And the basic difference in
outlook is likewise illustrated by the texts outside the respec-
tive cemeteries. The Waldensian has, "The dead in Christ shall
rise" (1 Tess. 4:16); the Catholic has, "The small and the
great are there, and the servant free from his master" (Job
3:19, from the Vulgate)_
5. MISSIONARY TRAINING COLLEGE AT PRA DEL TOR.—Far
up in the heart of these mountains was situated the Angrogna
Valley retreat, called Pra del Tor, walled in by virtually im-
penetrable peaks. Here their barbes, or pastors, met in annual"'
synod, as we have seen. And here was the site of their ancient
college, where their missionaries were trained, and after or-
dination were sent forth to other lands to sow the gospel seed.
Its secluded position, and the ease with which it could be de-
fended, made it a mighty fortress in times of persecution, and
the scene of many a fierce combat at its entrance. A bleak, un-
scalable mountain runs directly across the entrance to the val-
ley, through which some great convulsion of nature has rent
a fissure from top to bottom—a deep, dark, narrow chasm
through which the Angrogna torrent pours.
Entering this dark chasm, one must proceed along a nar-
row ledge on the mountain's side, hung halfway between the
852 PROPHETIC FAITH
torrent thundering in the abyss below and the summits that

tower above. Journeying thus for two miles, till the passage
widens, one arrives at the gates of the Pra. There, opening into
a circular valley, is this inner sanctuary of the Waldenses, re-
served for the true worship of God, while most of Italy was
venerating images. Thus it was that Rome had before its very
eyes a perpetual witness of the early faith from which it had
departed. Here the Waldensian church—hidden in the "wil-
derness" of her mountain fortresses in the "place" prepared
for her, where "the earth" helped the symbolic "woman"—en-
tered her "chambers" and, shutting the "doors" of the ever-
lasting hills about her, kept her lamp alight amid the bulwarks
of impregnable rocks and eternal snows. It has been aptly said
of this Alpine refuge:
"The Supreme Architect formed it, sinking its foundations deep in
the earth and rearing high its bulwark. He stored it with food, placed His
witnesses in it, and bade them keep their mountain citadel inviolate and
their lamp of truth unquenched."
V. The Waldenses and the Reformation
But returning to the narrative, we find that the passing of

time brought other voices into the chorus of dissent. The trou-
badours of the Middle Ages joined with the Waldenses in con-
demning the iniquities of the church." The Joachimites and
their offshoots denounced the corruptions of the ecclesiastics,
and Dante added his voice. It is curious that the early gleams
of the revival of letters in the time of Petrarch .shone on Cala-
bria, one of the sections of Italy where the Vaudois had found
an asylum.' Whatever we may think of the argument for a
Waldensian origin of Wyclif's doctrines," it is certain that the
seeds sown broadcast in Germany helped to prepare the way
for the spread of the Reformation, and that the Bohemian
evangelical faith owed a great debt to the Waldenses.
89 McCrie, op. cit., p. 20.

" Ibid., p. 14.
41 Arland, op. cit., p. xliv.
1. THE WALDENSIANS AND THE BOHEMIAN BRETHREN.—
Comenius, a Bohemian bishop, tells how, about 1450, before
the Reformation, certain Hussite separatists, followers of Peter
Chekicky, in their anxiety to have their pastors ordained by
those who had continued in purity from the apostles, sent
three preachers to Stephen, a bishop of the Vaudois. And
Stephen, with others officiating, conferred the vocation and or-
dination upon three Bohemian candidates by the imposition
of hands. Although there was no organic affiliation with the
main body of Waldenses, there was a fusion of Waldensian
elements in these Bohemian and Moravian Brethren. They
were spoken of as Picards, Waldensian Brethren, or simply
Waldensians, by their contemporaries, both friends and foes,
and even mentioned the commonly known terms by way of
identification in some of their own publications."
The Waldenses were repeatedly recopized as connecting
links between the early and the Reformation churches by both
the Reformers and the pre-Reformation leaders. This line of
transmission has been epitomized in this way:
"Thus in the. Iv'alleys of Pie....,. Claudius Arch-Bishc.T, of Turin,
and he to his Disciples, and they to their succeeding Generations in the
ninth and tenth Centuries: in another part of the World, Bertram to
Berengarius; Berengarius to Peter Brus, Peter Brus to Waldo, Waldo again
to Dulcinus, Dulcinus to Gandune and Marsilius, they to Wickleif, Hus
and Jerome of Prague, and their Schollars the Thaborites to Luther and
Calvin." "
When the Lutheran Reformation broke upon the world,
the Waldenses, who had been virtually hounded from the face
of Europe, and remained only in the Alps in any number,
awoke from their sleep and stretched out their hands to their
comrades in other lands. Now they could come forth openly
and complete their break with Rome. They wrote to the Re-
comba, op. it., pp. 79, 80; Josef Mueller, "Bohemian Brethren," The New Schaff-
Herzog, vol. 2, p. 214; see Catholic documents in Dollinger, Beitriige, vol. 2, nos. LIX,
pp. 635-641, 661-664; Martin Luther foreword to a work by these Brethren entitled Rechen-
schalt des Glauberts, der Dienste und Cerernonien der Briider Bohmen und Mahren, in Dr.
Martin Luthers Sammtliche Schriften (Welch ed.), vol. 14, cols. 334, 335 and footnote. In the
full title of this last-named work, given in the footnote, these "Brethren in Bohemia and
Moravia" add the fact that they are also called, by some, Picards or Waldenses.
73 Morland, op. cit., sig. Asv.
854 PROPHETIC FAITH
formers, giving account of themselves and asking questions.

"When the sun of the Reformation arose, the Waldensian light was
shining still, if not as brightly, at least as purely as in the past; but in the
presence of the new sun, it might well appear to have grown paler. Morel
testifies to this with childlike simplicity, and an ingenuous joyful expecta-
tion, which recalls that of the prophets of old: 'Welcome! blessed be thou,
my Lord,' he writes to the Basle reformer; 'we come to thee from a far
off country, with hearts full of joy, in the hope and assurance that,
through thee, the Spirit of the Almighty will enlighten us.' " "
2. CHAMFORANS CONFERENCE OF WALDENSES AND REFORM-

ERS.—Upon learning of the progress of the Reformation in
Switzerland and Germany, the Vaudois of Piedmont rejoiced
in the returning of this large group to the Word of God, and
hastened to gather information concerning them. In 1526 they
sent Barbe Martin, of Luserna, who brought back certain
printed books of the Reformers." In 1530 they deputed other
barbes, including Georges Morel and Pierre Masson, to visit
and confer with the Reformers at Basel and Strasburg, and to
present in Latin a statement of their beliefs and practices."
They had several long conferences with Oecolampadius, Bucer,
and others, asking many questions on the positions of the Re-
formers, and rejoicing in the evangelical answers given.
In 1532, two years after the Augsburg Confession, a great
six-day synod, or assembly, was held at Chamforans, in the Pied-
montese valley of Angrogna, attended by representatives of the
Vaudois of Italy and France, and by the French Switzerland
representatives, Farel, Olivetan, and Saunier, who rejoiced that
the Israel of the Alps had proved faithful to their trust." This
meeting of the two churches—the old and the new—brought
new life and hope to the Waldenses.
3. FRENCH BIBLE THEIR GIFT TO REFORMATION.—During
this synod the Waldenses drew up a short "confession of faith,"
as Comba, op. cit., p. 159.

Monastier, op. cit., p. 141.
rs Morland, op. cit., p. 185. See Georges Morel. Letter to Oecolampadius, in A. Wilh.
Dieckhoff, Die Waldenses in Mittelalter, pp. 363-369. For a discussion of the letters of Georges
Morel and Pierre Masson to Oecolampadius and Bucer, and their replies, see J. H. Todd, The
Books of the Vaudois, pp. 8-20.
Adeney, op. cit., p. 668; Wylie, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 447, 448.
to supplement their older confessions." Examining Vaudois

manuscripts of the Old and New Testaments in the vernacular
Romaunt, the Reformed representatives urged that the whole
Bible be made available in French through a printed transla-
tion. To this the Vaudois agreed, as their own books were only
in manuscript." Pierre Robert, called Olivetan—one of the del-
egates from Switzerland—was appointed to superintend the
translation. For this he retired to a remote village in the valleys.
The preface bears date of the seventh of February, 1535, and
is sent forth "from the Alps." This Bible, printed in Gothic
characters at Neuchatel, Switzerland, and costing the Vaudois
1,500 golden crowns, was their gift to the Reformation."
VI. Massacre of 1655 Arouses British Investigation

The adherence of the Waldenses to the Reformation at the
Chamforans Synod of 1532 drew upon them the eyes of the
Roman Curia and led to action. But the armed expeditions of
1534 and 1560-61 were successfully hurled back. This led to
treaties and a period of relative tranquillity. However the So-
ciety for the Propagation of the Faith, established by Gregory
XV in 1622, included among its objectives the "Extirpation of
Heretics." In 1650 a branch was established at Turin.' The
tranquillity ended in the "Bloody Easter" massacre of the Pied-
mont, in 1655, which aroused the British to energetic inter-
vention.
By an edict authorized by the duke of Savoy (who was also
Prince of Piedmont), dated January 25, 1655, all Waldenses
were ordered to become Catholics or give up their property
and leave the best portion of their valleys within a few days,
under pain of death—and that in the dead of Alpine winter.
On April 17, 15,000 of Pianezza's troops marched in, and on the
24th the terrible atrocities began. Butchery, torture, and en-
78 Monastic:, op. cit., pp. 146-148; Wylie, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 448; Leger, op. cit., book 1,
p. 95.
7. Perrin, op. cit., p. 82.
8. Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 100, 101.
sl Leger, op. cit., part 2, chap. 6, pp. 72, 73; Wylie, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 449-481.
856 PROPHETIC FAITH
slavement was the dreadful fate. The battles continued on into

May, June, July, when an army of 1,800 invested La Torre.
Lofty Mount Castelluzzo, standing sentry at the entrance to
the valleys, with its base covered with forests, and its peak a
mass of precipitous rock, had a cave, high on its face, into which
hundreds of Waldenses fled, only to be trapped by their perse-
cutors, dragged forth, and rolled down the awful precipice.
Thus Castelluzzo became a giant Waldensian martyr monu-
ment."
1. BLOODY EASTER INSPIRED MILTON'S POWERFUL SONNET.
—It was the horrors of this spot that impelled the blind John
Milton, Latin secretary to Oliver Cromwell, and then at the
peak of his poetical achievements, to write the lines of his grip-
ping sonnet titled "On the Late Massacher in Piemont." This
sublime protest was heard where nothing else made any im-
pression. It has been described as one of the most powerful
sonnets ever written:
"Avenge 0 Lord thy slaughter'd Saints, whose bones
Lie scatter'd on the Alpine mountains cold,
Ev'n them who kept thy truth so pure of old,
When all our Fathers worship't Stocks and Stones,
Forget not: in thy book record their groanes
Who were thy Sheep, and in their ancient Fold
Slayn by the bloody Piemontese that roll'd
Mother with Infant down the Rocks. The moans
The Vales redoubl'd to the Hills, and they
To Heav'n. Their martyr'd blood and ashes so
O're all the Italian fields where still doth sway
The triple tyrant: that from these may grow
A hunder'd-fold, who having learned thy way,
Early may fly the Babylonian wo." "
2. CROMWELL'S ENERGETIC ACTION ENDS THE PERSECUTION.
—All Protestantism was stunned and incensed by the dreadful
82 The details of the butchery are too sickening and revolting to recite, even in generali-
ties. The completely documented narrative of the dreadful persecutions leading up to and
climaxing in the Massacre of 1655 appears in Monastier, op. cit., pp. 262, 263, 267-283; see
also Morland, op. cit., pp. 287-384, 519-534; Leger, op. ca., part 2, pp. 108-137, 186-198.
Leger, a Vaudois pastor, who was an eyewitness to the massacre, wrote out the full story in
his history. The original of these depositions was given by Leger to Sir Samuel Morland, and
by him placed in Cambridge University.
ohn Milton's Complete Poetical Works, ed. by H. F. Fletcher, vol. 1, pp. 43, 44.
Even this poem contains prophetic interpretation; it applies the epithet "Babylon" to the
"triple tyrant," the Roman pontiff.
MILTON, THE BLIND POET, DICTATING TO HIS DAUGHTERS
John Milton, Poet and Latin Secretary to Oliver Cromwell, Profoundly Stirred by the Wanton
Slaughter of the Waldenses in 1655, Wrote His Powerful Lines—"Avenge 0 Lord Thy
Slaughter'd Saints"
tidings. Deep sympathy and strong indignation were awakened.

A wave of protest swept over Europe. The Reformed countries
moved as one man. Almost all the Protestant churches humbled
themselves before God by a day of fasting and prayer in behalf
of the valleys. Liberal offerings were taken to care for the rem-
nant, Switzerland leading the way." Sweden, Germany, and
Holland were all moved. But in Britain, Cromwell, the lord
protector of England, took upon himself the alleviation of their
sufferings. He ordered a day of fasting and prayer to be kept
throughout England, and started a subscription for funds for
their relief to the amount of more than £38,000." At Crom-
well's direction Milton, then his Latin secretary, wrote letters
Monastier, op. cis., pp. 283, 284.

ss Morland, op. cit., pp. 552, 553, 596; Monastier, op. tit., pp. 284.
857
858 PROPHETIC FAITH
of state in powerful phrasings to the rulers of Europe. Procla-

mations were issued, the second of which was printed as a
broadside, written when the events were "hot in memory and
indignation was flaming." English public opinion was swiftly
formed, and help resulted from Cromwell's proclamations.'
Sir Samuel Morland was sent by the British Government
to interpose through personal appeal to the duke of Savoy and
the king of France, and if possible to stop the persecution, and
after investigation to lay the case before the Protestant world.
Morland bore with him Cromwell's letters of astonishment and
sorrow over the barbarities. He visited the valleys and saw the
situation with his own eyes, and addressed the duke in a power-
ful plea, which included these words:
"The Angels are surprised with horrour! men are amazed! Heaven
itself seems to be astonied with the cries of dying men, and the very earth
to blush, being discoloured with the gore-bloud of so many innocent per-
sons! Do not, 0 thou most high God, do not thou take that revenge which
is due to so great wickednesses and horrible villanies! Let thy bloud, 0
Christ, wash away this bloud!" "
Arriving at Turin in June, and at Geneva in July, Mor-
land delivered so effective a protest that the edict of the duke
of Savoy was withdrawn in August, 1655. A treaty brought
the military operations to an end, and the Waldenses were al-
lowed to return to their form of worship without further loss
of life or property."
VII. The "Glorious Return" of 1689-90
Upon the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, Louis

XIV demanded that his neighbor, the duke of Savoy, eliminate
the Waldensian church. When the Waldenses resisted the edict
to destroy their churches and banish the pastors and teachers,
they were crushed by a combined force of troops from France
and Savoy. Thousands were slain, and thousands of the im-
88 Richard W. Hale, Poetry. Prose and History, pp. 5, 6.

Hv Morland, op. cit., p. 570. (The complete correspondence of Cromwell and Morland
with these rulers appears on pages 539-709.)
88 Monastier, op. cit., pp. 286-288.
prisoned men, women, and children died. The surviving three

thousand were allowed to take refuge in the Protestant cantons
of Switzerland. In 1689 about a thousand of the exiles, led by
their pastor and military commander, Henri Arnaud, set out to
return to Savoy. They drove off the French troops who attacked
them, wintered on a mountain at the end of the San Martino
valley, and continued the warfare. By the spring of 1690 most of
the Waldenses had recovered their homes, and many other
exiles returned." The duke of Savoy made peace with them, and
in 1694 granted them religious liberty.
These seventeenth-century tribulations of the Waldenses
are outside the range of this volume, but a brief account of
them has been included in order to round out the story, to
show how the earlier training of these people bore the fruit of
constancy under the most terrible persecutions which inspired
the Protestant world. From the time of the Reformation they
have formed a branch of the Calvinistic Protestants, and in
modern times they have acquired the full rights of Italian cit-
izenship.
8' See Arnaud, The Gloriou. Recovery by the Vaudois of Their Valleys.
CHAPTER THIRTY-FIVE
Waldensian Defiance
of Rome
I. Waldensians Claim Apostolicity
The Waldensians claimed to have been always independ-

ent of Rome, never to have been under bondage to the papal
jurisdiction, and never to have assented to its errors. And hav-
ing denied its usurpations, they denounced Rome increasingly
as the very apostasy of Babylon, and finally as Antichrist. The
comparison was odious and dangerous. The very foundation
of the papal structure was threatened. This assertion of a rival
line of spiritual transmission, paralleling her own vaunted
apostolic succession—of a contemporaneous line of truth that
matched and countered the growing departures and apostasies
marking the centuries of papal climb to power and pre-emi-
nence—was a denial, a rebuke, and an intolerable threat to
the universal headship of all the churches.
1. WALDENSIAN CLAIM MADE ROMAN CHALLENGE INEV-
ITABLE.—The Waldensian claim of being the true church of
Christ, the spiritual successor to the apostles, and the parallel-
ing assertion that the Roman church had become the apocalyp-
tic Harlot 1 and the synagogue of irreclaimable malignants was
I "Expelled from the Catholic Church they [the Poor Men of Lyons] affirmed that they
alone were the church of Christ and the disciples of Christ. They say that they are the suc-
cessors of the apostles and have the keys of binding and loosing. They_ say that the Roman
church is the harlot Babylon, and all those obeying her are damned." (Translated from David
of Augsburg, Tractatus, chap. 5, in Wilhelm Preger, "Der Tractat des David von Augsburg
Ober der Waldesier,"Abhandlungen der historischen Classe der kOniglich bayerischen Akademie
der Wissensc haf ten, vol. 14, part 2, p. 206.)
860
WALDENSIAN DEFIANCE OF ROME 861
bound to stir the wrath of Rome. The Waldenses claimed a

succession, however, not so much of men as of evangelical truth.
It was not a transmission through an episcopate but a perpetua-
tion of divine principles deposited in one glorious, heavenly
Mediator, and derivable from Him to all believers. It was there-
fore inevitable that conflict should come between such pro-
ponents and the Papacy, which laid exclusive claim to apos-
tolicity, primacy, perpetuity, unity, and universality.' Those
who refused to submit to that authority were necessarily rebels,
schismatics, and heretics.
2. THE TRUE AND FALSE CHURCHES.—The Waldenses
claimed to be the true church of the Scriptures persecuted by
the false church, which professed to be the woman clothed with
the sun but which was really the impure Babylon the Great.
Wherever else she may have fled into the wilderness, the true
church must also be found within the territory of Romanism,
where oppression and persecution would be brought directly
to bear upon her. This conclusion was obvious, and not to
be rejected unless the prophetic premises outlining the two
churches are set asi-I e.
We do not, of course, admit the contention of Rome, that
she is the true and only church of Christ, in view of all the
foreign and adverse influences that have molded the Roman
church. However, God never left Himself without witnesses to
the truth and spirituality of His work of redemption among
mankind. These influences are to be found within and without
the pale of the dominant church. It is the church in the heart
of men renewed by the Spirit of God; to all outward appear-
ances it is often the church in the wilderness, sometimes in
little groups, sometimes combining in larger communions, so
that at times two churches existed. Certainly the alleged ful-
fillment in the Papacy of Christ's specifications for His true
church, in universality, perpetuity, apostolicity, and. purity, is
2 For these asserted marks see The Catechism of the Council of Trent, part 1, chap. 10,
"Of the Ninth Article," questions 10-16, Buckley translation, pp. 98-104; James Cardinal Gib-
bons, Faith of Our Fathers, chaps. 2-6.
862 PROPHETIC FAITH
so contradictory to fact, in the light of our previous study, as
to warrant the charges brought by the Waldenses that the two
churches of history are the two churches of prophecy.
3. MATERIALS SCANTY FOR WALDENSIAN DOCTRINES.—The
witness of the Waldenses is both intriguing and vital. Their
consciousness of their own role in fulfilling prophecy, as well
as their interpretation of prophecy; the difficulty of clear dis-
cernment of their spiritual forefathers in the early centuries of
witness in the Dark Ages; their fidelity to and preservation of
the Word, and its evangelical truths; their protest against doc-
trinal and organizational apostasy; the resultant persecution
against them throughout their witness; and the attempts of
their enemies to destroy and discredit their writings—these all
conspire to make the study of their beliefs particularly impor-
tant.
We have very little Waldensian literature left. Much Of
their doctrine we must piece together from accounts of their
enemies. Their original vernacular translations of the Scrip-
tures are lost, and the vernacular writings that have survived
come mostly from the valleys of Piedmont, where the remnant
of the Waldenses were sheltered by their craggy ramparts, and
thus their writings alone were preserved from the oblivion
which overtook their sister communities in other parts of
Europe. It is not in the province of this work to study the
Waldensian literature in general; our quest is their doctrines,
and particularly their prophetic interpretation as revealed in
their doctrines.
Before proceeding to this study, however, something must
be said of the language and form of the writings themselves.
II. Vaudois Literature and Language
1. MORLAND'S EMBASSY SECURES DOCUMENTS AND PRO-

DUCES HISTORY.—Sir Samuel Morland, Cromwell's special am-
bassador to the duke of Savoy on behalf of the persecuted
Waldenses, was urged by Archbishop Ussher, who had started
his own collection, to acquire whatever manuscripts he could

find while on his visit to the Waldensians. Morland did so, and
upon his return brought a collection of these writings to Eng-
land in 1658. As the result of this mission Morland produced
his famous history, based on his researches and on the original
source documents secured. It was an official report to the Brit-
ish nation, dedicated to Cromwell.' The world owes a great
debt to this Cromwell expedition and to Morland's diligence,
which resulted in gathering this remarkable exhibit of the
writings of the Waldenses of the Cottian Alps—creeds, confes-
sions, treatises, and sermons in the Vaudois dialect. From these
documents he drew many extracts for his remarkable history,'
which was written to demonstrate (1) the antiquity of their
origin, and (2) the apostolicity of their faith. These manu-
scripts, which were assembled in the form of books labeled "A,"
"B," "C," et cetera, were deposited by Morland in the Cam-
bridge University Library. This is his statement:
"The true Originals of all which were collected with no little pains
and industry, by the Authour of this History, during his abode in those
parts, and at his Return, by him presented to the publick Library of the
famous University of Cam bridg."
2. "Romikumr" LINK BETWEEN LATIN AND MODERN LAN-
GUAGES.—The language of the writings of the Piedmont Wal-
denses was a form intermediate between the Latin and the
modern Romance languages. Under the impact of the barbar-
ian conquerors from the north, during the dismemberment of
Western Rome and in the following centuries, the Latin of
the conquered, as well as the dialects of the conquerors; had
undergone a profound change. Latin, which for centuries had
3 Samuel Miller, "Recommendatory Letter " History of the Ancient Christians, prelimi-
nary pp. 5-7; Morland, op. cit., "The Author's Epistle Dedicatory," sig. A2r.
4 Gilly, Waldennan Researches, pp. 136, 137; Faber, op. cit., pp. 369, 370; Elliott, op.
cit., vol. 2, p. 363.
5 Morland, op. p. 94. Far-reaching implications followed the misplacement and
seeming loss, on the part of the Library, of the first six _of these books of manuscripts. In fact,
they were not located until almost two centuries later, though they were in the Library all the
time. Meantime, gratuitous conclusions were reached and serious charges made by Roman Cath-
olics. and echoed by certain Protestants, concerni ng the good faith of the Waldenses and an-
tiquity and genuineness of these writings. Unfortunately, the two-century loss of these docu-
ments led to serious suspicion on the part of some historical writers, and affected the standing
of the Waldenses among casual students. (Todd, op. cit., Preface, pp. x-xiii; Henry Bradshaw,
"Discovery of the Long Lost Morland Manuscripts," reprinted in Todd, op. cit., pp. 210-223.)
WHERE THE WALDENSES LIVED AND SUFFERED FOR THEIR FAITH
Old Waldensian Stone Church in Innermost Angrogna Valley (Upper); Title Page of Master Copy
of Bull of Innocent VIII Calling for Complete Extirpation of the Vaudois, and Page Showing
Authenticating Seal (Lower Left); Stone Table Top Formerly Used by Students in Waldensian
Training School (Inset); Stone Houses in Typical Valley Scene (Center Right); Entrance to One
of the Caves Used as Place of Worship and Refuge in Time of Persecution (Lower Right)
been the language of Gaul, Spain, and Italy, had suffered a

definite decomposition. The so-called Lingua Romana, the Ro-
maunt, or early Romance vernacular was the result, according
to the older theory,' but it is now believed that rather than one
intermediate language there were from the first a number of
dialects which grew directly out of the common spoken Latin
in the various regions.' The term Romaunt is referred to here
because Gilly, whose Romaunt Version is cited, uses the termi-
nology based on the older theory current in his day.
Gradually, as time passed, the many varieties of local
patois settled down to well-defined forms, with accepted rules
and grammar, until the modern French, Spanish, and Italian
were formed—roughly from the eighth to the thirteenth or
fourteenth centuries.' The older term "Romaunt" and the
modern "Romance" refer to the languages which grew out of
the "vulgar Latin" of the Gallic, Italian, and Spanish provinces
of the Roman Empire.
3. LANGUAGE OF REFORM AND OF VERNACULAR SCRIPTURES.
—The medieval Romance dialects not only contributed to the
revival of letters in the Middle Ages—Provencal was the Ign::--
guage of the song-poems of the troubadours—but far more
important, they furnished the vehicle for the early attempts to
reform the corruptions of the church, both by preaching and <
by the circulation of religious treatises in the twelfth and thir-
teenth centuries, which is our immediate concern. The homi-
lies of the councils of Tours and Rheims were translated into
"Romaunt" under the urge of Charlemagne.'
Walter Map states that at the Third Lateran Council some
"Valdesians" presented to the pope a book of portions of the
Scriptures with glosses, written in the "Gallic" tongue." The
Passau Inquisitor of the thirteenth century complains that a
6 George Cornewaii Lewis, An Essay on the Origin and Formation of the Romance Lan-
guages, pp. 19, 25, 30, 31.
7 COMba- op. cit.. pp. 161. 162.
Ibid. pp. 35-37; see also'William S. Gilly, Introduction to his edition of The Romaunt
Version of the Gospel According to St. john, p. iv. Heavy draft has been made upon this work.
o Gilly, Romaunt Version, Introduction, pp. v, vi.
to See page 833.
28
866 PROPHETIC FAITH
leading citizen of Lyons taught the New Testament "in the

vulgar tongue.' Finally, the first of the vernacular transla-
tions of Scripture were prohibited by ecclesiastical authority
at the Council of Toulouse in 1299." Gilly also clearly believes
that as early as the twelfth century the complete New Testa-
ment was in the "Romaunt," " the first vernacular version since
the fall of the empire, though there were earlier partial trans-
lations.
Claude Seyssel, archbishop of Turin, who visited the Wal-
denses of the Piedmontese valleys in 1517, boasted that he was
the first prelate in the history of man to visit them episcopally.
Seyssel refers repeatedly to books in the vulgar tongue by which
the Waldenses were confirmed in their hostility to the Roman
church."
4. WALDENSIAN LANGUAGE AN ALPINE DIALECT.—The
Vaudois dialect was an intermediate Romance idiom distinct
from its original, with a characteristic suppression of certain
final consonants indicating a loss of some original terminations.
Experts have differed as to whether its source was France, as
would be expected if Waldo's followers settled the valleys and
brought with them the speech of Lyons, and some of the argu-
ments have been colored by controversy. B8hmer says that the
Alpine Waldenses show affinities for the Lombard group, and
that the language of their later manuscripts belongs not to
Lyons but to the east Provencal branch, in the Cottian Alps."
Comba, citing various authorities, says that the progress of lin-
guistic science returns to the opinion of Raynouard that the
Waldensian language was Provencal, although the modern dia-
lect is being transformed under French and Italian influence."
This becomes, therefore, an evidence of their Alpine origin.
11Reineri . . . Contra Waldenses, in MBVP, vol. 25, p. 264; see also Gilly, Romaunt
Version,Introduction.
12Canon 14. See Gilly, Romaunt Version, Introduction, p. vi.
" Ibid., p. xvii.
14 See Gilly's quotation from Seyssel, reprinted in Todd, op. cit., pp. 169, 170.
1, H. Beihmer, "Waldenser," in Herzog, Realencyclopndie (3d ed., edited by Albert
Hauck), vol. 20, p. 821.
10 Comba, op. cit., pp. 165, 166.
III. Waldensian Statements of Belief
1. WALDENSES HELD CARDINAL DOCTRINES.—The Walden-
ses held firmly to: (1) the absolute authority and inspiration
of the Scriptures; (2) the trinity of the Godhead; (3) the sin-
ful state of man; (4) free salvation by Jesus Christ; (5) faith
working by love." These points could not have been considered
heretical; indeed, some of their enemies admitted their ortho-
doxy." But the Waldenses operated on certain basic principles
which inevitably brought them into conflict with the churchly
authorities: (1) the duty to preach, regardless of ecclesiastical
regulation; (2) the authority and popular use of the Scriptures
in the language of the people; (3) the right of laymen, and even
women, to teach; (4) the denial of the right of a corrupt priest
to administer the sacraments." They also rejected oaths, the
death penalty, and some of them purgatory, prayers for the
dead, the invocation of saints, and similar practices. They seem
to have varied (ma the questio n of the real presence, the number
of the sacraments, and infant baptism.
2. DIFFICULTIES IN DETERMINING DOCTRINES.—The differ-
ences in the accounts that have come down to us are traceable
not only to actual variations among the scattered Waldenses in
different times and places but also to the fact that much of our
information comes from the reports of their enemies, because
most of the Waldensian writings were destroyed. And some
Catholics undoubtedly confused them with other heretics."
The viewpoint and purpose of each Catholic writer must be
taken into account in evaluating such records of Waldensian
beliefs and practices, as well as -the fact that some of the in-
formation was extracted from ignorant, frightened, and some-
times tortured witnesses.
3. WALDENSIAN CONFESSIONS OF FAITH.—The beliefs of
the IValdensians should be found best expressed in their con-
Muston, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 20, 21, citing manuscripts in Dublin and Geneva for each.
is See page 826.
'- David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, pp. 502-505.
2° See page 835.
868 PROPHETIC FAITH
fessions of faith, but those which we have leave much to be

desired. The confession dated 1120 by Morland and Leger, is
really much later. The second that he prints is undated; the only
other dated before the Reformation is the one presented to
King Ladislaus of Bohemia in 1508, but it is given in a later
form, as "amplified," in 1535.
The confession labeled "1120" affirms belief in the Apos-
tles' Creed, the Trinity, the canonical Scriptures (which are
listed), God the Creator, justification through Christ our "Ad-
vocate, Sacrifice, and Priest," the resurrection and the judg-
ment, rejection of purgatory as invented by Antichrist, and of
other human inventions (such as saint worship, the mass, and
other ritual practices), the two sacraments only, and subjection
to civil rulers. According to Perrin and Muston, it was really de-
rived from Morel, the envoy whose consultation with the Protes-
tant leaders has been mentioned, and whose original statement
of belief will be quoted in full in this chapter."
Morland's Confession of 1508 and 1535 comprises a state-
ment of beliefs, and the reason for the separation from Rome,
representing not the old-line Waldenses of Italy, but the "Wal-
densian Brethren" or "Picards," Bohemian Brethren whose
founders had received ordination from a Waldensian bishop."
(1) The canonical Scriptures the rule of faith; (2) the
catechism, based on the Decalogue and the Apostles' Creed;
(3) the Holy Trinity; (4) sin; (5) repentance; (6) justification
by faith in Christ; (7) faith and works; (8) the true church
scattered throughout the nations, menaced by Antichrist; (9)
a ministry preaching by precept and example, duly"ordained;
(10) the Word of God the basis of faith; (11) sacraments in-
valid without inward quickening of the Holy Spirit; (12) bap-
tisra, including children; (13) the Eucharist in both kinds,
Christ's body and blood respectively; (14) the power of the
church; (15) the rejection of those human traditions which ob-
21 See page 854 and note 76, also pages 870, 871 for Morel's statement of faith. For the
confession, see Morland, op. cit., pp. 30-34; Perrin, op. cit., pp. 212-214; for its connection with
Morel, see Perrin, op. cit., p. 51 n, and Muston, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 478, 479.
22 See page 853.
scure the glory of Christ; (16) obedience to the secular power

ordained to govern political and temporary affairs; (17. 18)
repudiation of saint worship and fasts; (19) celibacy and mar-
riage equally meritorious; (20) probation only in this life; no
purgatory.'
Specifically concerning the Antichrist of prophecy, article
8 states:
"That Antichrist, that man of sin, doth sit in the Temple of God,
that is, in the Church, of whom the Prophets, and Christ and His Apostles
foretold, admonishing all the godly, to beware of him and his Errours, and
not suffer themselves to be drawn aside from the Truth." 24
4. LETTER OF 1218 STATES BELIEFS.—The earliest dated
Waldensian document which discusses their beliefs is a Latin
letter, the Rescriptum, written by the Lombard Waldenses to
brethren in Austria giving an account of the council at Ber-
gamo in 1218, when the Poor Men of Lyons and the Poor Men
of Lombardy agreed to disagree about Waldo, church organi-
zation, and the Eucharist. This document reveals the fact that
although neither disputed the change of the bread and wine to
the body and blood of ohrist, the Italians were more evangeli-
cal and less conservative than the Poor Men of Lyons, for they
demanded a minister with a pure life as a condition of the
validity of the sacrament, whereas the Lyonnais relied on the
words of consecration; the Lombards gave less importance to
baptism, particularly of children, and they held that a man
should not leave his wife (to become a traveling pastor) with-
out mutual consent."
5. CATHOLICS LIST "ERRORS" OF WALDENSIAN TEACHINGS.
—We shall be driven to Catholic sources to find comprehensive
lists of Waldensian teaching.' One document of 1398 shows the
Austrian Waldenses as repudiating ninety-two points of Catho-
lic doctrine and practice, including the following items:
23 Epitome of twenty articles given in full in Morland, op. cit., pp. 43-57.
24Ibid., pp. 50, 51.
23Rescriptum Heresiarcharum Lombardiae ad Leonistas in Alemannia (Letter of the
Heresiarchs of Lombardy to the Leonists in Germany), in Dollinger, BeitraRe, vol. 2, pp. 42-52.
2. For such lists of "errors," see Comba, op. cit., pp. 282-285; David of Augsburg, op.
cit.; Dollinger, Beitriige,passim; Reine7i . . . Contra Waldenses, chap. 5.
870 PROPHETIC FAITH
They believe that their authority to preach comes from

God alone, not the pope or any Catholic bishop.
They believe that they are the representatives and legiti-
mate successors of the apostles of Christ.
They condemn the Roman church because from the time
of Pope Sylvester it had and held possessions.
They believe that the Blessed Virgin and the other saints
in the homeland are so occupied with joys that they can think
nothing about us, that they cannot intercede for us, that they
are not to be invoked, honored, or served.
They deny purgatory and dismiss as of no account vigils,
masses, prayers, and alms for the dead, the kissing of relics, pil-
grimages, indulgences, and excommunications.
They believe that the pope is the head and origin of all
heretics and that all Catholics are heretics.
They believe that there is no superior sanctity in conse-
crated buildings, holy water, blessed palms, ashes, candles, et
cetera.
They reject oaths; they denounce kings, princes, et cetera,
for judicial homicide, and the pope for sending Crusaders to
fight the Saracens.
These articles are held by the heresiarchs [that is, the Wal-
densian ministers], but by their believers more or less accord-
ing to their capacity.'
6. WALDENSIAN TEACHINGS AT TIME OF FIRST CONTACTS
WITH REFORMATION.—At the time of contact with the Reform-
ers, Barbe Morel's letter to Oecolampadius (1530) furnishes a
short but comprehensive statement of Waldensian belief:
"With regard to our articles of beliefs, we teach our people, as well
as we can, the contents of the twelve articles of the Symbol, called the
Apostle's [sic] Creed, and every doctrine deviating from it is looked upon
by us as heresy. We believe in a God in three persons; we hold that the
humanity of Christ is created and inferior to the Father, who wished by
means of it to redeem mankind; but we admit at the same time that Christ
27 Summarized from a report of Peter the Inquisitor in Preger, "Beitrage," vol. 13, part 1,
pp. 246-249; also in D011inger, Beitrage, vol. 2, pp. 305-311.
is both very God and very man. We hold also that there is no other medi-
ator and intercessor with God than Jesus Christ. The Virgin Mary is holy,
humble, and full of grace; the same with the other saints; and they await
with her in heaven the glorification of their bodies at the resurrection. We
believe that, after this life, there is only the place of abode of the elect,
called paradise, and that of the rejected, called hell. As for purgatory it
was invented by anti-Christ, contrary to truth, therefore we reject it. All
that are of human invention—such as Saints' days, vigils, holy water, fasts
on fixed days, and the like, especially the mass—are, as we think, an
abomination in the sight of God. We believe the sacraments to be the
signs of a sacred thing, or a visible figure of an invisible grace, and that it
is good and useful for the faithful sometimes to partake of them, if pos-
sible; but we believe that, if the opportunity to do so be lacking, a man
may be saved nevertheless. As I understand it, we have erred in admitting
more than two sacraments. We also hold that oral confession is useful, if
it be observed without distinction of time and for the purpose of comfort-
ing the sick, the ignorant, and those who seek our advice, according to
the Scriptures. According to our rule, charity ought to proceed as follows:
—First, everyone must love God, above all creatures, even more than his
own soul; then his soul more than all else; then his neighbour's soul more
than his own life; then his own life more than that of his neighbour;
finally, the life of his neighbour more than his own property."
IV. The "Noble Lesson" Epitomizes the Waldensian Faith

. -
Though a poem of 479 lines, in rhythmical verse like that
of the troubadours, the Noble Lesson was equivalent to a con-
fession of faith, of evangelical heritage, handed down from
former generations. It was evidently written for reading in
church assembly, because it begins with "Hear, Brethren,' a
Noble Lesson." The word for "lesson" is leycon, from lectio,
the Latin word meaning "a reading in assembly." It could
have been composed only by those who knew the genius of true
Christianity in contradistinction to the errors of Rome, to
which it makes reference.
28 Morel, op. cit., translated in Comba, op. cit., pp. 291, 292. For the Latin letter, see
Dieckhoff, op. cit., pp. 363-369.
29 For the original text, see La Noble Leon, edited by Edouard Montet. Complete
Engish translations appear in Morland (with parallel Romaunt and English columns pp. 99-
120 ; also in Perrin, as translated in History of the Ancient Christians (pp. 263-270. Elliott
(vol. 2, pp. 390-394, following Raynouard) and Faber (pp. 399-414) give extracts. It appears
in paralleling Romaunt and French in Perrin (Histoire des Vaudois, pp. 253 ff.), and in Leger
(pp. 26-30). There are several manuscript copies (see Gilly's "First Letter on the Noble Les-
son," in Todd,- op. cit., p. 167)—two at Cambridge, one each at Dublin, Geneva, and Gre-
noble, and, in addition, the one from which Ladoucette took his extract in his Histoire, topog-
raphic, antiquites, usages, dialects des Hautes-Alpes, p. 299.
872 PROPHETIC FAITH
"0 Brethren, give ear to a noble Lesson.
We ought always to watch and pray,
For we see the World nigh to a conclusion.
We ought to strive to do good works,
Seeing that the end of this World approached'.
There are already a thousand and one hundred years fully
accomplished,
Since it was written thus, For we are in the last time." "
In its scope the Noble Lesson may be summarized as setting
forth the Trinity, the fall of man, redemption through divine
grace, free will, the unchangeable character of the Decalogue,
the incarnation, crucifixion, resurrection, and ascension of
Christ, the descent of the Holy Spirit, the Scriptures, the min-
istration of the Word, and the day of judgment." It holds es-
sentially what was taught by the apostolic church before the
Waldensians, and what the Reformers taught after them. It is
a connecting link between the two. Leger calls it an epitome
of the Old and New Testaments." And Allix says, "I defy the
impudence of the Devil himself to find therein the least shadow
of Manicheism." "
1. POEM INDICATES TWELFTH-CENTURY LIMITS.—The
Noble Lesson was composed in the local Romaunt dialect of the
Alps, not that of the Lyonnais, and because of its clear lan-
guage, says Muston, it must have been written by the in-
habitants of the mountains, not by strangers. He places its
composition between the utmost limits of 1100 and 1190, and
therefore rules out Waldo's disciples—for in 1100 they were
not in existence, and 1190 was but six years after their banish-
ment from Lyons in 1184 "—too short a time to master a new
language, for the Noble Lesson is recognized as one of the mas-
terpieces of the time.'
3° The Noble Lesson, translated in Morland op. cit., p. 99.

Gilly, Waldensian Researches, pp. 141, 142; Elliott, op. cit.,. vol. 2, pp. 390 ff.
32 Leger, op. cit., book I, p. 30.
Alhx,'Clzurches of Piedmont, p. 181.
a, The only contemporary document giving detailed information on Waldo's first spiritual
impulse and subsequent action the Laon chronicle (Chronicon Universale Anonymi Laudunen-
sis), under the years 1173, 118 in MGH, Scriptores, vol. 26, pp. 447-450, establishes this fact:
Peter took his vow of poverty in 1173, and was subsequently excommunicated; but he first
began to have associates in 1177.
Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 15, 16.
That the Noble Lesson dates from the twelfth century is

indicated by the lines:
"There are already a thousand and one hundred years fully accomplished,
Since it was written thus, For we are in the last time.""
Scholars state that this dating line—"a thousand and one
hundred"—is a genuine part of the text, and no interpolation.
The eleven hundred years is not the principal question, but
the starting point of the period. Some have taken it as begin-
ning with the Christian Era, and thus ending in A.D. 1100; "
but others think it is to be computed from the time of John's
first epistle, when the expression, "It is the last time" (1 John
2:18), was written. This would bring the beginning date some
sixty years after the cross, and terminate the period about 1190,
or perhaps 1200. In any event, in the twelfth century or im-
mediately after the end of it, eleven complete centuries had run
out, from whichever starting point.'
These two lines are interesting in view of the fact that
Joachim makes a similar statement twice in his Expositio. He
says that "already more than a thousand years have passed since
the blessed John said 'Littlc childrcn, it is the last hour.' " "
Evidently he, writing in the latter part of the twelfth century,
reckoned the writing of First John as late in the first century.
If our Waldensian poem was written at the end of the twelfth
century, the same starting point would give an interval of ap-
proximately 1100 years. In the light of this similarity to Joa-
chim's expression, it would be interesting to know whether
there was any contact, or a common source.
Comba points out—although he does not seem to know
of these Joachim statements—that the end of the twelfth cen-
tury was a most logical time for our poet to expect the ap-
proach of the end, for the expectation was abroad at that time,
and Joachim himself looked to the year 1200 as a significant
'° Morland, op. cit., p. 99.

" Morland, Leger, Allix, Monastier, Raynouard.
38 Faber, op. ca., p. 388; Elliott, op. ca., vol. 2, pp. 366 ff.
Joachim, Expositio, fol. 210 r; see also fol. 83 v. Can there be some significance in
the report of the chief barla's residence in Calabria?
874 PROPHETIC FAITH
date." That is why Comba thinks this date is correct, and dis-
counts the critics' attempt to make the line read "a thousand
and four hundred." True, one manuscript at Cambridge reads
four hundred, but two have one hundred, and the fourth, with
the erasure, cannot be read as four as was supposed, nor as
anything at all, says Chaytor. And Comba explains the four
hundred as a reasonable error for a later copyist."
2. INTERNAL EVIDENCES FOR DATING.—Corroboration of
this self-dating of the Lesson for the twelfth century by certain
rather decisive internal evidences has been offered—of lan-
guage, idiom, versification, theological sentiment, and histori-
cal fact. By purely literary criteria, according to Raynouard, it
stands the test "—dialect, style, and form of verse. It employs
certain terms, as for example baron for nobility, fellon for
wicked, hostal for house, and saragins [saracens] " for barbarian,
corresponding to the language and contemporary writings in
the Piedmontese section at the time. There has been much
discussion of the language.
The phrase "all the cardinals" is another evidence men-
tioned by Faber. The name and office had long existed, but
not a college of cardinals with the power of electing the pope.
That was first instituted by Nicholas II (1059-1061)," and so
had been in vogue about forty years when the twelfth century
began. There is also reference to "Jews and saracens"—the term
"Saracens" at that time being frequently applied to gentiles,
for in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the Saracens were the
unbelievers par excellence in the current vocabulary.
There are, furthermore, certain conceptions and historical
facts of the century that are evaluated in detail by Elliott and
40 For Joachim, see pages 713-715.

41 Comba, op. cit., pp. 233-237; H. J. Chaytor, Introduction to
Six Vaudois Poems, pp.
xij, xiij.
42 Francois J. M. Raynouard, "an indisputably competent judge," pronounced it a
twelfth-century document "beyond all cavil?" on this technical basis (Choix des poisies origi-
nales des troubadours, vol. 2, pp. cxxxvii-cxhii), which decision was accepted by Henry Hallam,
Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, an d Seventeenth Centuries,
vol. 1, chap. 1, sec. 33. In this conclusion, they are joined by Senebier and other linguists. See
also Thomas McCrie, Reformation in Italy, pp. 20, 21.
43 Raynouard, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 86, 92, 81, 93, respectively.
44 Faber, op. cit., pp. 411, 412, 395, 396.
Faber,' for example: The persecutions mentioned—plunder

and imprisonment, and not primarily torture and death—of
such a character that they fit the twelfth and thirteenth cen-
turies but not later centuries. The first bull against the Wal-
denses was only issued by Pope Lucius III in 1184. And the
deferring, by Catholic neighbors, of confession to the priest
until the deathbed, was a habit that could scarcely have existed
after the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, wherein annual con-
fession, at least, is enjoined." The concept of Antichrist as
someone yet to come is different from the amplified and clari-
fied picture in the treatise on Antichrist, which portrays him
as already here. Similarly, Gilly mentions the practice of read-
ing the Scriptures in the vernacular, which evidently had not
yet been forbidden in general." James I, king of Aragon and
count of Provence, in 1213 prohibited the circulation of the
books of the Old and New Testaments translated in the Ro-
maunt." Then came the general ecclesiastical prohibition of
Toulouse, in 1299.
The twelfth- and thirteenth-century idea of the imminent
end of the world and the approaching day of judgment is re-
flected in the Noble Lesson. We have seen how Joachim stirred
up the expectation of the end of the age to come soon after
1200, with a period in which Antichrist would prevail over the
saints for a brief time.
3. ILLUSTRATIVE EXCERPTS FROM THE "NOBLE LESSON."—
Three excerpts must suffice, though the whole should be read.
The poem declares that after the apostles certain teachers who
"showed the way of Jesus Christ" had continued, "even to the
present time"—without any suggestion of a rediscovery or re-
vival. Here also the Valdenses are mentioned by name. These
evangelical protestors were marked out for persecution and
reviled under the term Vaudes:
4.1 Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 344-385; Faber, op. cit., book 3, chap. 9.
"Canon 21, in Schroeder, op. cit., pp. 259, 260; Mansi, op. ca., vol. 22, cols. 1007-1010.
.7 Gilly. Romaunt Version, p. xv.
4' See Gilly's "Second Letter on the Waldensian Mss.," in Todd, op. cit., p. 193.
876 PROPHETIC FAITH
"They say, that such a person is a VALDES [in the Romaunt: Ilh digon
qu'el es Vaudes], and is worthy of punishment: and they find occasion,
through lyes and deceit, to take from him that which he has gotten by
his just labour." "
The great apostasy is dated from Sylvester, with its spuri-
ous offers of pardon. Thus:
"All the Popes that have been from Sylvester down to the present
one, and all the Cardinals, and all the Bishops, and all the Abbots, even
all such put together, have not so much power as to be able to pardon a
single mortal sin. It is God alone who pardons; and no other can do it."
Then as to Antichrist, the hearer is admonished to "be
well advised when Antichrist shall come; to the intent that we
may give no credence either to his doings or to his sayings." "
And on the last things:
"Many signs and great wonders shall be from this time forward to
the day of judgment. The heaven and the earth shall burn; and all the liv-
ing shall die. Then all shall rise again to an ever-enduring life: and every
building shall be laid prostrate. Then shall be the last judgment, when
God shall separate His people." "
Can there be some significance in Antichrist's being re-

ferred to in the future tense about the year 1200? In view of
Joachim's teaching concerning the momentous events to be ex-
pected between 1200 and 1260, there might be. But if so, the
hint of a future Antichrist is not the only interpretation of
that symbol found among the Waldensians.
V. Prophetic Terms of Beast, Babylon, and Antichrist

In various Catholic writings listing the "errors" of the
Waldenses we find them accused of applying uncomplimentary
prophetic epithets to the Catholic Church. If the strongest
terms, in the treatise On Antichrist, cannot be placed exactly,
there are at least strong hints in other documents which are
dated.
49 Translation in Faber, op. cit., p. 408; also in Elliott, op., cit., vol. 2, p. 392. For the
original, see La Noble Lecon, p. 60.
90 Quoted from Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 393, following Raynouard's translation.
52 Ibi.
d 52 Ib.
id
1. WALDENSES HAVE "COME OUT OF HER."—Salvus Burce,
in a work dated 1235, contends with the Poor Men of Lyons
and the Poor Men of Lombardy. He says that the Cathari call
the church Harlot, nest of serpents, and Beast, "and you foolish
ones say that same thing."
"Perhaps the heretics say: 'We have come out of the vile harlot,
namely, from the church of Rome, and let us see concerning the prelates
of the very beast.' "
2. AUSTRIAN WALDENSES CALL CHURCH APOCALYPTIC HAR-
LOT.—The Passau Anonymous, writing about 1260 in Austria,
does, incidentally, a bit of prophetic interpreting himself by
calling the heretics Antichrists. He begins his enumeration of
the errors of the Poor Men of Lyons:
"First, they say that the Roman Church is not the Church of Jesus
Christ, but is a church of malignants. . . . And they say that they are the
Church of Christ, because they observe the teaching of Christ, of the
gospel, and of the apostles in word and example. . . . Sixth, that the Roman
Church is the harlot of the Apocalypse because of her superfluous adorn-
ment which the Eastern Church does not care for."
David of Augsburg reports the epithet "harlot," as has
already been mentioned."
3. ANTICHRIST APPLIED TO CATHOLICS.—In a list of ques-
tions issued for the guidance of Inquisitors in prosecuting here-
tics, certain points are outlined for examining Cathari, and
then the list for Waldenses contains the following significant
queries:
"Whether the Roman church is the Church of Christ or the harlot.
. . . Whether the church of God fell in the time of Sylvester. And who
restored it. Whether Pope Sylvester was Antichrist." 6'
questions show clearly what the Waldenses were re-
ported as teaching, and the belief that a pope was Antichrist
in the distant past hints of the new interpretation of the Anti-
christ that was developing, and that was carried further in the
Salvus Burce, op. cit., p. 63.
54 Ibid., p. 64.
55 Translated from Reineri . . . Contra Waldenses, chap. 5, in MBVP, vol. 25, p. 265.
54 See page 860.
67 Document no. XX in Dollinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, p. 320.
878 PROPHETIC FAITH
treatise on Antichrist. Thus the testimony of their enemies

helps to fill out the picture of the Waldensian prophetic inter-
pretation.
At the time of the Reformation we come to Morel's afore-
mentioned letter. In its summary of Waldensian beliefs we find
the term Antichrist applied to the Catholic Church collectively,
or at least to the clergy, and the phrases "Antichristian cere-
monies" and "abominations of Antichrist" designating the
Catholic ritual.
Note that purgatory is the invention of Antichrist. Further
references to the Catholic Church as Antichrist are found in the
same letter.
"We ourselves do not administer the sacraments to the people—they
are Papists [Latin, members of Antichrist] who do this; but we explain to
them as well as we can the spiritual meaning of the sacraments. We exhort
them not to put their trust in anti-Christian ceremonies, and to pray that
if they be compelled to see and hear the abominations of anti-Christ, it
may not be imputed to them as a sin, but that such sort of abominations
may soon be confounded to make room for truth, and that the Word of
God may be spread abroad. Besides, we absolutely forbid our people to
swear. All dancing is prohibited, and, generally speaking, all kinds of
games, except the practice of the bow or other arms. Neither do we tolerate
vain and lascivious songs, delicate clothing, whether striped or checked,
or cut after the latest fashion. Our people are generally simple folk,
peasants, having no other resource but agriculture, dispersed by perse-
cution in numbers of places very distant from each other."
VI. The Treatise on Antichrist
The exact date of this treatise cannot be established; it

bears no date in the text. The year 1120 was assigned, first by
Perrin and then by Leger, in this wise: The treatise was re-
ceived by Perrin in the same book or packet with a Confession
of Faith, and certain other documents, with the general date
"1120" affixed by the collector. But the affixing of a single date
to several undated manuscripts is not, of course, determinative.
58 Translated in Comba, op. cit., pp. 292, 293. It is to be noted, that this was the situ-
ation of the remnant in Piedmont at the time of contact with the Reformers, after severe per-
secutions. There are accounts of Waldensian celebration of the Eucharist. Either this had been
restricted to meetings of ministers, or the practice had been discontinued in Morel's time.
The absence of an exact date does not affect its genuineness,

for its author does not claim to be writing in 1120. There are,
however, three accompanying tracts on purgatory, invocation
of saints, and the sacraments—which are obviously of later
date, for they refer to a thirteenth-century work.'
In this treatise the spirit of false Christianity manifest in
the papal church is none other than the Beast and Babylon,
predicted by Daniel and John, and therefore the great Anti-
christ—Paul's Mystery of Iniquity—not an individual infidel
Jew as Antichrist. The principle which grew into the papal
system, in its "infancy" in apostolic times, had now grown to
the full stature of the Man of Sin, the Mystery of Iniquity,
which could not in earlier centuries be so easily discerned, for
it was at first only a "falling away."
The Man of Sin had not yet fully developed when, under
Constantine, the church was elevated by the state; nor even
when, under Justinian, the Roman bishop was recognized as
head of all the churches. But at the time when the Papacy was
waxing most powerful, from the days of Hildebrand, who ex-
alted hirnsclf to 13C. b.-...A of the nations as well, the worldliness
and corruption in the hierarchy were matched by the loss of
faith in the church, the rising chorus of protest, and the cry
for a return to evangelical poverty and simplicity.
What ecclesiastics saw from within the church with more
or less haziness, the Waldenses saw from without with crystal
clarity. The wonder would have been if they had remained
blind to a fulfillment of prophecy so plain and palpable that
even men within the apostate church recognized it. Such a
treatise was therefore to be logically expected. Both Waldenses
and Albigenses agreed that the church of Rome was the whore
of Babylon designated in the Apocalypse, as we have seen from
several sources.
1. ANTICHRIST STIGMATIZED AS FALSEHOOD AND DECEIT.—
The opening words of the treatise comprise an unsparing
59 Faber, op. cit., pp. 370-373; Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 363, 364.
880 PROPHETIC FAITH
description of his character as falsehood or hypocrisy in the
church:
"Antichrist is a Falshood worthy of eternal Damnation, covered over
with a shew of Truth, and of the Righteousness of Christ, and his Spouse,
contrary to the way of Truth, Righteousness, Faith, Hope, and Charity, as
likewise to moral Life, and to the ministerial Truth of the Church, ad-
ministred by the false Apostles, and resolutely upheld by the one and the
other Arm of Secular and Ecclesiastical Power; or else we may say, Anti-
christ is a Deceit which hides the Truth of Salvation in substantial and
ministerial matters; or, that it is a disguised contrariety to Christ and his
Spouse, and every faithfull member thereof."
2. PAPAL CHURCH FULFILLMENT OF PROPHETIC PREDIC-
TIONS.—Antichrist is declared to be not an individual but a
whole system, as the whole congregation of hypocritical minis-
ters and laity, described under the symbols of Daniel, Paul,
and John. Here is the remarkable identification:
"And so it is not any one particular person, ordained to such a De-
gree, Office, or Ministery, it being considered universally; but it is Falshood
it self, in opposition to the Truth, covering and adorning it self with a
pretence of Beauty and Piety, not sutable to the Church of Christ, as by
the Names, and Offices, the Scriptures, the Sacraments, and many other
things may appear. Iniquity thus qualified with all the Ministers thereof
great and small, together with all them that follow them, with an evil
heart, and blindfold; such a Congregation comprised together, is that which
is called Antichrist or Babylon, or the fourth Beast, or the Whore, or the
Man of Sin, the Son of perdition.""
3. MUST EMBODY COMBINED SPECIFICATIONS OF PROPHECY.
—After listing the various Biblical expressions that describe
the papal clergy and the worldly character of the false church,
the treatise declares that Antichrist must embody the combined
specifications of prophecy.
"Antichrist could not come in any wise, but all these forementioned
things must needs meet together, to make up a complete hypocrisie and
falshood, viz. the worldly wise men, the Religious Orders, the Pharisees,
Ministers, Doctours, the Secular Power, with the worldly people joyntly
together. And thus all of them together make up the Man of sin and
errour completely." "
8, of Antichrist (sometimes known as Qual cosa na l'Antechrist), translated in Morland,

op. Cu., pp. 142, 143.
6, Ibid., p. 143 (see also p. 158); Leger, op. cit., p. 71.
02 Morland, op. cit., p. 1441.
4. HAS GROWN FROM EARLY EMBRYO TO FULL-GROWN

MAN.—Existing only in embryo in apostolic days, and so lack-
ing parts and facilities, he later grew to full age.
"Although that Antichrist was conceived already in the Apostles
time, yet being but in his infancy as it were, he wanted his inward and
outward members; . . . he wanted yet those hypocritical Ministers, and
humane Ordinances, and the outward shew of those Religious Orders. . . .
he wanted the secular strength and power, and could not force nor corn-
pell any from the truth unto falshood. And because he wanted many
things yet, therefore he could not defile or scandalize any by his deceits,
and thus, being so weak and tender, he could obtain no place in the Church.
But growing up in his Members, that is to say, in his blinde and dissembling
Ministers, and in worldly Subjects, he at length became a complete man,
grew up to his full age, to wit, then when the lovers of the world
in Church and State, blinde in faith, did multiply in the Church, and
get all the power into their hands."
5. MAN OF SIN LONG SEATED IN THE CHURCH.—After
referring to Antichrist's defrauding of God and of "Christ as
Mediator," fostering idolatry, and stirring hate and violence
against "those that love the truth," the treatise sets forth Anti-
christ as having already fulfilled Paul's specifications of the
Man of Sin—and not still to be waited for:
"According to the Apostle we may truly say, This is that man of
sin complete, that lifts up himself against all that is called God, or wor-
shipped, and that setteth himself in opposition against all truth, sitting
down in the Temple of God, that is in his Church, and spewing forth
himself as if he were God, being come with all manner of deceivableness
for those that perish. And since he is truly come, he must no longer be
looked for; for he is grown old already by God's permission." "
6. CITY OF BABYLON ALREADY SUFFERING FROM DIVISION.
—This treatise declares that Antichrist "begins even to decay,
and his power and authority is abated" by "divers persons of
good dispositions, sending abroad a power contrary to his,"
and that God "puts division into that City of Babylon, wherein
the whole generation of Iniquity cloth prevail and reign." "
7. ATTACKS TRUTH AND PERSECUTES SAINTS.—Enumerat-
pp. 144, 145.
ea Ibid.,
p. 146; Leger, op. cit., p. 73.
6, Ibid.,
882 PROPHETIC FAITH
ing the "works" of Antichrist as taking away the truth, chang-

ing it into falsehood, and covering falsehood with a semblance
of truth, the treatise Of Antichrist charges that this "perfect
and complete" wickedness surpasses any other power up to the
"time of Antichrist," and is Christ's most effective enemy, op-
pressing the true church.
"The holy Mother the Church with her true Children, is altogether
troden under foot, especially in the Truth, and in what concerneth the
true worship in the Truth, and the Ministry, and the exercise thereof, . . .
the, holy Church is accounted a Synagogue of Miscreants, and the Congre-
gation of the Wicked is esteemed the Mother of them, that rightly believe
in the Word. Falshood is preached up for Truth, Iniquity for Righteous-
ness, Injustice passeth for Justice, Errour for Faith, Sin for Virtue, and
Lyes for Verity." '6
8. ROBS GOD, CHRIST, AND THE HOLY SPIRIT.—Antichrist

robs God of "the worship properly due to God alone." He
"robs and bereaves Christ of His Merits"—of grace, justifica-
tion, regeneration, remission, and sanctification. He "attributes
the Regeneration of the Holy Spirit unto the dead outward
work." He puts forth the mass and a "patchwork" of Jewish,
heathenish, and Christian ceremonies. He parades works and
resorts to simony. Then follow the seventh and eighth works:
"The seventh Work of Antichrist is, that he doth not govern nor
maintain his Unity by the Holy Spirit, but by Secular Power, and maketh
use thereof to effect spiritual matters.
"The eighth Work of the Antichrist is, that he hates, and persecutes,
and searcheth after, dispoils and destroys the Members of Christ." "
9. ELECT OF GOD STILL IN ANTICHRIST'S BABYLON.—Then

are enumerated the devices by which Antichrist's true charac-
ter is concealed—plausible confession of faith, antiquity of
succession, extent of control, apostolic authority, outward holi-
ness, writings of the ancients, and the authority of councils.
Consequently, many of God's elect are still in Babylon.
"The Elect of God, that desire and do that which is good, are de-
tained there, as in Babylon; and are like unto Gold, wherewith the wicked
Antichrist doth cover his Vanity, not suffering them to serve God alone,
eel Morland, p. 147. 67 Ibid., p. 149.

nor to put all their hope in Christ alone, nor to embrace the true
Religion." 68
10. CHRISTIANS BOUND TO SEPARATE FROM ANTICHRIST.—
Antichrist covers his "lying wickedness" lest he be "rejected as
a Pagan," under which he acts his villanies, which necessitates
separation.
"Now it is evident, as well in the Old, as in the New Testament,
that a Christian stands bound, by express Command given him, to
separate himself from Antichrist. For, the Lord saith, Isai 52. Withdraw,
withdraw your selves, go forth thence, touch no unclean thing, go forth
from the midst of her; cleanse your selves, ye that bear the Vessels of the
Lord."
11. CALLED TO JOIN HOLY CITY OF JERUSALEM.—Then
follow parallel texts from Jeremiah 50 ("flee out of Babylon,
and come out of the land of the Chaldeans"), Leviticus 20
("separated you from the rest of the nations"), Exodus 34
("Make no friendship [or alliance]"), and others. Many refer-
ences are cited from the New Testament, climaxing with Rev-
elation 18 ("0 my people, come forth out of her, and be not
partakers of her sins"). Then follows this paragraph:
"Also the Lord commands our separating from him, and joyning
our selves with the holy City of Jerusalem: therefore knowing such things,
the Lord having revealed them unto us by his Servants, and believing this
Revelation according to the holy Scriptures, and being admonished by the
Commandments of the Lord, we do both inwardly and outwardly depart
from Antichrist, because we know him to be the same; and we keep com-
pany and unity one with another, freely and uprightly, having no other
intent and purpose but purely and singly to please the Lord, and to be
saved: and by the Lords help, we joyn our selves to the Truth of Christ
and his Spouse." 70
12. IMPELLED BY CONSCIOUSNESS OF TWOFOLD TRUTH.—
Declaring it essential to set down the causes of the separation
and the "kinde of Congregation" they themselves have in con-
trast, the treatise declares separation is for "the real Truths
sake of the Faith." Then follows a statement of evangelical faith
in the Triune God, salvation through Christ, the communion
6SIbid., p. 151.
Ibid.
6-9
7° ibid.,pp. 154, 155.
884 PROPHETIC FAITH
of saints, the ministering of pastors to congregations in con-

venient place and time, and the preaching of the Word of the
gospel. Next comes a list of the errors and impurities of Anti-
christ, who "hath reigned a good while already in the church
`by Gods permission.' " This is accompanied by an extensive
catalogue of Antichrist's evil teachings and practices that well
covers the range of Catholicism, climaxing with the religious
orders and rules. Here is the "fourth Iniquity":
"The fourth Iniquity of Antichrist is, that notwithstanding his being
the fourth Beast formerly described by Daniel, and the Whore of the
Revelation, he nevertheless adorns himself with the Authority, Power,
Dignity, Ministry, Offices, and the Scriptures, and makes himself equal
with the true and holy Mother the Church, wherein Salvation is to be
had ministerially, and no where else." "
What an amazingly comprehensive and balanced statement
of the prophetic platform of the ostracized Wilderness Church!
It is interesting to note that the Protestant Reformers of the
sixteenth century, in the full glory of evangelical light, ex-
pressed similar views. And the seventeenth-century British
investigators like Morland, and leaders like Cromwell and
Milton, whose attention was called to the Waldensians by their
persecutions, openly agreed with them that the Papacy is the
prophesied Antichrist of Daniel, Paul, and John. Two extracts
must suffice to indicate how Morland shared their prophetic
views:
"That this is the Desart whither the woman fled when she was
persecuted by the Dragon with seven heads and ten horns. And where she
had a place prepared of God, that they should feed her one thousand two
hundred and sixty daies: That here it was that the Church fed, and where
she made her Flocks to rest at noon, in those hot and scorching seasons
of the nine and tenth Centuries; Then it may be thou wilt begin tc believe
with me, that it was in the clefts of these Rocks, and in the secret places of
the stairs of these Valleys of Piemont, that the Dove of Christ then re-
mained, where also the Italian Foxes then began. to spoil the Vines with
their tender Grapes, although they were never able utterly to destroy or
pluck them up by the roots." 'Z
"This little flock of Christ in the Valleys of Piemont, by reason of
71 Ibid., pp. 158, 159; Leger, op. cit., p. 82.

72 Morland, op. cit., Introduction, pp. vi, vii.
WALDENSIAN CONTRIBUTION TO THE REFORMATION
Part of Title Page of Bible Translated Into French in 1535, the Waldensian Gift to the
Reformation (Upper); Portion of Pages of Manuscript of Gospel of John, Copied in the Medieval
Language of the Waldenses (Center); Monument in the Angrogna Valley Commemorating the
Meeting at Chamforans, in 1532, Between the Emissaries of the New Reformation Movement and
the Waldenses (Lower Left); Close-up Showing the Insigne of the Waldenses (Lower Right)
886 PROPHETIC FAITH
the remoteness and obscurity of their Country, and habitations (adding
thereto the natural genius of those plain and simple people, which was
not at all to effect high things) did for many Centuries together, peaceably
enjoy, or at least preserve amongst them the purity of that Doctrine which
was left them by Christ and his Apostles; and therefore when once the
seaven horn'd beast rising out of the bottomless pit, began to chew it self
in the world, and corruption to be foisted into the Church by the Roman
Clergy, those true Nathaniels, could by no means drink down such abomina-
tions, but did with all their might resist and oppose the same, and that
oft times, even unto bloud; and upon this account, and this alone, was
it, that they became first the objects of their enemies' hatred, and after-
wards the subjects of their Antichristian. fury." "
An idealized picture of primitive purity amid degenera-
tion and corruption? Perhaps. But it is not too much to say
that the Waldensian witness in the face of torture and death
stands in luminous contrast to the murky darkness of papal
misconception and intolerance. Most appropriate were the Wal-
densian insigne—the lighted candle in the midst of the seven
stars—and their motto, Lux Lucet in Tenebris (Light Shines
in Darkness). This is what we would expect; it is what we find.
And it was the twofold consciousness of the all-sufficiency of
Christ and the ominous character of Antichrist that held the
Waldenses on their course in the face of mounting persecution,
and impelled them to witness to this twofold truth, even if it
meant the sacrifice of life itself.
73 Ibid., p. 190.
CHAPTER THIRTY-SIX
Summing Up the Evidence

of Volume I
In surveying so many centuries, from Old Testament

prophecy to the Renaissance, this volume has necessarily hur-
ried the reader by forced marches over too vast a territory to
permit a proper perspective of the route that has led to the
present point of vantage. After the journey from day to day
through the underbrush of details, over rough trails, across
plains where sometimes the track fades to almost invisible
marks, up one path and then down another, ..e must look back
to view the picture as a whole from the eminence on which we
stand, and trace the towering peaks, the dark valleys, and the
landmarks which show us the course of the trail from the be-
ginning of the journey.
We have seen, to begin with, that prophecy is not simply
a magic formula by which to foreknow or forecast coming
events; it is a speaking for God. Sometimes the message from
God involves no foretelling at all; sometimes it is of specific
and immediate application. Sometimes it is an inspired pre-
view, in miniature, of major events in the divine plan of the
ages, or the advance schedule of the master plan of redemption
in action, centering around the two epochal advents of Christ:
the first, which provides the divine sacrifice for sin and assures
the redemption of man; and the second, which is to bring the
plan of redemption to completion by the resurrection of the
righteous dead and the translation of the righteous living, the
887
888 PROPHETIC FAITH
eradication of sin and the inauguration of the reign of right-

eousness forevermore.
I. Early Church Positions on Daniel 1

1. THE SEQUENCE OF KINGDOMS.—Daniel's master prophe-
cies, in chapters 2 and 7, set forth a basic outline of prophecy
from his day onward until the consummation of all things at
the end of the age. Starting with the Neo-Babylonian Empire,
they outline a series of four world powers from Daniel's day
onward, the fourth kingdom to be superseded by a division
into numerous smaller kingdoms, ever quarreling among them-
selves. In the seventh chapter appears a new element of perse-
cution by a religio-political power—a power among the king-
doms which persecutes the people of God. But both chapters
end with the everlasting kingdom of God, set up after the de-
struction of the earthly kingdoms and the judgment.
These earlier positions of the grand outline persisted in
the church through the centuries—the four world powers of
Daniel 2 and 7 (and the last three of the four empires in chap-
ters 8 and 11), then the breakup of the Roman fourth, to be fol-
lowed by the cruel dominance of Antichrist, and that in turn
by the beneficent reign of Christ. Even the antecedent and
paralleling Jewish interpretation holds to the same four em-
pires, the division of the fourth, and finally the establishment
of the Messianic kingdom forever.
In the outline prophecies Daniel does not give the iden-
tity of each nation in the line of the great empires of prophecy,
but he does identify the first in the series as Babylon. With the
first one established the sequence can easily be determined,
and the book elsewhere actually names Persia and Greece as
the second and third world powers succeeding Babylon. There
can be no mistake on the first three. So only the fourth, in
chronological sequence, is left to ascertain, and certainly no
guesswork is necessary to find the dominating world power
1 See pages 455 ff. for a summary and charts of the early period.
SUMMING UP THE EVIDENCE OF VOLUME I 889
which succeeded Alexander's. The universal interpretation of

the early church identified Rome as the fourth. With the
breakup of the fourth into multiple nations comes the Little
Horn, rising among the divided successors of the Roman Em-
pire. It is a political power, like the rest of the horns, with a
look "more stout than his fellows," and the strength to prevail
against them; yet it is "diverse from the rest," for it is also a
religious power, concerned with the times, laws, and people of
the Most High, speaking great words against God and perse-
cuting godly people.
And to this day the main points of divergence and conflict
between Protestant and Roman Catholic prophetic interpreta-
tion are, first, the identity of that Antichristian Little Horn of
Daniel 7, and the passages that parallel it, and the time and
length of its reign—whether literal or prophetic time; and
second, the nature of the kingdom of God—the time of its
establishment and the nature, circumstances, and results of that
establishment.
2. THE TIME PERIODS OF DANIEL.—The fixed starting
point of Chic series in Daniel 2 and 7 is indisputably established
as Babylon. But Babylon was superseded by Persia, and Daniel's
later prophecies—recorded in chapters 8, 9, and 11—all ob-
viously start with Persia. And the connected time prophecies
all fit into the master outline prophecies against this back-
ground, such as the seventy weeks of Daniel 9, applying to the
Jews before Christ, and recognized by them as weeks of years.
Thus the foundations of Daniel's great outline, and the
year-day principle of the great time prophecies, as laid down
by Daniel and subsequent Hebrew leaders, were carried over
into the Christian church, becoming its priceless heritage,
though likewise held by a paralleling line of Jewish expositors
extending over the Christian Era.
But the 1260-, 1290-, 1335-, and 2300-day periods of Daniel
7, 8, 9, 11, and 12, and corresponding periods in the Apocalypse
were not yet regarded as years in the early church. They would
not have thought such long periods possible, for time was fore-
890 PROPHETIC FAITH
shortened to the gaze of the early churchmen, who expected

the end of all things soon. The extension of the year-day prin-
ciple to these other periods could not have occurred until such
datings would seem to be within possibility, but eventually it
was inevitably so extended by Joachim and his followers in
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
The oft-repeated 1260 days, and the 1290-, 1335-, and
2300-day periods come sharply into view just at the close of
Volume I, and there are also included the lesser periods of
the ten year-days of Smyrnean persecution, the five months, the
hour, day, month, and year of Revelation 8 and 9, and also the
three and a half days of Revelation 11.
3. CONTEMPORARY RECOGNITION OF FULFILLMENT.—Jesus
said, "When it is come to pass, ye may believe." Perhaps one
of the most conspicuous lessons of all prophetic testimony
through the years is the contemporary recognition, or interpre-
tation, of each major epoch or event in the prophetic outline
at the very time of fulfillment.' The 70 weeks were accepted
by the early church as a period of years fulfilled in connection
with Christ's first advent. Rome was recognized as the fourth
empire of Daniel's outline prophecies, as a present reality, and
the next - stage was looked for in the breakup of the empire.
Rome's identity as the fourth empire was discerned during her
rule not merely by one or two individuals but by a chorus of
widely distributed voices, diversified and continuous. The tes-
timony of these witnesses was set forth in various languages—
Latin, Greek, Syriac, and Hebrew—and was spread all the way
from Africa in the south to Britain in the north, and from
Gaul in the west to Syria in the east. Then Jerome records the
breaking up of the empire, although the picture is incomplete,
and Sulpicius Severus sees the clay being mixed with iron. This
phenomenon—the announcement of contemporary fulfillment
—repeats itself again and again. That is the clear, composite
testimony of the early centuries.
2 See page 144,

II. Prophecies of Revelation Belatedly Expounded '

1. CONSTITUTES THE COMPLEMENT TO DANIEL.—The Apoc-
alypse, written centuries later, came gradually to be seen to
constitute the complement of the earlier prophecies of Daniel,
amplifying the details of the career of the Roman fourth em-
pire in the prophetic series, and spanning the Christian Era
from the first to the second advent, emphasizing particularly
the events of the latter days.
2. SAME CHARACTERISTICS OF REPETITION IN TIME AP-
PEAR.—And, as in Daniel, the same characteristic of repetitive
lines begins to appear in the interpretation of Revelation—
these seven churches representing the church in general, but
the seven seals apparently spanning the Christian Era, and the
seven trumpets and vials repeating each other, as seen by Vic-
torinus.
The dragon of Revelation 12 was commonly accepted as
pagan Rome—the fourth in the series of four world powers of
Daniel. The first three had come and gone, and the powerful
fourth kingdom in the series was now ruling
0 with an iron hand
to be followed by the emergence of the Antichrist, whoever he
would be. The woman in white, of Revelation 12, was com-
monly understood as representing the pure church, and the
unchaste woman in scarlet, of Revelation 17, Rome. The Beast
of Revelation _13 was generally regarded as one of the multiple
symbols of Antichrist that would cruelly persecute the saints.
On these points there is essential unity.
3. THE CONTROVERSY OVER CHILIASM.—It was chiefly
around chiliasm—the doctrine of a thousand-year reign of the
saints with Christ on earth after His second advent—that the
conflict raged.' The extravagance, grossness, and materializing
of the interpretation by many of. the chiliasts caused the Apoca-
lypse itself to be temporarily discredited. Consequently the ex-
position of the outline prophecies of the Apocalypse was tardy
3 See pages 458, 459.
4 See pages 301-308, 324-326.
892 PROPHETIC FAITH
in development, but during the early medieval period it began

to receive much careful attention, and the sevenfold outline
was minutely worked out from the time of Joachim onward.
According to the belief of the early church, the millen-
nium is a thousand-year transition period in the process of
earth's restoration, consequent upon the second advent, and in
turn succeeded by the everlasting state.
That some in early, as in modern, times abused the doc-
trine of the millennium, does not vitiate the fact. that it was
for centuries the common faith of the primitive church in its
purest days. Reflecting the concepts of the age, some extreme
chiliasts taught that the first resurrection was followed by a
thousand years of eating, drinking, and being merry on earth
in an unregenerated state. But the name "chiliasts," simply de-
rived from "thousand years," was indiscriminately applied to
both extremists and moderates. The doctrine of a millennium
after the first resurrection must not be denied as an early
Christian belief because perverted by some of its friends and
grossly misrepresented by its enemies.
4. RELATIONSHIP OF MILLENNIAL PERIOD TO ADVENT.—
The early church followed the Apocalypse when it regarded the
thousand years as that measure of time dividing the great
events of a vast transition period, lying between the close of
the present dispensation and the eternal ages to come, but made
mistakes in the nature of the event. The beginning was to be
marked by four events: (a) The first resurrection, of the blessed
and holy dead, at the second advent. (b) Satan bound, shut up,
and sealed for a thousand years. (c) The nations deceived no
more till the thousand years are finished. (d) Thrones and
judgment given to the saints.
The close of the thousand years is similarly marked by a
corresponding quartet of events: (a) The resurrection of the
rest of the dead, the wicked, after the thousand years are fin-
ished. (b) Satan loosed when the thousand years are expired.
(c) The nations of the resurrected again deceived by false pros-
pects. (d) The camp of the beloved city compassed about.
Evidently certain events, combined in one and the same

scene in Daniel's general outline, were by the same revealing
Spirit sundered one thousand years apart in the amplified
visions of. John, which opened a new and expanded vista.
But the chiliasts went beyond Revelation 20 to apply to
the millennium a number of unrelated Old Testament texts;
also many of them added certain elements derived from non-
Christian sources concerning a fabulous golden age of carnal
and material prosperity which disgusted the expositors who
were seeking a spiritual or allegorical meaning for the proph-
ecy. Indeed, the cruder concepts of extreme chiliasm, based
unconsciously on Jewish and pagan traditions, reacted, with
the opposite philosophical and allegorical tendency also de-
rived from outside Christianity, to cause all belief in a future
millennium to be labeled heresy and to hasten the trend toward
allegorizing the Scriptures. Although the doubts concerning
the Apocalypse were neither universal nor permanent, the anti-
millenarian reaction led to the most far-reaching prophetic
departures from the early church position. These trends are
visualizer; in thP two tabula r "larts ^n pages 894-897.
III. The Tichonius-Augustine Influence
1. THE MILLENNIUM SHIFTED TO FIRST ADVENT.-Ill the

time of Tichonius and Augustine the resurrection was spirit-
ualized, the prophecies allegorized, the kingdom materialized
into the established church. And now the devil's binding for a
thousand years was declared to have been a historical accom-
plishment some four centuries previous—an entirely new and
revolutionary concept, the third and last of the great steps in
departure from the earlier concept of the church. Augustine's
enunciation of the Tichonian view became the standard
Roman Catholic thesis—that the millennium began at the first
advent, instead of being yet to commence at the second advent;
that the first resurrection is spiritual (of souls dead in sin raised
to spiritual life); and that the kingdom of God is already es:
EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD: LEADING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL
Dan. 2 Dam 7
Judgment
Page 4 Metals Feet & Toes Stone Kgdm. Time 4 Beasts 10 Horns 3 Horns Lit. Henn 31/2 Times Kgdrn.-God
No. Name Date
Cath. Ch. Present B-P-G-R Kingdoms Antichrist 315 Yrs. Eter. Kgdm.
1 Augustine d. 430 (B-P-C-RI
520 Church Antichrist
2 Gregory I d. 604
(B-P-G-R) Multi. Kgdms. B-P.G-R (Antichrist)
3 Andreas 7th Cent. 570
B-P-G-R Divisions False Messiah Judge All Men
4 "Sergi: d'Aberga" 7th Cent. 573 B-P.G-R
5 Walafrid d. 849 551
611 (B.P.G-R) Church B-P-G-R 3 Rulers Antichrist
6 Venerable Bede d. 735
7 Nahawendi • 8.9th Cent. 11,196

8 Haymo d. 853 554
9th Cent. 580 (B.P.G)-R (B-P-GI-R Listed
9 Berengaud
8-9th Cent. 11,199 B-P-G-R Mess. Kgdm. B-P-G-R
10 Eliezer •
d. 942 11,200 B.P-G-Gog B-P-G-Gog 10 Kings Cruel King
11 Saadia •
12 Jeheram • 10th Cent. 11,201
13 Hakohen • 10th Cent. 11,202

10th Cent. 11,206 B-P-G-R Rome & Arabs Mn,,. Kgdm. B-P-G-R 10 Thrones
14 Jephet ibn Ali •
d. 1105 11,210 B.P-G-R Divisions Mn,,.Kgdm. B.P.G.R 10 Rom. Kgdms. Thitus
i LI . =1335 Yrs.
s.
15 Rasta •
16 Abraham bar Hiyya ° d. 1136 11,211

Abraham ibe Ezra • d. 1167 11,212 B-P-G-(R) Rome & Ishm. Mess. Kgdm. B-P-G-(R) 10 kings Tihn
17
12th Cent. 566 B-P-G-R
18 Rupert of Deutz
19 Bernard (Clairvaux) d. 1153 636

B-P-C-R Divisions Kgdm.-God Future B-P-G-R 10 Div. 3 Kings Antichrist 315 Yrs.
20 Peter Cementer d. 1178 653
11-P.G.R B-P-G-R 10 Kgdms. 3 Kgdms. Antichrist 31/2 Yrs. Saints Exalted
21 Thomas Aquinas d. 1274 656
Final.Kgdm. Heavenly Future jevvs, ROmans, Fut. Kgdms. Arist,
ntich
d. 1202 692 BP.G-R-Sar.
22 Joachim of Florin { Arrans, Saracens Not Antiochus
23 "De Semi." c. 1205 719

Antichrist 1260 Yrs.
24 Pseudo-Joachim Comm c. 1248 725
Arnold of Villanova 1292 749 (Proclaims 2300 Year-Days to Evening of This Age and Morning of Next)
25 1260 Yrs.
26 Pierre Jean &OW d. 1298 764
27 Ubertino of Casale 1305 778
(B-P-G)-R Listed Named Papacy
28 Eberhard II (5alsburg) d. 1246 796
12 Cent. 860 4th—Rom. Ch.
29 Waldenses
• Jewish expositors treated in Volume II
The accompanying tabular charts, like those for the first four centuries ap-
pearing on pages 456 to 459, present a composite, panoramic view of fundamental
prophetic exposition in these more complex and difficult centuries of the early
Middle Ages. Careful comparison with prior and subsequent interpretation is
thus made possible, and developing trends, indicative of things to come, can
clearly be seen. Sound general appraisals can consequently be made.
Read horizontally, the chart affords a comprehensive sweep of each exposi-
tor's positions at a glance. Read vertically, it gives the sum total of the evidence
presented from major expositors in this period, on a given point. Progressive or
retrogressive trends can be traced.
The same obvious abbreviations are employed: "B-P-G-R" for Babylon, Per-
sia, Grecia, and Rome; "P-G" for Persia and Grecia; "Kgdm." for kingdom; "Per."
for period; "Ch." for church; "Chr." for Christian; "Pag." for pagan; "Fr." for
from; "AC" or "Antichr." for Antichrist; also, "Sar." for Saracens; "Ishm." for
Ishmael; "Iniq." for iniquitous; "Apos." for apostasy; "Rep. Rome" for Republi-
can Rome.
The centuries covered by the accompanying tabulations form the connecting
link between the early church exposition of the past and the pre-Reformation and
Reformation positions to come, which are the full and logical outgrowth of the
Joachim breakaway from the dominant positions of these obscure Middle Ages.
The fundamental pattern of prophetic interpretation was but slowly changed
during the course of these connecting centuries. But the trend was inexorable.
For hundreds of years prior to Joachim, the prophetic interpretation of Dan-
iel was largely static; and with the Tichonian-Augustinian innovation ascendant
tablished as the present Roman Catholic Church. The thou-

sand years Augustine saw as either the sixth thousand years of
the world, or the indefinite period of the Christian Era.
2. ECLIPSE OF HISTORICAL VIEW OF PROPHECY.—While the
early church positions on Daniel were preserved in Jerome's
commentary, which was regarded as the ultimate during the
early medieval period, they were virtually nullified by the
894
EXPOSITORS OF DANIEL (For Revelation, See Next Opening)
Dan. 8 Dan. 9 Dan. II Dan. 12 Paul
Notable Exceeding
Horn Great Horn 2300 Days 70 Weeks Lao Week Cross Abomination 1290 Dr. 1335 DM. Hinderer Man-Sin
To Cross Rome (?) Apornazh,

t ttCh.
69 Wks. to Chr.
To Advent Rome or Ch. Antichrist
475 Solar Yrs. Bap. Midst At End Literal To 2d Advent Antichrist
2300 Yrs. Yrs. to 1358

Antichrist 4. ÷ 45 Days Corpus DiaboN
2300 Yrs. + 2 490 Yrs. Fr. Exile 1290 Yrs. 1335 Yrs.
Years 1290 Yrs. 1335 Yrs.
2300 Yrs. 1290 Yrs.

Mohammedanism Literal Sabbatical Yrs. to Titus Literal Literal
Yrs. -i- 490 Yrs. Yrs. From C.E. 62 Yrs. to Mess.
Yrs. to 1468 Wks. of Sabbatical Yrs. Yrs. to 1358 Yrs. to 1403

Uncertain 490 Yrs. Uncertain Uncertain
Antichrist
Antiochus & Antichr. Literal 475 Solar Yrs. At End Antichrist 31/2 Tn. Antichrist
Alexander Hary Antichr. Ron,. Beast
23 Centuries (From Daniel's Time, Endi gin 16th C ntury.)

Antichrist =Popes
12300 Yr From Daniel to End 'n 15th Cent.) Yrs. to Christ Fall of Jet. =Antichrist Yrs. to Antichr. Yrs. (From 46 Yrs. After Cross to 14th Cent.)
Yrs. to c.2000 Wks. of Yrs. =1260 Yrs. Yrs. to 7th State Pseudo Pope
Yrs. to c.2000 =1260 Yrs.
Papacy
Papal Church
there were few new advances in the exposition of Revelation. Shortly before
Joachim new ideas began to appear, and the breakaway gradually followed.
For Daniel, the same basic series of the four world powers holds for chapters
2 and 7, with the reign of the Roman church as the ever present kingdom of God.
Diversity of view obtained over the identity of the Little Horn, but even so, it
generally stood for Antichrist, whoever that was or would be. Paul's Man of Sin
was likewise this Antichrist.
The understanding of the seventy weeks as years continued unchanged. The
extension of the year-day principle to the longer prophetic periods, a gradual
though natural and logically sound development, was first projected by six Jewish
expositors before Joachim (inserted here in chronological order from Volume H).
From the basic contention of the 1260 days as years, pioneered by Joachim in
Christian exposition, the application of the year-day principle to the 1290, 1335,
and 2300 days by his followers was only a matter of time.
The shift of view concerning Antichrist—from an individual, a Jew of the
tribe of Dan, to the pope and to the papal system—was gradual but inevitable.
In the Apocalypse the scarlet woman of Revelation 17 was generally Rome
in some form, and Babylon, finally ecclesiastical Rome. But the New Jerusalem
was still the ever present church.
So these charts disclose a definite transition, which was in one sense a gradual
turning back to the earlier church views, and in another a progression toward
revolutionary positions. However, the breakaway from the overshadowing grip
of the Augustinian millennium was but gradual, and was not completed in fact
until long after the period covered by this volume.
Tichonian-Augustinian theory, and the previous allegorization

of Origen, which together put the emphasis on the nonhistori-
cal approach to the Scriptures. The Apocalypse was regarded
as being fulfilled in principles rather than events. The king-
dom of God was already set up, according to the official teach-
ing of the church, and nothing remained before the final judg-
ment but the brief reign of Antichrist. These emasculating,
895
EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD: LEADING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL
1 John 2:8 Rev. 2, 3 Rev. 6, 7 Rev. 8. 9 Rey II Rev. 2
Page Antichrist 7 Churches 7 Seals 7th Seal 7 Trumpets 5th Tr. 6011 Tr. 2 Witnesses 31/2 Days Woman Child
No. Name Date
Devil-Possess (Recapitulation Theory Applied to Rev. 20) 31/2 Yrs. Tr. Ch. Members
1 Tichonius I. c. 380 468
2 Augustine d. 430 Apostasy in Ch. (City of God vs. City of World)( (Kgdm. of God--Present Religio-Political Fact)
d. 560 546 From Dan Enoch &Elijah
3 Primasius i
d. 604 520 From Dan (Antichrist Imminent—End Approaching) Enoch & Elijah
4 Gregory 1
7th Cent. 570 Fr. Euphrates Christian Era Slain M Jerus.
5 Andreas Enoch & Elias Church
6 Beate& 8th Cent. 575 Priest-knight (Saracens)
Christian Era Apos. in Ch. Intro. Trumps. 1st 4 Past Antichrist 3l/z Yrs. Church Christ
7 Walafrid d, 849 551
Christian Era Eternal Rest Defections Heretics Pers. Under A tichrist Church
8 Venerable Bede c. 716 611 From Babylon To 2d Advent
6th Last Trib. Antichrist Enoch & Elias
9 Haymo d. 853 554 From Dan
Ch. in General Creation to Gent; e Era Fr. Patriot. Early Fath. Martyrs Chr. Ministers 31/2 Yrs. Church Christ
10 Berengaud 9th Cent. 580
(Follows Arethas in General) Enoch & Elias
11 Arethas b. 860 572 Fut. Emperor 31/2 Yrs.
Enoch & Elijah
12 Adso d. 992 585 From Dan
13 Berengarius d. 1088 649 (See of Rome s "Seat of Satan")
Christian Era Christ. Era Church Christ
14 Richard (St. Victor/ d. 1173 558 Corer Chr. Er
2 Testaments 31/2 Yrs. Church Sonsof Ch,
15 Bruno of Segni d 1123 560 (Uses Haymo & Bedell Apes. in Ch.
16 Anselm d. 1158 563 Seven Eras
(New Handling of Apoc Begins ) Church
17 Rupert of Deist: I2th Coot. 566 Personal
18 Robert Grosseteste d. 1253 624 Papal System
Virgin Mary Christ
19 Bernard (Clairvaux) d. 1153 636 Antipope (Al o a Future Antichrist in Church) 31/2 Yrs.
Enoch & Elijah
20 Peter Comestor d. 1178 653 From Dan Per. of AC Ch., Vir. Mary Christ
21 Albertus Magnus d. 1280 654 (lezebel=Mohammedanism) Forerunners of Antichrist
(End) 7th=Res. Enoch Cr Elijah
22 Thomas Aquinas d. 1274 656 kw From Bab.
23 Innocent III d. 1216 676 2 Orders of (42 Mohs=
nt Whole Church Christ
A. 1202 692 Quasi Pope Epochs of Chr. Era, Christ. Era Cathari (7th, Peace)
24 Joachim of Floris { 2d Age (Parallels O. T. Periods) 150 Yrs.? 3d Age 31/2 Ti mes)
25 Pseudo-Joachim Comm. c. 1248 725 Fred. etc.

26 Arnold of Villanova 1292 749 Future Person Christian Era Aft. 1290 Yrs. (Antichrist Comes Be ore 6th Seal/ Enoch & Elijah
Christian Era Jubilee Christ. Era Carnal Ch. Upset of Ch. Enoch & Elijah 31/2 Yrs. Church Christ
27 Pierre jean d'Olivi d. 1298 764 Roman Church Christian Era
Enoch & Elijah (Francis Cr Dominic Also)
28 Ubertino of Casale 1305 778 Boniface VIII
29 Eberhard II (Salzburg) d. 1246 796 Papacy (True Church Implied]
30 Waldenses 12 Cent. 860 Roman Church
spiritualizing views tended to bring about not only a complete

submission to the rule of the church as the rule of Christ but
also a loss of further historical interpretation of prophecy in
the events and sequences of the centuries.
These historical views begin to be revived only as we
come to the forerunners of Joachim, and they were elaborated
in Joachim's 1260 year-days and his seven historical periods
based on the seven seals, et cetera, of Revelation. The thir-
teenth-century Joachimite school which followed him went
beyond him in applying apocalyptic symbols to the church,
and the contemporary bishop Eberhard saw the Papacy in the
Antichrist. The historical interpretation of prophecy continued
to thrive, particularly in schismatical and heretical circles, and
passed into pre-Reformation and Protestant thinking.
Succinctly stated, the Christian Era up to the fourteenth
century embraces three phases: (1) the early church teachings,
(2) the subsequent deflection in the Tichonius-Augustine tra-
dition, and (3) the medieval restoration of much that was lost.
And to this were added new advances in prophetic interpreta-
tion, laying the foundation for the great advance to match the
soon-coming Protestant Reformation days, when the floodlights
of understanding began to be focused on the Scriptures, in-
cluding the prophecies.
Discussion of the interpretation of Revelation 13 has been
896
EXPOSITORS ON REVELATION (For Daniel, See Preceding Opening)
Rey. 12 Rev. 13 Rev. 16 Rey. 17 Rey. 20 Rey. 21. 22
Dragon 31/2 Times 1st Beast 2d Beast 666 7 Vials Woman Beast Babylon 1000 Yrs. 1st Res. Events at Close New Jerusalem
Satan 350 Yrs. Corpus Diaboli False Priests World Ch. Roman Ch. 350 Yrs. Spiritual Adv. A.D. 381 Present Church
Cast 0.01 at 1st Ac11, Ungodly City of World Antichrist (?) World Ch. City Rome Spans 2 Advs. Spiritual Antichr. 31/2 Yrs. Present Church
Antichrist Simon Magus 1225 Days Augustinian Augustinian
Augustinian Augustinian Antichr. Appears
Sat.r--Rorne Antichrist False Prophet 'nip. Lamb Rome Antichrist Uncertain Antichr. Appears
Antichr. Time
31/2 Yrs. Antichrist Apostles of AC FleadAC (Augustinian)
Devd 31/2 Yrs. Corpus Diaboli Antichrist Teitan The Lost Head=AC Augustinian Spiritual By Heavenly Grace
Antichrist Apostles of AC Teitan Aug. Era Antichr. Comes
Infidel Antichr. AC's Preachers Unknown Pag. Rome Reprobate Augustinian
Bab. (Saracens)
Heathen (Head, AC) False Brethren Uncertain Uncertain

Antichrist
Non-Aug.
Arianism
Herod (Moon=Chutch ) Anti-pope
Satan Antichrist AC's Preachers Augustinian

Indef. Augustinian Spiritual Mt. Olives
Mohammed (also Man of in & Antichrist) Years Since Mohammed
Devil 1260 Yrs..-- Combination of False proph- Indef. Cover Chr. Era Rep. Rome Same as Rep. Rome lth Period Satan Loosed Present Church
42 Mos. Dan.'s beast ets, AC Beast in Ch. Daniel's 3d Age Cog 6 Magog
Fred. etc. 1260 Yrs. Rom. Ch.
Mohammed
1260 Yrs. Secular Rulers False Prelates 1Image=Pseudopope/ Beast in Rome Rom. Ch. Roman Ch. Satan Bound Satan Loosed
1260 Yrs. Bonita" VIII Monks; Benedict Benedict
Papacy
Roman Church Rom. Cl,, Roman Ch.
deferred in order to combine the Beast with the Little Horn

of Daniel 7 and the Man of Sin of Second Thessalonians, for
these three prophecies, together with the Antichrist of John's
epistle, were generally considered together as portrayals of the
same persecuting power.
IV. Emphasis on Antichrist Occasioned by Multiple

Prophetic Treatment
There was widespread identification of Antichrist with
multiple symbols, figures, and terms, used by Daniel, Paul, and
John. Long anticipated and feared, it was gradually identified
with the religio-political Little Horn of Daniel 7, the Man of
Sin, Mystery of Iniquity, and son of perdition of 2 Thessalo-
nians 2, and with the Beast, and the Scarlet Woman, Babylon,
of the Apocalypse.
1. ANTICHRIST IDENTIFIED WITH THREEFOLD PORTRAYAL.
—The reasons for the acceptance of the descriptions of the
Little Horn, the Beast, and the Man of Sin as a composite por-
trayal of the same power become clear when the parallels are
tabulated as follows:
(1) Source.—The Little Horn grows out of the head of
the ten-horned fourth Beast, which was overwhelmingly recog-
nized as Rome; the Antichrist was identified as the last phase
of the seven-headed Beast from the sea having also ten horns
29 897
898 PROPHETIC FAITH
like the Roman Beast of Daniel; the Man of Sin owes its rise
to the removal of the hindering power likewise identified with
Rome.
(2) Time of Origin.—The Little Horn comes up among
the divided successors of the Roman "fourth kingdom"; the
Beast receives his "power, and his seat, and great authority"
from the dragon, which was identified as Satan working
through pagan Rome; the Man of Sin is revealed after the fall
of the hindering Roman Empire.
(3) End.—All three are destroyed at the second coming
of Christ in the final judgment.
(4) Religio-political Power.—The Little Horn, rising as a
kingdom among other kingdoms, is nevertheless "diverse" from
the rest, for it is also religious, blaspheming God, exercising
authority over the saints, times, and laws of the Most High;
the Beast is a composite of Daniel's beasts, which are kingdoms,
and it wears crowns, but it also demands and receives worship;
the Man of Sin is not mentioned in a political setting, but he
is certainly a religious figure, demanding worship.
(5) Blasphemous Presumption.—The Little Horn has "a
mouth that spake very great things," "great words against the
most High"; the Beast has "a mouth speaking great things and
blasphemies"; the Man of Sin exalts himself against God.
(6) Time of Dominance.—The Little Horn is given
power over the saints of the Most High "until a time and times
and the dividing of time"; the Beast is given power "forty and
two months." Both these time periods are equated in Revela-
tion 11 and 12 to 1260 prophetic days, or 1260 years on the
year-day principle.
(7) Warring Against God's People.—The Little Horn
"made war with the saints, and prevailed against them"; to the
Beast "it was given . . . to make war with the saints, and to
overcome them: and power was given him."
(8) Great Power.—The Little Horn looks "more stout
than his fellows," and subdues three of them; the Beast is very
powerful, for "who is able to make war with him?" and the
Man of Sin comes "with all power and signs and lying won-
ders."
(9) Demands Divine Homage.—The Little Horn sets
himself over the saints, times, and laws of the Most High; the
Beast causes multitudes to worship him, and the Man of Sin
sets himself up as God, above all that is worshiped.
2. NON-CHRISTIAN IDEAS OF ANTICHRIST INCORPORATED.—
The importance of these Antichrist prophecies to the church
was occasioned not only by the threefold treatment but also
by the fact that they were the next stage expected all through
the period of this volume. The early church looked for the
kingdom of Antichrist as the fifth of the great world-influenc-
ing powers of prophecy following the breakup of Rome. Its
identification was not too clear, and unfortunately the non-
Christian traditions G which crept into the Antichrist concept
were perpetuated for centuries.
The traditional idea of a Jewish tyrant, a monster, or a
semi-demon persisted, in spite of the application to Antichrist
of the prophecy of 2 Thessalonians 2, in which Paul, signifi-
cantly, did not speak of a future political despot, as the Jews
expected, but of a spiritual power, the result of apostasy. For
in the early church the hindering power was recognized as the
succession of Roman emperors, after whose removal the Man
of Sin was to be revealed in connection with a falling away, or
apostasy, whose beginning Paul could see already working—a
mystery of iniquity which was to culminate in a man enthroned
in the very temple of God, exalting himself as God and de-
manding homage due only to Deity.
But after all, it is not surprising that folklore should be
stronger than Pauline theology during the Dark Ages, and
Antichrist was a popular character in folklore. The fantastic
tales of the pseudo-Methodius type can be traced throughout
the Middle Ages. And so it was that one type of extra-Biblical
elements which crept into Christian eschatology caused a re-
6 See pages 293 if.
See pages 582 ff.
PAUL CUMMINGS. PHOTOGRAPHER
SECOND ADVENT PAINTING, HIDDEN FOR CENTURIES, RESTORED

This Ancient Painting of the Second Coming of Christ, Formerly in the Nave of the Penn Church
at Bucks., England, Was Plastered Over and Long Forgotten. Hundreds of Years Passed Before
It Was Rediscovered and Restored to Full View. Similarly, the Early Church Views on the Hope
and Expectation of the Advent and the Kingdom of God Were Later Obscured and Well-nigh
Forgotten. Centuries Passed. Then Men Again Discovered the Unfolding of Prophecy in the
Course of Human Events, and Restored It to Its Rightful Prominence in the Church. Such is
the Impressive Lesson of the Old Painting at Penn
vulsion against early millennialism, and another type perpetu-

ated a warped idea of a fantastic future Antichrist.
V. Loss and Recovery of Historical View

1. INTERPRETATION REMAINS STATIC AFTER AUGUSTINE.—
We have seen how in the wake of Tichonius and Augustine
prophetic interpretation became static. The exposition of
Daniel stood just where Jerome had left it, and the understand-
ing of the Apocalypse remained in a state of arrested develop-
ment. The historical approach to the Apocalypse had been
clearly indicated before Tichonius, but now men no longer
looked to events for the fulfillment of the prophecies. The
series of empires had already been passed, the stone kingdom
of Daniel and the millennium of the Revelation were regarded
900
as already in progress, and there was nothing yet in sight to

fulfill the popular concept of the terrible Antichrist and his
hordes of Gog and Magog. Perhaps there were popular fore-
bodings about the Mohammedans and the like, but the writers
of prophetic exposition were following in the footsteps of Ti-
chonius and largely ignoring the historical meaning for the
allegorical and spiritual application.
Walafrid Strabo's Glossa in the ninth century (or perhaps
even later, if Walafrid was not the author) enumerated the
seven seals but only the mention of Antichrist under the sixth
gives any hint of historical sequence; as was presented in the
early church, here was a hint in the trumpets of successive
periods, but the picture was not filled out. The Glossa was
long quoted as authoritative. Haymo a little later followed the
same scheme.
2. HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS DEVELOP GRADUALLY.—
Then Berengaud, late in the ninth century, launched out a
little further into historical interpretation when he made the
seals, the trumpets, and the seven heads of the beast refer to
periods beginningwith the creation—a sort of harking harkto'
Augustine's seven ages of the world—and he named and lo-
cated the ten horn kingdoms as the already-existing divisions
of Rome.
Otherwise prophetic interpretation slumbered on as be-
fore, until Arnulf, almost at the end of the tenth century,
started the echoes with his Antichrist epithet flung at the pope.
But silence fell again until the twelfth century, when things
began to stir.
In half a century we find Bruno of Segni quoting Ezekiel's
year-day principle for the three and one-half days of the Two
Witnesses, Rupert of Deutz working out historical sequences
(in the Old Testament again) for the seven heads and seven
seals; the two Bernards pointing respectively to the present
church as Babylon and a present papal claimant as. Antichrist;
Richard of St. Victor suggesting that the seven churches, seals,
trumpets, et cetera, cover the Christian Era five times.
902 PROPHETIC FAITH
Then came Anselm of Havelberg, forerunner of Joachim's

three ages, filling in Walafrid's outline with historical fulfill-
ments. Before the century closed we have Joachim's three mon-
umental works, which completed the reversal of the Tichonius-
Augustine tradition and began the extension of the year-day
principle and the historical view of prophecy, through which
the next advances in prophetic interpretation were to come.
It is true that between Augustine and 1100 there had been
some writer on prophecy in practically every century. But
these, for the most part, merely reflected the departures from
the early positions, introduced by Augustine, and added little
to any understanding of the times. They were simply echoes.
3. THE DAWN OF PRE-REFORMATION VIEWS.—Thus we
may say that in the twelfth century the early gray light that
heralds the first approach of dawn appeared, following the
somber black of the Dark Ages. Men began dimly to see again
the faint outlines of larger prophetic truths that had now been
shrouded in darkness for hundreds of years. Slowly the gleams
of day appeared, a streak here and a streak there, as men still
groped in the shadows and stumbled in their walk while anx-
iously awaiting the day. Familiar prophetic landmarks were
seen again, looming hazily in the shadows. Details became
clearer as the dusky gray turned to the early white light of day;
and while the lowlands were yet in partial shadow, the earliest
beams of the yet unseen sun began to touch the distant peaks
with roseate hue in promise of the full sunlight yet to come.
The night had passed and the early dawn of day had come.
Too much must not be expected of these men of the Mid-
dle Ages, living before even the gray light of the Renaissance
had broken upon the world. All the greater honor, then, to
such stalwarts whose spiritual restlessness sought out the reveal-
ing light of the Word on the times, and searched for a reliable
understanding of their day. Their spirits chafed under the
perverseness of the times and the corruptions of the church. To
them the prophecies promised light and hope and understand-
ing. Without the fuller perspective and knowledge of later
students of prophecy, some of them pointed the way ahead to

clearer understanding.
So we enter the second epochal period of prophetic em-
phasis and exposition that was soon to expand and grow lumi-
nous under Wyclif and his pre-Reformation contemporaries
in Britain, and under Milicz and Huss in Bohemia, and those
who succeeded them, but which was to reach its fullness of in-
fluence, power, and glowing, guiding light only under the
Reformation.'
VI. Joachim Traces Prophecy in History

J oachim's contribution lay more in the forces he set in
motion than in his voluminous, involved, and fantastic exposi-
tion. Indeed, the end results of his influence were entirely dif-
ferent from what he would have wished, and the doctrines at-
tached erroneously to his name by his followers carried more
weight than his own genuine teachings.
1. PIONEER OF YEAR-DAY PRINCIPLE.—Joachim as the first
vv 1 ILL1 appiicu
1J III 1J11a11 year-ua y pi 111L1Fle Ili uic ILUV
days (though he was anticipated by Jewish expositors over some
three centuries). Within three years of his death the 2300 days
were reckoned as twenty-three centuries in De Semine, from
which Villanova, at the end of the thirteenth century, derived
the year-day principle of Ezekiel as a basic scale to be applied to
other periods—a principle used for the 1290 and 1335 days by
Olivi and followed by Ubertino and other Spirituals, and later
incorporated into standard Protestant exegesis.
2. SEES FUTURE BINDING OF SATAN.—He spoke, for the first
time since Augustine, of a future binding of Satan, yet clung
to the old theory also, and placed the thousand years in the
past.Although himselfdid no* a his env spe
widespread expectation of the end of the age in 1260, and later
in 1300.
7 See Volume IL
904 PROPHETIC FAITH
Joachim brought into vogue the interpretation of proph-

ecy in the light of historical fulfillment, a principle which re-
mained basic long after his specific and fantastic applications
were forgotten.
3. EVANGELICAL IDEALS IN CONTRAST WITH REALITY.—
Joachim's ideal of a new age of spiritual values was rejected by
the degenerate church but cherished and striven for by re-
forming elements, and it exerted not a little influence on
movements that contributed eventually to the rise of the Ref-
ormation. And, ironically, the very works which he submitted
humbly to the popes for approval, which contained not a
word of disloyalty to the Roman church or the Papacy, drew
such a picture of the ideal church in the Age of the Spirit that
the painful contrast between Joachim's dream and the actual
conditions led his followers to repudiate ecclesiastical corrup-
tion, greed, and intrigue and to point the accusing finger at
the church as scarlet Babylon and at the pope as the Antichrist.
VII. "System" Concept Gradually Supplants "Individual"

View of Antichrist
Indeed, aside from the impetus given to the historical ap-
proach to prophecy, the most noticeable element of prophetic
interpretation from the thirteenth century on into the Refor-
mation was the progressive identification of the Roman church
with Babylon and of the Papacy with the multiple prophetic
symbols of the Antichrist, the Little Horn, the Beast, and the
Man of Sin. It was, in fact, the logical outcome of the restora-
tion of historical interpretation, but it was a gradual growth,
which could have been established only by the testimony of
the passage of time.
I. ANTICHRIST ENTHRONED IN CHURCH.—It was inevitable
that Antichrist should at the beginning be anticipated simply
as an individual, and that the 1260 days should likewise be re-
garded as literal time (three and a half years) consistent with
the life of a single person. The Antichrist was early connected
with these other prophetic figures, but the historical identifi-

cation of this power was not made until between the tenth and
thirteenth centuries—the climax of the multiple application
coming with the dramatic accusations of Archbishop Eberhard
of Salzburg, in 1240.s Yet the finger of accusation and identifi-
cation had long been pointed in the direction of ecclesiastical
Rome.
To begin with, Tichonius, out of his Donatist experience,
saw the secularized church as Babylon, and Augustine men-
tioned the possibility that the Man of Sin would sit in the
temple of the church, but these interpretations were not fol-
lowed up. In the late ninth century, Berengaud's identification
of the ten horns of Revelation 17 and Daniel 7 as the kingdoms
which divided the Roman Empire, such as the Goths, Vandals,
et cetera, was a step toward placing the Little Horn in the past
also, but it seems to have been unnoticed.
Then in 991 Arnulf, bishop of Orleans, sounded his battle
cry against the degradation of the church, in which he described
the proud pope as "Antichrist sitting in the temple of God,
and demeaning himself as a god," and declared that "the mys-
tery of iniquity is begun.-
2. CHURCH AS BABYLON; "MYSTIC'. ANTICHRIST AS FALSE
POPE.—In 1120 Bernard of Cluny's bitter satire De Contemptu
Mundi cried out against fallen Rome, characterizing the pope
as "king of this odious Babylon." Ten years later Bernard of
Clairvaux, championing the cause of Pope Innocent II, de-
nounced Anacletus, the antipope, as Antichrist and Beast of
the Apocalypse, although he later also mentioned a future
Antichrist.
Joachim, as loyal to the Papacy as Bernard of Clairvaux,
expected Antichrist as a future usurper, a false pope from the
heretics; he saw the Little Horn as the final king of the Sara-
cens and Babylon as the worldly people throughout the Chris-
tian empire. Some of the works which were ascribed to him
See chapter 32.

906 PROPHETIC FAITH
half a century later went much further, calling the Roman

church Babylon or the current popes the abomination of deso-
lation, although at this same time, when the pope and Freder-
ick II were flinging the epithets Antichrist and Beast at each
other, the Joachimites in Italy were expecting Frederick to
emerge as the Antichrist in 1260. Eberhard's trumpet blast
against the Papacy seems not to have affected them; fifty years
later Olivi repeated Joachim's idea of Antichrist as a false pope,
that is, the "mystic" Antichrist preceding the "great Anti-
christ" of tradition, although unlike Joachim, he characterized
the Roman church as Babylon and the seat of the secular
Beast. A little later Ubertino indicated Boniface VIII as this
"mystic Antichrist" and the Beast.
3. EBERHARD SEES PAPACY AS MULTIPLE ANTICHRIST.—But
Eberhard's interpretation, if it did not penetrate to the Joa-
chimites in Italy, was significant as the forerunner of later pre-
Reformation and Reformation positions. It was natural for per-
secuted minorities like the Franciscan Spirituals, the Albigenses,
and the Waldenses, to use such terms as Babylon and Antichrist
to describe their oppressors, but Eberhard, a learned archbishop
and man of affairs, had nothing in common with them. Neither
was his characterization of the Papacy merely the rhetoric of con-
troversy. It came in the setting of the contest between pope and
emperor, but it was true prophetic exposition based on a keen
analysis of the Little Horn of Daniel and the parallel prophe-
cies, and a keen insight into history. Eberhard applied to the
religio-political empire of the Papacy the threefold description
of the Beast, the Man of Sin, and the Little Horn.
4. SPECIFICATIONS MINUTELY FULFILLED IN PAPACY.—
Others before him had used the names, but he enumerated the
prophetic specifications that had been fulfilled in the historical
Papacy, particularly in the papal empire from the time of
Gregory VII. He based this identification not only on the
characteristics but also on the fact that the Papacy rose to
power after the fall of the Roman Empire, among the king-
SUMMING UP THE EVIDENCE OF VOLUME 1 907
doms which fell heir to the Roman territory. Thus Eberhard

pointed to a historical fulfillment; these prophecies had fore-
told of persecuting and presumptuous power that would arise
under certain circumstances and display certain characteristics,
and when he saw that these specifications had been met in
detail in the historical Papacy he discarded the popular concept
of a future individual Antichrist, and declared that here was
the fulfillment—that what the prophets had spoken had come
to pass. He draws a remarkably full picture. He does not touch
the prophetic period of the three and one-half times, but he
applies nearly all the specifications of the multiple prophecy.'
5. LONG DEVELOPMENT OF LITTLE HORN.—This religio-
political principle, which had existed in embryo in the time
of the early church, said Eberhard, became an empire in the
time of Hildebrand. The Little Horn, which had burrowed
its way up among the divisions of the Roman Empire during
the fourth, fifth, and sixth cent-ries, and which had enthroned
itself in the church, was not only domineering the saints but
presuming to control the state. Its reign was thus announced
as an accomplished fact. It is one that should be pondered by
every Christian student.
Were these declarations fantastic, or were they premised
on a sound basis? Did they point in the right direction? Did
the historical development vindicate such an assumption? Had
the church already in the time of the apostles begun to travel
a path that was to develop a spirit so utterly foreign to that of
the One who breathed out His life in humility on the hill of
Golgotha that it would finally lift itself to the throne and reach
for the sword? That such had been the story of the centuries up
to Eberhard's time is a remarkable fact.
6. FULFILLMENT DECLARED ONLY AFTER LONG CENTURIES.
—We have seen how the time finally came when prophetic in-
terpretation pointed out that a religio-political power answer-
ing to this description had gradually grown up in the estab-
See list on pages 897-899.

908 PROPHETIC FAITH
lished church, in the old seat of empire and patterned upon its
lines. But this historical identification was not made, of course,
until long after the early church period. No one could see such
a development from the early trends until centuries afterward.
Eberhard did not point to the rise of the Little Horn as a con-
temporary fulfillment, but as one which had taken place long
ago. At the time when the Papacy was enthroned in the church,
men could not see in it the upthrust of the Little Horn among
the ten horn kingdoms. With minds fascinated by the dominant
Augustinian theory of a then-present millennium, with all its
spiritualizing and allegorizing involvements, and by the extra-
Biblical traditions of Antichrist, they had their eyes fixed upon
a future tyrant to appear briefly at the end of the indeterminate
thousand years of the church's present reign.
Gregory I set the course for the ship of the church of
Rome, and the succeeding popes strove to fulfill Augustine's
dream of the city of God—the millennium established on
earth, the world ruled by divine precepts dispensed by God's
duly ordained representatives. As they increasingly succeeded
in realizing their ambitions, their expanding power was ac-
companied by worldliness and corruption. And when the pin-
nacle was reached in a papal empire," the Antichristian charac-
teristics became plain enough to see, and accusations were
increasingly leveled at the Papacy.
The dominant hierarchy, intermingling the world and the
church, persecuted the dissenters, who sought to perpetuate the
pristine purity of the early gospel. The latter were not a single
group; they were scattered widely, and varied in character,
often flourishing in secluded spots that offered shelter and pos-
sible refuge from the raging storm of persecution that sought
to overwhelm them. In the history of the church we find the
perpetual conflict between the dominant, worldly church and
the underground streams of varied and persistent antisacerdotal
or reforming schisms and heresies."
10 See chapter 27.

11 See chapters 33-35.
When this conflict came to a head, from about the time

of Eberhard and onward, we find systematic persecution de-
veloping, and irrepressible dissent breaking forth in spite of
it, until finally the pre-Reformation movements were to merge
into the mighty Protestant revolution. And the identification
of the papal system from Scripture prophecy was the militant
rallying cry in the great struggle for spiritual freedom.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The production of a work as extensive as this four-volume set, and of
such an exacting nature, could not be achieved or financed by ally one per-
son. There must, first of all, be adequate financial sponsorship, for the
cost of such an endeavor is heavy, involving extensive research trips
throughout Europe, and heavy investment in photostats, microfilms, and
original documents, which constitute the working sources. As these were
scattered all over Britain and the Continent, in historical archives and
literary institutions, as well as throughout the Americas, they had first
to be secured and brought together for study.
This assemblage has resulted in the unique Advent Source Collection
—the largest single collection in its particular field, ever brought together
in one place—which is .now housed in the Seventh-day Adventist Theolog-
ical Seminary, of Washington, D.C. Its value, it should be added, has been
enhanced by the loss or destruction of not a few of the originals in Europe,
through the desolating ravages of World War II. This assemblage provided
the working materials and the needed apparatus.
Moreover, because of the multiple language problem, there had to
be constant collaboration with specialists in the extensive work of locating,
securing, translating, analyzing, organi7ing, anti finally ;la Fatt;ng the
findings into acceptable manuscript form for publication. Then it had to
be revised and strengthened by the aid of constructive criticism from com-
petent readers; and this, in turn, followed by painstaking checking, not
only of all direct quotations and their context, but all paraphrases, names,
dates, and historical facts and allusions, and a thousand other details. This
has called for extensive aid from still another group of experts.
So, in this sense, The Prophetic Faith of Our Fathers has been de-
cidedly a group project, with all the inherent safeguards of such a plan,
and these paragraphs are to record grateful acknowledgment to various
leading organizations, and to individuals, who have materially aided in
bringing this far-reaching project to fruition.
Tribute is therefore due, first of all, to the farsighted vision and gen-
erous financial provision of•the officers and executive committee of the Gen-
eral Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, who authorized this project and
the provision of a sufficient annual budget to carry this enterprise forward
with continuity now for more than sixteen years. Greater tangible support
could not have been asked.
Second, indebtedness is here expressed to the Seventh-day Adventist
Theological Seminary, not only for providing a housing vault for the
priceless source materials, but for classroom laboratory opportunity over
911
912 PROPHETIC FAITH
a period of years, where, as special instructor in the Historical Develop-

ment of Prophetic Interpretation, I was enabled to develop a comprehen-
sive syllabus, with extensive source readings. It was this that formed the
framework for the writing of these volumes. It also afforded opportunity
for testing out the value of the findings upon hundreds of students who
have passed through these special classes, not only in North America but
in Europe and South America as well.
Third, lasting obligation is expressed to the Review and Herald
Publishing Association, likewise of Washington, D.C., which, with faith
in the value of this venture, has invested many thousands of dollars in
subsidizing this large work, which could not otherwise have been produced
because of the inevitably excessive cost of technical verification, critical
editing, illustration, and production.
And now, I have particular pleasure in recording deep indebtedness
to the following institutions—State, national, and public libraries, uni-
versities, and historical societies—for making their manuscripts and book
holdings freely available, as well as their coin and medallion collections,
together with the privilege of reproduction of the texts. The marked help-
fulness, and ofttimes the extraordinary courtesies of the directors, librar-
ians, and curators of these archives and repositories, will ever be held in
grateful memory. There were numerous other institutions which yielded
individual items, but these are the principal libraries used:
R. Biblioteca angelica, Rome, Italy.
Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, Vatican City, Rome, Italy.
R. Biblioteca casanatense, Rome, Italy.
R. Biblioteca nazionale centrale, Florence, Italy.
Biblioteca nazionale Vittorio Emanuele, Rome, Italy.
Bibliotheque de la societe de l'histoire du protestantisme francais,
Paris, France.
Bibliotheque nationale, Paris, France.
Bibliotheque publique et universitaire, Geneva, Switzerland.
Bibliothek des Evangelischen Predigerseminars, Wittenberg, Ger-
many.
Bodleian Library, Oxford University, Oxford, England.
British Museum Library, London, England.
Cambridge University Library, Cambridge, England.
Libreria Valdese, Torre Pellice, Italy.
Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Austria.
Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, Germany.
Trinity College Library, University of Dublin, Dublin, Ireland.
Trinity College Library, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, Scotland.
American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.
Andover Newton Theological Seminary Library, Cambridge, Mass.
Columbia University Library, New York, N. Y.
Harvard University Library, Cambridge, Mass.
Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 913
John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.

Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
Rare Books Division; Union Catalogue Division; General Refer-
ence and Bibliography Division; Inter-Library Loan Section
(through which single volumes were borrowed for photostats or
microfilms from libraries all over the United States).
New York Public Library, New York, N. Y.
Review and Herald Editorial Library, Washington, D.C.
S.D.A. Theological Seminary Library, Washington, D.C.
Union Theological Seminary Library, New York, N. Y.
University of Chicago Library, Chicago, Ill.
University of Nebraska Library, Lincoln, Nebr.
Wisconsin State Historical Society, Madison, Wis.
Indebtedness that cannot be repaid is here inscribed for the generous
time and thought, and scholarly collaboration over a period of years in the
libraries of Europe, of F. A. Dorner, clergyman and research worker of
Berlin, particularly in the libraries of Berlin and Vienna; of Alfred Vaucher,
president, Seminaire Adventiste, Collonges-sous-Saleve, Haute-Savoie,
France, especially on the thirteenth-century Joachimite group in this vol-
ume, and on the Waldenses, for his help in research in Rome, Torre Pel-
lice, Geneva, and London; to Jean Vuilleumier, formerly editor of Les
Signes de Temps, in the libraries of Paris, and to W. E. Read, clergyman
and administrator, in the British Museum and other great libraries of
Britain.
Thanks are also tendered, herewith, to the distinguished group o-f
readers of the entire manuscript, for their kindly criticisms as well as
their encouragement in the formative days of the plan, especially to the
following:
R. A. Anderson, instructor in evangelism, S.D.A. Theological
Seminary, Washington, D.C.; L. L. Caviness, professor of Biblical lan-
guages, Pacific Union College, Angwin, Calif.; F. D. Nichol, editor, Review
and Herald, Washington, D.C.; R. L. Odom, editor, Philippine Publish-
ing House, Manila, Philippines; George McCready Price, author and for-
mer teacher, Loma Linda, Calif.; W. E. Read, clergyman and administra-
tor, London, England, and Washington, D.C.; D. E. Rebok, president,
S.D.A. Theological Seminary; H. M. S. Richards, international radio com-
mentator, Glendale, Calif.; A. W. Spalding, author and former teacher,
Collegedale, Tenn.; W. H. Teesdale, president, Home Study Institute,
Washington, D.C.; Daniel Walther, professor of church history, S.D.A.
Theological Seminary; H. A. Washburn, former professor of history, Pacific
Union College; sand Frank H. Yost, professor of church history, S.D.A.
Theological Seminary.
And to readers of special sections: Paul E. Quimby, professor of Bible,
Pacific Union College; Edwin R. Thiele, professor of Bible, Emmanuel
Missionary College, Berrien Springs, Mich.; and Lynn H. Wood, professor
914 PROPHETIC FAITH
of archaeology, S.D.A. Theological Seminary. Material aid has been had

from numerous other scholars in Europe and America.
Most of all, obligation is here acknowledged to those whose unwea-
ried and highly competent collaboration on the final form of the book, in
research, checking, and verification, over a period of years, has brought
this exacting work to completion: to Merwin R. Thurber, book editor for
the publishers, and his efficient research assistants, Julia Neuffer and Edna
Howard, for the various specialized and technical aspects of the work; also
to Julia Neuffer, of the Review and Herald, and to Erich Bethmann, lin-
guist and author on the Near East and comparative religions, for invaluable
help in both translation and research in special areas of Latin, German,
and French source materials; further, to T. K. Martin, art director of the
Review and Herald; and to my efficient secretary, Thelma Wellman, who
not only typed the manuscript numerous times in the various stages of
development but took a major part in the indexing.
Appreciation is also extended to other leading translators of the
sources; namely, to J. F. Huenergardt for the German, to Jean Vuilleumier
for the French, to the late W. W. Prescott and Grace Amadon for the
Latin, and to William W. Rockwell, for many years professor of Latin
Paleography in Columbia University, for transcribing from thirteenth-
century manuscripts used in this volume. Other special credits appear in
the subsequent volumes.
And finally, sincere thanks to that goodly group of artists, copy
editors, compositors, proofreaders, and related artisans, whose skilled work
in office and factory has made the mechanical excellence of this product
possible.
Appendices
APPENDIX A
Notes on the Neo-Babylonian Period
I. The Chronology of Nebuchadnezzar's Accession 1

1. NEBUCHADNEZZAR'S REIGN ASTRONOMICALLY FIXED.—The date of
605 B.c. for Nebuchadnezzar's accession is based on Ptolemy's canon and
on a Babylonian source document—a clay tablet bearing a series of astro-
nomical observations dated in the thirty-seventh year of Nebuchadnezzar's
reign. The astronomical data on this tablet enable us to identify definitely
Nebuchadnezzar's thirty-seventh year as 568 / 67 B.C. Thus the first year of
his reign was 604 B.c., that is, the lunar year 604/3, spring to spring, for
the Babylonian calendar year began on Nisan 1,2 from a spring new moon.
This same date, 604/3 B.c., long known as the first year of Nebuchad-
nezzar• from Ptolemy's canon,' and corroborated by this ancient tablet,
was the basis upon which older historians arrived at 606 as the accession
date. This figure was based on theological grounds in an attempt to recon-
cile a s,,pp^s,--1 conflict between N.h"'h ‘.1""7"r'e a rrpccinn date and
Daniel's narrative. And this astronomical tablet helps to demonstrate that
the conflict does not really exist in the light of newer knowledge.
2. SU PPOSED BIBLE CONTRADICTIONS FORMERLY ANSWERED BY CORE-
GENCY.—Hostile critics long contended that the book of Daniel was untrust-
worthy because it called Nebuchadnezzar "king" in the third year of Jehoia-
kim, which would be, according to Jeremiah, before Nebuchadnezzar
began to reign (Dan. 1:1; Jer. 25:1); also because Daniel, after "three years"
of training at the court of Babylon, was already installed as one of the
"wise men" in the second year of Nebuchadnezzar, when he saved himself
with them from the death sentence by interpreting the king's dream.
(Dan. 1:1-7, 18-20; 2:1, 12, 13.)
Formerly a standard reply of the theologians to this criticism was that
the supposed discrepancy could be eliminated by assuming that Nebuchad-
nezzar, who is known to have been in command of the army at the time
1 See page 35.

2 The Babylonian observations of the sun moon, and five planets? locating the 37th year
in 568/67 B.c. (and therefore the first year in 604/3) are given in entries dated from Nisan 1,
year 37, through Nisan 1, year 38, thus showing that the regnal year ran from New Year's day.
See, the German translation and table of dates in Paul V. Neugebauer and Ernst F. Weidner,
"Ein astronomischer Beobachtungstext aus dem 37. Jahre Nebukadnezars II. (-567/66 [568/67
a.c.])," Berichte fiber die Verhandlungen der Konigl. Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissen-
schaften zu Leipzig. Philologisch-historische Klasse, May, 1915 (vol. 67, part 2), pp. 34-38, 66.
3 See page 235.
915
916 PROPHETIC FAITH
of his father's death, must have also shared the throne as coregent for
two years.'
The defenders of Daniel agreed with the critics that the first year
of Nebuchadnezzar began in 604 B.C. according to Ptolemy, but they re-
garded that as the first year of his sole reign; if he had had a two-year co-
rulership with his father, the first year of his coregency would have begun
in 606 B.c. Then, assuming that he took Daniel captive near the beginning
of his coregency, in 606, the three years of Daniel's training would end in
603—the second year of Nebuchadnezzar's sole reign. Here is a diagram of
the old explanation:
Won.1 Jon.] t-don. I ,—Jan. I e—Ja n. 1

606 B C 605 a C 604 B 603 B.C.
Babylo [N ebucha dna: ars supposed coreigeni Nebuchadner z ars sole reign —
years
Er, 0 I 1,1 Yr 2
N i,.„T Daniel Jan I 1 NiSTan I Niian 1 Daniel Nisan 1
among the
taken
(Can.1:i.
Daniel's three complete years of training (606 — 603 B. C.) l' wise men
3,6; but (Dan. 1,1-7,16,19) (Dan. 2: 1,13)
cf. Jer. 25:1)
The theory of the coregency seemed to be the only alternative to ac-

cepting the critics' charge of Biblical contradictions. Still the critics were
in a position to retort that if either of the two "first" years of Nebuchadnez-
zar (of his coregency or of his sole reign) was equivalent to Jehoiakim's
fourth year, then Daniel's captivity would have to begin in either the sec-
ond or the fourth year of Jehoiakim, and not in "the third year of Je-
hoiakim," as Daniel 1:1 indicates.
3. FIRST YEAR FOLLOWS "ACCESSION" YEAR.—But the spade has again

come to the support of the Bible. Archaeology has in recent years made
it clear that the Bible statements which indicated what older writers natu-
rally regarded as a paradox—that Nebuchadnezzar could be king in the
year preceding the one which was officially and generally known as the
first year of his reign—agreed perfectly with the established dating of that
time. The Babylonians, who dated their clay-tablet documents by the years
of the king's reign, were accustomed to designate the unexpired portion of
the calendar year after the old king's death as his successor's "beginning
of kingship," or in modern phraseology, his "accession year." The official
"first year" of the new reign thus meant the following first full calendar
year, beginning with the New Year's day (Nisan I) after the accession,' at
4 The idea of the two-year coregency is credited to Petavius, about 1627. William Burnet,
writing in 1724, sets forth a certain dating as correct "if with Petavius, in order to make up
the Seventy Years of the Babylonish Captivity, we begin Nebuchadnezzar's Reign two years
sooner than the common account, in his Fathers Life time, and yet allow Nebuchadnezzar but
forty-three years Reign, according to Ptolomy's [sic] canon and Berosus." (William Burnet,
An Essay on Scripture-Prophecy, p. 147. Italics supplied.) this apparent solution was quoted
from one authority to another during three centuries, until it came to be taken for granted,
and it was forgotten that such a coregency was based on an assumption rather than on actual
historical evidence.
Sidney Smith, "Chronology: Babylonian and Assyrian," Encyclopaedia Britannica,
vol. 5, p. 655. This dating practice was discovered from the numerous dated tablets excavated
APPENDICES 917
which time the new king "grasped the hands of Bel" and was regarded as
officially invested by the god with full kingly powers. This may be visualized
as follows:
Aug st
Jon.1 4- Jan. I Jan.! 14— Jon.1 (—Jon

606 B C 605 8 604 B. 0 603 8 C. 6 28.C.
BoloyIonio Nabo pot 01111 (.__Nebuc had nezzar

4
yearn.. accession
Yr. 20 Yr, 2' Ye Yr I Yr. 2
NI an I Ni an I Daniel Nis n I Niso 1

'8.°^ Daniel
Death of Nabopolassar taken among the
0
0 wise men
(Daniel's three years, inclusive)
4. THREE YEARS END WITH SECOND YEAR.—Thus Nebuchadnezzar's

"accession year," about eight months long according to the Babylonian
calendar, would last from his father's death, in the late summer of 605 B.c.,"
to the following spring, when his first year began. Daniel's three-year train-
ing period would therefore end in the second year of the reign if thus
counted inclusively, that is, including the first and last partial years of
the series. This ancient method of reckoning, which is attested repeatedly
in the Bible and elsewhere, is illustrated by Christ's well-known "three
days" in the tomb, namely, part of Friday, all of Saturday, and part of
Sunday; and by the "three years" of Shalmaneser's siege between the
fourth and sixth years of Hezekiah. (2 Kings 18:9, 10.) 7
By this reckoning, then, the three years of Daniel's training, begin-
ning with his captivity in the third year of jehoiakim, would be the same
as the first three years credited beyond dispute to Nebuchadnezzar:
namely, (I) his accession year, (2) his first year, (3) his second year.
(See second diagram.) There is no need for any conjectural coregency to
save the Bible record from the critics' charge of contradiction, for with
Nebuchadnezzar's accession in 605 B.c., preceding his first year, 604 / 3,
the supposed inconsistency has disappeared.' This is another example of
in Babylonia. This accession-year system seems to have been used by the Jews also in the latter
part of the kingdom of Judah.
6 About August 7. See Richard A. Parker and Waldo H. Dubberstein, Babylonian
Chronology, 626 B.C.-A.D. 45, p. 9.
7 On the inclusive reckoning and the accession-year regnal system, see Edwin R. Thiele,
"The Chronology of the Kings of Judah and Israel," journal of Near Eastern Studies, July,
1944 (vol. 3, no. 3), pp. 142, 143. The same author presents the whole problem of Daniel 1
in his less technical "Solving the Problems of Daniel 1," The Ministry, August, 1941 (vol. 14,
no. 8), pp. 7, 8, 47, and September, 1941 (vol. 14, no. 9), p. 18.
For this material on Nebuchadnezzar's "accession year," here in Appendix A, and
for the two illustrative diagrams used, I am indebted to Julia Neuffer. See her discussion of
this whole question in The Ministry, February, 1949 (vol. 22, no. 2), pp. 37-40.
8 It is interesting to note that although up-to-date reference books give Nebuchadnezzar's
reign as 605-562 a.o., occasiona ll y oven yet some modern book; in which exact chronology is
not at issue, will give 604-561, taken presumably from an older reference work, and derived
from the canon date for the first year of the reign. This was formerly the accepted dating,
based on the assumption that the year year" was that in which the reign began. Not until
comparatively recentyears have the excavated Babylonian documents disclosed that, by Babylo-
nian reckoning the "first year" meant the first full calendar year after the date of accession.
This accession-year discovery has resulted in a parallel change in the modern dating of
the capture of Babylon by the Persians in the days of Belshazzar. Current reference books
almost universally date it in 539 B.C, instead of the old 538, because the accession-year docu-
918 PROPHETIC FAITH
newer archaeological discoveries supporting the Bible against older critics

whose attack was based on lack of knowledge.
II. The Religion of Babylon 9

I . BIBLICAL SYMBOLISM AND BABYLONIAN RELIGION.—The relation
between the prophetic symbolism of Daniel and the Babylonian point of
view is well phrased in a parallel expression of Millar Burrows, of Yale,
in his discussion of the Genesis account and the Babylonian creation
myths: "What the [Biblical] writer has done is to express the monotheistic
faith of Israel in terms of the world-view of his day, the only terms which
could have any meaning for him or his readers." 10 He speaks of the two
narratives as "related," but points out that "the differences between the
'Hebrew and Babylonian accounts of creation are even greater than their
resemblances." " After similar remarks on the Flood story, he continues:
"Again there is little reason to believe that the Hebrews derived their
ideas directly from the Babylonians, but that both Babylonian and Hebrew ac-
counts go back ultimately to a common origin can hardly be questioned. Those
for whom the account in the Bible is a record of actual events are free to say
that the inspired Hebrew narrative preserves the true story of what happened,
while the Babylonian story is a corrupt and degenerate version." 12
Scholars remark on the difference between the lofty ethical and reli-
gious tone of the Hebrew narrative and the polytheistic, superstitious, and
fanciful elements of the Babylonian myths. This has been well expressed
by G. Frederick Wright, in relation to the Flood story:
"Among them all, the narrative in Genesis stands out conspicuous for the
grandeur and beauty of the divine attributes revealed, in connection with the
catastrophe. . . .
"In the biblical account, nothing is introduced conflicting with the sublime
conception of holiness and the peculiar combination of justice and mercy
ascribed to God throughout the Bible, and illustrated in the general scheme of
providential government manifest in the order of nature and in history; while,
in the cuneiform tablets, the Deluge is occasioned by a quarrel among the gods,
and the few survivors escape, not by reason of a merciful plan, but by a mistake
which aroused the anger of Bel. . .
"Close inspection of these peculiarities [fourteen of which the author has
enumerated] makes it evident that the narrative in Genesis carries upon its face
an appearance of reality which is not found in the other accounts."'
In this connection it might be remarked, with Barton of the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, "There is no better measure of the inspiration
of the Biblical account than to put it side by side with the Babylonian." 14
How, then, did these seeming similarities to mythology come to ap-
ments are interpreted as placing the fall of the city in the latter part of the preceding year.
There is no real discrepancy in the chronology, for 538 is still, as formerly, accepted as the
first year of the Persian Empire, as well as 604 for the official first year of Nebuchadnezzar.
It is well therefore to remember that older authorities will be found dating such reigns from
the first year, and recent authorities from the preceding accession year.
g See page 40. to Millar Burrows, What Mean These Stones? p. 284.
11 ibid. 12 lbid., p. 285.
13 G. Frederick Wright, Scientific Confirmations of Old Testament History, pp. 160,
176, 179.
14 George A. Barton, Archaeology and the Bible, pp. 297, 298.
APPENDICES 919
pear in the Bible? There was a time, after the early finds of Mesopotamian
archaeology, when the "Pan-Babylonian" theorists were inclined to find a
Babylonian source for all religious and cultural ideas of ancient times,
including the Biblical accounts of creation and the Flood, and other al-
lusions." But later excavations in other parts of the Near East have to
a great degree changed the picture. The experts have by no means be-
come Fundamentalists, but they are ready to acknowledge the overen-
thusiasm of the earlier Assyriologists. And they no longer insist unani-
mously that the parallels between Genesis and the Babylonian creation
and Flood myths necessitate a derivation of the Biblical accounts from
Babylonian.
The Bible traces the descent of the Hebrews through Abraham, who
came from Mesopotamia, where the basic ideas of the origin of the race
must have been the property of their common ancestors. The eminent
American archaeologist, W. F. Albright, speaks in harmony with this when
he says that the earlier material of the first part of Genesis, dealing with
creation and the origin of the human race, "is mostly inexplicable unless
we suppose that it was brought from Mesopotamia to Palestine by the
Hebrews before the middle of the second millennium," and he points out
that "Mesopotamian parallels are many and striking, though they never
suggest direct borrowing from canonical Babylonian sources." 16 This does
not seem to be so very far away from the following statement from the
British expert, L. W. King:
"Those who support the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch may quite
consistently assume that Abraham heard the legends [of creation, deluge, etc.1
in Ur of the Chaldc-.es. And a simple retention of thetraditional view seems to
me a far preferable attitude to any attempt to rationalize it." 17
As for the figurative poetic allusions which some scholars cite as
evidence of borrowing from Semitic mythology—such as God's punishing
"Leviathan the crooked serpent" of the sea (Ps. 74:13, 14; Isa.
Burrows says:
"Echoes of other mythological conceptions . . . in the Old Testament are
all in late and poetic books, in which the highest religious conceptions are ex-
pressed. . . They do not, therefore, show a contamination of Hebrew faith.
. . . Such allusions to early myths are comparable in significance to the Puritan
Milton's allusions to classical mythology." 1A
2. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BABYLONIAN RELIGION.—Ill order to un-
derstand the religious background of Nebuchadnezzar's day, it may be
16 Ibid., p. 284.
16 William Foxwell Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity, pp. 180, 181.
r, Leonard W. King, Legends of Babylon and Egypt in Relation to Hebrew Tradition,
p. 137.
18 Burrows, What Mean These Stones? p. 285. Today, for example, no minister would be
accused of believing in pagan mythology because he might employ such literary figures as
cutting the Gordian knot, opening Pandora's box, standing between Scylla and Charybdis, in-
voking the Muse, bringing in a Trojan horse, cleansing the Augean stables, or such terms as
labyrinths, sirens, Achilles heel, or the Pillars of Hercules.
920 PROPHETIC FAITH
profitable to glean a few interesting bits of information about the Babylo-

nian religion, principally from Stephen H. Langdon."
The Babylonians inherited their religion from earlier ages and
adapted it to the glorification of Marduk, patron deity of the city of
Babylon. For the earlier Semitic inhabitants of Babylonia, and the still
earlier non-Semitic Sumerians, the highest place among the gods was not
held by Marduk, but rather by three great deities of sky, earth, and water.
Langdon points out that the later Sumerian pantheon of five thou-
sand gods dwindles, as archaeology proceeds backward into the remote
past, to an earlier five hundred, and then still further back, down to four,
three, and even two gods—Anu, the god of heaven, and his consort. The
trinity—An (Anu), god of heaven, or the sky; Enlil, god of the earth and
of winds and storms; and Enki (or Ea), god of the fresh waters under the
earth—ranked above the other later gods, who were all regarded as de-
scended from Anu, the high god—evidently the original deity, says Lang-
don. The fully developed pantheon of Sumerian times was continued
by the later Semitic dynasties, and when Babylon became the center of
power and culture, for all Mesopotamia, from the time of Hammurabi
(during the second millennium B.c.), the Babylonian adaptation of the old
theology prevailed."
Anu tended to recede into the background as removed from the
human sphere, and eventually became a remote principle of theology
rather than a personal deity to be worshiped.2' Enlil, the second god in rank,
whose cult centered at Nippur, was called "the Great Mountain," "the lord
of the lands." His temple at Nippur was called "the House of the Great
Mountain of the Lands." He tended to become a monotheistic deity
through one school of thought; but a rival school, through the political
supremacy of Babylon, elevated Marduk -into the place of both Enlil, "the
elder Bel," and his son Ninurta, and indeed regarded Marduk as the
supreme manifestation of deity.
Thus Marduk became the Bel (Baal, or "Lord") of the Babylonian
and Assyrian religion, acquired, the basic attributes of Enlil, the storm-
god, and replaced Enlil's son, Ninurta, the sun-god-slayer of Tiamat, the
dragon of primeval chaos."
When the warlike Assyrians gained political ascendancy, and Babylo-
nia became a mere vassal state of the Assyrian Empire, the priests of
ie Langdon is by no means conservative in his treatment of the Bible—he regards certain

Old Testament "myths" as derived from those of Babylonia—but he has made a contribution
to the conservative view in presenting evidence which points unmistakably to monotheism as
the original Sumerian and Semitic religion, based on the worship of An or Ilu (El) originally
meaning sky god, high god, or god in the generic sense. In this he complements the findings
of other scholars (see Wilhelm Schmidt's The Origin and Growth of Religion, English edition
of 1935), in rendering obsolete the earlier theories of the late evolution of Biblical monotheism
from "primitive" star worship, totemism, animism, or similar origins. For Langdon's treat-
ment of monotheism, see his Semitic Mythology, pp. xviii, 65, 88-93, and particularly the
reprint of his discussion of monotheism (from the Evangelical Quarterly, April, 1937), in-
corporated as Appendix I in Charles Marston, The Bible Comes Alive, pp. 259-274.
20 Langdon, op. cit., p. 88.
2.1 See Langdon, op. cit., pp. 155, 292; Cuneiform Texts From Babylonian Tablets,
part 24, Introduction, p. 10.
Langdon, op. cit., pp. 155, 156; also pp. 102, 115, 130, 131.
APPENDICES 921
Nineveh gave their national god Assur the role of dragon slayer in the
Assyrian versions of the creation epic.' Still Babylon continued to be the
religious and cultural metropolis of the empire, and even the Assyrian
overlords found it politically wise to submit to receiving Marduk's author-
ization of their rule. Later, in the hour of Assyria's decline, Nabopolassar,
father of Nebuchadnezzar, revolted and re-established the power of Bab-
ylonia. In this final, short-lived renewal of her leadership—the Neo-
Babylonian Empire, which reached its peak in Nebuchadnezzar's day—
Marduk rose higher than ever. Even when the Semitic empire gave place
to the Aryan Persians, Cyrus came in as the avowed champion of Marduk
and cultivated the worship that had been neglected by Nabonidus." And
the old religion persisted in the city of Babylon still later, after Zoroastrian-
ism replaced idolatry under the Persian Empire. The Chaldean priest-
hood, conciliated by the Persians, and patronized even after Alexander's
time by the Seleucid kings, continued to make Mesopotamia a center of
schools of astronomy and astrology down to the classical period.'
23 1bid., pp. 160, 161, 278, 279.

G. Buchanan Gray, The Foundation and Extension of the Persian Empire," The
Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 4, chap. 1, pp. 12, 13.
% See Cumont, Astrology and Religion Among the Greeks and Romans, pp. 11, 26,
27, 70-72, 80, 81.
APPENDIX B '
Development of the New Testament Canon
I. Historical Beginnings of the New Testament
I. CIRCUMSTANCES CALLING FORTH THE WRITING.—Each book of the

New Testament was written first for a specific time and purpose, as the
apostles wrote letters of warning or instruction to particular churches or
individuals, because of certain conditions—errors, strife, or heresy such
as Judaizing or budding Gnosticism. Paul's Epistles, for example, were
called forth by definite local circumstances in Asia Minor, Greece, or Italy,
although they offered opportunity for general spiritual instruction. They
were preserved at first only by ones or twos in various local churches; that
is probably why his Epistles were not mentioned in Acts. Evidently they
were not initially written to be published.
The widely separated New Testament writers never consulted as to
what to write. There was no consultation or collusion. Yet there is a sim-
plicity and an essential harmony, combined with individuality, a unity
in diversity, and a sublimity in the product that is absolutely inexplicable
unless their combined writings be accepted as the message of God, coming
from a common source of inspiration, and each supporting and supple-
menting the other.
These inspired writings are words both of God and of men—inspired
by God, but given through a human medium, and influenced, in what was
written and when, by the exigencies of the time, the circumstances of the
author, and the needs of his readers. We should therefore seek to under-
stand the human author and his historical background. Yes, we must defi-
nitely reckon with these origins in our study—particularly of the Synoptic
Gospels, Second Thessalonians, and Revelation—if we are to understand
difficult phrases, allusions, and so forth.
2. CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE WRITING.—The order of our Eng-

lish New Testament books is not chronological; it simply follows the order
of the Vulgate. The early Greek manuscript collections differ at various
times and places, and the later italic words or phrases appended, as well as
chapter headings, differing in various Greek manuscripts and versions, are
in cases inaccurate, as reverent scholars testify.
Paul's Epistles were evidently the first New Testament books to be
ISee p. 101.
922
APPENDICES 923
committed to writing—probably beginning with the letters to the Thessa-

lonians. Then, one by one, the New Testament books came into existence.
The Synoptic Gospels (Mark, Matthew, and Luke) were possibly not
written for another decade, during which time other Epistles appeared,
probably First and Second Corinthians, Galatians, and Romans. The four
Gospels and Acts are naturally and logically placed first in the New
Testament. Although the historical material on which the Gospels are
based was current orally before the writing of Paul's Epistles, the Gospels
in their permanent form are believed to have been written later.
There was no previous arrangement about who should write, and
when, and to whom. But the order is so natural and real, and so evidently
superintended by the Holy Spirit, that one can only marvel. The silence
of the Synoptic Gospels concerning Paul's earlier Epistles means nothing,
for they deal only with the life of Christ, and reference to later events was
not relevant. Besides, they were probably slow in becoming known, for
communication was slow and transmission precarious. The Acts implies an
innate consciousness of a foundation securely laid. Then Paul, Peter, and
John write their parting messages to the church. Finally comes the Apoca-
lypse, opening to view the church's course and the conflict ahead, together
with the surety of final triumph. Thus the New Testament closes. Hope
has its foundation in fact, and love's divine revelation is complete.
With this general bird's-eye view before us we shall now trace in
condensed form the evidence on certain individual books,' some of which
are addressed to individuals, some to churches, and others to groups of
church believers or to Christians in general. The exact dates of the various
hooks 're n^t kn^wn, and la ed differently by an thnritiPs.
3. PAUL'S LETTERS.—One is impressed by the dominance of Paul,
until he passes out of view probably by A.D. 68. Then, after Peter's death,
John fills the latter part of the first century with his gracious messages—
with the Revelation as the valedictory of Holy Writ. The Pauline Epistles
(all except one, if we count Hebrews as Paul's) fall into four groups:
(1) First and Second Thessalonians—in which he deals with the
second advent—written during the second missionary journey.
(2) First and Second Corinthians, Galatians, and Romans—on the
Judaizing tendency which sought to fasten ceremonialism and legalism on
Christianity—written during the third missionary journey.
(3) Philippians, Colossians, Ephesians, and Philemon—the first three
on the person of Christ as opposed to the Gnostic heresy which degraded
Jesus from His true place in the Godhead—written during Paul's first im-
prisonment.
(4) First Timothy, Titus, and Second Timothy—on practical prob-
2 For an approximate outline, drawn from many authorities, see the chart on pages
98, 99, in which the setting of the individual books can more easily be visualized. It presents
the first century by a time scale, tabulating the leading contemporary events and persons, and
the approximate chronological order of the writings:Here may be seen the various natural
groupings of the writings by periods, and their obviously logical projection to meet local or
general conditions.
924 PROPHETIC FAITH
lems of church order, doctrine, and life—written during his second im-
prisonment.
Paul's Epistles form the nucleus of the New Testament. Their usual
order in the canon was originally based on length and supposed impor-
tance—those to churches being placed before those to individuals. They
cover, some think, a sixteen-year period, but the dates of some are im-
possible to certify. The Pauline Epistles were universally acknowledged
(even by the Ebionites and Encratites) until the comparatively recent pe-
riod of rationalistic criticism.'
4. FIRST THESSALONIANS THE FIRST OF PAUL'S EPISTLES.—Paul wrote
his first letter to the Thessalonians from Corinth, during his second mis-
sionary tour, after he had left Athens.' This Epistle, with its description
of the second coming and the resurrection of the righteous, was evidently
misunderstood by its readers to teach that the "day of Christ" was at hand.
5. SECOND EPISTLE CLARIFIES THE FIRST.—Second Thessalonians, like-
wise written from Corinth, probably soon after the return of the bearer
of the first Epistle, was intended to clarify the misunderstood meaning of
"sudden," in I Thessalonians 5:3, and the misapplication of Paul's words
concerning the imminence of Christ's second advent. Strongly prophetic,
it discloses great intervening events, especially concerning the Man of Sin,
the great climax of the warning. It warns against forged epistles, showing
how to identify his genuine letters.'
6. THE FOUR GOSPELS.—The four Gospels, written by two apostles
and two companions of apostles, were not the cause but the effect of the
apostolic witness; the data of these books had circulated orally for some
time before their writing.° They are authentic, inspired records of the
life, teachings, and work of Jesus. Each Gospel has a specific object, pre-
senting selected events for Jews, Romans, or Greeks, respectively, but they
all set forth Jesus, the Son of man and Son of God.
If the three Synoptics were written and published before A.D. 70,
John's Gospel must have been written at least thirty years later, or a
generation after the death of Paul. The fourth Gospel is the most wonder-
ful of them all for simplicity, beauty, and power. If the events of Jesus'
life did not happen as narrated, then these writers were surely greater
s Ten Pauline Epistles were included in the Gnostic Marcion's canon (c. 140) ; thirteen
—all except Hebrews—in the Muratorian list and the Old Latin Version (c. 170) ; Irenaeus
and Clement of Alexandria omit only Philemon—doubtless because of its minor importance—
and Tertullian excludes Hebrews; Origen and Eusebius give fourteen, although they refer
to doubts regarding Hebrews; the Syriac Peshitta and the canons of the fourth-century councils
of Laodicea, Hippo, and Carthage likewise give fourteen, just as we have them.
4 The line of witnesses recognizing its authenticity or genuineness reaches back probably
to Ignatius, including Irenaeus, element of Alexandria, and Tertullian, Marcion's catalogue
(c. 140), the Muratorian canon (c. 170), the Syrian (160?), and Old Latin (c. 170). It has
been challenged only by destructive critics of modern times.
5 The italic note at the close is an evident mistake—an addition based on Paul's words in
1 Thessalonians 3:1—for the sojourn at Athens was a past event. Paul was joined by Silas and
Timothy at Corinth. A similar line of witnesses recognize the genuineness of Second Thessa-
lonians. It has been challenged by modern critics more than the first Epistle.
There is reason to think that scattered collections of "Sayings of Jesus" may have
existed then. (Cf. Luke 1:1.)
APPENDICES 925
geniuses than Shakespeare. Their narratives bear the indisputable stamp

of truthfulness and accuracy.'
Originally the genuineness of the writings was attested by the auto-
graphs—for example, Paul's expression "with mine own hand" (2 Thess.
3:17; 1 Cor. 16:21; Gal. 6:11)—as well as by the internal evidence, the
meaning of the content to the original recipients. Thus the Epistles and
the Gospels, at first known only locally, came to be copied and gathered
in small collections.
Celsus, a second-century Epicurean or Platonic philosopher, in a
work attacking Christianity, refers to the Gospel account so often as to
give us the principal facts of the life of Christ. Such is the inadvertent
testimony of an enemy.
IL The Growth of the New Testament Canon
1. EARLY COLLECTIONS—SECOND CENTURY.—Gradually the collections
of Pauline Epistles, and later the Gospels, came to be ranked along with
the Old Testament as inspired Scriptures; then other books were added.
Five well-defined groups were recognized by the close of the second cen-
tury: (1) the four Gospels, (2) the Acts of the Apostles, (3) the general
Epistles, (4) the Pauline Epistles, and (5) the Apocalypse. Let us note the
chronological aspects of the various collections and the acceptance of (not
the writing of) individual books or groups.
There is evidence that the four Gospels had been brought together
by Christian leaders in Asia Minor as early as the second century, and the
author of the early Epistle ascribed to Clement of Rome alludes to Mat-
thew. Mark, and Luke. as well as passages in various other New Testament
writings, such as Hebrews, Romans, Corinthians, First Timothy, Titus,
James, and Ephesians. This list is extended by Ignatius, a little later (John,
Philippians, First Thessalonians, Philemon), and by Polycarp, Papias, and
others,' till we come to the period of the more voluminous writers. In fact,
an uninterrupted series of such writings from this early period onward
contains allusions to, or quotations from, each of the twenty-seven New
Testament books. So, in the first half of the second century there is general
recognition of the importance and acknowledged status of the various apos-
tolic writings, crystallizing the idea that the Gospels and the Epistles paral-
lel the law and the prophets.
The early apologists recognized the canonicity of the apostolic writ-
ings. Justin Martyr (c. 100-c. 165) was evidently the first ecclesiastic, of
whom there is record in this early period, to place the apostolic writings
definitely on a level with the Old Testament, which was a foundational
step in the formation of an authoritative New Testament canon.' Aristides,
The existence of the four is witnessed by Justin Martyr, Tatian's Diatessaron, or

Harmony of the Gospels, the Muratorian, Old Latin, and Old Syriac canons, Irenaeus, Clement
of Alexandria, and Tertullian.
Westcott, op. cit., pp. 22-40, 48, 76.
9 Justin, Apology, chap. 67, in ANF, vol. 1, p. 186; Westcott, op. cit., pp. 108, 109,
165; J. S. Riggs, "Canon of the New Testament," The International Standard Bible Encyclo-
paedia, vol. 1, p. 564.
926 PROPHETIC FAITH
Melito, and Theophilus of Antioch were likewise active." But these early
champions, in setting forth their teachings, drew also upon other than
apostolic writings in defending the faith.
In the subapostolic age these apocryphal books struggled for inclu-
sion in the accepted collections. The leaders in the church, according to
their best knowledge, sifted the accepted works from those they rejected,
and may have published lists of those regarded as apostolic, such as the
Muratorian list. Thus the standard began to be fixed. A New Testament
Apocrypha possibly had begun to appear even before the close of the
apostolic era."
The Gnostics, placing an alleged secret tradition above the apostolic
writings, compelled a renewed study of the accepted writings. Marcion
arbitrarily mutilated the canon of the time, and the Valentinians sought
to gain the same results by dubious exposition."
The heretic Marcion, a contemporary of Justin Martyr, made up his
canon from a modification of Luke and ten of Paul's Epistles (minus First
and Second Timothy and Titus, and the Epistle to the Hebrews)." But
he gave valuable testimony to the collection of Paul's writings and to the
acceptance of a majority of them by a heretic. The issue brought the ques-
tion of canonicity sharply to the forefront, and the controversy raged for
years, with the result of forging the canon under the blows of the dispu-
tants.
Up to the middle of the second century we have found: (1) increas-
ing recognition of the apostolic writings by the church at large; (2) sepa-
rate circulation and gradual collection. From 170 to the end of the second
century: (1) the first individual collection approximating the New Testa-
ment; (2) incomplete collections of apostolic writings firmly established
in different sections of the church. From approximately 140 to 225 there
was a struggle with the church's internal foe, Gnosticism, and later with
the Roman government. Heresy's appeals to the Apocryphal writings, and
its fantastic interpretations of the genuine, induced leaders of the church
to insist on apostolic origin, or authorship, as the test of the writings. In
this period the term "New Testament" appears to have been first applied
to the sacred writings of the new dispensation by an unknown writer
against Mon tan ism."
" Riggs, op. cit., p. 564.

11 "Every unprejudiced mind must be imprest with the fact that the canonical gospel
narratives differ almost as much from these nearly contemporaneous documents as Jesus dif-
fered from other men. The difference is that between a religious history and a religious novel.
Secondly, all of these apocryphal narratives are demonstrably later, most of them centuries
later, than our four gospels, and rest upon the written or oral gospel teaching as their basis.
. . . The discovery of these apocryphal writings only confirms the good judgment of the
early Church which set apart these calm, candid, judicious documents as distinctively 'Holy
Writings' as distinguished from all others. As early as the second century they were accepted
as par excellence the authoritative memoirs and stood without rivals (Harnack ) ." (Camden M.
Cobern, The New Archeological Discoveries and Their Bearing Upon the New Testament,
pp. 242-245.)
"Zahn, op. cit., p. 395.
13 Davidson, op. cit., p. 61; Zahn, op. cit., pp. 395, 396; see Westcott, op. cit.,
pp. 309-314.
14 Riggs, op. cit., p. 565.
APPENDICES 927
The Muratorian Fragment (c. 170) gives the first list of any length,"
embracing the four Gospels, Acts, thirteen Pauline Epistles, the Apocalypse,
Second and Third John and Jude (omitting mention of Hebrews, First
and Second Peter, First John, and James). The First Epistle of John is
quoted earlier in the fragment, and there is no evidence that the First
Epistle of Peter was ever contested. So, by the close of the second century
we see the four Gospels, the Pauline Epistles, and a more or less closely de-
fined body of other apostolic writings recognized." Local difficulty con-
tinued, but from Irenaeus on the church had virtually the whole canon.
2. THE THIRD CENTURY.—The church's responsibility toward the
Sacred Writings was to discern the canonicity of the books, and to recog-
nize their apostolicity; not to make them authoritative by ecclesiastical
action. The writings were not made more sacred than before. Their can-
onicity was simply recognized and proclaimed. The time came—about
the end of the second century—when the church as a whole was so thor-
oughly settled on most of the books of the New Testament that no further
objection was raised to them. Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and Ter-
tullian are typical, representing Gaul, Egypt, and North Africa, voicing
sentiments that by this time are already clearly crystallized. The concept
of a New Testament canon was rather sharp and clear, and the authority
of the apostolic Scriptures acknowledged." The three prominent church
leaders just named stress the four Gospels. Acts, thirteen Epistles of Paul,
most of the general Epistles. and the Apocalypse, which group of writings
they regarded as Scripture as fully as the Old Testament. Yet, although
there is general agreement on the body of writings, there is still some
diversity as to a few specific items in the canon."
Thus the East accepted Hebrews as Paul's writing and as canonical,
but the 'West admitted it somewhat later, just as, conversely, the Apocalypse
was accepted by the West, while the East hesitated.'
The Second and Third Epistles of John, the Second Epistle of Peter,
James, and Jude were variously treated up to the close of the third century.
These (except James) and the Apocalypse were not accepted by the
Syrian church, although they were received by Alexandria and the West.
The Syriac Peshitta was less complete than the Eastern or Western canon.
There was not complete unanimity, but the principle of placing the New
Testament beside the Old Testament was now firmly established.'
Origen, Dionysius of Alexandria, and Cyprian accept practically all
of the twenty-seven books," but the general Epistles were recognized more
slowly in the West than in the East.' Origen accepts the Epistle of James
15Westcott, of). Cit., pp. 213-215.
Jo /bid., _pp. 208-218; for full text of the Muratorian canon, see pp. 519-530; Davidson,
op. eit4t,72: 1°4 4.
is Ibid., p. 334-346.
19 Ibid., pp. 367-371. 20 Ibid. pp. 347-350. 345.
2, Ibid., pp. 354-371; Alexander, op. cit., pp. 126-131; t usebius, Church History, book 6,
chap. 25, in NP.1,1F, 2d series, vol. 1, pp. 272, 273.
An alternate term, "Catholic Epistles," appearing constantly in the writings of
authorities in this field, simply means general, or universal epistles. The parallel expression
928 PROPHETIC FAITH
and that of Jude, but alludes to existing doubts by some in regard to

both.°
III. Progressive Stages in the Acceptance
1. VIEW OF CHURCH FORMALLY CRYSTALLIZED.—During the latter
part of the third century and the larger portion of the fourth, a voluminous
theological literature was produced, replete with discussion of the canon.
But for a century or so such books as the Epistle of Clement, the Didache
(or Teaching of the Twelve Apostles), the Shepherd of Hermas, and the
Epistle of Barnabas had struggled for inclusion in the canon, in certain
localities, and the disputes concerning them had been heated.
The fourth century marks a complete separation of the New
Testament from the New Testament Apocrypha. Diocletian's persecution
hastened the recognition of the Christian Scriptures, because it was aimed
at destroying all Christian writings.' Consequently, the true Scriptures
were distinguished from all others and endeared by this very persecution
which was aimed at their common destruction.
Eusebius catalogues as "accepted writings" the acknowledged books,
adding to them the other books of our canon, with this exception—he
could not come to a conclusion regarding the authorship of Revelation.
He seeks to quiet the dispute over Second Peter, Second John, Third John,
James, and Jude. He divides Christian writings into three classes: "univer-
sally acknowledged," "disputed," and "spurious." " Cyril of Jerusalem, his
younger contemporary, lists essentially the same, except for the omission of
Revelation.'
The fifty-ninth canon of the Council of Laodicea (formerly variously
dated in such years as 336, 363, or 364, but actually of unknown date—
some time between 343 and 381) forbids the reading of any but canonical
books in church.' The sixtieth canon, which lists the books approximately
as we have them, with the exception of Revelation, is of disputed genuine-
ness.'
In Alexandria, Athanasius' Easter letter of 367 lists our twenty-seven
books as the complete and exclusive New Testament, and a synod at Rome
(382) and the Third Council of Carthage (397) accepted the same list.
Thus Rome, Carthage, and Alexandria became uniform in official usage,
and in the West the canon assumed permanently the form and content
which we now have."
"Ancient Catholic Church," used of the first two or three centuries, is not to be confused
with the later Roman Catholic Church. As used by church historians, it simply means the an-
cient undivided, universal—and hence catholic—Christian church that existed from the apostolic
days until the time of Constantine.
28 Davidson, op. cit., pp. 77, 78; Westcott, op. cit., p. 359.
Westcott, op cit., pp. 407, 408.
25 Eusebius, Church History,. book 3, chap. 25, in NPNF, 2d series, vol. 1, pp. 155-157
(cf. with chap. 3); see also Davidson, op. cit., pp. 78-80; Westcott, op. cit., pp. 410-421.
29 Westcott, op. cit.i p. 443.
27 See Hefele, op. cit. vol. 2, pp. 298, 322.
25 Ibid., pp. 322, 323; Westcott, Cit. pp. 427-433; Davidson, op. cit., pp. 90, 119.
29 Athanasms, From Letter 39," in NP'NF, 2d series, vol. 4 552; Westcott op. cit.,
pp.436; Zahn, op. cit., .pp. 398, 399; John Martin Creed, 'Bible: Nw 'testamen,
Canon," Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 3, p. 514; Davidson, op. ca., pp. 98, 118, 120.
APPENDICES 929
"Aside from the canonical Scriptures nothing is to be read in church

under the name of Divine Scriptures," is the pronouncement of the Third
Council of Carthage in 39783 The influence of Athanasius' Easter letter
was widespread in the East, but there was difference of opinion and no
ecumenical council recognition of the full canon until the Trullan Council
of 692." The determination of the New Testament, let it be emphasized,
is not the work of the councils. Its content and position were well defined
before the councils took it up. The church councils gave no new authority
to the Scriptures—no sacredness or inspiration which they did not already
possess—but only recognition, their existence during earlier centuries be-
ing an acknowledged fact.
2. FOURTH TO SIXTH CENTURIES.—Jerome and Augustine were de-
ciding factors in the West, and the circulation of the Vulgate ended all
discussion as to the canon. The Latin New Testament became the standard,
but it was not generally circulated in other languages until the advent of
printing. The fifty copies ordered by Constantine influenced the East to
recognize the disputed Epistles, if they contained the books accepted by
Eusebius, but their precise content is not known. Official recognition in
the East waited until finally the Quinisextine Council (Second Trullan)
of 692 recognized the Western canon, and the Third Council of Carthage
was confirmed. Thus the question of ecclesiastical practice was settled, and
mature judgment of the church at large accepted the twenty-seven books,
including the Revelation.
3. THE MIDDLE AnEs.—We have seen that the fourth-century councils
declared canonical what was already accepted. They did no more than
recognize what existed. But their actions placed the canon on the basis of
the council authority of the Catholic Church, in the subsequent centuries,
and the original basis was crowded into the background. In the Middle
Ages the Sacred Canon was subordinated to church authority. The Greek
New Testament text was held inferior to Latin until the sixteenth century
brought a revival of interest in the text.
4. THE REFORMATION PERIOD.—The Renaissance, followed by the
Reformation, revived the old questions on the canon. The dogmatic Cath-
olic contention was challenged by Luther and others. Luther made the
Word itself the sole authority, and New Testament books authoritative to
the degree in which, according to his opinion, they taught Christ and sal-
vation. Luther placed Hebrews, James, Jude, and Revelation on a slightly
lower level—canonical, but subordinate. Therefore he put them at the
end of his Bible—as they still appear in most German Bibles. Erasmus
questioned the authorship, though not the authority, of Hebrews and
Tames; he mentioned doubts concerning Second Peter and Jude; and
seemed to assign Second and Third John and Revelation to "John the
Presbyter," rather than John the apostle. Calvin questioned the Pauline
so Riggs, op. cit., p. 566.

in Creed, op. cit., p. 514.
30
930 PROPHETIC FAITH
authorship, although not the apostolic origin, of Hebrews, and had doubts
of Second Peter. But these learned controversies left the canon untouched
in Protestantism as a whole.
The printing of the New Testament tended to fix the form and con-
tent, and it awakened interest in new translations. In early English transla-
tions, Luther's view on the last four books of the New Testament was
echoed somewhat by Tyndale (1525), Coverdale (1535), John Rogers
(Matthew's Bible, 1537), and Taverner (1539). The Council of Trent
(1546) declared Peter, John, James, Jude, and Revelation apostolic, but
it also declared the tradition of the church to be equal to, and by implica-
tion superior to, the Scripture. The successive English Bibles—the Great
Bible (1539) and the Geneva Bible (1560)—and the Thirty-nine Articles
(1563-71) established the full New Testament canon for the English Bible,
and thus it appears in the Authorized Version of 1611, the classic King
James Bible.
APPENDIX C
Justinian's Religious Legislation
I. The Pope as Head of All Churches and Corrector of Heretics
I. JUSTINIAN'S IMPERIAL LETTER INSERTED IN CODE AS LAW.—Justini-

an's imperial letter to John II (533) asked ecclesiastical sanction for the
imperial decision against the Nestorians; the pope's reply, granting the
confirmation and incorporating Justinian's letter, was placed in the Code.
The text of the imperial rescript follows:
"The Emperor Justinian, Victorious, Pious, Happy, Renowned, Trium-
phant, always Augustus, to John, Patriarch, and most Holy Archbishop of the
fair City of Rome:
"With honor to the Apostolic See, and to Your Holiness, which is, and always
has been remembered in Our prayers, both now and formerly, and honoring
your happiness, as is proper in the case of one who is considered as a father, We
hasten to bring to the knowledge of Your Holiness everything relating to the
condition of the Church, as We have always had the greatest desire to preserve the
unity of your Apostolic See, and the condition of the Holy Churches of God, as
they exist at the present time, that they may remain without disturbance or op-
position. Therefore. We have exerted Ourselves to unite all the priests of the
:East and subject them to the See of Your Holiness, and hence the c•uestions which
have at present arisen, although they are manifest and free from doubt, and, ac-
cording to the doctrine of your Apostolic See, are constantly firmly observed and
preached by all priests, We have still considered it necessary that they should be
brought to the attention of Your Holiness. For we do not suffer anything which
has reference to the state of the Church, even though what causes the difficulty
may be clear and free from doubt, to be discussed without being brought to the
notice of Your Holiness, because you are the head of all the Holy Churches, for
We shall exert Ourselves in every way (as has already been stated), to increase the
honor and authority of your See. . . .
"[Then follow five numerically listed points. The first refers to those denying
the Sonship of Christ and the Holy Trinity, like Jews and apostates. The second
states that all priests and abbots of the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church
acknowledge "Your Holiness," and are solicitous for "the unity of the Holy
Churches of God, which they receive from the Apostolic See of Your Holiness."
The remainder of number (2) is a rather full statement of faith.]
" (3) Moreover, we recognize four Sacred Councils, that is to say, the one
composed of three hundred and eighteen Holy Fathers who assembled in the City
of Nicea,; and that of the hundred and fifty Holy Fathers who met in this im-
perial City; and that of the Holy Fathers who first congregated at Ephesus; and
that of the Holy Fathers who met at Chalcedony, as your Apostolic See teaches
and proclaims. Hence, all priests who follow the doctrine of your Apostolic See
Sec page 510.

931
932 PROPHETIC FAITH
believe, confess, and preach these things. . . . [Between numbers (3) and (5) men-
tion is made of Justinian's emissaries, Bishops Hypatius and Demetrius, bearers of
the imperial letter. The paragraph that follows completes the royal rescript.]
" (5) Therefore We request your paternal affection, that you, by your let-
ters, inform Us and the Most Holy Bishop of this Fair City, and your brother
the Patriarch, who himself has written by the same messengers to Your Holiness,
eager in all things to follow the Apostolic See of Your Blessedness, in order that
you may make it clear to Us that Your Holiness acknowledges all the matters
which have been set forth above, and condemns the perfidy of those who, in the
manner of Jews, have dared to deny the true Faith. For in this way the love of all
persons for you, and the authority of your See will increase, and the unity of the
Holy Church will be preserved unimpaired, when all the most blessed bishops
learn through you and from those who have been dispatched by you, the true
doctrines of Your Holiness. Moreover, We beg Your Blessedness to pray for Us,
and to obtain the beneficence of God in Our behalf."'
It is to be noted that the Patriarch of Constantinople is quoted as
"eager in all things to follow the Apostolic See" of Rome, and that Pope
John's confirmatory response asserts, "This See is indeed the head of all
churches, as the rules of the Fathers and the decrees of emperors assert,
and the words of your most reverend piety testify." This discloses the
Roman bishop's full understanding of imperial recognition of the primacy
of the See of Rome.
2. PRIMACY CONFIRMED BY LETTER TO EPIPHANIUS.—Justinian's letter
to Epiphanius, bishop of Constantinople (March 26, 533), confirmed the
primacy of the Roman bishop and referred approvingly to his activities as
the corrector of heretics. This letter to Epiphanius, also incorporated into
the Code, begins thus:
"The same emperor [Justinian] to Epiphanius the most holy and blessed
archbishop of this royal city and the ecumenical patriarch. Wishing to inform
Your Holiness of all things which pertain to the state of the churches, We have
considered it necessary to use these sacred letters to you and through them to
make clear to you what things are being agitated, which things also We have
been persuaded that you know. Since, therefore, We have found some aliens from
the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, who have followed the error of the
wicked Nestorius and Eutyches and used their blasphemies, we have published
a sacred edict, which also Your Holiness knows, through which We have refuted
the madness of the heretics, not at all through changing, or planning to change
or through neglecting the ecclesiastical status which has obtained, with the help
of God, up to now, which also your Blessedness knows, but through everything
preserving the unity of the sacred churches with the most holy pope and patri-
arch of the older Rome, to whom We have written similar things regarding this.
For neither do We permit that anything which pertains to the state of the church
not be referred to His Blessedness, as being head of all the holy priests of God,
and because, no matter how often heretics have sprung up in these villages and re-
gions, they have been eliminated by the sentence and right judgment of that
venerable see."
The Roman primacy was sustained and strengthened by Justinian's
later enactments. Novella 9 (collection 2, title 4), enacted in 535, begins
2 Code of Justinian, book 1, titles 1, 8 (numbered 1, 4, however, in the Scott translation,

which is used here).
3 Translated from the Code of Justinian, book 1, titles 1, 7, Krueger edition. (Not in
Scott's translation.)
APPENDICES 933
with a reference to Rome as "the peak of the highest pontificate," and.

Novella 131 (collection 9, title 6), enacted in 545, includes a statement of
the precedence of Rome. A translation of the opening lines of Novella 9
has already been included in the text,' but it may be well to insert here
several chapters of Novella 131, of which chapter 2 asserts the primacy of
the Roman pontiff.
"ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY-FIRST NEW CONSTITUTION.
"The Emperor Justinian to Peter, Most Glorious Imperial Praetorian
Prefect.
"PREFACE.
"We enact the present law with reference to ecclesiastical rules and privi-
leges and other subjects in which holy churches and religious establishments
are intrusted.
"CHAPTER I.
"CONCERNING FOUR HOLY COUNCILS.
"Therefore We order that the sacred, ecclesiastical rules which were adopted
and 5 confirmed by the four Holy Councils, that is to say, that of the three hun-
dred and eighteen bishops held at Nicea, that of the one hundred and fifty
bishops held at Constantinople, the first one of Ephesus, where Nestorius was
condemned, and the one assembled at Chalcedon, where Eutyches and NestoriuS
were anathematized, shall be considered as laws. We accept the dogmas of these
four Councils as sacred writings, and observe their rules as legally effective.
"CHAPTER II.
"CONCERNNG THE PRI:CET:F.1-4CE OF PATRIARCHS.
"Hence,in accordance with the provisions of these Councils_ We order
that the Most Holy Pope of ancient Rome shall hold the first rank of all the
Pontiffs, but the Most Blessed Archbishop of Constantinople, or New Rome,
shall occupy the second place after the ..ely Sec of ancient Romic,,
which shall take precedence over all other sees. . . .
"CHAPTER VIII. . . .
"If anyone should presume to conduct religious services in his own house,
or in a suburb, or should permit others to do so without the presence of any
members of the clergy who are subject to the authority of the most holy bishop
of the diocese, We order that the said house, suburban place,, or land, on which
an offence of this kind was committed, shall be claimed by the most holy bishop,
or his steward, or the civil magistrate, for the benefit of the church of that
locality.
"Where, however, the owner of the building in which the religious services
were conducted was ignorant of the fact, and his curators, lessees, or emphyteutas
were responsible, he shall suffer neither loss nor prejudice; but those who con-
ducted the services, or permitted this to be done, shall be expelled from the
province where the offence was perpetrated, and their property shall be seized
for the benefit of the most holy church of the neighborhood. . . .
"We order that no heretic shall acquire any immovable property from a
church or any other religious establishment whatsoever, either by lease, em-
phyteusis, purchase, or in any other way; and when a heretic is paid anything
in a contract of this kind, he shall lose it, and the immovable property that he
received shall he recovered by the religious establishment which transferred it:
and the superintendent of said establishment shall be deprived of his office, con-
fined in a monastery, and excluded from the holy communion for an entire year,
4 See page 513.

5 "Or confirmed" in the original.
934 PROPHETIC FAITH
by way of punishing him for having betrayed Christians to heretics. Where an

orthodox person is in possession of property on which a church is situated, and
alienates, bequeaths, leases it under emphyteusis or in any other way, or en-
trusts the management of the same to a Jew, a Samaritan, an Arian, or any other
heretic, the said property shall be claimed by the church of the neighborhood,
and where a heretic (and among heretics We include Nestorians, Acephali, and
Eutychians) builds a house for the celebration of his worship, or a new Jewish
synagogue, the most holy church of the diocese shall seize the building.
"If anyone should transfer land to a heretic under emphyteusis or any
other form of lease, or entrust the management of the same to him in any other
way, he being well aware that the person to whom he delivers it is a heretic, all
the income collected therefrom under the contract shall be claimed for the
benefit of the church of the city within whose territory the land in question is
situated; but when the owner of the same is ignorant that he to whom he gave
possession is a heretic, he shall not be deprived of it on account of his ignorance;
but in either event the heretic must be driven from [his occupancy of] the land,
and his property confiscated for the Treasury."°
II. Examples of Religious Legislation as Embodied in Civil Law
1. CODE EMBODIES EXISTING RELIGIOUS LAWS.—The Code groups to-
gether in book 1 the various religious laws of emperors since Constantine.
In this book, title 1, "Concerning the Most Exalted Trinity and the Catho-
lic Faith, and Providing That No One Shall Dare to Publicly Oppose
Them," begins by defining and establishing orthodoxy, penalizing dis-
senters, and including Justinian's correspondence with John and Epipha-
nius relating to the Nestorians and asserting the pope's headship. Title 2
is concerned with the property and privileges of churches, titles 3 and 4
with the status of the clergy and the legal functions and jurisdiction of the
bishops. Title 5 confirms the decrees against heresy, which, together with
Justinian's own enactments in the Novellae, laid the foundation upon
which the Inquisition was later built.' Titles 6-13 deal with various religious
subjects.
Although most of the religious legislation is in the first part of book 1,
we find in book 3, title 12, the laws concerning festivals, including both sec-
ular holidays and religious days such as Christmas and Easter, as well as
Sunday laws beginning with Constantine's first Sunday edict of 321.
2. JUSTINIAN'S NOVELLAE EXTEND EXISTING LAWS AND INCORPORATE
CANON LAw.—The Novellae, or New Constitutions, in nine collections,
include various religious enactments of Justinian, two of which, numbers 9
and 131, have been quoted in part. It is to be noted that, in addition to con-
firming the older laws in the Code and making new enactments in the
Novellae, Justinian also incorporated into the imperial Civil Law the body
of canon law recognized in the church.
Novella 131 enacts for the whole empire the canons of the first four
general councils, Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, thereby
including many enactments of lesser synods which were declared in force
6 Novella 131, collection 9, title 6. (Numbered title 14 in the Scott translation, which is
here used.)
7 Gosselin, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 78-80.
APPENDICES 935
by the first canon of the council of Chalcedon." Thus Justinian not only
codified the religious laws of his predecessors but also specifically desig-
nated the bishop of Rome the head of the church and corrector of here-
tics, and made the canon law of the church up to 451 part of the civil law
of the empire, thus consummating the union of church and state.
III. Imperial Provision of 533 Fully Operative in 538 for Pope

The full enthronement of the bishop of Rome in the church and
the Catholic empire could hardly be recognized as an accomplished fact
while so much of the West was under the domination of Arians, until
Justinian's armies in Africa and Italy overthrew the Vandal kingdom and
broke the power of the Ostrogoths at the raising of the siege of Rome.
And not until the Goths were driven from Rome in 538 was the bishop of
Rome released from Gothic encirclement and control.'
The year-by-year outline of events may be summarized as follows:
533—Justinian's general, Belisarius, embarks for Africa."
534—Vandal kingdom destroyed."
535—Belisarius lands in Sicily, beginning the Ostrogothic war."
536—Belisarius garrisons Rome."
537 (March)—Ostrogothic king Witiges, with 150,000 Goths, vainly
seeks to retake Rome in a one-year siege."
538 (March)—Another Roman army landing in Italy, Witiges in
despair abandons the siege of Rome, falling back to Ravenna."
553—Defeat of Teias (Theia) and end of the Ostrogothic war."
That the Ostrogoths did nor pPrigh a c a nation until 552-555 is at,
tested not only by history but by Ostrogothic coins in the British Museum
and the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris, where on the coinage of Baduila
(Totila) and Teias the title "Rex" (king) appears."
The first canon of the General Council of Chalcedon (451) declared in force and thus
made obligatory upon the entire church the provisions of certain local synods:
Canon 1. "The canons hitherto put forth by the holy fathers in all the Synods shall have
validity." (Hefele, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 385.) Justinian takes note of this in his Novella 131,
as he refers to canons adopted and confirmed by the first four general councils, which are now
denominated "laws." He doubtless meant to enforce the canons of all the councils in the
ancient collection as current in his day, up to and including Chalcedon. Thus, by incorpora-
tion into the imperial code, they were given the force and validity of civil law, and their
infraction became a crime against the state.
In March, 537, Bishop Silverius of Rome, elected by the influence of the Goths, was
deposed by Belisarius, upon false charges of plotting with the Goths, and on March 29, 537,
the court favorite, Vigilius was elevated to the Papacy. (Diehl, "Justinian's Government,"
The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2, P. 46.) Some reckon Vigilius' pontificate from 538
because they regard his rule as invalid as long as Silverius lived.
10 Procopius, op. cit., book 3, chap. 12, in The Loeb Classical Library, Procopius, vol. 2,
p. 111. For further documentation on this series see Diehl, "Justinian," The Cambridge Medie-
val History, vol. 2, pp. 12-18; Trevor, op. cit., pp. 52-55.
Procopius,. op. cit., book 4, chap. 7, pp. 265-271 (for date, cf. p. 235, margin).
12 Ibid, book 5, chap. 5, vol. 3, p. 4-.
18 Ibid., chap. 14, p. 147.
14 /bid., chap. 16, p. 163 (cf. p. 375).
,8 Ibid., book 6, chap. 10, pp. 373, 375, 377.
"lb i d , book 8, chap. 35, vol. 5, p. 419. The 18-year war began at the end of 535.
(Set book 5, chap. 5, vol. 3, p. 471
iv After Belisarius drove the Ostrogoths away from Rome, they retired to Ravenna.
Finally Ravenna opened its gates to Belisarius, and Witiges was seized and taken by Belisarius
in triumph to Constantinople. Nevertheless, the Ostrogoths continued to function as a kingdom
936 PROPHETIC FAITH
That events centering about the siege of Rome (March, 537-March,

538) were a turning point in church and state is evidenced by such state-
ments as the following:
"With the conquest of Rome by Belisarius the history of the ancient city
may be considered as terminating; and with his defense against Witiges [538]
commences the history of the Middle Ages—of the times of destruction and of
change." 1e
Thus as the hampering Goths were swept away from Rome in 538
by the arms of Justinian, there was inaugurated a new era of legalized
ecclesiastical supremacy of the popes, as they became increasingly not only
heads of the church, but "men of the state," and eventually "rulers of the
state." And this turning point in the time of Justinian, with the key dates
533 and 538, was many centuries later to be pointed to as the beginning of
an important prophetic period, as is covered in Volume II.
under Baduila (541-552) and Teias (552-553), who perished in 553 in the battle of Mons
Lactarius, when the imperialists crushed the Ostrogothic host. Thenceforth the coins of
Justinian began to be minted in Ravenna. The Ostrogoths had been plucked up. (Warwick
Wroth, Catalogue of the Coins of the Vandals, Ostrogoths and Lombards, pp. xxxv-xxxix,
xlii, xlviii, and for complete descriptions of the Ostrogothic coins of this period and illustrative
plates,pp. 77-97.) We have seen that coins and medallions of the centuries form a paralleling
but independent line of evidence, covering the nations of the great prophetic outline. Finally
the breakup of the Roman Empire is visualized. (See J. G. Milne, Greek Coinage; H. A. Grue-
ber, Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum; Mattingly, op. cit.; William Cooke,
The Medallic Historyof Imperial Rome; Cohen, op. cit. One of the best in the field of the
barbarian kingdoms is Wroth's work already cited.) The Vandals entered Gaul, then Spain,
then Africa in 429, where the Vandal kingdom was established and organized, and their mint-
ing began; their overthrow was accomplished in 533, under Justinian, and the coinage of
ustinian , the new master in Africa, began about 534. (Wroth, op. cit.,_pp. xv, xxviii.) Under
J doacer, leader of the Herulian mercenaries,Italy had become a Teutonic kingdom, like
Spain and Africa, and the last emperor of he West had been deposed. Odoacer fixed ' his
capital at Ravenna. Here again we find the Ostrogothic coins. Yet the emperor at Con-
stantinople still ruled, and his suzerainty as overlord was acknowledged by the lesser kingdoms.
(Ibid., pp. xxix, xxx.).
18 Finlay, op. cit., p. 240. See also the citation of Bemont and Monod on page 516.
APPENDIX D
The Waldensian Antiquity Problem
I. Varying Views of Waldensian Origins
The Waldenses claimed to be a chain connected with the early

church before Rome fell away from the apostolic faith. Under the circum-
stances it was virtually inevitable that the Papacy should call them a re-
cent innovation, springing up suddenly to plague the ancient church, and
reviving the gross errors of the older heretics. Brown comments on the con-
flicting views of the origin of the Waldenses in these clear lines:
"Two views of the origin of the Vaudois were put forward in the last cen-
tury, the earlier by a learned French Vaudois, Muston, and the later by an
Italian Vaudois professor, Comba. There is a great difference between the views
of these two scholars. Muston points out the significance of the word Vaudois—
dwellers in the valleys—and places their origin in very early times. On the other
hand, Comba points out Waldo of Lyons as their founder, with the consequent
denial of a pre-Waldo origin for the Vaudois. Muston, in ascribing to the Vau-
dois the dignity of an apostolic succession, indicates St. Ambrose and Claudius
of Turin, among others, as being in the heretics' line of descent. M'Crie, who
wrote a History of the Reformation in Italy some time before Muston wrote;
also referred to the opposition to the papal pretensions in Italy, by such as the
great See of Milan, even in the eleventh century. Like Muston, the Scottish histo-
rian drew attention to what we might term the 'Ambrosian resistance—sym-
bolized in the use of a liturgy different from that of Rome."
1. THE Two EXTREMES.—The contention that the Alpine Waldenses
sprang merely from Peter the Waldensian, after 1173, was made, as we have
seen, by the Romanist Bossuet—and some Protestants who followed him—
who wished the world to think that the Valdensian "heresy" was of recent
origin—not to mention their desire to blot out the beam of uncomfortable
light focused upon the church's departures from the early faith.' Some of
the older Protestant writers claimed that the Waldenses formed a hidden
apostolic succession back to the early church, and that they had preserved
the apostolic faith unadulterated. They were the Vallenses, Valdenses, or
Vaudois, men of the valleys, or the dense valleys, according to some
writers.' Indeed, Muston and Monastier conjectured that instead of these
1 See Daces 829-832.

G. K. -Brown, op. cit., p. 26.
3 See page 830.
1 Robert Robinson, Ecclesiastical Researches, p. 302; Monastier, op. cit., pp. 53-60;
Arnaud, op. cit., Author's Preface, p. xiii.
937
938 PROPHETIC FAITH
evangelicals taking their name from Waldo, he derived his name and
doctrine from them.'
Peter Waldo of Lyons, it was pointed out, clearly had disciples to
whom he left the name Waldenses, or Valdenses, derived from his own
name, which, according to the early sources, was not Waldo, but Valdes,
Valdus, Valdius, Valdensis, Valdesius, Valdexius, Gualdensis." But this did
not prove that the Vaudois of the Alps derived their origin from him.'
Waldo was probably not his family name, for family names were not yet
in general usels First names then were in vogue. He was Peter of the Val-
leys. And Peter's name, says Faber, could easily have been derived, in ac-
cordance with the time, from some town, people, or country, perhaps from
the section named Valdis, Valden (Gallican form), or Vaudra, on the
borders of France.'
2. THE NEWER VIEWS.—Although the reaction from the earlier
apostolic-antiquity school of thought was a denial of any origin before
Waldo, later writers show a trend away from that extreme reaction, and
point out that the Waldensians in a larger sense were a fusion of earlier
and later elements.
"Spreading into Lombardy, they [the followers of Waldo] met a party al-
ready organized and like-minded. This party was known as the Humiliati. Its
adherents were plain in dress and abstained from oaths and falsehoods and from
lawsuits. The language, used by the Third Oecumenical council and the synod
of Verona, identified them with the Poor Men of Lyons.
"Originally, as we know from other sources, the two groups were closely
affiliated. It is probable that Waldo and his followers on their visits in Lombardy
won so much favor with the older sect that it accepted Waldo's leadership. At
a later date, a portion of the [orthodox] Humiliati associated themselves in con-
vents, and received the sanction of Innocent III. It seems probable that they
furnished a model for the third order of St. Francis. One portion of the Humiliati
early became known as the Poor Men of Lombardy and had among their leaders,
John of Roncho. A portion of them, if not all, were treated by contemporaries as
his followers and called Runcarii. Contemporary writers treat the two groups
as parts of the same body and distinguish them as the Ultramontane and
Lombard Poor Men or as the Ultramontane and Italic Brethren." "
There are differing opinions as to identifying the Italian Waldenses
with various other older groups besides the Humiliati, but regardless of
the exact interrelationships it seems settled that the Waldensians embrace
5 Muston, op. cit., vol. 1, pp 10-14; Monastier, op. cit., p. 59.

Faber, op. cit., pp. 450, 451; Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 346-350. Both cite many
authorities. Note that several of these names are clearly appellative or derivative in form.
Bernard of Fontcaud (or Font Chaud, or Font's Calidi) and Eberhard (Ebrard or
Evrard) of Bethune are cited as speaking of the origin of "Valdenses" without mentioning
Waldo. (Monastier, op. cit., pp. 57-59; Muston, op. czt., vol. 1, p. 18, note 2.)
Muston, op. czt., vol. 1, p. 14; Monastier, op. cit., p. 56; see also W. D. Bowman,
The Story of Surnames, pp. 6-8.
9 Faber, OP. cit., pp. 450-453.
ro David S. Schaff, op. cit., part 1, pp. 496, 497. Schaff's footnote says: "The exact
relation of the Poor Men of Lyons to the Humiliati is still a matter of discussion. Muller,
in his Anfiinge des Minoritenordens, etc., has done much to change our knowledge of the
Humiliati. The view taken above may account for the language of the Verona council,
Humiliate vel Pauperes de Lugduno, which was probably chosen for the very purpose of in-
dicating that the resemblance between the two parties was so close as to make it uncertain
whether there were two sects or only one. This view seems to be borne out by the two state-
ments of Salve Burce. Dellinger, II, 64, 74."
APPENDICES 939
elements from several evangelical groups. The source materials are not
plentiful, for the writings of the Waldenses themselves were systematically
destroyed, and the records of their enemies must be used with caution.
IL Evidences Offered for Antiquity of the Waldenses

In examining the question of the antiquity of the origin, and the
apostolicity of the faith of the Waldenses, we find that a fourfold body of
evidence is advanced.
1. Admissions of Papal enemies as to their claim to antiquity.
2. Claims of Waldensian leaders to antiquity.
3. Evidences of connection with noncomformists of northern Italy
between the fourth and twelfth centuries.
4. Witness of Protestant Reformers.
Space limitations permit drafting but briefly upon the evidence of
the first three of these four fields at this point. The fourth is not source
material, but is dependent upon earlier evidence. Concerning the first two,
Morland says:
"True it is, That a great part of the most ancient Records, and Authentick
Pieces, treating of, and discovering the Antiquity of those Churches, have been
industriously sought after, and committed to the flames, by their bloudy Per-
secutors, in the Years 1559, and 1560, that so the truth of their affairs might
lie for ever smother'd under those ashes, and be buried in perpetual silence;
nevertheless God has been so gracious to his.Church, both in preserving, as it were
by miracle, many Authentick Pieces relating to this particular, compiled and
written by the ancient Inhabitants in their own proper Language, as also by
suffering even the most eminent and bitter of their Adversaries, ever and anon
tmwarily to let fall many remarkal.)le pa!,•s•ages. to this.purposc, in tho3eyery V‘Trit-.
ings which they composed expressly against them; That by the help of these two
Mediums, it will be easie to produce such Arguments for the antiquity of that
Religion, which both they and we at this day profess, as are sufficient to convince
any sober person, who does not wilfully shut his eyes against a noon-day truth." "
III. Admissions of Papal Enemies as to Their Claim to Antiquity
1. AN INQUISITOR OF PAssAu.—In the middle of the thirteenth cen-
tury, in Austria, this Anonymous of Passau wrote of the various ancient
heretics, all of whom had been destroyed except the Manichaeans, Arians,
Runcarians, and Leonists. Reporting on the origin of the Leonists—though
writing to discredit them—he confesses to their claim of antiquity:
"Among all these sects, which either still exist or which have formerly
existed, there is not one more pernicious to the Church than that of the Leonists:
and this, for three reasons. The first reason is; because It has been of longer
continuance: for some say, that it has lasted from the time of Sylvester; others,
from the time of the Apostles. The second reason is; because, It is snore general:
for there is scarcely any land, in which this sect exists not. The third reason is;
because, While all other sects, through the immanity of their blasphemies against
God, .t.ike into the hearers, this of the Leonists has a great semblance
of piety; inasmuch as they live justly before men, and believe, together with all
the Articles contained in the Creed, every point well respecting the Deity: only

940 PROPHETIC FAITH
they blaspheme the Roman Church and Clergy; to which the multitude of the
Laity are ready enough to give credence.""
That the Leonists of the time of this writer were Waldenses is
shown, not only by his own further statement identifying the Poor Men of
Lyons as Leonists," but by another selection from the same work of the
Passau Inquisitor," which identifies the Poor Men of Lyons as Waldenses,
as well as by other Latin source references."
2. IMPLIED BY MONETA AND SALVUS BURCE.—Even before this the
Waldensians' claim to antiquity is implied, although not positively stated,
by both Salvus Burce (1235) and Moneta of Cremona (c. 1240), who
contend against the Waldensians and use the argument of newness against
the authority of their teachings."
3. CONTROVERTED BY PILICHDORF AND OTHERS.—The Waldensian tra-
dition of their descent from the time of Sylvester, when the Roman church
departed from the faith by receiving possessions, is attacked by Peter of
Pilichdorf, who contends that Waldo was the source, and the same argu-
ment is made by his continuator." In the sixteenth century Seyssel attacks
a variant form of the same tradition in which the founder is called Leo."
4. THE CHRONICLE oP URSPERG.—Burchard the chronicler included
in the entry for 1212, in a reference to the papal approval of two orders,
the statement that the Poor Men of Lyons originated in Italy.
"Long ago two sects arose in Italy and continue to the present time,
some of whom called themselves Humiliati, others the Poor Men of Lyons,
whom Pope Lucius once listed among the heretics." "
5. PETER THE INQUISITOR.—This monk of the Celestine order says
of the Waldenses of Austria, in 1398: "They believe themselves the vicars
and legitimate successors of the Apostles of Christ." 2D He adds that the
Waldenses condemn the Roman church because she accepted and sought
possessions from the time of Sylvester, and they believe the Waldensian sect
to be the only Christian faith.'
IV. Claims of Waldensian Leaders to Antiquity
1. HENRI ARNAUD.—The man who led the "glorious return" of the
12 Translated from Reineri . . . Contra Waldenses, chap. 4, in MBVP, vol. 25, p. 264
(translated also in Faber, op. cit., pp. 272, 273, and in Morland, op. cit., p. 28).
is Ibid., chap. 5.
14 Passau Inquisitor, Summa de Haeresibus, in Dellinger, Beitriige, pp. 300, 301.
15 See, in the same collection, Rescriptum Haerestarcharum Lombardiae on p. 42;
Salvus Burce, op. cit., on pp. 62, 70 71 •; David of Augsburg, Tractatus, on p. 317.
ie Salvus Burce, op. cit., p. 74; Moneta of Cremona, Adversus Catharos et Valdenses,
book 5, chap. 1, sec. 4, p. 402.
a
17 Peter
(his continuator).
Pilichdorf, Contra Sectam Waldensium, in MBVP, vol. 25, p. 278, also p. 300
is Claudius Seyssel, quoted in Faber, op. cit., p. 276 (original Latin).
1.9 Translated from Burchard, op. at., in MGH, Scriptores, vol. 23, p. 376. Theodore
Belvedere, in his report to the papal congregation for the propagation of the faith, is said to
have conceded that the Waldensian faith was not new; that what they were calling heresy
had always been in Angrogna, the inner valley of the Waldensian chain. (Morland, op. cit.,
p. 28, citing Theodore Belvedere.)
90 Translated from the report of Peter the Inquisitor on the Austrian Waldenses, 1398, in
Dollinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, p. 306, sec. 3.
21 ibid., p. 306, sec. 4; p. 310, sec. 85.
APPENDICES 941
Waldenses to their valleys in 1689 made this bold declaration, which records
the tradition of apostolic origin:
"The Vaudois are, in fact, descended from those refugees from Italy who,
after St. Paul had there preached the gospel, abandoned their beautiful country
and fled, like the woman mentioned in the Apocalypse, to these wild mountains,
where they have to this day handed down the gospel from father to son in the
same purity and simplicity as it was preached by St. Paul." 22
Arnaud likewise cites the statement of Reiner, showing exactly how
the leading Waldenses understood it. This is his paraphrase:
"That their [the Waldenses'] religion is as primitive as their name is vener-
able, is attested even by their adversaries. Regnerus the inquisitor, in a report
made by him to the pope on the subject of their faith, expresses himself in these
words, . . . that they have existed from time immemorial." 28
2. THE WALDENSIAN BARBE MOREL.—A century prior in addressing
the Reformers of the sixteenth century, the Waldensian spokesman had put
forth the same assertion of apostolical antiquity.
"Since indeed . . we are teachers, of whatever kind, of a certain poor
and weak people which has lived already more than 400 years, nay, as the natives
frequently tell, from the time of the Apostles, among the most cruel thorns, not
however, as any pious people might easily judge, without, the great favor of
Christ, and [although] often pierced and crucified by those same thorns has
been freed by the aforementioned favor." 24
"In all things, however, we agree with you, and always from the time of
the Apostles we have, thinking as you do, been in harmony concerning
the faith." 25
3. THE OLIVETAN BIBLE.—In the solemn setting of the preface to the
notable nlivet.'n French translation of the entire Bible (1535)—which
was the Waldensian gift to the Reformation '—the same strong claim is
made:
"The faithfull people of the Valleys in the Year 1535 being at that time
possessed of their ancient Histories and Manuscripts, testifying the Antiquity of
their Churches, which were afterwards consumed to ashes by their Persecutours
in the Years 1559. and 1560. caused to be printed at their own proper cost and
charges the first French Bible that ever was put forth, or came to light, and that
for the benefit of the Evangelical Churches where this Language was in use, and
dedicated the same to God himself by the Pen of their Interpreter Robert
Olivetan, in the Preface of the said Bible; which was a Piece most solemnly con-
secrated, and speaking as it were to God himself, wherein they mention, that
they have always had the full enjoyment of that heavenly Truth contained in the
holy Scriptures, ever since they were enriched with the same by the Apostles
themselves." 27
4. UNCHALLENGED ASSERTION OF PRIOR RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES.—In
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the house of Savoy ruled over Pied-
mont. In numerous petitions and remonstrances by the Vaudois, they
Arnaud, op. cit., Author's Preface p. xiv. Ibid., p. xiii.

24 Translated from Morel, letter to decolampadius, in Dieckhoff, op. cit., p. 363.
25 Ibid., p. 368.
26 Some maintain it was Farel who urged Olivetan to undertake the translation.
Morland, op. cit., p. 14. (The complete preface, in parallel French and English
columns, appears on pages 15-26.)
942 PROPHETIC FAITH
urge their antiquity as a religious community, and therefore their prior

and inherent rights as a body, and their enjoyment of those privileges long
before Savoy ruled over Piedmont, even from time immemorial. And
never was this challenged or contradicted. For example, in the "Humble
Supplication of the Poor Waldenses," to Philibert Emmanuel, Duke of
Savoy and Prince of Piedmont, in 1561, the Waldenses formally state:
"This Religion we profess, is not onely ours, nor hath it been invented by
Men of late years, as it is falsely reported, but it is the Religion of our Fathers,
Grand-fathers, and Great-grand-fathers, and other yet more ancient Predecessours
of ours, and of the blessed Martyrs, Confessours, Prophets, and Apostles. . . .
This very same Religion hath for many Ages past been most grievously perse-
cuted in all places."
In fact, all the ancient concessions received, Morland declares, state
that "the said Princes have permitted their Subjects to continue in the same
Religion that they had received from their Ancestours, the which had been
conveyed to them from Father to Son."
Such are the first two of the four lines of evidence. The third will
next be presented in sections V and VI, with quotations from sources and
authorities. The remainder of this appendix will be a discussion of the
source material bearing on the origin of the Waldenses and their connec-
tions with earlier evangelical sects.
V. Examination of Arguments Used to Show Origin From Waldo
1. WALDO NAMED AS FOUNDER.—MOM sources name Waldo as founder.
But in nearly every instance - these statements refer to the Poor Men
of Lyons, that is, the French group, and not necessarily to the Italian.
(See accompanying chart.)
This was a natural inference on the part of the Roman Catholics,
for several reasons. Waldo's followers were more conspicuous than the
Lombard "heretics" with whom they fused, and his leadership was for a
time acknowledged by both groups, as is clear from the account of their
meeting at Bergamo in 1218, after Waldo's death." It was Waldo's leader-
ship that rallied and organized these scattered "heretics" into aggressive
evangelism. Further, the origin from Waldo was necessary to the Catholics
for polemical reasons. Lack of evidence against the admittedly pious lives
of the Waldenses made the charge of recent schism and the lack of valid
authority their strongest argument against them. On the general orthodoxy
of the Waldenses we have noted the testimony of the Passau Inquisitor.
Two other extracts throw light on that picture of piety and insubordina-
tion:
"Because they see in many priests of the church bad examples of pride,
avarice, incontinence, drunkenness, strife, anger, envy, and other vices, there-
fore they have more confidence in their heresiarchs, who furnish them with good
examples of humility, generosity, chastity, sobriety, peace, love, gentleness, and
28 Ibid., p. 228. (Faber, op. cit., p. 288, gives another English translation of the same.)
2, /bid., p. 28.
80 A Waldensian account of this meeting, written about twelve years later, is extant—
a letter from the Lombard group to the brethren in Germany. See Rescriptum, Dellinger,
Beitrilge, vol. 2, pp. 42-52.
APPENDICES 943
other virtues, than in the aforementioned priests; and they more freely hear their
preaching than these [priests'], and more freely confess to them than to the latter,
and believe them to have, from their good outward life, greater authority to
absolve from sins than the latter. although they do not believe them to he or-
dained by ecclesiastical bishops.""
"They believe and teach to their believing friends [the laity] the 7 articles
of faith and even the 7 sacraments, and the other things, for the greater part.
which Catholics believe, except for their errors, which follow:
"They do not believe that the divine pope has as much power on earth as
did St. Peter unless he were as good and holy as St. Peter was. Likewise they do
not believe that purgatory exists except insofar as it is in this world. Likewise
they do not believe that alms or prayers help the souls of the dead. Likewise they
do not believe that anyone is allowed, without mortal sin, in any case in the
world to kill a man or swear. Likewise they believe that it is valid to confess
their sins to one another, according to St. James. Likewise they believe that
those who are ordained among them into the Sandaliati can accomplish the work
of Christ as well as the Catholic priests.""
The Catholics were on the defensive here maintaining the per-
petuity and exclusive character of the Roman church against those who
claimed divine authority and ancient origin. The charge of innovation
would be bolstered wherever possible by the contention of recent origin.'
Some statements were therefore made and repeated by biased parties who
would make the most of the argument.
"The history of the various heretical or schismatic sects which appear in
Southern and Eastern Europe before the twelfth century is full of difficult prob-
lems. The orthodox [Catholic] opponents of these sects were inclined to include
them all in the common title of heretics and rarely took any trouble to ascertain
their respective tenets or to investigate their origins. . . . It is therefore dan-
gerous to rely upon the statements of orthodox churchmen for information upon
medieval heresies. . . . When the Inquisition began to examine individuals, a
change of attitude in this respect can he noted; hor ln exa • ations
were often conducted under stress of prejudice or haste."'
2. ARGUMENT FROM DERIVATION OF THE NAME.—The origin from
Waldo is declared to be the only explanation of the name Waldenses.
But the sources actually call Peter Waldo by the name Valdius, Valdesius,
Valdes, Valdensis, Valdexius, .Gualdenis—not by Waldo, apparently a
modernized form. In the majority of the sources (see chart) it is Waldensis,
a derivative form, the singular of Waldenses. Thus Peter Waldo was Peter
the Waldensian. The appellative or derivative names, such as Valdius,
Valdesius, Waldensis, indicate that Waldo did not originate the name,
but derived it from an earlier source—a sect, possibly, or a locality." In-
31 Translated from fiber die Waldenser, document 26 in Dfillinger, Beitriige, vol. 2,

p. 336.
32 De Pauperibus de Lugduno, in Dollinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, P. 93. The Sandaliati men-
tioned are identified as the Waldensian "priests, masters and leaders" who wear shoes
(sotulares) "cut down" or ``perforated." (Ibid., pp. 92, 91,4 96.) For other source evidence
that the Waldensian itinerant preachers, before persecution eveloped, wore a distinctive type
of shoe,. cut at the top to look like sandals, and that consequently die names Sandaliati and
Sotularu were applied to them, see two extracts from documents of the Inquisitions of Carcas-
sonne and Languedoc, also Surnina de Haeressbus, pp. 7, 233, and 299 respectively, in the
same volume• see also Burchard, op. cit., entry for 1212, p. 376, and translated in Comba;
op. cit., _p.
Salvus Burce argues at length to prove that the Waldenses, beginning only sixty years
earlier from "Valdexius' or "Gualdensis ' cannot be the true church. (Salvus Ifurce, op. cit.,
in Dellinger, Beitriige, vol. 2, pp. 63,,64, 74.)
84 H. J. Chaytor, op. cit., pp. ix, x. 35 Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 346-350.
TABULATION OF SOURCES ON WALDO AND THE
ORIGIN OF THE WALDENSES
Pre-Waldo Traditions Mentioned
5. Waldo=Waldensis or Valdensis
8. Waldenses From Valley

0
SOURCE to; vN 80 REFERENCES

._ . .
Walter Map Walter Map's "De Nugis Curatium” (James
1179 trans.), p. 65.
Bull of Lucius III ■ In Bullurnm . . Romassorum poratifieurn Tan-

nin, 1184 rinentis Editio, vol. 3, p. 20.
Alain de l'Isle Contra Haereticos, book 2, in Aligne, PL, vol.

c 1184 210, p. 378.
Bernard of Fontcaud Adoersus IValdensium Sectam, in MBVP, vol. 24,

a 1190 p. 1585.
Eberhard of Bethune Ebrardi Liber Contra Poldensm, in MBVP, vol.

1212 24, p. 1572.
._ .
Peter of Vaux Cernay Historic Albigensium, in Migne, PL, vol. 213,
r. 1218 col. 548.
Anonymous Chronicle of Loon "Ex Chronic° Universali Anonymi Laudunen-

4. 1219 sus;' in SIGH, Seriptores, vol. 24, pp. 447449.
. ..
Stephen of Bourbon Septet's Dona Spiritus, part 4, title 7, in Anee.
v. 1225 dotes Historiques, pp. 280, 290-293.
Burchard of Ursperg Chronicon, entry for 1212, in SIGH, Scriptores,

c. 1229 vol. 23, p. 376.
Rescriptum (W) Rescriptum ITheresiareharum Lombardiae, in

c. 1230 Malinger, Beitrage no Sektengeschichte, vol. 2,
no. 4. pp. 42 ff.
Salvos Burce s,.pv. Stella2 in Malinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, no. 5,
1235 pp. 63, 64, 74.
Moneta of Cremona Adversta Catharos et V aldenses, book 5, chap. I,

1244
•
Passau Anonymous (Pseudo Reinert . : . Contra Waldenses, chaps. 4, 5, in
Reiner) v. 1260 MBVP, Vol. 25, p. 264.
Passau Anonymous (Summa de Summa de Haeresibut, in Malinger, Beitroge.

Haeresibus) t. 1260 vol. 2, no. 14, pp. 300, 301.
David of Augsburg ■ Tractatus IFreger ed.), in Abh. der kg!. bay.

r. 1274 erisehen Akod. der Wins., Class III, vol. 14, part
2, .. 205.207, 216.
Inquisition of Carcassonne Aussrige ass den Acton der Inqtrisition ur Car-
14th cent. eassone, in Malinger, Beitaige, vol. 2, no. 1, pp..
6, 7.
Johannes Loser Aussilge ass einer Schrift des Johannes Leser,
1368 in Malinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, no. 29, pp. 352, 357.
■
Epistoler Fro/rum (W) Epistoler Fratrurn de Italia, in Malinger, Bei.
1368 trate, vol. 2. no. 29, pp. 356.359.
Peter the Inquisitor ■■ !Serial . . . caber die osterreiehischest Wakkraer,

1398 in Malinger, 13fitrage, vol. 2, no. 17, p. 306,
secs. 3, 4, and p. 310, sec. 85.
Peter of Pilichdorf Contra Seetarn Waldensiunt Libor, chap. 1, in
1+H MBVP, vol. 278. also his continuator on p. 300
of the same volume.
Nota Primo (Cod. Windberg) Nota PAM(' Panda sett Artieukis Notabiliores
15th cent. ■ Sectae W alderaium, in Dollinger. Beitrage, vol.
2, no. 16. p. 304.
Morel (W) A. W. Dieckhoff, Die Waldenser ins Mittelal.
1530 ter, pp. 363, 368.
*Sprang up in Italy. Stated.

**Not founder but restorer. kij Implied.
APPENDICES 945
TABULATION OF SOURCES CONCERNING

PETER WALDO AND THE ORIGIN OF THE WALDENSES *
Breakdown of Leading Source Statements to Show Proportionate Distribution
of Evidence for Peter Waldo as Founder, and for Pre-Waldo Origins of the
Waldenses, as Well as Etymology of Names Waldo and Waldenses.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHART:
1. It is obvious that Peter Waldo founded the Poor Men of Lyons
(col. 1). On this Catholic sources are practically unanimous.
2. It is obvious that the north Italian, or Lombard, Waldenses were
linked with, and influenced by, Waldo and his Poor Men of Lyons.
3. Only a few of the sources (col. 2) specifically attribute to Waldo the
founding of the Lombard wing also. (This aspect has not heretofore received
sufficient attention.) Inasmuch as the name Waldensian was applied to both
the Poor Men of Lyons and the Poor Men of Lombardy, the general impression
that Waldo was the founder of the group could easily obscure the connection
of the Italian Waldenses with earlier "heretics."
4. The Waldensian claims of an earlier origin, from the time of Sylvester
or earlier, are well known (col. 3), and were mentioned by Catholics as early
as 1240 or 1250.
5. Some of the same Catholic authorities who assert that Waldo was the
founder of the Poor Men of Lyons, say that they mingled with other heresies
—and some identify these as the older heresies in north Italy (col. 4).
6. One chronicle, in 1229, ignores Waldo, and says the Waldenses sprang
up long before in Italy.
7. A number of Catholic writers (col. 4) link the Waldensians in Italy
with ether heresies—more than thenumber of those who imply 'Waldo was
the founder of the Lombardian Waldenses.
8. The argument that Waldo must be the founder because there is no
other way to account for the name (cols. 5, 6) is out of harmony with the
fact that he is never called Waldo in the sources, but is referred to by half a
dozen other names, several of which are derivative or appellative, as Valdez
or Valdesius (says Elliott), and unquestionably Valdensis. The majority of the
sources call him Waldensis or Valdensis, which is only the singular of the
more familiar plural Waldenses. This does not prove that Waldo was a Valdensis
from a Valdensian sect rather than from a geographical place; yet it refutes
the argument that all the evangelicals known as Waldensians necessarily came
from him because of the name.
9. Four fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sources (col. 7) derive Waldo's
name from a geographical term, although this is rather late to establish anything.
10. Three Catholic, writers mention a derivation of the name Waldenses
from "valley." Eberhard of Bethune and Bernard of l'ontcaud, living within
fifty years of Waldo, make no mention of him as founder, but offer the
derivation (if indeed they are not puns, which is possible, and even probable)
of the name Waldenses from valley—"because they live in a dense valley of
error," "because they live in a vale of tears." Besides these two figurative state-
ments, one thirteenth-century source also mentions a derivation of the name
Waldenses from valley (col. 8).
* This summarization of source materials on Waldensian origins is based on research by

Julia Neuffer.
946 PROPHETIC FAITH
deed, several Catholic sources explain Waldo's name "Petrus Waldensis"

(precisely Peter the Waldensian) as derived from a place—"the city of
Walden, which is situated on the borders of France," 3' or the "region of
Waldis," " and a Waldensian source calls him "Petrus de Walle" (Peter of
Val) and "Peter Waldensian." 38 (See chart.)
A few Catholic sources derive Waldenses from vallis, valley, two of
them figuratively, and two literally. Bernard of Fontcaud (c. 1209) says,
"They are called Valdenses, without doubt, from a dense valley (vallis
densa), because they are surrounded by deep and dense shadows of errors";
and Eberhard of Bethune (c. 1212) says that they "call themselves Vallenses
because they remain in a vale of tears." 3B The Anonymous of Passau says,
"They are called Waldenses from their master Waldunus, or from a valley
as some say, because they arose in a certain valley," and an anonymous
document from Strassburg also mentions the derivation from valley in
almost the same words."
The difficulty in the valley derivation is that etymology does not
account for the insertion of a d in Vallenses to result in Valdenses; yet a
d could be accounted for from vallis densa, or from Val Die, or district
of Vaud."
3. DIFFICULTIES OF "APOSTOLIC SUCCESSION" THEORY.—The fact that
the Waldenses were less evangelical than formerly argued by enthusiastic
Protestants—which creates difficulties for a theory of continuous transmis-
sion of primitive apostolic faith—has been taken as leaving origin from
Waldo as the only alternative. But it is not necessary to contend that they
had all the evangelical light in that dark age, regardless of how old they
were. Neither did the Protestant Reformers later have all the light. And the
Waldenses themselves regarded their apostolic succession as spiritual, not
visible.
"'The Church of Christ,' says the monk Rainerius Saccho, 'continued in
her bishops and other prelates, down to the blessed Sylvester; but under his
reign it declined until the Restoration, which was their work. They say, how-
ever, that at all times there have been God-fearing people who have been saved.'
. . . 'They say,' repeats the monk Moneta, 'that the Church of God had declined
in the time of Sylvester, and that in these days it had been re-established by their
efforts, commencing with Waldo.' They call themselves successors of the Apos-
tles,' adds monk David of Augsburg, 'and say they are in possession of the
apostolic authority, and of the keys to bind and unbind.' " 42
The Waldensians were quoted as saying "that those only are succes-
3° Peter of Pilichdorf, op. cit., p. 278.

32 Ibid., p. 300 (Pilichdorf's continuator); also Extract from a work by Johannes Leser
against the aldenses, and Nota Primo Puncta seu Articulos Notabiliores Sectae Waldensium,
in Dollinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, pp. 352, 357 n., and 304 respectively.
88 Letter from the Lombard Brethren, original Latin Epistola Fratrum de Italia, in
Hollinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, pp. 357, 359; translation in Comba, op. cit., pp. 201, 202.
to Bernard of Fontcaud, Adversus Waldensium Se tam, and Eberhard of Bethune,
Liber Contra Valdenses, in MBVP, vol. 24, pp. 1585 and 1572 respectively.
40 Passau Inquisitor, Summa de Haeresibus, in Dollinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, p. 300.
41 Elliott, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 350, 351.
42 Comba, op. cit., p. 7.
APPENDICES 947
sors of the apostles who follow their life," " "that they are the church of
Christ because they observe, by word and example, the teaching of Christ,
of the gospel, and of the Apostles,"" and that "the church of God re-
mained lost many years," until it was restored by them."
As for their being evangelical, it is certain that the Waldenses in-
cluded various groups and fusions of beliefs and practices, some more and
some less evangelical, varying in time and place concerning such points
as the status of the clergy, the nature of the Eucharist, the validity of sacra-
ments, baptism, et cetera."
The French Waldenses were always more conservative than the
Lombards, who moved farther away from Catholic orthodoxy. This was
doubtless due to the latter's heritage of dissent. Pennington contends,
against Comba's view, that the settlement of the valleys of the Piedmont
was made from Lombardy, not from Dauphine. In this connection he says:
"They are the descendants of Bishop Claud of Turin in the ninth century in
this sense, that, as he protested against the worship of images, so they represent
another movement having the word and the tradition of the church from the
Apostles for its warrant.""
As such, they were, if not Protestants, genuine protesters, and fore-
runners of Protestantism. Beard testifies:
"The Vaudois remained in their own valleys, as they still remain, faithful,
under much persecution, to their ancestral principles; and when, about 1526,
they npenerl rnmrminiratinns with the Refnrmed Chlirrhes of Switreyland 21.1d
Germany, they found that, if they had something to learn; they had nothing to
unlearn. Here, it would seem, we have the Reformation, not merely in germ, but
in blossom and in fruit; and yet, for the general purposes of European life, the
trot. WI barren The time of ingathering was !int yet: the Waldenses tk7Pre men
born, as it were, out of due season. "
Although Vedder regards it as certain that the Waldenses, in the
narrow sense of the Poor Men of Lyons, originated with Waldo about
1170, he does not deny an origin prior to Waldo to some other groups em-
braced under the name Waldenses. He says:
"For myself, I regard it as satisfactorily established that the Poor of Lom-
bardy, commonly identified with the Waldenses, had an independent origin, and
were descended from that more or less evangelical party in Italy which, under
the various titles of Humiliati, Arnoldistae, Paterini, Pauliciani, existed several
centuries prior to the time of Waldo. In southern France itself it is demonstra-
ble that the Petrobrusians, who preceded the Waldensians by a half century,
were even more evangelical than the followers of Waldo. My own conclusion
from all the facts thus far established is that the Waldensians absorbed and gave
their name to preexisting sects of evangelical believers, like the Petrobrusians, and
that thus, and thus only, can we satisfactorily account for the rapid growth and
wide diffusion of the Waldenses and their teachings in the thirteenth century.
Many bits of scattered evidence confirm this view.""
'"David ofilagsburg, op. cit. (1.-'reger ed.), p. 214; Cf. a similar statement by a WOM.11
in 1417 (D6Ilinger, Beitrago, vol. 2, p. 362).
• 44 Passau Inquisitor, Reiaeri . . . Liber, p. 265.
45 Salvus Burce, op. cit., in Dellinger, Beitrage, vol. 2, p. 74.
4, See Rescriptum, in Dellinger, Beitrage, pp. 42-52.
4, Arthur Robert Pennington, The Church is Italy, p. 316.
Beard, op. cit., p. 26. (Italics supplied.)
45 Vedder, op. cit., p. 477.
948 PROPHETIC FAITH
"There [at the conference of Bergamo, 12181 representatives of the Poor of

Lyons (the original Waldenses, as I believe) and the Poor of Lombardy (an
older sect that had come to bear the same name) discussed their differences." so
VI. Evidences for Earlier Roots in Italy
Let us examine some of the "bits of scattered evidence" which point

to roots earlier than Waldo for the Italian branch of the Waldenses. The
Poor Men of Lombardy show distinct signs of being more than a mere off-
shoot of the Poor Men of Lyons. Their differences are noteworthy.
1. ITALIAN WALDENSES MORE EVANGELICAL THAN FRENCH.—The
Italian Waldenses, and the German Waldenses, who seem to have been
closely connected with them, were much more evangelical and more anti-
Roman, with characteristics which would more likely be derived from the
earlier line of evangelical dissent than from Waldo's Poor Men of Lyons.
They came, as we have seen, to hold eventually that the church based on a
corrupt priesthood was not the church at all; that Rome was the apoca-
lyptic Beast, Harlot, et cetera.
The Rescriptum shows that the Lombard Waldenses rejected, while
the French accepted, sacraments from an unworthy priest; the French pre-
ferred celibate evangelism to marriage, whereas among the Lombards a hus-
band could not undertake such celibacy without the spouse's consent. The
Lombards wanted recognition of "congregations of workmen," which the
French opposed, possibly because the latter did not engage in any labor;
the French seemed to revere Waldo more than did the Lombards; the Lom-
bards were nearer the Protestant position, and moved further in that direc-
tion as time passed. Gebhart says that the Italian Waldenses separated
themselves more from the church than the French, but were more tolerant
as to the profession of absolute poverty; they called themselves the "Humili-
ated." "
2. OLDER TRADITION OF DISSENT.—In north Italy, as we have seen,
there had long been a spirit of independence and dissent, for which the
Waldenses showed affinities.
"Nowhere was this changing, critical spirit more evident than in Lom-
bardy, ever restive under assertions of papal power, ever a fertile field for freedom
either religious or political, ever a comfortable abiding-place for heretics. For
more than two centuries the seed had been sown, first by one group and then
by another. . . . So in this region a number of religious associations, seeking
evangelical poverty, sprang up after 1150, one and all appealing to the ideals
of the primitive Church and to the simplicity of life prescribed by Christ. . . .
Possibly the impulse was but the aftermath of Patarini and Arnoldisti in their
midst, whose evangelical austerity, denunciation of tithes and clerical luxury
bore evident fruit in this Lombard plain, particularly among the lower clergy." 52
3. WALDENSES JOINED OLDER DISSENTERS.--The source materials show
that the followers of Peter Waldo spread into Lombardy, mingling with
5° lb d. ,pp. 488, 489.

51 Emile Gebharti Mystics & Heretics in Italy at the End of the Middle Ages, p. 58.
" Davison, op. at., pp. 171, 172.
APPENDICES 949
other "heretics" already there, and absorbing and propagating these older
teachings.
"We have decisive proof that the followers of Peter Waldo entered into
relations of some kind with some evangelical party in Lombardy. . . . From this
document [the Rescriptum Haeresiarcharum] it is evident that some time before
the Waldenses had formed a more or less closely cemented union with an
evangelical party that they found already in Italy." 53
"The preservation of the Rescript by the Passau Anonymous indicates the
close relationship of the Passau `Leonists' of 1260 with the Italian Poor Men
of the 'Rescript. " sf
Even the contemporary Catholics who were taunting the Waldenses
with their recent origin admitted that there were older elements. Stephen
of Bourbon, in his tracts on the seven gifts of the Spirit, speaks of Waldo's
Poor Men as "afterwards in the land of Provence and Lombardy, min-
gling themselves with other heretics and imbibing and sowing their error." "
And these were older heresies, according to other accounts. Says an In-
quisition record:
"Excommunicated [by the Archbishop of Lyons, the Waldenses] were ex-
pelled from that city and country. Thus multiplied over the land, they dispersed
themselves through that province and through the neighboring regions and the
borders of Lombardy, and cut off from the church, mingling themselves with
other heretics and imbibing their errors, they mixed with their own inventions
the errors and heresies of ancient heretics." °
Tlavir-1 of Augchttrg likpwice cave:
"They were given over to Satan, they were precipitated thence into in-
numerable errors and mingled the errors of the ancient heretics with their own
inventions." 57
This fusion, now generally recognized among authorities, is evidently
the basis for the tradition of pre-Waldo derivation.
Peter Waldo and his followers "formed a centre around which gathered the
Arnoldisti and the Humiliati of Italy, the Petrobrusians and Albigensians of
France, and perhaps the Apostolics of the Rhine Valley. The sect resulting from
the fusion of these elements, so strong that the whole force of the Church did
not avail to crush it, mirrors the trend of the twelfth-century movement for
evangelical poverty. From the beginning the Waldensians were better known than
were most of their contemporaries.""
"Some claimed Claude, Bishop of Turin (822-839), as their founder;
others held that they were the successors of a small group of good men who had
protested against the degradation of the Church in the days of Sylvester and
Constantine. Later historians think the nucleus of the Italian Waldensians was
the False Humiliati, while still others have connected them with the followers
of Arnold of Brescia. It is certain, at all events, that the later Waldensians of
Piedmont were a fusion of various sects and that they were a formidable group." 59
4. ITALIAN SOURCE OF ANTIQUITY TRADITION .—I t is in Italy and
63 Albert H. Newman, 00. cit., vol. 1, p. 571.

54 ibid., p. 575.
66 Stephen of Bourbon, Tractatus de Diversis Materiis Praedicabilibus . . . Secundum
Septem Dona Spiritus, in Anecdotes Historiques, p. 293.
58 From the Acts of the Inquisition of Carcassonne, in Hollinger, Bei:rage, vol. 2,
pp. 6, 7.
57 David of Augsburg,op. cit. (Preger ed.), p. 206.
58 Davison, op. cit., p. 237.
59 Ibid., p. 253.
950 PROPHETIC FAITH
Austria, rather than in France, that the Waldensian tradition of antiquity

is principally found. Moneta of Cremona, Salvus Burce of Piacenza, the
Inquisitor of Passau, Austria, and Pilichdorf of Vienna all refer to the
tradition, either directly or by implication' The Waldensian statement
of this claim is given in a letter from the Poor Men of Lombardy to
brethren in Germany. After telling of the church's departure from apos-
tolic principles through Sylvester's acceptance of the supposed Donation
of Constantine, and of the exile of the faithful few who retained their pro-
fession of poverty, the letter continues:
"When the servants of Christ seemed to have disappeared because of per-
secution, a man was raised up. He was named Peter of Val, . . . he was not the
founder, but the reformer of our order.""
5. SOURCE REFERENCES EQUATING WALDENSES WITH OLDER GROUPS.—
We find this fusion of Waldo's followers with older heretics attested by the
statements of contemporaries identifying the sect with older names.
The first papal decree against them was the bull Ad Abolendam of
Lucius III at the Council of Verona:
"By the present decree we condemn all heresies; therefore we first anathema-
tize the Cathari and the Patarins, as well as those who conceal themselves under
the name of Humiliati or Poor of Lyons, the Passagins, Josephites, and
Arnaldists.""
Burchard of Ursperg referred to this when he said:
"Formerly two sects, rising in Italy, continue until the present, one of
which calls itself the Humiliati, the other the Poor Men of Lyons, whom Pope
Lucius once inscribed among the heretics." "
It is noteworthy that Burchard ascribes the place of origin as Italy.
This would imply that the Italian branch was the older. David of Augs-
burg makes a multiple identification.
"The Poor Men of Lyons and the Ortidiebarii and Arnostuste [the Arnold-
ists] and the Runcharii and the Waldenses and others are said to have been
formerly one sect." "
6. INDICATIONS OF AFFINITY WITH EARLIER GROUPS.—Waldo's NOY
Men of Lyons are said to have mingled with older heretics in Italy, and
some of them have been named. Do the teachings of the Waldenses in Italy
show any affinities with the teachings of any older heretics? The following
list will show that various doctrines and practices of the Italian and
Austrian Waldenses reflect the background of earlier dissenters in northern
Italy and neighboring territory who taught similar doctrines:
(1) Workingmen's congregations—Humiliati.
(2) Lay family life and property—Humiliati.
(3) Aversion to oaths—Humiliati.
Comba, op. cit., pp. 199, 200.

61 /bid., p. 201.
ez Quoted in Comba, op. cit., p. 38. For the Latin see Bullarum . . . Romanorum
Pontificum Taurinensis Editio, vol. 3, p. 20.
63 Translated from Burchard, op. cit., p. 376.
64 Translated from David of Augsburg, op. cit. (Preger ed.), p. 216.
APPENDICES 951
(4) Apostolic ideal—Humiliati, Arnold of Brescia, Peter de Bruys.

(5) Unorthodox views on baptism—Arnold, Peter, and Henry.
(6) Unorthodox views on the sacraments—Arnold, Peter, and
Henry.
(7) Reaction against wealth of church—Humiliati, Arnold.
(8) Exaltation of the Scriptures—Claudius of Turin, Peter, and
Henry.
(9) Pious and simple lives—Humiliati, Arnold, Peter, and Henry.
(10) Aversion to the veneration of the cross—Peter, Henry, and
Claudius.
(11) Aversion to images—Peter, Henry, and Claudius.
(12) Rejection of prayers for dead—Peter, Henry, and Claudius.
(13) Lack of dependence on church buildings for true worship—
Peter and Henry.
(14) Disregard for church fasts and holy days—Peter and Henry.
(15) Direct relation of believer to God—Claudius.
(16) Aversion to saint worship—Peter, Henry, and Claudius.'
VII. Conclusions
The testimony of the leading sources is obviously contradictory in
parts, and incomplete as a whole. But an analysis of the chart shows that
the almost solid block of testim ony for nrigin from Walrin is applicable
specifically to the French Waldenses; only two specifically attribute the
Italian Waldenses likewise to Waldo. A few imply it through not defining.
the term Waldenses, or by referrine to the leadership of Waldo. This is
riot the same as stating that he originated the Italian group.
On the one hand the derivative aspect of Waldo's name weakens the
argument that the name Waldensian must be accounted for by origin from
him; on the other hand, the scattered evidences that point unmistakably to
derivation from, or at least affinity with, earlier periods in Italy exist to an
extent that is surprising, considering that it came from enemies who had
not only a natural tendency but a controversial interest in emphasizing
Waldo as the founder. This is highly significant.
65 For the teachings of these earlier dissenters, see chapter 33, and Albert H. Newman,
op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 558-566. For lists of Waldensian teachings and practices, see chapters
34, 35, and the following sources and authorities. LATIN: David of Augsburg, op. cit. (Preger
ed.), pp. 206-211, 215, 217; Passau Inquisitor, Reineri . . . Liber, in MBVP, vol. 25, p. 265;
Stephen of Bourbon, op. cit., pp. 293-299; Report of Peter the Inquisitor in Preger, Beitriige,
pp. 246-250 (also in Hollinger, Beyriige, vol, 2, pp. 305-311); Morel, Letter, in Dieckhoff,
op. cit., pp. 363-373; and the following in Hollinger, Beitrage, vol. 2: Extracts from Acts of the
Inquisition of Carcassonne, pp. 7-14; Rescriptum Haeresiarcharum
. Lombardiae, pp. 42-52; Nota
Primo, pp. 304, 305; fiber die Waldenser, pp. 335-342 ; Arttculi Haeresium in Maguntia, pp. 620,
621; for the Bohemian Brethren known as Picards, Waldensian Brethren or simply Waldenses,
see Summa Picardicarum Rerum, pp. 635-641 and Summarium lmpiae et 'harisaicae Picardorum
Religionis, pp. 661-664.
ENGLISH: translations and extracts in Comba op. cit. (The Rescriptum, pp. 70-73,
Epistola Fratrum, pp. 195-204; Morel's letter, pp. 153, 154, 290-298), give a partial picture
of the Waldensian statement of the case, and various enumerations and descriptions (pp. 244-
289) are summarized from Catholic sources. See summaries in Albert H. Newman, op. cit.,
vol. 1, pp. 571-579. For a useful though old bibliography on the Waldensians in general, see
Muston, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 397-489.
952 PROPHETIC FAITH
Now that the battle smoke has cleared somewhat from the Catholic-
Protestant polemics of a century ago over this issue, it is becoming more
apparent that the sources, which the contestants once flung at each other,
are less contradictory than was supposed, if considered in relation to the
whole body of evidence. If later scholarship has declined to accept as
proved a literal Waldensian apostolic succession, it has recognized the
existence of evidences which point to older roots than Waldo for the more
evangelical branch in Italy. Thus Adeney says:
"Neither is it right to say that the Waldenses are simply the followers of
Waldo of Lyons. It does not appear that he simply founded the community
de novo, or that its evangelical and Protestant character is entirely due to his
influence. The ideas were in the air, the spirit was alive and awake, when Waldo
and his Poor Men came with apostolic fervour to embrace them and blend them
with their own version of the teaching of Jesus..There were Arnoldists, Petrobru-
sians, and Henricians before Waldo, existing as scattered religionists. But it was
his movement that gathered in the harvest of their lives and brought about the
formation of a Waldensian Church.. .
"[About 1180] Bernard of Fontcaude wrote a book entitled Adversus Val-
lenses et Arianos. It seems that these discussions arose out of the union of the
Petrobrusians and Henricians with the Poor Men of Lyons in Provence. About
the same time Waldo's followers united with the Arnauldists in Lombardy. Thus
the Waldenses of France and Italy were united, and their union was cemented
by persecution. . . . Division between the two parties arose out of the teaching
of the Italian Waldenses that the sacraments could not be efficacious if ad-
ministered by priests of unworthy character, while the French Waldenses did not
accept this view. Holding the Roman Catholic priests to be morally wrong in
many of their practices, because unscriptural, the Italians repudiated all their
sacraments. At the same time this branch of the Waldenses insisted most strongly
on close adhesion to NT teaching and practice generally and on rejection of
everything in the Church which lacked that authority. Thus they were the more
thoroughgoing anti-Romanists. . . . Nevertheless fraternal intercourse came to
be established in course of time between these two branches of Waldenses." '36
And Preger asserts, "We found that the Italian branches cannot be
traced back only to Waldez [Waldo] and the Waldenses, but that they must
have an independent history apart from Waldez." "
As a result of the modern studies of medieval heresies and reform
movements, the conclusion seems to be general that, whatever Waldo and
his French Waldenses may have contributed in the way of organization and
impetus, the whole movement known as Waldensian must be accounted
for as a fusion of his group with others of older rootage in north Italy.
64 Adeney, op. cit., pp. 666, 667.

87 Translated from Preger, "Beitrage," p. 209.
Bibliography
This list does not include hundreds of works alluded to, and often named
in the text, but not specifically cited. It is virtually confined to those works for
which specific credit appears in the footnotes. The works are classified under
three headings: books, periodicals and other serials, and manuscript material.
Because of the extraordinarily large number of sources and authorities
listed in the Bibliography, book and periodical titles, with accompanying refer-
ences, are not repeated in the Index; the page references for the works cited
therefore appear only in the Bibliography.
BOOKS
ANF. See The Ante-Nicene Fathers.

Achery, Luc d'. Veterum Aliquot Scriptorum . . . Spicilegium. Parisiis: Apud
Carolum Savreux, 1657-77. 13 vols. See p. 454.
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Alexander, Archibald. The Canon of the Old and New Testaments Ascertained;
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953
954 PROPHETIC FAITH
Allix, Peter. Some Remarks Upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient
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Alphonsus de Liguori. Dignity and Duties of the Priest; or, Selva. Edited by
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The Ante-Nicene Fathers. Translations of the Writings of the Fathers Down to
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Antichrist, Waldensian treatise on. See Of Antichrist.
Aphrahat. Select Demonstrations. See Gwynn. See pp. 402-404.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 955
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956 PROPHETIC FAITH
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958 PROPHETIC FAITH
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31
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PERIODICALS AND OTHER SERIALS
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986 PROPHETIC FAITH
Fallaw, Wesner. "Atomic Apocalypse," The Christian Century, Sept. 25, 1946
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MANUSCRIPTS
De Seminibus Scripturarum. See Pseudo Joachim.
Olivi, Pierre Jean d'.
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Latin 713.
[Postilla in Apocalypsim.] [Complete microfilm in Advent Source Col-
lection.] See pp. 767, 769-776.
Pseudo Joachim.
Vatican, Cod. Vat. Lat. 3819, fols. [1-18].
Librum Joachim De Seminibus Scripturarum. [Variant title of De
Sernine Scripturarum, abridged recension.] [Complete microfilm in Advent
Source Collection.] See pp. 717, 718, 720-725.
[Tract against the doctrines of Joachim and Olivi on the Apocalypse.]
Avignon, Bibliotheque du Musee Calvet, MS. 1087 (ancien fonds 342),
fols. 220-242. [Photostat of fols. 220-223 in Advent Source Collection.]
See p. 782.
Villanova, Arnold of.
Vatican, Cod. Vat. Lat. 3824.
Fols. 1-12. Introductio in Librum [Joachim] De Semine Scripturarum,
Quod Fst de prophpti.s. Dormientihnc Rive de Dormientium. Prophetiis.
See pp. 746, 748-751.
Fols. 50-78. Tractatus de Ternpore Adventus Antichristi. See pp. 746,
752=757.
Fols. 78-98. Tractatus de Misterio Cimbalorum Eclesie. See pp. 754,
757-760.
Fols. 237 ff. Antidotum Contra Venenum Ellusum per Fratrem Mar-
tinum de Atheca Predicatorum Adversus Denunciatores Finalium Tern-
porum. See p. 761.
[Microfilms or photostats of fols. 1-12, 50-68, 78-98, 245-249 in Advent
Source Collection.]
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Latin 15033.
Fols. 200-241. De Cimbalis Ecclesie. [Same work as Tractatus de Mis-
terio Cimbalorum Eclesie.] [Complete microfilm in Advent Source Collec-
tion.] See pp. 754, 757, 759.
Index
The classification in this Index is threefold. It includes the names of
all expositors and other individuals cited, all prophetic terms employed,
and topics discussed. The topics, however, are based upon key words rather
than upon the subdivisions of the various subjects. The main discussions of
the different commentators are indicated by the inclusive figures in italics,
as pages 415-425 for Ambrose of Milan. Book, pamphlet, periodical, and
manuscript titles are not repeated here, as they appear in the Bibliography,
which begins on page 953, with page reference to all citations given in
connection with each work.
Abbo of Fleury, 589 302, 306, 319, 346-348, 351, 354, 357,
Abelard, Petrus, 557, 636, 646, 651, 652, 812 358, 396
Abomination of desolation, 141, 145, 164, signs of, 142, 426, 427, 444, 454, 659
247, 320 366 420, 728, 752-754, 773 time of, 211, 242, 247, 248, 361, 468, 488,
Abraham, 72, 112, 113, 120, 139, 154, 694, 723, 724, 749
695, 715, 772 to follow Antichrist, 233, 463
Abraham, seed of see Israel, spiritual Advent hope, 320
Abravanel, Don Isaac, 682, 806 Advents, two. 54. 111, 112. 231. 232, 255,
Abyss, multitude of wicked, 478, 482 256, 317, 33S, 355, 362", 363, 412, 449,
Acacius, 410 481, 636, 722 887
Adam, 284, 286, 658, 693, 694, 695, 707, 714 Adventism, five determining factors of, 252,
Adarnnan, zbbot of Ir..•na, 607 263, 34 9 406
Adso of Montier-en-Der, 585, 586 Aethelfrith, 'see Ethelfrid
Advent, first, in sixth millennium, 614, 615 Africanus, juiius, 226, 266, 267, 279, 365, 450
foretold by 70 weeks, 126, 176, 242, 265, Ages of the world, see Three ages, Six-thou-
278-280, 393, 487, 574, 656, 754, 757, 758, sand-year theory, Seven states of the
760. 890 Christian Era, Eighth age
fulfillment of prophecy, 149, 232, 355. 362, Agobardus, archbishop of Lyons, 824
363 Ahijah, 29, 114
millennium begun with, 344, 470, 478, 490, Aidan, 604, 605
587, 893, R94 Akiba, 61
Satan's binding at, 344 Alans, 420, 445, 580
Advent, second, 111, 136, 157, 160, 232, 259, Alaric's sack of Rome, 439, 476, 497
422 Albert I, German emperor, 6801
accompanied by resurrection, see Resurrec- Albertus Magnus, 646, 653-655
tion Albigenses, 642, 665, 674, 808-811, 835, 879,
allegorical interpretation of, 318 906, 949
at end of 70th week, 278 Albright, W. F., 919
change in concept of, 307-310, 326, 351, Alcuin, 83, 546, 547-549, 556, 585
355, 382-385, 394-396, 465, 472, 489-491 Alemanni, 445, 600
double interpretation of, 318 Alexander the Great, 18, 43, 68, 69, 130, 167,
establishes kingdom of God, 137, 138, 165, 168, 169, 198, 203, 213, 240, 272, 404,
215, 216, 232, 306, 334, 335, 343, 364, 446, 448, 571, 583, 921
393, 459, 463, 489, 490, 637 division of his kingdom, 69, 90, 126, 203,
expected by early church, 91 162-165, 216, 272, 403, 404, 448
261, 262, 310, 321, 394, 395, 397, great horn of goat, 201, 203, 448, 459
217,
4 legend or saga of, 556, 583, 584, 662
foretold by Christ, 137-143, 146, 162, 207, third prophetic kingdom (see also Mace-
458 donian empire), 329, 430
foretold by John, 156, 157, 160, 161 Alexander III (pope) 681, 833
foretold by Old Testament prophets, 362, Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, 388, 389
363 Alexander, high priest, 365
foretold by Paul, 150-153 Alexander of Hales, 646
future, literal in glory, 231, 232, 235, 245, Alexandria, 69, 169, 263, 264, 279, 389
247-249, 250, 252, 255, 256 259, 261, bishop of, 396, 411, 502, 503, 525 814
263, 271, 274, 276, 278, 302, 306, 307, catechetical school, 264, 265, 279, 311, 312,
310, 315, 318, 319, 338, 339 346-348, 354, 372 388
355, 363, 364, 368, 369, 374, 393, 395, Alexandrian codex, see Codex Alexandrinus
402, 404, 412, 413, 414, 423, 424, 430, Allegorical method of interpretation (see also
447, 449, 451, 459, 460, 463, 470, 481, Spiritualized interpretation), 311, 318,
487, 488, 490. 521, 575. 612." 619, 636, 325, 425. 477, 549
637, 658, 709, 790, 891-893 of Plato, 316
gradual, to the believer, 317, 318 Alogi, attack on Apocalypse, 325
premillennial, 215, 217, 232, 235, 250, 271, Alphonsus de Liguori, 673
989
990 PROPHETIC FAITH
Ambrose of Milan, 107, 297, 408, 415-425, sixth or seventh head, 709
4732 580, 635, 821, 847, 937 tail of Job's Behemoth, 520
Ambrosian church, 817, 824-826 extra-Biblical concepts on, 293-301, 462, 573,
Ambrosius, friend of Origen, 314 585-587, 802
Atnillennialism, definition, 34 forerunners of,
Amos, 29 114, 117, 118 Antiochus, 522, 586, 657, 761
Amphilocliius of Iconium, 105 Arian emperors, 471
Anacletus, see Peter Leonis bishop of Constantinople, 527
Anagogical principle, see Spiritualized inter- bishops, 409
pretation Constantius, 392, 393, 407
Anastasius, patriarch of Antioch, 83, 527 Domitian, 586
Ancient of days, 147 Frederick II, 795
Andragathius, ptrilosopher, 425 Nero, 429, 586
Andreas, of Caesarea (Cappadocia), 569-572 Paris theologians, 756
Angel of Rev. 18, 784 identified as,
Angel with bittersweet book, 155 apostasy in church, 152, 485, 879, 880
Angel with seal is Elias, 340 Arius or Sabellius, 421
Angels, three (of Rev. 14), 343, 581, 582, Catholic church or clergy, 869, 878, 880-
707, 769, 784 886
Anglican church, see England errors, evil, falsehood 320, 723, 880, 884
Anglicus, Thomas, 83 Frederick II, 735, 906
Anonymous of York, see Gerard of York a Jew, 247, 257, 275, 296, 297, 346, 421,
Anselm of Canterbury, 618, 646, 651 652 449, 453, 461, 522, 546, 552, 586, 653,
Anselm of Havelberg, 562-565, 692, 902 657, 689, 802, 899
Anselm of Laon, 556, 557 a man from Babylonia, 570, 586
"Anselm of Marsico" fictitious bishop, 730 a man from Palestine, 58,4, 586
Antemos, 343 a man, head of the wicked, 658
Antichrist, 19, 20, 23, 30, 89, 155, 165, 215, Mohammed, 530, 573
217, 235 341, 435, 444, 728, 779 Nero, 300, 301, 342
city of, 820 a papal 905
usurper, 639, 688, 706, 707, 770,
coming of, 7,
about year 1000, 572, 589, 591 an individual pope, 541, 542, 688, 706,
among 10 kingdoms, 271, 273, 342, 348, 779, 780, 796, 805, 877, 906
407, 657, 798, 800, 801 the pope, or Papacy, 21, 24 519 542,
at end of 1000 years, 479, 522 543, 6112, 700, 798-806, 884, 896, 904
at end of 1260 years, 781 Satan, 421
at end of 1290 years, 751-756, 758, 759, satanic power among Christians, 736, 789
773 son or incarnation of Satan, 295, 296,
during 70th week, 277, 278 320
expected for 13th century, 715 tail of dragon, 706
expected for 14th century, 745, 754-756, worldliness in the church, 793
759, 773 image of, in temple, 343,357
following Rome's breakup, 162, 248, 252, kingdom of,
263, 271, 293, 347, 356, 406, 407, 413, connected with Jews, 297, 298, 421, 522,
428, 433, 434 443, 444, 458 460, 463, 586, 790
486, 586, 702, 800, 801, 8d5 42 months, 357
in the church 257, 407-409 427, 444, over Saracens, 572
485, 586, 79J, 820, 869, 8t 878, 880, over Romans, 571, 572
904 2d beast of Rev. 13, 276
near, 257, 336, 405-407, 409, 443, 522, 31/2 years, 247, 248, 341, 346, 413, 414,
526, 527, 662, 745 454, 486, 487, 586, 657, 789
preceding end 233, 257 274, 278, 333, 1290 and 1335 days, 414
346, 426, 4217, 444, 454, 459, 463, 486, "Ministers of Christ" serving, 640
522, 759, 761, 784, 789, 895 "mystic," preceding "open" Antichrist, 770,
described as, 771, 779, 805 905, 906
antithesis of Christ, 585 as Boniface VIII, 778-780, 906
a deformed monster, 296, 297 as a pseudo pope 770, 771, 805
an angel of light, 407 persecution by, 257, 258, 271, 274, 357, 413,
end of, 249, 274, 278, 323, 335, 396, 413, 414, 486, 522, 581, 586, 587, 614, 657,
414, 421, 463, 522, 586, 640, 659, 710, 661, 752, 774, 799-806, 882
773, 775, 776 preachers of 522, 655
equated with, priests of, 4b9
abomination of desolation, 247, 752 used as argument for Crusades, 790
beast (of Revelation 11), 421 works of, 882
beast (1st of Rev. 13), 247, 257, 343, 348, Antichrist, Waldensian treatise on, 878-884
357, 407, 421, 460, 461, 463, 464, 570, Antichrists, many, 89, 257, 409, 707
581 Antihierarchical tendencies, 807, 826
beast (2d, of Rev. 13:11-18), 276, 277 Antimillenarian, 337, 440, 448, 461, 893
beast (of Rev. 17), 571 Antinomianism, Jewish, 584
fierce king (Dan. 8), 247, 320 Antioch, city of, 263, 396, 411, 502, 814
Little Horn, 246, 272, 273, 348, 392, 407,
413, 414, 446, 452, 453, 463, 522, 614, Antiochus Epiphanes, 55, 57, 69, 70, 172,
653, 656, 657, 707, 798, 800, 806, 889, 173, 201, 277, 328, 329, 335, 430, 440,
904 446, 448, 586, 702, 780, 782
man of sin, 246, 257, 320, 348, 392, 414, Antipas, 93
420, 421, 427, 463, 464, 485 522640, Antipope (see also Pseudo pope), 639
658, 706, 707, 808, 869 88d, 881', 904 Antisacerdotal movements, 698, 700, 807-827,
"shameless king" (Dan. 11:36), 276 831, 906
INDEX 991
Antoninus Pius 240 481-483, 490, 491, 498, 520, 543, 544,
Anu, god of Babylon, 43, 920 546, 553, 582, 614, 630, 659, 710, 893,
Aphrahat, Jacob, 401-405 894, 899, 908
Apocalypse of John (see also Revelation book on resurrection, 479, 480, 520, 521
of), 110, 155, 198, 212 231, 235,244, on sin and grace, 418, 425, 476
258, 263, 270, 275, /78, 290, 292, 303, on six ages of world (seven), 487, 756,
340, 395, 440, 470, 580, 688, 891-893 894, 901
Apocalypse of Peter, 584 on sovereignty of church, 479, 483, 485,
Apocalyptic writings, 30, 31, 90, 91, 115, 118, 488-491, 690, 691
182, 286, 288-293, 303 Augustus, Emperor, 365
Apocrypha, New Testament, 926, 928 Aureoli, Peter, 782-785
Apocrypha, Ola Testament, 31, 67, 72-85, Autpertus, Ambrosius, 297, 546, 547, 549, 550,
, ns 553
Apocryphal writings, 72-85, 100, 186, 244, Auxentius, bishop of Milan, 409, 416
294, 295 926 Avignon, 662, 730, 777
Apollinaris of Laodicea, 326, 328, 431, 450, 454 Azazel, 189
Apollonius, philosopher 454
Apologists, period of, /19-240 Baba Bathra, Talmudic tractate, 65
Apostasy of church (see also Church, pagan- Babylon, city and empire (see also Assyria),
ism in), 221, 235, 241, 309, 338, 351, 35-53, 59, 62, 63, 126-130, 167, 198, 237,
382, 394-399, 434, 440, 814-816, 846, 876 240, 430, 442, 455, 568, 574, 653, 657, 701,
Apostles prophetic teaching of, 135-166 881, 888, 889, 915-921
Apostles; Creed, 411, 424 490, 868, 870 first of four prophetic empires, 126-130, 150,
Apostolic ideal (see also Poverty, voluntary), 203, 271, 272, 403, 404, 431, 458,
812-814 162,
Apostolic succession, claims to, 819, 829, 830, Babylon, of the Apocalypse (see also Woman
860, 861, 870, 937-941, 946, 952 R
of evelation 17, 18), 20, 156-158, 560,
Apostolicals, 831, 949 795
Aquila, Greek version, 65, 314 destruction and fall, 156, 246, 707-709
Aquinas, Thomas, see Thomas Aquinas equated with leopard beast, 572
Arbaces, ruler of Medes, 571 identified as
Arcadius, emperor, 495, 509 carnal church, 769
Archaeological finds, 58, 918-920 false church, 861
Arethas, archbishop of Caesarea, 569, 572 Islam, 784
Arianism, 362, 369, 386-395, 397, 408-411, Papacy, 681, 682,.697, 700, 856
417, 505,520, 569,721, 772, 834, 939 Rome, 154, 158, 159, 165, 275, 343, 449,
Arius of 388-390 564 3" 485 708
Arles, archbishop of, 812 Rome, church of, 471, 736, 764-766, 768,
Arnaud, Henri, 859, 940 832, 880, 896, 904-906
Arno, archbishop of Salzburg, 548 sinners, 736
Arnobius, noted rhetorician of Africa, 352 the reprobate, 582, 708
Arnold of Brescia. 812. 8.13. 949_ 951 Babylonian captivity. 35. 36, 59, 114, 120, 123,
Arnold of Villano ,., 435, 615, 766
Arnoldists, 813, 831, 837, 947-950, 952 Babylonian tablets, 36, 240, 915, 916
Arnulf, bishop of Orleans, 540-542 Bacon, Roger, 621, 646, 659-662
Arnulf, bishop of Rheims, 540-54q Bamberg Aporalvpre, 579, 591-594
rx Longimanus of Persia, 279, 280,
Artaxees Baptism, Catholic, 263, 382, 418, 672, 814
3
42 dissenting views on, 811, 867, 868
Artaxerxes Mnemon, 449 "Barbarian," Greek use of term 374n
Artaxerxes, king of Armenia, 446 Barbarians, 504, 505, 507, 755, 8b1
Asceticism, 224, 355, 406 439, 634, 742, 815 Barnabas, the apostle, 209, 928
Asdenti, student of prophecy, 733 Bartholomeus Guisculus, 733
Asia Minor, churches in, 87, 219 Bartholomew, the apostle, 564
Ass and Colt, Old and New Testament, 316 Bartholomew of Pisa, 766
Assumption of Moses, 182, 194 Baruch, Book of, 73, 81
Assyria, 35, 51, 59, 60, 291, 363, 413, 486, 571, Basel, 854
920, 921 Basil the Great, 107, 565
Assyria (referring to Babylonia), 363, 413, Basilides, 222
486, 613 Bear, symbol of Persia, 32, 47, 272, 274, 570,
Astronomy, 235-237, 744, 750, 751, 915, 921 613
Athanasius, 81, 106, 3V, 388-394, 505, 928, Beast, first (of Rev. 13), 33, 91, 155, 156,
929 158, 165, 246; 248, n7, 276, 294, 335,
Attalus HI, 90 343, 348, 357, 407 421 461, 463, 483,
Attila and the Huns, 498 542, 552, 559, 570, '72, 575, 593, 614, 640,
Augustine, monk, missionary to England, 600- 655, 676, 700, 706, 709-711, 731, 755, 774,
606, 608 780, 784, 875, 877, 891, 897, 902
Augustine, Aurelius, bishop of Hippo, 77, Beast, scarlet (Rev. 17), 33, 571, 708, 784
224, 253, 462, 465, 472, 473-491, 550, Beast, second (of Rev. 13), 248, 276, 277,
565, 585, 611, 635, 655, 656, 755, 759, 343, 461, 469, 546, 552, 559, 570, 572,
801, 901, 929 581 593, 655, 706, 774, 779, 784, 795,
City of God, 19, 82, 347, 395, 468, 475, 895
476, 489, 490, 492, 519, 536, 629, 908 Beast from bottomless pit (Rev. 11), 421, 468
founder of Latin theology, 465, 691, 692 Beasts, four, of Daniel (see also Empires,
shifts emphasis in prophtic r inte pretation four, and Babylon, Persia, Grecia, Rome,
309, 349, 396, 478, 690, 893-895, 899, 904
309, etc.), 18, 32, 47, 127, 158 175, 288, 404,
teachings, on persecution, 477 413, 442, 458, 486. 568, 574. 771
on canon of Scripture, 82, 83, 106, 107 Beasts of prophecy, 18, 32, 33, 48, 49, 95,
on millennium, 323, 344, 464, 478, 479, 130
992 PROPHETIC FAITH
Beatus, 406, 574-579, 591, 593 Calvin, John, 634, 653, 841, 929
Bede, the Venerable,
V 20, 83, 108, 466, 545, Cambridge, University of, 644, 863
548, 549, 553, 560, 567, 599, 604, 608, Canon law, 510 786-789, 933-935
609-615, 654, 761 Canon of New testament, 31, 96-109, 922-930
Beghards, 766 Canon of Old Testament, 31, 55, 64-66, 73-
Beguines, 766 85, 172
Behemoth, 520 Canon of Ptolemy, see Ptolemy, Claudius
Bel (see also Marduk), 40, 41, 43-45, 47, 49, Canonical books, superiority of, 81, 83, 206
73, 85, 917, 918, 920, 921 Canons of Council, see Councils
Beliar, incarnate devil, 193, 293, 299, 300 Canossa, 669
Belisarius, general of Justinian, 515 Canterbury, archbishop of, 795
Bellarmine, Cardinal, 566 Captivity, see Babylonian captivity
Bells, Villanova's interpretation of, 757, 758, Caracalla, emperor, 312
760 Cardinals, College of, 874
Belshazzar, 27, 62, 63, 128, 129 Carlstadt, 83
Benedict XI, second beast of Revelation 13, Carnal church, 765, 767, 769
779 Carthage, bishop of, 814
Benedict (of Nursia), founder of monasticism, Carthaginian school of Latin theology, 254
693-696, 721 Cartoons depicting nations as animals, 32,
Berengarius of Tours, 559, 648-651, 853 3 46 49
Berengaud, late 9th cent., 579, 901, 905 medieval, 730
Bergundians, see Burgundians Cassiodorus, 108
Bernard of Clairvaux, 20, 565, 629, 632, 633- Cassius, 71
642, 652, 655, 808, 812, 813, 901, 905 Cathari, 705, 712, 808-811, 835, 877, 950
Bernard of Cluny, 631, 632, 791, 901, 905 Cathedral schools, 644, 645
Bernard of Fontcaud, 844, 945, 946, 952 Catholic Church, see Church, Roman Cath-
Bernard of Morlan, Morval, see Bernard of olic
Cluny Catholic philosophy of life and history, 691
Bernard of Thuringia, hermit, 589 Celestine II 652
Bible, 64, 66, 83-85, 103, 106, 110, 147, 167, Celestine III, 687
227, 249, 256, 274, 301, 311, 314, 316, Celestine V 677, 763
351, 408, 437, 451, 465, 473, 488, 524, Celibacy, 418, 666, 667, 819, 869, 948
531, 561, 566, 625, 637, 653, 660, 733, Celsus, 220, 290, 312n, 925
750, 755, 758, 760, 786, 808, 832, 871, Celtic Christianity, see British Isles
872, 883, 885, 895, 929 Ceremonialism introduced, 220, 263, 815
allegorizing of, 465, 646, 893 Cerinthus, 281, 282
canon of, 54-109, 224, 306. 922-930 Chamforans, synod of, 854, 855
divine inspiration of, 14, 15, 206, 388, 750, Charlemagne, 508, 533-537, 548 611, 628,
922 681, 704, 718, 788, 801, 811, 821, 822,
exaltation of, by dissenters, 822, 823, 833, 865
841, 845 Charles Martel, 529, 530
in Gallic tongue, presented to pope, 833, 865 Chelcicky, Peter, 853
vernacular translations of (see also names Chiliasm (see also Millennium, Millennial-
of specific versions), 814, 866, 875 ism), 34, 104, 121, 195-197, 217 251,
Black horse, see Seven seals, third seal 252, 260, 281-283, 293, 301-308, 324, 325,
"Black One," 211, 217 354, 369, 447, 448, 462, 472, 480, 481,
Body of Christ, see Eucharist 891-893
Bogomiles, 810 Christ, 85, 88, 91, 92, 96, 156, 222, 287, 691,
Bohemian Brethren, 835, 852, 853, 868 842, 882, 875
Bologna, University of, 644, 787 advent of, see Advent
Bonaventura, 646 ascension of, 135, 138, 148, 157, 162,
Boniface I 499 753, 776, '781, 872
Boniface III 528 atoning death, 110, 157, 220
Boniface VII 541 author of prophecy, 89, 144
Boniface VIII, 516, 676, 677-682, 745, 763, baptism of, 615, 657, 774
780, 781, 906 birth of, 231, 261, 365, 610, 749
Book of Hanuk, see•Enoch, Neo-Hebraic body and blood of, 673
Bottomless pit, 258, 259, 572, 886 bride of, 757
British Isles early Christianity in, 219, 595-608 church's head crowned with twelve stars,
missionaries from, 600 688
reluctant to accept papal primacy, 599-604, crucifixion of, 89, 149, 157, 164, 355, 821,
608, 620 872, 917
submit to Roman church, 604-608 deity or divinity of, 220, 388, 389, 924
British negotiations concerning Waldenses, faithful witness, 329
858 fountainhead of inspired prophecy, 136, 148
British prophetic expositors, 609-627, 806 great High Priest, 162, 163
Brooks, Joshua W., 176 great prophecy of (Matt. 24, Mark 13,
Broughton, Hugh, 330n Luke 21, etc.), 29, 141-147, 334, 642,
Bruno of Segni, 559-562, 901 752
Bulls, papal, 678-680, 778, 827, 875 head of the universal church, 525
Bunyan, Pilgrim's Progress, 212 horseman whose name is death, 580
Burgundians, 445, 580 incarnation of, 110, 227, 260, 355, 721,
748, 764, 872
Caerleon, bishop of, 603, 604 interpreter of Old Testament prophets,
Caius, presbyter, 325 1
Cajetan, Cardinal, 83 Judge, 157
Calendars, 236, 237, 281, 431, 661, 915-917 king and priest 694
Callistus, bishop, 270 man child of key. 12, 276, 460, 706
INDEX 993
mediator 110, 162, 163, 881 789, 817, 820, 825, 826, 831, 846, 861,
Messiahship of, 160, 574 870, 876, 877, 879, 902, 940, 943
nature of, 209, 220, 362, 409 574, 871 becomes a religio-political empire, 385,
prophetic teachings of, 136-1413, 164-166, 398, 399, 490-492, 516-519, 529
197, 207, 433, 458 denounced as Antichrist, 878; Babylon
reign of, on earth during millennium, 215 and Antichrist, 860; Beast of the Apoc-
resurrection of, 138, 148, 157, 164, 355, alypse, 948; Beast from bottomless pit,
366, 471, 703 872 765; Church of malignants, 649, 877;
revelation of, 731 harlot, 768, 860, 877, 948; nest of
rider on white horse, 252 serpents, 877; seat of beast, 771; seat
scurrilous reflections on, 353 of Sata'rr; 649; synagogue of irreclaim-
second coming, see Advent, second able malignants, 860; synagogue of mis-
star prophetic witness, 18 creants, 882; Western Babylon, 485;
Sun (of Revelation 12), 638 whore of Babylon in Apocalypse, 765,
stone (of Daniel 2), 245, 256, 272, 273, 443, 809, 877, 879 906
451, 452 marks of anti-dhristianism in, 641
Way, Truth, Life, 722 religio-political state, 490, 492, 529, 806,
Word of God incarnate, 136 888, 904, 905
words significant only until 1260, 737 successor to Roman Empire, 397-399
Christendom 268, 367, 379, 464, 499, 505, stone kingdom of Daniel 2, 479, 520, 614
516, 52', 530, 538, 539, 590, 661, 678, true, 468, 824, 852, 868, 884
758, 803, 824, 846, 847 Western, 243, 253, 397 408, 417, 475, 495,
Christian church, 16, 31, 120, 150 153, 154, 503, 514, 516, 518, 530, 616, 628, 807
155, 182, 186, 190, IN, 205, 212, 219, 264, Church of England, see England
281, 303, 310, 338, 364, 375, 379, 395, Church of the Spirit, 765, 766
455, 458, 495, 518, 602, 889 Church services, see Worship
Christian Era, 9, 17, 80, 96, 141, 143, 158, Church-state relationships (see also Religious
160, 164, 175, 176, 180, 192, 197, 206, toleration), 367, 385, 388, 466, 477, 479,
289, 305, 308, 323, 377, 394, 458, 567, 606, 813, 815, 845
588, 700, 780, 817, 873, 889, 891, 899 Antenicene (see also Persecution) 255, 361
Christian faith, 220, 223, 229, 388, 401, 462, Constantinian era, 373-381, 397-399
595, 596, 616, 699, 790 Justinian, 493-517
Christian interpretation, 198, 570 medieval, 530-540
Christianity (see also Church), 69, 74, 87, Cistercians, 632-634, 686, 699, 722
102, 205, 209, 219, 220, 224, 225, 227, Citeaux, Abbey of, 634
229, 230, 241, 244, 253, 264, 281, 310, City of God (see also Augustine), 483, 614,
321, 324, 327, 333, 339, 352, 353, 362, 631. 769. 775
374, 376, 377, 388, 396, 430, 439, 440, Civitas diaboli, 468, 614
461, 493, 495, 496, 510, 520, 553, 573, Classroom of the soul, 321
691, 774, 790, 8071 814, 893 Claudius, bishop. of Turin, 159, 820, 821-
elevation or imperial enthronement, see 824, 831, 837, 853, 937 947, 949, 951
Conctantine Cleansing of sanctuary, see anctuary
introduced into Britain, see British Isles Clement III, 683, 687
supplanted by baptized paganism (see also Clement IV, 660
Church, paganism in Apostasy), 815, 816 Clement V, 730, 745, 747
Christians, 43 55, 88, 0, 91. 92. 96. 146, Clement of Alexandria, 103, 226, 263-267, 279,
154, 220, 227, 253, 255, 262, 264, 289, 290, 295, 311, 312, 450, 927
300, 303, 304, 328, 333, 334, 342, 345, Clement of Rome, 208, 925
351, 359, 361, 374, 375, 376, 406, 409, epistle of, 928
411, 444, 468, 475, 536 Clergy, corruption of 641, 791, 804, 819
Christos, the anointed governor, 365 Clovis, declared new Constantine, 397
Christs, false, 141, 143, 420, 423 Cluny congregation, 629-633, 642, 791
Chrysostom, John, 105, 295, 313, 425-430, Cochlaeus, 568
596 Code of Justinian, see Justinian
Church, 84 294, 386, 397, 409, 482, 603, Code of Napoleon, 514
666, 792, 813, 877, 946, 947 Codex Alexandrinus, 176-178
Constantine's elevation of, 373-399. 493, 495 Codex Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae, 106
corruption or decadence of (see also Carnal Codex Vaticanus, 177-180
church), 241, 723, 765, 812, 814, 838, 864, Coins, 129-131, 160, 240, 387, 935, 936
902 Columba, 598, 600
early Christian, 16, 18, 19, 74, 76, 77, 87, Columban, 599
89 102, 121, 122, 150, 162, 163, 165, Comestor, see Peter Comestor
177, 207, 208, 221, 222, 305, 311, 346, Coming of Christ, see Advent
351, 430, 444, 450, 458, 473, 551 708, Commodian, 300, 301
814, 818, 820, 889, 892 897 932, 948 Composite beast of Apocalypse, see Beast,
Eastern, 243, 253, 295, 405, 511, 565, 572, first, of Rev. 13
877 Concorrozani 808
Greek, 74, 104, 268, 368. 387, 755, 790 Conditional fulfillment of prophecy, 122
in wilderness, 820, 846, 861 Consolamentum, 808
militant, 479, 666, 756 Constans. emperor, 390, 587
paganism in, 225, 381, 382, 815, 816 Constantia, empress, 525
Roman Catholic, 19-21 24, 77, 83, 221, Constantine I (the Great), 353; 354, 361,
253, 261, 262, 269 270. 275, 376, 398, 367, 368, 373-399, 416, 429, 533, 558,
439, 464, 472, 488, 492, 493, 496-499, 571, 703, 721, 775, 817, 949
508, 509, 529, 550, 551, 599, 608, 620, and the Council of Nicaea, 367, 368
636, 649, 651, 653, 656, 659. 664. 667, Donation of, see Donation
669, 670, 675, 678, 679, 682, 692, 698, regarded as fulfilling prophecy, 383-387,
727, 729, 731, 764, 769, 782, 785, 788, 775
994 PROPHETIC FAITH
reign of, as affecting the church, 351-354, at Vienne, 778
373-399, 462, 493, 495, 496, 501, 508, at Whitby, 606, 607, 608
793, 879 at Worms (1076), 668
religious laws of, 375, 376, 378, 934 at Wiirzburg, 741
Constantine II, 390, 391 Court of Rome, see Roman Curia
Constantinople, 69, 495, 504, 524, 525, 533, Covenant, new, see New covenant
571, 683 Covenanters of Scotland, 70
patriarch of, 396, 499, 501, 504, 511, 513, Coverdale, 83, 930
518, 519, 524-528, 606, 932 Cranmer, 806
Constantius, 390-392, 408 Crassus, 71
Contemporary recognition of fulfillment, 144, Creation, days of, 195, 250, 304, 359, 423,
433, 459, 890 487, 751
Continual sacrifice, 202, 753, 758, 773 -18, 919, 921
Cornelius 138 6-858, 862, 863, 884
Corpus d)a boli, 468, 565, 614 811 821
Corrodi, Wilhelm A., 55 1, 821, 823
Cosmas of Jerusalem, 108 722, 754n
Cosmogony, 222, 279 hrist, 776
Cottian Alps, 816, 818, 819, 834, 837, 847, 791
863
Cotton, John, 23 3abylonian, 35n, 63
Council of the Albigenses at Toulouse, 809
Councils (and synods):
at Antioch, 564
at Aquileia (381), 847 itage, 103, 226, 253,
at Ariminum (339), 597
at Arles (314), 597 847 ,stantinople, 526, 527
at Arles (1260), 690 m, 82, 105, 410-415,
at Bordeaux, 630
at Carthage, third, 82, 106, 477, 928, 929 ian empire, 37, 68,
at Carthage, sixth, 106 782, 921
at Chalcedon, 450, 501, 510, 564, 817, 933-
935 Daily, see Continual sacrifice
at Clermont (1095), 559 Damasus I, 337, 437, 502, 503
at Constantinople, second general, 411, Damian, Peter, 825
498, 510, 933, 934 Daniel, book of, 30, 32-34, 95, 101, 115, 126,
at Ephesus (431), 499, 510, 564, 931, 933, 144 146, 147, 156 158, 161, 186, 204,
934 235; 242, 271, 271, 278, 324, 326-329,
at Ephesus (449), 450 334, 355, 395, 430, 454, 458, 460, 461,
at Frankfort, 822 520, 544, 680, 915, 916
at Hippo (393), 82, 106 477 Alexandrian, 171, 173
at Laodicea, 64, 105, 928 and the Apocrypha, 67-85
Lateran(1139), 813 and the Old Testament, 35-66
Lateran, Third (1179), 809, 833, 834, 865 Aramaic portion of, 57-62
Lateran, Fourth, 672, 674, 675, 676, 690, attacks on, 324 326-330
875 canonicity of g4-66, 324
at London (1237), 622 contents of, t3, 54, 125-134
at Lyons (1245), 798 fragments of, found, 58
at Lyons (1250), 624 historical background of, 35-53, 62, 63
at Nicaea (323), 219, 309, 361, 362, 366- in the New Testament, 144-148, 156-158
372, 376, 379, 383, 385, 388, 389, 392, outline prophecies of, 197, 273, 357, 402,
405, 501, 502, 510, 538, 564, 568, 931, 428, 573, 888
933, 934 Septuagint and Theodotion versions of,
Quinisextine, see Council, Trullan 169-180
at Regensburg (or Ratisbon), 797-799 Daniel, predictions of, 440
at Rheims, 519, 540, 587, 809, 865 Daniel, prophet, 27, 29 30, 31 35-44, 55,
Robber (Ephesus, 4-49), 450 56, 57, 112, 115, 11g, 124, 115, 126, 127,
at Rome, 502 129, 133, 144, 145, 146, 147 149, 161,
at Rome 382), 928 162, 167, 172, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202,
at Rome 998) 591 210, 232, 233, 288, 320, 327, 328, 329,
at Rome 1050 , 650 393, 422, 433, 4-44, 453, 458, 880, 889,
at Rome 1059 , 649, 650 895, 915, 916
at Rome 1078 , 650 Daniel 2, 44, 54, 125, 127, 146, 198, 244,
at Rome 1079 , 559, 650 263, 272, 273, 329, 334, 363, 430, 442,
at Rome 1080 , 539 451, 454, 458, 479, 520, 614, 653, 657,
at Rome 1241 , 797 888 889
at St. Felix de Caraman, 808 Daniel 33, 53, 54, 125, 127, 146, 232, 244,
at Sens (1141), 652 247, 272, 273, 288, 334, 363, 369, 406,
at Toulouse (1299), 866 407, 412, 431, 442, 458, 480, 653, 657,
at Tours, 650, 809, 865 682, 702, 790, 888, 889
at Trent, 81, 83, 655, 694, 788, 930 Dan. 8:14, 176, 179
at Trosley, 590 Daniel 11, Antichrist, 275
Trullan (second, 692), 929 Dante, 20, 212, 616, 617, 632, 685, 689, 852
at Turin, 847 Darius the Mode, 168, 198, 237, 277, 278,
at Tyre, 385 390 365, 403 431, 702
Vatican, 368 Dark Ages /62, 899 902
at Vercelli (1050), 650 David of Augsburg, 877, 946, 949, 950
at Verona (1184), 813, 827, 938, 950 Day of Christ, 151, 161, 924
INDEX 995
Day of judgment, see Judgment Ebionitest 924
Day of the Lord, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, Ecclesiasticus, book of, 56, 65, 73, 82
124, 150, 151, 211, 426 Edict of toleration (Milan, 313), 375, 376
Day, prophetic, a year in prophecy, 338, 700, Edict of Nantes, 477, 858
751, 752, 759 Edicts, imperial, on papal primacy, 501-516,
Dead, cult of, 263 811 527, 528
Dead Sea scrolls, 57-59, 61 Egypt, period of dominance, 58
Death, nature of (see also Immortality), 184, Eighth age of the world, 423
185, 188-190, 204, 234, 250, 284, 287, Eleazar ben Judah Kalonymus, 719
321 322 Elect One, 187, 189
threefold, 421, 422 Eleutherus, 243
Decius, persecution of, 313, 324, 333, 351 Elevation of church (see also Constantine),
Decretals, false, 332, 532, 537, 540, 788 347
Decretals, papal, 332, 502, 538, 539, 788, Eleventh king, see Little Horn
818, 924 Eliezer, 713
Decretals, Pseudo-Isidorian, 532, 538-540, 543, Elijah, Elias, 29 114, 185, 257, 278, 343,
675 427, 454, 466, 522, 546, 554, 555, 561,
Decretum of Gratian, 786, 788 572, 577, 586, 587, 658, 704, 705, 707,
Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, 312, 313 713, 727, 758, 772 779
Demetrius, bishop of Philippi, 511 Elipandus of Toledo, X74
De Semine Scripturarum, 717-725, 750, 751, Elisha, 29, 693, 704
753,. 761, 776, 780, 782 , 901 Emperor lays crown down on Golgotha, 584,
Destruction of world, 260, 291, 617 587
Devil (see also Satan), 299, 342, 467, 612, Emperor worship, 92, 376, 377
640, 872 Empire, German, see Holy Roman Empire,
Diabolus, 299 728
Diclux, 343, 555 Empires, four, of Daniel, see Four empires
Dictates of Hildebrand, 669, 670 Encratites, 924
Dictatus Papae, 669 End of the age, 18, 21, 23 29, 34, 137, 164,
Didache 928 247, 344, 459, 658, 701
Dies Solis, 378 End of the world (see also Last days), 34,
Diocletian, persecution of 337, 351-354, 356, 89, 91, 138 141, 143, 261, 275, 293, 318,
361
54, 375, 466, 495, 558, 564, 571, 582, 333, 339, i43, 346, 355, 359, 405, 420,
6 421, 447, 475, 478, 481, 483, 521, 524,
Dionysian era, 610 581, 583, 589, 659, 711, 745, 759, 790,
Dirmysius of Alexandria. 87, 103, 104, 282, 802, 872, 875
324, 326, 368, 927 dates expected 471, 587-591, 665, 740-742,
Doctor facundus, see Peter Aureoli 873, 875, 876, 901
Dolcino of Novaro, 741, 742 signs of, 142, 412, 420, 454, 521, 755
Dominant church, 478, 813 England, Church of, 84, 595-627
Dominic de Guzlan (ofCastille), founder ,
Enlil, Babylonian god, 43, 451^ 920
of Dominicans, 643, 779, 809 tnocn, 154, 185, z.57, 278, -:O, 522, 548,
Dominicans, 629, 643, 653, 655, 656, 734, 554, 555, 56i, 57z, 577, 586, 587, 658,
745, 755-757, 804 705, 707, 758, 772, 779
Domitian, 86, 87, 88, 103, 206, 208, 571, Enoch, Neo-Hebraic, or book of Hanuk, 186
586 Ephesus, church of, 89-92
Donation of Constantine, 399, 530, 531, 532, Councils of, see Councils
535, 537, 538, 588, 646, 681, 788, 830, see of, Nicene Council on 502
950 Ephraim the Syrian, 108, 324, 405
Donatists, 465, 466, 471 472, 475, 477, 903 Ephrem, Sys, see Ephraim the Syrian
Dragon, red, as Frederick II, 726 Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia, 82, 107,
as Gregory IX, 796 225, 313, 511, 512
as pagan Rome 19, 95, 155, 342, 405, 460, Erasmus 83, 929
567, 593, 88,1, 891 Esau, children of, Rome, 403, 404
as paganism, 385, 478 Eschatology, 29 30, 109110, 115, 117, 124,
as Satan 293, 570, 612, 613, 638, 688, 705, 136, 179, 183, 193, 204, 284, 286, 300,
706, 815 301, 455, 583, 584 636 659
as the Persian Chosroes, 784 Esdras, books of, 73, '77, 82, 284, 286, 288,
as the Saracens and Turks, 784 296, 661
tail of, as Antichrist, 706 Essenes, 68, 72, 186
Dry bones vision of, 123 Esther, rest of, 73, 85
Dulcinus,853 Eternal gospel, 705 707, 708, 737
Dunawd, Celtic scholar, 602 Ethelbert, 524, 595:601
Dungal, French monk, 823 Ethelfrid, 595 604
Dwight, Timothy, 23 Etruscans in Italy, 304
Eucharist (see also mass), 138, 418, 419, 566,
Ea, Babylonian god, 43 620, 621, 673, 781, 814, 815, 839, 868,
Eagle vision, 286,288 869, 947
Early church, se e Church, early Eucherius, bishop of Treves, 465
Earth cleansed ur renewed, see New heavens Eudoxia, cm-press, 425
and earth Eugenius HI 563, 636 788
Earthquakes, sign of last days, 356, 420 Eidogius, bishop of Alexandria, 527
Eastern church, see Church, Eastern Fusebius of Caesarea, 81, 104, 106, 268, 279,
Eastern Empire 337, 495, 496, 504, 520, 530, 310, 311, 326, 327, 328, 349, 361-388, 389,
583, 730 714 433, 450, 461, 463, 615
Eberhard II; archbishop of Salzburg 682, Eusebius of Nicomedia, 389, 390
700, 796-806, 894, 992, 903, 904, 905 Eustochium, 81
Eberhard of Bethune, 945, 946 Eutyches, 564, 932, 933
996 PROPHETIC FAITH
Eutychians, 934 Frederick III of Sicily, 742, 747

Evagrius of Gaul, 454 Freedom of religions, see Religious toleration
Evangelical Christianity (see also Reforming French Revolution, 24, 514
groo ups), 822, 823, 827, 829, 846, 883, Friars (see also Dominicans, Franciscans),
g4 642, 643, 665, 738
Evanthas, 249, 276 Fulfillment, contemporary recognition of, 144,
Evening and morning, definition of, 749, 752, 433, 459, 890
758 Futurism, 24, 89
Evening of the age, 758, 776
Everlasting gospel, see Eternal gospel Gabriel, angel, 133, 247, 280
Exeter Book, 616n Gaius, commentary of, 507
Exile, Jewish, see Babylonian captivity Galba, 266
Exivi de Paradiso, papal bull, 778 Galen, 744
Extra-Biblical Apocalypticism, 185-197, 283- Galersus 375
308 Gallic church, 500, 596, 847
Extra-Biblical influences on Christian inter- Gallianus, 351
pretation (see also Non-Christian ele- Gandune, 853
ments), 217, 283-308, 357, 358, 568, 893, Gates of Alexander, 556, 584, 662
897, 899, 900 Gates of Ezekiel and Rev. 21, 317
Ezekiel, 55, 115, 116, 123, 260, 303, 343, 899 Gatumdug, 51
Ezra, prophet, 64, 68, 661 Gaudentius, 454
Ezra, book of, 61, 65 Gaugamela 168
Ezra legend, 286 Gehenna, 251, 292
Gelasius I (pope), 107, 337
Faber, Stapulensis, 83 Gelasius, Greek historian, 368, 369, 454
Factors, see Five key factors Gematria, 343
Falling away, ecclesiastical, see Apostasy Genseric, king of Vandals, 475, 498, 555
False 11
prophet, 248, 276, 277, 461, 570, 709- Gentiles, times of, 18, 138, 142, 192, 193,
7 195, 231, 414, 723, 756, 790
False prophets, 143, 357, 423, 424, 469, 707, Gerard of Borgo San Donnino, 733, 736-738
769 Gerard of York, 618-621
Famine of 1033, 588, 590 Gerberga of France, 585
Famines, sign of last days, 356 Gerbert, 543, 587
Farel, 854 Gerhoh of Reichersberg, 568, 791-793, 805,
Fierce king, see King of fierce countenance 813
Fire from heaven (Rev. 20), 484 Glossa literature, 550, 557. 653, 659, 761,
Firmilian, 332 901
Five key factors, 30, 235, 252, 263, 279, 349 Glossa Ordinaria, 550-553, 564, 802, 901
Flagellants, 740, 741 Gnosticism, 74, 186, 220, 222-225, 243, 244,
Forgeries, ecclesiastical, see Decretals, Dona- 252, 253, 259, 265, 281, 306, 312, 322,
tion of Constantine 810, 922, 923, 926
Forty-two generations, see Prophetic periods Goat (of Dan. 8), 18, 32, 125, 129, 130, 131,
Four angels (of Rev. 7), 581, 613 168, 198, 200, 201, 203, 272, 274, 281,
Four beasts, see Beasts, four 403, 431, 448, 459, 702
Four empires, 21, 32, 39, 45, 146, 161, 198, Gog and Magog, 20, 484, 555, 584, 586, 662,
203, 272, 363, 364, 403, 406, 413, 428, 711, 728, 775, 793, 901
435, 442, 447, 451, 454, 455, 458, 463, Golden head, see Image of Dan. 2, also
479, 486, 493, 544, 570, 573, 583, 613, Babylon
656, 657, 701, 802, 888, 891 Golden-age kingdom, 303, 304, 306, 893
Four horn divisions of Greece, 131, 274, 442 Goths, 397, 420, 439 445, 515, 580, 905
Four Horsemen, see Seven seals (first four Grace, Augustine on,' 476
seals) Gratian, emperor, 105, 398, 417, 439, 501-
Four living creatures, 783 503, 532, 787, 788
Fourth beast as Antichrist, 884 Great Mother, 223
as Roman empire, 33, 155, 210, 216, 288, Great mountain, 44, 45
403, 404, 406, 407, 413, 432, 452, 802, 895 "Great Sabbath," 699
Fourth empire, 33, 126, 128, 133, 158, 164, Great Synagogue, 64
175, 245, 263, 329, 347, 406, 407, 413, Grecian (or Macedonian) empire, 32, 42,
430, 433, 434, 441, 442, 443, 455, 460, 68, 120, 129, 137, 150, 153, 160, 162,
701, 888 167, 169, 442 446, 451, 455, 458, 568,
divisions of, 39, 199, 363, 888, 890 571, 574, 613, 653, 657, 708, 888
Francis of Assisi, 642, 685, 731, 732, 770, 771, third prophetic empire, 130, 131, 175, 273
938 Greek Apocalypse of Baruch, 284
Franciscans, 621 629, 642, 643, 653, 656, Greek Apocalypse of Daniel 298
660, 662, 715, 732-734, 735, 738, 739, Greeks, brazen-coated, 42, 43, 168, 271, 272,
742, 754, 763, 765, 777, 778, 793, 804, 281, 366, 487, 924
814 Gregory I ( the Great), 83 8, 518, 519-529,
Franciscans, Spiritual, 685, 715, 716, 725, 5 600-606, 635, 722, 03
733, 737, 904 Gregory V, 543
Franks, 580 Gregory VII, 516, 539, 559, 606, 630, 650,
Fraticelli, 742 664, 665-670, 675, 681, 682, 792, 803,
Frederick I (Barbarossa), 665 879, 906
Frederick II emperor, 672, 707, 715, 726, Gregory IX 643 788, 794, 795
733, 734, 735,771, 794-796, 798, 903 Gregory XV, 85
as Antichrist, 735, 903 Gregory Nazianzen, 81, 83, 105, 454
as Antichrist's forerunner or vicar, 727, Gregory of Nyssa, 107
733, 734, 735, 793, 795, 805 Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, 192, 621-625,
as beast from the sea, 795 660, 733
INDEX 997
Guglielma of Milan, 741 Hugh of St. Victor, 83

Culbert of Nogent, 789-791 Hugo, the cardinal, 83
Hugo, Provincialis, 733
Habakkuk commentary, 62 Humiliati, 826, 827, 831, 837, 938, 940, 947,
Habakkuk, prophet, 115, 121 949-951
Hadrian, emperor, 237, 506, 535 Huns, 420, 439, 445, 580
Hadrian (pope), 818 Huss, 21, 685, 841, 853, 901
Hakohen, 713 Hypatius, bishop of Ephesus, 511, 932
Ham, children of, Babylonians, 403 Hyrcanus, high priest, 71
Harding, Stephen, 634
Harlot, see Woman of Revelation 17, 18 Ignatius of Antioch, 208, 222, 925
Haymo of Halberstadt, 296, 553-556, 557, Image of beast, 483, 614, 707 770
560, 562, 567, 654, 655, 899 Image of Daniel 2 (see also stone kingdom),
Head of gold, see Image of Dan. 2, also First 32, 37 44, 125-127, 157, 198, 240, 272,
empire 363, 464, 435, 479, 520, 614
Hebdomadal year, 758, 759 Image worship, 382, 811, 815, 820-822, 824,
Hebrews, 68, 300, 450, 487, 918 837
Heidelberg, University of, 644 Imitation of Christ, 665, 697, 700, 732
Hellenistic Period, see Macedonian empire Immaculate conception, 638n
Hanasi, 713 Immortality of soul, conditional or bestowed,
Henricians, 812, 952 234, 321
Henry, emperor of Constantinople, 672 innate or inherent, 184, 191, 204, 234, 320,
Henry II of England, 618 321, 345
Henry III of England, 623 Imperial cult, see Emperor worship
Henry II, emperor, 593, 718, 721 Inclusive reckoning, 917
Henry W of Germany, 668, 669 Independence, spirit of, 419n 816, 984
Henry V, 560 Indulgences, 674, 681, 812, 870 '
Henry VI, 683, 688 Innocent I 499
Henry of Lausanne, 812, 837 Innocent II 639
Heraclas, bishop of Alexandria, 324 Innocent III, 516, 606 664, 670-676, 677,
Heraclius of Byzantium, 784 678, 682, 687, 793, 803, 809, 903, 938
Heresy, 252, 270, 313, 331, 401, 411, 475, Innocent IV 623, 624
510 624, 625, 674, 707, 722, 807-827, Inquisition 846, 665, 673, 674, 741 747, 761,
830, 845, 870, 877, 893 785, 869, 810, 835, 844, 845, 877, 934, 945
Hermas, 212-214 Insabbatati 836n
Herod Antipas, 71, 365, 688 Interdict, 671, 672
Herodians, 68, 70 Intermediate state, see Death
Heruii, '397, 445 Inter-Testament period, 197, 293
Hesychius. bishop of Salona, 487 Investiture, controversy, 559, 618, 667, 668
Hexapla, 314, 315 Iron and clay, feet of (see also Image of
Hezekiah, 114 Dan. 2, Ten kingdoms) 272, 273, 363,
Hierarchy 224, 373, 478, 619, 641, 656, 698, 442, 443, 451, 458
742 216q /oo ono Old OIR 826, 879, Iron kingdom, scr. Image of flan. 2, also
906' Fourth empire
Hierocles, 352 Irving, Edward, 176
Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, 81, 391, 407, 408- 'Isa, 573
410, 596, 820 Isaac, 113, 120
Hilda, abbess of Whitby, 599 29, 114, 119, 120, 129, 303, 342, 343
Hildebrand, see Dictates, also Gregory VII Ireland, 597-599
Hillel, 477 Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, 74, 81, 103, 107,
Hippolytus bishop of Portus Romanus, 103, 196, 209, 212, 215, 216, 225, 226, 243-
107, 226, 268-279, 296, 297, 304, 359, 252, 257, 270, 278, 295, 297, 301, 303,
406, 418, 433, 440, 461 321, 407, 440, 448, 847, 927
Historical interpretation or view or method, Isaiah Ms., see Dead Sea Scrolls
22, 89, 450, 567 690, 697, 700, 785, 803, Isidore Mercator, 538
894, 898, 899, 902 Isidore of Pelusium, 432
Holy City (Jerusalem), 20, 70, 71, 219, 252, Isidorian decretals, see Pseudo-
266, 613, 688, 727, 883 Islam. interpreted as Babel, 784
Holy city, New Jerusalem, 307; 357, 358, empire of, 287, 529, 530, 569, 573, 583,
575, 577, 614 584 654, 662 688, 704, 784, 790, 898
Holy Office, see Inquisition Israel (see also Judah)
J northern kingdom,
Holy Roman Empire, 535, 536, 594, 728, 800, 35, 59, 113, 114, 117-119, 121, 192
801, 805 literal, 121, 153, 287, 295, 767
Holy Spirit, 138, 148, 149, 153, 184, 230, spiritual, 138, 153, 251, 305, 395
256, 339, 341, 428, 449, 485, 503, 566, Itala version of Bible, 254
568, 619, 693, 694, 711, 750, 769, 784, Italicus, 158
862, 869, 872, 882, 923 Italy, northern, independent of pope, 368,
Holy water, 382, 870 416, 417, 419, 823, 824, 846
Honorius (emperor), 495, 509 evangelical church of, 941
Honorius II.(pope), 639
Honorms, or Autun, 298 jacol, of Edessa, 297
Hormisdas, canonical list, 107 Jacob of Nisibis, 329, 405
Horn, see Little Horn, Notable horn, Ten 4addua, high priest, 167, 168. 201
horns, Beast, or Goat James the apostle, 140, 154, 943
Hosea, 114, 117, 118 James I of Aragon, 714, 875
Hosius, bishop of Cordova, 389, 392 Tames I of England, 23
Hozeh, seer, 66 japhet, children of, 403
Hraban, see Rabanus Maurus avan, 42
998 PROPHETIC FAITH
Jehu, prophet, 114 John the Faster, Byzantine patriarch, 524,

Jephet ibn Ali 713 525
Jeremiah, 29, 6, 41, 115, 121, 122, 460, 688 ohn of Damascus, 83, 108, 296
epistle of, 73, 81 ohn of Paris, French Dominican, 780, 781
eroboam II, 114 ohn of Parma, 777
j eroham 713
erome 'doctor of Latin Church 74, 77, 80,
81, 84, 107, 109, 171, 253, 2N), 279, 307,
ohn of Roncho, 938
ohn of Salisbury, 83
ohn the Presbyter, 87, 929
326, 328, 329, 337, 434, 436-453, 454, 455, onah, 29, 114
461, 486, 54'7, MO, 567, 374, 575, 596, onas, bishop of Orleans, 823
635, 656, 790, 801, 802, 816, 819, 820, oseph, 715
821, 890 898 J osephus, 36, 42, 63, 65, 85, 129, 167, 168,
erome of Prague, 853 170, 172 179, 197-203, 653
Jerusalem, 18, 68, 149, 212, 234, 588, 686, ovinian, 832
717, 791
destruction of, 91, 123, 141, 143, 145, 146,
J udah (see also Israel), 35, 36, 59, 71, 114,
118, 119, 121-123, 192
164, 200, 201, 219, 231, 260 261 266, captivity of, see Babylonian captivity
278, 420, 581, 657, 659, 752-754, 759 Judaism, 68, 92, 96, 186, 199, 264,283, 286,
future hopes of faithful dwell 1000 years in, 327
102 Judaizing, 281, 448 523 923
rebuilding of, 173, 280 286 Judgment, 19, 34, 89, 125, 126, 147, 150, 156,
rescue of desolated and rejected, 729 157, 187, 189, 196, 211, 215, 216, 234,
restored to Christians, 303, 723 259, 260, 273, 284, 287, 290, 291, 292,
siege of, 433 302, 321, 335, 336, 339, 344, 346 354,
Jesus ben Sirach, 66 358, 420, 423 446 447 459 469, 471, 479,
Jewish apocalyptic literature, writings, 152, 486, 490, 521, 123-525 187 591, 612,
197, 216, 282, 283, 298, 299, 300, 304-306 617, 658, 659, 696, 711, 755', 775, 784,
Jewish Apocrypha, 588 789, 868, 872, 875, 876
ewish cabalism, 588, 647, 719 udith, 73, 80, 81, 82
J ewish calendar, 431, 661
ewish canon of Scripture, 30, 56, 66, 73,
76, 82
ulian the Apostate, 391, 411, 439
ulius Caesar, 71, 595
unilius Africanus, 83, 108
Jewish literature, 95, 155, 195 ustification by faith, 418, 822, 868
ewish principles of interpretation, 208 ustin Martyr, 19, 102, 206, 225, 226, 227-235
Jewish traditions, 250, 251, 297, 310 893 244, 252, 294, 301, 321, 925, 926
Jewish writers, writings, 170, 179, i39, 458 Justina, Arian empress, 417
Jews, 43, 55, 64, 69 85, 92, 96, 146, 168, Justinian, 492, 495, 504-517, 519, 530, 573,
171, 199, 220, no, 289, 300, 301, 304, 703, 817, 879, 931-936
328, 329, 342, 366, 401, 406, 436, 459,
489, 874, 924, 934
conversion of, 484, 522, 573, 586, 637, 709, Kepler, Johann, 111
715, 756 King of kings and Lord of lords, 425, 764, 765
in Babylonia, 69, 169 King of the north, 175
lost Promised Land, 753, 754 King of fierce countenance (Dan. 8), 247, 320
Messianic hope of, 17, 18, 137 Kingdom, everlasting, 127, 128, 404, 415, 423,
return to Palestine, 25, 297, 298 458, 521
Jezebel, 654 Kingdom of Antichrist, 296, 340, 341, 486,
Joachim of Floris, 20, 565, 566, 568, 665, 677, 897
683-716, 717, 725, 726, 727, 728, 732, 733, Kingdom of Christ future, 34, 137-139, 317,
737, 739, 740, 761, 763, 767, 770, 772, 326, 333, 334, 372, 385, 402, 460, 491,
777, 780, 782, 785, 804, 873, 890, 892, 531, 657, 888
894, 901, 903, 904 as present church, 483
influence of, 695 699-701, 731-740 Kingdom of devil, 619
seven states of Old Testament and Christian Kingdom of glory, 136, 137, 148, 153, 160,
Era, 703, 704 347
three ages of, 692-699, 703, 710, 714 716 Kingdom of God, 30, 89, 95, 125, 126, 127,
year-day application to 1260 days, 711- 716, 128, 137, 138, 139, 145, 161, 165, 202,
724, 786, 903 208, 211, 216, 250, 252, 275, 323, 333,
Joachimites (see also Spirituals), 685, 698, 334, 349, 363, 366, 369, 394, 406, 411,
714, 717-742, 747, 782 785-787, 793, 804, 452, 462, 466, 472, 476, 478, 489, 490,
805, 852, 896, 903, 964 519, 531, 536, 613, 653, 889, 893
Jochanan bar Napacha, 406, 407 Kingdom of heaven, 120, 137, 153, 260, 393,
Joel, 29, 114, 117, 118, 149 619
Kingdom of saints, 104, 120, 274, 290, 341,
John, apostle, 28-30, 86-89, 102-104, 107, 112, 483, 888, 891
140, 148, 154, 157, 161, 162, 198, 203, Kingdom of this world, 476
215, 231, 243, 244, 245, 258, 260, 326, Knox, John, 23, 806
386, 422, 526, 703, 733, 879, 880, 893, Kunigunde, 718, 722
895, 923, 929
first epistle 873
Gospelof,of, '155, 325, 366, 488 Lactantius, 234, 290, 301, 352-381, 448
Revelation ot', see Revelation Ladislaus, king of Bohemia, 868
John, king of England, 672 Lake of fire, 709-711
John II (pope), 512 Lamb, iniquitous, 570
John XII (pope), 541 Lamblike beast, see Beast, second (Rev. 13)
Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, 649, 651
John XV (pope), 540, 543 Laodicea, church of, 90, 94
John XXII (pope), 662, 766, 768, 778 council of, see Councils
John the Baptist, 615, 694, 713, 774 Laon, school of, 556, 557
INDEX 999
Last days, imminence of (see also End), 211, as Antichrist, see Antichrist
258, 263, 341, 436, 523, 780, 872, 873 as Papacy, 542
Last things, 124 183, 336, 658, 7'74 Map, Walter 833, 834
Lateinos, 247, 249, 277, 461, 664 Marchmen, 445
Lateran councils, see Councils Martian, emperor, 510
Laurentius, 604 Marcion, 222, 229, 257, 259, 262, 926
Lawless One, 211, 217 Marcus Aurelius, 215, 229, 235, 243
Leo I (the Great),
G 498-502, 518, 529 Marduk (see also Bel), 40, 41, 43-45, 47, 49
Leo III, 535 Mark of the Beast, 335, 484
Leo VIII, 541 Marriage depreciated (see also Celibacy), 224,
Leo XIII, 476 810, 948
Leonides, 312 enforced, 811
Leontius, 83 Marsh, Adam, 660
Leonists, 826, 832, 834, 939, 940, 942 Martin of Luserna, 854
Leopard beast, see Beast first, of Rev. 13 Martin of Tours, 434, 435, 454
Leopard, Greece or Macedonia (see also Alex- Martyrs, 221, 229, 234, 242, 255, 258, 261,
ander, and Grecian empire), 32, 47, 374, 394, 395, 418
272, 274, 446, 570, 613 veneration of, see Saint worship
Letting or restraining power, 150, 164, 346, Masoretic text of 0. T., 59 60-62, 65, 173
348, 407, 445 Mass, becomes a sacrifice, 313, 815, 870, 882
Lex-aeterna concept, 564n rejected 811, 821, 839
Libanius, rhetorician, 425 Masson, Pierre, 854
Liberius, 392, 437 Matins, period of darkness before Christ, 757
Licinius, 375, 380 387, 416 Mauritius, emperor, 525, 526
Lion symbol of Babylon, 32, 47, 49, 51, 53, Maxentius, 380
127, 274, 570, 613 Maximian, 375
symbol of the Jews, 706 Maximus, bishop of Jerusalem, 410
Little Horn, 128, 131, 155 158, 161, 162, 165, Mede, Joseph, 24
210, 217, 245, 246, 247, 348, 413, 453, Medes (see also Persian empire), 32, 35, 42,
458, 656, 680, 682, 700, 702, 705, 726, 128, 169, 291, 571
806, 8892 895 Medo-Persian empire, see Persian empire
as Antichrist, see Antichrist Melito, bishop of Sardis, 81, 102
as Antiochus, 203, 404, 431, 446, 462 Mendicants, see Friars
as false Messiah, 574 Menegaudus of Laon, 557
as king of Saracens, 903 Merlin, 733
asPapacy, 446, 542, 700, 796-798, 800-806, Merodach, see Marduk
904 Messiah, 71, 72, 112, 117, 145, 191, 193, 194,
religio-political power, 802, 895, 896, 905 199, 231, 285, 365, 458, 658
son of perdition, 453 advent in fifth millennium, 204
wearing out saints, 804 coming "(2, 115
Locusts (see also Seven Trumpets, fifth), cutting oft 133, 160, 173
552,_575, 654, 705. 712 death for seven days, 287.
Lombard, Peter,_ 646, 652-653, 660, 788 dominion or kingdom, 14-r, 202
Lombards, 531, 533, 580 817 suffering, 176
Lord of Spirits, 187, 188 time of, 194
Lord's day, 376, 378, 523 Messianic calculations, 720
Lord's Supper, (see also Eucharist), 138, 418, Messianic hopes or expectations, 181, 199,
566 814, 815, 821 285
Louis VII, of France, 636 Messianic kingdom, 47, 117, 119, 122, 124,
Louis XIV, of France, 858 148, 153, 185, 191, 192, 194, 199, 203,
Louis of Bavaria, 663 204, 251, 285, 287, 303, 888
Louis the Pious, emperor 821 Messianic prophecies, 29, 179, 305
Lucius III, 683, 686, 875, 940, 950 Methodius (see also Pseudo Methodius), 104,
Ludus de Antichrist°, see Play of Antichrist 107, 226, 301, 326, 344, 345, 346, 733
Ludwig of Bavaria,778 Micah, 114, 121
Lunar calculations, 236, 240, 431, 661, 758, Micaiah, prophet, 114
759 Midst of week, see Prophetic time periods,
Luther, Martin 21, 84, 418, 425, 473, 476, 70th week
490, 634, 663, 806, 832, 836, 841, 853, Milan diocese, 416, 417, 816-818, 824-826,
929, 930 837, 937
Lyons, archbishop of, 832, 949 Millennialism (see also Chiliasm), 34, 104,
282, 301-308 310, 319, 325, 326, 337, 358,
Maccabees, 56, 70, 440, 461 362, 448 46'2482, 588, 897
Maccabees, books of, 63, 73, 82, 85, 171, 431 Millennial kingdom of' Christ, 250, 252, 306,
Macedonian empire, or power, 126, 131, 133, 307, 347, 357, 394, 498, 523, 536, 588,
146, 168, 199, 203, 291, 310, 329, 363, 590
413, 486 Millennium, 30 33, 34, 95, 104, 156, 165,
Macrinus, emperor, 279 195, 196, 215, 231 233, 235, 242, 250,
Magna Charta, 622 251, 252, 260, 302, 103, 306, 313, 317, 323,
Malachi, 124, 197 324, 335, 344, 349, 358, 359, 368, 406,
51') 222, 261 473, 475 679, 430, 447, 454, 461 465 478, 481, 520,
705, TiO; E6, 834 544, 553, 582 588, 9 591, 61 70 , 740,
"Man of apostasy," 233 775, 780, 803, 892, 893, 898, 906
Man of Sin, 30, 151, 152, 155 161, 162, begins at first advent, 344, 470, 478-483,
165, 246, 257, 320 323, 346' 348, 414, 572
421, 427 453, 459; 463 485, 614 657, begins with Christ's earthly ministry, 481
658, 676:682 700, 711, 790, 869 871, 880, fulfilled in church, 307, 308, 347, 441, 764,
881, 895, 896', 897, 903, 904, 924 803
1000 PROPHETIC FAITH
Milner, Joseph 315 Nicene doctrine, 367, 3681 390, 410, 411
Milton, John, 829, 856-858, 884, 919 Nicetas, see Nechites, Niquinta
Minim or Manuth, 584 Nicholas I, 538, 539, 681
Minorites, see Franciscans Nicholas II, 650, 874
Mirandola, Giovanni Pico della, 83 Nicholas of Lyra, 83
Mishnah, 64 Nicolaitans, 93, 792
Mithraism, 377, 378 Ninib, Babylonian god, 43, 44
Mohammed, 573 Ninurta, Babylonian god, 44, 920
Mohammed II, 730 Niquinta, Albigensian leader, 808
Mohammedanism, see Islam Noble Lesson, 871, 876
Monarchial episcopate, 221 Nominalism, 647, 648, 663
Monasticism, 439, 628-642, 656, 699, 785, 804 Non-Biblical customs, see Tradition
in the Third age, see Three ages, third Non-Biblical sources of interpretation, see
age, also Orders, two Extra-Biblical
Mongols, 728 Non-Christian elements, in prophetic inter-
Monotheism, 378, 920 pretation (see also Extra-Biblical), 357,
Montanism, 212, 243, 261, 281, 306, 345, 926 358, 462, 802, 893, 897
Montpellier, University of, 744 in the church, see Apostasy, Paganism,
Moon is church, 420, 638 Tradition
Moravian Brethren, 853 Norbert, archbishop of Magdeburg, 639
Morel, Georges, 854, 870, 878 North, seat of darkness and evil, 297, 356
Moriscos, slaughter in Spain, 675 Notable horn (see also Alexander, Goat), 168,
Morland, Sir Samuel, 837n, 858, 862, 863, 448, 702
868, 884, 939, 942 Number of Beast, 1225 days, 546, 547
Mount of Olives, 148, 658, 790
"Mountain Stone," 44 Oaths, opposition to, 827, 867, 870, 950
Muratorian fragment, 102, 212, 926, 927 Obadiah, 115
Murrhone, Peter di, see Celestine V Occam, William of, Ockham, 83, 662, 663
Mystery of iniquity, 150, 155, 221, 257, 414, Octavius, 71
443, 459, 542, 682, 700, 879, 895, 897, Offerings for dead, 263
903 Old Testament, 30, 55, 58, 64, 65, 67, 68,
Mythology, 39, 40, 44-47, 918-921 70, 75, 76, 80, 84, 85, 96, 97, 102, 112,
115, 117, 155, 170, 171, 180, 183, 184,
Nabonassar era,236 185, 190, 209, 212, 230, 340 417 451,
Nabonidus, 63, 920 568, 573, 622, 705, 899, 919, 925, 427
Nabopolassar, 35, 36, 237, 921 canon of, see Canon
Nabu, Babylonian god, 40, 47 prophecy 17 18, 115-117, 125, 135, 137,
Nahawendi, 713 153, n8, 230, 292, 302, 304, 305, 355,
Nahmanides, 713, 714 395, 479, 887
Naples, University of, 644 Old Testament Apocrypha, see Apocrypha
Nathan, 29 Olivet discourse of Christ, 29, 141-148, 334,
Nebuchadnezzar II, 35, 36, 37, 40, 41, 42, 43, 642, 752
44, 45, 47, 49, 51, 53, 60, 116, 198, 240, Olivetan., Robert, 854, 855, 941
245, 404 Olivi Pierre Jean d', 751, 755, 763-776, 782,
accession of, 915-918, 921 401, 904
derangement or abasement, 198, 200 Orders, spiritual, in the third age, 697-699,
dream of golden image, 248, 435, 447, 915 734 767
kingdom, 127, 415 Oriental religion, 223, 264, 377
Nechites, archbishop of Nicomedia, 563 Origen of Alexandria, 81, 103, 173, 212, 225,
Nehemiah, 65, 280 226, 265, 268, 282, 306, 308, 309, 310-324,
Neo-Babylonian empire, see Babylon, city and 344, 345, 347, 349, 361, 362, 368, 388,
empire 426, 439, 450, 461, 466, 927
Neoplatonism, 55, 311, 321, 326, 388, 408, allegorizing interpretation, 306, 315, 323,
461, 487 345, 349, 362, 418., 420 426, 441, 463
Nepos, bishop in Egypt, 325 Orsini Napoleone, cardinal, 777
Nero 266, 300 301, 343, 344, 429, 449, 550, Ostrogoths, 513, 514, 935, 936
5'58, 586, 654, 688, 706 Oswy, king of Northumbria, 605, 606, 607,
Nestorianism, 450 510, 511, 520, 564, 931-934 608
New covenant, 122, 124, 262, 366 Otho, 266
New heavens and earth, 88, 95 119, 120, 154, Otto III, 591
156, 165, 188, 201, 250, '251, 345, 348, Outline prophecies (see also Four empires,
358, 368, 369, 712 Seven churches, Seven seals, Seven trum-
New Jerusalem, 156, 251, 252, 259, 260, 461, pets, etc.), 30, 31, 32, 54, 127, 134, 165,
472, 500, 560, 614, 712 232, 263, 323 349, 403, 406, 4310, 433, 451,
applied to Constantine's church, 385 463, 888, 8810
applied to millennium, 461 Oxford, University of, 644
applied to present church, 395, 471, 484,
485 Pablo, Fra, 714
Newman, John Cardinal, 382 Paganism, 205, 207, 219, 220, 253, 304, 327,
New name, 94 339, 374, 375, 377, 382, 397, 417, 473, 476,
New Testament (see also Canon), 29, 53, 67, 722
76, 84, 85, 95, 96, 100, 101, 102, 105, in the church (see also Church, Roman
109, 117, 120, 124, 135, 147, 150, 152, Catholic), 33, 91, 93, 205, 381, 382
156, 158, 165, 170, 179, 180, 183, 186, Pale horse, see Seven seals, Fourth seal
190, 192, 197, 212, 214, 230, 231, 244, Pamphilus, presbyter of Caesarea, 104, 315,
283, 340, 411, 417, 451, 622, 705, 866, 361
883, 899 Pantaenus, 264, 265
Nicaea, see Councils Papa angelicus, 677
INDEX 1001
Papacy (see also Pope, Church), 649, 677, Peter Waldo, see Waldo, Peter
707, 760, 804, 818 Petilianus, 488
and the empire (see also Church-state re- Petrarch, 20, 852
' lationships), 535-537, 664-681, 786, 787, Petrine theory, or rights, 502, 525, 529
793-796 Petrobrusians, 811, 831, 837, 947, 949, 952
as Antichrist (see also Little Horn), 682, Petrus Archdiaconus, 454
786, 798, 803, 884, 904 Philadelphia, church of. 94
extravagant claims of, 331, 499, 500. 513, Philastrius at Brescia, 107
514, 519, 543, 620, 663, 669, 670, 677-682, Philip Aridaeus, 240
781, 789, 861 Philip Augustus of France, 688
growth of, 219, 221, 396-399, 492-539, 904 Philip the Fair, 665, 672, 678, 680, 780
peak of, 495, 516, 630, 631, 664-681 Philo, 85, 169 170, 209, 477
successor to ancient Rome, 397, 398, 495- Philosophy, 220, 305, 815
498, 515, 528 529 Philoxenus, bishop of Mabug, 108
a world power (see also Church), 398, 479, Phlegon, 322
493-496, 516, 518, 519, 535-537, 539, 631, Phocas, emperor, 502, 504, 513, 527, 528, 530
664, 681, 805 Phoenix legend, 206
Papal States, 531 Picards, 835, 853, 868
Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, 102, 107, 215, Piedmont, Valleys of, 853, 884
216, 301, 303, 925 Pilichdorf, 940, 950
Paradise in third heaven, 196 Pius VI, 539
Paris, Matthew, 621, 624-627, 628 Plague in Europe, 665
Paris, bishop of, 781 Platonism, Platonists, 223, 310
Paris, University of, 644, 695, 738, 780 Play of Antichrist, 586, 791, 792
Paschal I, 821 Plotinus, 326
Paschal II, 560, 630 Polycarp, 92, 209, 214, 215, 234, 243, 925
Passau Inquisitor 826, 832, 833, 834 844, Polychronius, bishop of Apamea, 329, 430-
845, 865, 8717, 939 940, 946, 946, 950 432
Patarines, Patarini, or 11athareni, 705, 808 Pompey, 70, 71, 365
Paul of Burgos, 83 Pontifex Maximus, 71, 262, 398, 417, 502,
Paul I, 547 799
Paul, the apostle 28, 29, 30, 87, 100, 155, Poor Men of Lombardy, 869, 877, 938, 945,
162, 204, 206, 309, 320, 335, 406, 427, 947, 948, 950
486, 499, 564, 799, 819, 842, 879, 880, Poor Men of Lyons, 827, 829, 830, 831, 832,
895, 897, 922-927, 941 833, 834, 836, 869, 877, 938, 940, 942,
prophetic teachings, 150-154 945, 947-950
Paula, 81 Pope (see also Papacy), 107, 243, 332, 368,
Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, 383 389, 396, 419, 518, 528, 530, 533, 542,
Paulinus, Roman missionary to England, 604 601, 503, 625, 631, 649, 675, 679, 756,
Pelagians 475 771, 803, 814, 817, 819, 823, 825, 826
Pelagius 816, 825 Caesar's successor, 398, 498
Pelagius II, 519, 524 called head of all churches 492, 507, 510-
Penance, 382, 418, 815 .512, 514, 528, 879, 934, 935
Pentateuch, 919 epithets applied to (see also Antichrist, Lit-
Pentecost, 148, 149, 164, 741 tle Horn, Man of Sin), 542, 631, 798,
Pepin, king of Franks, 530, 531, 533, 535, 799, 870, 903
537, 681 guardian of Catholic faith and traditions,
Pergamum, church of, 92, 93 501, 512
Persecution by Antichrist, see Antichrist imperial support for, 501-516, 817, 931-936
by the beast, 213, 333, 351 name applied first to bishop of Alexandria,
of Christians by pagans, 86-88, 91, 93, 206, 388
215, 219-221, 229, 242, 243, 255, 265, 312, primacy of, 399, 419, 441, 492, 495, 501-
325, 333, 394, 493, 569, 772 503, 510, 511, 513, 516, 517, 519, 525,
of dissenters by the church, 368, 379, 477, 528, 533, 620, 815, 817, 818, 821, 879,
809, 837, 845. 846 932-934
Persian empire, 30, 32, 34, 41, 42, 59, 60, 68, sole representative of God on earth, 681
69, 128 130, 131. 150, 162, 167, 169, Pope, false, see Pseudo pope
198, 206, 201, 203, 272, 273, 280, 363, "Pope Book," 729-731
403, 404, 413, 431, 442, 435 458. 568, Porphyry, Syrian Sophist, 55, 175, 324, 326-
574, 584, 613, 653, 657, 701, 8,68889, 921 330, 352, 406, 430, 432, 440, 442, 451,
2d kingdom of Daniel, 126, 403, 404, 430, 461, 657, 782
431 Postmillennialism, definition of, 34
Persian influence on eschatology, 299, 304 Poverty, voluntary, 734, 745, 810, 814, 827,
Persians, 1281 168, 271, 291, 486, 569, 588, 921 879
Peshitta version, 108, 927 Prague, University of, 644
Pestilences, 356 Prayer of Manassas, 73, 77
Peter, Apocalypse of, see Apocalypse of Peter Prayers for the dead, 382, 811
Peter, apostle, 29, 138, 140, 149, 150, 499, opposition to, 821, 867, 870, 951
503, 531, 564, 607, 620, 675, 679, 819, Pre-existence of human soul, 320
823 923. 943 Premillennialism (see also Advent, second),
see of, 424, 525, 671, 722 34, 207, 221, 241, 243, 256, 263, 306, 307,
Peter, bishop of Alexandria, 503 331, 351
Peter Comestor, 653
Peter of Bruys, 811, 837, 853, 951 Prcterism, 24, 89
Peter of Castelnau, papal legate, 809 Primacy of Roman See, see Pope
Peter III, king of Aragon, 743 Primasius, primate of Byzacene, 466, 546,
Peter Leonis, 639, 903 547, 615
Peter the Venerable, 811 Propertius, 158
Prophecies, Biblical 6000 years, 195, 211, 250, 278, 304, 336,
central theme of, 54, 110-112, 135, 259, 359, 423, 447, 448, 480, 588, 723, 776
887 seventh millenary or seventh thousand years,
different kinds of, 29 336, 358, 359, 448, 480, 710
fulfillment of, recognized, 144, 433, 459, 890 seven thousand years, see Six-thousand-year
influence of, 17-29, 310 theory
of Daniel, summarized, 37-54, 125-134 eighth thousand years, 448
of earlier Old Testament prophets, 112-124 Prophets, the (according to Jewish theology),
of Jesus, 136-148 65 66, 75, 171
of John, 155-158 Proto-Protestants, 876
of aul, 150-154 Proto-Waldenses, 836
of Peter, 149, 150, 154 Prudentius, 454
of the'Testament,
ew T 135-166 Psammetichus I of Egypt, 42
of the Old Testament, 110-134 Pseudepigraphic writings, 74, 75, 182, 185,
outline, see Outline prophecies 186, 195, 286, 289, 293, 295
time, see Time prophecies, Prophetic time Pseudo-apostolic writings, 786
periods Pseudo Barnabas, 301
Prophecies, extra-Biblical, see Extra-Biblical Pseudo Ephraem, 297
prophecies Pseudo-Ephremitic sermon, 583
Prophecy, prophetism, nature of, 26-29, 65, Pseudo Ffippolytus, 296
66, 68, 71, 115-117 Pseudo-Isidore, see Decretals
Prophetic interpretation, five key factors in, Pseudo-Joachim writings, 715, 717.731, 739,
30, 235, 252, 263, 279, 349 770 778, 785
Pseudo Vethodius, 301, 582-584, 585 781, 897
Prophetic time periods: Pseudo pope, 639, 770, 771, 805, 905
one week, 133, 174, 248, 265, 365, 432, 753, Pseudo prophets, 770
754 Pseudo Sibylline oracles writings, 288, 290
3/2 times, days, or years, 32, 125, 128, Ptolemy VI (Philometorl, 237, 446
233, 247, 248, 249, 277, 341, 342, 346, Ptolemy VII (Euergetes I), 446
366, 404, 413, 414, 431, 447, 453, 459, Ptolemy (II) Philadelphus, 169, 171
461, 471, 482, 486, 487, 552, 555, 562, Ptolemy, Claudius, 235.237, 240, 404 915, 916
581, 586, 591, 613, 653, 657, 659, 700, Punishment of the wicked, see Wicked
704, 705, 712, 714, 727, 772, 773, 774, Purgatory, 382, 418, 868, 869, 870, 871, 878,
789, 890, 899, 902 879
5 months, 32, 712, 890 denied, 869
7 weeks, 657
10 days, 32, 654 700, 890
42 generations, 704, 713, 715 Quidort, see John of Paris
42 months 32 357, 461, 654, 695, 705, 712,
714, 719, 725, 772, 773, 896 Rabanus Maurus, pupil of Alcuin, 548, 549,
62 weeks, 173, 174, 176, 365, 366, 431, 753 550 553, 556, 585
69 weeks, 277, 278, 415, 574 Ram, I1ersian, 32, 131, 139, 168, 198, 200,
69th week, 144 201, 272, 281, 404, 431, 459
70 weeks or 490 years, 32, 126, 129, 133, Ravenna, 495, 498, 507, 515, 520, 531, 533
145, 160, 164, 173, 175, 176, 193, 200, Real presence (see also Mass, Transubstantia-
203, 237, 241, 242, 248, 260, 263, 265, tion), 781, 867
266, 277, 279, 280, 281, 322, 328, 348, Realism, philosophy of, 647, 648
364, 365, 366, 393, 431, 451, 453, 458, Recapitulation (see also Repetition.), 470, 546,
459, 471, 487, 614, 657, 661, 700, 753, 61
754, 760, 772, 889 890 Reckoning, inclusive, 917
70th week, 247, 240, 266, 277, 278, 365, Red horse, see Seven seals, second seal
366, 615 Reform movements, 807-827
1000 years, 33, 34, 153, 195, 217, 233, 250, Reign of Christ, of saints, see Millennium,
259, 285, 302, 304, 305, 307, 338, 344, Kingdom
348, 447, 470, 480, 521, 553, 555, 559, Relics, see Saint worship
572, 585, 588, 590, 700, 711, 751, 758, Religio-political empire, see Church
776, 784, 892, 893, 901 906 Religious toleration 255, 361, 477, 509
1000 years shortened to 350 years, 470 Repetition, principfe of, 338, 340, 461
1260 year expectancy, 790-792 901 Resurrection 19, 123, 139, 183, 184, 211, 215,
1260 days or years, 32, 266, 1X 76, 277, 345, 216, 233, 234, 259, 276, 319, 393,
461, 552, 554, 555, 561, 591, 659, 695, 396, 403, 406, 413, 432, 617, 722, 868,
700, 701, 712, 713, 714, 719, 726, 727, 887
751, 767, 772, 773, 774, 775, 776, 778, at end of world, 421, 422
884, 889, 890, 896, 901, 902 at second advent, 255, 317, 335, 403, 412,
1290 days or years, 32, 126, 266, 276, 414, 430
453, 459, 554, 613, 701, 719, 747, 751, first,4, 234, 25 1 302, 307,
752, 753, 754, 755, 758, 759, 761, 772, 39 42 2 463, 419, 47027460, 862
773, 774, 775, 782, 889, 890, 901 literal, 204, 231, 235, 2A2, 263, 278, 290,
1335 days or years, 32, 126, 266, 276, 414, 291, 315, 369, 402, 421, 426, 460, 461,
459, 554, 613, 701, 703, 719, 742, 747, 463, 658
751, 752, 753, 755, 772, 773, 774, 782, of the body, 30, 34, 116, 123, 138, 188,
889, 890, 901 189, 192, 194, 233, 250, 303, 305, 345,
2300 days or years, 32, 125, 131, 176, 177, 346, 422, 478, 490 491, 521, 636, 871
178, 179, 240, 266, 281, 431, 459, 701, of just, righteous, 139, 151, 185, 216, 249,
717, 719, 720, 723, 724, 725, 747, 749, 251, 259, 260, 285, 302, 358, 489
750, 751, 752, 753, 755, 758 761, 762, second, 259, 302, 319, 422, 470, 479, 658
767, 776, 780, 782, 889, 890, 601 spiritualized, 319, 344, 410, 462, 469, 470,
2400 days or years, 176, 177, 178, 179 478, 479, 490, 520, 614, 893
INDEX 1003
twofold 147, 165, 233, 242, 250, 252, 305, saints' eternal rest, 481, 552
319, 048, 354, 422, 461, 470, 480, 490 Sabellius, 564
Revelation, book of (see also Apocalypse), 30, Sabianus, legate to Gregory, 525, 526
31 33, 155, 156, 158 245 282 294, 337, Sacerdotal authority. 531, 675
46b, 463, 466, 569, 57, 9223 Sacraments, 466, 49d, 621, 671, 673, 698, 815,
authority or canonicity of 96-109, 306, 307, 841, 867, 868, 871, 878, 879, 947, 948
324-326, 362, 396, 460, 891, 893, 925, 927- Sacraments, dissenting views on (see also
930 Baptism, Mass), 418, 868, 871
background of, 86-96 Sadducees, 68, 70-72, 139, 186
exposition of, 337-339, 544-572, 574-582, 591- St. Albans, Abbey of, 625, 626
594, 611-615 St. Bartholomew's Day massacre, 477
early church, 460 Saint and relic worship, 221, 278, 382, 418,
historical, abandoned, 465 ff., 544 ff., 691, 441, 811, 812, 815, 819, 871
692 opposition to 811, 812, 819, 822
historical, restored, 545, 690-696 Saints, rein ol, see Kingdom, Millennium
illustrated commentaries on, 574-579, 591- Saladin, it:
594 Salamanca, University of, 644
Revelation, definition of, 28n Salathiel Apocalypse, 286
Revelation of Ezra, 296 Salian Franks, 397
Richard I, the Lion-hearted, 687-689 Salimbene, 726, 733, 735, 736
Richard of Cornwall, 795 Samaria, destruction of, 114
Richard of St. Victor, 83, 557-559 Samaritans, 68
Righteous, reward of 29, 138, 346 Samuel, prophet, 29, 150
Ritualism (see also Ceremonialism), 351 Sanctuary, cleansing of, 126, 131, 276
Roes, Alexander de, 725 Sandaliati, 943
Roger II of Sicily, 686 Sanhedrin, 68, 140, 147
Roger of Wendover, 626, 627 Saracens, 530, 569, 580, 661, 701, 702, 704,
Roman Curia, 624, 627, 637, 662, 727, 791, 728, 755, 874
797, 855 as fourth beast, 701, 702
Romaunt, 863, 865, 866, 876 Sardis, church of, 93
Roman empire and the church (see also "Sargis d'Aberga," 573, 574
Church-state relationships), 362, 367, Sarmatians, 420, 445
373-380, 388 493, 495 Satan, 93, 194, 258, 428, 552
Rome, church tit, see Church binding of, 344, 349, 358, 478, 481-483, 521-
Rome, city, 21, 159, 258, 263, 269, 361, 485, 523, 555, 575, 577, 587, 594, 710, 711,
492 I1/12 inn re. na 775, 780. 892. 893. 901
eternal, 3'56, 434,444, 493, 5d7, 515, 669, loosing of, 358, 482, 521, 522, 555, 559,
801 594, 665 710, 711, 775, 892
meeting place for East and West, 268 represented in corpus malorum, 467
origin of laws, 513 Satanael, 810
siege by Cloths. 445, 475. 514. 515 Satanas, 299
Rome empire of, 86, 91, 146, 150, 152. 162. Saturninus, 222
199, 201, 210, 219, 220, 255, 276, 277; Saunier, 854
289, 296, 337, 341, 342, 346, 347, 397, Savonarola 21
398, 403, 413, 428, 429, 432, 433, 442- Savoy. Dute of. 855, 858, 859, 862, 942
447, 452, 455, 458, 461, 468, 486, 492, Saxons, 445
495, 498, 504, 513, 514, 535, 536, 551, Schism
568, 574, 583, 586, 591, 596, 598, 613, among Franciscans, 745
653, 657, 701, 702, 708, 728, 800, 801, papal, 792
814, 825 865, 888, 889, 891 Schismatic groups, 813, 826, 837
breakup ot, destruction, 19, 248, 252, 258, Scholasticism, 557, 566, 628, 634, 645-647,
263, 273, 342, 346, 351, 356, 396, 406, 656, 660
407, 413, 429, 434, 435, 439, 440, 443- Schools, Cathedral, 644, 645, 791
446, 451, 454, 458, 460, 463, 475, 497, Scotland, 597-599
503, 529, 537, 580, 610, 798, 800, 805, Scotus, Dun
s, 646
866, 888-890, 897, 899, 903-905 Scribism, 68;71, 72
fourth world power, 32, 43, 150, 160, 162, Scriptures, see Bible
165, 206, 244, 348, 363, 404, 406, 407, Seals of Revelation, see Seven seals
525, 889 Sebaste, 299
hindering, restraining power, 19, 244, 347, Second Baruch, see Syriac Apocalypse of
428, 434, 444 459 485, 895 Baruch
Rorenco, prior of' St. 'Roth, 823 Secular clergy, 630
Rudolf of Saxony, 733 Sedulius, of Ireland, 108
Rufinus of Aquileia, 107, 441 See, Roman see Papacy
Runcarii, 938, 939, 950 Seer, 26, 28, 66
Rupert of Deutz, 83, 563-568, 586, 899 Segarelli, Gerard, 741, 742
Seleucus Nicanor, 404, 431
Saadia Gaon, 713, 719 Semjaza, binding of, 189
Sabbatarians, nre.n.hers of Antichrist, 529, Semler, Johann. 55
552, 613, 615 Separation of 'church and state (see also
Sabbath (seventh day of the week), 92, 191, Church-state relationships), 813
195, 211, 262, 401 Septimania. 808, 810. 812
connected with Antichrist, 522, 523, 529 Septimius geverus, 255, 265, 312
observed by some of the Waldenses, 836n Septuagint, 65, 66, 73 75, 76, 77, 80, 85,
Sabbath, spiritual, 699 145, 167, 169, 170, ' 171, 172 174, 175,
ceasing from sin, 523 176, 177, 178, 179, 200, 230, 265, 311,
rest during 7th period of world, 262, 423, 314, 359, 440, 710
948, 480, 560, 710, 711 chronology, 278, 481
Sergius, 573 Six- (or seven-) thousand-year theory, 195,

Servetus, Michael, 477 196, 202-204, 211, 250, 278, 303, 304,
Seven ages, see Six-thousand-year theory 359, 423, 448, 487, 611, 615, 723, 751
Seven churches, 32, 87, 88, 91, 95, 96, 148, Sixth millennium, 202, 723, 756, 758
155, 339, 460, 551, 554, 558, 560, 580, Sixtine edition of the Septuagint, 177-180
611, 612, 613, 772, 783, 891 Sixtus IV, 766
Seven heads, 343, 571, 706, 899 Smyrna, church of, 92
Seven hills, 158, 159, 290, 343, 515 Solomon of Basra, 583
Seven lamps, 783 Son of man, 18, 57, 128, 136, 137, 140, 143,
Seven last plagues, 156, 258, 575, 593, 611, 146, 147, 157, 161 186, 187, 188, 232,
708 56, 286, 403, 424, 486, 574, 617, 657, 658,
Seven seals 32 95, 133, 155, 252, 339, 461, 2924
551, 558, 560, 561, 564, 570, 611, Son of perdition, 246, 428, 453, 459, 551, 790,
612, 613, 703, 713, 772 783, 891, 899 880
first seal, 339, 461, 564, 576, 580, 612, 704, Song of Solomon, 634, 635 640
771 Song of the Three Holy Children, 73
second seal, 339, 558, 570, 580, 613, 704, 771 Souls under the altar (see Seven seals, fifth
third seal, 339, 564, 570, 580, 613, 704, 771, seal)
796 Spirit, age of, see Age of the Holy Spirit
fourth seal, 340, 565, 570, 580, 612, 704, 771 Spiritual order, see Order
fifth seal, 257, 565, 570, 581, 612, 704 Spiritualized interpretation (see also Allegor-
sixth seal, 558, 561, 564, 565, 581, 705, 764, ical interpretation), 315, 320, 490, 558
771 Spirituals (see also Franciscans, Spiritual),
earthquake, 259, 554, 565, 570, 612 677, 685, 719, 736, 739, 740, 745, 763, 764,
seventh seal, 341, 461, 564, 565, 612, 755 765, 766, 767, 777, 782, 785, 786, 793,
Seven states of the Christian Era (see also 805, 901
Seven seals), 303, 359, 564, 696, 703, 704 branded as heretics, 740, 805
Seven thousand years, see Six-thousand-year purified and sanctified church, 765
theory Star shower, 706n
Seven times as years, 199, 200 State-church relationships, see Church-state
Seven trumpets, 32, 95, 155, 551, 558, 560, relationships
567, 581, 611, 612, 613, 772, 783, 792, State of dead, see Death, nature of
891, 899 Statius, 158
first trumpet, 558, 567, 612 Stephen I (pope), 332
second trumpet, 567, 612 Stephen II, 531
third trumpet, 567, 612 Stephen IV, 547
fifth trumpet, 552, 554, 575, 612, 654, 705, Stephen, bishop of Vaudois, 853
712 Stephen, the martyr, 564
sixth trumpet, 705, 764 Stilicho, Vandal, 429, 443
seventh trumpet, 423, 612, 613, 658, 715 Stone kingdom of Daniel 2 (see also Image
Seven vials, 558, 560, 568, 575, 594, 707, of Daniel 2), 39, 44, 45, 125, 126, 127,
708, 784, 891 198, 199, 245, 263, 273, 363, 364, 404,
fifth vial, 708, 771 415, 430, 436, 443, 452, 457, 479, 488,
sixth vial, 708, 764 489, 520, 614, 653, 702, 898
Seventh age of world (see also Six-thousand- Summaries
year theory), 303 359, 423, 711 Apocrypha, evidence on, 85
Seventh angel, 703, 721 Full-rounded Prophetic Foundation Sum-
Seventh-day Sabbath, 522 marized, 164, 165
Seventh state, 774, 776 Pre-New Testament Jewish exposition of
Seventy weeks, see Prophetic time periods Prophecy, 203, 204
Seyssel6 Claudius, archbishop of Turin, 866, Witness of Apostolic Fathers, 216, 217
94 Prophetic Understanding in Martyr Period,
Shedim, attacks of, 285 34
Shemaiah, prophet, 114 Early Church Teachings on Prophecies,
Sheol, 184, 189, 190, 284 455-464
Shepherd of Hermas, 212, 928 Summing Up Evidence in Volume I, 887-
Ships of Chittim-Romans, 175 906
Sibyls 288, 289, 290, 293, 299, 300, 355, 587, Suevi, 580, 600
755, 759 Suidas; 105
Signs, celestial, of Matthew 24 (see also Sulpicius Severus, 337, 939-936, 439, 890
Seven seals, sixth seal), 164, 340, 356, Sumerians, 40, 920
559 Sun, darkening of, obscuring of faith, 420
Siguin, archbishop of Sens, 540 Sunday, 262, 378, 510, 522, 523
Silence in heaven, see Seven seals, seventh Sun god, 262, 377, 378
seal Susanna, history of, 73, 173, 325
Silius, 158 Sylvester I, 399, 533, 587, 588, 775, 830, 876,
Silver kingdom, see Persia, also Image of 877
Dan. 2 Sylvester II 587, 588, 591, 721, 727, 728,
Silverius, bishop of Rome, 515 870, 939, 940, 945, 946
Simon Magus, 706 Synoptic Apocalypse, 29, 141-148, 334, 642,
Simony, 632, 667, 717, 723, 765, 792, 804 752
Sirach, see Ecclesiasticus Synoptic Gospels, 922, 923
Siricius (pope), letter to Himerius of Tar- Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch, 283, 284
ragona, 502, 818
Six ages of the earth, see Six-thousand-year Talmudic writings, 65, 304
theory Targumim 297
Six hundred sixty-six. 248. 249, 277, 343, 461, Tartarus, t292
555, 570, 581, 613, 675, 676, 706, 793 Tartars, 661, 728
INDEX 1005
Tatian, 222 Toes (see Iron and clay, Fourth empire,

Tayfali, 420 division of, and Ten kingdoms), 272, 273,
Teitan, 249, 277, 461 555, 613 363, 442, 443, 451, 458
Temple of God 21, i61, 246, 247, 257 453, Tonsure, origin of, 382, 608
485, 703, 766, 800, 869, 881, 897, 902 Torre Pellice, 849, 851
Ten horns (see also Fourth beast of Dan. 2, Tostatus, Alphonso, 83
Beast, first of Rev. 13, and Beast of Rev. Totila, king of Goths, 515
17, 182), 12 210, 216, 245, 571
272, Toulouse, counts of, 808, 809
275, 34 , 3ii44, 8,36315,
, 8 405, 459, 461, , University of, 644
572, 574, 580, 613, 653, 654, 657, 688, Tours, Battle of, 530
702, 706, 800, 801 899, 903, 906 Tradition, 262, 263, 439, 465, 645, 646, 815,
Ten kingdoms, 33, 126, 128, • 210, 245, 257, 823
258, 263, 271, 273, 329, 348, 356, 396, repudiation of, 821, 823, 831, 868
446, 452, 458, 461, 653 Tinian, Emperor, 209
Ten kings, 486, 614 764 Transfiguration, 113, 138, 140
Ten tribes of Israel', 35, 194 Translation of righteous, 151, 185, 487, 887
Tertullian of Carthage, 74, 81, 103, 225, Transmigration, 321, 322
252-263, 265, 294, 301, 303, 309, 331, Transubstantiation, 418, 566, 649, 672, 673,
353, 407, 448, 460 555, 596, 927 811
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, 182, 192, The Treasure Cave, 583
193, 194 299 Treatise on Antichrist, Waldensian, 878-884
Tetrapla, 315 Tribulation of church (see also Persecution),
Thaborites, 853 142, 146, 192, 213, 217 522, 752
Theodora, empress, 504, 515 Trinity, 503, 533, 557, 696, 692, 719, 721,
Theodore of 'Tarsus, 607 868, 870, 872, 883, 931
Theodoret, Greek theologian, 450-453, 597 Troubadours, 852, 865
Theodoric the Ostrogoth, 397 Trypho, 229, 231, 233
Theodosius II, 326, 375, 397, 410, 411, 419, Turks, 730
473, 501, 503, 508 1260 (date) new era expected in, 734, 740,
Theodosius, laws of, 510 741
Theodotion version of Daniel, 171-179, 314, Twelve stars, see Woman of Rev. 12
328 Twelve tribes, see Israel
Theodulph, bishop of Orleans, 548 Twofold order, see Order, spiritual
Theophilus of Syrian Antioch, 102, 926 Two Witnesses, 95, 155, 341, 461, 522, 546,
Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria, 425 554, 560, 561, 562, 570, 572, 575, 581,
Thessalonians, epistle to, 150, 162, 412, 417, 586, 587, 653, 705, 707, 772, 779, 820,
486. 550. 554_ 771..897 899
Third 'age, 'of the Spirit, see Three ages
Third beast of Daniel 7, Arians, 706 Ubertino of Casale, 777-780, 901, 904
Third empire, see Greece Ultramontanism, 652
Third part of stars, 342 Unam Sanctam, papal bull, 678-680
Thirty-nine Articles, 84, 930 Union of church and state, see Church-state
Thomas Aquinas, 83, 643, 696, 655-660 relationships
Thomas of Spoleto, 583 Universal bishop, 518, 524-527, 529, 606
Thousand years, see Millennium Universal priesthood of believer, 619, 621,
Three ages of the world, 619, 692-699, 703, 831
731, 902 Universal salvation, 310, 320, 321
first, of the Father, 692-695, 703, 713, 731 Universities, 628, 644, 695, 738, 780, 786
second, of the Son, 692-696, 703, 713-715, Urban II, 559, 630
731 Urban III, 683, 687
third, of the Holy Spirit, 692-695, 697- Urban V 630
699, 703, 709, 714-716, 731, 739, 741, Ussher,Archbishop, 862
766, 767, 789, 901 Uzziah, king of Judah, 114, 693, 694, 695,
Thyratira, church of, 93 714
Tiamat, Babylonian female dragon, 45, 920
Tiberius Caesar, 281, 323 Valdes, see Waldo
Tibullus, 158 Valencia, 644
Tichonian tradition, 543, 544, 556, 557, 558, Valens, Arian emperor, 391, 410
565, 568, 570, 683, 697, 782, 786, 893, Valentmian II 416, 501-503
894 Valentinian III, 500, 501, 503
Valentinus, 222
Tichonius, 344, 463, 465-473, 475, 481, 544, Valerian, emperor, 324, 333
546, 547, 565, 568, 611, 614, 615, 690, Vatican Manuscript, see Codex Vaticanus
783, 893, 897-899, 903 Vaudois, see Waldenses
seven rules of, 466, 467, 470, 471, 475, Verona, council at, 813, 827
477, 484, 488, 544, 614 diet at, 797
Time of the end (see also End), 116, 133, Vespasian, 202, 260, 261, 266, 278, 752-754
146, 696, 758 Vestments, priests', 382
Time of trouble, 133, 764 Vials, seven, see Seven vials
Time prophecies (see also Prophetic time pe- Vicar of Christ, 519, 531, 537, 668, 671, 707,
riods), 32, 122, 126, 153, 459 789, 803
Time, times, and a half, see Prophetic time Vicar of God, 671, 803
Periods Victor; bishop of Rome, 243, 270
Times as years, 174, 175, 198, 447, 458 Victorious of Pettau, 103, 226. 300, 337-345,
448, 460, 547, 574, 575, 891
Times of the Gentiles, see Gentiles Vienna, University of. 644
Titus, 202, 260, 261, 266, 278, 752-754. Vigilantius. 441, 816, 819, 820, 821, 823,
Tobit, 73, 80, 81, 295 831, 837
Vigilius, Pope, 516 Wind, great, 45

Villanova, Arnold of, 724, 725, 743-762, 776, Witiges, Gothic siege of Rome, 515
781, 903 Witnesses, see Two Witnesses
Virgin Mary, 296, 531, 637, 638, 655, 851, Woman of Rev. 12, as the pure church, 33,
870, 871 213, 276, 342, 345, 461, 463, 468, 471,
Visigoths, 473 559-561, 581, 593, 611 613, 638 654,
Vitellius 266 655, 688, 705, 713, 71, 721, 772, 891
Vives,Luis, 83 as the Virgin Mary, 637 655
Votive offerings, 382, 815 in the wilderness, 155, 217
6 , 348, 552, 559,
Vulgate, 66 73 77, 80, 253, 254, 286, 437, 561, 713, 715, 772, 773, 775, 884, 941
439, 635, 7f0, 802, 922, 929 Woman of Rev. 17, 18 (see also Babylon), 91,
95, 156, 158, 294, 560, 775
Walafrid, Strabo, 440, 550-553, 556, 899 as the false or carnal church, 33, 469, 571,
Waldenses (see also Poor Men of Lyons, of 727, 767, 768, 895
Lombardy), 677, 682 745, 804, 811, as Rome, 91, 158, 159 290 444 449
818, 819 826, 886, 906, 937-952 as Rome, church of, 20, 83, 390, 727, 736,
Waldensian Brethren, 835, 853, 868 764, 765, 768, 877, 880, 884
Waldo, Peter of Lyons, 829, 830-834, 836, as sinners, 582, 614, 688, 708, 736
837, 839, 853, 937, 938, 942, 943, 945, as sultan of Persia, 784
947-949, 952 as ungodly city, 612
Weeks of years (see also Prophetic time pe- World week theory, see Six-thousand-year
riods, 70 weeks), 175, 260, 277, 365, 366, theory
700, 754, 759, 889 Worship, changes in, 814, 815
Western church, see Church, Western Worship of saints, relics, and images, see
Westminster Confession, 84 Saint and relic worship Image worship
White horse, see Seven seals, first seal Wyclif, John, 20, 24, 83, 621, 685, 806, 852,
White stone, 95 853, 900
Whore of Babylon, see Woman of Revelation
17, 18, also Babylon Ximenes, cardinal, 83
Wicked, blinding of, 774
punishment of 29 116, 121, 138, 156, 189,
190, 204, 249, 1150, 274, 357, 358, 612, Yathrib, see Islam
658, 774 Year-day principle, 145, 164, 176, 203, 233,
torment of, 204 242, 281, 348, 431 449 450, 453, 458,
Wilderness church, 820, 884 459, 471 487, 562 'i00, 701, 712-716,
Wilfrid, bishop of York, 606, 607 719, 724, 747, 7h, 751, 761 762 772
Wilhelm, Franz, 718 774, 776, 781, 889, 890, 89e, 89J, 90i
William I of England, 618, 665
William II of England, 618 Zacchaeus, 454
William of Occam, 646, 662, 663 Zacharias, 694, 695, 713
William of St. Amour, 726, 738 Zechariah, 124
Williams, Roger, 24 Zephaniah, 29, 115, 121
Wina of Winchester, 605 Zephyrinus, bishop, 270

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lootoduceit9tie Ifeedept

VOL. I The four volumes comprising this ex-

In Great Britain they include British Weekly,

REVIEW AND HERALD

COPYRIGHT, 1950, BY THE

FROM THE AUTHOR TO THE READER 9

32. ANTICHRIST A SYSTEM, NOT AN INDIVIDUAL 786

EARLY CHURCH PERIOD: LEADING POSITIONS OF PRINCIPAL EXPOSITORS

Bearing of Prophetic Interpretation on Church History

unlock scores of otherwise baffling mysteries in the record of

Impelling Motive Back of This Search

students, no matter how competent they may be or how desirous

Difficulties Involved in the Quest

the continent of Europe, and there is no assurance concerning

Matches Findings of Archaeologist's Spade

many of these rare expositional treatises been locked away in

The Safeguards of Group Endeavor

This search for the prophetic expositors and their writings

The Author's Viewpoint Set Forth

Any author must necessarily have a viewpoint. His opinions

God's Witnesses to Recognized Fulfillments

Mankind Needs the Light of Prophecy

despair. The general quest for knowledge and certainty con-

The Scope and Purpose

I. The Torch of Prophecy Illuminates the Centuries

foundly affected their fundamental attitude toward other

4. A CHANGE IN EMPHASIS.—When hope of a speedy return

Rome. It was prophecy that fortified Huss and Savonarola for

PROPHETIC PORTRAYALS AS RECOGNIZABLE AS RUSHMORE FIGURES

Daniel and the phrasings of the other prophetic symbols of the

gressive and continuous fulfillment of prophecy, in unbroken

American colonies, Roger Williams was, of course, the outstand-

Artists like Rembrandt and Michelangelo wove the prophetic

vaguely understood. But that is outside the range of our present

II. Prophetism—Its Nature, Scope, and Method

This involved visions from God, conveyed through pro-

Daniel was a prophet. The Lord appeared to him in a

central idea, therefore, of the word prophet, is clearly one to

The term prophetism may be said to include four particular

1. DANIEL AND REVELATION THE PRINCIPAL FIELDS.—In

IV. Definition of Prophetic Terms Employed

I. OUTLINE PROPHECIES.—First, there are what may be

and "Grecia." (Dan. 8:20, 21.) Similar "beasts" are pictured

This is a more exact definition than that generally given, as,

9 Clarence Augustine Beckwith, "Millennium, Millenarianism," The New Schaff-Herzog

The Book of Daniel

I. Daniel—Unique Statesman-Prophet, and His Times

1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BOOK OF DANIEL.—AS a

Babylonian Empire became the political as well as the cultural

"to stand in the king's palace." Taken to Babylon at the

II. Historical Background of Daniel's Prophetic Symbolism

the royal auditor in understandable terms of the time. The

Sumerians, was extremely complex, and differing at various

4. BABYLON—FITLY CALLED THE GOLDEN KINGDOM.—

medium of exchange employed in Persia—the money of the

7. ROME—THE "IRON MONARCHY."—Though it is possible

strength," Boutflower finds evidence pointing to identification

tain-high." A Who, then, could more appropriately dream of

INSPIRATION'S ANIMATED CARTOONS OF THE NATIONS

which the great truths of the coming Messianic kingdom could

IV. Symbolism of the Prophetic Beasts of Daniel 7

NEBUCHADNEZZAR'S BABYLON: ARTIST'S RECONSTRUCTION BASED

idea of picturing nations as animals should, after all, be