Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The Wiley Handbook of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy
The Wiley Handbook of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy
Page xi
Contributors
xii Contributors
Contributors xiii
xiv Contributors
Contributors xv
xvi Contributors
The Merriam-Webster Dictionary (2010) offers several definitions of the term “rela-
tion,” all of which address (i.e., relate to) the focus of this chapter. The first definition
involves “the act of telling or recounting,” which is one of the basic psychotherapeutic
techniques, across all models of treatment. The second involves “an aspect or quality
(as resemblance) that connects two or more things or parts as being or belonging
or working together or as being of the same kind.” A third definition involves “a
person connected by consanguinity or affinity.” Fourth, it is defined as “the attitude
or stance which two or more persons or groups assume toward one another,” and
finally, “the state of being mutually or reciprocally interested.” The importance of
the therapeutic relationship was a major focus for all of the therapeutic pioneers,
Freud, Adler, Jung, and Horney. For psychoanalysts the relationship, in the form of
the processes of transference and countertransference, was the vehicle by which the
treatment progressed. Among the early pioneers, it was Harry Stack Sullivan who
placed the greatest emphasis on the relational experience of human interactions and
defined building and enhancing the individual’s interactive experience as a major goal
for therapy (Sullivan, 1953). The effective outcome of Sullivan’s interpersonal psychi-
atry was enhanced interpersonal functioning. Sullivan posited that individuals develop
assumptions about others and create and maintain schemata that serve as templates
for understanding the interpersonal world. Some of these templates are used to define
and understand the self and others and the multiple interactions between the two.
A common criticism of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is that by its very name
it would seem to exclude the obvious and essential human components of emotion
and of attending to a systemic focus, that is, one’s social and cultural world. The
na ı̈ve idea about the content and process of CBT is that it is a simple procedure
that involves the therapist actively challenging, arguing, and disputing the patient’s
irrational or dysfunctional thoughts. This view of CBT is that the goal of therapy
is for the patient to develop these same disputational skills and bring them to bear
on the ongoing negative percepts and ideas. After all, those individuals who have
negative thoughts will be depressed, and those with fearful thoughts will be anxious.
This view of CBT has the required grain of truth. The content and style of one’s
thoughts, percepts, ideas, attributions, and philosophies have a powerful influence on
how one feels and acts. Gilbert and Leahy (2009) collected a number of papers on the
therapeutic connection that address the role of the relationship in specific therapies
(e.g., dialectical behavior therapy, acceptance and commitment therapy, and a social
cognitive model).
Where, then, is the therapeutic influence of the therapist in the treatment mix?
Can one treat a number of self-identified psychological problems via self-help books,
DVDs, or online therapy? There is, as in most things, a broad spectrum of opinion.
There are those who posit that techniques are not the change agent in psychotherapy,
but rather the therapeutic context—that is, the relationship—that is curative. On
the other hand, there are those who advise that the relationship between patient and
therapist is unnecessary.
Ellis (1995) stated:
Lots of people call me abrasive or sharp. But I just call a spade a spade, and show
people pretty quickly what they are saying to themselves to upset themselves, so they
call that abrasive. I have one thing that I got over, my sickness, which I think that most
psychotherapists still have, the dire need to be approved of by their colleagues, clients,
etc. So I don’t have any of that nonsense. If my clients love me, that’s great. Most do
because I help them. But if they don’t I don’t care that much.
‘Personal communication’
Interestingly, Ellis’s practice belied his words. A careful viewing of his many
videotaped interviews demonstrates clearly that rather than ignore the relationship
issue, Ellis was able in a very short time (sometimes mere minutes) to establish
a connection with a patient and to establish an effective and useful therapeutic
communication and relationship. Undoubtedly, there were patients who did not like
his direct and often confrontational style, and never came back for a second session.
That, however, was probably true for Freud’s patients, who may have found his
distant and nonresponsive therapeutic stance too isolating and difficult to accept.
Assuming a position quite opposed to Ellis was Carl Rogers. Rogers, in his book On
becoming a person (1961), credits Stanley Standal with coining the term unconditional
positive regard (UPR), a term that has, in fact, become firmly attached to Rogers.
Rogers defined this construct as:
Unconditional Positive Regard, in general use, is knowing the other person, and accepting
all the faults, traits, and beliefs, without saying anything against it. This helps the
The Therapeutic Relationship 5
relationship to get stronger and keeps from breaking due to minor differences. However,
this is possible only if the sufferer does not cause harm to the people (p. 283).
This last point becomes something of a sticking point for many therapists inasmuch
as most therapists learn of UPR without Rogers’s caveat regarding harming others.
The basic issue is that if the therapist can accept the patient with all of the patient’s
eccentricities, flaws, faults, weaknesses, imperfections, defects, shortcomings, errors
of thought and deed, and blemishes (visible and hidden), then the patient would (or
could) learn to accept him- or herself in the shadow of his or her imperfect feelings,
thoughts, and behaviors. Within the aura generated by the therapist’s acceptance,
the patient could deal with the myriad and complex life issues which were the basis
of seeking therapy. By providing UPR, therapists seek to help their patients accept
and take responsibility for themselves. By providing the patient with UPR and the
resulting acceptance, the Rogerian (or Humanistic) therapist believes that he or she
is providing the client with the best possible conditions for personal growth. The
goal of the strategy was for the therapist to suspend judgment regarding the patient’s
actions, thoughts, and feelings, and to listen to that person with the attitude that
the patient has within him- or herself the ability to change what he or she does,
without actually changing who he or she is. One wonders, if the patient causes
harm to others (as broadly defined), should he or she receive the same UPR that
is accorded to the individual who does not cause harm to others? In contrast to
Rogers’s UPR is Ellis’s notion of the patient learning unconditional self-acceptance
(USA). According to this idea, the goal is for patients to learn that they have the
right to accept themselves. This is an idea that many individuals fail to internalize in
their early years in their family of origin, school, and religious experience. A more
common idea is that an individual has value mainly in the eyes of others, that is,
through the compliments, trophies, grades, or promotions that are garnered through
the years.
Hardy, Cahill, and Barkham (2009) have chosen to use the terms “therapeutic rela-
tionship,” “working relationship,” “alliance,” “working alliance,” and “therapeutic
bond” interchangeably. Bordin (1979) defined the therapeutic alliance as encom-
passing (a) an agreement on the goals of the therapy, (b) a designation of what
the tasks and goals of the therapy shall be, and (c) the development of “bonds” or
partnership that can be developed by the therapist and the patient as co-scientists
in the therapeutic experiments. Lack of clarity in the definition of problems and the
related goals, lack of precision, clarity, and explication in the definition of the tasks
of treatment, as well as confusion about the division of labor in treatment and the
failure to establish a collaborative, goal-directed relationship, can severely limit the
effectiveness of treatment.
The therapeutic bond is often seen as a subset of the therapeutic alliance. In
discussing the value of the therapeutic bond in the treatment of depressed patients,
Krupnick et al. (1998) found that the therapeutic bond formed between therapist
6 General Strategies
and patient was a leading influence on the patient’s recovery regardless of the type of
treatment used. This was among the earliest empirical studies that compared the ther-
apeutic alliance established between therapist and patient and its effect on improving
the patient’s depressive symptoms not only in different types of psychotherapy but
also in pharmacotherapy. This study also used the terms interchangeably. To permit a
fuller exposition of the issue in this chapter, these two constructs are treated separately
and will be discussed as they fit into a CBT emphasis. My goal in this chapter is to
describe the therapeutic connection or relationship in terms of the two elements, the
therapeutic bond and the therapeutic alliance, not as synonymous and interchangeable
but as discrete components. Each of these elements is specific to a particular thera-
peutic goal and can be used by the therapist in terms of identifiable techniques that
help to realize the overall and limited therapeutic goals. To illustrate the elements of
the therapeutic relationship, descriptions of the therapeutic interactions are provided
to elucidate the relational elements.
In this chapter I use the term therapeutic bond as a shorthand term for the therapeutic
relationship. It is the interpersonal exchange between patient and therapist, and
is governed by many of the same rules as are relationships outside the context of
therapy. These general rules involve civility, appropriateness, boundary setting, respect
for the space and boundaries of others, adherence to basic codes of ethics, etiquette,
interaction, bidirectional influence, and conflict resolution skills. In addition to their
acquired interpersonal skills, as part of their training in psychotherapy, therapists
develop skills of empathy and skills of therapy that are designed to establish and
enrich the relationship/bond so that the therapeutic endeavor can proceed more
easily. Effective clinical training, regardless of the discipline, requires that the therapist
develop these therapy-enhancing techniques. These include the development of
rapport and the ability to demonstrate that the therapist is understanding of the
patient’s life experience, cognitive style, and vulnerabilities, and is developing a
conceptual framework for the understanding of the patient’s personal life journey.
This conceptual framework will guide the therapy and clarify for patients why they do
what they do, and why they have done what they have done, and will help them plan
for the future.
In this chapter I use the term therapeutic alliance to describe the contract or agreement
between patient and therapist as to the focus, goals, aims, purposes, and objectives of
therapy. The particular mix of bond and alliance will differ, depending on the patient’s
life situation, strengths and skills, needs, aspirations, available time, and motivation.
It will also be influenced by the therapist’s experience, goals, available time, and
setting. Of course, for both patient and therapist, the therapeutic context and what
is happening within the therapeutic collaboration at that time will further influence
The Therapeutic Relationship 7
the mix and use of bond and alliance. For example, in times of crisis, the therapist
may need to take a far more directive position that emphasizes the alliance. While
we can recognize the importance of the relationship, in times of crisis the focus may
need to be more active, instructive, and directed. The approach may be high alliance
and low bond so that the therapeutic “contract” is the major focus of the therapy. If
a patient is suicidal, the contract would be for the patient to be helped to stay alive
until the many issues that are negatively impacting the patient can be ameliorated.
If the presenting problem is a recent death, divorce, job loss, or financial problem,
the patient needs the therapist to be more directive to help ease the pressure while
skill-building and reducing both internal and external pressures until the patient’s
resources can be brought to bear on the crisis.
A second possible mix is what we might term “coaching.” This is especially useful
in short-term, non-crisis, directive interactions and needs both high alliance and high
bond. The patient–therapist relationship becomes important to maintain motivation
where the agreement of therapeutic goals is explicit and agreed upon. For example, if
the patient is experiencing job-related or relationship-related problems, the therapist
can be the objective individual who listens to the patient with great attention. The
bond makes the use of the Socratic dialogue even more effective because of the
elements that are bond-related, such as trust, confidence, and perceived support.
These can then provide a platform for the development of therapeutic skills and
problem solutions.
A third focus is what is typically labeled as “supportive therapy.” This approach is
most helpful when the patient has developed a direction and focus for treatment and
has identified targets and strategies for change as well as an emphasis for his or her
therapy work. What patients need at this point is emotional support, encouragement,
feedback on progress, and, at times, a cheering squad to help keep them moving
in their chosen direction. In some cases, the supportive work can be likened to
the function of a cast for a broken or stressed limb. The support is necessary to
allow the proper setting and healing of a bone. Once the bone is well healed, the
support can be removed. In the case of a sprain, a support is necessary to maintain
movement. In the case of chronic weakness, a support may always be necessary
to allow optimal movement. Supportive therapy may encompass guidance, reality
testing, environmental manipulation (e.g., referral for testing, vocational evaluation,
or training), reassurance, persuasion, redirection of goals, helping the patient to
understand patterns of culture, or helping with referrals for the patient or family
member to an institution, agency, school, or specific treatment setting. Given that
the contract for treatment is set, this approach requires low alliance, but a high bond.
A question commonly asked by novice cognitive therapists is whether they can do
supportive therapy or whether that is a different model that would be antithetical to
CBT. In fact, supportive work can be a key ingredient in helping the patient during
crises and relapses, and when coming to a particularly large “speed-bump.” There are
times, when the patient’s motivation wanes, or for any of a variety of reasons, that a
supportive stance can help fill the gap and keep the treatment moving.
The final combination of the bond and alliance is used most often at the conclusion
of therapy. As the therapy approaches the point of termination, it is important for the
therapist to taper off the bond to prepare the patient for independent function, and
8 General Strategies
to review and emphasize the progress that the patient has made in achieving his or
her therapeutic goals. This involves frequent reviews of what the patient has gained
from therapy and of his or her plans for meeting near- and far-end goals. This will be
discussed in greater detail later in the chapter.
Wolberg (1954) identified a number of factors that went into the therapeutic work,
some bond, and some alliance. For patients these included:
• the need to depend on an authority, or to seek support from a credible and strong
figure, the therapist;
• the need for empathy and understanding of his or her position and problems;
• the need to unburden themselves from anxiety, depression, guilt, responsibility,
fault, or blame (part of this need may be the desire to “get it off their chest” and
be able to experience catharsis and a consequential short-term relief of pent-up
emotion);
• the need to reality test their percepts and experience; and
• the need for a nonjudgmental and wholesome relationship that may be a far cry
from what they experienced in their family of origin.
For the therapist, Wolberg (1954) identified the following therapeutic elements:
When the therapeutic relationship goes askew, several factors can be noted. As an
extension of Bordin’s work, Freeman and McCloskey (2004) identify four major areas
that negatively impact the therapy relationship, none of which are mutually exclusive.
The sources of the difficulty to the therapy alliance and bond can come from the
patient, the therapist, the environment, or the disorder.
Patient Factors
These are cognitive, affective, or behavioral aspects of the client, and may even be
seen as emblematic of his or her style. These characteristics may be clear, obvious, and
overt, and not easily missed. On the other hand, these characteristics may be far more
limited and evident only under stress, or when the individual experiences threat. They
may include the following:
The Therapeutic Relationship 9
• The client lacks skills to comply with the therapeutic requirements or tasks, thereby
negatively impacting the alliance.
• Previous treatment experience, often of failure, has produced negative
expectations or cynicism. This may negatively impact both the bond and the
alliance.
• The client fears that others will be hurt or impacted in a negative way by the
changes produced in therapy. This may negatively impact both the bond and the
alliance.
• There is secondary gain from maintaining symptoms, for the client or significant
others. This may, more likely, impact the bond.
• The client lacks compelling reasons to change. This may negatively impact both
the bond and the alliance.
• The client has a generally negative set toward therapy. This may negatively impact
both the bond and the alliance.
• The client has limited ability for the self-monitoring of thoughts, feelings, and
behavior.
• The client has limited or poor ability to monitor the responses and reactions
of others. This may impact the bond inasmuch as he or she may misread or
misunderstand the therapist’s actions, words, or ideas.
• The client has a demanding or self-centered interpersonal style with a low tolerance
for frustration and expects progress to be effortless and rapid. This almost always
will impact the bond.
• The client perceives being in therapy as a loss of social status and feels stigmatized.
This can negatively impact both the bond and the alliance.
Therapist Factors
As an active participant, the therapist brings his or her own values, skills, and
motivation(s) to the treatment endeavor. However, all therapists, no matter how
many years of experience or training they have, can potentially contribute to the
therapeutic roadblocks. The therapist’s contributions to the impediments include the
following:
• The therapist has a lack of understanding of the norms and of the developmental
process.
• The therapist has unrealistic expectations of the client.
Environmental Factors
We all live within a subgroup, a group, and a society. Each of those entities has
expectations and demands for conformity, for allegiance, and for contribution from
the client. Sometimes these demands will be in conflict; at other times they may be in
direct opposition to one another. The patient’s difficulty may come from the delicate
balancing act of trying to meet the demands of many masters, and not being able to
do it. These psychosocial stressors could include:
Understanding Schemas
As in all aspects of CBT, schemas are the central points for understanding past behav-
ior, making sense of present behavior, and predicting future behavior. If a patient
comes to therapy with complaints about how the world has treated him or her badly
and how others take advantage, and regales the therapist with examples of how he or
she is being subjected to the demands of others less intelligent, less accomplished, and
inferior in just about every way, the therapist should take note. It might be projected
that the therapeutic relationship will likely be subject to the same issues and schemas
that have influenced life relationships. On the other hand, if a patient seeks help in a
more consultative manner, for example, for overcoming sleep problems, the therapist
can use the alliance to help the patient to change what he or she does that might inter-
fere with sleep, or relaxation more generally. Therapists must be equally aware of their
own schemas regarding various patient problems, patient types, and patient reactions.
The building blocks for the therapy work include the therapist’s ability to communicate
and his or her understanding of the problem. The simple aura of being sought for
help imbues the therapeutic relationship with certain magical powers. The use of
restatement and questioning the patient to ascertain that what the therapist heard was
indeed what the patient said, and, even more, what he or she meant, is important.
Taking the position of fallibility can, in fact, help nurture the relationship. The range
of therapeutic positioning by the therapist can run the range from being Sherlock
Holmes to being more concrete and simple-minded. For example, the individual who
presents him- or herself at 221B Baker Street might experience the Holmesian style
as identifying some small aspect of the individual and immediately having Holmes
build a hypothetical structure of the individual based on his or her dress, posture,
skin tone, speech, or any other observable aspect of his or her being. Another,
more contemporary detective was Columbo, who had “just one more question.” The
following therapeutic examples illustrate these themes:
THERAPIST: I can tell from the way in which you describe your boss that you are
enraged. That would account for the rumination, sleep difficulty, and your use of sleep
medications and alcohol to treat your problem.
THERAPIST: Let me stop you here and tell you what I am understanding of your
problem. Are you saying that everyone in your life has abandoned you?
THERAPIST: That seems really important. I want to write that down so as to not forget
or lose the importance of your point. We can come back to that again.
THERAPIST: Go over that again. Say that again so we can both hear it. I want to be sure
that I am tuned in to what you have experienced.
12 General Strategies
The dangerous temptation for the therapist is simply to nod and grunt, seeming
to indicate that what the patient has said has been understood. The typical pattern of
agenda setting and of the review at the end of the session can also be a building block
for the working relationship. Careful agenda setting enhances the therapeutic relation-
ship in that it asks the patient to help to establish a session focus and to help to design
and establish goals for the therapy and for the individual sessions. The end of session
review is relationship-enhancing in that it asks the patient what he or she is taking
home from the session. Asking patients what they are taking home and what they have
derived from the session places the therapist in a far more collaborative position. The
therapist is not simply assuming what the patient gained in the session (if anything),
nor is the therapist sure of the understanding that the patient has developed of the ses-
sion content. For example, a 29-year-old man was referred by his wife because of what
appeared to be paranoid ideas related to his constant comments to her that his cowork-
ers at the law firm where he was employed were trying to poison him through the use
of aerosol sprays. He reported to the therapist that he could see the “after image” of
a hand and a spray can being withdrawn from the doorway to his office, and then his
smelling a chemical smell. He would then become lightheaded for a brief time. At the
pleading of his wife he told the office manager of his experience and asked if there were
any efforts being made to exterminate vermin in the office suite. Her response was that
there was no such activity, and that any cleaning would be carried out after work hours.
In the first session, after having the man describe his experience, the therapist asked him
if he knew or had heard of any such aerosol poisons. The therapist further questioned
the young man about who in the law firm might want to kill him. Finally, the therapist
asked if the young attorney was using the idea of gathering evidence that was a basic
technique in litigation. The young man looked up and said brightly, “You’re right. I
have no evidence. Thank you doctor, you have saved my life.” The therapist was proud
of how he had helped this man in only one session. The therapist never asked for a
review of the session. What exactly was the patient taking home? They set a second
appointment for one week hence. When the patient approached his wife in the waiting
room, he said, “Honey, things are going to be okay … The doctor has helped me to see
my distorted thinking and everything will be okay now at work.” His wife cried tears
of relief and they both thanked the therapist and they left. That night, at about 2 a.m.,
the therapist received an emergency call through the office answering service from the
patient’s wife. She was distraught and kept asking, “What did you tell him? What did
you tell him?” The therapist, roused from his sleep, tried to calm her, asking, “What did
he say?” She responded that when they got home her husband described the session
and that the therapist suggested that what was needed was evidence so he was going to
go into the office in the middle of the night and search everyone’s office for the poison.
A second building block strategy involves the use of homework. This extends the
therapeutic work outside the consulting room. The strategy involves making sure
that any homework that was done is reviewed in the next session. If it is not put
on the agenda and the agenda is not followed, it may model a pattern of either
disorganization or a lack of concern or caring.
Third, it is essential that the therapist communicate interest in the patient not
simply as a “patient” but as a vulnerable, fallible, and important individual. By paying
attention and noting what the patient states are his or her likes and dislikes, goals,
The Therapeutic Relationship 13
ambitions, and experiences, the therapist communicates that the patient is perceived
as a significant and important individual. Remembering small facts about the patient’s
life (where he or she went to school, or his or her favorite football team) can be a
part of the connection-building. If the therapist forgets some piece of information
about the patient or something discussed in a previous session it is better to ask
about it rather than trying to fake it. Therapists are also fallible. There are times when
they may, because of their own life pressures, be more muted, more down (even
depressed), upset, dull, or inactive in the session. At other times they may be inspired,
active, alert, and positive. No matter what the therapist’s personal reactions, it is
essential to convey interest in patients and what they are doing. For example, Maria, a
42-year-old woman, related an experience that she had with a previous therapist. The
therapist fell asleep during the session. Maria did not know what to do. She waited
until her time was up and then cleared her throat loudly and woke the therapist. The
therapist interpreted Maria’s behavior as hostile by (a) not waking him sooner, and
(b) speaking in a low and lulling voice that put him to sleep. It was the last session
that Maria had with that therapist. She pointed out to her present therapist that as a
child she was blamed for most of the things that went wrong in her home. The idea
that the therapist blamed her for his “nap” was intolerable.
It is important to realize that patients may be troubled, but not stupid. It would
be far better to admit any kernel of truth in the patient’s reaction rather than to try
to interpret one’s way out of it. For example, the therapist could have said to Maria
at the start of the session, “I am having a bad allergy day today and just took some
medication. If I appear tired, it is the medication.”
A fourth factor is therapists’ ability to communicate tolerance, in a nonpunitive,
objective, and impartial way. The fine line for the therapist to navigate is to accept
the patient’s perception while helping him or her to identify and posit alternative
possibilities. Rather than arguing and engaging in confrontational disputes, the ther-
apist can use the Socratic dialogue to help the patient to feel heard while encouraged
to change without simply yielding to the therapist’s views and possible biases.
A fifth factor involves communicating empathy. The use of empathy not only builds
the working relationship, but also models an interpersonal skill for the patient. This
may involve verbalizing how upset a patient might feel, elaborating on some unspoken
or unrecognized conflict, trying to take into account the patient’s perspective, or
accepting nonjudgmentally what the patient has done.
The therapist’s empathic skill will never be more needed than when the patient
exhibits anger or hostility, especially if it is toward the therapist. If the therapist has
difficulty accepting the patient’s anger, then the therapist can ask the patient to explore
how he or she feels, what he or she gains from the expressions of anger, and whether
the patient understands that the therapist may not like being the target of anger and
hostility. If the extent of the anger overwhelms the therapist, then a referral to another
therapist may be essential rather than trying to “tough it out.” In addition, if this is
a frequent experience, then the therapist might seek consultation and even therapy.
Sixth, therapists should avoid exclamations of shock and surprise. Patients may
experience many people, places, and things that are beyond the experience of the
therapist. The therapist needs to take a step back and not respond in a way that
might convey a negative perception, perspective, or bias. The therapist can ask for
14 General Strategies
clarification. Using Rogers’s point, if there are activities that are harmful to self or
others, the therapist must act quickly and directly to intervene.
A seventh factor is avoiding making promises that may not (or cannot) be kept.
Promises of “cure,” “never having problems,” or “a perfect effect of therapy” must
be avoided. Focusing on the problem list and using homework experiments to try out
new skills and perfect others can help to avoid making promises in the first place.
Giving in to therapeutic narcissism is the eighth therapeutic relationship-buster. It
can be very tempting to accept the patient’s positive comments about how wonderful
the therapy has been and how the therapist should be nominated for psychological
sainthood (as in the case of the “poisoned lawyer” above). Therapeutic narcissism
involves therapists believing that (a) they are smarter than they are, (b) they are more
skilled than they are, (c) charisma is an adequate substitute for skill, (d) theoretical
grounding is unnecessary, (e) comments or interpretations to the patient must be
totally accepted by the patient or they are then interpreted as resistant, (f) their model
cannot or should not be challenged, (g) their model must be accepted as applicable
to all patients without question or modification, (h) calls for empirical support of
their therapeutic model must be resisted as unnecessary, (i) they have some “priestly”
function, and (j) whatever therapy they practice is the only true religion.
Ninth, therapists should avoid confrontation, debate, or sarcasm. Confrontational
statements may, with some patients, at some points be necessary, but should only be
used when the therapist’s countertransference is under control. Countertransference,
the therapist’s reaction to the patient’s reactions and responses, must also be used
for the good of the therapy and the patient and not become a source or rationale
for punishment. Countertransference can be viewed as several different responses.
There is a countertransference reaction which is a brief and transient experience in the
session; for example, the patient makes what might be seen as a thoughtless remark
that is not repeated and is not part of the patient’s usual style. Countertransference
stress involves a reaction to the patient that is longer-lived. The therapist might
be thinking about the patient’s comment(s) after the session. The phenomenon
of countertransference structure involves the therapist maintaining either ongoing
negative or positive reactions; for example, the therapist is informed that a particular
patient has canceled an appointment for the day and the therapist’s negative reactions
may be relief or joy. Alternately, if the patient is a favorite of the therapist, the reaction
might be disappointment. In the circumstances of countertransference neurosis, the
therapist steps over the bounds of ethical practice. Finally, there is what we term
the “reasonable person hypothesis.” This involves a reaction to a patient and his or
her behavior that would probably be one with which most reasonable persons would
agree; for example, that pedophilia can in no circumstances be acceptable.
Alteration of the goals and foci of treatment requires a strong working knowledge
of the components (criteria) for various disorders, whether from the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed., text rev.; DSM-IV-TR; American
Psychiatric Association, 2000) or the International Statistical Classification of Diseases
The Therapeutic Relationship 15
(10th ed.; ICD-10; World Health Organization, 1992). For example, an individual
with a paranoid personality disorder would be reluctant or even find it impossible
to establish and maintain a relationship with the therapist inasmuch as his or her
typical schema includes ideas regarding the lack of trustworthiness of others, potential
damage or insult, or even death. Similarly, the individual with an avoidant style might
very much want a relationship but would be reluctant to move in the direction of a
relationship without unconditional guarantees of acceptance. Without a complete and
careful understanding of the multiple criteria which become the building blocks of a
diagnosis, the therapist may lose out on opportunities for structuring and enhancing
the therapeutic work. For example, a 38-year-old woman was referred by a colleague
who, because of time constraints, had to limit her practice. In the transfer phone
call, the former therapist described the woman as “very borderline.” When the new
therapist saw the patient for the first session he engaged her in a dialogue that
focused on those characteristics that are most typical (according to DSM-IV-TR). For
example, “Do you often feel yourself losing, or close to losing control of what you
say or do?” The patient agreed that that was a frequent experience. The therapist
followed that with, “I would think that that would sometimes cause you difficulty
or problems. Am I hearing you accurately?” At the end of the session, the patient
commented in her review of the session that she felt very comfortable with the new
therapist. “Why was that?” inquired the therapist. “Well,” she replied, “you seemed
to understand me really well. You were familiar with my type of problem and you
kept asking if what you thought was accurate. That felt really good.”
Conversely, the patient with a dependent personality disorder may seek (or even
demand) a stronger relationship because of his or her schema regarding the need for
a strong “other” person upon whom he or she can lean and depend. The patient
with a narcissistic personality may be best served by maintaining a stronger alliance.
The patient may seek to build a personal relationship rather than be focused on the
therapeutic work. For example, a patient may invite the therapist out for a drink or for
dinner, even offering his home as a venue for the therapy. With both of these patient
types the therapist must establish and maintain firm ground rules and boundaries. It
is best that these are established early in the therapy so that the boundaries and/or
limits are not seen as punitive. Therapists are sometimes reluctant to set and maintain
limits because of the fear that limit-setting will injure the therapeutic relationship. To
the contrary, patients are most comfortable when they know the parameters and rules
of the therapeutic engagement. They may not like the rules or agree with them, but
they know what will be expected of them. For example, Karen, a 38-year-old woman,
arrived at her first therapy session and informed the therapist that what she needed
was “reparenting.” She had seen this on television and researched it on the Internet.
She needed, she said, to be held and cuddled by the therapist to make up for the
lack of physical contact from her parents. There was, she said, “Nothing sexual for
the therapist to worry about.” When the therapist set out some basic rules of therapy
that emphasized that the medium for the therapy was talk, not touching, the patient
reacted explosively. She left her chair and walked around the office shouting, “This is
what I need. You are supposed to give me what I need. I don’t care who hears me.
The whole clinic can hear what a terrible therapist you are.” The therapist was able
16 General Strategies
to calm her down by using the rules that were just set: talking, not yelling; working
together by talking rather than threats; no touching.
After about a year of weekly sessions (during which there were infrequent outbursts)
Karen decided to change careers. She decided to become a social worker and help
others by doing therapy to ease their pain. The therapy work focused on Karen’s
negative view that no school of social work would accept her, she was unfit to be a
helper, she was too crazy to be a help to anyone, and so on. Karen was helped to
use her basic therapy tools to respond to these negative ideas. She applied to two
local schools and was awaiting their response. One day the therapist went to get
Karen from the waiting room for her session. She was very excited and said, “Guess
what? I was accepted to the social work school here at the university.” The therapist
extended his hand and congratulated her. She shook his hand and thanked him. At
the beginning of the session Karen was upset and was yelling at the therapist: “When I
needed touching you said that touching was out. Touching was forbidden in therapy.
When I needed it you wouldn’t do it. Now I don’t need it and now you are initiating
touching.” The therapist did, indeed, break his own rule without any renegotiation.
He apologized. While the reader may see this as minor, the reader does not view the
situation through the eyes and experience of Karen. She was right. The boundary was
not maintained by the therapist.
One of the hallmarks of the cognitive behavioral models of therapy is that the therapy
must be crafted and customized for each patient. One size does not fit all. It is
essential for the therapist to work collaboratively with the patient to identify and
choose targets for therapeutic work and possible change. The therapist must be aware
that the therapeutic alliance subsumes both the process of therapy and the content
of therapy, which may differ. The goals of the therapy (process or content), though
related, must be conceptualized and addressed separately. The process of therapy
would include the structure of the therapy, the interaction between therapist and
patient, and the acquisition of particular and specific therapy-enhancing skills. The
content of therapy involves dealing with the reasons for the patient seeking therapy,
the application of skills and insights to the patient’s life, and the amelioration of
dysfunction or maladaptive behavior.
The elements of the therapeutic relationship involve the therapist being able to
nurture the interpersonal connection (rapport), as needed. This will involve setting
a stage for emotional exploration within a safe and accepting frame. A treatment
intervention may be far more available and usable if it is aimed toward a point of
emotional relevance—that is, toward what the patient is experiencing at the moment,
not what the patient experienced in the last session, at some time in his or her previous
life experience, or outside of the session. Not every patient needs, is interested in, or
wants to deal with emotional issues inasmuch as he or she is unskilled in coping with
emotions, or may be frightened by the breadth, content, and unfamiliarity of his or
her emotions. To help the patient increase his or her emotional vocabulary therapists
sometimes employ a chart that has on it a number of faces, each purporting to express
The Therapeutic Relationship 17
a different emotion. Some charts contain 50 or more faces. While the goal is to
help the patient (and the therapist) to identify felt emotions, these extensive charts
are more often confusing. In establishing the relationship, the use of happy, angry,
fearful, sad, or neutral may offer to the patient a context for expressing emotion.
These basic emotions can then be further specified in the therapy. For patients with
powerful anxiety disorders, the fear is often connected to imminent death. It is in this
vein that creativity, inspiration, and artistry abound.
For example, the obsessive patient may appear to be distanced from his or her
emotions. Such patients seem to live beside life as observers rather than acting in it,
and use language to fend off or avoid feelings rather than to express them. For this
patient, the use of emotionally laden imagery offers a wake-up call and introduction
to his or her emotional reactions. Consistent with the creativity of the therapist, the
therapeutic stance within the session will involve the therapist playing different roles.
For the frightened patient, a calm voice and clear boundaries may help the patient to
feel safer. For the patient with emotional dyscontrol, the therapist may also need to
be a patient-whisperer; that is, to be able to maintain boundaries and offer a safe and
calm setting where thoughts can be explored, feelings expressed, and systemic change
and behavioral control discussed. For the patient who is in need of more color and
verve, the use of metaphorical language that is sensory-rich, along with a varying of
voice quality, can provide life and color to the therapy.
Both depression and anxiety can be contagious. The therapist must take care not to
“catch” the disorder from the patient. In trying to mirror the patient’s affective state,
the therapist may find him- or herself feeling demoralized and thinking that possibly
the patient is right. Things are, indeed, as hopeless as the patient has described them,
and solutions, if any can be found, will likely not work. While feeling the patient’s
pain, the therapist has to be clear that one does not have to be Pollyanna or Mary
Poppins to work to move the patient from a depressive view toward a less depressive
view. Within the therapeutic work the therapist can try using a lighter tone with
care not to be interpreted by the patient as making light of his or her suffering. The
therapist must be willing to describe the patient’s depressive behavior and affect. This
may give feedback that the patient may not be able to obtain elsewhere and limit his
or her need to be even more depressed so as to “prove” how badly off he or she is.
When the emotion appears to be bottled up with a reluctance or an inability to
express negative emotion, the therapist may make affect-laden statements (e.g., “You
must be furious”). In this way the therapist is able to voice the patient’s anger or
rage, vicariously. For example, Jane, a 43-year-old woman, had responded rather
minimally in therapy. Her responses were monosyllabic and she did not follow up on
any statements that she made. She remained emotionally neutral, to that point. She
reacted to the therapist expressing the anger that she had toward a former boyfriend
by crying. When asked by the therapist what she was thinking and feeling, she spoke
of being scared of her anger, of thinking that once she acknowledged her anger she
would become out of control and be angry all of the time, that her anger would
bring even worse consequences upon her than her depression, and that anger was
considered as “bad behavior.” This response opened the therapy work to discuss
Jane’s thoughts and schemas about anger, expressions of anger, fear of anger, and
consequential thinking. She could identify her mother’s words and tone as that which
18 General Strategies
she used on herself. In this way, the therapeutic bond demonstrated empathy. The
therapist could feel what the patient left unsaid and became the patient’s voice,
loaning the patient the words and affect. The therapist cannot simply debate and
dismiss the schema.
For isolated and depressed patients, the therapist must walk a very fine line between
trespassing on the patient’s solitude (not necessarily his or her loneliness) and trying
to have the patient cross the line to be willing to interact with others. For some
patients the therapist may choose to use broader statements that are more general
to people rather than to this person (e.g., “Many people see this as … ”), or even
be somewhat tentative (e.g., “Some folks may view this as … ”). In all of this, the
therapist must be aware of his or her personal values. With acting-out patients, the
results of their actions are usually so loud and can be so all-consuming that they
drown out the reflective part of their psyche. Such patients do not see or understand
the potential consequences of their actions nor can they see the situation in which
they find themselves. Therefore, explanations are often not effective, inasmuch as the
patient cannot “hear” them. With these patients a more confrontational style may be
needed. Confrontation must only be used when countertransference is under control.
The therapist must be able to be aware of and attuned to his or her own anger or
negative reactions to the patient’s behavior.
This is often seen in treating individuals with narcissistic personality disorder. These
individuals become the patients that therapists love to hate. When therapists get
together in social situations and talk about their case loads, the narcissistic patient
is often the source of many shared clinical experiences. For example, Sid was a 45-
year-old accountant who came to therapy at the request of his “poor, addled wife.”
When Sid entered the therapist’s office for his first session he ran his fingertips over
a credenza as if looking for dust. He surveyed the office and said, “This office is
furnished so poorly. Doesn’t the university care how it looks? For what I am paying
you I would expect a far nicer office. I could give you the name of my office decorator
but I don’t think that that would help.” All of this was said before sitting down for
the initial session. How does the therapist respond? Does the therapist express his or
her reactions? “That was a totally inappropriate thing to say”; or “Why would you say
that?”; or “If you don’t like the way this office is furnished, you can just leave now”;
or “Yeah. The offices are all furnished with university cheapo furniture”; or simply
smile and say “Uh huh”? The therapist’s initial reaction to what must be viewed as
a test of the therapeutic relationship, “How far can this person be pushed?” may set
the stage for the therapeutic relationship and for the therapy.
One of the first steps in establishing a therapeutic collaboration is the task of
agreeing on goals for therapy. Since the narcissistic patient is not likely to present
“becoming less narcissistic” or even “getting along better with others” as goals for
therapy, it is important for the therapist to focus on clarifying and operationalizing the
patient’s goals rather than on trying to convince the patient to work to change his or
her narcissism. After the initial assessment, the building of a collaborative relationship
that focuses on the alliance is essential since participation in psychotherapy requires
that the narcissistic client be asked to do things which he or she has had great difficulty
doing, or has never had to do, or has never learned to do. These tasks might include
tolerating frustration, enduring anxiety without the usually employed strategies such
The Therapeutic Relationship 19
as avoidance, alcohol or drug abuse, or abusive behavior toward others, and instead
choosing to talk out rather than act out ideas, thoughts, and feelings. Collaboration
can be difficult both because of the characteristics of the patient and the reactions the
patient elicits from the therapist. Within the therapeutic alliance, the therapist must be
willing and able to draw a “line in the sand” that cannot be crossed. By virtue of the
diagnosis, narcissistic individuals may need special handling or grooming to motivate
them for treatment. The therapist must be sensitive to the patient’s “hot-buttons” and
tread very carefully to avoid an empathic (bond) or therapeutic (alliance) rupture. The
therapist must be able to bring the patient’s grandiosity to the fore without insulting
or humiliating the patient. This may be criticized as too “supportive” and not reality-
based; that is, some people may think it is better to make them change, because
what they are doing is wrong/bad/improper. Intervention is difficult inasmuch as the
behavior and style are ego-syntonic. Probably the easiest approach is to inquire of the
patient what would be in his or her best interest, presently, near-term, and long-term.
The therapeutic alliance with these patients is focused on helping them get more of
what they want but without hurting themselves or others in the process. Once the
schemas are identified, this must be followed by a re-constructive (or constructive)
strategy that is built into the working alliance. We must recognize that the therapeutic
collaboration is never evenly balanced, that is, 50/50. For some patients and in some
patient therapeutic interactions that collaboration may be 80/20, or 20/80. The old
saying about the therapist not working harder in therapy than the patient was posited
by a therapist who did not see many difficult patients (or any adolescents).
Imagery can be used to avoid therapy ruptures where the patient may leave therapy
or become so resistant to the process or persona of the therapist that there can be little
or no progress. Using what Hammer (1990) terms the poetic style, the use of imagery
offers an economy of words, a directness of meaning, a basic pictorial presentation,
high affective valence, and density of affect. Images and metaphors can come from
fairy tales and myths, or from everyday experience. Images must be simple and easily
understood at a concrete operational level. Images can be multisensory, and culturally
related images may be of special value. For example, Karl, aged 30, was working to
maintain his sobriety after many years of alcohol and heroin. He went to Alcoholics
Anonymous meetings three times a week, but had frequent slips and returned to using
heroin. When asked why this occurred, Karl said that he had friends who came over
to his apartment and would offer him a “taste” of the latest import. This would get
him using once again. After several therapeutic and systemic interventions (calls to
his sponsor) went either unused or were unsuccessful, Karl was feeling and expressing
hopelessness about his ever being able to be sober. The therapist used the story of the
three pigs. The first built a house of straw because straw was light and easy to use, and
the house could be built quickly. The house was, of course, blown down by the Big
Bad Wolf. The second pig built a house of sticks because sticks were light and easy to
use, and the house could be built quickly. Again, the Big Bad Wolf huffed and puffed
and blew the house down. The third pig built a house of brick and stone which was
a much harder job, and took more time and effort. The huffing and puffing of the
wolf had no effect on the brick and stone house. The therapist then asked Karl what
was the moral of the story. At first he did not understand the question. The therapist
explained that Karl’s sobriety was, up to that point, one of straw or sticks. At that
20 General Strategies
point Karl interjected that to be safe, he had to build a sobriety of bricks and stone.
Both the alliance and the bond were advanced in that Karl saw that the therapist
understood the problem and offered a solution. The caveat is that the patient must
understand the therapeutic references and metaphors.
Humor can add to the therapeutic relationship in several ways. It can be used
for evaluating and testing the patient’s “mirth” response. In the case of depressed
patients there may appear to be little life behind their eyes. Humor can be used to
bypass emotional or intellectual stricture, to make a point, or to ease the patient’s
anxiety or discomfort. Freud wrote on the use of humor and warned about the need
for a judicious hand in using humor as a therapeutic tool. Key for Freud was to make
sure that the therapist has his or her countertransference under control so that the
humor is not negative, insulting, or mocking. A danger is that the therapist may
be discomforted by the tone and climate of the therapy and use humor as a form
of tension relief for him- or herself. At some times, for some patients, maintaining
tension allows it to be explored and tolerated.
Humor is, in many ways, a parallel to a therapeutic intervention. First, the setting
must be explicated. Second, the basic premise must be clarified. Third, the characters
or characterizations are presented. Fourth, an event or series of circumstances occurs.
Fifth, there is an inherent tension to the situation. Sixth, there is a “punch line” that
feeds off the tension and serves a relief. Seventh, there are truths or a moral to the
story. The stories or humor must be well within the cultural mores of the patient,
of sufficient value to use valuable session time, and serve as a shortcut to insight and
understanding. To avoid having the patient see him- or herself as the butt of a joke
it is far better for the therapist to place him- or herself as the pivot person in the
joke. For example, Ellen, aged 52, kept waiting for the opportune time to end her
marriage of 30 years. She had wanted to leave the marriage for the past 20 years but
had maintained that life events had precluded her leaving. Her husband was verbally
abusive, at times had been sexually abusive, had had several affairs, and refused to
let her work, making her totally dependent on him for money. Her therapist told
her the following story: “A couple came in to see me for marital counseling. They
wanted a divorce. This, in and of itself, was not unusual. I see many couples wanting
to end a marriage. What was notable was that the man was 92 and his wife was 90.
They had been married for 70 years. They described a marriage very much like yours.
When I asked them why they had waited so long to seek a divorce they said that
there were always life events that intervened. They were waiting until the children
died so that they would not hurt the children by a divorce.” Ellen began to laugh
and then began to cry. After several minutes Ellen said to the therapist that she
was now ready to talk about a divorce. She would not have to wait for the children
to die.
Linehan (1994) trains therapists to use humor, believing that humor can help
the therapist deal with the difficult patients with whom she has specialized. Ellis
(1977a, 1977b, 1995) used humor as a relationship-building tool. He believed that
many patients took themselves too seriously so he wrote hundreds of songs to help
patients see the humor in their life situations. However, the use of humor requires
the ability to tell and understand a joke. Not all people are equally equipped to use
humor.
The Therapeutic Relationship 21
Termination
A basic tenet of CBT is that termination begins with the first session. The therapist
and the patient have their view of the endgame in therapy. What is it that patients
want to accomplish? What general and specific goals are identified? What are the
skills necessary to accomplish the goals? What is the time frame for meeting the
goals? What benchmarks will be used for short-term, mid-term, and long-term goal
accomplishment? Davis (2008) describes the basic and advanced issues related to
termination. Termination must be viewed in two respects, bringing closure both to
the therapeutic alliance and to the therapeutic bond. Both must be addressed. Reik
(1965), in his classic Listening with the third ear, described his emotional leave-taking
from Freud who had been Reik’s teacher, mentor, and friend. Both knew that they
would likely never see each other again. To ease the moment, Freud said, “People
do not have to stay together to be together.” It was on this note that Reik left. The
goal of therapy and the role of the therapist is to equip the patient with the skills and
motivation to deal with the range of life problems.
Regarding the alliance, patients often experience the internalization of the thera-
pist’s voice along with other voices that they have acquired over their life experience.
The question they must ask is, What would my therapist say? How would he or she
react to my present dilemma? What tools can I bring to bear on these problems?
How can I best solve this? In some cases, a follow-up visit, a scheduled tune-up, or
a periodic review is helpful. The bond is, for some patients, much harder to end.
The therapist may be the first person in their lives who has truly “heard” them.
The therapist may have been their support or major source of encouragement when
discouragement was their main experience. Similarly, the bond may be difficult for
the therapist to end. Therapists have made the decision, by choosing this career, to
be a supporter, a port in the storm, and a voice of reason, when necessary. Therapists
cannot do this without an investment of their own. It is not unlike parents who may
have strong reactions to helping their child pack the car and leave for college, knowing
that the interaction within the family will never be the same as it was prior to that
moment (phones, texting, and Skype notwithstanding). The danger for the therapist
is to avoid termination more for the therapist’s needs than for the patient’s. Therapists
continue to think of their former patients and enter them into the scrapbook of their
professional career, whether the patient represented the good, the bad, or the ugly.
Summary
Unlike the negative characterization of the na ı̈ve or critic, CBT is firmly based in
the idea that the therapeutic relationship is an important element in successful and
effective treatment. The nature, quality, process, and content of the relationship will
differ for each patient, and is based on patient need, the goals of the therapy, the
skills of the patient, the skills of the therapist, the time frame for the therapy, and
the venue of the therapy. The therapeutic relationship can be broken down to the
elements of the therapeutic bond which is the emotional connection between patient
22 General Strategies
and therapist, and the therapeutic alliance which is the contract and goals for therapy.
It is essential that the therapist master the basics of rapport and relationship building,
and to use the goal-setting strategies that are among the major strengths of the CBT
model.
References
American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders
(4th ed., text rev.). Washington, DC: Author.
Bordin, E. S. (1979). The generalizability of the psychoanalytic concept of the working alliance.
Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, & Practice, 16, 252–260.
Davis, D. D. (2008). Terminating therapy: A professional guide to ending on a positive note.
Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Ellis, A. (1977a). Fun as psychotherapy. Rational Living, 12, 2–6.
Ellis, A. (1977b). A garland of rational songs. New York, NY: Albert Ellis Institute.
Ellis, A. (1995). AABT Archive Series Interview. New York, NY: Association for Advancement
of Behavior Therapy.
Frank, J. (1991). Persuasion and healing (3rd ed.). Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University
Press.
Freeman, A., & McCloskey, R. D. (2003). Impediments to psychotherapy. In R. L. Leahy (Ed.),
Roadblocks in cognitive-behavioral therapy: Transforming challenges into opportunities for
change (pp. 24–48). New York, NY: Guilford Press.
Gilbert, P., & Leahy, R. L. (Eds.). (2009). The therapeutic relationship in the cognitive
behavioural therapies. London, England: Routledge.
Hammer, E. F. (1990). Reaching the affect: Style in the psychodynamic therapies. Northvale, NJ:
Jason Aronson.
Hardy, G., Cahill, J., & Barkham, M. (2009). Active ingredients of the therapeutic relationship
that promote client change. In P. Gilbert and R. L. Leahy (Eds.), The therapeutic rela-
tionship in the cognitive behavioural therapies (pp. 24–42). London, England: Routledge.
Krupnick, J. L., Stotsky, S. M., Simmens, S., Moyer, J., Watkins, J., Elkin, I., & Pilkonis, P.
A. (1998). The role of the therapeutic alliance in psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy
outcome: Findings in the National Institute of Mental Health Treatment of Depression
Collaborative Research Program. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 64,
532–539.
Linehan, M. (1994). Cognitive behavioral treatment of borderline personality disorder. New
York, NY: Guilford Press.
Merriam-Webster Dictionary. (2010). www.merriam-webster.com
Reik, T. (1965). Listening with the third ear. New York, NY: Doubleday Anchor.
Rogers, C. (1961). On becoming a person. London, England: Constable & Robinson.
Sullivan, H. S. (1953). The collected works of Harry Stack Sullivan. New York, NY: W.W.
Norton & Co.
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health problems (10th ed.). Geneva, Switzerland: Author.
2
Cognitive Restructuring
David A. Clark
University of New Brunswick, Canada
Verbal interventions. Over the years cognitive behavioral researchers and practitioners
have proposed a number of verbal intervention strategies that can be used by therapists
directly to modify maladaptive schematic content. These strategies, which in many
respects are the essence of CR, are summarized in Table 2.1.
The first four strategies are the most common verbal interventions used in CR, first
introduced by A. T. Beck et al. (1979; A. T. Beck & Emery, 1985) in the original
CT treatment manuals and then later refined and elaborated by other cognitive
therapists (e.g., J. S. Beck, 2011; D. A. Clark & Beck, 2010, 2012; Dobson &
Dobson, 2009; Greenberger & Padesky, 1995; Wells, 1997; Wright & McCray,
2012). Evidence gathering, cost/benefit analysis, identifying cognitive errors, and
generating alternative explanations are such an integral part of CR that implementing
these verbal interventions is what most therapists think of as cognitive restructuring.
They are robust and versatile interventions that can be used in most clinical disorders.
Since these strategies are well described in the sources cited, I will confine my
comments to a few general observations.
6 General Strategies
In order to utilize any of these verbal interventions, clients must be willing to engage
in an evaluative process. That is, they must be willing at least to consider the possibility
that their maladaptive schematic thinking might be inaccurate, counterproductive, and
unrealistic. Of course, clients will be considerably invested in retaining their schematic
view of themselves and current circumstances, but there has to be a willingness at
Cognitive Restructuring 7
least to consider alternative perspectives. Clients who insist that their maladaptive
beliefs are immutable facts will not be amenable to CR. Second, the therapist always
begins by inviting clients simply to examine and evaluate their thoughts and beliefs in
the light of empirical evidence, that is, their own personal experience. The therapist
refrains from cajoling, debating, or trying to convince the client of a more adaptive
alternative belief instead of clinging to the maladaptive schematic perspective. Rather,
clients are encouraged to generate an alternative view that provides the best fit with
“objective” external experience and would be associated with an improvement in
their emotional functioning. Third, effective CR will ensure an equal emphasis on
questioning the veracity of the maladaptive beliefs and evaluating the relevance of
a more adaptive alternative viewpoint. The objective of CR is to raise doubts in
the client’s mind about long-held maladaptive beliefs (e.g., “People will notice I’m
anxious and think there is something wrong with me”) and to consider the accuracy
and utility of an alternative perspective (e.g., “People might notice I’m a little anxious
but consider it unimportant”).
The remaining verbal interventions in Table 2.1 are more specific to particular
clinical disorders or client situations. Normalization, for example, is used frequently
in CR for anxiety in which clients are taught to view their distress as an extreme variant
of normal emotion rather than as a distinct and disconnected experience. A client with
health anxiety, for example, could be asked to describe other nonhealth situations in
which he or she felt anxious and yet coped with the emotion very well (e.g., a job
interview). The client could then be encouraged to think of his or her high anxiety
associated with an unexpected physical pain in the same way that he or she thought
of heightened anxiety during the job interview. In other words, the health anxiety
experience is normalized rather than being considered a unique human experience.
Likewise, distancing encourages the client to consider his or her thoughts and
beliefs from the perspective of another person, a third-party observer, such as a friend
or work colleague. The therapist can ask the client to talk about his or her thoughts
“as if they were the product of someone else’s mind.” For example, a cognitive
therapist might say to a client, “Imagine for a moment that your conviction, ‘I’ll be
alone and miserable the rest of my life’, is a belief expressed by a close friend. What
would you think about her perspective on life? What would you say to her as an
alternative way to view being single?” The goal of distancing is to teach the client to
take a more external, observer orientation to disturbing thoughts and beliefs.
Reframing or perspective taking encourages clients to consider their emotional
experience as a single moment in time and to view their current emotional state from
a longer time perspective. This not only helps clients to “live in the moment” rather
than the past or future, as emphasized in mindfulness cognitive therapy, but to view
the present as one moment in a longer lifespan continuum. For example, a client
with panic disorder who becomes completely immersed in his or her heightened
anxiety while in a supermarket is encouraged to view this experience as one instance
of hundreds of experiences that comprise a typical week. A person with social phobia
is asked to consider his or her current speech anxiety and fear of negative evaluation in
terms of the long-term consequences of this single anxious event, say, 10 years later.
Reattribution is an important verbal intervention for clients with excessive self-
blame and guilt, or what Abramson, Metalsky, and Alloy (1989) call hopelessness
8 General Strategies
depression. These individuals exhibit a negative inferential style in which they tend to
make global, stable, and negative self-referent attributions for the cause of distressing
life events. Findings from the Cognitive Vulnerability to Depression (CVD) Project
indicate that a negative inferential style and endorsement of dysfunctional beliefs
confers vulnerability to depression onset (Alloy, Abramson, Safford, & Gibb, 2006).
Given its prominence as a cognitive vulnerability factor, it is important that the
cognitive therapist helps clients become aware of their biased inferential style and
teaches them how to shift their focus onto external circumstances that may have
contributed to the negative life experience. A responsibility pie chart can be used to
teach the client how to distribute responsibility for a bad outcome among several causes
rather than narrowly attributing all blame to the self (see Greenberger & Padesky,
1995). Reattribution is an important verbal intervention in CT for depression and
was first described by A. T. Beck et al. (1979) in the depression treatment manual.
The final verbal strategy listed in Table 2.1 is positivity reorientation. This is a term
that refers to teaching clients more deeply to encode positive, adaptive experiences and
information that indicates the client is able to cope with strong unwanted feelings. In
most cases more positive, schema-incongruent information is not well processed and
so an important goal of CR is to teach clients intentionally and effortfully to select,
encode, and retrieve positive experiences. This therapeutic work is critical for reversing
the heightened sense of personal vulnerability and helplessness that is commonly seen
in the emotional disorders. A person with generalized anxiety disorder (GAD), for
example, would be taught to process past experiences when his or her worries did
not come true or when he or she successfully coped with a negative experience. The
later sessions in any trial of CBT should shift from a focus on refuting maladaptive
schemas to the processing of a positive orientation to self, world, and future. This will
strengthen the resourcefulness of clients and prepare them for treatment termination.
Empirical hypothesis-testing. CT has always taken a strong behavioral view from its
very inception and so empirical hypothesis-testing is a critical component of CR.
A. T. Beck et al. (1979) described the use of activity scheduling, mastery and pleasure
techniques, grade task assignment, behavioral rehearsal, assertiveness training, and
role playing in CT for depression. The use of these therapeutic strategies has been well
explained in the original treatment manual and numerous subsequent descriptions
of CT (e.g., J. S. Beck, 2011; Dobson & Dobson, 2009; Fennell, Bennett-Levy, &
Westbrook, 2004; Leahy, 2010; Wright & McCray, 2012). For the anxiety disorders,
behavioral experiments mainly take the form of systematic, graded exposure to
fear triggers along with prevention of escape, avoidance and safety, or compulsive
responses (A. T. Beck & Emery, 1985; D. A. Clark & Beck, 2010). Behavioral
interventions in CR for personality disorders often involve observations about the
real-life effects of long-held and exaggerated beliefs about the self or others, which
may be supplemented with experiential techniques such as reliving childhood events
and imagery (A. T. Beck, Freeman, Davis, & Associates, 2004). CR for psychosis again
involves setting up behavioral experiments that test the accuracy of clients’ erroneous
interpretations of reality and help them adopt more effective coping responses to
hallucinations, delusions, and thought disorder (A. T. Beck, Rector, Stolar, & Grant,
2009; Kingdon & Turkington, 2005).
Cognitive Restructuring 9
record of the outcome is made so the therapist is able to review the outcome at the
next therapy session.
The sixth step involves consolidation of the results of the empirical hypothesis-
testing experiment at the subsequent session. The therapist explores with clients their
thoughts and feelings while conducting the experiment, and whether their experience
confirms the maladaptive belief or its alternative. In the present example the client
discovered that the more she worried about her course the less time she spent studying
that evening. On the other hand, letting go of her worries resulted in less worry time
and, surprisingly, more time spent studying the course material. The therapist was
able to use this experience to challenge the client’s belief that “worry motivates me
to study more.”
The final phase is to summarize the findings from the experiment and to draw out
the broader implications. It is important to emphasize how a maladaptive schema
can be modified in light of the findings from the behavioral experiment and how
schematic change will lead to treatment goals and ultimately symptom reduction. As
well, the outcome of a behavioral experiment should lead to further planning for the
next empirical hypothesis-testing experiment (Rouf et al., 2004). In this way each
behavioral experiment plays an important role in moving the client toward schematic
change and achieving significant symptom improvement.
Over the years there has been considerable interest in empirically testing the effective-
ness of CR in achieving symptom improvement. Many of these studies have attempted
to contrast “purely” behavioral interventions with “purely” cognitive interventions.
Unfortunately such comparisons are misleading because it can be difficult to ensure
external validity of the treatment conditions (Rodebaugh, Holaway, & Heimberg,
2004) and, as previously discussed, behavioral experiments are a key component of
CR. Stripping CR of its behavioral elements would be tantamount to testing the
effectiveness of fear hierarchies with some proxy to actual hierarchy exposure in real
life. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to ask whether an intervention that emphasizes
schematic change (i.e., CR) is more or less effective than an intervention that omits
reference to schemas (i.e., behavioral activation or exposure alone).
There are two types of psychotherapy process studies that bear on the effectiveness
of CR. The first is component analysis in which CR is compared with a non-
CR intervention. This design represented some of the earliest dismantling studies
that examined the incremental contribution of CR to symptom reduction. The
second is mediation analysis which examines whether cognitive or schema change
precedes symptom reduction. If CR is an effective intervention, one would expect that
schematic change should be a key mechanism in symptom improvement. Most studies
on cognitive mediation have examined changes across baseline, posttreatment, and
follow-up intervals, although a few studies have conducted a more refined analysis of
session-by-session changes in cognitions and symptoms. Another question addressed
by mediation research is whether cognitive change is specific to cognitive interventions
Cognitive Restructuring 11
Component Analysis
One of the earliest component studies compared behavioral activation (BA), automatic
thought modification (AT), and full CT in 152 individuals with major depression
randomly assigned to 12–20 sessions of treatment (Jacobson, Dobson, Truax, Addis,
& Koerner, 1996). CT was the only condition to focus specifically on identification
and modification of core beliefs, whereas BA primarily focused on behavioral change.
Analysis of outcome measures at posttreatment and 6-month follow-up revealed
no significant differences between treatment conditions. Moreover, none of the
treatments had a significant differential effect on specific cognitive or behavioral change
variables. That is, CT did not produce significantly more change in depressogenic
schemas nor did BA result in a significantly greater increase in mastery or pleasure
activities. The authors concluded that BA alone was equally effective to the full CT
treatment protocol. Given equivalence across treatment conditions, Jacobson and
colleagues questioned whether verbal interventions (i.e., CR) were necessary in the
treatment of depression and whether schematic change was as critical to depressive
symptom remission as proposed by Beck’s model.
A subsequent 2-year follow-up revealed that all three treatment conditions were
equally effective in preventing depressive relapse (Gortner, Gollan, Dobson, &
Jacobson, 1998). Again the authors concluded that their findings raised questions
about the validity of the cognitive model and more specifically the clinical utility
of verbal interventions such as CR. In other words, it would appear that schematic
change is not necessary for long-term depressive symptom remission and prevention
of relapse. However, a significant limitation is the one-sided evaluation of the additive
effects of CR without also testing the additive effects of BA. In other words, the
finding indicated that CR may not add significantly beyond the therapeutic benefits
of BA, but we do not know whether BA would have incremental benefits beyond a
“purely” cognitive intervention. It is possible that the treatments are equally effica-
cious and their combination confers no added benefit. Nevertheless, the results do
suggest that one therapy (i.e., BA) is just as effective as another therapy (i.e., CT),
and the findings call into question the necessity of CR in the treatment of depression.
A more recent randomized controlled trial (RCT) based on the Jacobson studies
compared an expanded version of BA to standard CT, paroxetine alone, and an
8-week pill placebo condition in 241 adults with major depression (Dimidjian et al.,
2006). Cognitive interventions were excluded from the BA condition but the CT
condition presented the full range of CT interventions including CR and behavioral
activity scheduling. At posttreatment all three active treatments were equally effective
for depression in the mild to moderate range of severity, but BA and medication were
both significantly more effective in treating those with severe major depression than
was CT. However, a 2-year follow-up revealed that CT may have a more enduring
effect than BA, and both treatments were at least as efficacious over the long term as
maintaining individuals on antidepressant medication (Dobson et al., 2008).
12 General Strategies
What then can be concluded about the role of CR in the treatment of depression?
The dismantling studies have shown that CR is effective in the treatment of depression
but it is clearly not necessary for achieving immediate symptom improvement.
However, there is more recent evidence that CR might contribute to improved
endurance of depressive remission. Thus in terms of depression, CR is effective
but not superior to other “noncognitive” interventions, and it appears not to be
a necessary treatment component for effective psychotherapy of the acute phase of
major depression.
Several studies have compared the effectiveness of cognitive interventions and
exposure in the treatment of anxiety disorders. In studies of panic disorder, CR
alone can lead to a significant reduction in panic symptoms (Bouchard et al., 1996;
Margraf & Schneider, 1991; see Gould, Otto, & Pollack, 1995), although exposure
alone appears to be as effective as exposure plus CR (Bouchard et al., 1996; Öst,
Thulin, & Ramnerö, 2004; van den Hout, Arntz, & Hoekstra, 1994). However for
social anxiety, CR may play a more critical therapeutic role. In their RCT for social
anxiety, D. M. Clark et al. (2006) found that CT was more effective than exposure plus
applied relaxation at posttreatment and 3-month and 6-month follow-up. In an earlier
study, Mattick and Peters (1988) found that therapist-assisted exposure plus CR was
more effective than therapist-assisted exposure alone, although this finding was not
replicated in a later study (Feske & Chambless, 1995). Hofmann (2004) randomly
assigned 90 individuals with social anxiety to group CBT, exposure without cognitive
restructuring, or a wait list control. Although both active treatments produced similar
symptom improvement at posttreatment, only the CBT group exhibited continued
symptom improvement after treatment termination. Thus CR, with its focus on
the identification and modification of maladaptive beliefs, may be a key treatment
ingredient for social anxiety disorder.
Numerous studies have compared exposure and response prevention (ERP) with
a combination of ERP and CR in the treatment of obsessive-compulsive disorder
(OCD). Like other anxiety disorders, a CBT approach to treatment of obsessions and
compulsions that includes a strong CR component does lead to significant immediate
and long-term symptom reduction (e.g., Freeston et al., 1997; McLean et al., 2001;
van Oppen et al., 1995; Whittal, Robichaud, Thordarson, & McLean, 2008; Whittal,
Thordarson, & McLean, 2005). Furthermore, it is apparent that CR alone can have a
significant treatment effect even in the absence of systematic, intensive ERP (Cottraux
et al., 2001; Whittal et al., 2005; Wilson & Chambless, 2005). Although some
studies have found CBT equivalent to ERP (Cottraux et al., 2001; Whittal et al.,
2005), others reported that intensive ERP alone is more effective than CBT (McLean
et al., 2001) or that adding CR to ERP did not significantly improve treatment
outcome (O’Connor et al., 2005). Moreover, Whittal, Woody, McLean, Rachman,
and Robichaud (2010) found that CBT and stress management were equally effective
in treating individuals who experienced obsessions without overt compulsions. This
finding has led to the conclusion that cognitive strategies alone are less effective than
ERP alone and that adding CR to ERP does not boost the effectiveness of treatment
for OCD (Abramowitz, Taylor, & McKay, 2005).
Component analysis of CR, per se, has not been conducted with GAD. However,
outcome studies comparing CBT with applied relaxation or pharmacotherapy alone
Cognitive Restructuring 13
have concluded that CBT has equivalent or superior treatment effectiveness (see
Fisher, 2006; Mitte, 2005). In posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) there has
been considerable research on whether CR adds any treatment effectiveness beyond
prolonged trauma exposure. Several meta-analyses have concluded that individual
trauma-focused CBT that includes exposure to an individual’s memory of the trauma
and its personal meaning is an effective treatment for PTSD (e.g., Bisson & Andrew,
2009; Seidler & Wagner, 2006; see also discussion by Ehlers et al., 2010). However,
there is considerable controversy over whether CR of trauma-related thoughts and
beliefs adds any therapeutic effectiveness over prolonged imaginal exposure to the
trauma memory. In their systematic review, Ponniah and Hollon (2009) concluded
that trauma-focused CBT that included exposure and/or CR was an efficacious
treatment for PTSD. However, other researchers have concluded that cognitive
interventions may be unnecessary in the treatment of anxiety disorders including
PTSD (Longmore & Worrell, 2007).
Recently, Hassija and Gray (2010) conducted a thorough review of component
studies comparing CR and prolonged exposure in PTSD. These researchers found
sufficient evidence that CR is an effective intervention for PTSD and that the
effects are generally comparable to prolonged exposure. Moreover, CR may produce
more enduring effects than does imaginal exposure alone (Tarrier & Sommerfield,
2004) and may differentially affect associated features of PTSD such as detachment,
catastrophic cognitions, and guilt (Hassija & Gray, 2010). Outcome and dismantling
studies of cognitive processing therapy (CPT), which involves intense CR of beliefs
and negative cognitions, indicate that the therapy is as effective as prolonged exposure
in the immediate and longer term (Resick, Nishith, Weaver, Astin, & Feuer, 2002;
Resick, Williams, Suvak, Monson, & Gradus, 2012). In addition, CPT may have
some superiority over trauma-focused exposure alone in treatment of chronic PTSD
in military samples (Alvarez et al., 2011). Recent CPT dismantling studies indicate
that CR may be the more potent component of the treatment package (Resick et al.,
2008; Stein, Dickstein, Schuster, Litz, & Resick, 2012). At this point the most
parsimonious conclusion is that the CR component of CPT and prolonged exposure
produce similar changes in PTSD so that the average person with PTSD can benefit
from either treatment (Stein et al., 2012).
Before concluding this review of component studies, it is worth considering the
most recent meta-analysis on the efficacy of exposure and CT in treatment of anxiety
disorders. Ougrin (2011) identified 20 RCTs that directly compared CT and exposure
alone. Studies of CT versus CT plus exposure, or the reverse, were excluded. Analysis
revealed equivalent short- and long-term effect sizes for PTSD, OCD, and panic
disorder. However, there was a statistically significant difference in effect size favoring
CT for immediate and long-term outcomes for social anxiety disorder.
In summary, the component studies clearly indicate that CR is an effective treatment
intervention for anxiety and depression, and in some cases may convey a distinct ther-
apeutic advantage. This is very different from the conclusion reached by Longmore
and Worrell (2007) in their review of CBT component analysis studies for anxiety and
depression, in which they stated that “for a range of clinical problems, specifically cog-
nitive interventions do not produce superior outcomes to the behavioral components
of CBT” (p. 180). The failure of cognitive interventions to add significant therapeutic
14 General Strategies
value beyond exposure or behavioral activation alone was a significant factor in leading
the authors to question whether challenging negative thoughts was necessary in CBT.
The present review considers this a misguided conclusion, although it is true that the
general finding of equivalence of cognitive and behavioral interventions provides little
practical guidance for the clinician who must decide how much emphasis should be
placed on CR when treating an individual client with anxiety or depression.
Mediation Analysis
Cognitive mediation is a fundamental hallmark of CT and CBT (D. A. Clark et al.,
1999; Garratt, Ingram, Rand, & Sawalani, 2007; Maxwell & Tappolet, 2012).
It is the assertion that symptom improvement and recovery from a disorder is
the result of change in underlying maladaptive thoughts and beliefs, and biased
information processing. It is change in the functioning of the cognitive apparatus
that mediates symptom amelioration. Although CT acknowledges that modification
in physical processes, emotions, behavior, and experiences can result in cognitive
change, it is assumed that CR provides a more direct means to modify the faulty
information processing apparatus. Thus, there are two fundamental questions in
cognitive mediation. Is schematic change a significant causal mechanism of symptom
improvement, and is CR unique in its ability to produce change in schematic
content (Garrett et al., 2007; Hofmann, 2008)? I turn now to the initial question of
mechanisms of therapeutic change.
Longmore and Worrell (2007) reviewed a select number of early CBT treatment
process studies and concluded that there is limited evidence that cognitive variables
mediate therapeutic change in CBT. Hofmann (2008), however, was critical of the
Longmore and Worrell (2007) discussion of cognitive mediation, noting that several
recent CBT process studies that employed more rigorous data analytic procedures in
support of cognitive mediation were missing from their review. Interestingly Garrett
et al. (2007) arrived at a different conclusion in their review of cognitive mediation
in treatment of depression. They stated that in CT, change in cognition does predict
changes in depressive symptoms, although it appears that studies are divided on
whether cognitive change is specific to CT or also evident in other psychosocial
treatments or even pharmacotherapy.
There have been several rigorous tests of cognitive mediation in CBT for the
anxiety disorders. Hofmann (2004) found that group CBT, and exposure alone,
produced equivalent improvements in social anxiety disorder at posttreatment, but
at 6-month follow-up only CBT was associated with continued symptom reduction.
Using linear regression analyses, he demonstrated that change in the estimated
social cost associated with 20 hypothetical negative social events predicted pre-post
difference scores in self-reported social anxiety symptoms, especially for the CBT
group at 6-month follow-up. Smits, Rosenfield, Telch, and McDonald (2006) found
evidence of cognitive mediation for exposure-based treatment of social anxiety using
growth modeling analysis and a cross-lagged panel design. Change in probability
judgmental bias predicted later self-rated fear during exposure, although the reverse
relationship was also found and judgments of cost bias did not predict fear.
Cognitive Restructuring 15
interconnectedness for negative schema content (Dozois et al., 2009). The specific
type of automatic thought targeted during group CBT for social anxiety also appears
to influence treatment outcome (Hope, Burns, Hayes, Herbert, & Warner, 2010).
Finally, patients’ competence in acquiring CR skills in CT predicted lower 1-year
relapse in one study (Strunk, DeRubeis, Chiu, & Alvarez, 2007), although the
evidence is mixed on whether therapist adherence to or competence in the CT
protocol is significantly related to outcome (Strunk, Brotman, DeRubeis, & Hollon,
2010; Webb, DeRubeis, & Barber, 2010). Overall, then, considerable progress has
been made in understanding the mechanisms of change in CBT. It is clear that the
quality of the cognitive intervention, its focus, and the degree of subsequent cognitive
change does have a significant impact on treatment outcome.
Concluding Remarks
Until then, clinicians can consider CR an effective intervention that should hold a
prominent place in their treatment armamentarium.
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3
Exposure Techniques
Valerie Vorstenbosch, Leorra Newman,
and Martin M. Antony
Ryerson University, Canada
Although early psychoanalytic theorists such as Freud (1950) and Janet (1925)
speculated about the possible benefits of exposure for reducing fear and anxiety,
large-scale interest in exposure therapy grew out of the application of learning theory
to treatment of clinical disorders; thus, the laboratory work of Ivan Pavlov, Clark
Hull, B. F. Skinner, Edward Thorndike, and John Watson in developing principles
of classical and operant conditioning was particularly influential. For example, Mary
Cover Jones, a student of Watson, reported successful treatment of a young boy’s fear
of rabbits in one of the earliest descriptions of graduated exposure techniques (Jones,
1924). The application of learning theory to psychopathology blossomed in the 1950s
and 1960s, aided by the convergence of the work of clinical researchers in South
Africa, England, and the United States, such as Hans Eysenck, Cyril Franks, Arnold
Lazarus, Isaac Marks, S. Rachman, G. Terence Wilson, and Joseph Wolpe. Behavior
therapy, with its emphasis on exposure techniques and other laboratory-derived
principles of learning, quickly became established as a legitimate psychotherapeutic
approach during this era. For example, exposure techniques, in which patients were
exposed to anxiety-provoking stimuli and prevented from engaging in compulsive
rituals, were first reported by Meyer (1966) in case studies of obsessive-compulsive
disorder (OCD). Other notable precursors to contemporary exposure therapy include
systematic desensitization and flooding.
Systematic Desensitization
Systematic desensitization, developed by Wolpe (1958) for the treatment of phobias,
is based on the principles of classical conditioning. In systematic desensitization,
the patient and therapist work collaboratively to develop a hierarchy of feared
stimuli or situations. The patient is subsequently taught progressive muscle relaxation
(Jacobson, 1938), which is then combined with systematic and gradual exposure
in imagination. The goal of systematic desensitization is for the patient to be
relaxed in the presence of feared stimuli. Wolpe (1958) described this process as
reciprocal inhibition, and hypothesized that practicing relaxation techniques during
exposure would inhibit a fear response, thereby weakening the association between
the feared stimulus and the phobic response. While certain aspects of systematic
desensitization are still included in contemporary exposure-based treatments, today’s
exposure therapy for phobic disorders is more likely to emphasize in vivo exposure
(versus imaginal exposure), consistent with early research showing that in vivo
exposure is more effective (e.g., Emmelkamp & Wessels, 1975). Furthermore, given
that exposure reduces fear regardless of whether relaxation training is included (Kazdin
& Wilson, 1978), relaxation is typically not included in contemporary exposure-based
treatments.
Flooding
In contrast to the graduated approach in systematic desensitization, flooding refers
to a high intensity approach in which patients rapidly confront their most feared
stimuli and stay in the situation until their fear decreases. Implosive therapy is a
variant of flooding that involves exposing patients to their fears in imagination. These
imaginal exposures are often exaggerated to produce maximum anxiety and frequently
incorporate psychodynamic themes (Stampfl & Levis, 1967). When compared with
systematic desensitization, flooding has been shown to be as effective in reducing
fear (e.g., Marks, Boulougouris, & Marset, 1971), although improvements following
systematic desensitization may be longer-lasting than those resulting from flooding
(De Moor, 1970).
In Vivo Exposure
In vivo exposure, sometimes referred to as “situational exposure,” refers to intentional
real-life confrontation of a feared situation. For example, an individual who fears large
dogs might practice being in a room with a dog, and work up eventually to touching
Exposure Techniques 47
it. In vivo exposure is the most studied and best supported treatment for specific
phobia and is commonly a component of treatments for all of the anxiety disorders.
In vivo exposure practices are often conducted during therapy sessions (both in
the therapist’s office and in naturalistic settings, such as driving, crowded places, or
heights), and may include behavioral role plays, as well as modeling of approach
behaviors by the therapist. In addition, patients are typically encouraged to practice
in vivo exposures on their own, between sessions. Although therapist-directed in
vivo exposure is often more effective than self-directed in vivo exposure (e.g., Öst,
Salkovskis, & Hellström, 1991), self-directed in vivo exposure is frequently assigned
as homework to supplement therapist-directed exposure during treatment sessions.
Imaginal Exposure
Exposure in imagination may be indicated when patients are fearful of their own mental
experiences (e.g., thoughts, images, impulses, or memories). In addition, imaginal
exposure may provide opportunities to practice encountering a feared situation that
might otherwise be unsafe (e.g., military combat) or that is difficult to create in
real life (e.g., storms). Abramowitz (2006) described three additional ways in which
therapists can use imaginal exposure: primary imaginal exposure, secondary imaginal
exposure, and preliminary imaginal exposure. Primary imaginal exposure involves
directly confronting thoughts or images that are associated with anxiety, distress, or
avoidance. Examples include confronting memories of a traumatic event, unwanted
obsessive thoughts, or distressing images. Secondary imaginal exposure is used as an
adjunct to in vivo exposure, when the situational exposure evokes fears of catastrophic
outcomes that are themselves distressing to the patient. For example, a patient with
contamination obsessions in the context of OCD might practice in vivo exposure
to dirty surfaces, followed by imaginal exposure to thoughts or images of a feared
catastrophic illness. Preliminary imaginal exposure may be used as a stepping-stone
toward in vivo exposure. For example, a patient with a phobia of dogs might practice
imagining encountering a large dog in preparation for this exposure in real life.
The overall goal of imaginal exposure is for the patient continuously to confront
the feared mental stimuli as vividly as possible, without distraction or attempts to
neutralize the distressing thoughts or images. The procedure often involves writing
scripts containing the distressing material, which are then read aloud in a therapy
session (either by the patient or therapist), or recorded and listened to repeatedly. Fear
typically decreases both within and across exposure practices (Abramowitz, Deacon,
& Whiteside, 2011).
For certain disorders (e.g., OCD), the addition of imaginal exposure has been
found to improve outcomes beyond those provided by in vivo exposure alone
(Abramowitz, 1996). Taken separately, in vivo exposure alone is generally considered
to be more effective than imaginal exposure alone, though the advantage of the
former at posttreatment may not endure at follow-up (Wolitzky-Taylor, Horowitz,
Powers, & Telch, 2008), and some studies have found equivalent outcomes when
comparing in vivo to imaginal exposure (e.g., Foa, Steketee, & Grayson, 1985).
48 General Strategies
Interoceptive Exposure
Interoceptive exposure focuses on experiencing feared physical arousal sensations. This
technique was first suggested by Goldstein and Chambless (1978) in their classic “fear
of fear” model of agoraphobia and was further developed by Barlow, Craske, Cerny,
and Klosko (1989) as a component of treatment for panic disorder. Interoceptive
exposure is also sometimes used in other disorders in which individuals fear physical
symptoms (e.g., fear of sweating in social anxiety disorder, fear of dizziness in height
phobias).
In interoceptive exposure, feared bodily sensations are intentionally recreated. For
example, patients may breathe through a straw to induce breathlessness, hyperventilate
to bring on symptoms of lightheadedness, spin in a chair to evoke symptoms of
dizziness, or exercise to raise their heart rate (Antony, Ledley, Liss, & Swinson,
2006). Additional hierarchy items in interoceptive exposure may include engaging
in activities that the patient has otherwise avoided due to fear of unwanted physical
sensations. The goal of interoceptive exposure is to help patients learn that their
physical sensations are not dangerous and that they will not “spiral out of control”
(Abramowitz et al., 2011). Interoceptive exposure has been established as efficacious
in reducing panic disorder symptoms, both as part of a broader treatment package
(Barlow, Gorman, Shear, & Woods, 2000) and on its own (Craske, Rowe, Lewin, &
Noriega-Dimitri, 1997).
Exposure Techniques 49
Extinction Learning
Although the term “habituation” is frequently cited as a mechanism underly-
ing exposure therapy, research and clinical observation suggest that extinction
learning, rather than habituation, provides a better explanation of how exposure
works. Habituation (i.e., a decrement in response as a result of repeated sensory
stimulation) includes a number of well-established characteristics (e.g., reduced
responding during exposure to a stimulus, followed by a reinstatement of the
response following a brief delay), all of which must be present before concluding
that habituation has occurred (for a review, see Moscovitch, Antony, & Swinson,
2009; Tryon, 2005). Unlike extinction, habituation does not actually involve any new
learning.
In exposure therapy, extinction learning refers to the decrease in fear respond-
ing that occurs as a result of a feared stimulus being repeatedly presented in the
50 General Strategies
Foa and Kozak’s (1986) emotional processing theory has been updated twice
(Foa & McNally, 1996; Foa, Huppert, & Cahill, 2006). First, Foa and McNally
(1996) revised the emotional processing theory to take into account Bouton’s (1988)
findings, suggesting that fear reduction may involve the formation of new associations,
rather than the weakening of old associations. As a result, the theory now states that
“successful exposure therapy may not involve the abolition of existing pathological
associations, but rather the establishment of new, nonpathological ones” (Foa &
McNally, 1996, p. 339). Second, Foa et al. (2006) reviewed research investigating
the association between within-session fear reduction and treatment outcome, and
concluded that within-session fear reduction may not actually be a necessary condition
for exposure therapy to be effective.
aversive for patients (Hunt et al., 2006) and resulted in fewer treatment dropouts
(Vogel, Stiles, & Götestam, 2004), when compared with exposure therapy alone. In
addition, the inclusion of cognitive strategies may help patients to better engage in
exposure-based strategies (Bryant et al., 2008).
Constructing a Hierarchy
A hierarchy is an individually tailored list of situations that a patient fears or avoids,
rank ordered with the least anxiety-provoking situations at the bottom and the
most anxiety-provoking situations at the top. Exposure hierarchies typically consist
of about 10–15 items. A hierarchy is used to guide a patient’s exposure practices
and can also be used as a measure of therapeutic change (e.g., Katerelos, Hawley,
Antony, & McCabe, 2008). Before creating an exposure hierarchy, a therapist should
complete a thorough assessment of the patient’s fear. That is, the therapist and patient
should work collaboratively to understand the patient’s (a) feared stimuli, (b) feared
consequences, (c) fear-related safety behaviors, and (d) fear triggers and contexts (for
a review, see Moscovitch et al., 2009).
Once the assessment is complete, the therapist and patient should be able to
identify specific situations that will allow the patient to confront feared stimuli, test
out feared consequences, and eliminate safety behaviors that may interfere with new
learning (Moscovitch et al., 2009). As a general rule, it is recommended that a
patient’s hierarchy include items that directly map onto the specific feared situations,
cognitions, and physiological reactions (Abramowitz et al., 2011). In addition, items
should be as detailed as possible, specifying variables that may influence fear (e.g.,
duration of the practice, who is present during the practice; Antony & Swinson, 2000).
Effect of Context
When constructing a hierarchy with a patient, it is important to keep in mind that
extinction learning has been found to be highly dependent on the context of expo-
sure practices. For example, extinction learning has been found to be dependent
on external cues (e.g., the physical environment, background stimuli, etc.), internal
cues (e.g., drugs, hormones, etc.), and the passage of time (Bouton, 2000, 2002).
Findings from both animal (e.g., Gunther, Denniston, & Miller, 1998) and human
(Bouton, Kenney, & Rosengard, 1990; Mystkowski, Mineka, Vernon, & Zinbarg,
2003; Rodriguez, Craske, Mineka, & Hladek, 1999) studies suggest that the context
in which exposure occurs affects outcomes. In light of these findings, several investiga-
tors (e.g., Bouton, 2000, 2002; Powers, Smits, Leyro, & Otto, 2007) have suggested
specific recommendations for maximizing the durability and generalizability of expo-
sure practices. First, exposures should be conducted across several different contexts
throughout treatment so that the number of cues for recall of extinction learning
is maximized (Bouton, 2002). Furthermore, in order for the effects of exposure
practices to generalize to the patient’s daily life, exposures should be conducted in
situations in which the patient’s fear is most likely to be problematic (Bouton, 2002).
Exposure Techniques 53
Although the benefits of exposure therapy have been well documented, less is known
about the optimal conditions under which exposure may work. Given that a number of
variables may moderate (i.e., enhance or interfere with) extinction learning, it is impor-
tant to pay attention to factors that may influence the efficacy of exposure therapy.
are slightly more effective than massed exposure practices (e.g., Ramsay, Barends,
Breuker, & Kruseman, 1966). In addition, some studies have found no significant dif-
ferences between massed and spaced exposure practices (e.g., Chambless, 1990; Grey,
Rachman, & Sartory, 1981). However, these studies relied on different methodologies
and samples; thus, it is difficult to make a direct comparison of their results.
In addition, treatment studies investigating the short- and long-term effects of
massed exposure practices versus spaced exposure practices have yielded mixed results
(e.g., Abramowitz, Foa, & Franklin, 2003; Bohni, Spindler, Arendt, Hougaard, &
Rosenberg, 2009). Abramowitz et al. (2003) compared a massed treatment schedule
(15 sessions of exposure and response prevention [ERP] delivered over 3 weeks)
to a spaced treatment schedule (15 sessions of ERP delivered twice weekly over 8
weeks) with a sample of individuals with OCD. Results of this study found that the
massed treatment schedule was more effective than the spaced treatment schedule at
posttreatment; however, no significant differences were found at 3-month follow-up
because participants in the massed condition experienced some reduction in their
treatment gains.
In another randomized controlled trial of individuals with panic disorder, Bohni
et al. (2009) found no significant differences between their massed CBT program
(daily 4-hour sessions for the first week, two 2-hour sessions for the second week, and
one 2-hour session for the third week) and spaced CBT program (one 2-hour session
per week for 13 weeks) at posttreatment or follow-up. Thus, given that the massed
treatment program appeared to be as effective as the standard, spaced CBT program,
these results suggest that patients can complete either a massed or spaced schedule,
depending on the preference of the patient or therapist.
does not decrease may still be sufficient for a patient to learn that feared consequences
are unlikely to occur, and that the anxiety, although still high, is manageable.
not necessarily compatible pathways, the ways in which medications and exposure
therapy interact remain poorly understood.
Cognitive Enhancers
A substantial body of evidence supports the involvement of the amygdala in fear-
based learning (LaBar, Gatenby, Gore, LeDoux, & Phelps, 1998; Phillips & LeDoux,
1992). In particular, both fear learning and extinction learning are dependent on the
N-methyl-D-aspartate (NMDA) glutamatergic receptor in the amygdala. Interfering
with the activity of the NMDA receptor has been shown to block extinction learning
(Falls, Miserendino, & Davis, 1992), whereas enhancing the activity of the NMDA
receptor with d-cycloserine (DCS; a partial agonist of the NMDA receptor) has been
shown to facilitate fear extinction in rats (Ledgerwood, Richardson, & Cranney,
2003; Walker, Ressler, Lu, & Davis, 2002). These findings have stimulated a line
of research investigating the effects of DCS on extinction learning during exposure
therapy for individuals with anxiety disorders.
Ressler et al. (2004) found that administering DCS 2 to 4 hours prior to two sessions
of VR exposure therapy for individuals with acrophobia resulted in significantly larger
reductions in symptoms than exposure therapy plus placebo. These results were
maintained at 1-week and 3-month follow-up. DCS has also been shown to improve
outcomes relative to placebo when combined with exposure therapy in two separate
investigations involving individuals with social anxiety disorder (Guastella et al., 2008;
Hofmann et al., 2006). Both of these studies used 50 mg of DCS administered 1 hour
prior to therapy sessions, with four exposure sessions in total, and in the Hofmann
et al. (2006) study, gains were maintained at 1-month follow-up.
Investigations of augmentation of exposure with DCS for OCD have yielded
mixed results, and seem to vary depending on timing, dosage, and frequency of DCS
administration. Storch et al. (2007) augmented 12 ERP sessions with 250 mg DCS or
placebo administered 4 hours prior to weekly treatment sessions. These researchers did
not find any differences between groups on OCD symptoms at posttreatment or at 2-
month follow-up. In contrast, two studies found that augmentation with DCS during
ERP leads to quicker reductions in symptom severity during treatment, but these
gains do not exceed those of exposure alone at posttreatment or follow-up. Kushner
et al. (2007) administered 125 mg DCS 2 hours before 10 twice-weekly exposure
sessions and found differences at midtreatment on subjective units of discomfort and
anxiety, but no differences in OCD symptoms at posttreatment. Wilhelm et al. (2008)
administered 100 mg DCS 1 hour prior to 10 twice-weekly exposure therapy sessions
and found that augmentation with DCS was associated with reduced OCD severity
at midtreatment but not at posttreatment or at 1-month follow-up.
Thus, a key question with respect to results of DCS clinical studies is whether
DCS actually enhances extinction learning (as suggested by some animal studies;
e.g., Ledgerwood, Richardson, & Cranney, 2005) or merely speeds up the “normal”
response. Investigations of DCS augmentation of interoceptive exposure for panic
disorder support the latter notion. Otto et al. (2010) augmented interoceptive
exposure sessions for individuals with panic disorder (the last three sessions of a
five-session CBT protocol) with 50 mg DCS administered 1 hour prior to treatment
Exposure Techniques 59
sessions. Augmentation with DCS was associated with improved outcomes that were
maintained at 1-month follow-up. However, there was also evidence that some
patients who had received placebo continued to make gains posttreatment, thereby
eliminating group differences with respect to the proportion of patients who met
criteria for clinically significant change at follow-up. Chasson et al. (2010) examined
the slopes of treatment response for ERP with and without DCS, using the results
of Kushner et al.’s (2007) study. Treatment response was achieved 2.3 times faster
when ERP was augmented with DCS, leading the authors to conclude that DCS
“jump-starts” the effects of ERP but may not be useful beyond a certain number
of sessions. However, it is possible that a “jump-start” could lead to a reduced
number of sessions, thereby reducing treatment cost and being more palatable to
patients.
Finally, methodological variance in DCS investigations has made it difficult to
carry out level comparisons across studies. A meta-analysis of studies examining DCS
augmentation of fear extinction or exposure therapy (Norberg, Krystal, & Tolin,
2008) concluded that DCS is most effective when administered a limited number
of times and when given immediately before or after extinction training or exposure
therapy. This timing is thought to be optimal in order to achieve peak plasma levels
at the time of memory consolidation (Grillon, 2009).
Conclusion
Exposure, the systematic and controlled confrontation of feared objects and situations,
has been found to be an efficacious treatment technique for fear reduction. Current
evidence suggests that fear reduction during exposure occurs because patients learn
new information that is incompatible with their expected fear outcome. Numerous
variables, including predictability and perceived control, frequency, duration, and
intensity of exposure practice, have been found to influence the process and outcome
of exposure therapy, which suggests that many factors need to be taken into account
when trying to optimize a patient’s exposure practice. Despite the well-established
efficacy of exposure-based therapies, a number of controversies remain. Specifically,
future studies are needed to elucidate the relationship between treatment out-
come and within-session fear reduction, the use of safety behaviors and medication
during exposure therapy, and the beneficial effect of cognitive enhancers such as
d-cycloserine.
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4
Problem-Solving Strategies
Arthur M. Nezu and Christine Maguth Nezu
Drexel University, United States
Social problem solving (SPS) is the process by which individuals attempt to identify,
discover, or create adaptive means of coping with a wide variety and range of
stressful problems, both acute and chronic, encountered during the course of living
(D’Zurilla & Nezu, 2007). More specifically, it reflects the process whereby people
direct their coping efforts at altering the problematic nature of a given situation,
their reactions to such problems, or both. Rather than representing a singular type
of coping behavior or activity, SPS represents the multidimensional meta-process of
ideographically identifying and selecting various coping responses to implement in
order adequately to match the unique features of a given stressful situation at a given
time (A. M. Nezu, 2004).
as their ability to cope successfully with such difficulties. Originally thought of as being
two ends of the same continuum (e.g., D’Zurilla & Nezu, 1999), research during the
past several years has continued to characterize the two forms of problem orientation
as operating independent of each other (A. M. Nezu, 2004). These two orientation
components are positive problem orientation and negative problem orientation.
A positive problem orientation involves the tendency for individuals to (a) perceive
problems as challenges rather than major threats to one’s well-being, (b) be optimistic
in believing that problems are solvable, (c) have a strong sense of self-efficacy regarding
their ability to handle difficult problems, (d) believe that successful problem solving
usually involves time and effort, and (e) view negative emotions as important sources
of information necessary for effective problem solving.
A negative problem orientation refers to the tendency of individuals to (a) view
problems as major threats to one’s well-being, (b) generally perceive problems to be
unsolvable, (c) maintain doubts about their ability to cope with problems successfully,
and (d) become particularly frustrated and upset when faced with problems or when
they experience negative emotions.
Both orientations can have a strong impact on a person’s motivation and ability
actually to engage in focused attempts to solve problems. As such, the importance
of addressing the quality and valence of one’s dominant orientation is considered
a key component of the overall PST approach. We make this point in particular
to underscore the importance of including a specific and comprehensive focus on
orientation variables when conducting PST. There has been a tendency for some
researchers to equate PST with “rational or logical” problem-solving skills and either
to de-emphasize or actually to ignore problem orientation variables when conducting
this approach. Because PST involves helping people to cope effectively with real-life
stressful problems, which often engender strong emotional reactions, we firmly
believe that attention needs to be paid to such cognitive-affective variables. Moreover,
equating problem-solving skills with PST is similar to equating “cognitive restructur-
ing” with cognitive therapy. The first in both cases are specific techniques; the second,
systems of psychotherapy comprising multiple techniques and clinical strategies.
In support of the need to clarify this point, two recent meta-analytic reviews of
the extant literature of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) of PST, in addition to
an RCT that directly asked this question (A. M. Nezu & Perri, 1989), found that
the exclusion of a specific focus on problem orientation variables consistently led to
significantly less efficacious outcomes as compared to protocols that included such
training (Bell & D’Zurilla, 2009; Malouff, Thorsteinsson, & Schutte, 2007).
The second major dimension, problem-solving style (previously referred to as
“problem-solving proper,” e.g., A. M. Nezu & D’Zurilla, 1989), refers to the
core cognitive behavioral activities that people engage in when attempting to solve
stressful problems. Three differing styles have been identified (D’Zurilla, Nezu, &
Maydeu-Olivares, 2002; D’Zurilla et al., 2004)—rational problem solving (now
referred to as “planful problem solving”; A. M. Nezu et al., 2013), avoidant prob-
lem solving, and impulsive/careless problem solving. Planful problem solving is the
constructive approach that involves the systematic and planful application of the
following set of specific skills: (a) problem definition (i.e., clarifying the nature of
a problem, delineating a realistic set of problem-solving goals and objectives, and
70 General Strategies
identifying those obstacles that prevent one from reaching such goals), (b) generation
of alternatives (i.e., brainstorming a range of possible solution strategies geared to
overcome the identified obstacles), (c) decision making (i.e., predicting the likely
consequences of these various alternatives, conducting a cost–benefit analysis based
on these identified outcomes, and developing a solution plan that is geared to achieve
the problem-solving goal), and (d) solution implementation and verification (i.e.,
carrying out the solution plan, monitoring and evaluating the consequences of the
plan, and determining whether one’s problem-solving efforts have been successful or
need to continue).
In addition to planful problem solving, two social problem-solving styles have
been further identified, both of which, in contrast, are dysfunctional and maladaptive
in nature (D’Zurilla et al., 2002, 2004). An impulsive/careless style is the problem-
solving approach whereby an individual tends to engage in impulsive, hurried, and
careless attempts at problem resolution. Avoidant problem solving is the maladaptive
problem-solving style characterized by procrastination, passivity, and overdependence
on others to provide solutions. In general, both styles are associated with ineffective
or unsuccessful coping. Moreover, people who typically engage in these styles tend to
worsen existing problems and even create new ones.
It should be noted that we are not suggesting that individuals can be characterized
exclusively by either type of orientation or problem-solving style across all situations.
In other words, we are not suggesting that these are similar to “personality types.”
Rather, each represents a strong tendency either to view or to behave toward problems
from a particular perspective based on one’s learning experiences. For example, it is
possible (and common in our clinical experience) for individuals to be characterized
as having a positive orientation when dealing with problems related to achievement
goals, such as those involving work or career, while additionally having a negative
orientation when addressing affiliation themes, such as those involving romantic or
family relationships. The opposite can be true as well.
In addition, it should be noted that this five-component model of SPS (i.e.,
positive orientation, negative orientation, planful problem-solving style, avoidance
style, and impulsive/careless style) has been cross-validated numerous times across
various populations, ethnic minority cultures, and age groups (D’Zurilla & Nezu,
2007).
and physical symptoms, more anxiety, more depression, and more psychological
maladjustment. Moreover, a negative problem orientation has been found to be
associated with negative moods under routine and stressful conditions in general, as
well as significantly related to pessimism, negative emotional experiences, and clinical
depression (A. M. Nezu, 2004). Persons with a negative orientation also tend to
worry and complain more about their health (Elliott, Grant, & Miller, 2004).
In addition, problem-solving deficits have been found to be significantly related
to poor self-esteem, hopelessness, suicidal risk, self-injury, anger proneness, increased
alcohol intake and substance risk taking, personality difficulties, criminal behavior,
alcoholism, secondary physical complications among persons with spinal cord injuries,
premenstrual and menstrual pain, physical health problems, diminished life satisfac-
tion, physical problems among adult cancer patients, and pain severity (D’Zurilla &
Nezu, 2007).
We have recently articulated a diathesis–stress model that delineates how SPS interacts
with various biological, psychological, and social variables to influence the likelihood
that a given individual will ultimately experience negative health and/or mental
health outcomes or adapt effectively in response to various life stressors (A. M. Nezu
et al., 2013). Essentially, as Figure 4.1 suggests, distal factors, in the form of genetic
propensities and early life stress, can produce certain biological (e.g., increased stress
sensitivity leading to lowered thresholds for triggering depressive reactions later in life;
Nugent, Tyrka, Carpenter, & Price, 2011) and psychosocial (e.g., lack of opportunity
to develop effective problem-solving skills due to stress-related overtaxed efforts to
cope; Wilhelm et al., 2007) vulnerabilities, making one more susceptible to negative
health outcomes later in life.
Focusing on more proximal variables, substantial research has documented the
causal role of stress (in the form of major negative life events and chronic daily
problems) in engendering initial onset, and/or exacerbating extant, psychopathol-
ogy (e.g., depression) and certain medical disorders (e.g., heart disease, diabetes;
Pandey, Quick, Rossi, Nelson, & Martin, 2011). Experiencing such stressors, in
the absence of effective coping, can lead to increased levels of stress and distress
Proximal factors
-Consequent biological
vulnerabilities (stress Health outcomes
Distal factors sensitivity) -Psychological/
-Genetic influences emotional disorders
-Life stressors: major life
-Early life stress events + chronic daily -Physical/health
problems (stress problems
generation)
-Problem-solving ability
As noted in the introduction, PST has been applied, both as the sole intervention
strategy and as part of a larger treatment package, to a wide variety of patient
populations and problems. One approach to determining the overall efficacy of
PST is to focus on quantitative reviews of this literature. In the past several years,
three major meta-analyses of PST RCTs have been published and basically support
the overall efficacy of this approach across multiple populations and clinical prob-
lems. Specifically, Malouff et al. (2007) conducted a meta-analysis of 32 studies,
encompassing close to 3,000 participants, that evaluated the efficacy of PST across
a variety of mental and physical health problems. They found that PST was (a)
equally as effective as other psychosocial treatments, and (b) significantly more effec-
tive than both no treatment and attention placebo conditions. In addition, whether
Problem-Solving Strategies 73
the PST protocol included training in problem orientation and whether homework
was assigned were found to be significant moderators of treatment outcome (i.e.,
including training in problem orientation and assigning homework led to larger effect
sizes).
A second meta-analysis published in the same year was conducted by Cuijpers,
van Straten, and Warmerdam (2007). This analysis focused exclusively on trials of
PST for the treatment of depression. Specifically, they focused on 13 RCTs that
collectively included over 1,100 participants. Based on their results, Cuijpers et al.
concluded that, although additional research is needed due to an identified variability
in outcomes across studies, “there is no doubt that PST can be an effective treatment
for depression” (p. 9). Note that one possible explanation for such variability involves
the lack of a focus on problem orientation variables in some of the studies characterized
by lower effect sizes.
A subsequent meta-analysis that also focused exclusively on PST for depression
was conducted by Bell and D’Zurilla (2009), but included seven additional studies
beyond that encompassing the pool in the Cuijpers et al. meta-analysis. These
authors came to a similar conclusion about the efficacy of PST for depression when
looking at both posttreatment and follow-up results across the 20 investigations
(Bell & D’Zurilla, 2009). Specifically, PST was equally effective for the treatment
of depression compared to both alternative psychosocial therapies and psychiatric
medication, and more efficacious compared to supportive therapy and attention-
control conditions. In addition, Bell and D’Zurilla found that significant moderators
of treatment effectiveness included whether the PST program included problem-
orientation training and whether all four planful problem-solving skills were included
in the therapy protocol.
PST participants improved significantly more than the other two groups in problem-
solving effectiveness and also improved significantly in locus-of-control orientation
(i.e., from external to internal). These overall results were found to be maintained at
a 6-month follow-up.
with nonspecific lower back pain with regard to work-related disability. Their results
indicated that in the second half-year after the intervention, patients receiving both
GA and PST had significantly fewer days of sick leave than their counterparts who
received GA plus education. Further, work status was more favorable for the GA plus
PST participants in that more employees had a 100% return-to-work status and fewer
patients received disability pensions 1 year posttreatment.
is underway at the time of writing. However, preliminary findings are very promising
(A. M. Nezu, Nezu, Tenhula, Karlin, & Beaudreau, 2012).
In the remaining section of this chapter, we provide a brief overview of the clinical
components of contemporary PST. Conceptually, we suggest that several major
obstacles can potentially exist for a given individual when attempting to successfully
resolve real-life stressful problems. These include:
The second tool in this toolkit focuses on using visualization to enhance motivation
and to decrease feelings of hopelessness. The use of visualization here, which is
different than that described within the multitasking toolkit, is to help the client to
experience sensorially what it “feels” like to solve a difficult problem successfully;
in other words, to “see the light at the end of the tunnel,” or “the ribbon across
the finishing line.” With this strategy, the therapist’s goal is to help patients create
the experience of the success in their mind’s eye, and vicariously experience the
potential reinforcement to be gained. Clients are specifically taught not to focus on
how the problem got solved, but rather to focus on the feelings associated with
having already solved it. The central goal of this strategy is to have individuals create
their own positive consequences (in the form of affect, thoughts, physical sensations,
and behavior) associated with solving a difficult problem as a major motivational step
toward overcoming low motivation and feelings of hopelessness, as well as minimizing
the tendency to engage in avoidant problem solving.
Guided Practice
A substantial majority of the overall PST intervention involves providing feedback
and additional training to individuals in the four toolkits as they continue to apply
the model to current problems they are experiencing. In addition, PST encourages
individuals to “forecast” future stressful situations, whether positive (e.g., getting a
promotion and moving to a new city) or negative (e.g., the break-up of a relationship)
Problem-Solving Strategies 81
in order to anticipate how such tools can be applied in the future in order to minimize
potential negative consequences.
Summary
This chapter focused on PST, a cognitive behavioral intervention that teaches indi-
viduals a series of adaptive problem-solving tasks geared to fostering their ability to
cope effectively with stressful life circumstances in order to reduce psychopathology
and negative physical symptoms. This approach is based on the notion that what is
often conceptualized as psychopathology and behavioral difficulties is a function of
ineffective coping with life stress. Research addressing differences between effective
and ineffective problem solving, the role of social problem solving as a modera-
tor of the stress–distress relationship, and the efficacy of PST interventions were
briefly presented in support of this tenet. In addition, examples were provided to
illustrate the flexibility of this approach with regard to applications with differing
clinical populations, problems, and methods of treatment implementation. Last,
a brief overview of the clinical components of contemporary PST was presented
that entailed four toolkits, each of which addressed a possible barrier to effective
problem solving under stress. These barriers included cognitive overload, emotional
dysregulation, negative thinking, poor motivation, and ineffective problem-solving
strategies.
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5
Emotion Regulation Strategies
Shauna L. Clen
Kent State University, United States
Douglas S. Mennin
Hunter College, City University of New York, United States
David M. Fresco
Kent State University, United States
Introduction
Whether it is the sense of dread as one’s heart beats furiously and unexpectedly, the
vivid memory of a horrific event, or the sharp craving for a substance to help take
away despair, emotions prominently color the experiences of individuals suffering with
psychopathology. Despite this centrality, cognitive behavioral approaches traditionally
downplayed the importance of emotional factors and implied that difficult emotions
were indicative of dysfunction and necessitated diminishment (Greenberg & Safran,
1987; Samoilov & Goldfried, 2000). It is not surprising, then, that traditional
cognitive behavioral therapy has been characterized by less activation of emotions
within session as compared to other forms of therapy (Goldfried, Castonguay, Hayes,
Drozd, & Shapiro, 1997).
This historical neglect of emotional factors in cognitive behavioral approaches has
been influenced by a lack of conceptual clarity regarding emotions and confusion
regarding how to address emotional processes effectively in treatment (Samoilov &
Goldfried, 2000). More recently, affect science has become a flourishing area of
research that offers novel perspectives on emotional functioning that have impor-
tant implications for the treatment of psychopathology (e.g., Davidson, Pizzagalli,
Nitschke, & Putnam, 2002; Rottenberg, Gross, & Gotlib, 2005). Recently, inno-
vative cognitive behavioral treatments have emerged that offer a more functional
approach to difficult emotions. Cognitive behavioral treatments such as dialectical
behavioral therapy (DBT; Linehan, 1993a), acceptance and commitment therapy
(ACT; S. C. Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 1999), mindfulness-based cognitive therapy
(MBCT; Segal, Williams, & Teasdale, 2002), the unified protocol for transdiagnostic
treatment of emotional disorders (UP; Barlow et al., 2011), acceptance-based behav-
ioral therapy (ABBT; Roemer & Orsillo, 2005), compassion-focused therapy (CFT;
Gilbert, 2009), and emotion regulation therapy (ERT; Mennin & Fresco, 2009)
conceptualize painful emotions as natural responses to life’s challenges and provide
validation regarding difficult emotional experiences. These treatments do not view dif-
ficult emotions as inherently problematic but instead focus on the functional qualities
of emotions and how individuals understand and respond to their emotional experi-
ences. As such, these treatments provide novel perspectives that advance functional
approaches to emotions within cognitive behavioral therapy.
In this chapter, we (a) briefly review an affect science approach to emotional
functioning, (b) present an argument for utilizing an emotion regulation framework
to improve upon traditional cognitive behavioral therapy, (c) provide a rationale for
targeting four specific emotion regulatory mechanisms in treatment, and (d) outline
and briefly review relevant research and interventions regarding four important
emotion regulatory mechanisms.
Theories underlying affect science propose that emotions actively shape and influence
human experience. Consequently, emotions are viewed as highly adaptive, informative,
and integral to human functioning (Frijda, 1986). Although definitions of emotions
vary, emotions are generally seen as short-lived states that reflect the activation of
approach and avoidance motivational systems (Gray & McNaughton, 2000; Higgins,
1997) and are triggered when attention is allocated to real or imagined events that are
relevant to one’s goals or values (Lang, 1978). For instance, sadness can be triggered
by the loss of something cherished or desired, such as the expectation of a certain
outcome (Barr-Zisowitz, 2000). Emotions usually involve a loosely coordinated
pattern of experiential, physiological, and behavioral responses (Mauss, Levenson,
McCarter, Wilhelm, & Gross, 2005).
Functionally, emotions can provide intrapersonal information reflective of one’s
motivations, goals, or values in a given situation (Lang, 1978), which can range
from long-lasting, conscious, and complex values that are integral to one’s sense
of self, such as maintaining a supportive romantic relationship, to motivations that
are momentary, unconscious, and simple, such as protecting oneself from immediate
bodily harm (Gross & Thompson, 2007). Emotions also contribute to decision
making and planning. For instance, positive emotions such as joy can widen one’s
array of cognitions and actions and encourage new approach behaviors (Fredrickson,
2001). Negative emotions such as anxiety can focus one’s attention toward a specific
problem area (e.g., being unprepared for an upcoming exam) so that goals can be
clarified and solutions to a given issue generated (Parrott, 2001).
Emotions are also integral components of interpersonal interactions and relation-
ships (Tooby & Cosmides, 1990). For instance, emotional expressions such as smiling
can initiate and maintain social interactions (Ekman, 1993). Emotional expressions
can also communicate how a person is reacting to the environment and can help other
Emotion Regulation Strategies 87
individuals predict how the person is likely to behave (Izard, 1991). Emotions also
serve a central role in shaping the nature of romantic (Levenson & Gottman, 1983)
and familial relationships (Bowlby, 1969).
Although emotions serve important functions, emotional responses are not always
effective, adaptive, or conducive to mental health. The processes by which individuals
influence the provocation, experience, and expression of their emotions is commonly
referred to as emotion regulation (Gross, 1998b). The ability to regulate one’s
emotions in a manner that allows for flexible adjustment to environmental demands
is important to well-being and mental health. Individuals with psychopathology
often exhibit emotional responses that reflect contextually invariant excesses, deficits,
or lability as well as regulatory efforts that are deficient, excessively employed, or
enacted in rigid and inflexible ways (Kring & Werner, 2004). Numerous emotion
regulation strategies have been studied in relation to psychopathology. In general,
emotion regulation strategies that involve actively addressing triggering situations
(e.g., cognitive reappraisal, defined as employing a different cognitive vantage point
regarding an emotionally provocative event; see Gross, 2001) or actively approaching
painful emotions (e.g., emotional acceptance, defined as openly turning toward,
allowing, and remaining in personal contact with an emotional experience; see S.
C. Hayes et al., 1999) tend to be associated with adaptive outcomes (e.g., Aldao,
Nolen-Hoeksema, & Schweizer, 2010; Campbell-Sills, Barlow, Brown, & Hofmann,
2006; Ray, Wilhelm, & Gross, 2008). However, emotion regulation strategies that
involve passive, repetitive responses (e.g., rumination, worry) or attempts to eliminate
or avoid awareness of painful emotions (e.g., experiential suppression, emotional
avoidance) tend to be associated with maladaptive outcomes (e.g., Aldao et al., 2010;
Campbell-Sills et al., 2006; Eifert & Heffner, 2003; Hofmann et al., 2005).
Directed Attention
Directed attention represents the ability voluntarily to focus attention toward target
stimuli, sustain attention on the chosen stimuli, and flexibly move attention to
different stimuli. This mechanism entails the ability to attend to stimuli without being
dissuaded by elaborative thought processes (e.g., judgments about an experience).
Focusing attention involves actively choosing the stimuli to which one will attend
(Kabat-Zinn, 2005). Sustaining attention involves maintaining one’s attention on
target stimuli (Parasuraman, 1998) and actively redirecting attention back to the
target stimuli when one notices that attention has wandered to automatic, habitual
Emotion Regulation Strategies 89
Koster, 2010). Researchers have also begun to study the individual’s role in voluntarily
directing his or her attention. For instance, the extent to which individuals are able
to exercise “attentional control” is related to the extent of difficulty in disengaging
attention from threatening stimuli (Peers & Lawrence, 2009). On a neural level,
studies have consistently found increased amygdala activation during attentional tasks
across mood and anxiety disorders (Etkin & Wager, 2007). Also, several studies have
demonstrated heightened interoceptive sensitivity via increased insula activity across
anxiety and mood disorders (Etkin & Wager, 2007; Paulus & Stein, 2006).
Associated therapeutic processes. The client’s ability to direct his or her attention plays
an integral role in therapeutic interventions. For instance, if a cognitive behavioral
therapist is implementing behavioral activation for a client with major depressive
disorder, the impact of the ostensibly positive activity on the client’s emotional state
will be affected by the extent to which the client is able to disengage attention
away from maladaptive, elaborative processes (e.g., brooding) and direct his or her
attention externally toward the activity. Similarly, if a cognitive behavioral therapist
would like a client to monitor and record his or her emotions in a given situation, the
accuracy of this exercise will be affected by the extent to which the client is able to
direct attention toward his or her internal, feeling states.
In an effort to promote directed attention capacities, many recent cognitive
behavioral therapies incorporate mindfulness training into treatment (i.e., cultivat-
ing nonjudgmental, present-moment awareness through guided exercises involving
directing one’s attention to various internal and external stimuli; see Kabat-Zinn,
1982). Mindfulness training is associated with an array of positive outcomes related to
well-being and mental health (Baer, 2003; Hofmann, Sawyer, Witt, & Oh, 2010) as
well as improvements in working memory and ability to sustain attention (Chambers,
Lo, & Allen, 2008). Targeting directed attention to external stimuli can be seen in
exercises such as mindfulness of sounds, in which the client attends to sounds that
arise in the current environment (Segal et al., 2002), mindful walking, in which the
client attends to the surrounding environment while walking (Kabat-Zinn, 2005), and
informal/everyday mindfulness (i.e., anchoring in the present), in which the client
directs attention externally to what he or she sees, hears, and feels during various
activities throughout the day (Barlow et al., 2011; Linehan, 1993b). Similarly, Wells
(2008) encourages the development of directed external attention by having the client
close his or her eyes and focus attention on therapist-produced sounds in session (e.g.,
tapping on the wall, the sound of the therapist’s voice).
Other mindfulness exercises target the client’s ability to direct attention to internal,
nonverbal stimuli, including mindful breathing, in which the client focuses on bodily
sensations that accompany breathing (e.g., air passing by the nostrils), and the body
scan, in which the client directs attention to sensations in different parts of his or her
body (Kabat-Zinn, 2005). In addition, exercises traditionally employed for calming
the body such as diaphragmatic breathing, in which the client takes deep breaths
from the abdomen, and progressive muscle relaxation, in which the client tenses and
relaxes various muscle groups in the body (Bernstein, Borkovec, & Hazlett-Stevens,
2000), have been recently adapted to have greater emphasis on awareness of bodily
Emotion Regulation Strategies 91
Emotional Acceptance
The pursuit of meaningful endeavors will inevitably engender difficult emotions as
one encounters setbacks, challenges, complex situations, and disappointing outcomes.
The ability to turn openly toward an emotional experience, allow the experience, and
remain in personal contact with the experience reflects emotional acceptance (S.
C. Hayes et al., 1999). Emotional acceptance involves psychologically embracing
emotional feelings and engaging experientially with these feelings (e.g., sensing
emotional feelings flowing through the body) without being dissuaded by elaborative
thought processes (e.g., judgments about the experience).
Individuals with highly developed capacities to accept their emotions are able to
notice and allow emotions that are elicited throughout their daily life, which facilitates
the understanding of their own emotional processes as they relate to environmental
events. In addition, given the open, allowing, and engaging nature of this mechanism,
individuals with highly developed capacities to accept their emotions are less likely to
avoid certain activities or situations solely due to the possibility that difficult emotions
could arise. Indeed, emotional acceptance is often presented as necessary to valued
living (S. C. Hayes et al., 1999).
Conversely, individuals with psychopathology often have difficulties accepting
their emotional experiences, including being dissuaded by negative beliefs regard-
ing difficult emotions, aversion toward difficult emotional experiences, engaging
in maladaptive elaborative responses when difficult emotions arise (e.g., worrying,
brooding, self-criticizing), attempting to reduce awareness of difficult emotions,
attempting to limit the experience of difficult emotions, and avoiding situations
and activities that could provoke difficult emotions, even when such activities
are important to them (e.g., Barlow et al., 2011; Eifert & Forsyth, 2005; S. C.
Hayes et al., 1999; Linehan, 1993a; Roemer & Orsillo, 2005; Segal et al., 2002).
Experimental studies on individuals with psychopathology reveal psychological ben-
efits from promoting experiential engagement and gentle allowance of difficult
emotions. Inducing emotional acceptance in individuals with clinical or analogue
psychopathology has been associated with better affective recovery from emotional
provocation (Campbell-Sills et al., 2006), less distress in response to emotional
provocation, reductions in negative beliefs regarding emotions (Singer & Dobson,
92 General Strategies
2007), less distress in response to carbon dioxide challenges (Eifert & Heffner,
2003; Feldner, Zvolensky, Eifert, & Spira, 2003; Levitt, Brown, Orsillo, & Bar-
low, 2004), and more willingness to undergo additional carbon dioxide challenges
(Eifert & Heffner, 2003; Levitt et al., 2004). Conversely, inducing experiential sup-
pression (i.e., attempting to minimize and limit emotional experiences) in individuals
with clinical or analogue psychopathology is associated with prolonged psycho-
logical distress (Campbell-Sills et al., 2006; Feldner et al., 2003; Levitt et al.,
2004).
To date, there is a paucity of research examining the neurobiology of accep-
tance strategies or interventions, as well as very limited physiological findings. In
relation to physiology, Hofmann, Heering, Sawyer, and Asnaani (2009) found that
instructing individuals to accept their emotions (or to reappraise an aversive task)
was associated with decreased heart rate (i.e., decreased physiological arousal) in
response to an emotion provocation in nonclinical individuals, as compared to
expressive suppression instructions. Reappraisal instructions were associated with the
lowest amount of self-reported anxiety. However, Aldao and Mennin (2012) demon-
strated that unlike healthy individuals, individuals with generalized anxiety disorder
experienced decreased heart rate variability when instructed to accept (or reap-
praise) experimentally-induced emotional responses, as compared to no instructions,
suggesting a failure of efficiency of these strategies for these individuals.
In ACT, a common technique used to target emotional acceptance involves the use
of descriptive metaphors or analogies to encourage being gentle and open to difficult
emotional experiences (e.g., describing internally responding to emotional pain as akin
to how you would embrace a crying child; see S. C. Hayes & Smith, 2005). Clients
can also validate their own emotional experiences by imagining they are describing
their feelings to a caring friend who is interested and nonjudgmental (Gilbert,
2009). Additionally, clients have successfully approached their difficult emotions
by listening to personally emotionally-provocative songs and then recording their
feelings, thoughts, and behavioral responses (Barlow et al., 2011). Finally, traditional
cognitive behavioral techniques, such as providing psychoeducation regarding the
functional and biological nature of emotions (e.g., UP; Barlow et al., 2011; CFT;
Gilbert, 2009; DBT; Linehan, 1993b; ERT; Mennin & Fresco, 2009; ABBT; Roemer
& Orsillo, 2005), can reduce aversion to difficult emotions. Similarly, behavioral
experiments can illustrate how emotions change and are temporary (e.g., Beck, Rush,
Shaw, & Emery, 1979).
Although treatment mechanism research examining emotional acceptance is lim-
ited, increases in self-reported acceptance of difficult inner experiences (including
emotional experiences) are associated with positive treatment outcomes (e.g., For-
man, Herbert, Moitra, Yeomans, & Geller, 2007; S. A. Hayes, Orsillo, & Roemer,
2010; Lappalainen et al., 2007; McCracken, Vowles, & Eccleston, 2005). From a
neurological perspective, a recent investigation in chronic pain patients found that
ACT led to increased activations in the ventrolateral prefrontal cortex (VLPFC;
an area associated with symbolic processing of emotional information), lateral
orbitofrontal cortex (LOFC; involved in processing reward value of reinforcers),
and regions associated with executive cognitive control (Jensen et al., 2012). How-
ever, mechanisms of acceptance were not isolated from other components of the
intervention.
Cognitive Distancing
Distancing from emotional states (also referred to as “decentering”; Segal et al.,
2002), refers to the ability cognitively to “step back” when one is experiencing
intense emotions and a corresponding motivational impetus. This ability involves
observing and identifying inner experiences during strong emotional states and
creating separation from these experiences. Distancing involves recognizing that
one’s thoughts, feelings, and urges are subjective, transient internal events rather
than inherent, permanent aspects of the self or accurate representations of reality
(Fresco, Moore, et al., 2007; Fresco, Segal, Buis, & Kennedy, 2007; Segal et al.,
2002).
Individuals with highly developed capacities to distance from emotional states are
able to observe, separate from, and gain perspective on their inner experiences, and
thus are less likely to become immersed in an emotional state and have their actions
solely driven by an emotional impulse. Studies utilizing experimental methodologies
have found psychological benefits, including reduced distress (Ayduk & Kross, 2008;
Healy et al., 2008; Kalisch et al., 2005) and reduced blood pressure reactivity (Ayduk
& Kross, 2008), from instructing nonclinical individuals to observe and distance from
94 General Strategies
difficult inner experiences. In the laboratory, researchers have examined the effects of
cognitive distancing from inner experiencing by implementing techniques designed
to promote distance from the self in space (e.g., viewing inner experiences as physical
objects that are separate from oneself; Kalisch et al., 2005) and distance from the self in
personal perspective (e.g., processing inner experiences from an observational stance;
Ayduk & Kross, 2008; Healy et al., 2008). Additionally, the effects of distancing have
been examined in relation to aversive stimuli, with greater imagined spatial distance
between the stimuli and oneself being associated with reduced distress in nonclinical
participants (Davis, Gross, & Ochsner, 2011).
In neuroimaging investigations, experimental manipulations that increase cogni-
tive distance from affective stimuli or the processing of intrapersonal stimuli (e.g.,
autobiographical recall) have produced increased activation in prefrontal areas such as
the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPFC; an area implicated in top-down, effortful
cognitive control), the mPFC (an area implicated in attention to emotional states),
and the dorsal area of the anterior cingulate (dACC; an area involved in monitor-
ing conflict), while decreasing activity in the amygdala (Koenigsberg et al., 2009,
2010). Further, the ability to label affect from this distanced perspective has also
been shown to activate the VLPFC while deactivating the amygdala, a relation-
ship mediated by the mPFC (Cunningham, Johnson, Gatenby, Gore, & Banaji,
2003).
Individuals with psychopathology often experience difficulties distancing from
their emotional states, including becoming psychologically immersed in difficult
thoughts or feelings, becoming consumed with a single perspective in response
to complex events, mindlessly acting on emotional impulses or urges, engaging in
repetitive, maladaptive elaborative responses during difficult emotional states (e.g.,
worrying, brooding), and having problems undertaking meaningful, goal-directed
actions during difficult emotional states. Indeed, deficits in cognitive distancing from
emotional states may play a central role in psychopathology (e.g., Bateman & Fonagy,
2004; Beck et al., 1979; S. C. Hayes et al., 1999; Teasdale et al., 2002; Wells, 2008).
Likewise, several constructs conceptually related to distancing from emotional states
have been proposed as having an ameliorating effect on psychopathological processes
and symptoms, including metacognitive awareness (Teasdale et al., 2002), distancing
(Beck et al., 1979), cognitive defusion (S. C. Hayes et al., 1999), self-distancing
(Kross & Ayduk, 2009), detached mindfulness (Wells, 2008), and mentalization
(Bateman & Fonagy, 2004).
Research on cognitive distancing as it relates to psychopathology has begun to
grow. Fresco, Moore, and colleagues (2007) found that self-reported decenter-
ing (i.e., distancing) was negatively related to self-report measures of depressive
symptoms, anxiety symptoms, depressive rumination, experiential avoidance, and
expressive suppression. In the laboratory, individuals with psychopathology experience
distress-reducing benefits from experimental techniques designed to promote an
observational distance from difficult inner experiences (Kross & Ayduk, 2009;
Wisco & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2011). Furthermore, distancing manipulations reduce
depressotypic thought accessibility, diminish emotional recounting, and increase
accuracy of reconstruals of past events in depressed individuals (Kross, Gard, Deldin,
Clifton, & Ayduk, 2012).
Emotion Regulation Strategies 95
Associated therapeutic processes. The client’s ability to distance from emotional states
plays an essential role in therapeutic interventions. For example, when encouraging
the client to undertake a behavioral change in a problematic area, the client’s
ability to enact a different behavior will likely be impacted by his or her ability to
identify, observe, and cognitively separate from the emotional state that the situation
has repeatedly provoked. To promote distancing capacities, many recent cognitive
behavioral therapies employ mindfulness techniques to facilitate the identification of
inner experiences while maintaining an observational perspective.
The targeting of distancing from emotional states can be seen in mindfulness and
acceptance-based exercises that promote distance from the self in personal perspective
by having the client observe his or her inner experience, including difficult thoughts,
emotions, and urges (Segal et al., 2002). Many mindfulness exercises also target
distancing from emotional states by promoting distance from the self in space
(i.e., the client imagines assigning a physical form to difficult inner experiences).
Common acceptance-based exercises that promote distance in personal perspective
and distance in space include “leaves on a stream,” in which the client imagines
placing difficult thoughts on leaves floating down a moving stream; “watching the
mind train,” in which the client imagines placing difficult feelings, thoughts, and
urges in specific train cars that are moving down railroad tracks (S. C. Hayes &
Smith, 2005); “mindfulness of clouds and sky,” in which the client imagines placing
difficult thoughts and feelings on clouds, while viewing his or her mind as the sky
(Orsillo & Roemer, 2011); and the observer exercise, in which the client creates
mental separation from aspects of his or her inner experience and imagines placing
thoughts, feelings, and physical sensations in physical space (S. C. Hayes et al.,
1999; Mennin & Fresco, 2009). The “mountain meditation” (Kabat-Zinn, 2005)
is also used to promote distance from the self in time, as the client visualizes
him- or herself as a stable, permanent mountain that is experiencing emotional
“weather.”
Analogies and metaphors also promote distance from the self in personal perspective,
such as the recalcitrant child analogy, which equates observing difficult thoughts
and emotions as akin to looking after, but not engaging with, a child who is
distressed and throwing a tantrum (Wells, 2008). In addition, acceptance-based and
cognitive behavioral techniques that involve the identification and recognition of
difficult thoughts and feelings also promote distancing (i.e., observation and partial
separation), such as labeling private experiences with a descriptive prefix (e.g., “I am
having the thought that …,” “I am having the emotion of …”; see S. C. Hayes &
Smith, 2005), or recording difficult thoughts on a whiteboard and stepping back and
looking at the thoughts in a written form (Beck, Emery, & Greenberg, 1985).
Although treatment research examining distancing is limited, meaningful clin-
ical change is associated with gains in self-reported decentering (Bieling et al.,
2012; Fresco, Segal, et al., 2007; Mennin & Fresco, 2011) and interview-coded
metacognitive awareness (e.g., viewing difficult inner experiences as temporary men-
tal events that are not synonymous with the self; Teasdale et al., 2002). ACT research
also supports a reduction in the believability of unhelpful internal experiences (e.g.,
depressotypic thoughts, delusional thoughts) as being positively related to treatment
outcome (Gaudiano, Herbert, & Hayes, 2010; Zettle, Rains, & Hayes, 2011).
96 General Strategies
Cognitive Change
When an event is encountered, individuals often automatically interpret the event,
thereby influencing the nature and intensity of the emotional response (Scherer,
Schorr, & Johnstone, 2001). Cognitive change refers to the ability to change the
evaluation of an event, or one’s ability to cope with the event, such that the event is
altered in its emotional significance (Gross & Thompson, 2007). Cognitive change
involves viewing an intrapersonal, interpersonal, or environmental event from a
different perspective than one’s initial interpretation. Thus, cognitive change entails
flexibility, rather than rigidity, in one’s thinking.
The manner in which individuals interpret difficult events may have important
implications for well-being. Individuals with highly developed capacities to change
cognitive appraisals are able to relinquish their original, automatic interpretation
of an event, thus freeing themselves from getting “stuck” on a single unhelpful or
unrealistic interpretation. Considering alternative appraisals and perspectives regarding
an emotionally provocative event may undermine passive, repetitive, elaborative
processes (e.g., rumination), which can maintain difficult emotional states (Ray et al.,
2008).
Reappraisal is one way an individual can consider a different perspective regarding
an emotionally provocative event. Reappraisal is the active process of adopting a
cognitive vantage point that is different than the manner in which one initially
evaluated an event (Gross, 2001). Three of the most common reappraisal techniques
include realistic reappraisal, positive reappraisal, and self-compassionate reappraisal.
Realistic reappraisal refers to reevaluating an event in a manner that is more accurate,
objective, factual, and sensitive to contextual factors than the original appraisal (e.g.,
Ray et al., 2008). Positive reappraisal refers to reevaluating an event in a manner
that orients toward possible desired, rewarding, or beneficial aspects of the event or
consequences of the event that may have been overlooked in the original appraisal
(e.g., Ray et al., 2008). Self-compassionate reappraisal refers to reevaluating an event
in a manner that appreciates that one is in emotional pain, validates the pain, desires to
alleviate the pain, and identifies the pain as a natural aspect of the human experience
(see Gilbert, 2009).
Self-reported tendency to engage in reappraisal is positively associated with interper-
sonal functioning (Gross & John, 2003) and is negatively associated with depressive
and anxiety symptoms (Aldao et al., 2010). Researchers have also manipulated cog-
nitive appraisal in the laboratory and have found distress-reducing benefits from
preemptively instructing nonclinical participants to appraise aversive stimuli (Gross,
1998a) or aversive tasks (Hofmann et al., 2009) in a manner designed to promote
personal detachment or objectivity before the individuals encounter the stimuli or task.
In addition to influencing initial appraisals, studies on nonclinical individuals have also
found distress-reducing benefits from inducing realistic/objective reappraisal, posi-
tive reappraisal (Ray et al., 2008), other-focused compassionate reappraisal (Witvliet,
DeYoung, Hofelich, & DeYoung, 2011), and self-compassionate reappraisal (Leary,
Tate, Adams, Batts, & Hancock, 2007) of personally emotionally-provocative events
that have already occurred. Beginning with a seminal study by Ochsner, Bunge,
Gross, and Gabrieli (2002), several investigations of the neural correlates of cognitive
Emotion Regulation Strategies 97
reappraisal have emerged over the last decade (Berkman & Lieberman, 2009). These
studies involve instructing participants to appraise emotional stimuli in a manner that
will influence extent of emotional experience. Reappraisal instructions are associated
with increased activation in the VLPFC, DLPFC, dorsal region of the mPFC, and
dACC, as well as decreased activity in the amygdala and orbitofrontal cortex.
Individuals with psychopathology often exhibit habitual, rigid, unrealistic, or
unhelpful appraisals (e.g., pessimistic, hopeless, self-critical, or low mastery appraisals),
engage in maladaptive, repetitive, elaborative responses based upon these unrealistic
or unhelpful appraisals, and are uncomfortable considering alternative ways of viewing
events (e.g., Alloy, Kelly, Mineka, & Clements, 1990; Barlow, Allen, & Choate, 2004;
Beck et al., 1979; Resick & Schnicke, 1993). Experimental studies reveal distress-
reducing benefits from instructing individuals with psychopathology to appraise
threatening stimuli (Goldin, Manber, Hakimi, Canli, & Gross, 2009) and reap-
praise personally emotionally-provocative events and associated negative, self-referent
thoughts (Goldin, Manber-Ball, Werner, Heimberg, & Gross, 2009) in a manner
designed to promote personal detachment or objectivity.
Increasingly, studies are examining neural activity in response to experimentally
induced cognitive changes in individuals with psychopathology. Individuals with
psychopathology demonstrate paradoxical patterns of activation as compared to
healthy individuals in response to reappraisal manipulations (e.g., Aldao & Mennin,
2012; Goldin, Manber-Ball, et al., 2009; Johnstone, van Reekum, Urry, Kalin, &
Davidson, 2007). For instance, whereas control participants demonstrate a negative
relationship between activation in the VLPFC and the amygdala that is mediated by
the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (VMPFC), participants with depression show a
positive association between activation in the VMPFC and the amygdala and do not
exhibit VLPFC activation (Johnstone et al., 2007). Also, Goldin, Manber-Ball, et al.
(2009) found a temporal lag in DLPFC activation following activation of the mPFC
and amygdala in response to self-relevant statements in social anxiety disorder patients
as compared to controls. These findings suggest that whereas utilizing cognitive
control strategies such as reappraisal to modulate limbic responses is possible in
clinical populations, these individuals must first overcome an initial increased aversive
response, and subsequently cognitive change is accomplished with much greater effort
than in healthy individuals.
Conclusions
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6
Metacognitive Therapy
Thinking Differently about Thinking
Adrian Wells
University of Manchester, United Kingdom, and NTNU, Norway
Michael Simons
RWTH Aachen University, Germany
Metacognitive therapy (MCT) was developed by Adrian Wells in the 1990s and
is based on a self-regulatory model of human information processing, called the
self-regulatory executive function model (S-REF; Wells & Matthews, 1994). This
treatment approach has a number of similarities with cognitive behavioral therapy
(CBT) but there are important ways in which it differs greatly from the latter in its
focus and objectives. At a nonspecific level, MCT appears similar to CBT: Therapy
aims at changing the particular maintaining factors of a specific disorder. These
factors can be cognitions and maladaptive coping behaviors such as safety behaviors
and avoidance. Therapy uses collaborative empiricism and guided discovery. As in
CBT, MCT starts with an individual case formulation and the socialization to the
treatment model and it utilizes techniques such as Socratic dialogue to challenge the
patient’s beliefs and exposure (combined with response prevention or blocking of
safety behaviors).
These similarities notwithstanding, there are essential differences with respect to
theory, practice, and the mechanisms and processes that are targeted. Unlike CBT,
MCT postulates that what a person thinks is of little importance; however, how a
person thinks and how thinking is controlled is central to disorder. Thoughts and
beliefs are seen as passing experiences in the mind. Most people have thoughts like
“Life is bad,” “This is scary,” or “I’m a failure” from time to time, but this does not
lead to clinical depression or clinical anxiety. Only if they answer these thoughts with
a pattern or thinking style of excessive rumination or worrying, maladaptive coping,
and focusing of attention on threat, does an emotional disorder develop. Distorted
thoughts, cognitive schemas, abnormal feelings of anxiety, despair, shame, guilt,
and so on, are seen as products of this thinking style. This thinking style is called
the cognitive attentional syndrome (CAS). The CAS arises out of the control that
metacognition exerts on thinking. Metacognitive beliefs are considered central in this
respect. In practice, MCT helps patients to stop this thinking style and to challenge
their metacognitive beliefs. This emphasis is quite different from that of the cognitive
behavioral therapist who helps the patient examine the content of the thinking style
and reality test that content or its products. The difference is exemplified by the type
of questions each therapist might ask. Whereas the cognitive behavioral therapist
would ask the depressed patient, “What is the evidence that you are a failure? Can
you find any counterevidence?”, the MCT therapist would ask, “What is the point
in analyzing your failures? Can you reduce the time you spend analyzing these?”
The difference in questions may seem subtle but it leads to very different outcomes
in terms of the mental processes and cognitive effects produced. In the CBT case the
patient is encouraged to use more thinking in the form of rational analysis to overcome
a negative thought, whereas in MCT the patient is asked to reduce or control his or
her thinking in order to overcome the thought. If psychological disorders are caused
by too much thinking (the CAS) then it follows that developing mental control and
changing beliefs about the importance of thinking should be the most effective and
economical approach.
This chapter will describe in detail the features of the metacognitive model and
therapy and illustrate how this is applied in the treatment of obsessive-compulsive
disorder and posttraumatic stress disorder. In the next section we begin this task with
a more detailed consideration of the CAS.
According to Wells and Matthews (1994, 1996) the CAS consists of perseverative or
extended thinking, usually in response to an initial negative thought. This extended
thinking occurs in a number of forms but predominantly extended verbal processing
of a theme in the form of worry and rumination (in trauma reactions it also occurs
as a preoccupation with memory and trying to fill gaps; Wells, 2009). The CAS also
consists of maladaptive attention strategies and coping behaviors.
In worrying, the individual contemplates possible danger and threats (e.g., “What
if I get ill?”). Worrying is the main feature in generalized anxiety disorder (GAD)
but also a maintaining process in other emotional disorders. In social phobia, patients
worry about blushing, their hands shaking, sweating, or stuttering in upcoming social
situations. In panic disorder, patients worry that they could faint or have a heart
attack. In obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), patients worry about contamination
or intrusive thoughts. The perseverative doubting (“What if I have left the door
open? Can I really be sure that I locked the door?”) is a kind of worrying. In
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), patients worry that the traumatic event could
happen again and that they will be permanently damaged by the event. In separation
anxiety disorder (SAD), the child worries about being left alone and about his or her
parents having an accident. In health anxiety disorder, patients worry about having
an undetected and potentially malignant illness. In borderline personality disorder,
patients worry about being rejected. Worrying generally leads to exacerbation of fears
Metacognitive Therapy 109
and anxiety. In GAD, patients worry that they cannot stop worrying; this is called
meta-worry.
Rumination is a main thinking style in depression. This consists of analyzing the
past, questioning the reason for events, and trying to find the causes and answers to
depressed mood. In anger individuals go over the offenses they have suffered and
think about revenge. Rumination seeks answers to questions such as, “Why me, what
does it mean, how can I get revenge, if only …”
Gap filling is a perseverative metamemory process in which individuals check their
memory for special events. In obsessive checking patients try to remember if they
really locked the door; in PTSD patients try to go over every detail of the event in
their mind so that they can have a complete memory of what happened.
As well as these extended forms of meaning-based processing, extended processing
occurs at the attentional level. The maladaptive attentional strategy of maintaining
attention on threat can be found across disorders. Traumatized patients are often on
the lookout for dangerous people and situations reminding them of the traumatic
event. Individuals with social phobia focus on personal signs and symptoms of con-
spicuous anxiety and failed performance whereas people with borderline personality
focus on possible signs of rejection by others. In OCD with contamination fears the
person pays heed to who touches what. Some patients with OCD excessively monitor
their own thinking in order to detect unwanted and seemingly dangerous thoughts
(“too much thinking about thinking”; Janeck, Calamari, Riemann, & Heffelfinger,
2003). In SAD, the child often looks for signs that the parent is going to leave.
In panic, health anxiety, and somatoform disorders, individuals focus their attention
on possible signs of illness (heart rate, breathing, pain, etc.). When patients focus in
this way, negative thinking persists and may escalate as danger-related constructs are
allowed greater access to processing.
Maladaptive coping behaviors form part of the CAS and often consist of thought
control strategies, avoidance, and safety behaviors. For example, in OCD and PTSD,
patients suffer from unwanted intrusive thoughts which they want to get rid of. Thus,
they try to suppress these thoughts. Ironically, the more they suppress these thoughts,
the more these thoughts remain important. This often leads to a desperate vicious
cycle of thought suppression and preoccupation. Besides this cognitive avoidance we
often find behavioral avoidance depriving the individual of an opportunity to discover
that he or she can cope in situations and that anxiety is not dangerous. Some patients
combine cognitive and emotional avoidance; for example, in complicated grief patients
often try not to think about a deceased partner in order to avoid sadness.
Safety behaviors (such as reassurance seeking or holding onto or leaning on
something in order to prevent a collapse) prevent disconfirmation of negative thoughts
and beliefs. The nonoccurrence of feared outcomes may be mistakenly attributed to
these behaviors. Some safety behaviors exacerbate bodily symptoms; for example,
controlling one’s breathing in panic disorder can lead to hyperventilation. In social
phobia, safety behaviors, such as trying too hard to be funny, may contaminate the
social performance and affect interactions in a manner consistent with negative beliefs.
These factors can maintain negative thought content and self-discrepancies, triggering
continued self-regulatory processing and the CAS.
110 General Strategies
As these processes of the CAS cause and maintain emotional suffering, one might
ask why people utilize them or why the cognitive system does not simply self-correct.
In metacognitive theory, this is due to metacognitive beliefs and experiences.
Metacognitive Beliefs
Negative metacognitive (NMC) beliefs deal with the negative meaning, importance,
and consequences of thoughts, sustained thinking, and mental experiences (e.g., urges,
memories, impulses). The most important NMC beliefs are about the uncontrollability
of perseverative thinking styles: “I can’t stop worrying/ruminating.” These beliefs
lead patients to abandon any effort to stop this counterproductive thinking, which
contributes to the persistence of the CAS. In addition, there are NMC beliefs about
the danger of thoughts, sustained thinking, and mental experiences, as in the following
examples:
Across different disorders there is some specificity in the content of PMC and NMC
beliefs (see below in relation to OCD and PTSD).
Metacognitive Experiences
theory. Metacognitive experiences are the conscious on-line way in which cognition is
experienced by a person. These experiences can occur as “feeling states”; a common
example to which most people can relate is the “tip-of the-tongue effect.” This is the
feeling that an item of information is stored in memory even though it cannot be
currently remembered. There are other specific types of experience that are relevant
to psychological disorder. In particular, because cognition can itself become the
object of thinking, there are two “modes” in which thoughts or mental events can
be experienced. Wells (2000) describes these as “object mode” and “metacognitive
mode.” Object mode is the default mode of mental experiencing in which thoughts
are indistinct from perceptions of reality; we go about our lives not being aware of
the distinction between the internal cognitive and external world. In contrast to this,
in the metacognitive mode the person can take a step back from thoughts and see
them as events in the mind separate from events in the world. An elaboration of this
state is detached mindfulness (Wells & Matthews, 1994) in which such an objective
decentered relationship with thoughts is coupled with suspension of any response. As
we will see later, changing the direct way thoughts are experienced is a feature of MCT.
Metacognitive Therapy
Case Formulation
A course of metacognitive treatment begins with a joint case formulation. First,
the therapist asks for the latest episode when the patient suffered from symptoms.
Thereafter, he or she inquires about specific triggers (cognitions), response styles
(CAS), and resulting emotions and behaviors. Specific to MCT are questions about
perseverative thinking styles (CAS), metacognitive beliefs, and attentional strategies,
and placing of cognition as the trigger for these rather than more general antecedents
112 General Strategies
being used as a trigger. In the following example the therapist interviews a young
woman with depression. Instead of focusing on the content of cognitions (as in
cognitive therapy), he asks for the patient’s responses to these cognitions.
THERAPIST: Can you tell me about the last time you felt particularly depressed?
PATIENT: That was yesterday in the evening when my boyfriend called me
on the phone.
THERAPIST: What happened?
PATIENT: Well, we wanted to go the cinema. He called to cancel our night out.
THERAPIST: How did that make you feel?
PATIENT: Well, really bad.
THERAPIST: OK, it sounds as though you didn’t feel good. Can you tell me more about
the feelings you had?
PATIENT: There was a mix of feelings. I felt disappointed, sad, and angry, and if I’m
honest, a bit suspicious.
THERAPIST: What was the first thought that you had that triggered those feelings?
PATIENT: I had the thought “he doesn’t care about me.”
THERAPIST: What did you then go on to think about?
PATIENT: That he should keep his appointments, that maybe I am not that important to
him, that maybe he’s meeting someone else. And I asked myself why this always
happens to me.
THERAPIST: Well, sounds like you’re chewing on a bunch of depressive thoughts. We
call this rumination. For how long did you go on thinking like this?
PATIENT: I don’t know, the whole evening. I didn’t have anything else to do.
THERAPIST: What happened to your feelings then?
PATIENT: I felt all alone and I cried.
THERAPIST: Did you go on ruminating?
PATIENT: I think so.
THERAPIST: That sounds like ruminating made you feel even worse.
PATIENT: Yes, so what you’re saying is that it’s my fault to feel so depressed?
THERAPIST: Sounds like that could be a trigger for rumination right now. But let me
ask you a question: What if you could find a way to stop ruminating? How would you
feel?
PATIENT: That would make me feel much better. But that would mean not dealing with
my problems.
THERAPIST: That sounds like you have the belief that analyzing or ruminating could be
of help.
PATIENT: Yes, of course, I have to find answers.
THERAPIST: OK, let me ask you a question: How long have you been thinking like this?
PATIENT: Since I got my depression, which is over two years ago.
THERAPIST: And how many answers have you found in the meantime?
PATIENT: Well, no real answer yet.
THERAPIST: Maybe the answer isn’t to continue ruminating but to stop ruminating.
PATIENT: Sure, but I’m not sure I can.
THERAPIST: Do you believe that it is uncontrollable?
PATIENT: Yes, maybe it’s the depression that makes me do it. I think my head is all
messed up.
THERAPIST: So, the first thing we should do is to find out if you can control
rumination.
Metacognitive Therapy 113
Socialization
Socialization follows by presenting the case formulation. The therapist emphasizes the
consequences of the CAS for symptoms and the importance of metacognitive beliefs
in contributing to the CAS. Symptoms are destigmatized and normalized as outcomes
of normal psychological processes instead of abnormal and disease processes (as in
more medical models). For example, rather than pointing out a possible chemical
imbalance causing depression, the therapist describes a ruminative thinking style based
on metacognitive beliefs leading to prolonged emotional responses.
Besides these verbal methods (which are conducted as guided discovery) the
therapist makes use of behavioral experiments. For example, the therapist asks the
patient to start and stop ruminating in the session. In disorders such as OCD
or PTSD, where thought suppression is a main feature maintaining the disor-
der, a thought suppression experiment is often conducted. The patient is asked to
have a specific thought (e.g., “Think about a pink rabbit sitting on my head”)
and to suppress this thought for a minute. Usually, patients report that the
thought repeatedly comes back. In the second step, the patient is introduced to
the metacognitive model: “I want you to notice the thoughts that pop into your
mind. If there’s the thought of a pink rabbit sitting on my head, just watch
this thought emerging and passing without suppressing it. Just leave the thought
alone.”
After socializing to the case conceptualization, the therapist presents the treatment
rationale, emphasizing that the patient will learn to stop the perseverative thinking
styles and modify his or her attentional strategies and behavioral responses. Concor-
dant with the S-REF model, which distinguishes levels of mental control, the patient
will learn to stop trying to control what is uncontrollable (e.g., spontaneous thoughts
popping into the mind) and begin to control what is controllable (the CAS). The
former is achieved by detached mindfulness and the latter by techniques such as
postponing rumination and worrying. These new experiences are presented in a way
that modifies metacognitive beliefs.
Detached Mindfulness
Detached mindfulness (DM; Wells & Matthews, 1994; Wells, 2005) is an alternative
response and a new way of relating to automatic thoughts or mental events, and has
two features:
1. mindfulness, which refers to being aware of inner cognitive events like thoughts,
beliefs, and memories. It is effectively meta-awareness; and
2. detachment, which means seeing these inner events from a distance (as an
observer) and without reacting on them.
Telephone metaphor: “You do not have control over the telephone ringing. When
it rings, it rings. But you decide how to answer the phone. You could answer it
immediately, or you could let it ring until it stops. In the same manner, you cannot
prevent specific thoughts from popping into your mind, but you can decide if and
when you answer them.”
Fishhook metaphor: “Thoughts are like fishhooks. It can be helpful to notice them,
but does it help to bite and chew on them?”
The therapist also uses experiential exercises to introduce DM. For instance, the
“free-association task” is an exercise in which the patient is asked to listen to some
words without reacting to them. The aim is passively to watch the “ebb and flow” of
thoughts and memories that could be triggered spontaneously by these words, but not
control, analyze, or try to influence them. After this basic instruction, the therapist says
a series of neutral words, such as blue, house, banana, tree, clouds, friends, chocolate,
walking. The therapist then asks, “What happened to the first thought by the end
of the words?” When the patient successfully abandons any strategy of deliberate
information processing, the therapist can repeat the exercise while dropping in one of
the patient’s trigger words, such as germs or failure.
Another example is the “tiger task,” in which the patient is asked to passively
observe nonvolitional aspects of imagery. The therapist instructs the patient to close
his or her eyes and to imagine a tiger without trying to change or influence the image.
When the patient can experience spontaneous movements or changes of the image
then this is used as an example of DM and the concept that thoughts have their own
behavior and can take care of themselves if left alone.
In the beginning of therapy, patients often mention difficulties in practicing
DM, stating, “It doesn’t work, the thoughts keep coming back.” This is important
information about the patient’s metacognitive beliefs such as, “I can’t stand having
this thought in my mind.” The MCT therapist is highly attentive to this type of
response and repeatedly uses this in therapy. He or she emphasizes that DM is not
intended to get rid of thoughts; it is not an improved thought suppression technique.
On the contrary, the patient’s complaint proves that he or she gives the thoughts
too much importance: “If you knew that these thoughts are completely unimportant,
would you feel any need to get rid of them?” Further, the patient is reminded that
most thoughts come and go by themselves: “How many thoughts do you have in one
day? Thousands? So what happens to them? Do you fight them all? No, they just pass
away.”
Metacognitive Therapy 115
have negative beliefs about worrying. One patient believed that worrying would
damage his body, and this led to worry about worry. The therapist challenged this
by comparing the effects of 5 minutes of rest, 5 minutes of worry, and 5 minutes
of physical exercise on the patient’s pulse-rate. The patient discovered that exercise
had the greatest effect on his heart and the therapist was able to pose the question:
“Which is the most dangerous for your body, exercise or worrying?” which weakened
the danger belief. The interventions that we have already described (thought control
experiments, DM, postponement of thinking, attentional modification) represent
ways to modify metacognitive beliefs. Further examples can be found below in the
discussions of OCD and PTSD.
Coping Behaviors
The CAS usually comprises dysfunctional behaviors such as avoidance, safety behaviors
(e.g., seeking reassurance), and self-numbing strategies such as substance abuse. Most
patients do not realize that these behaviors are being used to terminate the CAS or
deal with the emotional effects of this process. MCT aims to reduce these behaviors
by identifying and challenging the corresponding metacognitive beliefs supporting
the CAS and by introducing alternative responses.
THERAPIST: How much do you believe that I will get AIDS after having touched these
coins?
PATIENT: 30%.
Metacognitive Therapy 119
THERAPIST: How come you are less convinced when I touch them? Would you be more
worried if you did it?
PATIENT: Yes, that would really worry me.
THERAPIST: So is the problem about germs or the amount you worry?
PATIENT: It’s about worry.
THERAPIST: Has avoiding touching coins helped you to get rid of your worry
completely?
PATIENT: No, it’s always in the back of my mind.
THERAPIST: Would it help to look at new and better ways to reduce your worry?
Thought–event fusion
• “Please try to win the lottery the next week just by thinking about it.”
• “Please think intensely about my telephone falling off the desk.”
• “In the following week I want you to think about a flat tire on my car.”
Thought–action fusion
• “Think about singing a song you dislike very much. Please try this at work/in
school.”
• “Please hold your fingers next to my throat and think about strangling me.”
• “Think about running a marathon and see if this makes you do it.”
Thought–object fusion
• “Can you contaminate this card with a thought, then pick it out of the deck
without looking?”
• “Can you transfer your thoughts onto this digital recorder just by thinking them?”
• “This old book has some interesting memories associated with it. Can you tell
what they are by touching it?”
120 General Strategies
• “Maybe you use the wrong rituals. How would you know?”
• “How much more is the door locked each time you check it?”
• “Do you think your hands are cleaner when you have the right thought?”
• “How can you be sure that it is enough to check eight times?”
• “If you doubt you have to check again. But what effect does checking have on
doubting? Has it removed your doubts yet?”
• “How can you doubt and be certain at the same time? Is there a better way to be
sure?”
• carrying out the ritual the wrong way; for example, arranging the pens in the
wrong order;
• varying the repetitions of the ritual; and
• using the ritual more to try and get rid of OCD.
• rumination about the event (e.g., “Why did this happen to me?”), often including
wishful thinking (e.g., “If only I had taken the other way”);
• worrying that the event or similar threats could happen again, or worry-
ing that one is permanently damaged or that symptoms are a sign of losing
one’s mind;
• gap filling: going over events in memory and trying to fill in specific gaps;
• threat monitoring (hypervigilance), that is, focusing attention on potential threats
similar to the traumatic event (e.g., fast cars after a road traffic accident, groups of
young men after being attacked by such a group);
• maladaptive coping behaviors often involving thought control strategies (especially
thought suppression), avoidance of situations in which the trauma occurred,
avoidance of reminders of the trauma (e.g., violent film scenes), and self-numbing
behaviors like using drugs or alcohol or self-harm behavior (especially in complex
PTSD after repeated traumatization).
• “I must analyze why this happened to me in order to cope better next time”
(rumination).
• “I have to worry to be prepared” (worry).
• “I have to remember all the details of what happened in order to work out if I am
to blame” (gap filling).
• “Focusing on possible threat keeps me safe” (threat monitoring).
• “I must stop thoughts about the event or I will go insane” (suppression).
• “I have to avoid particular scenes in the movies because I cannot stand it.”
The NMC beliefs focus on the uncontrollability, danger, meaning, and importance
of thoughts as illustrated in these examples:
the attempts to cope with them. These coping responses (thought suppression,
rumination, worrying, gap filling, and selective attention to potential sources of
danger) are the CAS. For each of these responses, the PMC beliefs are elicited (e.g.,
“What good does it do to pay attention to all possible dangers? In what way does
suppressing your thoughts help?”). The NMC beliefs are identified by asking about
the uncontrollability of worry/rumination and the meaning and consequences of
cognitive symptoms (e.g., “Are there disadvantages of worrying/ruminating? Could
you do it less? How uncontrollable do you believe it is? What is the worst that could
happen if you continue to have intrusive thoughts/memories?”).
In socializing to the model, the therapist explains that the symptoms are normal
reactions to an abnormal event. Two metaphors help the patient understand symptoms
and the factors maintaining them. The first is the “computer metaphor”: “If you
want to run a program or app on your computer you have to load it first; then you
can use it. The same is true of your brain: It tries to process the traumatic event and
has to load it first. You are clearly aware that memories about the event are popping
into your mind. That is not a sign that you are crazy, but rather that your brain is
healthy and doing what it needs to do.” The second is the “healing metaphor,” in
which the therapist explains how symptoms are part of the normal emotional recovery
process and that the patient’s previous attempts to find a solution have prevented
recovery: “Recovering from a trauma is similar to recovering from a physical wound.
It heals all by itself. If you have a physical wound what is the best way to allow it
to heal? Should you try to control the healing? Sometimes it itches, but you should
not scratch it, since that would only delay the healing process. What happened to you
caused an emotional wound. It heals better if you simply leave the symptoms alone.
The healing is disturbed if you ruminate, worry, try to avoid certain thoughts, and
focus on possible dangers. The goal of therapy is to reduce these unhelpful reactions.
Then the healing process can take care of things for you.”
The therapist continues socializing with a thought suppression experiment (see
above) to illustrate the unhelpful effects of the CAS and questions the effects of
rumination on emotion (“How easy is it to move on from the trauma so long as
you keep going back over it?”). The patient is then introduced to an alternative way
to deal with memories and intrusive thoughts of the traumatic event, namely DM.
This is combined with postponing perseverative thinking (rumination, worrying, gap
filling) to a scheduled time. During that time, patients can worry or ruminate, but
should not do so if they feel it is unnecessary. DM and postponement of worry and
rumination are later generalized to all other negative thoughts, not just those related
to the traumatic event.
Negative beliefs about symptoms, such as the belief that intrusive thoughts are
harmful and that the trauma has caused permanent psychological damage, are chal-
lenged using verbal reattribution methods. The therapist reviews the evidence for this,
looks for counterevidence, questions the mechanism of how thoughts or memory
could be harmful, and helps the patient generate an alternative view.
Attention Modification
In order to reduce hypervigilance, attention modification strategies are used. Two
kinds of attention strategies are considered problematic: focusing on internal (i.e.,
bodily sensations, feelings) and external signs of threat. The systematic modification
of attention is an important component of MCT, because attention strategies lead to
a greater awareness of danger and increase anxiety. Here is a sample dialogue about
hypervigilance to external threats:
THERAPIST What are the advantages of paying attention to all possible dangers?
PATIENT: If I have them in mind, nothing can surprise me. I’m prepared.
THERAPIST: So you play it safe. Does that actually make you feel safe?
PATIENT: Not at all, I feel anxious all the time.
THERAPIST: In other words, the strategy causes problems?
PATIENT: Yes.
THERAPIST: How can you feel safe and return your thinking to how it used to be so
long as you continue to do this?
PATIENT: I guess I can’t really. I’ve got to stop doing it.
THERAPIST: I’m also interested in how you know which are the right possible dangers
to focus on.
PATIENT: I suppose I don’t know for sure.
THERAPIST: That means you have to concentrate on all possible dangers. How possible
is that?
PATIENT: It isn’t possible. So how do I stop myself doing this?
Once the patient has understood the negative effects of threat monitoring, he or she
is instructed to try and notice the activity and ban it. In some cases the therapist gives
more detailed instructions on how to modify the focus of attention. For example, the
patient can be asked to practice focusing on neutral aspects of the environment or on
124 General Strategies
safety signals such as the behavior of other people that suggests the situation is safe.
One patient who had been involved in a road accident was asked to switch attention
when crossing the road away from looking at the speed of vehicles to looking at
the gap between them. The patient was instructed to practice the new strategy for
homework and apply it in situations that served as reminders of the trauma. In some
cases, if it is safe to do so, the patient is asked to return to the site of the traumatic
event and to practice focusing externally on all aspects of the environment and to
notice the signals that the situation is safe.
Before the therapy ends, the CAS should be eliminated as completely as possible.
At the conclusion, a summary is jointly worked out that describes how the patient
previously reacted to stressful thoughts and memories (plan A), and a summary of the
new alternative plan (plan B) is compiled.
The strongest evidence for the efficacy of a particular treatment comes from random-
ized controlled trials (RCTs). There are several such trials of MCT along with case
series and uncontrolled treatment studies. To date, there are two RCTs supporting the
efficacy of MCT in GAD. MCT was superior to applied relaxation (AR) (Wells et al.
2010). Standardized recovery rates for MCT at posttreatment were 80% on measures
of worry and trait-anxiety compared with 10% and 20% for AR. At 6- and 12-month
follow-ups, improvements and the superiority of MCT were sustained. In another
RCT, both MCT and intolerance-of-uncertainty therapy (IUT) produced significant
pre- to posttreatment reductions in GAD and comorbid symptoms that were superior
to a delayed treatment control condition (van der Heiden, Muris, & van der Molen,
2012). Treatment effects were maintained at follow-up 6 months after completion
of therapy. MCT was superior to IUT using a measure of worry (Penn State Worry
Questionnaire; PSWQ). After treatment, 72% of patients treated with MCT were
recovered with a further 21% improved, whereas after IUT, 48% were recovered and
33% improved. RCTs of MCT for PTSD (Wells & Colbear, 2012; Proctor, 2008)
have demonstrated a superiority of MCT to wait-list or imaginal exposure treatment.
Standardized recovery rates across MCT studies of PTSD have been 78–90%.
Nordahl (2009) explored the effectiveness of brief MCT in a general outpatient
setting. In this RCT patients with a heterogeneous range of comorbid disorders,
many of whom had failed to respond to medication, were randomly assigned to MCT
or treatment as usual (CBT). Improvements in anxiety, depression, and worry were
seen in both treatments and patients who received MCT showed significantly greater
improvements in anxiety and worry than did those who received treatment as usual.
Rabiei, Mulkens, Kalantari, Molavi, and Bahrami (2012) randomly assigned 20
patients with body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) either to eight sessions of a modifi-
cation of the metacognitive treatment manual for OCD (Wells, 2000) or to wait-list
control group. MCT significantly reduced symptoms of BDD and thought fusion.
Aside from the RCTs, there have been case series studies of depression (Wells
et al., 2009), PTSD (Wells & Sembi, 2004), and OCD (Fisher & Wells, 2008). In
addition, group treatments of OCD (Rees & van Koesveld, 2008) and comparative
Metacognitive Therapy 125
evaluations against CBT in adolescents suffering from OCD (Simons et al., 2006)
have been reported. Open trials of chronic PTSD (Wells et al., 2008) and GAD
(Wells & King, 2006) have also been published. The posttreatment effect sizes and
standardized recovery rates in these studies suggest that MCT is highly effective. In
GAD, effect sizes (Cohen’s d) at posttreatment were 2.8 (Wells & King, 2006) in
trait-anxiety and 1–1.5 in worry (Wells & King, 2006), whereas in PTSD they have
been reported as 3.5 (Wells & Sembi, 2004) and 2.9 (Wells et al., 2008) in measures
of PTSD symptom severity. Effect sizes of 3.1 were reported in a preliminary study
of depressed patients based on the Beck Depression Inventory (Wells et al., 2009).
An independent analysis of data from a randomized trial of MCT versus applied
relaxation for GAD returned standardized recovery rates of 80% following MCT
based on trait-anxiety scores. These posttreatment recovery rates are similar to rates
of 75% for GAD reported by Wells and King (2006).
Wells et al. (2012) conducted a platform study evaluating the effects of eight
sessions of treatment in clinically depressed patients who had not responded to
antidepressant medication and previous psychological therapy. Using a range of
criteria for establishing recovery, 60–90% of treatment completers were deemed
recovered at posttreatment and at 12-month follow-up.
In addition to studies of the effects of full MCT treatment, some studies have tested
the effects of individual treatment strategies. Attention training technique (ATT) has
been evaluated as a single intervention or as one module in a treatment package.
At first, ATT was found helpful in single cases of panic disorder, social phobia,
hypochondriasis, and recurrent major depressive disorder (Papageorgiou & Wells,
1998, 2000; Wells, 1990; Wells, White, & Carter, 1997). ATT has been shown to
be effective in a controlled study of the treatment of hypochondriasis (Cavanagh &
Franklin, 2000). Siegle, Ghinassi, and Thase (2007) also incorporated ATT into
a training package for depressed patients. These authors found that an attention
plus treatment as usual condition was superior to treatment as usual in improving
depression and rumination. Siegle et al. (2007) provided additional preliminary data
that the attention manipulation was associated with pre- to posttreatment changes in
subcortical (amygdala) activity in response to positive and negative stimuli.
Fisher and Wells (2005) asked patients to listen to a loop tape of their obsessional
thoughts under a habituation exposure condition or a condition that emphasized
metacognitive change. This latter condition is analogous to the metacognitively-
focused behavioral experiments used in MCT. The metacognitive condition was
superior at reducing distress, urges to neutralize, and negative beliefs.
There is a large volume of evidence for the importance of perseverative thinking styles
and metacognitions across different disorders. Space does not allow for reference to
the majority of these studies but some recent additions are summarized here.
Aldoa, Nolen-Hoeksma, and Schweizer (2010) conducted a meta-analysis examin-
ing the relationships between six emotion regulation strategies (acceptance, avoidance,
126 General Strategies
problem solving, reappraisal, rumination, and suppression) and symptoms of four psy-
chopathologies (anxiety, depression, eating, and substance-related disorders). These
researchers found large effect sizes only for rumination, medium to large effect sizes
for avoidance, problem solving, and suppression, and small to medium for reappraisal
and acceptance. Ruscio, Seitchik, Gentes, Jones, and Hallion (2011) found that neg-
ative, repetitive thinking was a robust predictor of response to emotional challenge
in GAD and major depressive disorder. Yılmaz, Gençöz, and Wells (2011) found
evidence that negative metacognitive beliefs about uncontrollability and danger of
worry significantly predicted residual change in anxiety and depression.
In OCD, the MCT model postulates that fusion beliefs, beliefs about rituals, and
stop signals are central in maintaining the disorder. Myers, Fisher, and Wells (2009)
examined the longitudinal relationship between metacognitive beliefs and obsessive-
compulsive symptoms in college students. Beliefs about the power and meaning of
thoughts measured at time 1 were significant predictors of symptoms of obsessive-
compulsive distress 3 months later. In this study, “cognitive” beliefs (schemas)
concerning perfectionism and responsibility did not independently contribute to
distress. Solem, Myers, Fisher, Vogel, and Wells (2010) replicated and extended these
findings in an OCD sample compared to a community control group.
Using a different measure of metacognitive beliefs, Sica, Steketee, Ghisi, Chiri,
and Franceschini (2007) found that beliefs about the uncontrollability and danger
of thoughts predicted obsessive-compulsive symptoms over a 3-month period. Wahl,
Ertle, Bohne, Zurowski, and Kordon (2011) found common features between a
ruminative response style and obsessive rumination. Solem, Håland, Vogel, Hansen,
and Wells (2009) showed that change in metacognitive beliefs predicted improvement
in symptoms in patients with OCD who received exposure therapy; change in
cognition did not have the same effect.
The metacognitive model for PTSD emphasizes the role of thought suppression,
perseverative thinking, and maladaptive attentional strategies in maintaining the
disorder. Metacognitive thought control strategies prospectively predict PTSD
symptoms. Roussis and Wells (2008) measured stress symptoms, thought control
strategies, and worry in college students on two occasions separated by approximately
3 months. A greater tendency to endorse the use of worry to control thoughts at
time 1 was positively associated with PTSD symptoms at time 2 when level of stress
exposure, worry assessed as an anxiety symptom, and PTSD symptoms measured at
time 1 were controlled.
Holeva, Tarrier, and Wells (2001) examined the predictors of PTSD following
motor-vehicle accidents. The use of worry to control thoughts positively predicted the
subsequent development of PTSD 4–6 months later. Further studies account for the
relationship between thought suppression and intrusive trauma memories (S. A. Ben-
nett, Beck, & Clapp, 2009; Geraerts, Merckelbach, Jelicic, & Smeets, 2006; Nixon,
Cain, Nemy, & Seymour, 2009), rumination and PTSD psychopathology (Ehring,
Fuchs, & Kläsener, 2009; Michael, Halligan, Clark, & Ehlers, 2007), and attentional
bias and PTSD psychopathology (Pineles, Shipherd, Mostoufi, Abramovitz, & Yovel,
2009). H. Bennett and Wells (2010) found that rumination mediated the relation-
ship between beliefs about the trauma memory and PTSD symptoms. Moreover, the
Metacognitive Therapy 127
researchers found that beliefs about memory correlated with PTSD symptoms but that
actual memory performance did not when they were treated as concurrent predictors.
In social phobia the threat monitoring component of the CAS is marked by excessive
self-focus on performance and embarrassing symptoms. Wells and Papageorgiou
(2001) tested the effects of exposure on individuals with social phobia when it
was presented under two conditions. One condition asked patients to shift to an
external attention focus (counteracting threat monitoring) whereas the other used a
habituation rationale and asked patients to stay in the situation for the same “planned
period” of time. The metacognitive condition involving attention refocusing was
superior to the comparison condition in reducing anxiety and negative beliefs.
Bouman and Meijer (1999) found that hypochondriasis was associated with
metacognitive beliefs concerning the uncontrollability of health worry and cog-
nitive self-consciousness. Buwalda, Bouman, and Van Duijn (2008) conducted a
psychoeducational course on hypochondriacal metacognition and found significant
reductions in questionnaires regarding health anxiety. Kaur, Butow, and Thewes
(2011) found that negative beliefs about worry (concerning uncontrollability and
danger) were associated with an attentional bias for health-related words.
Spada and Wells (2005) tested for relationships between metacognitive beliefs and
problem drinking. They found that positive beliefs about worry and beliefs concerning
uncontrollability and danger were positively associated with a measure of the quantity
and frequency of alcohol consumed in the last 30 days. Low cognitive confidence and
beliefs about the need to control thoughts were also predictors. Beliefs about the need
to control thoughts significantly predicted alcohol use even when anxiety and depres-
sion were controlled. Spada, Caselli, and Wells (2009) found that metacognitive beliefs
predicted drinking status across follow-up after a course of CBT in problem drinkers.
In a sample of 300 college students metacognition fostered emotion and moderated
the relationship between emotion and alcohol dependence (Moneta, 2011).
Conclusion
In this chapter we have presented an outline of the metacognitive model and treatment
and illustrated its features and techniques. This approach is based on a novel way of
thinking about thinking in psychological disorder. MCT is based on the principle that
recovery from disorder depends on regulating thinking in new ways. MCT does not
necessarily require the reevaluation or reality testing of negative thoughts or schemas
about the social self, physical self, or world. However, MCT does also deal with the
content of thoughts and beliefs but only in one domain—that of metacognition.
We have illustrated how this emphasis has implications for the focus of treatment
efforts, the type of therapeutic dialogue the therapist undertakes, and the nature of
the change techniques used.
There is a large body of evidence supporting the theory and model behind MCT,
and evidence of treatment effectiveness is beginning to accumulate. The results
of controlled clinical trials suggest that the treatment is brief and associated with
large effects. There is some preliminary indication that the treatment could be more
effective than other active treatment types. However, the small number of studies and
128 General Strategies
their preliminary nature signal the need for sustained caution in drawing any firm
conclusions about relative efficacy at this time.
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7
Mindfulness and Acceptance
Techniques
James D. Herbert and Evan M. Forman
Drexel University, United States
One of the most prominent trends in the field of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT)
over the past couple of decades has been the dramatic increase in theories and clinical
strategies that highlight psychological acceptance and mindfulness. Indeed, hardly
a week goes by that CBT clinicians do not receive multiple solicitations for books,
journals, workshops, or webinars based on these themes. This trend is reflected in
serious clinical innovation, scholarship, and careful research. As seen in Figure 7.1,
for example, there has been an exponential growth in scholarly publications on
mindfulness and psychological acceptance over the past decade. At the same time,
there has been no shortage of pseudoscience that has capitalized on the increasing
prominence of this work. Although interesting in its own right, a review of mindfulness
pseudoscience is beyond the scope of this chapter; we focus instead on developments
that are scientifically grounded.
800
Treatment
Mechanisms
700
600
500
400
300
200
100
0
2000 2005 2010
Compared with the behavioral tradition more generally, the discourse on mind-
fulness and acceptance suffers from a lack of clear consensus regarding the meaning
of various terms, including the term mindfulness itself. An advantage of technical
terminology in any scientific discipline is that such terms avoid the baggage of folk
language that can contribute to confusion when used in a technical context. In CBT,
concepts such as “conditioned stimulus” or “cognitive heuristic” are more likely to
have clear and precise meanings than are concepts derived from folk psychology such
as “fear” or “motivation.” In the case of mindfulness, the term was originally used
in Hindu and Buddhist spiritual traditions, and only recently made its way into the
lexicon of Western psychology. As a consequence, it lacks a precise technical meaning,
and consensus has yet to emerge regarding how best to understand it. Many CBT
clinicians, scholars, and researchers clearly believe that there is something of value
represented by the concept, even if they have yet to agree on exactly what that is
(Herbert & Forman, 2011a).
In this chapter, we briefly review the growth of psychological acceptance and
mindfulness in CBT, including the various reactions these ideas have prompted
within the field. We discuss the conceptualizations of these terms as commonly used
within CBT, and suggest trends toward emerging consensus. We then review the
major psychotherapy models within the broad CBT family that emphasize mindfulness
and psychological acceptance. We summarize the research to date on outcomes and
Mindfulness and Acceptance Techniques 133
In the West, the concept of mindfulness has been most closely associated with
Buddhism, which was brought to the United States by nineteenth-century Asian
(and especially Chinese) immigrants (Seager, 1999). Buddhist concepts and practices
initially had little impact on either mainstream culture or the field of psychology.
Beginning in the middle of the twentieth century, psychoanalysts began discussing
meditative practices in relation to psychotherapy (Smith, 1986); this interest was
subsequently picked up by existential and humanistic psychologists (Kumar, 2002).
The concept of mindfulness was introduced to academic psychology through the work
of the social psychologist Ellen Langer (1989a, 1989b). She described mindfulness as
a “limber state of mind” (Langer, 1989a, p. 70), which involves a sensitivity to context
and an openness to new information. Mindfulness meditation became increasingly
popular in mainstream American culture during the 1970s and 1980s, and began to
impact the field of behavior therapy by the early 1990s.
Hayes (2004) provides a useful description of the emergence and growth of
mindfulness and related concepts and practices within behavior therapy. According to
this analysis, the field can be understood as three overlapping historical generations
or “waves.” The first generation reflects the seeds of the behavior therapy movement
in the 1950s, including the contributions of Skinner (1953), Wolpe (1958), and
Eysenck (1952), and the formal birth of the discipline in the 1960s. The approach
was clearly revolutionary, marking a distinct break from the dominant psychoanalytic
model of the time. It was marked by close connections between basic laboratory
research and applied technologies, especially with respect to classical and operant
conditioning principles.
The second generation was born of the perceived limitations of the first-generation
behavior modification principles and technologies that did not sufficiently account for
the role of language and cognition in psychopathology and its treatment. Reflecting
the larger “cognitive revolution” in psychology more broadly, this approach gained
traction in the 1970s and continues through to the present day. The second gen-
eration saw the “C” added to “BT,” as cognitive factors came to be emphasized.
Approaches developed by luminaries such as Albert Ellis (Ellis & Grieger, 1977;
Ellis & Harper, 1975) and Aaron Beck (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979) priori-
tized one’s cognitive interpretation of the world as determining emotional reactions
and subsequent behavior. Emphasis also shifted to clinical innovations derived from
the consultation room rather than the research laboratory, and to research meth-
ods favoring clinical trials of multicomponent treatment packages for psychiatric
syndromes.
134 General Strategies
Although its roots can be traced to earlier developments, the third generation
of CBT began in earnest in the 1990s, and is gaining increasing momentum up
to the present. The focus on language and cognition in the genesis and treatment
of psychopathology remains, but with a different emphasis. Instead of trying to
change the content of cognition, the emphasis is more on fostering a nonjudgmental,
accepting stance with respect to distressing experiences, including disturbing thoughts
and dysfunctional beliefs. In addition, there is renewed interest in linking clinical
technologies to basic theoretical principles and laboratory research.
O’Donohue (2009) similarly demarcates the field into three generations, the first
two of which correspond closely to those described by Hayes (2004). However,
O’Donohue’s third generation, which he describes as more aspirational than realized,
involves a renewed focus on basic principles derived from modern learning theory.
These would include basic concepts related to acceptance and mindfulness (e.g.,
rule-governed behavior, stimulus equivalence), but would also include recent findings
from related fields such as behavioral economics.
Interestingly, there are parallels in the way each of these developments has been
received by the dominant paradigm of the time. When early behavior therapy pioneers
challenged the psychoanalytic establishment, the initial reaction was simply to ignore
the work as insignificant. As it began to gain traction, and ignoring was no longer an
option, it was greeted with hostility and disdain. As the work continued to develop,
it was coopted with pronouncements that it represented nothing that was not already
part of the established paradigm. Finally, the developments were gradually accepted
into the mainstream, and a new equilibrium was established. This same pattern of
reactions can be seen in the reaction of first-generation clinicians and theorists to the
cognitive revolution of the second generation, and in the more recent reaction of
many in the second generation to the growth of mindfulness and acceptance within
CBT (Goldfried, 2011).
We should note that Hayes’s (2004) historical analysis should not be taken to
reflect the only “true” account of the history of behavior therapy; rather, it is simply
one useful narrative to help organize the development of the field over the past
half-century. There are undoubtedly other ways of describing this history that may be
equally (or perhaps more) useful. Moreover, the fact that one can track developments
across time in this way does not by itself necessarily imply that later developments are
superior to earlier ones. Whether cognitive concepts add value to purely behavioral
ones, or whether acceptance and mindfulness concepts likewise have incremental
value, are questions that must be resolved scientifically and should not be simply
assumed. Regardless of one’s perspective on this historical narrative, there is no doubt
that the concepts of psychological acceptance and mindfulness have become quite
popular within CBT, and are destined to play an increased role in the coming years.
What Is Mindfulness?
As noted above, there has yet to emerge a full consensus around a single understanding
of the concept of mindfulness. The term derives from ancient Buddhist and even
earlier Hindu teachings and practices. In Buddhist traditions, human suffering is
Mindfulness and Acceptance Techniques 135
believed to result from excessive attachment to transient objects and mental states.
Contemplative meditative practices are undertaken in an effort to undermine this
excessive attachment, fostering a sense of detached awareness of experience and
ultimately spiritual enlightenment. Similar ideas have also played a role in Western
traditions, including Hellenic philosophies and monastic Christian practices.
Concepts similar to mindfulness can also be found in psychology—and especially
its applied wings—since near the time of the formal founding of the discipline over a
century ago (Hofmann et al., 2011). J. C. Williams and Lynn (2010) trace the theme
of acceptance beginning with the writings of Freud and continuing throughout the
twentieth century. Both the psychoanalysts and subsequently humanistic psychol-
ogists stressed the importance of self-acceptance to well-being. Beginning in the
1990s, attention shifted to psychological or experiential acceptance, that is, the open
acceptance of the totality of one’s ongoing stream of experience, especially distressing
experience. It was during this time that a number of clinical innovations were devel-
oped within CBT that focus specifically on psychological acceptance. Although some
of these developments were genuinely novel, others involved borrowing liberally from
earlier work (e.g., from experiential psychotherapies), and still others consisted of
reconceptualizing existing behavioral procedures (e.g., exposure).
This increased emphasis on the goal of psychological acceptance and technologies to
promote it led to efforts to describe and define the concept of mindfulness. The most
frequently cited definition was offered by Jon Kabat-Zinn (1994): “paying attention
in a particular way: on purpose, in the present moment, and nonjudgmentally”
(p. 4). There are several noteworthy aspects of this definition. First, it highlights
the idea that mindfulness is an active process involving intentional embracing of
experience, rather than simply passive observation. Second, it emphasizes a sense of
heightened awareness of one’s ongoing stream of experience as it unfolds. And third,
it underscores the critical idea of nonjudgment, or the acceptance of one’s experience
as it is, rather than how one wishes it would be. Kabat-Zinn described mindfulness
as a verb, which is reflected in its common use as a synonym for the practice of
mindfulness meditation.
Following Kabat-Zinn’s discussion, several groups developed scales to address
mindfulness. Each of these efforts involves a somewhat different conceptualization
of mindfulness. K. W. Brown and Ryan (2003) developed the Mindful Attention
Awareness Scale, which is based on a unidimensional construct emphasizing “present-
centered attention-awareness.” These researchers believe that a distinct assessment of
psychological acceptance is unnecessary. The Toronto Mindfulness Scale (Lau et al.,
2006) similarly emphasizes present-moment attention to and awareness of ongoing
experience, especially in relation to contemplative meditation practices. This scale was
designed as a state, rather than a trait, measure. Based on an intervention model known
as dialectical behavior therapy (discussed later in the chapter), Baer and colleagues
developed the Kentucky Inventory of Mindfulness Skills (Baer, Smith, & Allen, 2004)
and the Five-Facet Mindfulness Scale (Baer, Smith, Hopkins, Krietemeyer, & Toney,
2006), both of which deconstruct the concept into multiple factors.
Herbert and Cardaciotto (2005) proposed a middle ground between the unifactorial
model of K. W. Brown and Ryan and the five-factor model of Baer and colleagues.
We suggested that mindfulness could be conceptualized as being comprised of two
136 General Strategies
distinct factors: “(a) enhanced awareness of the full range of present experience,
and (b) an attitude of nonjudgmental acceptance of that experience” (Herbert &
Cardaciotto, 2005, p. 198). Cardaciotto, Herbert, Forman, Moitra, and Farrow
(2008) subsequently developed the Philadelphia Mindfulness Scale (PHLMS) to
assess these two dimensions. A number of studies support this two-factor structure
(Blacker, Herbert, Forman, & Kounios, 2012; L. A. Brown et al., 2011; Myers et al.,
2012; Silpakit, Silpakit, & Wisajun, 2011).
Although unanimity has not emerged—and in fact may never emerge—on a
single definition of mindfulness, consensus is building around a few themes. First,
the dual concepts of enhanced present-moment attention to one’s experience, and
psychological acceptance of that experience, feature in most conceptualizations of
the construct. It is important to note that acceptance in this context does not
mean the acceptance of the status quo in one’s life. To the contrary, acceptance
refers to an embracing of the totality of one’s subjective experience, e.g., thoughts,
feelings, sensations, and memories. Importantly, this includes not only letting go of
the struggle with distressing experiences, but also abandoning the tendency to cling
tightly to positive experiences, which are invariably transient. Second, most agree
that mindfulness is a psychological state, rather than any particular practice designed
to foster that state. In other words, although some may achieve a heightened
state of mindfulness through formal meditative practices, the state itself is not
synonymous with those practices. One may become more mindful while working,
eating, exercising, or any other life activity. Finally, in the context of psychotherapy,
enhancing mindfulness is not a goal in and of itself, but rather is a means to an end
(Herbert, Forman, & England, 2009). Mindfulness- and acceptance-based therapeutic
strategies and techniques aim to enhance one or more aspects of this psychological
state, in the service of some larger goals related to living a more fulfilling life. We
explore these themes further below in the context of specific interventions.
Metacognitive Therapy
Unlike MBSR and DBT, metacognitive therapy (MCT) developed as an extension of
the cognitive therapy model of Beck and colleagues (Beck, 1976). MCT holds that
138 General Strategies
some individuals have difficulty regulating their internal experience, and overreact to
transient negative thoughts and feelings, leading to a pattern of intense rumination,
worry, and self-focused attention. This dysregulation is thought to be due to biases in
executive cognitive processes that monitor and control thinking, known as metacog-
nition (Wells & Matthews, 1994). Biases are found in both positive metacognitive
beliefs, which refer to the presumed benefits of monitoring and controlling negative
thoughts, and negative metacognitive beliefs, referring to beliefs about the danger of
certain thoughts and the uncontrollability of experience. MCT targets these metacog-
nitive factors in order to restore adaptive control over cognitive processes (Wells,
2000, 2008, 2011). Importantly, it is believed that metacognition cannot be changed
by directly challenging negative automatic thoughts. Treatment focuses instead on
restructuring maladaptive metacognitive beliefs (e.g., the belief that worrying will
prevent damaging consequences) as well as a variety of additional strategies designed
to foster “detached mindfulness,” and “cognitive decentering.”
Behavioral Activation
Like ACT and FAP, behavioral activation (BA) is rooted in behavior analysis. One
of the foundational developments within CBT was Beck’s cognitive therapy of
depression (Beck et al., 1979). Beck’s program consists of two broad interventions:
one focused on concrete behavior change aimed at reengagement with activities that
have come to be avoided, and another focused on cognitive restructuring. However,
140 General Strategies
Barlow et al., 2011), Foa (Foa et al., 2005), Marlatt (Bowen, Chawla, & Marlatt,
2011; Marlatt & Donovan, 2005), Borkovec (Behar & Borkovec, 2005), Leahy
(2002, 2011), and even Beck himself (Dozois & Beck, 2011).
There has been a veritable explosion of research over the past decade on various
aspects of mindfulness and psychological acceptance. This work can be grouped
broadly into three categories: (a) cross-sectional examination of the relationship
between these constructs and psychopathology, psychosocial functioning, and quality
of life, (b) assessment of treatment processes and mechanisms, and (c) evaluation of
the effectiveness of mindfulness- and acceptance-based interventions.
Treatment Mechanisms
A substantial literature supports the mechanisms postulated to drive acceptance and
mindfulness-based treatments, including variables such as experiential acceptance and
metacognitive distancing (Hayes et al., 2006). One source of this evidence is a group
of outcome studies that have obtained evidence for the mediating role of changes in
experiential avoidance in treatments of test anxiety (Zettle, 2003), trichotillomania
(Woods, Wetterneck, & Flessner, 2006), worksite stress (Bond & Bunce, 2000),
chronic pain (McCracken, Vowles, & Eccleston, 2005), nicotine addiction (Gifford
et al., 2004; Hayes, 2005), psychosis (Bach, Gaudiano, Hayes, & Herbert, 2013;
Gaudiano, Herbert, & Hayes, 2010), and obesity (Forman et al., 2009). A trial
that tracked changes in mediators and outcomes over time revealed somewhat
differing mediators between ACT and traditional CBT (Forman, Chapman, et al.,
142 General Strategies
2011). However, a large longitudinal study provides support for robust longer-
term effects of ACT for chronic pain (Vowles, McCracken, & O’Brien, 2011). A
number of ACT trials have been criticized for small samples, lack of randomization,
absence of a strong comparison condition, shorter-term assessments, and possible
experimenter allegiances. In one trial without these particular shortcomings, patients
with depression or anxiety who received ACT demonstrated equivalent gains at
posttreatment, but greater regression to baseline at 18-month follow-up, compared
to those who received traditional CBT (Forman, Shaw, et al., 2012). A particularly
rigorous trial of anxiety disorder patients demonstrated that, at 12-month follow-up,
ACT patients had better clinical severity ratings but CBT patients reported greater
quality of life (Arch et al., 2012).
Mindfulness-based therapies (MBSR, MBCT) also have documented efficacy. For
instance, a meta-analysis of 39 studies (N = 1,140) revealed that these treatments
produce moderate to large effects among patients with cancer, generalized anxiety
disorder, depression, and other conditions (Hofmann, Sawyer, Witt, & Oh, 2010).
Three meta-analyses of randomized clinical trials for major depressive disorder (con-
sisting of 6, 10, and 21 trials) produced evidence that MBT reduces the risk of
subsequent depressive episodes (Chiesa & Serretti, 2011; Fjorback, Arendt, Ornbol,
Fink, & Walach, 2011; Piet & Hougaard, 2011). Preliminary evidence also exists for
the efficacy of MBTs for treating eating disorders, according to a systematic review
(Wanden-Berghe, Sanz-Valero, & Wanden-Berghe, 2011). A recent meta-analysis of
22 studies (N = 1,403) concluded that MBTs are efficacious in the treatment of anxi-
ety and depression among cancer patients, though the uneven quality of these studies
was noted (Piet, Wurtzen, & Zachariae, 2012). MBSR also appears to moderately
improve anxiety, depression, and psychological distress among those with a chronic
medical condition, according to another meta-analysis (Bohlmeijer, Prenger, Taal, &
Cuijpers, 2010).
DBT has had an enthusiastic reception from clinicians and psychiatric treatment
centers, but currently rests on a relatively modest basis of empirical support. Given
that DBT was developed specifically to treatment borderline personality disorder
(BPD), Kliem, Kröger, and Kosfelder (2010) identified and meta-analyzed the 16
extant studies (including 8 RCTs) that examined DBT for BPD. DBT was equally
(i.e., moderately) effective as other BPD-specific treatments in reducing suicidality
and other BPD-related symptoms, and resulted in equivalent attrition rates. A more
general review of BPD for various conditions identified 11 RCTs that supported
the efficacy of DBT and DBT-based treatments in reducing hospitalization rates,
suicidality, self-harm, substance use, binge eating, and depression (Chiesa et al.,
2011). An analysis of open trials provides preliminary support of DBT for eating
disorders, but not for emotion regulation as a mechanism of action (Bankoff, Karpel,
Forbes, & Pantalone, 2012). Limited evidence also exists that the effects of DBT
persist for up to a year posttreatment (Keng et al., 2011; Kliem et al., 2010).
Several meta-analyses have been conducted on trials of behavioral activation (Cui-
jpers, van Straten, & Warmerdam, 2007; Mazzucchelli, Kane, & Rees, 2009, 2010).
One of these evaluated 34 RCTs (with a total sample size of 2,055 patients) that
compared BA to another treatment (Mazzucchelli et al., 2009). Pooling all results,
BA demonstrated a large and significant advantage over comparison treatments, both
144 General Strategies
for those with symptoms of depression and for those who met criteria for major
depressive disorder. A separate meta-analysis of 20 studies (N = 1,353) also obtained
evidence for the efficacy of BA for enhancing well-being among those who were not
depressed (Mazzucchelli et al., 2010).
Other mindfulness- and acceptance-based approaches have received less empirical
support, but show considerable promise overall. Acceptance-based behavioral treat-
ments that borrow from the approaches discussed above appear to show solid efficacy.
Examples include acceptance-based behavior treatments for generalized anxiety disor-
der (Roemer, Orsillo, & Salters-Pedneault, 2008), social anxiety disorder (Dalrymple
& Herbert, 2007; Yuen et al., 2013), and obesity (Forman et al., 2009; Forman et al.,
in press; Niemeier et al., 2012). A review by Öst in 2007 identified only two studies
evaluating IBCT (Öst, 2008). These studies found that IBCT was equally effective as
traditional behavioral couple therapy. We could identify no later evaluations of IBCT
other than a follow-up study of a previous trial that obtained evidence that IBCT was
more effective than traditional behavioral couple therapy at 2 years posttreatment,
but that the treatments reconverged at 5 years posttreatment (Christensen, Atkins,
Baucom, & Yi, 2010). Given that FAP does not lend itself to manualized treatment
protocols, it is more difficult to research using conventional methods. What research
has been conducted on the approach, however, is largely supportive (Garc ı́a, 2008;
Maitland & Gaynor, 2012). For example, FAP added to the effectiveness of standard
cognitive therapy when combined with it (Kohlenberg, Kanter, Bolling, Parker, &
Tsai, 2002); similar results were obtained in a small study of depressed adolescents
(Gaynor & Lawrence, 2002). An RCT of smoking cessation concluded that the
medication bupropion plus a combined FAP–ACT therapy outperformed bupropion
alone (Gifford et al., 2011).
In sum, the growing database of outcomes studies strongly suggests that
mindfulness- and acceptance-based interventions are effective treatments for a variety
of psychological conditions. At the same time, systematic reviews have highlighted
most of these treatments are supported by studies that vary in number, sample size,
methodological rigor, and laboratory independence. Thus, more conclusive evidence
for efficacy awaits future study. There is also a growing literature supporting the
theorized mechanisms of these interventions.
an acceptance technique will likely also contribute to cognitive distancing, and vice
versa. Moreover, any mindfulness-based CBT treatment plan will almost certainly
also incorporate various “nonspecific” techniques (e.g., rapport building), as well as
traditional behavior therapy techniques (e.g., psychoeducation, skills training). Given
that these are shared across all CBT approaches, however, they are not reviewed here.
Awareness Strategies
One of the most commonly used strategies for increasing awareness of one’s ongo-
ing stream of experience is mindfulness meditation. The patient is instructed to
focus entirely on his or her present-moment perceptual, physiological, emotional,
and cognitive experience. Often the patient is instructed to “just notice” these
experiences, though variations include naming the experiences, categorizing them
(as thoughts, feelings, sensations, etc.), or imaginally placing the experience on a
visualization (e.g., leaves floating down a stream). In addition, the patient is taught
to notice when his or her attention has shifted away from current experiences and
gently to return attention to the present moment as often as necessary. Concen-
trative meditation involves instruction to direct one’s full attention to a particular
sensation or perception, such as one’s breath or a candle flame, again with instruc-
tions to return to this focus as soon as the mind drifts. Thus, this type of training
is focused on intentionally narrowing one’s awareness. Compassion meditation and
loving kindness meditation involve contemplations involving loving and kind con-
cern for the well-being of all forms of life. Exercises may involve directing feelings
of compassion and warm feelings toward oneself or others, and active contempla-
tion on the need to take care of oneself and be free from suffering (Hofmann,
Grossman, & Hinton, 2011). A number of somatic awareness techniques are uti-
lized by MBSR in particular, including yoga (stretches and postures designed to
enhance awareness and strength of the musculoskeletal system) and the body scan
(a systematic movement of the focus of attention on sensations throughout the
body).
Although awareness exercises are undoubtedly helpful for many, clinicians will
want to be cognizant that empirical research has yielded inconsistent results regard-
ing the relationship between awareness and psychopathology. For example, Baer
et al. (2006) found that, among nonmeditators, greater awareness (a factor they
termed “observe”) was positively correlated with dissociation, absentmindedness,
psychological symptoms, and thought suppression. Cardaciotto et al. (2008) found
no correlations between awareness and various measures of psychopathology. In
contrast, in both of these studies measures of psychological acceptance were inversely
correlated with psychopathology. These somewhat paradoxical findings may be related
to the fact that certain conditions (e.g., anxiety, depression, pain, hypochondriasis)
are associated with excessive self-focused attention and hyperawareness of bodily
experiences (e.g., Ingram, 1990; Mor & Winquist, 2002). This underscores the
importance of pairing awareness training with a focus on psychological acceptance.
That is, heightened awareness per se is not the goal, but rather nonjudgmental
awareness characterized by an attitude of openness and acceptance with respect to
one’s experience.
146 General Strategies
Cognitive Distancing
Closely related to the idea of enhanced awareness is the concept of achieving distance
from one’s experience, and particularly one’s thoughts. In fact, cognitive distancing
is a core step in cognitive restructuring, the distinctive feature of cognitive therapy.
Cognitive self-monitoring, in which one’s thoughts are recorded on paper or by some
other means, can help the patient see that thoughts are distinct from the self, and
may not be “true.” More commonly, mindfulness-based therapies encourage patients
to visualize thoughts from a distance; for example, as passing by on a crawler on
a television news broadcast. In ACT, patients are trained in various strategies that
enable distancing, which is referred to as cognitive defusion. For example, patients are
instructed to insert the prefix “I am having the thought that …” before problematic
thoughts, to sing thoughts in a silly voice, and to visualize thoughts as leaves floating
down a stream or as signs held by soldiers in a parade. Another ACT technique,
borrowed from an exercise developed by Titchener (1916), involves rapidly repeating
a key word from a distressing thought (e.g., “fat, fat, fat, fat, fat …”) until the
emotional associations of the word begin to fade.
Acceptance Strategies
Arguably the interventions most central to mindfulness and acceptance CBTs are those
aimed at fostering an open, accepting, nonjudgmental, even welcoming attitude with
respect to the full range of subjective experience. Most mindfulness exercises also
emphasize psychological acceptance in that patients are instructed to be aware of,
but not to judge or attempt to alter, their internal experiences. ACT in particular
makes frequent use of metaphors and experiential exercises to help the patients grasp
the unworkability of attempts to control rather than accept internal experiences.
For example, patients are asked to imagine being in a stalemate in a tug-of-war
with a monster, which metaphorically illustrates the futility and cost of continued
struggle against (attempts to control) the monster (one’s unwanted experiences),
versus a more successful strategy of dropping the rope altogether (accepting one’s
experiences) despite the fact that the monster remains. Another acceptance exercise
involves the therapist throwing toward the patient index cards labeled with the
patient’s most aversive internal experiences while he or she maintains a conversation
with the therapist. Patients are first instructed to block the cards from landing on
them, and subsequently are instructed to allow the cards to settle wherever they
naturally would. Patients quickly notice that the first strategy requires a great deal
of effort and results in impairments to the task at hand (the conversation), whereas
the second strategy frees one’s cognitive resources to attend to the conversation.
In processing the exercise, the therapist helps the patient see that one need not
eliminate negative thoughts (represented by the cards) in order to move forward
toward the chosen goal (the conversation in this case). Various exposure exercises can
also be conceptualized as acceptance strategies. These include traditional behavioral
exposures, as well as exposure exercises framed as “opposite action” (a strategy in DBT
involving behavior that is opposite from the action tendencies of one’s emotions).
Notably, the purpose of exposure is not framed as anxiety reduction per se, but
Mindfulness and Acceptance Techniques 147
rather as helping achieve distance from and acceptance of distressing experiences, and
enhancing willingness to move forward behaviorally even with negative subjective
experiences.
must scientists and practitioners avoid becoming overly attached to today’s theories
and technologies. They too are ephemeral, and destined for change.
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156 General Strategies
Over the last several decades, the acceptance and use of relaxation techniques for
the management and treatment of an array of illnesses and disorders has expanded
greatly. These approaches are now a common treatment for hypertension, irritable
bowel syndrome, headache, chronic pain, insomnia, anxiety, and depression, among
many other disorders. An evidence base now exists for a range of approaches that
differ in their theoretical bases and methodology of implementation. Fundamentally,
however, all relaxation techniques are cognitive behavioral therapeutic approaches
that emphasize the patient’s role as an active participant in his or her treatment,
rather than simply a passive recipient of health care. In essence, relaxation techniques
represent a foundation upon which many other coping skills may be built.
Our review of relaxation techniques in this chapter is divided into three major
sections. In the first part of the chapter, we define and articulate what relaxation is and
also discuss proposed theoretical mechanisms to explain how relaxation is thought to
produce its beneficial effects. In the second section, we describe the underlying theory,
clinical implementation, and research regarding the most commonly implemented
relaxation techniques, providing both broad and technique-specific clinical indications
and contraindications. In the final section, we provide a commentary on the current
state of the evidence regarding the efficacy of relaxation approaches and discuss areas
for potential future advancement.
It should be noted that the focus of this chapter is intended for the therapeutic
application of relaxation in adult populations; discussion of the clinical application of
relaxation to children is beyond the scope of this chapter. The reader is referred to
http://www.effectivechildtherapy.com for up-to-date information on current empiri-
cally supported treatments for children, a service of the Association for Behavioral and
Cognitive Therapies and the Society of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology.
Furthermore, we will not cover all extant relaxation interventions nor provide an
What Is Relaxation?
In the general public there is an unspoken idea of what constitutes relaxation and
personal preferences dictate the nuances of that idea. For example, one person may
think of relaxation as going for a run in the crisp morning air, having coffee with a
friend, or easing back into a comfortable recliner to listen to a favorite CD. Another
person may have a more specific view, and may think of relaxation as his or her
meditation time each morning. Yet another individual may think of relaxation as
taking his or her daily anxiolytic medication. Needless to say, there are a large number
of ways in which one may relax.
However, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) Technology Assessment Panel
(1996) defined therapeutic relaxation techniques as a specific set of behavioral inter-
ventions that share two basic components: (a) repetitive focus on a word, phrase,
prayer, sound, bodily sensation, or muscular activity, and (b) the adoption of a passive
attitude toward any arising thought and a return to the focus. Additionally, as defined
by the National Center for Complementary and Alternative Medicine (NCCAM;
a center within NIH), all relaxation therapies are a form of mind–body medicine
designed to enhance the mind’s capacity to affect bodily function and symptoms
(NCCAM, 2013). The advantage of these broad definitions is that they capture most,
if not all, of the diverse relaxation techniques under one overarching framework.
Other classifications exist that use different organizational strategies, such as cogni-
tive versus somatic (Freeman, 2008) or deep versus brief methods (NIH Technology
Assessment Panel, 1996). Both of these definitions have drawbacks. Under the cogni-
tive versus somatic conceptualization, techniques that primarily emphasize relaxation
of the mind (e.g., meditation) are considered “cognitive,” whereas techniques that
hold relaxation of the body as the primary focus (e.g., progressive muscle relaxation)
are considered “somatic.” This differentiation recalls the mind–body dualism underly-
ing the traditional biomedical model. Given the well-accepted biopsychosocial model
(Engel, 1977), defining relaxation interventions as either cognitively or somatically
focused may be an arbitrary and, ultimately, unhelpful distinction. Under the deep
versus brief distinction, “deep” is intended to refer to more in-depth methods of
relaxation that allegedly require more time to master, whereas “brief” refers to a
shorter form of one of the deep methods. Since there is little evidence that “deep”
(longer) techniques achieve relaxation states that are distinct from “brief” techniques,
this division also may not be particularly useful.
A unifying aspect of most current definitions of therapeutic relaxation is that the
primary goal is to elicit the psychophysiological relaxation response and, thereby,
reduce the stress response (Benson, Greenwood, & Klemchuk, 1975). Reduction
Therapeutic Relaxation 159
in the stress response has, in turn, been shown to lead to reductions in symptoms
associated with a variety of stress-related physical and psychological disorders (e.g.,
Astin, Shapiro, Eisenberg, & Forys, 2003; Esch, Fricchione, & Stefano, 2003;
Stefano, Fricchione, & Esch, 2006). Some techniques are employed primarily to
induce a reduction in the stress response (e.g., imagery-assisted relaxation), whereas
other techniques may not have relaxation as the primary goal (e.g., meditation) but
result in a relaxation response nonetheless. In some cases, there is evidence that
certain techniques provide added benefits beyond a relaxed state (e.g., hypnosis for
habit control, meditation for insight). However, in this chapter we have limited our
discussion to these techniques as relaxation therapies.
In the second part of the chapter, within the context of describing the theory,
practice, and research of the most commonly used relaxation techniques, we have
separately described the defining features of each given intervention. We consider a
clear operational definition of the technique utilized as indispensable and we have
sought to identify and make reference to standardized protocols wherever possible.
Physiologically, the stress response occurs through the action of the hypothalamic-
pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis (Brodal, 2010; Esch et al., 2003; McEwen, 2007).
The hypothalamus initiates the acute stress response by stimulating the sympathetic
nervous system to coordinate internal organ activity; this activation increases heart
rate, blood pressure, respiration, muscle tone, and body temperature, opens up airways
and pupils, and triggers sweating and piloerection (goose bumps). The hypothalamus
also signals the pituitary to activate the adrenal gland to release endocrine compounds
related to high arousal, especially epinephrine, norepinephrine, and cortisol. Cognitive
changes associated with acute stress include focused attention on the potential stressor
and heighted concentration. In the short term, this physiological state is perfect for
escaping from a stressor.
However, when associated with prolonged or repeated unresolved stressors, the
stress response can lead to a breakdown of the system (Esch et al., 2003; McEwen,
2007). Chronic stress leads to wide-ranging negative effects for the body includ-
ing increases in blood pressure, blood sugar dysregulation, greater abdominal fat,
hormone imbalances, reduced neurological and immune function, chronic systemic
inflammation, and reduced muscle strength. Associated cognitive and affective changes
include reduced ability to focus attention and concentrate, and increased feelings of
helplessness and depressed affect. These changes, in turn, contribute to poor health
in a number of domains. As might be expected, chronic stress has been linked to
a wide range of health conditions including heart attack, stroke, respiratory disease,
autoimmune conditions, and depression. However, inducing the relaxation response
reduces the negative impacts of chronic stress and can help restore the body to
homeostasis (Esch et al., 2003; Stefano et al., 2006).
Described nearly 40 years ago by Benson (Benson et al., 1975), the relaxation
response is a biological process that both decreases and moderates the stress response
and triggers strong recuperative processes. In the relaxation response the hypotha-
lamus stimulates the parasympathetic nervous system to coordinate internal organ
activity to decrease heart rate, blood pressure, muscle tension, and respiration, and
promote digestion and body temperature regulation (Benson et al., 1975; Bro-
dal, 2010; Stefano et al., 2006). Associated cognitive and affective changes include
reduced cortical arousal and self-reported feelings of positive affect (Benson et al.,
1975). These identifiable signs of relaxation are important for two reasons. First, they
support the idea that the relaxation response does not function as simply the absence
of stress, but rather it serves as a balancing system that produces a characteristic relaxed
state. Second, this distinction is clinically important because it suggests that relaxation
carries physiological characteristics that can be recognized by clinicians and clients
to identify and track success at achieving the relaxation response during therapy. In
fact, the stress and relaxation responses are fairly accessible to assessment using visual
evaluation or a rating scale such as the Behavioral Rating Scale (Poppen, 1998);
physiologically using body temperature, heart rate, or brain activity; or subjectively
by patient self-report. These physiological sequelae have also been linked to a number
of microbiological changes in the body and associated brain changes (Stefano et al.,
2006). It is important to note that changes in brain activity (e.g., cognition or affect)
likely have a bidirectional effect on the bodily changes noted above. Although Benson
et al. (1975) suggested that when the body relaxes, the mind follows—implying that
Therapeutic Relaxation 161
body changes “cause” the mind to change—it is likely that it proceeds equally as well
in the other direction—changes in the mind lead to changes in the body. Thus, the
benefits of relaxation therapies arise through complex interactions among a number
of physiological, muscular, and cognitive/affective processes functioning within the
context of the social environment.
Relaxation Techniques
This section reviews the most commonly used relaxation techniques. Within the
context of each technique we discuss key aspects related to theory, clinical practice, and
research. The relaxation techniques we will discuss in this section include breathing
techniques, guided imagery, progressive muscle relaxation (in both its extended
and abbreviated forms), biofeedback, autogenic training, hypnosis, and meditation.
Clinical considerations and contraindications are broadly discussed within a summary
subsection that follows the descriptions of the various relaxation techniques.
Breathing Techniques
Historical roots and theory. It is difficult to pinpoint the exact origin of therapeutic
breathing techniques as a form of relaxation. For well over 5,000 years, various
meditation and yogic practices have used the breath as a primary focus of awareness.
Many therapists often begin with some form of breathing exercise prior to more in-
depth relaxation training, and most relaxation techniques incorporate some variation
on breath focus. Breathing techniques are relatively quick to master and often elicit
immediate (albeit modest) reductions in autonomic arousal and skeletal muscle
tension (Smith, 2005). Everly and Lating (2002) go so far as to state that “controlled
respiration is one of the oldest and certainly the single most efficient acute intervention
for the mitigation and treatment of excessive stress” (p. 215). Fundamentally, the
distinguishing characteristic of relaxed breathing techniques is that the focus of
attention is attempting to slow down and deepen the breath to mimic respiration rate
and rhythm in a naturally relaxed state.
Clinical practice. In general, the goal of relaxed breathing exercises is to engage the
diaphragm more fully to cultivate deep, slow respiration (Fried, 1993). The work
of the lungs and the intercostal (chest) and trapezius (shoulder) muscles is reduced
as these areas are associated with more active, forced, shallow breathing. Often it
is useful to demonstrate diaphragmatic breathing to patients by having them place
one hand on their abdomen and the other on their chest while asking them to
maximize the movement of the lower hand while minimizing the movement of the
upper hand. The goal in relaxed breathing is for patients to extend the outbreath
and to make it slow and even, with exhalation taking approximately twice as long (6
seconds) as inhalation (3 seconds). Other forms of breathing exercises include slight
variations on this procedure. For example, in deep breathing, the patient takes several
deep breaths, holding each breath for 5 seconds before slowly exhaling; in paced
respiration, patients are taught to maintain slow breathing via the use of a metronome
162 General Strategies
or some other external pacing device. In breathing retraining (Craske & Barlow,
2006), patients are led to hyperventilate first to demonstrate the physiological effects
of fast, shallow breathing compared to slow, deep breathing. It is of note that these
techniques are very portable, and patients are typically encouraged to practice them
frequently throughout the day both at predetermined intervals and particularly in
response to stressful situations.
Research. Fried (1993) detailed the link between deep, diaphragmatic breathing and
the relaxation response, particularly in opposition to hyperventilation, and provided a
technical account of breathing techniques and their psychophysical effects. Decades
of studies on breathing exercises (e.g., deep breathing, diaphragmatic breathing,
abdominal breathing, breathing retraining) suggest that long, slow breaths produce
reliable autonomic activation consistent with the relaxation response (Benson et al.,
1975; Busch, Magerl, Kern, Haas, Hajak, & Eichhammer, 2012; Pal, Velkumary,
& Madanmohan, 2004). Support for the efficacy of breathing relaxation has been
found for a number of stress-related health conditions, such as hypertension (Mourya,
Mahajan, Singh, & Jain, 2009), pain (Busch et al., 2012), and psychological conditions
(Kim & Kim, 2005), especially panic (Schmidt et al., 2000).
Guided Imagery
Historical roots and theory. Guided imagery (GI) has a long history and may be traced
back to Ancient Greece as well as Native American and other indigenous cultures, var-
ious religious groups, and Chinese medicine. The origins of GI are extremely diverse,
potentially explaining why definitions of this technique are inconsistent across helping
disciplines (Menzies & Taylor, 2004). Many current therapies, including various
forms of meditation, biofeedback, autogenic training, and hypnosis, incorporate GI
techniques. As an overarching concept, imagery has been described as “any thought
representing a sensory quality” (Joseph, 2004, p. 12), though other definitions have
also been proposed (see Menzies & Taylor, 2004). In conceptualizing GI, Ahsen
(1968) theorized that personality and consciousness are fundamentally made up of
images. GI is believed to elicit therapeutic change in numerous disorders by identify-
ing and changing distorted images associated with the primary characteristics of the
disease or dysfunction. In this respect, Ahsen’s theory is similar to Beck’s cognitive
model (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979). Hence, perhaps the defining feature of
GI lies in creating a vivid image in the mind of some desired place/state that as closely
as possible mirrors how that place/state would actually be experienced in real life.
Clinical practice. In GI, the therapist encourages the patient to engage in visualizing
images using all the senses (visual, auditory, olfactory, tactile, and gustatory). The
rationale behind inclusion of all the senses is that it will render the imagery more
vivid and real. Usually, the content of the GI session is determined by the patient’s
own description of his or her symptoms. For example, a patient may describe her
chronic headache symptoms to her therapist by saying that the muscles in her neck
area feel like a tightly coiled rope. The therapist may then include imagery within the
session that guides the patient to visualize the muscles in her neck as a coiled rope
Therapeutic Relaxation 163
that is slowly uncoiling, lengthening, and smoothening out. GI is also used to assist
patients to relax by creating personalized, mental images of a passive, relaxing setting
or activity, often accompanied by a repetitive self-statement or relaxing words. Pairing
the scene with a relaxing word provides a cue for the patient which, after sufficient
pairings, may be used to bring the relaxing scene to mind quickly during stressful
times.
Research. The flexibility and variability of GI leads it to suffer from poor standard-
ization across research implementations. However, GI has been shown to reduce
stress and increase immunity (Trakhtenberg, 2008; Watanabe et al., 2006), and
there is evidence that it is likely helpful in a wide range of disorders that include
stress-related physical conditions, such as heart surgery (Casida & Lemanski, 2010),
cancer (Kwekkeboom, Wanta, & Bumpus, 2008), and pain (Posadzki & Ernst,
2011), and psychological problems, such as anxiety and depression (Apóstolo &
Kolcaba, 2009), among many others. The reader is referred to the Academy for
Guided Imagery for more information and for an extensive list of efficacy studies
(www.academyforguidedimagery.com/).
and each release/relaxation phase lasting 20–30 seconds. Once the patient obtains
the sensation of the muscle group fully relaxed, then the next muscle group is
targeted. The sequence of muscle groups moves from the hands to the head, and
then down to the feet. For information on the specific muscles contained in each
group targeted, the reader is referred to Rime and Andrasik (2011). Typically, two
tension–release cycles per major muscle group are all that is necessary for the patient
to report complete relaxation in that muscle group. However, therapist instructions
assert that it is clinically important that the patient report no remaining tension before
proceeding to the next muscle group; thus, in some cases more repetitions may be
needed. Patients may also report difficulty releasing their muscles after contraction,
which may necessitate switching to a different technique. In some abbreviated
protocols, guided imagery (described above) is also incorporated to assist the patient
with the relaxation process (Bernstein & Borkovec, 1973; Cautela & Gordon, 1978).
Research. PMR has been shown to reduce mental and physiological signs of stress
in a variety of populations ranging from college students (Dolbier & Rush, 2012)
to inpatients with severe psychological disturbance (Vancampfort et al., 2011). PMR
shows some evidence of efficacy with stress-related physical conditions such as pain
(Emery, France, Harris, Norman, & Van Arsdalen, 2008) and psychological condi-
tions such as anxiety and depression (Lolak, Connors, Sheridan, & Wise, 2008). In an
extensive review of PMR, Carlson and Hoyle (1993) found evidence for the efficacy
of PMR in a wide range of health conditions including chronic migraine and tension
headache, tinnitus, cancer chemotherapy symptoms, hypertension, depression, neck
pain, low back pain, stress/stress-reactions, and others. McCallie, Blum, and Hood
(2006) also reported empirical support for the use of PMR in insomnia; headache;
anxiety, depression, and distress in cancer patients; irritable bowel syndrome; and
arthritis pain; but not for chronic obstructive pulmonary disease or chronic neck
pain. The applied relaxation protocol developed by Öst (1987) has been used for the
treatment of a range of disorders including specific phobias, panic disorder, headache,
pain, epilepsy, and tinnitus. It appears particularly efficacious for anxiety disorders,
especially generalized anxiety disorder, for which it shows equivalent treatment effects
to cognitive behavioral therapy (e.g., Dugas et al., 2010).
Biofeedback
Historical roots and theory. Biofeedback is a relatively “young” relaxation approach in
that it was not examined empirically until the 1960s. Early pioneers of this approach
included Neal E. Miller and his colleagues at Yale. However, it was the work of Lee Birk
(1973) in the first medical text on biofeedback that led to the technique we know
today. Fundamentally, “biofeedback is a technique in which biologic information
about the self is used to modify, correct, or strengthen processes within the self”
(Andrasik & Lord, 2008, p. 192). Thus, the two distinguishing characteristics of
biofeedback are the use of instrumentation and the provision of feedback/information.
The overarching goal of biofeedback is to increase patient awareness of and influence
over two kinds of psychophysiological processes: (a) processes typically not under
voluntary control, and (b) processes that are ordinarily easy to regulate but that,
Therapeutic Relaxation 165
due to some disease process, have broken down (NIH Technology Assessment
Panel, 1996). In this way, biofeedback is able to assist patients in altering abnormal
physiological processes to engender a healthier level of function.
Research. Biofeedback is a widely used clinical technique that has been recognized
by the American Psychological Association (APA) as a clinical proficiency since 1997
(APA, 2012). Biofeedback-aided relaxation techniques have been supported in a
wide range of stress-related psychological and medical conditions. In an extensive
review of the literature, the Association for Applied Psychophysiology and Biofeed-
back evaluated the empirical basis for biofeedback in a range of conditions (Yucha &
Montgomery, 2008). They concluded that there is sufficient evidence that biofeed-
back is “efficacious” for anxiety, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, chronic
pain, epilepsy, headache, hypertension, motion sickness, Raynaud’s disease, and tem-
poromandibular disorder. Conditions for which biofeedback was listed as “probably
efficacious” included alcoholism/substance abuse, arthritis, diabetes mellitus, insom-
nia, traumatic brain injury, and vulvar vestibulitis. Biofeedback-aided relaxation was
not found to have specific effects for any condition. Nevertheless, some research
166 General Strategies
Autogenic Training
Historical roots and theory. Developed in Berlin at the beginning of the twentieth
century, autogenic training (AT) was formally described by Johannes Schultz in the
early 1930s. Schultz proposed that guiding the patient to think key self-statements
about autonomic nervous system changes associated with relaxation could actually
elicit physiological changes related to the relaxation response. He hypothesized
that guiding patient thoughts in this way subsequently led to changes in blood flow,
feelings of warmth, a sensation of heaviness, and a promoted sense of relaxation. Thus,
the distinguishing component of AT is that it aims to focus a patient’s attention, with
or without words, on physiological sensations that lead to the desired decreases in
autonomic arousal.
Clinical practice. Schultz and Luthe (1969) later developed a sequence of basic
focusing instructions that are commonly implemented when engaging patients in
AT. Initially, patients are guided to imagine a peaceful and relaxing environment
(see GI section above); following this, therapist instruction is tailored to engender
the six following relaxing bodily sensations: heaviness in the extremities (targeting
reduced skeletal muscle tension); warmth in the extremities (targeting increased
blood flow/vasodilation); slow and regular heartbeat (targeting cardiac regulation);
smooth, even, relaxed breathing (targeting regulation of the breath); warmth in the
upper abdomen (targeting regulation of visceral organs); and coolness in the forehead
(targeting increased peripheral blood flow). As patients become more adept and
familiar with AT, it is recommended that the patient personalize the phrases that
are designed to elicit heaviness and warmth to increase their salience. Alternatively,
patients may prefer to visualize images (rather than use verbal content) that correspond
with and elicit each of the physiological sensations associated with Schultz’s formulas.
For example, patients may visualize themselves basking their arms and legs in warm
sunlight or letting cool water flow over their foreheads.
Juhasz, Budavari, Vitrai, & Bagdy, 2003), and insomnia, anxiety, and depression in
those with comorbid chronic illness (Bowden, Lorenc, & Robinson, 2012).
Hypnosis
Historical roots and theory. The origins of hypnosis can be traced back to times
predating written language, but Milton Erikson, often considered the father of
modern hypnosis, was one of the first to emphasize the necessity to empirically
examine the process, state, and products of hypnosis. His experimental studies
effectively established hypnosis as a bona fide therapeutic technique. In the literature,
the hypnotic state is characterized by neurophysiological changes related to deep
relaxation, focused attention, vivid imagery, reduction of discursive thought, and
most importantly, increased receptivity to therapeutic suggestion (Faymonville, Boly,
& Laureys, 2006). Debate continues as to whether hypnosis is (a) a unique form
of mental processing in which altered states of consciousness are achieved (i.e., the
neodissociation model; see Hilgard, 1986, 1992, for details), or (b) a placebo effect
that can be simply understood in terms of an individual’s suggestibility, positive
attitudes, and expectations (i.e., the social-psychological model; see Spanos & Coe,
1992). It suffices clinically to understand that the characteristic benchmark of a
hypnotic induction is an increase in the patient’s responsiveness to therapeutic
suggestions and, for our purposes, that those suggestions can generate relaxed states.
Clinical practice. Generally the hypnotic induction procedure has three components:
(a) a presuggestion phase, (b) a suggestion phase, and (c) a postsuggestion phase.
During the presuggestion phase, the therapist focuses the patient’s attention and elicits
the relaxation response, typically via the use of a combined relaxation technique such
as deep breathing or guided imagery. Deepening techniques are often used, offering
suggestions that the patient is descending a staircase with accompanying instructions to
feel progressively deeper relaxation with each downward step. During the suggestion
phase, the therapist makes individually tailored, goal-specific suggestions targeted
toward the patient’s symptom(s). It is important to note here that a patient will not
submit to a suggestion that is incompatible with his or her wishes or desires. The
postsuggestion phase is designed to promote and prolong the hypnotic suggestions
after the intervention (e.g., suggestions of maintained relaxation). Posthypnotic cues
are also sometimes prepared. For example, Patterson, Everett, Burns, and Marvin
(1992) described giving a patient with burn pain a cue for comfort and relaxation
during subsequent dressing changes that was anchored by touching the patient’s
shoulder. Following the postsuggestion phase, the therapist gradually brings the
patient back out of the deep relaxation state. In self-hypnosis practice, which is often
recommended for the patient postsession, patients guide themselves through the
hypnosis induction, generally consisting of each of the three steps noted above, and
provide their own hypnotic suggestions. Clinically, hypnosis has been used to generate
the relaxation response, both as a direct intervention and in the process of providing a
disorder-specific intervention. As a result, hypnosis usually utilizes protocols generated
for the disorder being treated (Palsson, 2006). Board certification in clinical hypnosis
is available through the American Society of Clinical Hypnosis (www.asch.net).
168 General Strategies
Research. Research provides support for the clinical use of hypnosis and self-hypnosis
in the treatment of a range of physiological and psychological disorders. In a recent
comprehensive critical review of hypnosis as an adjunct to medical care for a wide
range of conditions (the heterogeneity precluded a statistic analysis of effects),
Pinnell and Covino (2000) found evidence that hypnosis improves health-care-
related anxiety, asthma in those with high hypnotizability, dermatological diseases,
irritable bowel syndrome, hemophilia, nausea and emesis in cancer treatment, and
obstetric/gynecological treatment. More recent research supports its use in depression
(Shih, Yang, & Koo, 2009), medical distress (Schnur, Kafer, Marcus, & Montgomery,
2008), state anxiety, headache, and irritable bowel syndrome (Hammond, 2010). The
recent findings for pain conditions are particularly robust, representing an important
area of future research (M. P. Jensen, 2010), and show evidence of efficacy for pain
related to cancer treatment (Coveney, Grieve, & Kumar, 2011), labor and childbirth
(Landolt & Milling, 2011), major burns (Berger et al., 2010), multiple sclerosis
(M. P. Jensen et al., 2009), spinal cord injury (M. P. Jensen et al., 2010), chronic
widespread pain (Grøndahl & Rosvold, 2008), and temporomandibular disorder
and breast cancer pain (Nash & Tasso, 2010), among others. In addition, evidence
suggests that hypnosis may be more effective for chronic pain than other treatments
(Dillworth & Jensen, 2010) and that individuals with low susceptibility may be trained
to respond better to hypnotic interventions (Batty, Bonnington, Tang, Hawken, &
Gruzelier, 2006). However, recent evidence also suggests that hypnotherapy may not
be as effective as previously thought for some treatments such as smoking cessation
(Barnes et al., 2010).
Meditation
Historical roots and theory. Meditative relaxation techniques have historical roots
across numerous religious contexts including Christianity, Judaism, Shintoism, Tao-
ism, Sufism, and Buddhism (Benson, Kotch, Crassweller, & Greenwood, 1977).
A number of meditation techniques have been implemented clinically, including
concentration meditation, transcendental meditation, and mindfulness meditation.
Currently, the most widely used meditation technique in therapeutic settings is the
subgroup of practices falling under the umbrella of mindfulness meditation. Among
the conceptual definitions of mindfulness that have been proposed (e.g., Bishop,
2002; Shapiro, Carlson, Astin, & Freedman, 2006), Jon Kabat-Zinn, the founder of
mindfulness-based approaches within the Western (allopathic) medical community,
describes mindfulness simply as “the awareness that emerges through paying atten-
tion on purpose, in the present moment, and non-judgmentally to the unfolding
of experience, moment by moment” (Kabat-Zinn, 2003, p. 145). The theory sug-
gests that, by focusing mindful, nonjudgmental awareness on moment-to-moment
experience, one retrains attentional processes and cultivates a persistent ability to
respond with choice rather than react automatically (Kabat-Zinn, 1990), while also
generating the relaxation response (Benson et al., 1975; Mohan, Sharma, & Bijlani,
2011). Specifically, what distinguishes mindfulness meditation from other relaxation
techniques is its explicit focus on training the mind to reduce emotional and behav-
ioral reactivity theoretically linked to stress and a number of health complications.
Therapeutic Relaxation 169
Currently, meditation for relaxation purposes is often taught within the context of
a standardized, group-delivered, mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR) proto-
col (Kabat-Zinn, 1990) and instructor certification is available from the Center for
Mindfulness (http://www.umassmed.edu/cfm).
experiences (e.g., headache, sexual arousal). Schwartz et al. also noted that, for a small
number of patients, relaxation produces a paradoxical negative emotional state called
relaxation-induced anxiety, characterized by intense feelings of anxiety and associated
physical symptoms (Astin et al., 2003). Consequently, it is important to use relaxation
cautiously with patients who are highly anxious or afraid of ceding control (Braith,
McCullough, & Bush, 1988). Similarly, transient negative experiences, such as nausea
and headache, have been reported by some patients using specific relaxation therapies,
especially hypnosis (Astin et al., 2003). Relaxation therapy can produce undesirable
effects in patients with a history of trauma, dissociation, psychotic breaks, or seizures,
particularly when using techniques that emphasize internal cognitive focus such as
GI (Harding, 1996; Smith, 2005). Meditation relaxation has also been reported to
trigger psychotic or manic symptoms in vulnerable individuals (Kuijpers, van der Hei-
jden, Tuinier, & Verhoeven, 2007; Yorsten, 2001), and GI may reinforce maladaptive
coping patterns in those who use fantasy for avoidance (Smith, 2005). Some evidence
exists to suggest that relaxation interventions for severe anxiety disorders such as
panic may be linked to worse outcomes in some patients by reducing the effectiveness
of exposure interventions (Schmidt et al., 2000). This finding led Lilienfeld (2007)
to categorize relaxation training as a treatment for panic disorders that “possibly
produces harm in some individuals.” Barlow, Allen, and Choate (2004) suggest in
their unified protocol for emotional disorders that relaxation techniques used by
patients for emotional avoidance may erode the therapeutic effects of psychosocial
treatment. This is particularly noteworthy given the common use of relaxation as an
early module in cognitive behavioral therapy.
Thus far, we have described the various elements and factors that are important
to consider in relation to therapeutic relaxation, as well as providing descriptions
of the most widely used relaxation techniques. In the final section, we attempt to
make some connections between what has been discussed and provide a commentary
on the current state of the evidence in regard to therapeutic relaxation and some
needed future directions. Furthermore, singular relaxation techniques are typically
not delivered as a stand-alone treatment; thus we discuss various integrated relax-
ation treatment programs and the ways in which specific techniques are sometimes
combined.
may be a relatively futile exercise. Nevertheless, some have suggested that different
techniques might produce meaningful, specific differences in therapeutic effects.
In a comparative review of relaxation studies that appears not to have been repeated
since, Lehrer, Carr, Sargunaraj, and Woolfolk (1994) cited some evidence (a) for
specific therapeutic effects when a technique was matched to the desired outcome
in the domains of muscular, autonomic, or cognitive activity, and (b) for localized
effects to be greater than generalized effects at specific locations (e.g., index finger in
thermal biofeedback vs. generalized AT). This would suggest that a patient learning
relaxation to manage tension headaches would respond better to PMR than other,
more generalized relaxation interventions. Despite its intuitive logic, evidence for this
degree of specificity has minimal support. For example, in a large meta-analysis of
studies using biofeedback for headache patients, temperature biofeedback resulted in
significant improvements in migraine headache frequency when compared to wait-list
controls, but these gains were not significantly different from other forms of relaxation
(Nestoriuc et al., 2008). In the same meta-analysis, electromyographic biofeedback in
tension-type headaches produced evidence of strong efficacy compared to placebo, but
evidence of greater efficacy for biofeedback over relaxation therapies produced only a
small effect size (Nestoriuc et al., 2008). Similarly, there is little research to establish
the specificity of mindfulness training on theorized changes in cognition instead of (or
in addition to) a cumulative relaxation response (Chiesa & Serretti, 2009; Dobkin &
Zhao, 2011; Hölzel et al., 2011; Jain et al., 2007; C. G. Jensen, Vangkilde, Frøkjær,
& Hasselbalch, 2012). Further, there is no consensus in the mindfulness literature
on the necessary amount of practice needed to achieve observed effects (Carmody &
Baer, 2008, 2009; Zeidan, Johnson, Diamond, David, & Goolkasian, 2010). Thus, as
with many other biopsychosocial treatments that have been shown to be efficacious,
the process by which the desired outcomes are achieved is either quite general (i.e.,
eliciting the relaxation response) or has not yet been specified.
Nevertheless, relaxation techniques are an increasingly important part of modern
therapeutic paradigms. Cognitive behavioral therapy has long used relaxation exercises
as modular interventions that were often included in standard treatment. In programs
such as MBSR (Kabat-Zinn, 1990) and mindfulness-based cognitive therapy a variety
of meditation techniques are taught. Increasingly, variations on the general cognitive
behavioral therapy approach, such as acceptance and commitment therapy and dialec-
tical behavior therapy, present mindfulness techniques as core treatment components.
Even physical interventions, such as yoga, tai chi, qigong, exercise, and others are now
being promoted as offering health benefits associated with the relaxation response
in addition to those accrued from physical activity alone. Given that we have little
information as to what forms of relaxation work best for different types of patients
or disorders, the increase in availability of a range of relaxation techniques is both
desirable and likely beneficial to patients. Furthermore, it may be quite valuable to
offer patients experience with a variety of relaxation techniques so that they may
choose what they feel most comfortable with.
In conclusion, a large number of relaxation approaches currently exist and (as
described above) there are as many different theoretical orientations on relaxation as
there are techniques. However, it is not known whether various relaxation techniques
work for the reasons specified by the associated theory. It is possible that we are
Therapeutic Relaxation 173
coming full circle to Benson’s original assertion that all relaxation interventions are
efficacious simply because they each serve to elicit shared biopsychosocial changes
broadly associated with the relaxation response. If this is the case, given that we
are operating within a health care system in which resources are scarce, it may
be prudent for less involved, more time-efficient forms of relaxation (i.e., possibly
breathing techniques) to become the standard of care. In order to justify expenditure
of additional resources beyond less involved approaches, we need to be able to
show that the patient and therapist resources devoted to a complex relaxation
approach not only produce larger outcomes/deeper relaxation than a less involved
approach, but that the more complex approach works via the hypothesized specific
mechanism.
Questions of how, for whom, and how much, are in critical need of answers, and
this is not just the case for relaxation therapies; research investigating these questions is
sorely needed for all current biopsychosocial treatment approaches. Answers to these
questions will result in (a) the development of streamlined interventions that distill
the true active principles of change, (b) the ability to match patients to the specific
treatment approach that is most likely to maximize benefit efficiently for the particular
individual, and (c) knowledge necessary to tailor treatment dose to specific patient
needs such that resources are maximized. Ultimately, to demonstrate the true public
health value of relaxation interventions and to foster acceptance and dissemination
of these approaches, we must be able to verify that the available relaxation treatment
protocols produce desirable outcomes and that they do so because of the therapeutic
procedures that the specific intervention entails.
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9
Attentional Bias Modification
Nader Amir and Sara Conley
San Diego State University, United States
Introduction
Daily life is replete with examples of the importance of attention in our well-being.
For example, most of us have an attentional bias for our names. This biased attention
serves the basic need to be hypervigilant when information that is likely relevant to
us is present in our environment. Moreover, this bias is present both during waking
and sleep states. For example, a person’s name is more likely to wake her or him from
sleep than other words heard at similar sound volumes. This notion is supported by
experimental studies. Moray (1959) for instance, used a dichotic listening task to test
attentional bias for one’s own name. During the task participants heard two messages,
one in each ear, and were told to attend to one of the messages by repeating it out
loud and ignoring the other message. When asked to recall the message that they
were repeating, participants often remembered some information from the passage
that they were told to ignore. Moray (1959) found that participants recalled their
name when it was spoken in the to-be-ignored message, revealing that participants’
goal of attending to self-relevant information was stronger than their goal to attend
to the to-be-attended-to message.
what is necessary for the task at hand. Furthermore, late selection is automatic in the
sense that it has unlimited capacity, meaning that everything is processed, including
distracters, and mandatory in the sense that people cannot select what to attend to.
Research has expanded on the principle of early versus late selection showing the
effect of information load in processing information (Lavie, 2005, 2010). For example,
one can inhibit distracters (early selection) when the task that is being completed is
of high perceptual load (identifying an X in a set of random letters); however, if the
task being completed involves a low perceptual load (identifying an X in a set of Ns),
distracters are perceived (late selection), but their impact on behavior depends on
other types of load (e.g., load on working memory; Forster & Lavie, 2009).
More specifically, these models propose that information processing in general, and
attentional bias more specifically, is guided by anxiety-related schemas that are present
in emotional disorders. These models elaborate further that the limited capacity of
the human attentional system leads to some information in the environment being
attended to while other information is ignored; thus, incoming information must be
prioritized. Therefore, an attentional bias toward threat-relevant information can lead
to increased availability of threat, meaning that threatening information is prioritized
above other information, causing anxiety (see Ouimet, Gawronski, & Dozois, 2009).
Researchers have relied on these models of anxiety to develop testable hypotheses
regarding the role of attentional bias in anxiety. For example, a large body of research
suggests that anxiety is related to an attentional bias toward threat-relevant infor-
mation. These studies use methods borrowed from cognitive psychology to measure
attention (for reviews, see Bar-Haim, Dominique, Pergamin, Bakermans-Kranenburg,
& van Ijzendoorn, 2007; Mogg & Bradley, 1998). For example, to examine atten-
tional bias for threat-relevant information in anxious individuals, researchers have
employed interference tasks that require participants to perform a central task while
ignoring distracters (Mathews & MacLeod, 2005). Two tasks commonly used to
examine attentional bias for threat-related information in individuals suffering from
anxiety include the emotional Stroop task (Williams, Mathews, & MacLeod, 1996)
and the attentional probe detection task (MacLeod, Mathews, & Tata, 1986).
In the emotional Stroop task, participants are asked to name the colors in which
emotional words are written while ignoring the meaning of these words. Anxiety
sufferers are slower at color-naming anxiety-related words than neutral words, whereas
nonanxious controls are not (for a review, see Williams et al., 1996). This finding
suggests that the activation of threat meaning may interfere with the color-naming
task in participants with anxiety to a greater extent than it does in controls. However,
the emotional Stroop task is considered an impure measure of attention because
some versions of the paradigm (i.e., presenting a block of words on one card) may
involve postattentional processing of the stimuli (Fox, 1994), and because attention is
measured while responding to threat-related material. Therefore, the Stroop paradigm
may involve both biased attention to threat and attempts at inhibition of word
meaning.
Partly in response to the above criticism, researchers began using more direct
measures of attention to measure attentional biases for threat-relevant material (e.g.,
the probe detection paradigm; MacLeod et al., 1986). In the probe detection task
(PDT), participants are presented with two words simultaneously, one on top of the
other (or presented side by side). One of the words has a threat-relevant meaning
(e.g., death) while the other word is neutral (e.g., table). These words are then
removed from the screen after a brief time (e.g., 500 ms). Participants see a probe
(e.g., a letter “E” or “F”) that is located in place of either word and are instructed to
identify the probe by pressing a corresponding mouse button (i.e., left mouse button
for letter “E” and right mouse button for letter “F”). The letters appear with equal
frequency in the location previously occupied by the threat word and the neutral
word. Attentional bias in this task is revealed by shorter response latencies to identify
the probes that replace threat words compared to the response latency for probes that
replace a neutral word.
Attentional Bias Modification 185
Bar-Haim et al. (2007) reviewed 172 studies using the emotional Stroop task
and the PDT. This meta-analysis revealed that there is a reliable association between
anxiety and attentional bias as measured by these tasks with an average effect size
(Cohen’s d) of 0.45 (confidence interval [CI]: 0.40–0.49). These studies indicate
that anxious individuals exhibit an attentional bias across a range of populations
(adults and children), stimuli (words and pictures), and stimuli presentation durations
(subliminal and supraliminal; Bar-Haim et al., 2007). Thus, the association between
anxiety and attentional bias is a reliable finding in experimental psychopathology
research. However, few studies have considered the various components of attention
when describing the relationship between anxiety and attention. For example, which
components of attention (alerting, orienting, or executive control) are involved in
anxiety (cf. Fan et al., 2002; Ouimet et al., 2009)?
In summary, there is ample evidence for the role of attentional bias in anxiety.
Moreover, this bias is present across populations, stimuli, and methods of measuring
attention. However, two issues remain regarding the relationship between attention
and anxiety. First, the direction of this relationship is not clear. That is, from these
studies, it is not clear whether attentional bias causes anxiety, or whether anxiety is
the cause of attentional bias. Second, it is not clear what component of attention is
involved in anxiety.
1,000 ms or longer). However, such biases are not present when stimuli are presented
for shorter durations (i.e., 500 ms). A recent review of attentional bias for depression
suggested that depressed individuals do not show an automatic attentional bias
for depression-related information but do so once the stimuli have captured their
attention (Gotlib & Joormann, 2010). That is, these individuals may exhibit difficulties
disengaging their attention away from depression-related information. However, this
area is in need of further research, including the role that attentional biases play in
the maintenance of depression. In summary, research suggests that depression may be
characterized by an attentional bias for negative information. However, the nature of
this bias may be characterized by difficulty in disengaging attentional recourses from
negative information once the information has captured attention.
Although the studies described above suggest that anxiety and depression are associ-
ated with attentional bias toward threat-relevant information, they do not speak to
the issue of causality. Indirect evidence for the causal role of attentional bias toward
relevant information in emotional disorders comes from treatment outcome studies.
That is, if attentional bias toward threat-relevant information is a necessary condition
for anxiety, then amelioration of anxiety should be associated with a reduction of
attentional bias to threat. Empirical investigations of this question have generally
supported this hypothesis in anxious individuals using both the emotional Stroop
paradigm (e.g., Lundh & Ost, 2001; Mattia, Heimberg, & Hope, 1993) and the
PDT (e.g., Hofmann, 2000; Pishyar, Harris & Menzies, 2008).
faces did not have a similar effect, suggesting that difficulty in disengaging attention
from threat is a critical process in maintenance of the disorder.
Najmi and Amir (2010) examined the effect of a single AMP session on behav-
ioral approach toward feared stimuli in individuals with contamination fears. These
researchers utilized a PDT similar to the original task used by MacLeod et al. (1986)
to measure attentional bias. Participants’ attention was trained away from threatening
information, meaning that the probe replaced neutral words on the majority of the
trials in this condition. Behavioral approach was measured by the number of steps the
participant completed in a series of three different behavioral approach tests (BATs;
adapted from Cougle, Wolitzky-Taylor, Lee, and Telch (2007)), each of which
assessed avoidance of a different type of contaminant. The first BAT consisted of a pile
of dirty underwear and other clothes. Participants were told that “some of these items
may have been touched with bodily f luids.” The second BAT included a mixture of
“dirt, dead insects, and cat hair.” This mixture was made of potting soil, dead crickets,
and cat hair. The third BAT involved a toilet (with an open lid) that was made to
look unclean with blotches of potting soil on the inside of the bowl. Each BAT
comprised six steps in a graduated hierarchy. If participants were able to complete
the first item, they were asked to complete the next one on the hierarchy, and so
on, and if they refused to perform an item, the experimenter terminated that BAT.
Attention training was effective in reducing attentional bias to threat and increasing
behavioral approach toward feared stimuli in individuals with contamination-related
fears. Because groups did not differ in their level of anxiety or obsessive-compulsive
symptoms posttraining, but did differ in their level of attentional bias for threat, these
researchers concluded that the difference between the two groups posttraining reflects
the creation of differing vulnerability to the behavioral challenge.
Reese, McNally, Najmi, and Amir (2010) assigned 41 spider-fearful individuals
either to receive attention training (n = 20) or to a control condition (n = 21). A
modified dot probe discrimination paradigm with photographs of spiders and cows
was used to train attention. Training reduced attentional bias for spiders, but only
temporarily. Although both groups declined in spider fear and avoidance, reduction in
attentional bias did not produce significantly greater symptom reduction in the training
group than in the control group. However, reduction in attentional bias predicted
reduction in self-reported fear for the training group. The reduction in attentional
bias for threat may have been insufficiently robust to produce symptom reduction
greater than that produced by exposure to a live spider and spider photographs alone.
Replicating this finding, Van Bockstaele et al. (2011) also successfully changed the
attentional processing for spiders; however, there was no effect on self-reported or
physiological anxiety in response to spiders.
Although the above studies support the hypothesis that training attention away
from threat may be causally involved in amelioration of anxiety response to stress,
an alternative hypothesis is that cognitive biases in anxiety reflect a more general
cognitive deficit that may not be specific to attention disengagement difficulties (e.g.,
Bishop, 2009; Derakshan & Eysenck, 2009; Derryberry & Reed, 2002; Eysenck,
Derakshan, Santos, & Calvo, 2007; Wells, White, & Carter, 1997). As such, the
anxiety-ameliorating effects of attention training may be due to an increase in general
attentional control and not directly related to attention disengagement training away
Attentional Bias Modification 189
from threat. If so, then attention training may increase top-down cognitive capacities
that in turn inhibit threat processing (e.g., Pessoa, 2009; Pessoa, McKenna, Gutierrez,
& Ungerleider, 2002).
To examine this hypothesis, Klumpp and Amir (2010) examined the effect of
attention training in moderately socially anxious undergraduate students. These
researchers included a third training condition that comprised training to attend
toward threat, similar to MacLeod et al. (2002), in addition to the standard training,
disengagement from threat, and control training conditions. The addition of the
attend threat condition allowed these researchers to test the hypothesis that enhanced
attentional control, rather than more efficient attentional disengagement from threat,
may be involved in attention training studies. The response latency data in this study
were largely inconclusive. However, participants who were trained to attend toward
threat and participants who were trained to attend away from threat faces exhibited
a relative decrease in anxiety during a speech challenge compared to participants in a
placebo control condition. No difference in anxiety scores between the two attention
training conditions was found in this moderately anxious sample. Replicating and
extending this finding, Van Bockstaele, Verschuere, De Houwer, and Crombez (2010)
found more extinction in an attend toward threat group, compared to both the attend
away from threat group and a control group in which attention was not manipulated.
In summary, these single session studies provide converging evidence from multiple
laboratories using related but distinct methodologies attesting to the causal role of
attentional bias to threat in the maintenance of anxiety and indicate that attention
modification procedures may have clinical utility.
Li, Tan, Qian, and Liu (2008) used a PDT with pictures of positive and nega-
tive faces to modify attentional bias in individuals with high social anxiety. These
researchers assigned their participants to one of two groups. In one group, par-
ticipants received a dot probe task with the training contingency being away from
negative material. In the control group, participants received the typical PDT without
a contingency between the position of the probe and the position of the negative
material. Seven days of attentional disengagement training resulted in an increase
in focus of attention on positive faces. Their results also showed that scores on the
Social Interaction Anxiety Scale (SIAS) were reduced in the attention training group
compared to the control group. However, scores on the Social Phobia Scale (SPS)
and the Fear of Negative Evaluation Scale (FNE) did not differ between the two
groups, suggesting a limited reduction of social anxiety. The participants in this study
did not meet diagnostic criteria for an anxiety disorder; however, other researchers
have used attention training with clinical populations.
To date, five randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled studies have examined
the effect of computerized AMP in the treatment of anxiety (Amir, Beard, Burns, &
Bomyea, 2009; Amir, Beard, Taylor, et al., 2009; Carlbring et al., 2012; Heeren,
Reese, McNally, & Philippot, 2012; Schmidt, Richey, Buckner, & Timpano, 2009)
in clinical populations. In these studies, the authors used variations of the PDT to
induce selective processing of neutral cues when these cues compete for attentional
resources with threat-relevant cues. The placebo group (attention control condition,
ACC) was identical to AMP except that the location of the probe relative to the
threatening or neutral stimuli was random (i.e., the probe replaced neutral stimuli on
50% of trials, and threatening stimuli on the other 50% of trials). In four of these
five studies, participants in the AMP group showed significantly larger reductions in
clinician- and self-rated symptoms of anxiety and functional impairment relative to
the control group.
Schmidt et al. (2009) examined the effect of attention training in 36 individuals
who sought treatment for general social phobia (GSP). Participants were randomly
assigned to either the AMP or the ACC. Patients in the AMP condition exhibited
significantly greater reductions in social anxiety and trait anxiety compared to patients
in the control condition. At termination, 72% of patients in the active treatment
condition, relative to 11% of patients in the control condition, no longer met DSM-IV
criteria for GSP. At 4-month follow-up, patients in the AMP condition continued to
maintain clinical improvement, and diagnostic differences across conditions were also
maintained. These findings further bolster confidence in the generalizability of the
AMP efficacy across sites.
Amir, Beard, Taylor, et al. (2009) tested the hypothesis that a multisession AMP
would reduce symptoms of social anxiety and associated functional impairment in
44 individuals seeking treatment for GSP. Participants met criteria for a primary
diagnosis of GSP using the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV (First, Spitzer,
Gibbon, & Williams, 1994). Fifty percent of participants had co-occurring Axis I
disorders. Participants completed the AMP or ACC twice each week for 4 weeks.
Each training session was approximately 20 minutes in duration. Primary outcome
measures were interview- and self-reported social anxiety symptoms (Liebowitz Social
Anxiety Scale [LSAS]; Liebowitz, 1987; Social Phobia and Anxiety Inventory [SPAI];
Attentional Bias Modification 191
Turner, Beidel, & Dancu, 1996; Turner, Beidel, Dancu, & Stanley, 1989) and
functional impairment (Sheehan Disability Scale [SDS]; Sheehan, 1983). Researchers
submitted participants’ scores on these measures to 2 (Group: AMP, ACC) X 2
(Time: pretraining, posttraining) analyses of variance with repeated measurement
on the second factor. Results revealed significant Group X Time interactions for
all measures, on the LSAS, SPAI, and SDS, respectively. Follow-up paired t tests
conducted within each group revealed that participants in the AMP group showed a
significant decrease in scores from pre- to postassessment on the LSAS. Similar analyses
in the ACC group revealed a significant decrease in scores from pre- to postassessment
on the LSAS. Analyses of covariance conducted on posttreatment scores, covarying
pretreatment scores, and using the LSAS, SPAI, and SDS as the dependent variables,
revealed that the AMP group was less socially anxious and less functionally impaired
relative to the ACC group at postassessment. Thus, consistent with prediction,
results revealed that participants who received the AMP exhibited greater decreases
in interviewer and self-report measures of social anxiety and impairment relative to
the ACC group. Patients maintained their gains at 4-month follow-up. Moreover,
data on diagnostic status after treatment revealed that 50% of participants in the AMP
group no longer met diagnostic criteria for GSP compared to 14% of participants
in the ACC group. Finally, results revealed that the AMP significantly facilitated
attention disengagement from threat from pre- to postassessment, and reduction in
interviewer-rated social anxiety symptoms was mediated by change in attentional bias
(Mackinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). These findings provide
empirical support consistent with the hypothesized mechanism of the AMP.
In the third study, Amir et al. examined the effects of a similar eight-session AMP in
a sample of 29 treatment-seeking patients who met diagnostic criteria for generalized
anxiety disorder (GAD; Amir, Beard, Burns, et al., 2009). The interviewer measures
included the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV (SCID; First et al., 1994) and
the Hamilton Rating Scale for Anxiety (HRSA; Hamilton, 1959). The self-report
measures included the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI; Spielberger, Gorsuch,
Lushene, Vagg, & Jacobs, 1983), the Beck Depression Inventory II (BDI-II; Beck,
Steer, & Brown, 1996), the Worry Domains Questionnaire (WDQ; Tallis, Eysenck,
& Mathews, 1992), and the Penn State Worry Questionnaire (PSWQ; Meyer, Miller,
Metzger, & Borkovec, 1990). Consistent with previous studies, participants in the
AMP group demonstrated significantly greater reductions on interviewer- and self-
reported anxiety symptoms. Further, a significantly larger proportion of participants in
the AMP group (50%) compared to the ACC group (13%) no longer met diagnostic
criteria for GAD after training. Finally, a mediation analysis (Mackinnon et al., 2002)
supported the hypothesis that change in attentional bias mediated the reduction in
interviewer-rated anxiety (HRSA) from pre- to posttreatment.
Heeren et al. (2012) also examined the effect of attention training on reducing the
symptoms of social anxiety, but also included behavioral and physiological measures
of anxiety reduction. Participants who were trained to attend to nonthreatening
cues demonstrated significantly greater reductions in self-reported, behavioral, and
physiological measures of anxiety than did participants from the attend to threat and
control conditions (Heeren et al., 2012).
192 General Strategies
In addition to the studies described above, two studies examined the efficacy of
Internet-delivered AMP. Carlbring et al. (2012) examined the effect of attentional bias
modification delivered via the Internet with no physical contact with the participants.
These researchers suggested that a large number of trials have found that CBT
delivered over the Internet can be as effective as face-to-face CBT, even in direct
comparison. Therefore, it would be useful to examine whether attention training,
an intervention with much fewer needs for therapist contact than CBT, could also
be delivered via the Internet. After a diagnostic interview, 79 participants were
randomized to one of two attention training programs. In the active condition the
participant was trained to direct attention away from threat, whereas in the placebo
condition the probe appeared with equal frequency in the position of the threatening
and neutral stimuli. Participants in both conditions received training via the Internet
utilizing a PDT with pictures of threatening and neutral faces. Results were analyzed
on an intention-to-treat basis, including all randomized participants. Immediate and
4-month follow-up results revealed a significant decrease in anxiety over time on
all measured dimensions (social anxiety scales, general anxiety and depression levels,
quality of life); however, the active and control group did not differ on these
measures at posttreatment. Similarly, Boettcher, Berger, and Renneberg (2011) did
not find pre- to posttreatment group differences between active and control Cognitive
Bias Modification (CBM) conditions when delivered via the Internet. However, at
4-month follow-up there was some suggestion of an advantage of the active CBM
condition for depressive symptoms and a marginally significant effect on social anxiety
symptoms. These studies suggest that computerized attentional bias modification may
need to be altered before dissemination for the Internet.
The average controlled posttreatment between-group effect size on the primary
outcome measure across studies was large (Cohen’s d = 0.91), which is within the
range of those obtained for existing empirically supported cognitive behavioral and
pharmacological treatments for anxiety (Barlow, 2007). Moreover, a significantly
larger proportion of participants in the AMP group compared to the ACC group
no longer met diagnostic criteria for the principal anxiety disorder diagnosis at
postassessment (loss of diagnosis: AMP, range 50% to 72%; ACC, range 11% to
14%). Finally, two of the trials conducted a formal mediation analysis (Mackinnon
et al., 2002), which demonstrated that change in attentional bias for threat mediated
the reduction in interviewer-rated anxiety from pre- to postassessment (Amir, Beard,
Burns, et al., 2009; Amir, Beard, Taylor, et al., 2009). Thus, the central treatment
target of the AMP (attentional bias for threat) was shown to be a key mechanism of
action responsible for symptom reduction.
Recent meta-analyses provide further support for the clinical utility of AMP.
Hakamata et al. (2010) reviewed studies that compared AMP to a control condition
and found a medium effect size for AMP on anxiety overall (d = 0.61; CI =
0.42–0.81) with a larger effect specifically in clinical patients (d = 0.78; CI =
0.38–1.20). Many of the studies used a double-blind, placebo-controlled design,
allowing researchers to rule out the possibility of group differences that are due to
demand effects, expectancy, or credibility of the intervention. Finally, as Hakamata
et al. (2010) suggested, existing effect size estimates may potentially be enhanced
Attentional Bias Modification 193
given the lack of rationale provided to participants, lack of therapist contact, and
brevity of these initial protocols.
Beard, Sawyer, and Hofmann (2012) identified 37 studies (41 experiments) with a
total of 2,135 participants who were randomized to training toward neutral, positive,
threat, or appetitive stimuli or to a control condition. Large effect size estimates were
obtained for neutral versus threat comparisons ( g =1 .06), neutral versus appetitive
( g = 1.41), and neutral versus control comparisons ( g = 0.80). These authors also
conducted fail-safe N calculation, suggesting that the effect size estimates were robust
for the training effects on attentional biases, but not for the effect on subjective
experiences. Beard et al. concluded that AMP has a moderate and robust effect on
attentional bias when using threat stimuli.
Conclusions
Consistent with recent reviews, the above summary suggests that attention is a
multifaceted construct that can be measured using a number of basic experimental
psychology paradigms. There is now ample evidence for the causal link between
attention and anxiety; however, issues remain as to which particular component
of attention is responsible for this effect. For example, at least one study found
that attention training toward threat is as effective as attention training away from
threatening information (Klumpp & Amir, 2010).
Researchers have begun to use this methodology for treatment; however, not all
results are positive. For example, three randomized placebo-controlled trials from
three different laboratories have shown that AMP is a useful treatment for social
anxiety disorder (Amir, Beard, Taylor, et al., 2009; Heeren et al., 2012; Schmidt
et al., 2009). These AMP studies were all conducted in laboratory settings. However,
two studies (Boettcher et al., 2011; Carlbring et al., 2012) that used a very similar
methodology but delivered the intervention via the Internet did not find group
differences in symptoms compared to an ACC. As these researchers speculated,
AMP conducted in a laboratory setting may have produced positive results due to
unintentional exposure effects produced by putting oneself in an unfamiliar setting
that involves contact with authorities (e.g., clinicians), assessment, and supervision
by research assistants. However, this explanation is not likely to account fully for the
obtained results of the studies conducted in the laboratory, as participants in the ACC
194 General Strategies
receive similar levels of unintentional exposure, but do not show the same level of
symptom reduction as do participants in the AMP group.
On the other hand, an interactive hypothesis suggests that the effective ingredient
in AMP is a change in vulnerability to experience anxiety, but only when participants
are in an anxiety-provoking situation (MacLeod et al., 2002). Indeed, single session
studies (Amir et al., 2008, MacLeod et al., 2002; Najmi & Amir, 2010) show
that AMP does not result in any change in anxiety after training. However, when
participants are faced with an anxiety-provoking situation (e.g., solving unsolvable
anagrams, or giving a speech in the case of socially anxious individuals) then those
receiving AMP are less likely to show an increase in anxiety when compared to the
ACC group.
Accordingly, it is not surprising that the two studies that delivered interventions
over the Internet (presumably in the participants’ homes), thereby minimizing the
number of interpersonal interactions that contribute to anxiety in socially anxious
participants (Boettcher et al., 2011; Carlbring et al., 2012), produced the weakest
effect of AMP when compared to ACC. Indeed, a recent study conducted by the
Carlbring group (Kuckertz et al., in press) examined this hypothesis by providing
AMP on the Internet while also instructing participants to self-activate their social
anxiety fears prior to completing the attention training sessions. Participants in that
study complied with the instructions approximately half the time. Their results suggest
that this instructional difference may partially explain positive findings resulting from
AMP. While the researchers did not find a positive correlation between the number of
times participants self-induced anxiety and reduction in social anxiety symptoms, they
did find that participants who completed at least one self-induced anxiety exercise
prior to completing AMP training experienced a significantly greater reduction in
social anxiety symptoms than those who did not engage in any exposure exercises.
Moreover, the effect size for this Internet-delivered version of AMP was similar to the
laboratory-delivered versions described and also matches an Internet-delivered CBT
program used as a comparison condition.
In summary, although AMP has been shown to be effective in treating anxiety,
questions remain regarding third-party variables (e.g., severity of the disorder, level
of bias before training, interaction with unintended exposure) that may interact
with the efficacy of attention training and should be examined in future research.
Only one study (Amir, Taylor, & Donohue, 2011) has systematically examined
predictors of response to AMP. Consistent with their hypothesis, these researchers
found that individuals who presented at pretreatment with an attentional bias toward
threat benefited more from attention training than participants who did not present
with an initial attentional bias. Moreover, Boettcher and colleagues (2011) did not
find differences in social anxiety reductions between active attention training and a
control condition; however, their participants did not present with attentional bias at
pretreatment. This lack of initial attentional bias may, in part, account for their null
results.
Although the primary aim of the studies reviewed above was to compare AMP
to a control condition (i.e., the ACC), it is not at all clear that the ACC would
be an inert intervention. Indeed, in early studies of attention training (MacLeod
et al., 2002) researchers compared the efficacy of a manipulation designed to direct
Attentional Bias Modification 195
Future Directions
Clinical Application
Recent reviews have called for utilizing AMP as an adjunctive intervention to CBT as
well as other therapeutic interventions (i.e., pharmacology; see Beard, 2011; Hakamata
et al., 2010; Hallion & Ruscio, 2011). Beard (2011) suggested that bias modification
Attentional Bias Modification 197
programs could increase response rates for participants completing CBT, help patients
better engage in exposure therapy, and assist cognitive restructuring by bypassing auto-
matic mental habits. Recent studies by Amir and Taylor (2012) and Riemann, Kuck-
ertz, Rozenman, Weersing, and Amir (2013) have addressed these calls for research.
Amir and Taylor (2012) utilized an integrated computer-delivered treatment
program combining both AMP and computerized CBT (CCBT) that could be
self-administered in the home (or other settings) for patients suffering from GAD.
Results indicated that patients experienced significant symptom reductions from
pre- to postassessment with medium to large treatment effects and 79% no longer
met diagnostic criteria for GAD. Moreover, findings suggest that AMP plus CCBT
may be an effective and easily accessible treatment option for individuals with
anxiety. Furthermore, Riemann et al. (2013) examined the effect of AMP compared
to a control (ACC) as an adjunctive intervention to CBT and pharmacological
interventions in children diagnosed with a primary anxiety disorder. Results indicated
that AMP augmented CBT and pharmacological treatments when compared to ACC.
Clinically significant change was determined by the criteria defined by Jacobson and
Truax (1991) and was assessed using the Screen for Child Anxiety Related Emotional
Disorders (SCARED; Birmaher et al., 1997, 1999). Scores indicated that 52.4% of
youth in the AMP group demonstrated clinically significant change in symptoms
compared to 4.8% in the ACC group.
In summary, augmenting current therapeutic interventions (CBT, pharmacology)
has only been studied recently, yet appears to be beneficial. More research examining
AMP as an adjunctive intervention is necessary; however, clinicians versed in CBT
should consider integrating AMP into current treatment protocols in order to enhance
treatment response.
Concluding Remarks
In summary, researchers have established a link between basic attention processes and
anxiety symptoms. More recently, these links have been translated into theory-driven
treatment for anxiety disorders. Although encouraging and promising, questions
remain regarding the basic mechanisms involved in attention training as well as the
best method for incorporating attention training into clinical practice.
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10
Habit Reversal
Michael P. Twohig, Ellen J. Bluett,
Kate L. Morrison, and Michelle R. Woidneck
Utah State University, United States
Introduction
The original habit reversal procedure developed by Azrin and Nunn (1973b) concep-
tualized nervous habits and tics as initially normal responses to stressful psychological
or physical events that, over time, become habitual. These researchers theorized that
the continued action strengthens the muscle groups used to engage in the habit-
ual behavior and that the opposing, unused muscle groups subsequently weaken.
This results in less ability to consciously refrain from engaging in the response and
further inattention to the occurrence of the nervous habit. Azrin and Nunn (1973b)
suggested that social reinforcement, such as sympathy, aids in strengthening the
habitual response.
In order to decrease the occurrence of “nervous” habits, Azrin and Nunn (1973b)
recommended introducing a response that competes with the ability to engage in
the behavior. Before introducing an incompatible response, however, awareness of
the action must first be developed. Only then can a person engage in a competing
response to strengthen the unused muscles and disrupt the habitual chain of responses.
Reversing or eliminating social reinforcement that may be occurring for the target
behavior was also suggested by Azrin and Nunn (1973b). The initial protocol
included four phases: awareness training, competing response practice, habit control
motivation, and generalization training. Awareness training consists of response
description (describing and acting out target behaviors to the therapist), response
detection (labeling when the target occurs), early warning (detecting early signs of
the target behavior), and situation awareness training (discussion and description of
situations where the behavior is most likely to occur).
The treatment then moves into the competing response practice stage. Within
this stage, a response is trained that is incompatible with the target behavior. The
competing response procedure was adapted from previous overcorrection procedures
used to treat self-stimulation in children with autism and developmental delays (Foxx
& Azrin, 1972, 1973a, 1973b). For example, a child with a thumb sucking behavior
will use a competing response of clenching her fists instead of engaging in thumb
sucking, or a person with an elbow tic will press his elbow into his side. According to
Azrin and Nunn (1973b) the competing response must (a) be opposite of the habit,
(b) be done for a few minutes, (c) produce increased awareness by an equivalent level
of tense muscles as those involved in the habit, (d) be unnoticeable by others and easy
to engage in, and (e) strengthen the opposing muscles to the habit. The competing
response is held for approximately three minutes either with the presence of an urge
to engage in a habit or immediately after engaging in the habit.
The next phase of the protocol is to increase motivation to control the habit. Azrin
and Nunn (1973b) recognized that clients need to be engaged and motivated to
participate in the habit reversal techniques for it to be effective. In order to address
this issue they suggest implementing the Habit Inconvenience Review which involves
the therapist and client discussing the embarrassment, inconveniences, and distress
experienced because of the habitual behavior. Social support is addressed next and
involves having loved ones encourage the engagement in competing responses by
reinforcing good effort, by commenting on appearance after a habit-free period, and
by reminding the client to engage in the competing response when he or she misses a
cue or was unaware of a habit. The therapist will also make phone calls to collect data
and reinforce competing responses during that same contact. Because adults choose
to present to treatment, their motivation is usually more accessible than children who
were brought by their parents and do not choose to get rid of their habit. In this
situation, parents are asked to guide children through the competing response when
the child forgets or does not engage in it.
The next stage is generalization training. This includes practicing the competing
response with the therapist until it is correctly used, followed by symbolic rehearsal.
Habit Reversal 205
During symbolic rehearsal, the client imagines situations in which habits are more
likely to occur and visualizes him- or herself engaging in the competing response
contingent on that urge. To further generalization, the client and the therapist have
a conversation in nonhabit reversal talk during which the client is to note when he or
she is engaging in habits. If the client does not notice this behavior, then the therapist
gently reminds him or her by staring at the body part that is part of the competing
response, raising eyebrows, or saying “hmmm” (Azrin & Nunn, 1973b).
Studies have been conducted to determine which aspects of the original Azrin
and Nunn (1973b) protocol are essential. Research has shown that not all of
the components initially listed are necessary and that other conceptualizations of the
occurrence of tics and habits, as well as the mechanism of change in habit reversal, may
be more accurate. One of the initial changes to the original package was a reduction
in total intervention length when Miltenberger, Fuqua, and McKinley (1985) found
that awareness training and engaging in a competing response alone showed no
difference in treatment effects than the full Azrin and Nunn (1973b) protocol. The
authors noted that the competing response aspect of the protocol cannot be done
without first doing awareness training, as it is impossible to know when to engage in
the competing response if one is unaware of the habit. Various studies have found
that self-monitoring and awareness training alone or in combination can be sufficient
(Ladouceur, 1979; Ollendick, 1981; Wright & Miltenberger, 1987).
Woods, Miltenberger, and Lumley (1996) sequentially introduced aspects of habit
reversal in order of least to most effortful to determine which aspects of the treatment
were necessary. The four phases of treatment were (a) awareness training, (b)
awareness training and self-monitoring, (c) awareness training, self-monitoring, and
social support, and (d) awareness training, social support, and use of a competing
response. Two of the four participants required the full simplified treatment (awareness
training, competing response, and social support), one required awareness training
and self-monitoring, and one only needed awareness training to reduce or eliminate
tics. In a larger study Twohig, Woods, Marcks, and Teng (2003) compared three 50-
minute sessions of simplified habit reversal training consisting of awareness training,
competing response training, and social support to an attentional control condition in
adult nail biting. Results supported simplified habit reversal and further highlighted
the possible simplicity of the intervention. An investigation of an even more simplified
version of this treatment showed no differences among 40 adult nail biters who were
treated with either the three aforementioned aspects of simplified habit reversal or
awareness training plus competing response training alone (Flessner et al., 2005).
Additional research is needed to determine whether this two-component treatment
remains effective for children and adolescents, as social support may be an essential
treatment component for this population.
In addition to not needing all the components of the original treatment package to
produce clinically significant results, findings have shed light on the possible process
206 General Strategies
of change underlying habit reversal. While the function of awareness training is largely
to help the individual know when to use the competing response, the function of the
competing response is still somewhat unclear; however, there is some evidence as to
why it is useful. Not surprisingly, the competing response must be contingent on the
habitual behavior rather than at prescribed times throughout the day (Miltenberger
& Fuqua, 1985), calling into question the idea that competing responses are building
muscles opposite to the habit or tic. Surprisingly, multiple researchers showed that the
competing response need not be related to the habitual behavior (Sharenow, Fuqua,
& Miltenberger, 1989; Woods et al., 1999). Sharenow et al. (1989), for example,
found that fist clenching can be an effective competing response for an eye-blinking
tic. Woods et al. (1999) showed that fist clenching and clenching knees are both
effective with oral digital habits. Nevertheless, most therapists and researchers who
use habit reversal use a competing response that is related to the habitual behavior
such as making fists for skin picking or hair pulling or actions that are opposite to the
tic (Miltenberger et al., 1998).
The final relevant finding that sheds light on the possible process of change has to
do with the proper duration of the competing response. A study comparing 5-second,
1-minute, and 3-minute competing responses found that all three conditions were
equally useful in reducing the rate of the habit from pretreatment to posttreatment;
however, notable relapse was seen in the 5-second condition at 3-month follow-up
compared to the other two conditions (Twohig & Woods, 2001a). At the clinical end,
these results suggest that a competing response of at least 1 minute is preferred. These
results also suggest that some amount of meaningful learning is occurring during the
competing response and that a longer duration is better than a very brief one.
Summary
This brief review suggests that habit reversal has been in development and use since
the early 1970s. Habit reversal was originally developed as a multicomponent package
and has since been shortened into a brief treatment focusing on competing response
training aided by the awareness training component. Research indicates that the
competing response needs to be done contingent on the warning signs (urges to
engage in the behavior or preliminary steps to the behavior) or the target behavior
itself. The competing response may be of any form, but should be at least a minute in
duration or longer.
In the following section we continue with a review of the major disorders for which
habit reversal has been shown to be effective (see Table 10.1 for a list of controlled
trials). A recent meta-analysis consisting of 18 studies and 575 participants found that
habit reversal was an efficacious treatment for a wide range of maladaptive behaviors in
varied samples (Bate, Malouff, Thorsteinsson, & Bhullar, 2011). Furthermore, Bate
et al. (2011) found that habit reversal was equivalently effective across disorders in
which it is commonly used, including tics, stuttering, nail biting, thumb sucking, and
Table 10.1 Controlled Studies of Habit Reversal and Its Variants
Oral-digital
Azrin et al. (1980d) Children (30) Frequency of finger HRT > bitter
sucking substance
Azrin et al. (1982) Children (10) Frequency of oral HRT > NP
habit
Christensen & Children (30) Frequency of thumb HRT = DR > WL
Sanders (1987) sucking
Woods et al. (1999) Children (26) Frequency of finger HRT (using similar
sucking CR) = HRT (using
dissimilar CR) > WL
Nail biting
Azrin et al. (1980c) Adults (97) Frequency of nail HRT > NP
biting
Horne & Wilkinson Adults (40) Nail length and SR HRT + NC = HRT +
(1980) frequency of nail NC + TG = NC +
biting TG > WL
Twohig et al. (2003) Adults (25) Nail length HRT > supportive
psychotherapy
Flessner et al. (2005) Adults (40) Nail length and SR SHRT = AT + CR
frequency of nail
biting
Temporomandibular
disorders
Gramling et al. Adults (16) Pain level HRT > control
(1996)
Townsend et al. Adults (20) Pain level HRT (with minimal
(2001) therapist contact) >
WL
Glaros et al. (2007) Adults (8) Pain level HRT = splint
Tic disorders
Azrin et al. (1980a) Adolescents/ Frequency of tics HRT > NP
adults (22)
Miltenberger et al. Mixed (9) Frequency of MT HRT = CR + AT
(1985)
Azrin & Peterson Mixed (10) Frequency of MT HRT > WL
(1990) and VT
O’Connor et al. Adults (13) Frequency of MT HRT = cognitive
(1997) behavioral
O’Connor et al. Adults (47) Frequency of tics HRT > WL
(2001)
Wilhelm et al. (2003) Adults (29) YGTSS HRT > supportive
psychotherapy
Verdellen et al. Mixed (43) YGTSS HRT = exposure +
(2004) response prevention
(Continued Overleaf )
Table 10.1 (Continued)
lip biting. This meta-analysis revealed that, compared to other control conditions,
habit reversal was more effective from pretreatment to posttreatment.
Oral Habits
Azrin, Nunn, and Frantz-Renshaw (1982) initially found that habit reversal was
an effective treatment for a variety of self-destructive oral habits including biting,
chewing, licking, or sucking of the tongue, cheeks, lips, and roof of the mouth.
In this study 10 adults and children were treated with a single 2-hour session of
either habit reversal or negative practice (intentionally engaging in a behavior until it
becomes aversive). In a 22-month follow-up these researchers found that individuals
treated with habit reversal reduced their oral habits by 99%, whereas those treated
with negative practice reduced their oral habits by only 60% (Azrin et al., 1982).
A comparison trial examined habit reversal versus the use of a bitter substance for
treating 30 children with problematic thumb sucking. Habit reversal was shown to
reduce thumb sucking behavior by 95% in comparison to a bitter substance treatment
which only reduced thumb sucking behavior by 35% (Azrin, Nunn, & Frantz-
Renshaw, 1980d). In a study comparing habit reversal to differential reinforcement
for thumb sucking, both conditions reduced thumb sucking with no significant
difference between groups (Christensen & Sanders, 1987). Woods and colleagues
(1999) compared the efficacy of similar versus dissimilar competing responses in
children with chronic oral habits, a majority of whom had thumb sucking as their
primary complaint. Both groups showed a significant decrease in oral habit behavior
compared to the control group, although no differences were found in treatment
gains between groups. As is evidenced in this review, there are more data on the
utility of habit reversal for children with oral-digital habits than for adults; this is likely
because this problem area is more common in that age group.
Nail Biting
Several earlier studies examined the efficacy of habit reversal in treating nail biting, a
problematic behavior found in both adults and children. Azrin and Nunn (1973b)
hypothesized that nail biting occurred for a number of reasons including response
chaining, limited awareness, excessive practice, and tolerance. In a preliminary study
of habit reversal for nail biting, habit reversal training was found to be effective
immediately after a single 2-hour session in both adults and children (Nunn & Azrin,
1976). A larger study compared habit reversal to negative practice with 97 adults
who bit their nails (Azrin, Nunn, & Frantz, 1980c). Concurrent with earlier studies,
habit reversal reduced nail biting by 99% through 5-month follow-up compared to
a reduction of only 60% in those treated with negative practice. Yet another study
compared three conditions: habit reversal where part of the competing response was
functional nail care (clipping, filing), habit reversal plus nail care and target goals,
and nail care plus target goals to a control group. Both conditions that included
habit reversal were more successful at decreasing nail biting behavior, whereas the
condition that excluded habit reversal was found to be only semi-successful (Horne &
Wilkinson, 1980).
210 General Strategies
More recent studies have examined the effects of simplified habit reversal on nail
biting, which consists of awareness training, competing response training, and social
support. In a study that compared simplified habit reversal to a social support control
condition, adults in the simplified habit reversal condition had significantly greater
nail length than did those in the control condition (Twohig et al., 2003). One study
evaluated the necessity of a social support component in simplified habit reversal
for treating nail biting by comparing two versions of simplified habit reversal, one
with social support and one without. Although both treatment conditions produced
significant effects on reducing nail biting behavior, no significant difference was found
between treatment conditions (Flessner et al., 2005). Also of note, a study conducted
by Twohig and Woods (2001a) compared the efficacy of habit reversal across 1-
minute, 3-minute, and 5-second competing response durations. Results showed an
increase in nail length across all groups; however, long-term results only occurred in
the 1- and 3-minute groups.
Temporomandibular Disorder
Temporomandibular disorder is also called “TMD” or “TMJ” by many health profes-
sionals. Temporomandibular disorder includes a number of disorders of the jaw joints,
the muscles involved, dental occlusion, or the involved nerves. Habit reversal has been
shown effective in treating temporomandibular disorder. Several smaller studies have
found that habit reversal is effective at reducing facial pain associated with temporo-
mandibular disorder (Gramling, Neblett, Grayson, & Townsend, 1996; Peterson,
Dixon, Talcott, & Kelleher, 1993). Furthermore, two studies with women found that
only habit reversal was efficacious for reducing pain due to temporomandibular disor-
der when compared to a wait-list or an oral splint (Glaros, Kim-Weroha, Lausten, &
Franklin, 2007; Townsend, Nicholson, Buenaver, Bush, & Gramling, 2001). Within
the same family, habit reversal has been shown to reduce pain associated with bruxism,
a severe and common dental problem that is described as grinding or gnashing of the
teeth or clenching and clicking of the teeth (Glaros & Rao, 1977; Olkinuora, 1969;
Rosenbaum & Ayllon, 1981a).
Tic Disorders
The larger category of tic disorders includes Tourette’s disorder (both motor and
vocal tics) and chronic tic disorders (either motor or vocal tics). The effects of habit
reversal on transient tic disorder (presence of tics for brief periods of time) have not
been tested for obvious reasons. Although pharmacotherapy is the most widely used
treatment for treating Tourette’s disorder, habit reversal is effective in treating this
condition (Carr & Chong, 2005; Cook & Blacher, 2007; Himle, Woods, Piacentini,
& Walkup, 2006). One review implemented the criteria for evidence-based treat-
ment created by the Task Force on Promotion and Dissemination of Psychological
Procedures by Division 12 of the American Psychological Association to examine
29 studies using habit reversal as a psychosocial treatment for tic disorders. Only
12 studies were used in their final analysis, concluding that due to methodological
shortcomings habit reversal was considered a probably efficacious treatment for tic
Habit Reversal 211
disorders (Carr & Chong, 2005). Following this review, Cook and Blacher reviewed
several treatments used to treat tics including habit reversal training, massed negative
practice, self-monitoring, contingency management, exposure and response preven-
tion, and cognitive behavioral treatment. After specifically reviewing the 20 studies,
including those in the Carr and Chong (2005) review, they found that habit reversal
was a well-established treatment for tic disorders (Cook & Blacher, 2007).
Given that habit reversal has been most researched with tic disorders, only the
larger studies are reviewed in detail in this chapter. See Table 10.1 for controlled
studies of habit reversal for tic disorders. An earlier controlled trial, examining
unspecified tic disorders, compared habit reversal to massed negative practice and
found that habit reversal reduced tics by 92% versus a reduction of 33% in massed
negative practice (Azrin, Nunn, & Frantz, 1980a). Yet another study found that habit
reversal, compared to habit reversal plus cognitive therapy, reduced self-reported tics
posttreatment with no difference between groups (O’Connor, Gareau, & Borgeat,
1997). In more recent studies, habit reversal was compared to supportive therapy for
treating adults with Tourette’s disorder, which resulted in a significant improvement
in the habit reversal group compared to the supportive therapy group (Deckersbach,
Rauch, Buhlmann, & Wilhelm, 2006; Wilhelm et al., 2003). Finally, only one
study to date has compared habit reversal to exposure plus response prevention in
treating Tourette’s disorder. Results showed a significant reduction in tic severity for
both groups, with no significant difference between groups on outcome measures
(Verdellen, Keijsers, Cath, & Hoogduin, 2004).
In the largest study to date on the psychosocial treatment of Tourette’s disorder,
126 children and adolescents, across three sites, were treated with Comprehensive
Behavioral Intervention for Tics (CBIT) which has habit reversal as its primary com-
ponent (Piacentini et al., 2010). CBIT outperformed the supportive psychotherapy
and education condition in reducing tic severity. Notably, 52% in the CBIT condi-
tion versus 14% in the control condition were rated as much or very improved as a
result of the intervention. Despite the empirical evidence for behavioral treatment for
Tourette’s disorder, including habit reversal, a recent study with two national surveys
found that most clients do not receive this efficacious behavioral treatment (Woods,
Conelea, & Himle, 2010).
Trichotillomania
Trichotillomania is characterized by excessive hair loss due to chronic hair pulling.
A recent systematic review examined randomized control trials that investigated the
efficacy of habit reversal training, pharmacotherapy with selective serotonin reuptake
inhibitors, and pharmacotherapy with clomipramine to one another or a placebo
control condition (Bloch et al., 2007). While the paper only reviewed seven studies
with a total of 157 completers, habit reversal training was found to be the most
effective treatment (Bloch et al., 2007).
As in the case of many of the disorders previously discussed, Azrin, Nunn, and
Frantz (1980b) were among the first to compare habit reversal training to negative
practice in 34 individuals diagnosed with trichotillomania. In this study, habit reversal
training was more effective than negative practice. Hair pulling was reduced by 99%
212 General Strategies
on the first day of habit reversal. In contrast, hair pulling was reduced by only 69%
during the third week of negative practice. Supporting these initial results, a multiple
baseline design examining the frequency of hair pulling found that habit reversal
reduced hair pulling after one session and eliminated the behavior within 3 weeks
(Rosenbaum & Ayllon, 1981b). Yet another study employed habit reversal training
in a group setting for five individuals, in which three of the five maintained treatment
gains at 1-month follow-up and two continued to exhibit treatment improvements
at 6-month follow-up. In addition, several studies have compared the efficacy of
habit reversal training to pharmacotherapy. One randomized control trial compared
clomipramine to habit reversal and a control condition. Habit reversal was significantly
more efficacious than the control and clomipramine conditions (Ninan, Rothbaum,
Marsteller, Knight, & Eccard, 2000). Another randomized trial compared 12 weeks of
fluoxetine to biweekly sessions of habit reversal and a 12-week wait-list control. Habit
reversal was more efficacious than fluoxetine although the between-group difference
was only significant at a trend level (van Minnen, Hoogduin, Keijsers, Hellenbrand, &
Hendriks, 2003).
Skin Picking
Despite the prevalence of skin picking, there has been minimal research conducted
on effective treatments (Teng, Woods, & Twohig, 2006). Two case studies found
that habit reversal was an efficacious treatment for those with skin picking disorder
measured by both the frequency of picking and intensity or severity levels (Deckers-
bach, Wilhelm, Keuthen, Baer, & Jenike, 2002; Twohig & Woods, 2001b). A larger
pilot study examined 19 participants who were assigned to either a wait-list control
or simplified habit reversal. Determined by both self-reported frequency of picking
and photos examined for severity of damage, participants in the habit reversal group
indicated a 77% reduction in skin picking frequency compared to a 16% reduction in
the control group. Photograph ratings also indicated a significant reduction in skin
damage in the habit reversal group compared to the wait-list control group (Teng
et al., 2006).
Stuttering
An adapted version of habit reversal, known as regulated breathing, was created
specifically for stuttering (Azrin & Nunn, 1974). Regulated breathing treatment
contains very similar components to habit reversal training including awareness
training, relaxation, competing response training (usually diaphragmatic breathing
prior to word utterance), motivation training, and generalization training. A review
of studies that implemented regulated breathing was conducted by Woods, Twohig,
Fuqua, and Hanley (2000). The authors concluded that regulated breathing produced
a 70.5% decrease in stuttering and a 22.4% increase in speech rate, with rates
maintaining at 4 to 10 months posttreatment. An initial efficacy study conducted
by Azrin and Nunn (1974) found that regulated breathing decreased stuttering
for all but one of 14 participants. Many studies followed confirming that regulated
Habit Reversal 213
breathing is an effective treatment for stuttering (e.g., Williamson, Epstein, & Coburn,
1981).
Various modifications to the original regulated breathing protocol have been tested.
A series of smaller studies found that the usage of a simplified regulated breathing
protocol was effective for treating males with a stuttering disorder (Gagnon &
Ladouceur, 1992; Wagaman, Miltenberger, & Arndorfer, 1993). Similar results were
found in two case studies with adults (Miltenberger, Wagaman, & Arndorfer, 1996).
Furthermore, two studies in particular examined the effects of implementing awareness
training in addition to the regulated breathing procedure. Both studies showed
that these procedures resulted in a reduction of stuttering; however, the addition
of awareness training did not result in better outcomes than regulated breathing
alone (Ladouceur, Boudreau, & Théberge, 1981; Ladouceur, Côté, Leblond, &
Bouchard, 1982). Yet another study examined the addition of parental assistance
to regulated breathing versus regulated breathing alone versus a wait-list condition.
Results showed that the addition of parental assistance did not increase treatment
outcome over the standard regulated breathing treatment (Ladouceur & Martineau,
1982). One additional study utilized a wait-list control to evaluate the efficacy of
regulated breathing. Although the groups did not differ at baseline, the regulated
breathing group improved significantly more than did the control group at 8-month
follow-up (Waterloo & Gotestam, 1988).
The original habit reversal procedure contained components, such as relaxation, aimed
at addressing the internal states that are associated with habit behaviors and tics. Since
that time, technology has increased and more empirically supported techniques have
been developed to address issues such as anxiety and poor motivation to engage in
treatment. Initially, cognitive behavioral components were added to simplified habit
reversal (Keuthen, Stein, & Christenson, 2001), but since that time techniques from
newer forms of cognitive behavioral therapy, such as acceptance and commitment
therapy (ACT; Twohig & Woods, 2004) and dialectical behavior therapy (DBT;
Keuthen et al., 2010), have been used to support habit reversal. It is hypothesized
that the habit reversal procedure is not as effective with those who already attend
to and are aware of their habits but are engaging in them to reduce, alter, or avoid
physical or emotional experiences, and that treatment components from cognitive
behavioral therapy might aid treatment (Keuthen et al., 2010; Twohig & Woods,
2004).
Thus far, ACT enhanced habit reversal has been tested with individuals with
trichotillomania (Twohig & Woods, 2004; Woods, Wetterneck, & Flessner, 2006),
Tourette’s disorder (Franklin, Best, Wilson, Loew, & Compton, 2011), and chronic
skin picking (Flessner, Busch, Heideman, & Woods, 2008). The database for its
use with trichotillomania is substantial and available as a published treatment manual
(Woods & Twohig, 2008), whereas its application to Tourette’s disorder is preliminary
and not yet supported empirically.
214 General Strategies
Although ACT and DBT have overlap in concept, one of the main differences is
that within DBT there is a focus of change strategies for internal experiences as well as
the use of acceptance procedures (Keuthen et al., 2010). In ACT, instead, acceptance
is taught as an alternative to attempts to avoid or alter internal experiences. DBT and
habit reversal has been tested in an open trial (N = 10) in the treatment of trichotil-
lomania with reductions in trichotillomania from pretreatment to posttreatment, and
modest improvements at 3- and 6-month follow-up (Keuthen et al., 2010, 2011).
Awareness Training
The function of the awareness training phase of habit reversal is to help the client
be aware of the times he or she will need to engage in the competing response. This
is necessary because, in most situations, there are some instances of the repetitive
behavior that occur outside of consciousness. By the end of the awareness training
module, the client should be aware of the behaviors that precede the repetitive behav-
ior (often called “warning signs”), the actions involved in the repetitive behavior, and
the inner experiences that precede or go along with the action (often called “urges”).
Awareness training begins by having the client describe the target behavior and all
aspects of it. One useful strategy is to have the client practice the movements involved
in the repetitive behavior. The same thing is done with the actions that precede the
repetitive behavior. Using an example of trichotillomania, the client would practice
and think about the movements that are involved in hair pulling as well as the actions
that usually precede pulling such as rubbing one’s hair or resting one’s elbow on the
arm of a chair. After awareness is enhanced, the client’s ability to detect these actions
can be strengthened by asking him or her to detect the therapist’s mimicked instances
of the warning sign or the repetitive action. This is usually practiced for a few minutes
or until the client is reliably detecting the occurrences. If a client does not detect an
instance, he or she should simply be informed that one had occurred. An example of
how this phase can be described to the client is as follows:
THERAPIST: OK, now that we are pretty clear on what your warning signs are and what
the pulling looks like, I would like to practice helping you get better at catching when
they occur. A good way to begin to do this is to have me do some of these things and
have you catch me. So, if you are willing, I will either engage in one of your warning
signs or put my hand to my hair like I am about to pull, and when you see that, I just
Habit Reversal 215
want you to raise a finger or say “There’s one.” I am not aiming to make you feel
self-conscious or embarrassed, we are only doing this so that you can catch these things
outside of these sessions. We will do this for about five minutes. In the meantime we
can talk about whatever we like.
THERAPIST: Now it is your turn to practice catching your warning signs, actual
behaviors, and urges. When any one of these three things occurs I want you to raise a
finger or say “There’s one.” This just lets me know that you knew it occurred.
Sometimes these things occur less often because of being in a therapy session. If that is
the situation for you, then I would like you to mimic what happens outside of therapy.
The point of this work is to help you become more familiar with what is involved with
your repetitive behavior. We can talk about things other than your repetitive behavior
while you practice this. We will do this for around five minutes. If I see a warning sign
or the behavior and you do not give me an indication you knew it occurred, I will point
it out to you.
Once the client is aware of the behaviors that precede the repetitive behavior, the
behavior itself, and the urges that are involved in it, the session can move on to
competing response training.
The competing response is trained in a similar way that awareness training occurred.
First, the therapist describes the way a competing response should be used and then
it is demonstrated for both the warning signs and the actual repetitive behavior. This
could occur as follows:
THERAPIST: Now we are going to practice not engaging in the repetitive behavior by
replacing it with another behavior. This new action is called a competing response. I
would like you to engage in the competing response for at least a minute whenever a
warning sign occurs, if the behavior occurs, or if you experience an urge to engage in
the behavior. If the urge is around for longer than a minute, continue with the
competing response until the urge significantly lessens. I will teach you a good
competing response for each repetitive behavior you do. If you are ever in a situation
where the competing response is hard to do, that is not an issue, just engage in some
activity that will make the behavior difficult. For example, if you are driving and cannot
make fists with your hands, just keep both hands firmly on the steering wheel.
After demonstrating its use, the client is asked to spend five minutes practicing the
competing response after the warning signs and five minutes after the actual behavior.
The warning signs and actual behaviors may have to be mimicked as they may not
occur in session. If any instances occur without a subsequent competing response,
they should be pointed out to the client. After sufficient practice has occurred and
the client understands the use of the competing response, he or she is instructed to
engage in the competing response after each warning sign, occurrence of the repetitive
behavior, or urge. This can be described as follows:
THERAPIST: You are doing a really nice job with these competing responses. I would
like you to continue to use this competing response each time the warning sign,
behavior, or urge occurs. I would like you to do this for a minute or until the urge has
lessened. For many people this is hundreds of times a day. I know that is a lot, but it
will certainly lessen with time. Each time you do the competing response and not the
repetitive behavior, your body is learning it does not need to do the repetitive behavior.
It is learning other ways to handle these urges. So while you may have to do the
competing response 300 times per day this week, it might be 100 times a day next
week, and so on. Eventually, these warning signs and these repetitive behaviors will
lessen and you will not have to do the competing response very often. You will miss
some chances to do the competing response; that is fine. Still, the more you work at it
the less this repetitive behavior will occur.
Finally, once the client is aware of the pertinent aspects of the repetitive behavior
and is competent in the use of the competing response, social support training can be
implemented.
asked to reinforce the correct use of the competing response and remind the client
to use it if he or she is seen engaging in the target behavior. Adults are usually just
asked to tell a person they live with to help remind them when they are engaging
in the repetitive behavior and praise them if they are doing the competing response
correctly. The caregivers of younger clients often come into session and this process is
explained by the therapist. Specifically, the caregiver is asked to simply point out the
target behavior if seen occurring without a subsequent competing response. Only a
brief reminder is necessary. For many younger clients, and sometimes adult ones too,
a token system, where successful use of the competing response can earn tokens or
points for a larger reward, can really help with the implementation of the program.
As the use increases, the program can be faded out.
Summary
Habit reversal and its variants have existed since the 1970s and have been shown to
be helpful in treating a variety of repetitive behaviors. The original treatment has been
shortened into a more simplified version while appearing to maintain effectiveness.
Lately, habit reversal is being used as an empirically supported technique, rather than
a stand-alone treatment, and being incorporated with other aspects of treatment.
No matter how it is incorporated into treatment, data suggest that habit reversal is
a useful treatment technique for addressing repetitive behavior problems across age
groups.
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Habit Reversal 221
Research Evidence
CM procedures have been most widely studied in the context of substance abuse
treatment. Multiple clinical trials have demonstrated that CM interventions, involving
the provision of tangible reinforcers contingent on objective measures of drug
abstinence, have been effective in reducing illicit drug use (e.g., Higgins, Stitzer,
Bigelow, & Liebson, 1986; Kidorf & Stitzer, 1996; Peirce et al., 2006; Preston
et al., 1998). In the largest study of CM to date, over 400 stimulant-abusing patients
beginning outpatient substance abuse treatment at one of six community-based
treatment centers across the United States were randomly assigned to usual care or
usual care plus abstinence-based reinforcers (Petry, Alessi, Marx, Austin, & Tardif,
2005). All patients submitted urine samples twice a week for 12 weeks, and patients
in the CM group earned draws from a prize bowl when samples were negative for
stimulants. The prize bowl contained 500 slips of paper, half of which earned prizes
worth $1 to $100 in value and the other half stated “good job” but did not result in
a tangible reinforcer. Draws were provided on an escalating schedule, such that the
number of draws increased by one for each week in which both samples were negative.
The number of draws was reset to one after submission of a positive sample, or after an
unexcused absence. On average, patients who were abstinent throughout the entire
study could earn about $400 in prizes. Patients in the CM condition achieved longer
durations of abstinence than did those in the usual care condition (4.4 vs. 2.6 weeks,
respectively). The CM group was also more likely than the usual care group to achieve
4, 8, and 12 weeks of consecutive abstinence, with odds ratios of 2.5, 2.7, and 4.5,
respectively. In addition, participants receiving CM stayed in treatment longer than
those in usual care (19.2 vs. 15.7 sessions, respectively). Average earnings in the CM
group were about $203 per participant.
In a parallel trial with methadone-maintained, stimulant-abusing patients, Peirce
et al. (2006) randomly assigned 388 patients to usual care or the same plus incentives
for abstinence from stimulants. As described above, patients randomized to the CM
condition earned draws from a prize bowl for providing drug-free urine samples,
with the number of draws increasing with continuous abstinence. Patients in the CM
condition were twice as likely as those in the usual care condition to submit stimulant-
and alcohol-negative samples. Individuals who received CM were approximately 3, 9,
and 11 times more likely than those who received usual care to achieve 4, 8, and 12
weeks of continuous abstinence, respectively.
Meta-analyses have also provided support for the efficacy of CM in the treatment
of substance use disorders. Dutra et al. (2008) examined 34 studies of psychosocial
substance use treatments, including CM, relapse prevention, and CBT. The strongest
effect sizes were for CM interventions. In meta-analyses of CM interventions specif-
ically, Prendergast, Podus, Finney, Greenwell, and Roll (2006) and Lussier, Heil,
Mongeon, and Badger (2006) compared CM to control conditions and found pos-
itive effects of CM for decreasing drug use. These meta-analyses also revealed that
CM is efficacious in reducing the use of many substances. Although the bulk of
the studies have focused on decreasing cocaine and/or opioid use, beneficial effects
of CM have also been noted in reducing use of nicotine (Hunt, Rash, Burke, &
Parker, 2010; Roll, Higgins, & Badger, 1996), alcohol (Petry, Martin, Cooney, &
Kranzler, 2000), marijuana (Budney, Moore, Rocha, & Higgins; 2006; Kadden, Litt,
Kabela-Cormier, & Petry, 2007), and benzodiazepines (Stitzer, Iguchi, & Felch,
1992).
CM interventions are clearly efficacious in terms of abstinence outcomes. Another
important benefit of CM is its impact on treatment attendance. Attrition from
drug-free substance abuse treatment programs is a significant problem, with 30%
Contingency Management Treatments 225
of patients leaving treatment within the first month, and over half dropping out
within the first 3 months (Hubbard et al., 1989; Kang et al., 1991; Simpson, 1981).
Further, several studies have reported that the most stable predictor of positive
outcomes in drug treatment is length of time in treatment (Hubbard, Craddock,
Flynn, Anderson, & Etheridge, 1997; Hubbard et al., 1989; Simpson & Sells, 1982).
In general, when CM is added to standard drug abuse treatment, patients stay in
treatment longer (e.g., Higgins, Budney, Bickel, Foerg, et al., 1994; Petry et al.,
2000).
CM interventions have been applied to reinforce both attendance and abstinence,
alone and in combination. Petry, Martin, and Simcic (2005) randomly assigned
cocaine-abusing methadone patients to standard treatment (including group coun-
seling) or the same plus CM. In the CM condition, patients earned draws from a
prize bowl for attending group therapy and for submitting cocaine-negative urine
samples. Patients in the CM condition submitted a greater proportion of cocaine-
negative samples (34.6% vs. 16.8%) and attended more group therapy sessions (6.6
weeks vs. 3.0 weeks) than did patients in standard treatment. In another study,
Petry, Weinstock, and Alessi (2011) randomly assigned 239 substance-abusing out-
patients to standard care with frequent urine screenings, and the same care plus
a CM intervention, delivered in the group context. Patients in the CM condition
earned chances to put their names in a hat by submitting drug-negative urine samples
and by attending group. During the group session, therapists drew names from a
hat and awarded those patients chances to win prizes ranging from $1 to $100.
Patients in the CM condition attended more days of treatment (17 vs. 14.7), stayed
in treatment for more continuous weeks (5.7 vs. 4.1), and had longer durations
of continuous abstinence (5.3 vs. 4.1) than did individuals in the standard care
condition.
The above studies demonstrate the efficacy of CM when both attendance and
abstinence are reinforced. In other studies, CM has been successfully applied to
attendance only. For example, Ledgerwood, Alessi, Hanson, Godley, and Petry
(2008) awarded patients, chances to put their name in a hat, with the patients earning
bonus chances when they attended groups on consecutive weeks (up to 16 slips for
16 consecutive weeks). Each week, a name was drawn from the hat, and the chosen
patient got to draw a slip from a prize bowl. This CM procedure was successful
in improving attendance; patients who were enrolled during the CM intervention
attended 80.4% of sessions, whereas patients enrolled during the non-CM phase
attended only 68.9% of the sessions. Petry, Martin, and Finocche (2001) used this
same attendance-based prize CM and increased group attendance from fewer than
two patients per week to an average of over 12 per week in an HIV drop-in center.
Similarly, Sigmon and Stitzer (2005) found that a prize-based CM intervention
increased attendance rates from 52% to 76% in methadone-maintained patients.
It is clear that CM procedures are efficacious for improving retention and drug
use outcomes in substance use treatments. It is important to note that results are
improved when CM is applied appropriately, with careful attention to behavioral
principles. The next section provides recommendations for CM interventions using
these principles, thereby increasing the likelihood that they will result in the desired
behavioral change.
226 General Strategies
Frequency
The frequency of occurrence of the target behavior, and the monitoring and rein-
forcement schedules, are other important variables to consider. The behavior to be
reinforced must be monitored regularly, and reinforced frequently. When designing
a CM intervention to reduce drug use, the objective is to detect every instance
of use of the target drug. In order to do so, CM interventions should objectively
monitor drug use at least twice a week, and ideally three times per week in the
initial stages of treatment (e.g., Cone & Dickerson, 1992; Saxon, Calsyn, Wells, &
Stanton, 1998). Frequent monitoring provides an opportunity not only to reinforce
each instance of the target behavior, but also to increase the chances that the patient
understands the expectations, as well as the connection between the behavior and the
reinforcer.
Contingency Management Treatments 227
Immediacy
As stated above, it is important to ensure that the patient understands the connection
between the target behavior and the reinforcer. Learning is more likely to occur
when behavior is immediately followed by the consequence (Zeiler, 1977), and it is
therefore important to reinforce drug abstinence (or other target behaviors) as soon
as possible. If there is a delay between the desired behavior and the presentation
of the reinforcer, the behavior is less likely to be altered. For example, Roll, Reilly,
and Johanson (2000) repeatedly presented a group of cigarette smokers with choices
between cigarette puffs or points that could be exchanged for different amounts of
money (10¢, $1, or $2), exchangeable either immediately after the session, or 1 or
3 weeks later. These researchers found that longer exchange delays increased the
number of choices for cigarettes. Similarly, Rowan-Szal, Joe, Chatham, and Simpson
(1994) found that drug-abusing patients achieved less abstinence when they had to
wait longer to exchange vouchers, compared to those who received a more immediate
exchange.
When clinics send urine samples to outside laboratories for screening, results are
not received until days later. This practice increases the time between the behavior
and the reinforcer, consequently decreasing the impact of the procedure. By using
on-site testing, urine toxicology results can be determined within minutes, and
reinforcers can be provided as soon as the negative result is determined. In their
study examining the impact of the delay of outcomes and reinforcement, Schwartz,
Lauderdale, Montgomery, Burch, and Gallant (1987) reported that on-site urine
testing systems are more likely than off-site systems to improve outcomes.
Magnitude
Another important factor to consider when designing a CM intervention is the mag-
nitude of the reinforcers. Several studies have demonstrated relationships between
the magnitude of the reinforcer and behavioral change (e.g., Businelle, Rash, Burke,
& Parker, 2009; Silverman, Chutuape, Bigelow, & Stitzer, 1999). For example,
Dallery, Silverman, Chutuape, Bigelow, and Stitzer (2001) found that tripling
voucher amounts (to a maximum of $3,369) for “treatment-resistant” drug-abusing
methadone patients increased the percentage of opioid- and cocaine-free samples
from 9% to 28%. These studies support the idea that larger magnitude reinforcers are
more likely to improve performance, and in most voucher-based CM studies at least
$1,000 over 12 weeks is needed to reduce drug using behavior.
or draws for their second consecutive negative sample, three dollars or draws for their
third consecutive negative sample, and so on. In addition, voucher amounts and prize
draws are reset back to the lowest value when the patient provides a sample that is
not negative for the target substance, or fails to submit a scheduled sample.
This escalating system may be more expensive than providing a constant rate of
reinforcement. However, Roll et al. (1996) compared a constant schedule of rein-
forcement for negative urine samples to one with an escalating schedule. Although
the authors set both schedules to have the same maximal amount of reinforcement,
they found that the escalating voucher system resulted in longer durations of absti-
nence than did the constant reinforcement schedule. Longer durations of abstinence,
in turn, are associated with increased probability of long-term abstinence, after the
reinforcers are removed (Higgins, Badger, & Budney, 2000; Petry, Alessi, et al.,
2005; Petry, Alessi et al., 2006; Petry, Alessi, Hanson, & Sierra, 2007).
Consistency
One of the most crucial elements of a CM intervention is consistency. Urine samples
(or other behavioral targets) must be monitored throughout treatment. If the
consistency or frequency with which contingencies are applied decreases over time,
the patient may lapse to substance use without detection. In order to achieve and
maintain consistency, clinic staff themselves may need to be monitored and reinforced
for appropriate implementation of the CM procedures. Andrzejewski, Kirby, Morral,
and Iguchi (2000) found that counselors rarely implemented CM as intended (42%
of the time) when minimal feedback was provided. These researchers described two
procedures to ensure consistent application of CM treatments: In one counselors were
given regular graphical feedback on whether or not they met performance criteria, and
in the other they also earned drawings for a cash prize if they met those performance
criteria. Compliance with the intended CM protocol improved to 71% in the verbal
feedback procedure and 81% in the drawing procedure.
Petry, Alessi, Ledgerwood, and Sierra (2010) developed the 12-item Contingency
Management Competence Scale (CMCS), which measures therapists’ adherence to
the CM protocol and assesses elements such as using objective measures of target
behaviors, providing the correct number of draws, awarding draws with enthusiasm,
and informing patients of the number of draws they can earn in their next visit.
The authors trained therapists to administer abstinence-based CM to cocaine-abusing
patients in community-based clinics (Petry et al., 2010; Petry, Alessi, & Ledgerwood,
2012), and no therapist in these studies had prior experience with CM. Training
included didactics, role plays, and supervision by staff through ratings of audio
recordings of the sessions. Following the training, therapists’ scores on the CMCS
improved significantly. Importantly, scores on the competence scale were significantly
correlated with durations of abstinence achieved by patients, demonstrating that
accurate implementation of the CM intervention is essential for improving treatment
outcomes.
These data suggest that, with appropriate training, community-based clinicians can
effectively administer CM. Further, consistency-targeting methods can be integrated
into current clinic procedures, and will improve the effectiveness of CM interventions.
Contingency Management Treatments 229
Social encouragement, along with reminders, examples, and even reinforcement, can
also be implemented to help clinicians execute CM treatments appropriately.
This next section gives readers an idea of what type of reinforcers might be best
suited to their program and patients. Specifically, this section describes the types of
reinforcers that may be used in CM interventions, including vouchers, prizes, cash, on-
site retail, and clinic privileges. The pros and cons of each reinforcer are also discussed.
Types of Reinforcers
Vouchers
The use of vouchers has been widely studied among the CM interventions for
decreasing drug use (e.g., Higgins, Budney, Bickel, Foerg et al., 1994; Higgins,
Wong, Badger, Ogden, & Dantona, 2000; Higgins et al., 2003; Silverman et al.,
1996). In this system, patients earn vouchers for each negative urine sample, and the
vouchers accumulate in a bank account of sorts. These vouchers are then exchanged
for desired goods, such as restaurant gift certificates, clothing, bus tokens, electronic
equipment, or movie tickets. To facilitate longer durations of abstinence, the voucher
amounts escalate as the number of consecutive negative urine samples increases, as
outlined earlier.
One advantage of the voucher system is its accommodation of individual prefer-
ences, as patients can spend them on just about any item. In addition, the likelihood
of patients exchanging vouchers for drugs is reduced, because cash is not provided.
Further, programs can veto requests for items that may facilitate drug use or other
problems (e.g., gift certificates to stores that sell alcohol, cigarettes, or weapons).
However, the voucher system has been criticized for its expense. Many research
studies using voucher reinforcers have applied systems in which clients can earn up
to $1,200 worth of goods during treatment (e.g., Bickel, Amass, Higgins, Badger,
& Esch, 1997; Higgins et al., 2000; Higgins, Budney, Bickel, Foerg, et al., 1994;
Higgins et al., 2003; Silverman et al., 1996), and average earnings are about $600
(e.g., Higgins, Budney, Bickel, Foerg, et al., 1994; Silverman et al., 1996). Additional
costs include staff time to purchase the requested items, which is estimated to be
more costly than the vouchers themselves (Olmstead & Petry, 2009). Lowering the
voucher reinforcement provided reduces efficacy, as described earlier. Therefore, it
may not be feasible to implement voucher-based CM in many clinical settings.
Cash
An alternative to the voucher system is to use cash as the reinforcer. Cash can be
used in the same way as vouchers, with increased amounts for consecutive periods
of abstinence, and reset of cash values when positive samples are submitted. Using
cash may be less expensive than vouchers, because staff time is not necessary to
purchase items. Also, patients often have a preference for cash over a voucher of the
same value, so changes in the target behavior may be achieved at a lower cost. In a
study by Shaner et al. (1997), cocaine-abusing patients with schizophrenia reduced
230 General Strategies
their substance use when $25 cash was provided. Elk et al. (1993, 1995) found
that patients who received $12–$15 per negative sample achieved abstinence from
cocaine. However, there have been some objections to the use of cash reinforcers.
Pragmatically, clinics may not have the necessary funds to institute a cash-based CM
intervention. Moreover, a common concern is that the cash may be used to purchase
drugs. However, the frequent monitoring of drug use in a CM intervention, and the
removal of reinforcers when drug use is identified, can alleviate this concern. Festinger
et al. (2005) examined the impact of cash reinforcement on drug use by randomizing
drug-abusing outpatients to receive various amounts of reinforcement ($10, $40,
or $70) for completing a 6-month follow-up assessment. The reinforcement was
provided in either cash or vouchers. After receiving the reinforcement, patients
were scheduled for another appointment 3 days later to provide specimens for drug
detection. Neither the amount nor the type of reinforcer had a significant effect
on rates of new drug use, suggesting that cash reinforcement is not associated with
increased drug use.
On-site Retail
An on-site retail program is similar to the voucher system described earlier, in that
patients can earn vouchers but they can then exchange them for tangible items directly
in the clinical setting. This system can be easier to implement than the voucher system,
because clinic staff are not required to shop for specific items at patients’ requests.
Further, clinics can solicit donated items from the community and local retailers,
reducing the cost (e.g., Amass & Kamien, 2004).
When an on-site retail system is in place, it is important to stock the “store”
with items that will motivate patients to complete the target behaviors. Several
studies have evaluated substance users’ preferred reinforcers (e.g., Amass, Bickel,
Crean, Higgins, & Badger, 1995; Chutaupe, Silverman, & Stitzer, 1998; Schmitz,
Rhoades, & Grabowski, 1994). Although cash was the most preferred item, patients
also expressed a desire for movie theater tickets, tickets to sports events, restaurant
gift certificates, bus passes, and bookstore gift certificates. Many of these items could
be solicited via donation. This type of intervention can reduce staff time required for
purchasing items and reduce cost for items, although it still requires significant staff
time for solicitation of donations.
Prizes
The prize-based CM system, in which patients can earn chances to draw slips of
paper from a bowl by submitting drug-negative samples, can also be used. The slips
are labeled with prizes of various magnitudes (e.g., small prizes worth $1, large
prizes worth $20, and jumbo prizes worth $100). As with the voucher system, the
escalating reinforcement schedule is used in this procedure: The number of draws
increases as patients earn consecutive time periods of abstinence. This procedure can
be implemented for a relatively lower cost than voucher-based CM, because patients
do not earn prizes for every instance of the target behavior, and the costs of the most
frequently won prizes are low ($1).
Contingency Management Treatments 231
Clinic Privileges
With opioid substitution treatments, medication itself can be used as a reinforcer.
Methadone is highly reinforcing, and some studies have utilized these reinforcing
elements to induce behavioral change. For example, studies have applied take-
home privileges (Magura, Casriel, Goldsmith, Strug, & Lipton, 1988; Stitzer et al.,
1992), methadone dose changes (Higgins et al., 1986; Stitzer, Bickel, Bigelow, &
Liebson, 1986), and continued treatment (Calsyn & Saxon, 1987; Dolan, Black,
Penk, Robinowitz, & DeFord, 1985; McCarthy & Borders, 1985) as reinforcers in
methadone programs. While these types of reinforcers are not expensive, they are only
applicable within opioid agonist treatments, and clinic privileges alone are rarely of
sufficient magnitudes in other settings to modify drug use behaviors.
This section presents some of the challenges and concerns related to CM, including
the cost of CM interventions, the utilization of urine specimens, and schedules for
detecting substance use and reinforcing abstinence. Ways to deal with these challenges
and minimize potential problems of CM treatments are also discussed.
to leave phony samples. Clinics can ensure validity by observing urine submission
and checking temperature, dilution, and pH of the sample (for issues related to urine
testing, see Coleman & Baselt, 1997; Crouch, Frank, Farrell, Karsch, & Klaunig,
1998; Preston, Silverman, Schuster, & Cone, 1997).
There are also some practical problems in terms of analyzing urine samples in
some CM interventions. First, it may be challenging to differentiate illicit drug use
from licit drug use in some cases. For example, methadone, some other opioids, and
benzodiazepines can be taken illicitly or by prescription; therefore, it may not be
possible to design CM interventions that address use of these substances in persons
who have valid prescriptions for these medications. Also, several different types of
benzodiazepines exist, making it challenging to detect all forms of sedative use.
It is important to reinforce drug abstinence frequently, and to do so soon after
abstinence is determined. However, several factors can interfere with these principles
in practice. For example, liver disease (which can occur among intravenous drug
users and heavy alcohol drinkers) can slow down the metabolism of drugs, resulting
in a longer delay between a period of abstinence and the samples reading negative.
Similarly, clients with chronic marijuana use must achieve up to 4 weeks of abstinence
before their urine samples will read negative. Some marijuana dependent patients,
therefore, will not gain access to the reinforcers until a significant period of marijuana
abstinence has been achieved.
If the CM procedure targets alcohol or nicotine abstinence, the opposite problem
occurs. Alcohol use is identifiable by breath detectors for only a relatively short
period of time (e.g., 1–12 hours; Intoximeters, St Louis, MO). Therefore, an ideal
CM intervention would obtain breathalyzer readings several times a day in order to
detect any alcohol use. However, this practice would be impractical in nonresidential
treatment settings. One could assess alcohol use with urine or blood tests, although
these tests do not measure much further back than breath tests. Likewise, carbon
monoxide levels that are used to detect smoking must be taken several times daily
to detect all occasions of smoking. These technical constraints may prevent optimal
implementation of CM procedures for reinforcing abstinence from particular drugs.
Therefore, it is important to balance technological issues related to sensitivity of the
tests with behavioral principles in designing CM interventions.
shown to increase use of other drugs significantly (Kadden, Litt, Kabela-Cormier, &
Petry, 2009).
Another method to improve the chances of earning reinforcers is to give rein-
forcement for successive approximations toward abstinence. For example, one might
provide reinforcers contingent upon quantitative reductions in drug metabolites.
This procedure has been effective in reducing smoking by providing reinforcement
for reductions in smoking, rather than complete abstinence. Lamb, Kirby, Morral,
Galbicka, and Iguchi (2010) examined hard-to-treat smokers (e.g., those who did
not achieve any abstinence in a 10-day period) and easy-to-treat smokers (those
who had achieved abstinence at least once during the 10-day baseline period). They
randomized each of these types of smokers to 60 days of standard CM or CM
with shaping. In the standard CM condition, patients received reinforcers for breath
carbon monoxide (CO) levels less than 4 ppm. In the CM shaping condition, patients
received reinforcers for CO levels lower than the 7th-lowest of their last 9 samples,
or less than 4 ppm. Among the group of hard-to-treat smokers, patients assigned to
the CM shaping group were more likely than those assigned to the standard CM
procedure to achieve positive outcomes. Therefore, shaping can improve the efficacy
of CM for hard-to-treat smokers, and similar procedures may be helpful among
other groups of substance abusers who fail to earn reinforcement during usual CM
procedures.
Although shaping is likely useful for improving outcomes of difficult-to-treat
patients, most on-site testing systems, with the exception of those for alcohol and
nicotine, do not provide quantitative assessments of substance use or abstinence. As
technology advances, it may be possible to apply these procedures to other substance
use disorders. Other possibilities to enhance outcomes of difficult-to-treat substance
abusers include reinforcing attendance directly prior to the initiation of abstinence
(Stranger, Budney, Kamon, & Thostensen, 2009).
Recent studies have examined the efficacy of combining CM with CBT in an attempt
to enhance the benefits of CM. CM is clearly efficacious for the treatment of sub-
stance use disorders, and reductions in substance use occur quite quickly when
CM is implemented appropriately. However, as is the case among all substance
use treatment interventions, a percentage of patients receiving CM relapse after
the intervention is discontinued. In comparison to CM, CBT (e.g., relapse preven-
tion) may produce a less immediate, although perhaps more enduring, reduction
in substance use (e.g., Carroll et al., 1994). In order to maximize the likelihood
of achieving and maintaining abstinence, studies have assessed whether a combi-
nation of CM and CBT would produce greater abstinence than either treatment
alone.
Rawson et al. (2002) randomly assigned methadone-maintained patients with
cocaine dependence to one of four 16-week treatments: (a) standard methadone
treatment, or the same plus (b) voucher-based CM for abstinence, (c) CBT, or
(d) a combination of CM and CBT. CM patients received escalating vouchers for
abstinence, and CBT patients attended manualized group therapy three times per
week. During treatment, patients in both CM conditions achieved greater abstinence
than did patients in the non-CM conditions. However, at the two follow-ups (26 and
52 weeks posttreatment), patients in the CBT plus CM condition achieved similar
abstinence to the CM and CBT conditions (per self-reported use and urinalysis).
Thus, adding CBT and CM did not produce greater abstinence at posttreatment or
follow-ups. Rawson and colleagues (2006) also compared CM to CBT in a sample
of non-methadone-maintained stimulant-dependent patients. Again, patients were
randomized to 16 weeks of voucher-based CM, CBT group therapy, or both. Results
were similar to those described above. During treatment, CM produced significantly
greater abstinence and treatment retention than CBT alone, and adding CBT to CM
did not improve outcomes. At follow-ups, however, members of all three groups
were equally likely to be abstinent. Together, these studies suggest that CM is
more effective than CBT during treatment, although CBT is equally efficacious for
promoting longer-term abstinence.
Interestingly, Epstein, Hawkins, Covi, Umbricht, and Preston (2003) found that
adding CBT to CM seemed to reduce CM’s positive effects during treatment, but
the combined intervention showed trends toward improved outcomes at follow-
up. Methadone-maintained cocaine users were randomly assigned to one of four
Contingency Management Treatments 235
groups: a combination of CBT or standard group therapy and vouchers that were
either noncontingent on urinalysis results or contingent on cocaine-negative urine
samples. During the 12-week treatment, patients in the CM conditions achieved
longer durations of cocaine abstinence (9.8 consecutive specimens) than did those
in the noncontingent groups (3.0 consecutive specimens). There was no main effect
for CBT, and patients in standard care achieved similar durations of continuous
abstinence (6.7 specimens) to those in CBT (6.0 specimens). Unexpectedly, patients
in the CM plus CBT groups achieved shorter durations of continuous abstinence
(8.3 specimens) than the CM only group (11.3 consecutive specimens). However,
it should be noted that even when CBT was added, CM continued to produce
significantly greater abstinence than either of the noncontingent conditions. At the
12-month follow-up, there was a trend for the combination of CM and CBT to
produce greater abstinence than either treatment alone, although results were not
statistically significant.
CM and CBT are two of the most effective treatments for substance use disorders,
and it seems plausible that combining these two interventions may produce greater
abstinence than either treatment alone. However, as presented above, research does
not necessarily support this pattern. During treatment, CM is more efficacious
than CBT alone, although combining these treatments does not further improve
outcomes. In terms of longer-term abstinence, CM and CBT are equally efficacious,
although the Epstein et al. (2003) study suggested a trend for greater abstinence with
combined treatment. Overall, CM is certainly more efficacious during treatment than
other treatments alone, and produces long-term outcomes that are at least equally
favorable.
Summary
This chapter reviewed the efficacy of CM for the treatment of substance use disorders.
It described important behavioral principles of CM interventions that, when in place,
can produce substantial improvements in behavior. In addition, this chapter presented
a number of types of reinforcement that may be used in a CM intervention, and
addressed potential concerns about CM. Finally, studies that implemented CM with
and without CBT were described. CM has consistent and profound impacts on
improving behavior during the period when it is in place but, as is the case with
almost all treatments, more research is needed to examine methods for sustaining
improvements in the long term.
Acknowledgements
This study and preparation of this report were supported by NIH grants P30-
DA023918, R01-DA027615, R01-DA022739, RO1-DA13444, R01-DA018883,
R01-DA016855, RO1-DA14618, P50-DA09241, P60-AA03510, R01-DA024667,
T32-AA07290, and M01-RR06192.
236 General Strategies
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12
Social Skills and Problem-Solving
Training
Kim T. Mueser and Jennifer D. Gottlieb
Boston University, United States
Susan Gingerich
Philadelphia, United States
decades, this chapter will focus on explicating the basic methods of skills training and
will provide examples of the use of skills training to address a variety of problems and
goals, without attempting to provide a comprehensive survey of the many different
applications of the techniques.
The methods incorporated into social skills and problem-solving training developed
gradually, beginning over half a century ago. Salter (1949) was one of the first
to pioneer the use of role playing as a psychotherapeutic device in order to help
individuals express themselves, and help them overcome symptoms such as depression
and anxiety. Wolpe (1958), addressing the problem of social anxiety in his book
Psychotherapy by Reciprocal Inhibition, theorized that if people could be taught to
communicate with others in a strong, confident manner (e.g., good eye contact, firm
and loud voice tone), this assertive style would be incompatible with, and therefore
inhibit, anxious feelings. Wolpe used role plays to help clients practice more assertive
behavior in order to reduce their social anxiety. Lazarus (1966) demonstrated the
benefits of repeated behavioral rehearsal in role plays combined with instructions and
feedback to shape performance.
In the 1960s, Bandura (1969) initiated a series of seminal studies aimed at eval-
uating the role of social modeling in learning new social behaviors. This research
demonstrated that simply seeing another person model (engage in) a novel behavior,
including observing the positive consequences of the behavior, served as a powerful
learning experience that was often sufficient for the observer to be able to mimic
or perform the same behavior, in the hopes of obtaining similar reinforcement. As
modeling became recognized as a potent tool for teaching social behaviors, skills
training procedures began to incorporate it along with repeated role playing and feed-
back to hone individuals’ interpersonal skills over successive trials. Success with these
efforts led to the “packaging” of these strategies into the basic standardized format
known today as social skills training, including modeling (demonstrating) the skill,
behavioral rehearsal (practice) in role plays, positive and corrective feedback to shape
the behavioral performance, and home assignments to practice the skill on one’s own.
Early applications of these skills training procedures focused initially on teaching
people how to “stand up for themselves” verbally in social situations in which others
were infringing on their rights (e.g., someone butting in line in front of the person) by
clearly stating their opinion (i.e., negative assertion), such as by saying, “Excuse me,
but I was in line in front of you. Please go to the end of the line, where new people are
supposed to join it.” The teaching of negative assertion skills was soon also extended
to helping people communicate positive feelings and appreciation to each other (i.e.,
positive assertion), such as, “I really like how kind you are to animals. You are really a
very empathic person.” These approaches to skills training, often delivered in group
settings, soon became known as assertiveness training, which spawned a wide range of
programs and books for clinical and nonclinical populations alike (M. J. Smith, 1985).
It soon became apparent that positive and negative assertion skills were but two of a
wide range of social domains that could be targeted with these skills training methods
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 245
(Bellack & Hersen, 1979). For example, Hersen and Bellack (1976) and Liberman
(2007) began to evaluate the use of skills training methods to address the profound
impairments in social functioning common in people with schizophrenia, whereas
other applications focused on such diverse populations as individuals with intellectual
disability (Antonello, 1995), children (Matson, 2010), and couples with marital
distress (Jacobson & Margolin, 1979). Social skills and problem-solving training
became the broadly accepted term to describe this systematic approach to teaching
more effective interpersonal skills.
Social skills can be broadly defined as the interpersonal skills necessary to achieve
instrumental goals, such as purchasing an item at a store, and affiliative goals, such
as striking up a friendly conversation with a stranger (Liberman, DeRisi, & Mueser,
1989). A more detailed description is provided by Bellack and Hersen (1979), who
define social skills as the
ability to express both positive and negative feelings in the interpersonal context without
suffering consequent loss of reinforcement. Such skill is demonstrated in a large variety
of interpersonal contexts and involves the coordinated delivery of appropriate verbal and
nonverbal responses. In addition, the socially skilled individual is attuned to the realities
of the situation and is aware when he is likely to be reinforced for his efforts (p. 512).
either that person may feel overly responsible for holding up the conversation, or the
other may feel not enough opportunity to express his or her perspective), and the
latency of response to the other person’s statements (i.e., too long a pause before a
response can make the conversation feel awkward and strained, whereas too short a
pause or frequent interruptions can create an impression of the conversation being
rushed or the other person not listening).
The verbal content refers to the words and phrases used in the communication,
regardless of the manner in which it was spoken. There are numerous possible
dimensions along which verbal content can vary, such as its appropriateness to the
situation, the degree of specificity, whether feeling statements are made, and the choice
of particular words. There are also many nuances of the verbal content of interactions
that can influence the effectiveness of someone communicating something to another
person. For example, when people are upset with someone else, they often “blame”
the other person for their upset feeling (e.g., “You made me mad when you were
late for dinner again”), which can put them on the defensive, and make them less
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 247
willing to acknowledge their behavior and talk about the situation. A more effective
alternative is to modify the verbal content slightly so that the person “owns” his or
her feeling (e.g., “I was really upset that you were late for dinner again last night”),
which is often more effective in leading to a discussion, and considering possible ways
of avoiding the conflict in the future.
Social Cognition
Social skills are necessary for fruitful interactions with other people, but alone they are
insufficient. It has long been recognized that effective communication also requires the
ability to perceive relevant social information accurately in different social situations,
and based on that information to identify appropriate and optimal responses (McFall,
1982; Trower, Bryant, & Argyle, 1978; Wallace et al., 1980). Social cognition is the
ability to perceive critical social information during social encounters, and to process
that information in order to determine the best response (Strack & Förster, 2009).
There is a wide range of social cognition skills, as summarized in Box 12.2. These
skills can be broadly divided into those related to the recognition of different social
situations that may constrain the range of appropriate behavior (e.g., school, work,
partner or spouse, family, friends, in a store, in a public place such as a park), the
understanding of social and cultural mores as they relate to these social situations
(e.g., disclosure of personal information to friends, family or spouses/partners vs.
coworkers or strangers), and the ability to understand the other person’s feelings,
thoughts, and intentions. Poor social cognition skills can lead to ineffective or
inappropriate behavior, and thus interfere with the person’s ability to achieve his or
her interpersonal or instrumental goals.
The accurate perception of the other person’s thoughts and feelings during an
interaction can be especially important. Recognizing what the person is feeling during
248 General Strategies
the interaction, based on his or her facial expression, voice tone, and gestures, can
have implications for how to respond, especially considering that emotions are often
not verbally expressed, and must be decoded based on facial and paralinguistic cues.
For example, if the other person begins to sound bored during a conversation, it may
be desirable to change the topic, or to end the conversation gracefully. For another
example, if the other person appears angry or upset, it may be desirable to verify what
he or she is feeling, and attempt to understand the nature of the concern, and possibly
explore ways of addressing it.
In addition to recognizing the other person’s feelings, the ability to infer the other
person’s motives, intentions, and thoughts based on indirect information (called
theory of mind) is also critical. People often do not directly say what is on their mind,
but their true thoughts and motives may be apparent from what they do say, their
behavior, and the situation. For example, if two people were sitting in a warm room
with all the windows closed, one person might give a hint to the other person to
open the window by saying something like “It sure is warm in here!,” “Wouldn’t a
good breeze be nice?,” or “Wouldn’t it be nice if someone opened the window?”
The accurate detection of relevant interpersonal and situational cues that allow an
understanding of what the other person is thinking is critical to demonstrating
sensitivity to others, as well as to avoiding coercion or exploitation. The ability to
infer other people’s thoughts accurately is particularly impaired in some psychiatric
disorders, such as schizophrenia (Penn, Corrigan, Bentall, Racenstein, & Newman,
1997), and autism and Asperger’s syndrome (Sicile-Kira & Grandin, 2004).
Knowledge of situational cues, as well as social and cultural mores regarding social
behavior, is another critical dimension of social cognition. For example, different types
of behavior are appropriate in different types of social situations, such as at work, with
friends, with family, at a store, or at a public gathering (e.g., a concert). Thus, divulging
sensitive personal about one’s health or relationship problems would often be regarded
as inappropriate if it were to a stranger or in most work situations, but might be
appropriate to family members or friends. Similarly, there are many “unwritten rules”
in social situations that are important to be aware of (Myles, Trautman, & Schelvan,
2004), such as asking another person at a party how much money he or she makes.
In addition, the rules of appropriate social behavior vary across different cultures, and
thus a person needs to be aware of the pertinent rules in the culture in which he
or she is currently. For example, in most Western cultures it is considered socially
appropriate to look at the other person’s eyes (or close to the eyes) when talking to
them, but in many eastern cultures deference to an authority figure (e.g., an employer
or parent) is shown by avoiding direct eye contact during social interactions.
Problem-Solving Skills
The ability to solve problems, both interpersonal and non-interpersonal, is a critical
skill for personal success, since obstacles are invariably encountered on the way toward
achieving personal goals. Effective problem solving with other people requires good
social and social cognition skills, although these skills alone are often insufficient
to resolve many problems. Problem-solving skills are a specific set of behaviors or
steps designed to maximize the resolution of a particular problem (e.g., define the
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 249
A wide range of strategies can be used to assess an individual’s social skills, including
self-reports, informant reports (e.g., from a family member, friend, or clinician),
naturalistic observations, and role plays. No single assessment strategy is perfect.
Therefore, a combination of assessment methods is usually most useful.
Individuals vary in their insight into their own social difficulties, needs, and skills.
Some individuals are very aware of social problems they may have (e.g., not doing well
at work or school, not having close friends), whereas others may not. Information
about the individual’s satisfaction with different areas of his or her life may provide
clues to possible problems in social skill in areas such as friendship, work or school, or
family relationships. Self-report measures of social skill are most effective when they
probe the individual’s satisfaction with, and confidence in, his or her ability to interact
with other people in different situations. Assessments need to be specific to different
social situations because people may be skillful in some circumstances (e.g., at work
or school), but not others (e.g., with acquaintances or friends).
While self-report information is often very useful in understanding social skills,
all self-evaluations are subject to bias. In addition, some people lack insight into
their social behavior and its effects on other people. Some people may overestimate
their skills for interacting with other people, whereas others may underestimate their
skills. For example, when people with bipolar disorder have episodes of mania or
hypomania, they are often overly confident in their abilities (including social ones),
even to the point of grandiosity, which can lead to a range of social problems and
negative consequences (Goodwin & Jamison, 2007). In contrast, people with social
phobia or depression are prone to underestimating their skills for interacting with
other people (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979; Heimberg & Becker, 2002).
Significant others can provide valuable insights into a person’s strengths and
weaknesses in social situations. Informants such as family members, teachers, friends,
and clinicians are often privy to information about an individual’s social skills,
and specific areas that may be in need of improvement. While the reports of
informants can often be revealing and useful, like self-reports, they may be subject
to bias in that the informant may have beliefs or attitudes about the person that
could color his or her perceptions of their social skills. In addition, informants
often lack information about an individual’s social performance in a variety of
situations. Family members may know little about how a relative interacts with
friends or in social situations involving drugs or alcohol. Similarly, teachers may
250 General Strategies
have valuable observations about a student’s skills when interacting with peers in
the classroom and on school grounds, but may have little or no information about
how they respond to peer pressure around issues such as smoking, drinking, or
sex.
Naturalistic observations may be another useful assessment method for some
individuals. Naturalistic observations should be conducted with the permission of the
individuals, and can provide valuable insights into how they interact with others in
certain social situations, such as how a child interacts with peers at the playground,
how a couple experiencing marital distress interact with one another while attempting
to solve a problem, how someone handles social situations at the workplace, or how a
client who is hospitalized interacts with other clients on the unit. Clearly, naturalistic
observations are not feasible in many social situations (e.g., during interactions with
close friends, during intimate situations, or in many situations involving alcohol or
drugs).
A final technique for assessing social skills is the use of role play tests. Role
plays are simulated social interactions in which an individual interacts with another
person (a “confederate”) for a brief period of time to demonstrate how he or
she would handle a particular situation. Role play tests usually include practice
in a variety of different situations related to the overall area of social behavior
that is the focus of assessment (e.g., starting conversations, resolving conflicts,
interacting with family members, responding to one’s boss or customers), with
at least a few role play scenarios conducted for each social situation. Role plays
are usually brief, typically lasting between one and four minutes, with the general
nature of the confederate’s responses scripted in advance to ensure standardization.
The individual’s performance in the role play is usually videotaped or audio-
taped, with specific dimensions of social skill subsequently rated using standardized
scales.
Extensive research has demonstrated the reliability and validity of role play tests as
measures of social competence (Bellack, Brown, & Thomas-Lohrman, 2006; Bellack,
Hersen, & Lamparski, 1979; Bellack, Morrison, Mueser, Wade, & Sayers, 1990).
Performance on role plays is strongly related to naturalistic observations of social
skill, as well as objective evaluations based on both self-report and informant-based
assessments. While role play assessments provide useful and very specific information
about an individual’s social skills in different situations, they can be time consuming
and require additional resources to administer, and thus their use in clinical practice
is often limited.
Role play tests provide valuable information about a person’s specific social skills and
overall social competence when interacting in different social situations. Nevertheless,
just because someone demonstrates a skill in a role play test does not mean that
the person actually uses those skills in the appropriate social situations. However,
performance in role play tests does indicate that the social skill is in the person’s
behavioral repertoire, and that he or she is capable of using it. There are a variety
of reasons why someone who is capable of particular social skills may not use them
regularly (e.g., lack of confidence, fear of negative consequences, lack of opportunities,
anxiety). These reasons can be addressed in the context of skills training.
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 251
Mood disturbances. Problems with mood, such as depression, anxiety, or anger, may
result in a person not using social skills of which they are capable. For example, positive
mood can facilitate creative problem solving, and thus more effective social behavior.
Depressed mood, on the other hand, which is often associated with hopelessness and
poor self-esteem (American Psychiatric Association, 2000), can result in people not
using critical skills when interacting with other people, or even giving up entirely
on pursuing their personal goals. Anxiety can interfere with the ability of people to
use skills they are capable of when their attention is diverted by their physiological
overarousal (e.g., pounding heart, muscular tension, excessive perspiration) or their
worries about the situation at hand. Anxiety can also lead people to avoid social
situations relevant to achieving their goals. Intense feelings of anger or annoyance
can produce similarly distracting physiological reactions, lead to the unrestrained
expression of negative feelings that can worsen the situation, and interfere with the
person’s ability to listen and hear the other person’s perspective, preventing the
resolution of the problem.
Other psychiatric symptoms. A variety of other symptoms can also contribute to poor
social competence, independent of social skill. One category of symptoms that can
affect social functioning is the negative symptoms of schizophrenia, such as apathy,
anhedonia (lack of pleasure), asociality (avoidance of social contact), alogia (paucity
of speech), and blunted affect (e.g., diminished facial and vocal expressiveness)
(Andreasen, 1982). For example, people with negative symptoms may fail to initiate
interactions or use relevant skills because they lack the motivation to pursue personal
goals (Sayers, Curran, & Mueser, 1996), they expect to experience less pleasure from
interactions or other potentially enjoyable activities (Gard, Kring, Gard, Horan, &
Green, 2007), they inaccurately underestimate their likelihood of success in those
situations (Grant & Beck, 2009; Rector, Beck, & Stolar, 2005), or they perceive that
they possess limited energy resources which need to be conserved (Pratt, Mueser,
Smith, & Lu, 2005).
Another group of symptoms that can interfere with social functioning is psy-
chotic symptoms, such as hallucinations, delusions, and bizarre behavior. People with
persistent psychotic symptoms often experience difficulties in their interpersonal rela-
tionships because their lack of contact with reality interferes with the creation of a
common ground for establishing understanding between two people, an important
precondition for rewarding communication (or because a symptom, such as auditory
hallucinations, creates an internal distraction which makes communication difficult).
252 General Strategies
Psychotic symptoms can be stigmatizing when they frighten other people due to
themes such as paranoia, leading to social avoidance and potentially contributing to
the person’s social isolation.
Environmental factors. The environments in which people live and spend time can
have a profound influence on the likelihood that they will be able to use skills in their
behavioral repertoires. Similarly, such factors can also interfere with learning skills in
social skills training, or limiting the opportunity people have to use particular skills by
not providing sufficient reinforcement for those skills in appropriate situations. For
example, in some psychiatric hospitals, clients may be reinforced by staff members
for assuming the “sick role” (i.e., extremely passive behavior), and attempts to
break out of this mold by more goal-directive behavior may be actively discouraged
(Wing & Brown, 1970). For another example, when a depressed person lives with
a domineering partner, he or she may be actively discouraged from becoming more
assertive unless that partner is involved in, understands, and supports the individual’s
desire to become more assertive.
Cultural factors. Cultural norms influence both social skill and social confidence.
Cultures may vary in the established norms for behavior based on factors such as
gender, age, and relationships to others. Behaviors deemed “unassertive” in one
culture may be viewed as “normal” and desirable in another culture. Awareness of
the cultural norms of the group to which the individual belongs is critical in order
to understand cultural factors that may contribute to what appear to be problems in
social functioning, and adapting any interventions to address such problems (Samuels,
Schudrich, & Altschul, 2009).
Medication side effects. The side effects of medication can also interfere with social
functioning. One side effect of conventional antipsychotic medications is akinesia
(a reduction in facial expressiveness and use of gestures), which can make a person
appear less socially skilled. Some psychotropic medications can cause drowsiness,
making them less attentive to others’ communication, and less effective at conveying
their own thoughts, feelings, interests, and desires to others.
When the primary focus of a program is on improving social skills, training is most
often provided in a group format. Provision of skills training in a group format
has several advantages over the individual format, including cost-effectiveness, more
opportunities for participants to observe other people using targeted skills, mutual
support among group members for learning and practicing skills, and a greater variety
of feedback for each participant’s skills. However, the provision of skills training in
an individual format is a viable alternative to group-based skills training, and has
the advantage of permitting more individualized training as well as training in the
person’s natural environment.
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 253
Social skills training is also often combined with other therapeutic techniques,
such as cognitive behavioral therapy (Wright, Basco, & Thase, 2005), motivational
interviewing (Miller & Rollnick, 2002), psychoeducation (Brown, 2011), family
interventions (Mueser & Glynn, 1999), or couples therapy (Jacobson & Christensen,
1998). Similarly, skills training is frequently incorporated into broad-based programs
for psychiatric and substance use disorders, as well as into health promotion and
prevention programs (e.g., healthy eating or sexual behavior, substance abuse pre-
vention), training programs for employees or professionals (e.g., customer relations,
communicating with patients), and relationship enhancement programs. Regardless
of the particular format in which social skills training is provided, the basic teaching
techniques are the same.
Social skills training groups usually include between four and eight people, and
preferably not more than 10, with sessions lasting between 45 and 90 minutes. This
group size permits enough time for all participants to practice and hone their skills
in role plays based on feedback from others, which is the sine qua non of the social
skills training approach. Skills training is most effective when several sessions can
be conducted per week (e.g., two sessions per week), although conducting weekly
sessions is a viable alternative.
Skills training groups usually have either one or two leaders. There are several
advantages to having two leaders. First, having two leaders can facilitate the modeling
of new skills to group participants because the leaders can demonstrate the skill in role
plays with each other, while also providing group members with a greater variety of
potential role models. Second, when groups are co-led, one leader can primarily attend
to presenting the skills training curriculum, orchestrating role plays and feedback, and
collaboratively developing home assignments with participants to practice the skills
on their own, leaving the second leader free to attend to group process issues and
ensuring that all participants are actively involved in the group. Third, with co-leaders
it is possible to split the group into two smaller groups within part of a session,
providing more opportunity for each participant to engage in role play practice and
receive feedback, and thereby hone his or her skills. However, skills training can be
also be conducted with a single leader, which is often more cost-effective.
Social skills training programs vary in their length, depending on the population
and the broadness of the targeted areas of social functioning. Skills training programs
can be a brief as just a few weeks, or extend over one or more years. Longer-term skills
training programs are often required when the focus is on improving social functioning
in individuals with substantial impairments, such as those with schizophrenia or other
serious mental illness, people with intellectual disabilities, or individuals with autism
or Asperger’s syndrome.
Skills training groups can be conducted using either an open- or closed-group
format. With a closed-group format, the same individuals begin and end the group
at the same time, and no new people can join the group once it has started. When
all the skills training curriculum has been taught, the group ends, and all participants
“graduate” together. With an open-group format, new participants can join the group
at any time, as long as they are committed to attending sessions on a regular basis.
The curriculum in an open group is taught on a continuous revolving basis, with the
teaching of the last curriculum topic in the sequence of topics followed by teaching
254 General Strategies
of the first topic. The group begins with some participants, and then others can join
the ongoing group, with each member remaining in the group until he or she has
received training in all the curriculum topics at least once.
Closed groups can facilitate the development of stronger group cohesion, but have
disadvantages because group members may move or get jobs or may leave the group
for other reasons. Closed-group formats may also require individuals to have to wait
longer periods of time before they can participate in a group. The open-group format
allows people to join the group without having to wait for a new group to start, and
facilitates the maintenance of a minimum group size by adding new participants to
replace members who have dropped out or left the group for other reasons. When
skills training groups are conducted in an open-group format, a leader of the group
usually meets individually with each person at least once or twice to understand his
or her personal goals, and to provide an orientation to the skills training approach.
Social skills training can be conducted at any location. When groups are conducted,
they are frequently held in a clinic, mental health center, school or business, or
community center. When social skills training is provided on an individual basis, the
training can be conducted in an even broader variety of locations, such as at the
individual’s home or locations in the community.
Skills training is usually conducted on the basis of a preplanned curriculum,
including specific skills broken down into component steps, a summary of the
rationale for learning each skill, and examples of common situations that can be used
to set up role plays of situations where the skill can be used. Curricula have been
established that cover a wide range of topic areas, depending on the specific needs of
the population, such as skills for having rewarding conversations and making friends,
assertiveness, resolving conflict, dealing with offers of or pressure to use alcohol or
drugs, parenting, intimacy and sexuality, interacting with doctors and other health
care providers, and work-related skills such as interacting with coworkers or customers.
Participants in skills training groups are sometimes given personal workbooks that
contain an outline of the skills taught and forms that can be completed to help each
individual personalize the skills training and keep track of opportunities or attempts
to use specific skills.
7. engaging the group member in another role play of the same situation;
8. providing (and eliciting) additional positive and corrective feedback;
9. engaging the other group members in role plays and providing feedback, as in
steps 4–8, and tailoring the role plays to each individual situation when possible;
and
10. developing home practice assignments that will be reviewed at the beginning of
the next session.
These steps are described briefly below, with an example provided in Box 12.3.
In order to teach a new skill, a rationale must first be established for the importance
of learning this skill. A combination of strategies can be used to develop the rationale,
including asking questions in the Socratic style (e.g., “Why might it be useful to
express a positive feeling to someone who has just done something for you?”), pro-
viding additional reasons for the importance of the skill, and exploring the relevance
of the skill to each participant’s personal goals and circumstances. The leader’s most
immediate goal is to harness participants’ motivation to learn the new skill.
After the importance of a skill has been established, the leader discusses the specific
components of the skill. For example, the skill of “expressing negative feelings” can be
broken down into the following five component behaviors: (a) looking at the person,
(b) speaking in a firm voice tone, (c) telling the person what he or she did to upset
you, (d) telling the person how it made you feel, and (e) suggesting how this can be
prevented from happening again in the future. The importance of each component
step is discussed (e.g., it is important to look at the person so that you can be sure
that you have their attention when you speak to him or her).
After discussing the different steps of the skill, the leader models the skill by
demonstrating it in a role play. To model the skill effectively, role plays are planned in
advance, are usually quite brief, and are based on situations that are both highly plau-
sible and likely to be encountered by the participants. Immediately after the role play,
the leader obtains feedback from the participants about what aspects of the skill were
performed well (including verbal content, nonverbal behaviors, paralinguistic features,
and interactive balance), and the overall effectiveness of the leader in the role play.
When group participants have had the opportunity to observe the leader model
the skill, one member is engaged in a role play of the same skill (generally initially
with the leader, rather than with another group member), usually based on the same
situation. The advantage of using the same role play situation at this point in the
training is that it minimizes the amount of effort the participant must make in order
to achieve a successful performance. Immediately following the role play, the leader
provides positive feedback about which specific steps of the skill were performed
well, and elicits additional positive feedback from other group participants. A critical
feature of social skills training is that a participant always receives immediate, positive,
and specific feedback following each role play. This feedback serves to encourage the
person’s efforts to perform the skill, as well as to reinforce specific behaviors that have
been done especially well.
After the positive feedback has been provided, the leader provides the participant
with corrective feedback, conveyed in a helpful, upbeat manner. Corrective feedback
can be provided directly by the leader, as well as elicited from other group participants.
256 General Strategies
The leader then asked each group member to read a step of the skill aloud,
each time asking the whole group why that step was important. For example,
for Step 1, she asked, “Why is it important to look at the person when you are
making a request? How would this make your request more effective?” When
group members left out an important rationale for a step, she supplied it, by
saying something like, “For Step 2, one other reason for being specific in your
request is that it helps the other person know if they can do what you are
asking.”
Step 3. Model the skill in a role play and review the role play with the
group members.
The leader told the group, “I would like to show you an example of how I
might use this skill. I would like you to watch me to see if I follow the steps.
I am going to use the example of asking a friend to go out to lunch. I will do
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 257
a role play of this, and I am going to ask my co-leader to play the part of my
friend Katie.”
The leader then briefly modeled the three steps of the skill in a role play with
her co-leader. After the role play she asked the group participants for feedback
on her overall performance, and each step of the skill. For example, the leader
asked, “How did I do on Step 1? Was I looking at Katie?”
Step 5. Provide (and elicit) positive feedback for the role play.
The leader started by asking the participants a general question about Jason’s
role play: “What did you like about the way Jason practiced making a request?”
This was followed up by asking questions about Jason’s performance of each
step, such as, “What about Step 1? What did you like about the way Jason
looked at his brother when he asked him to go out for pizza together?” The
leader filled in gaps in feedback from the group, by saying, “Jason, I particularly
liked the way that you looked at your ‘brother’ the whole time. Your eye contact
was great.”
Step 6. Provide (and elicit) corrective feedback for the role play.
The leader asked the group members to come up with a few suggestions for
how Jason could improve his skills in another role play of the same situation,
rather than eliciting criticisms about his performance. She started with a general
question, “Was there anything that Jason could have done that would have made
his role play even better?” The leader also gave hints to the group participants
to consider some of the specific steps of the skill, such as asking, “Do you think
Jason was clear in expressing how he would feel if his brother accepted his
invitation?” The group agreed that the role play was good, but that it would be
even better if Jason had given a feeling statement, as suggested by Step 3.
258 General Strategies
Step 7. Engage the group member in another role play of the same
situation.
Keeping in mind the feedback from the group, the leader asked Jason to try
another role play of the same situation, and to include a feeling statement when
he asked his brother to join him for lunch. To help Jason identify an appropriate
feeling statement, she asked him how he would feel if his brother agreed to
go out to lunch together. Jason said, “It would make me feel good to have
something to look forward to on the weekend.” The leader encouraged Jason
to include that feeling statement in his next role play.
Step 9. Engage the other group members in role plays and provide
feedback, as in steps 4–8. Tailor the role plays to each individual
situation when possible.
In role plays, Sarah practiced asking a friend to go for a walk in a local park, Toby
practiced asking his friend to play a video game, and Antonio practiced asking
his roommate to teach him how to cook one of his specialty dishes (omelets).
Some group members engaged in two role plays, while others benefited from
three role plays to improve their skill.
Step 10. Develop home practice assignments that will be reviewed at the
beginning of the next session.
The leader asked the group members to identify situations in which they
could use the skill of making positive requests outside the session. Some group
members said they would like to try the skill in the situations they had practiced
in their role plays (e.g., Jason planned to ask his brother to go out for pizza,
Antonio said he wanted to ask his roommate for a cooking lesson), whereas
others thought of different situations they were expecting to come up in the
following week. For example, Sarah said she wanted to practice asking her math
teacher for extra help on solving equations, in anticipation of a test coming
up soon. The group leader helped the members determine when and where
they would make their requests and encouraged them to either enter their own
assignment in their cell phone, or write it on a note card or sticky note before
leaving the session. The leader ended the session on a positive note, saying,
“You all did a great job on practicing making requests today, and I look forward
to hearing how it goes when you try it out in the coming week.”
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 259
Rather than providing negative feedback about skills that were performed poorly,
one or two suggestions are tactfully made to help the participant improve his or
her performance in another role play. In addition to giving suggestions for how to
improve the performance in the next role play, the leader can also demonstrate the
skill again, drawing attention to specific component behaviors that are targeted for
change.
After corrective feedback has been provided, one or two suggestions are made to the
participant to improve specific behaviors, and he or she then engages in another role
play. The same role play situation is used as in the first role play. This role play is then
followed by a similar sequence of specific, positive feedback, with the initial emphasis
on those skills targeted for change, followed by suggestions for improvement, and
potentially another one or two role plays, depending on the participant’s motivation
and improvement over the role plays. If verbal instructions and praise alone are
insufficient to produce significant behavior change in the role plays, the leader
may use a variety of other teaching techniques to facilitate improvement in social
performance, such as supplemental modeling by the leader, coaching (i.e., whispering
verbal prompts to the participants during the role play), or prompting (i.e., providing
the participant with nonverbal clues, such as hand signals, to modify his or her
behavior during a role play). The most critical issue when engaging a participant
in a series of role plays is that the person demonstrates some improvement in the
targeted skill from the first to the last behavioral rehearsal. This is the essence of
the shaping process, in which multiple role plays provide learning opportunities to
improve performance gradually over multiple trials.
After sufficient progress has been made over the role plays, and everyone has had
the opportunity to practice the skill, the leader collaboratively develops a homework
assignment with the participants to practice the skill on their own. The rationale
for practicing the skill outside of the session may need to be reviewed by the
participants (i.e., to use the skills in real-life situations and see how they work, and
what challenges are encountered). Home assignments to practice skills are most
effective when some specific situations to practice a skill can be identified by the
participants in advance. Possible obstacles to completing the assignment should be
anticipated.
The skills training sequence described above pertains to the introduction of a new
skill in a social skills training group. Usually one to three sessions are devoted to
teaching one skill before moving on to another. Following the introduction of a
new skill, the next session begins with a review of each group member’s assignment
to practice the skill on his or her own. Instead of having participants describe what
happened when they tried to use their skills, the leader engages each person in
setting up role plays of the situation in order to show what happened. Following
each role play, positive feedback and suggestions for change are provided by the
leader and participants, based on the methods previously described. Role plays can be
conducted based on either actual situations that occurred, or anticipated situations.
Practicing the skill across a variety of role play situations, as well as trying the skill
in real-life situations, facilitates the generalization of the skills to individuals’ daily
lives.
260 General Strategies
The primary aim of social skills training is to improve the social competence of
individuals by teaching or refining social skills. The training of skills in sessions
provides an opportunity to systematically harness the principles of social learning
theory, including modeling, behavioral rehearsal, positive and corrective feedback,
and shaping, to gradually improve the individual’s skills for interacting in specific
interpersonal situations. The assumption underlying skills training is that if individuals
can use their newly honed social skills in actual social situations they face in their daily
lives, these skills will be reinforced, which will strengthen them further, and increase
their ability to use them in a variety of similar situations.
Particular attention to ensuring that social skills are practiced in people’s actual
daily lives is critical when working with people who may have cognitive impairments.
Cognitive difficulties can interfere with the ability to remember to practice social
skills, or to identify appropriate situations in which to use social skills (Mueser,
Bellack, Douglas, & Wade, 1991; T. E. Smith, Hull, Romanelli, Fertuck, & Weiss,
1999). Examples of common disorders in which intellectual or cognitive abilities may
be compromised include schizophrenia, intellectual disability, autism, and traumatic
brain injury.
The most common approach to facilitating the generalization of social skills,
incorporated into all skills training groups, is to develop homework assignments
at the end of the session for the participants to practice the targeted skill. As
previously described, homework is routinely reviewed at the beginning of each
session, often using role plays, which can serve to identify real situations individuals
are facing in which they can use their skills, as well as to inform about the need
for additional training in the skill. People are most likely to follow through on
homework assignments when they are made collaboratively with the leader (rather
than unilaterally assigned by the leader); when specific times, places, and situations are
identified where the person can use the skill; when potential obstacles or challenges
are identified and briefly problem solved; and when a strategy is developed to
help the person remember to practice the skill. Although it is common for some
participants to forget to follow through on their home assignments, especially early in
a social skills training program, if concerted efforts are made by the leader to address
challenges to completing homework, most participants are capable of some degree of
follow-through.
In addition to assigning homework, in vivo community trips, either as a group or
individually, can facilitate the generalization of social skills to real world situations.
Trips to social settings where skills can be used provide people with valuable oppor-
tunities to practice their newly acquired social skills, and to hone them further with
the support of the trainer and others learning the skills (Glynn et al., 2002; Gottlieb,
Pryzgoda, Schuldberg, & Neal, 2005). Community trips are especially useful when
they involve common social situations, such as interacting with other people in stores,
restaurants, banks, or libraries, or using public transportation.
Another effective approach to improving the generalization of social skills is to use
the natural social supports people have in their daily lives to help them to use their skills
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 261
Problem-Solving Training
The basic steps of problem-solving training are briefly described here. As with the
techniques of social skills training described above, we focus on teaching problem-
solving skills in a group format.
262 General Strategies
more than one solution to implement, or creating a new solution born from the
previously discussed ones.
Solutions to problems can only be effective if they are implemented. Furthermore, a
variety of obstacles can interfere with implementing the solutions. Therefore, planning
how to implement a solution is critical to successful resolution. Several factors are
important to consider when determining a plan for solving a problem. First, if more
than one person is involved in solving the problem, roles for implementing the
solution need to be agreed upon. Second, the resources needed to implement the
solution must be evaluated, such as money, expertise, information, or skills. Role
plays may be useful at this stage to help the individual practice the requisite skills
for implementing a solution. Third, possible obstacles to implementation should be
explored, and, if realistic ones are identified, tentative plans for dealing with them
should be determined. Finally, a time frame should be established for putting the
different steps of the solution into action. This time frame should include setting a
follow-up time when the success (or lack thereof) of the problem-solving plan can be
reviewed.
Although some problems are solved after a single attempt, many others are not,
and it is important for repeated efforts at problem solving to be conducted in order to
resolve the problem or achieve the goal. An important part of developing a problem-
solving orientation in individuals is conveying the idea that problem solving is often
an iterative process that requires multiple efforts in order to achieve success. Thus,
setting a follow-up time to review progress toward solving the problem maximizes
the chances that the problem will be solved, or at least substantial progress made,
over repeated efforts.
If the problem has been successfully resolved, then a new problem or goal can be
identified. On the other hand, if the problem remains, the leader teaches the participant
how to systematically identify where the problem-solving plan went wrong. This can
be accomplished by reviewing the steps of problem solving in the reverse order, until
the problematic step is identified, and a correction can be made, and a revised plan
then formulated. Thus, the first step in identifying where a problem-solving plan
went wrong is to determine if the solution was implemented as intended. If it was
not, then the implementation plan is modified in order to determine whether the
chosen solution will work. If the solution was implemented, but did not work and the
problem remains, then the next step is to evaluate whether other possible solutions
might be better, and then to use a different solution (or combination of solutions)
for solving the problem. This new solution (or combination of solutions) is then the
focus of a new implementation plan. As described before, the success of the plan is
followed up at a later time.
Training in problem solving is often taught using a record sheet to keep track of
the different steps of the skill. When the format of problem solving is with couples
or families, different people can take turns leading everyone together through the
problem-solving steps, with either the same or a different person keeping a record on
the worksheet. Over time and with practice, people can learn how to use the steps of
problem solving without maintaining a written record. Box 12.4 provides an example
of a record sheet for a problem-solving exercise, as applied to an individual working
on a problem.
264 General Strategies
Pros Cons
1. Sharing an apartment is 1. I do not like living with room-
cheaper. mates.
2. Apartments are usually less 2. I need to be close to bus lines.
expensive when they are not in 3. There might be false listings.
the center of town. 4. They might not have contacts
3. Online listings are getting who rent.
popular. 5. Jobs are hard to find.
4. Friends and family might know
of apartments that are not
listed.
5. Income from a job would give
me more money for rent.
Step 5. Plan the steps for carrying out the solution. Think about when
and where the solution will be implemented, and who/what will be
involved.
1. Get recommendations from friends about reputable apartment web sites.
Look for listings (start on Wednesday).
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 265
2. Call the restaurant where I used to be a waiter to see if they have any
openings (Thursday).
3. Look for “help wanted” signs in windows of restaurants in my neighborhood
(start on Friday).
4. Ask family about apartments, and about any part-time jobs they know about
(at family dinner on Saturday).
1. I will follow up in two weeks with the people who helped me come up with
my plan (group or family).
2. If I have a strong lead for an apartment and a job, we will figure out the
next steps to take.
3. If I do not have a strong lead for an apartment and a job, we will evaluate
the plan (what went well, what needs to be improved?).
Social skills and problem-solving training have been used to improve social func-
tioning and overall psychosocial adjustment in a wide range of both child and
adult clinical populations. One prominent application of skills training has been
in the treatment of individuals with developmental disorders. Skills training pro-
grams for these disorders have been developed that either directly focus on teaching
social skills to individuals, or teach parents how to foster more effective skills
in their children. For example, skills training programs have been developed for
children, adolescents, and adults with autism or Asperger’s syndrome (Baker,
2003; Laugeson, Frankel, Mogil, & Dillon, 2009; Myles et al., 2004; Reichow
& Volkmar, 2010; White, 2011), and intellectual or other developmental disabilities
(Coren, Hutchfield, Thomae, & Gustafsson, 2011; Drysdale, Casey, & Porter-
Armstrong, 2008; Matson, Mahan, & LoVullo, 2009; Valenti-Hein & Mueser,
1990).
Social skills and problem-solving training programs have been developed for a
wide range of psychiatric disorders in children, adolescents, and adults. For children
and adolescents, skills training programs have targeted disorders such as attention-
deficit/hyperactivity disorder (Rapoport, 2009), anxiety disorders (Matson, Sevin, &
Box, 1995), and conduct disorder (Webster-Stratton, Reid, & Hammond, 2001).
For adults, skills training interventions have been developed for common psy-
chiatric disorders such as schizophrenia (Bellack et al., 2004; Liberman, et al.,
266 General Strategies
1989), depression and suicidal behavior (Becker, 1987; Nezu, Nezu, & Perri,
1989; Salkovskis, Atha, & Storer, 1990), borderline personality disorder (Line-
han, 1993), social phobia (Heimberg & Becker, 2002), and substance abuse and
dependence (Monti, Abrams, Kadden, & Cooney, 2002). Skills training programs
have also been developed that target specific problems in clinical populations,
such as programs for people with serious mental illness focusing on improving
social and community functioning in older individuals (Pratt, Bartels, Mueser, &
Forester, 2008), vocational functioning (Tsang, Chan, & Wong, 2009; Wallace,
Tauber, & Wilde, 1999), and co-occurring substance abuse (Bellack, Bennett, &
Gearon, 2007; Mueser, Noordsy, Drake, & Fox, 2003; Roberts, Shaner, & Eckman,
1999). Similarly, skills training programs have been developed that address anger
and aggression problems in adolescents (Goldstein & McGinnis, 1997), offenders
(Deffenbacher, 1988; Novaco, 1997), people with developmental disabilities (Tay-
lor & Novaco, 2005), and people with a history of domestic violence (Maiuro,
1991).
In addition to the use of social skills and problem-solving training programs with
clinical populations, numerous programs have been developed to prevent or address
specific problems and improve social relationships. Skills training programs have been
developed for children and adolescents for the prevention of substance use and mental
health problems and to promote healthy interpersonal and lifestyle choices (e.g.,
assertiveness skills to resist sexual coercion) (Durlak, Weissberg, & Pachan, 2010;
Kimber, Sandell, & Bremberg, 2008). Similarly, skills-based prevention programs
have successfully targeted the prevention of health problems in adults, such as the
transmission or contraction of sexually transmitted diseases (Carey et al., 2004; Kelly
et al., 1994). Social skills and problem-solving training is a core component of many
programs aimed at addressing marital distress or improving relationship satisfaction
(Baucom & Epstein, 1990; Christensen & Jacobson, 2000; Gottman, 1999; Jacobson
& Christensen, 1998). Furthermore, multiple self-help books have been written,
based on the principles of social skills and problem-solving training, aimed at helping
people improve their social effectiveness, such as the ability to understand other
people in social situations (Flaxington, 2010; Pease & Pease, 2006), having rewarding
conversations (Barnes, 2012; Fine, 2005; Gabor, 2001; Garner, 1997; Poole, 2003),
standing up for oneself (Alberti & Emmons, 2008; Jakubowski & Lange, 1978),
developing close relationships (Heighway & Webster, 2008; Wygant, 2012), and
improving the quality of close relationships (Gottman, Notarius, Gonso, & Markman,
1986).
Finally, social skills and problem-solving training have been used in schools, busi-
nesses, and hospitals to teach interpersonal behaviors critical to effective performance.
For example, in the medical profession skills training programs have been developed
to teach effective communication skills in medical students (Clever et al., 2011),
pharmacy students (Mesquita et al., 2010), and oncology specialists (Barth & Lan-
nen, 2011). Similarly, skills training is often employed in training for a wide range
of other professions, especially those that require strong customer relations and
frequent interactions with the general public (e.g., staff in restaurants, hotels, and
stores).
Social Skills and Problem-Solving Training 267
Over the past several decades, social skills and problem-solving training have become
some of the most widely practiced interventions for the treatments of psychological
disorders in adults, as well as in the rehabilitation of people with developmental
disabilities. Furthermore, skills training has become incorporated into numerous
prevention programs, as well as in the training of employees. Therapies designed to
improve social and problem-solving skills are based on the assumption that people
are capable of learning more adaptive interpersonal and self-management skills, and
that these skills are most effectively taught in a systematic manner, employing the
principles of social learning theory. Training social and problem-solving skills can
be conducted in a variety of different formats, such as with individuals, groups,
couples, or families. Skills training approaches have enjoyed success across a broad
range of clinical problems, including social functioning in schizophrenia and other
serious mental illnesses, social anxiety, anger, marital distress, and substance abuse.
Expertise in teaching social and problem-solving skills is an important tool for clinical
psychologists, social workers, counselors, and other mental health professionals in
working with a broad range of clients.
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13
Neurofeedback
Sarah Wyckoff
University of Tübingen and International Max Planck Research School, Germany
Niels Birbaumer
University of Tübingen, Germany, and Ospedale San Camillo, Venice, Italy
Scientists have been actively investigating brain signals and activation patterns since
the nineteenth century. Using a sensitive galvanometer, Richard Caton (1875) first
Excitation
SCP < 1 Hz
thresholds
Deep sleep,
Delta 0.5 – 4 Hz
repair, coma
Drowsy,
Theta 4 – 8 Hz
creative
Relaxed,
Alpha 8 – 12 Hz no visual
processing
Motor
SMR 12 – 15 Hz relation,
alert
Cognitive
Beta 13 – 30 Hz
processing
Problem
Gamma 30 – 45 + Hz
solving
Figure 13.1 Table of basic frequency bandwidths and associated states. Adapted from Sherlin
(2009, p. 87).
Evolution of Neurofeedback
It was not until the 1930s when researchers began to investigate the possibility
of conditioning brainwave activity that the fields of EEG and classical and operant
276 General Strategies
conditioning would converge (see Sherlin et al., 2011, for a review). From the
1930s to the 1960s, researchers focused on the classical and operant condition-
ing of the alpha blocking response with many different styles of reinforcement. In
the 1960s the operant conditioning of state dependent alpha frequency amplitudes
was reported by Kamiya (1971). Shortly thereafter, Barry Sterman and colleagues
at UCLA reported the successful reinforcement of increased 11–15 Hz rhythmic
activity over the somatosensory cortex in cats (for review, see Sterman, 2000). Fol-
lowing the EEG conditioning paradigm, these same cats were included as subjects
in a study investigating the convulsive properties of rocket propellant. Although
nonconditioned cats in the study suffered convulsions after exposure to an established
dose of the toxic compound, the cats trained to enhance somatosensory (SMR)
activity serendipitously appeared to benefit from increased seizure thresholds. These
findings stimulated research in several laboratories and the resulting body of research
indicated that the operant conditioning of SMR brainwaves had the capacity to reduce
neuronal excitability, lessen the impact of transient neuronal discharges, and stabilize
brain state characteristics, thus countering the abnormal brain activity observed in
epileptic populations. Motivated by the potential applications of this new condition-
ing method, researchers and clinicians began to investigate the therapeutic effects
of “neurofeedback” brain training for epilepsy and attention-deficit/hyperactivity
disorder (ADHD). Following roughly the same timeline, researchers at the University
of Tübingen in Germany began developing EEG operant conditioning paradigms
for the regulation of theta brainwaves (Lutzenberger, Birbaumer, & Steinmetz,
1976) and SCP activity. In a series of experiments, clinical and control participants
underwent brain entrainment to learn voluntary control of positive and negative
SCP shifts over central brain sites (Birbaumer, Roberts, Lutzenberger, Rockstroh,
& Elbert, 1992; Elbert, Rockstroh, Lutzenberger, & Birbaumer, 1980), as well
as differentiation over right- versus left-hemispheric sites (Birbaumer et al., 1988;
Rockstroh, Elbert, Birbaumer, & Lutzenberger, 1990). The discovery that SCPs and
other brainwave components could be classified, conditioned, and retrained led to
the investigation of restorative or therapeutic applications for symptom reduction,
as well as assistive applications for thought translations and enhanced communica-
tion through brain–computer interface (BCI; Kübler et al., 1999; Kübler et al.,
2001; Wolpaw, Birbaumer, McFarland, Pfurtscheller, & Vaughan, 2002). The latest
generation of neurofeedback methods has focused on regulation of brain activa-
tion using the hemodynamic response and cerebral blood flow. Changes in cerebral
hemoglobin concentrations have been observed in a variety of motor and cognitive
tasks leading to the investigation of this signal as a neurofeedback and BCI parameter.
For neurofeedback applications, individuals are provided with information related
to changes in cerebral blood flow, specifically concentrations of oxyhemoglobin and
deoxyhemoglobin of BOLD signal, using real-time functional magnetic resonance
imaging (rtfMRI), hemoencephalography (HEG), and near-infrared spectroscopy
(NIRS). The therapeutic applications and treatment findings of EEG, SCP, HEG,
NIRS, and rtfMRI-based neurofeedback methods will be discussed later in the
chapter.
Neurofeedback 277
Basics of Neurofeedback
Over the last 50 years, the development of neurofeedback techniques and ther-
apeutic applications has seen tremendous growth. No longer is the investigation
of brain signal conditioning restricted to scientific researchers and university lab-
oratories. Technological advancements and improvements to amplifier recording
capabilities, electrode quality, signal processing, and artifact control have enhanced
the quality of recordings and reduced the cost of EEG acquisition and entrain-
ment devices. This has allowed neurofeedback applications to be investigated in a
variety of settings such as laboratories, hospitals, school environments, treatment
facilities, detention centers, and private practices by trained researchers, medical
professionals, school psychologists, social workers, and therapists. The condition-
ing of specific EEG frequencies and ratios, ERP, SCP, and BOLD signals has
been investigated for the treatment of neurodevelopmental, anxiety, mood, sub-
stance, dissociative, and psychotic disorders, as well as for epilepsy, migraine, stroke,
traumatic brain injury, and other medical conditions. Regardless of the equip-
ment used, the clinicians’ background, the patient population served, the signal
acquired, or the training method used, there are some standard principles of neu-
rofeedback training. In its simplest form, a neurofeedback clinician supplies the
individual in training with a rationale for treatment, real-time information on spe-
cific brain signals, specific training goals, and instantaneous feedback about his
or her training performance to shape behavior. The following sections address
some frequently asked questions and some basic information about neurofeedback
training.
What Are the Specific Training Goals and How Are They Defined?
The specific training goals of neurofeedback depend on the condition treated,
training method, behavioral and neurological correlates, and assessment practices.
For example, EEG neurofeedback training for the treatment of ADHD may focus
on reducing theta and enhancing SMR or beta frequency amplitudes over central
electrode sites, whereas SCP-based training may focus on increasing the differentiation
between positive and negative potentials over central sites. NIRS and HEG feedback
may focus on increasing concentrations of oxyhemoglobin (oxyHb) in the frontal
lobe, while quantitative EEG (QEEG) informed protocol selection might indicate
the need for amplitude, coherence, or asymmetry training of a specific bandwidth
at various locations. It is important to remember that there is no “one size fits all”
protocol or “magic bullet” training. Pretreatment assessments should be conducted,
if possible, to individualize and guide training, to reduce negative training events, and
to serve as a baseline for determining treatment effects.
The following sections discuss the details of EEG, SCP, and BOLD signal neurofeed-
back methods. An overview of each method is provided with emphasis on technical
Neurofeedback 279
Electroencephalographic Neurofeedback
As previously discussed, EEG activity is organized into classic frequency bands (delta,
theta, alpha, SMR, beta, etc.) based on the number of cycles per second, waveform
characteristics, spatial distribution, and associated states or neurophysiological pro-
cesses. Spectral decomposition of the EEG through the application of the Fourier
transform allows for the separation of these frequency bands and the calculation of
activity within each band range. This information may be linked to various feedback
instruments and training parameters, allowing individuals the opportunity to visualize
specific components of brain activity and develop self-regulation strategies through
operant conditioning procedures.
EEG feedback training may employ monopolar, bipolar, multiple-channel, or
whole-head montages. The montage simply determines the manner in which elec-
trode pairs are connected to the EEG amplifier and the reference procedure for the
data output. In preparation for the training session, head measurements are taken to
ensure proper electrode placement. The skin is prepped with a mild abrasive cleaning
gel to remove oils and dead skin, and small electrodes (typically, silver/silver chloride)
are applied to the scalp with conductive paste. During training sessions, the client is
seated in front of a computer screen while EEG activity is continuously recorded and
instantaneously presented in the form of visual and auditory feedback. Most neuro-
feedback applications utilize the cortical EEG activity of the outer layers of the brain
for entrainment parameters; while low resolution brain electromagnetic tomography
(LORETA)-based neurofeedback applications provide feedback of current source den-
sities at deeper cortical levels (Congedo, Lubar, & Joffe, 2004). Visual feedback may
include a graphic representation of frequency band waveforms, averaged frequency
amplitudes, multiple band ratios, percentages of time under a specific threshold,
muscle artifacts amplitude, and so on (see Figure 13.2). The information provided to
the client should be meaningful and tailored to his or her specific training goals.
The training sessions last about an hour, including electrode application and clean-
up. The active brain training protocols typically last 30 to 45 minutes. The sessions
may be organized into multiple training blocks of continuous or discrete feedback.
Individuals learn to change their EEG activity through shaping procedures and the
manipulation of training thresholds in an a priori direction. When all training tasks
are met for a defined period, or fall within a specific standard deviation range of a
references database population as in z-scored training protocols (Thatcher, 2008), a
discrete reward is issued in the form of an auditory tone, feedback color change, or
point increase. To promote the generalization of newly acquired skills, individuals
may be provided with visual training cues to help them “recreate” training states
in classroom and work settings. Additionally, they may receive feedback of their
brain activity during specific problematic tasks; for example, during silent reading
or homework completion. Neurofeedback training schedules may include daily and
biweekly sessions. Length of treatment depends on the severity of the condition and
individual learning curves.
280 General Strategies
226 secs.left
Theta Beta
10.0 10.0
Theta threshold Beta threshold
2.70 3.66
2.5 2.5
0.0 0.0
+ − F + − F
EEG training signal
+ − F
10.0
5.0
0.0
−5.0
−10.0
T t 16′06′′ 16′07′′ 16′08′′ 16′09′′ 16′10′′
Figure 13.3 Example of slow cortical potential feedback screens for “activation” task (neg-
ative shift, upper left panel), “deactivation” task (positive shift, upper right panel), visual
“reward” for successful trial (lower left panel), and “transfer” activation task (lower right
panel). Reproduced with permission from NeuroConn GmbH, Germany.
and negative shifts. Practitioners should avoid 100% reinforcement of activity in one
direction alone. To promote the generalization of self-regulation skills in everyday life
situations, 25% of all trials are presented as “transfer trials” in which visual feedback
is suspended during the active training phase but the level of success is indicated with
a visual reward (see Strehl, 2009, for a review). In research settings, SCP treatment
schedules have included 25–30 sessions and have utilized daily and biweekly training
sessions.
In general, SCP utilizes a standardized bidirectional neurofeedback training pro-
tocol. Other than the technical requirements discussed, there are no specific QEEG
diagnostic requirements for the selection of the training site, frequency bands,
or training thresholds. However, neurofeedback providers should have a clear
rationale for the use of this brain training method. Accordingly, SCP feedback
is appropriate for binary classification for BCI applications and as a treatment
for disorders characterized by impaired excitation thresholds, such as ADHD,
epilepsy, and migraine. As with any therapeutic intervention, pretreatment mea-
surements for neurofeedback training should include diagnostic interviews, discussion
of medical and family history, disorder-specific symptom questionnaires, and neu-
ropsychological testing such as continuous performance tasks and EEG/ERP to
detect hypothesis-related deficits and to serve as a baseline comparison for treatment
efficacy.
Neurofeedback 283
Scanner Real-time
echoplanar Brain
imaging images
sequence
Participant fMRI-BCI
Visual feedback
Computer
-Preprocessing
-Feature selection
H
-Brain state classification
-Feedback generation
Figure 13.4 The University of Tübingen method for real-time fMRI brain state classification
system is comprised of the following subsystems: (1) image acquisition subsystem, which is
a modified version of the standard echo-planar imaging (EPI) sequence written in C and
executed on the scanner host computer, and (2) fMRI-BCI subsystem, which performs image
preprocessing, brain state classification, and visual feedback, implemented in C and Matlab
scripts (Mathworks, Natwick, MA) and executed on a 64-bit Windows desktop. A Perl-script
on the scanner host transfers the acquired images after every scan (at an interval of 1.5 s) to the
fMRI-BCI computer. Reproduced from R. Sitaram, S. Lee, S. Ruiz, M. Rana, R. Veit, & N.
Birbaumer (2011). Real-time support vector classification and feedback of multiple emotional
states. Neuroimage, 56, 753–765, with permission.
emotional, or motor imagery strategies over several training blocks to influence the
feedback signal. Additionally, participants are informed of the 2- to 3-second delay
in the onset of BOLD signal increases and additional time delay of 1.5 seconds for
fMRI feedback processing steps.
HEG and NIRS imaging methods utilize light in the red and near-infrared range,
respectively, to determine cerebral oxygenation, blood flow, and metabolic status of
localized regions of the brain, producing a signal that is equivalent to the BOLD
signal (see Sitaram et al., 2009; Toomim et al., 2004, for a review). Based on the
observation that the properties of light passing through living tissue are influenced by
the functional state of tissue, HEG and NIRS applications use pairs of light sources
and light detectors (optodes) operating at two or more discrete wavelengths to
record changes in BOLD response. Specifically, these optodes are applied to the head,
separated at a distance of 2–7 cm, to allow continuous light to pass the intermediate
layers of the scalp, skull, and tissue at a depth of 1–3 cm. HEG utilizes a single pair
of optodes placed sequentially over FP1, Fz, and FP2 prefrontal brain sites and uses
alternating red (660 nm) and infrared (850 nm) light source wavelengths (Toomim
et al., 2004). NIRS applications utilize multiple pairs of optodes that may be applied
to several brain areas and use two near-infrared wavelength (between 700 and 1000
nm) light sources (Sitaram et al., 2009).
In both methods, the attenuation of the continuous light source signal recorded at
the detector optode yields qualitative differences in the concentrations of oxygenated
(oxyHb) and deoxygenated hemoglobin (deoxyHb). These signal changes can be
linked to a visual feedback instrument for the purposes of operant conditioning.
HEG studies have utilized multiple 10-minute continuous feedback training blocks
to increase oxyHb concentrations at various frontal training sites (Toomim et al.,
2004), whereas NIRS studies have utilized alternating activation and rest blocks in
which participants were directed to increase oxyHb concentrations though motor
imagery tasks during activation trials and to decrease oxyHb concentrations during
rest (Kanoh et al., 2009). As with rtfMRI neurofeedback methods, HEG/NIRS
feedback also has a 2- to 8-second time delay between the onset of the activation
task and the hemodynamic response in which increase in oxyHb can be observed.
The time delay issue is handled in the same way as with fMRI-based methods (via
directed training strategies and patient education). Currently, the majority of NIRS
studies have focused on BCI applications. However, several universities and research
groups have been developing NIRS neurofeedback studies to treat ADHD, stroke,
and traumatic brain injuries.
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed., text rev.; DSM-
IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association, 2000) category for attention deficit and
disruptive behaviors includes ADHD, conduct disorder (CD), and oppositional defiant
disorder (ODD). The core symptoms of ADHD include inattention, hyperactivity, and
impulsivity. Although ADHD is one of the most common disorders of childhood,
with an incidence of 7.5% by the age of 19 years (Barbaresi et al., 2004), the
prevalence of ADHD in the general adult population is estimated to be around
4–5% (Goodman & Thase, 2009). Significant treatment effects have been reported
using pharmacotherapy and psychological interventions for children and adults with
ADHD. Stimulant drugs have been found to work quickly and control the symptoms
of ADHD in about 75% of study participants (Connor, 2006; Nair & Moss, 2009).
Long-term investigations indicate the maintenance of core symptom reduction over 4
months to 5 years in childhood populations (Connor, 2006), but have not established
a clear-cut dose–response relationship for adult participants and find that most
individuals discontinue their medication (Torgeren, Gjervan, & Rasmussen, 2008).
In addition, side effects such as headache, anorexia, insomnia, nervousness, and nausea
(Connor, 2006; Jain et al., 2007) may contribute to decreased medication compliance
and the resurfacing of core symptoms.
Nonpharmacological interventions, including cognitive behavioral therapy,
metacognitive therapy, dialectical behavioral therapy, coaching cognitive reme-
diation, behavior modification, multimodal psychosocial treatment, school-based
programs, working-memory training, parent training, self-monitoring, and neuro-
feedback therapy, have been investigated for the treatment of ADHD symptoms
(Hodgson, Hutchinson, & Denson, 2012). Cognitive behavioral therapy has been
identified as the most efficacious psychological treatment for adults with ADHD
and symptoms of comorbid depression and anxiety (Vidal-Estrada, Bosch-Munso,
Noqueira-Moralis, Casas-Bruque, & Ramos-Quiroqa, 2012), whereas behavior
modification and neurofeedback interventions are the most efficacious psychological
treatments for children with ADHD. Neurofeedback therapy has emerged as
a medication-free alternative for the long-term treatment of ADHD. Several
neurophysiological models have been developed to account for the core symptoms
of ADHD and serve as the theoretical basis for the application of EEG, SCP, and
BOLD signal neurofeedback methods.
Investigation of spontaneous EEG in ADHD populations has revealed increased
theta and decreased alpha and/or beta frequencies in children (Mann, Lubar,
Zimmerman, Miller, & Muenchen, 1992; Monastra et al., 1999; Monastra & Lubar,
2001). Diagnosis-specific subtypes have also been identified, as children with inat-
tentive type ADHD tend to have significantly different levels of theta, alpha, and
beta from children with combined type, despite both groups differing significantly
from controls (Clarke, Barry, McCarthy, & Selikowitz, 1998). Adults with ADHD
often present with elevated theta/beta ratios (Bresnahan, Anderson, & Barry, 1999;
Neurofeedback 287
Bresnahan & Barry, 2002), or increased absolute theta and alpha power (Koehler
et al., 2009) with varying reductions in beta activity. Reductions in absolute delta and
midline beta power, as well as increased relative theta and enhanced beta power in the
right posterior region, have also been reported (Clarke et al., 2008). These studies
reflect the current “hypoarousal” model of ADHD, which focuses on the reduction
of excessive cortical slowing.
Rockstroh, Elbert, Lutzenberger, and Birbaumer (1990) observed impaired reg-
ulation of SCPs in children with attentional problems, while other ERP studies
indicate decreased amplitudes and prolonged latencies for p300 activity (Alexander
et al., 2008; Doehnert, Brandeis, Imhof, Drechsler, & Steinhausen, 2009; Johnstone,
Barry, & Anderson, 2001; Prox, Dietrich, Zhang, Emrich, & Ohlmeier, 2007;
Satterfield, Schell, & Nicholas, 1994) and decreased activation in cued contingent
negative variation (CNV) paradigms (Banaschewski et al., 2003; Mayer, Wyckoff,
Schulz, & Strehl, 2012; Sartory, Heine, Mueller, & Elvermann-Hallner, 2002).
These findings prompted researchers to classify ADHD as a disorder characteristic
of impaired excitation thresholds and deficits in the allocation of neurophysiologic
resources.
In a NIRS investigation of the Stroop color-word tasks, Negoro et al. (2010)
reported that participants with ADHD had significantly reduced oxyHb concentration
changes in the inferior prefrontal cortex compared to controls. Investigations of single
photon emission computed tomography (SPECT) images reveal that children with
ADHD have decreased regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) in the orbitofrontal cortex
and middle frontal gyrus, with increased rCBF in the dorsomedial prefrontal and
somatosensory areas compared to healthy controls (Lee et al., 2005). Interestingly,
Lee and colleagues also reported that methylphenidate normalizes these imbalances
in rCBF. These findings support the application of HEG, NIRS, and rtfMRI feedback
methods to enhance BOLD signal concentrations and oxygen metabolism, which are
currently under investigation at the University of Tübingen, Germany.
The first investigations of neurofeedback for the treatment of ADHD began in
the 1970s. In a series of experiments, J. F. Lubar and colleagues began developing
and refining neurofeedback methods and treatment hypotheses (J. O. Lubar &
Lubar, 1984; J. F. Lubar & Shouse, 1976; J. F. Lubar, Swartwood, Swartwood, &
O’Donnell, 1995; Shouse & Lubar, 1979). Through their work, several research-
based protocols emerged, focusing on the enhancement of SMR (12–15 Hz) over
central electrode sites on the Rolandic cortex (C3, Cz, C4) and paired suppression
of theta (4–8 Hz) with enhancement of beta (16–20 Hz) over midline electrode
sites (Fz, Cz, Pz). Shortly after, researchers in Europe started investigating the
SCP protocols and rewarding the bidirectional shift and increased differentiation
of positive and negative shifts over the vertex (Cz). Finally, Toomim et al. (2004)
reported that individuals with ADHD, among other participants with psychological
impairments, were able intentionally to modulate cerebral blood oxygenation resulting
in the normalization of impulsivity subscores of the Test of Variables of Attention
(TOVA).
These protocols (see Table 13.1) have been investigated in a variety of A-B-A
designs (Heywood & Beale, 2003; Shouse & Lubar, 1979), multicase studies
(Alhambra, Fowler, & Alhambra, 1995; Kaiser & Othmer, 2000; J. O. Lubar &
Table 13.1 Summary of Neurofeedback Research Included in Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder Treatment Meta-Analyses
Fuchs et al., 2003 Participants: 22 ADHD (M = 9.6), NF and MED were associated with improvements on all subscales of the
11 controls (M = 9.8) TOVA and speed/accuracy measures of the D2 Attention Endurance Test.
Study design: Pre/post comparison Significant reduction to core ADHD behaviors in both groups by both
Comparison group: Stimulant medication teachers and parents on the IOWA-Conners Behavior Rating Scale.
Protocol/placement: ↑ beta ↓ theta, C3 or C4
Heinrich et al., Participants: 13 ADHD (M = 11.1), NF vs. WL: NF only had ADHD symptomatology reduce by approximately
2004 9 controls (M = 10.5) 25%, impulsivity errors decrease, and CNV increase.
Study design: Wait-list control
Protocol/placement: SCP, Cz
(Continued Overleaf )
Table 13.1 (Continued)
Gevensleben et al., Participants: 59 ADHD (M = 9.1), 35 NF vs. Attention training: NF group changes superior on parent and teacher
2009 controls (M = 9.4) ratings. Parent-rated FBB-HKS total score improvements reflect a medium
Study design: Randomized controlled trial effect size of 0.60. Comparable effects were obtained for the both NF
Control Group: Attention training protocols (theta/beta training, SCP training). Parental attitude toward the
Protocol/placement: SCP/↑ beta ↓ theta, treatment did not differ between NF and control group.
Cz
Holtmann et al., Participants: 20 ADHD (M = 10.3), 14 NF vs. Cognitive training: Both groups showed improvement on a Stop-Signal
2009* controls (M = 10.2) test, NF only had a significant reduction of impulsivity errors. On ERP
Study design: Randomized controlled trial measures, NF group had a marginally significant increase in N2-amplitude
Control group: Captain’s Log cognitive (an indicator of NoGo-N2 normalization). Parent-rated SNAP-IV
training inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity showed improvements over time
Protocol/placement: ↑ beta ↓ theta, Cz for both groups but no significant differences.
(Continued Overleaf )
Table 13.1 (Continued)
Urichuk et al., Participants: 20 ADHD, 17 controls, 7–15 NF vs. Sham: Both groups improved over the course of the project, but there
2009* yrs were no significant differences between groups. No significant changes for
Study design: Randomized controlled trial impulsivity or inattention levels of children on the TOVA for either group
Control group: Sham feedback were reported. Over time in both groups, parents reported children were
Protocol/placement: Unavailable doing better at the end, and children reported feeling more calm, being able
to concentrate better, having better sleep quality, and feeling less discomfort
in general.
Perreau-Linck Participants: 5 ADHD, 4 controls Note: One dropout in experimental group, one adverse effect from sham
et al., 2010* Study design: Randomized controlled trial feedback. NF vs. Sham: both showed significant improvements on several
Control group: Sham feedback CPRS-R subscales (Hyperactivity), with more overall improvement in the
Protocol/placement: ↑ SMR ↓ theta, C4 sham group. All participants showed improvement on at least one
neuropsychological measure, with more active-NF participants
demonstrating improvement on the Stroop Task Inhibition/Switching
Condition and more sham-NF participants showing more improvement on
the Stroop Task Inhibition Condition and the CPT-II Variability measure.
Note: ADDES = Attention Deficit Disorders Evaluation Scale; ADHD = attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder; BASC = Behavior Assessment System for
Children–Monitor; CNV = contingent negative variation; CPRS-R = Conners’ Parent Rating Scales-Revised; CPT = Continuous Performance Test; CPT-II =
Continuous Performance Test-II; CTRS-R = Conners’ Teacher Rating Scales-Revised; DBQ = DuPaul Behavioral Questionnaire; EEG = electroencephalography;
EMG = electromyograph; ERP = event-related potential; FBB-HKS = German ADHD rating scale; GDS = Gordon Diagnostic System; IVA = Integrated Visual and
Auditory; NF = neurofeedback; QEEG = quantitative EEG; SMR = sensorimotor rhythm; SNAP-IV = Swanson, Nolan, and Pelham rating scale; TOVA = Tests of
Variable Attention; VCI = Verbal Comprehension Index; WISC = Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children; WL = wait-list.
∗ Study details are those reported in Lofthouse et al. (2012).
Neurofeedback 295
Lubar, 1984; Thompson & Thompson, 1998), and pre/post designs (Boyd &
Campbell, 1998; J. F. Lubar et al., 1995; Mayer et al., 2012). These studies indicated
QEEG/spectral/amplitude changes in the protocol training direction, reduction of
core ADHD and comorbid mood symptoms, and improvements in classroom and
homework behaviors, analysis of pre-/post-TOVA, Wechsler Intelligence Scale for
Children-Revised (WISC-R), Wide Range Achievement Test 3 (WRAT-3), Attention
Deficit Disorders Evaluation Scale (ADDES), digit span assessments, medication
titration, parent and teacher behavior ratings, full-scale IQ, ERP amplitudes, and
error performance.
Two recent meta-analyses have reported the efficacy of neurofeedback as a non-
medication treatment alternative (see Table 13.1). Analysis of several randomized
controlled trials and pre/post studies indicated an overall medium effect size (Loft-
house, Arnold, Hersch, Hurt, & DeBeus, 2012) for the reduction of ADHD core
symptoms, a medium effect size for hyperactivity, and large effect sizes for inat-
tention and impulsivity (Arns, de Ridder, Strehl, Breteler, & Coenen, 2009). In
general, studies comparing neurofeedback to stimulant medication found comparable
effects for the reduction of core ADHD symptoms and improvements on subscales
of the TOVA and other neuropsychological tests (Fuchs, Birbaumer, Lutzenberger,
Gruzelier, & Kaiser, 2003; Rossiter, 2005; Rossiter & La Vaque, 1995), with only
the neurofeedback group maintaining treatment gains after discontinuation of med-
ication (Monastra, Monastra, & George, 2002). Pre/post investigations of various
feedback methods indicated the learning of self-regulation skills for training param-
eters, reduction of core ADHD symptoms on parent and teacher behavior reports,
IQ gains, enhanced ERP activity, and improvements on continuous performance
tasks and other neuropsychological tests (Kropotov et al., 2005; Leins et al., 2007;
Palsson et al., 2001; Strehl, Leins, Goth, Klinger, & Birbaumer, 2006; Xiong,
Shi, & Xu, 2005). Neurofeedback also showed greater improvements on treatment
outcomes compared to wait-list controls (Heinrich, Gevensleben, Freisleder, Moll,
& Rothenberger, 2004; Levesque, Beauregard, & Mensour, 2006; Linden, Habib,
& Radojevic, 1996; McGrady, Prodente, Fine, & Donlin, 2007; Picard, Moreau,
Guay, & Achim, 2006). Finally, neurofeedback therapy showed superior therapeutic
effects or performance enhancement on some assessment variables compared to com-
puter training for attentional and cognitive skills (Fine, Goldman, & Sanford, 1994;
Gevensleben et al., 2009; Holtmann et al., 2009; Orlandi & Greco, 2004), elec-
tromyograph biofeedback (Bakhshayesh, Hansch, Wyschkon, Rezai, & Esser, 2011),
group therapy (Drechsler et al., 2007), and sham feedback (deBues, 2006; Lans-
bergen, Van Dongen-Boomsma, Buitelaar, & Slaats-Willemse, 2011; Perreau-Linck,
Lessard, Levesque, & Beauregard, 2010; Urichuk et al., 2009).
The current body of research supports the use of neurofeedback applications in the
treatment of ADHD. Neurofeedback has been shown to have comparable effects to
stimulant medication, with long-term effects beyond medication titration. Follow-up
studies indicated that the improvements to core ADHD symptoms and the ability to
self-regulate specific brain parameters remain stable after 6-month to 2-year follow-up
(Gani, Birbaumer, & Strehl, 2008; Gevensleben et al., 2010; Leins et al., 2007;
Strehl et al., 2006). Although promising, additional research and placebo-controlled
investigations are needed.
296 General Strategies
Anxiety disorders. Over the last 35 years, clinicians have been investigating the
therapeutic effects of neurofeedback for anxiety disorders. Specifically, generalized
anxiety disorder (GAD), obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), and posttraumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) have been investigated (see Moore, 2005). Several proto-
cols have emerged for the training of GAD, including theta or alpha suppression
with/without beta enhancement (Kerson, Sherman, & Kozlowski, 2009; Rice,
Blanchard, & Purcell, 1993; Thomas & Sattlberger, 1997), theta or alpha enhance-
ment with/without beta enhancement (Passini, Watson, Dehnel, Herder, & Watkins,
1977; Rice et al., 1993; Vanathy, Sharma, & Kumar, 1998; C. G. Watson & Herder,
1980; B. W. Watson, Woolley-Hart, & Timmons, 1979), and alpha symmetry train-
ing (Kerson et al., 2009). The use of these neurofeedback protocols has led to the
reduction of anxiety symptoms, improvements on the Minnesota Multiphasic Person-
ality Inventories (MMPI and MMPI-2), and reductions on the State-Trait Anxiety
Inventory (STAI), Psychosomatic Symptom Checklist, and Brief Psychiatric Rating
Scale.
For the treatment of PTSD, alpha-theta enhancement protocols have been utilized
and led to symptom reduction, medication titration, relapse prevention, and improve-
ments on the MMPI (Peniston & Kulkosky, 1991). For the treatment of OCD, alpha
enhancement (Mills & Solyom, 1974) was shown to reduce rumination behavior
during training sessions, and QEEG guided protocols (Hammond, 2003; Sürmeli &
Ertem, 2011) led to improvements on the Yale–Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale
(Y-BOCS) and MMPI. Current investigations at Yale University School of Medicine
have focused on the application of rtfMRI feedback to train OCD patients to develop
control of BOLD signal activity in a region of the orbitofrontal cortex associated with
contamination anxiety (Hampson et al., 2012).
in depressed adolescent and adult patients who were successful in regulating alpha
symmetry. In a follow-up study, posttreatment changes in depression scores and
asymmetries were stable and enduring from 1 to 5 years following treatment cessation
(Baehr, Rosenfeld, & Baehr, 2001).
A recent randomized controlled trial investigated the utility of alpha asymmetry
training compared to a psychotherapy placebo condition, reporting that 10 sessions
of asymmetry training induced right frontal alpha increases exclusively in the train-
ing group and led to a reduction in depressive symptoms (Choi et al., 2011).
Finally, Dias and van Deusen (2011) recently combined the alpha asymmetry and
alpha-theta training protocols of depression research with the beta reduction pro-
tocols common to anxiety training. Following 10 sessions of training focused on
enhancing right alpha asymmetry, increasing the beta/theta relationship on the left
prefrontal cortex, and reducing high-beta activity over the entire prefrontal cortex,
Dias and van Deusen reported mood enhancement and significant changes in self-
report of depressive symptoms of a pilot participant. Further research is needed to
investigate the utility of this protocol for treatment of comorbid depression and
anxiety.
Dissociative identity disorder. Manchester, Allen, and Tachiki (1998) investigated the
efficacy of occipital alpha-theta training in 11 female patients with a diagnosis of
dissociative identity disorder. Following 30 neurofeedback training sessions and 10
neurofeedback-related group therapy sessions, all patients were assessed as “unified”
and scored within normal limits on the Dissociative Experience Scales through a
1-year follow-up.
IQ, and full-scale IQ scores for a group of middle school children with learning
disabilities compared to a treatment-as-usual peer cohort.
Substance abuse. Currently, brain imaging data and neurofeedback studies support
the enhancement of occipital alpha-theta frequencies for alcohol dependence, or
alpha-theta enhancement in tandem with beta training for mixed substance abuse
disorders (see Sokhadze, Cannon, & Trudeau, 2008, for a review). Peniston and
Kulkosky (1989) conducted the first randomized controlled trial investigating the
use of alpha-theta training for the treatment of alcoholism. After completion of a
hand temperature-training phase, the study participants completed 15 sessions of
eyes-closed alpha-theta training and showed reductions on BDI assessments and
lower levels of beta-endorphins as compared to a treatment-as-usual control group.
At a 13-month follow-up, significantly more alcoholics maintained sobriety than
did individuals who did not receive the neurofeedback training. Similar findings
were reported in a series of replication studies (Bodenhamer-Davis & Callaway,
2004; Kelly, 1997; Saxby & Peniston, 1995). An investigation by Fahrion (1995)
applied the alpha-theta protocol to prisoners suffering with addictions and identified
differential effects based on age, race, and drug of choice, leading to modifications to
the traditional protocol (Fahrion, 2002).
Schneider et al. (1993) reported that the successful regulation of SCP shifts
resulted in relapse prevention. Due to the comorbid nature of ADHD and substance
abuse, Scott, Kaiser, Othmer, and Sideroff (2005) incorporated a series of SMR-
beta enhancement training sessions prior to alpha-theta training and reported that
neurofeedback participants exclusively showed normalization of attentional variables
and had superior gains on the MMPI-2 compared to control participants. The use of
beta enhancement protocols in addition to alpha-theta training has also been effective
in treating crack cocaine dependence (Burkett, Cummins, Dickson, & Skolnick,
2005) with results indicating that neurofeedback led to better community integration
Neurofeedback 299
into housing, schools, and workforce, as well as reductions in depressive and anxious
symptoms, arrest rates, and relapse one year posttreatment. Nicotine dependence is the
latest substance abuse issue to be treated with neurofeedback methods. Research teams
have been investigating the use of rtfMRI to isolate and reward the modification of
brain regions associated with the processing of smoking-related information (Hartwell
et al., 2012).
Conclusion
This chapter provided a brief discussion of the origins of brain signal recordings,
the development of classical and operant conditioning paradigms, and the evolution
of neurofeedback therapy. Neurofeedback is the practice of providing individuals
with specific feedback of brain activity in an operant conditioning paradigm to
modify behavior, reduce disorder-specific symptoms, and enhance overall functioning.
Operant conditioning of EEG, SCPs, and BOLD signal activity has been effective
in the treatment and symptom reduction of ADHD, GAD, OCD, PTSD, major
depressive disorder, dissociative identity disorder, learning disabilities, schizophrenia,
and substance-related disorders. Neurofeedback therapy is a bottom-up approach
to symptom reduction and may be integrated into CBT protocols and multimodal
treatment plans. The information provided should give readers a solid foundation
and understanding of the various neurofeedback methods, technical requirements,
and clinical applications. The current body of work related to this noninvasive
nonpharmacological treatment is promising, but additional research and randomized
control trials are needed.
Acknowledgements
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14
Homework Assignments and
Self-Monitoring
Nikolaos Kazantzis
La Trobe University, Australia
Frank M. Dattilio
Harvard Medical School, United States
Introduction
Stemming from the educational model, the extension of therapy to the everyday
situations in which the patients’ problems exist reflects a basic principle of learning
and skill acquisition, namely, that practice is important for learning (Kazantzis, Arntz,
Borkovec, Holmes, & Wade, 2010). Psychotherapeutic homework assignments can
encompass a broad range of creative activities or tasks (Lambert, Harmon, & Slade,
2007). In the treatment of CBT for depression, for example, a range of potential
homework assignments are frequently assigned and often include self-monitoring
sheets, behavioral activation schedules, arousal reduction, and the use of thought
records (Thase & Callan, 2006).
We can define therapeutic homework as therapeutic activities completed between
consultation sessions, which are collaboratively designed by the therapist and
patient to assist with progress toward therapeutic goals (A. T. Beck et al., 1979;
J. S. Beck, 2011). However, homework is much more than that. It is also an impor-
tant relational process that draws upon the patient’s and therapist’s efforts to work as
a collaborative team to devise empirical tests of the patient’s experience (i.e., through
monitoring; see Dattilio & Hanna, 2012). It is through this unique experimentation
with specific techniques and ways of relating that change takes place (Kazantzis,
Petrik, & Cummins, 2012).
One of the challenges for the practitioner in socializing patients during the early
phase of CBT is to communicate the learning principle clearly. Homework can be
introduced through the notion of “self-practice,” “self-therapy,” or “experiments,”
and by distinguishing this from one’s recollection of school homework, which is
graded on a pass/fail basis and usually is assigned by a teacher without input
Homework Assignments and Self-Monitoring 313
from the student (Kazantzis, 2011). If we are practicing CBT in a manner true
to the tenets of collaborative empiricism, any result is useful since it provides
important information about the patients’ problems and represents “data” for the
case formulation. In essence, it becomes “grist for the therapeutic mill.” Moreover,
unlike school homework, CBT assignments are not unilaterally assigned, but rather
result from a collaboration between therapist and patient, and ultimately the patient
may design his or her own tasks. Thus, our first recommendation is that practitioners
avoid using the term “homework” with patients. We advocate for a discussion of
the patient’s previously rewarding learning experiences, and use their language and
metaphors about learning to convey the importance of therapeutic homework.
As patients practice therapeutic techniques and find them helpful, they can apply
them in different ways to other aspects of their lives. Some patients quickly adapt the
homework, or take its central elements or gist, and apply it in a totally unique way. In
order for CBT to be helpful to patients in the long term, it should encourage a level
of adaptation and generalization with therapeutic assignments in the short term.
As one example, John developed skills in monitoring his pleasure and sense of
accomplishment through the day, as part of his initial therapeutic work on depression.
He found it helpful to ask himself, “What is my level of sadness in this situation?” and
“How high is my feeling of contentment right now?” This was something that he
practiced throughout the course of his therapy. Ideally, we want our patients to take
the techniques that they find helpful in therapy, and embrace them as a part of their
daily thinking (i.e., to develop complex reasoning about the application of techniques;
Kazantzis & Daniel, 2009). In this way, the skills honed through homework practice
become a part of the fabric of their general skill base and contribute to their overall
well-being. Thus, when socializing patients to CBT, it is important to convey that
homework tasks are an extension of the in-session work which will ultimately support
patients in maintaining their well-being long after they conclude therapy.
One challenge for practitioners is that most patients, at least sometimes, do not
engage with their therapeutic homework assignments. A larger problem, however,
and one that stems from the same source, involves therapists’ expectations of their
patients. When we adopt the medical model, we expect our patients to “adhere” or
“comply” with homework as planned, and these notions fall short of capturing the
complexity of everyday clinical practice, because many patients benefit from partially
completed homework, and some patients can complete more homework than was
discussed, but only derive a small benefit. A more useful way of evaluating patients’
between-session therapeutic work is to consider the practical difficulty of the task,
the situational obstacles to its completion, and the degree of skill gained from the
actual activity (Fehm & Mrose, 2008; Schmidt & Woolaway-Bickel, 2000; Simpson
et al., 2010; Simpson et al., 2011; Westra & Dozois, 2006). These considerations
form a broader concept of engagement which, when adopted in place of achieving
compliance, helps therapists to manage their own expectations about what is possible
for patients. If a patient has not engaged with the homework, or is only partially
314 General Strategies
engaged, the therapist should focus on the quality of the work done and the learning
that has resulted, being sure to frame all attempts as successes and connecting their
verbal praise with work done.
Sophie, an experienced cognitive therapist, often experiences disappointment with
her patients’ lack of homework completion, despite doing everything that is requested
of her as a therapist. She often feels annoyed when she hears the excuse, “I forgot.”
When therapists are asked for “adaptive therapist emotions and attitudes” in the
use of therapeutic homework during professional workshops on enhancing the use
of homework in CBT, the list usually comes sluggishly—“enthusiasm,” “empathy,”
and “patience.” These adjectives are among the most commonly identified adaptive
experiences. Yet, when therapists are asked what they would hypothesize to be the
most commonly identified experiences among CBT practitioners, they produce a much
different list: “anger,” “frustration,” “annoyance,” “disappointment,” “anxiety,”
“guilt.” Such lists have been remarkably consistent among different practitioner
groups in many different countries. Homework noncompliance is a problem for the
practice of CBT worldwide, for several reasons it seems.
As a self-reflection exercise, it may be helpful to think of a recent experience of
a patient who did not engage with a therapeutic homework task. What emotion did
you feel? And as you had that emotion, what went through your mind? What did this
experience mean to you as a clinician?
Despite the potential for such experiences, there are also CBT practitioners who
say that they love the role of homework in therapy. They practice creatively, and see
the integration of homework as just another expression of their ability to fuse the
process of case conceptualization with the specific technique or treatment strategy in
a manner suitable for the particular patient sitting in their consultation room. Such
practitioners could not imagine using CBT without homework and would consider it
foolish to do so. As it turns out, they are right.
Homework assignments have been investigated more than any other therapeutic
process in CBT (Persons, Davidson, & Tompkins, 2000), and their effects have
been evaluated in several ways. One group of studies contrasted therapy conditions
with and without the use of homework assignments and compared their therapeutic
outcomes, generally operationalized as symptom reduction. Interestingly, only some
of these studies have demonstrated an advantage for the “homework” conditions
when reviewing the findings at the conventional p < .05 criterion for statistical
significance, which led many researchers through the 1980s and 1990s to debate the
necessity of homework in CBT (e.g., Zettle & Hayes, 1987). However, the advent
of quantitative review methods afforded some clarification. It turns out that these
studies had low statistical power (a 58% chance of detecting a large effect size, a 32%
chance of detecting a medium effect size, and only a 9% chance of detecting a small
effect size; see Kazantzis, 2000).
Meta-analyses also confirmed that when all the studies were aggregated and
analyzed, the difference in outcome between “homework” and “no-homework”
Homework Assignments and Self-Monitoring 315
conditions was actually substantial (d = 0.77 in Kazantzis, Deane, & Ronan, 2000;
and d = 0.63 in Kazantzis, Whittington, & Dattilio, 2010). To interpret the more
conservative effect size of 0.63, this would mean that if we were to randomly assign
200 patients to comparable therapy conditions, with 100 assigned to therapy with
homework, and 100 to therapy without homework, we would expect 63% and 37%
of patients to improve, respectively. (This calculation is based on Rosenthal’s [1991]
binomial effect size display, but see McGraw, 1991, for its limitations.)
Research has also addressed the questions: “Do practitioners actually use home-
work, and if so, what do they think of it?” These are important questions as there may
be many barriers to the implementation of the evidence base (Garland, Brookman-
Frazee, & Chavira, 2010). Surveys among practitioners in Australia (Deane, Glaser,
Oades, & Kazantzis, 2005), Canada (Carroll, Nich, & Ball, 2005), Germany (Fehm &
Kazantzis, 2004; Helbig & Fehm, 2004), New Zealand (Kazantzis, Busch, Ronan, &
Merrick, 2007; Kazantzis & Deane, 1999), and the United States (Kazantzis,
Lampropoulos, & Deane, 2005) have found that the majority of practitioners surveyed
reported that therapeutic homework was “generally” or “almost always” incorporated
into their therapy sessions. Interestingly, the use of between-session therapeutic tasks
has been reported among those identifying a range of theoretical orientations. For
example, Kazantzis et al. (2005) found that in a diverse sample of psychologists,
comprised of individuals who identified their primary orientation as CBT (39%) or
psychodynamic/analytic (24%), a high proportion (68%) reported regular homework
use. The proposition that homework assignments are now incorporated into a range
of different therapies is not limited to these data. Experts from a range of therapeutic
approaches have outlined how homework facilitates change mechanisms in, among
others, acceptance and commitment therapy (Twohig, Pierson, & Hayes, 2007),
behavior therapy (Ledley & Huppert, 2007), brief strategic family therapy (Robbins,
Szapocznik, & Pe’rez, 2007), client-centered therapy (Witty, 2007), cognitive ther-
apy (J. S. Beck & Tompkins, 2007), emotion-focused experiential therapy (Ellison &
Greenberg, 2007), interpersonal psychotherapy (Young & Mufson, 2007),
personal construct therapy (Neimeyer & Winter, 2007), and psychodynamic therapy
(Stricker, 2007).
Another branch of the empirical literature has sought to explore a closely
related, but different, research question: “Is there a positive correlation between
patient homework ‘compliance’ and treatment outcome?” Answering this research
question in the affirmative provides us with valuable information about the relation
(or association) between the two variables, but does not enable us to ascertain the
direction of causality (Kaplan & Saccuzzo, 2008). Compliance with homework may
lead to symptom reduction, but it is equally plausible that symptom reduction may
encourage greater compliance with homework. There has been some confusion about
what constitutes a causal effect in this research area. For example, Burns and Spangler
(2000) reported that homework compliance had a causal effect on treatment out-
come, based on an application of structural equation modeling (SEM) to examine the
correlation between homework compliance and symptom reduction in the treatment
of depression. As Kazantzis, Ronan, and Deane (2001) noted, although this is an
exceptional illustration of the utility of SEM, these data were unable to demonstrate
316 General Strategies
PATIENT: Yes.
THERAPIST: Well … please allow me to convey that I do not feel angry or disappointed
in any way. In fact, my perspective of these things is that they are a way to generate and
explore new ideas. Sometimes practical things get in the way, or maybe the activity itself
was too difficult. Knowing this is helpful because we get a better window into your
experience … and in learning what works, we often need to find what doesn’t work.
PATIENT: OK—that’s reassuring to know.
THERAPIST: What did you get from the beginning steps of the experiment?
PATIENT: I guess that I adopted my usual avoidance strategy. I could have looked their
numbers up or emailed them instead.
THERAPIST: Great! That is something we’ve learnt from doing this. What else?
PATIENT: That you weren’t angry that I didn’t do it—that surprised me.
As illustrated, Janine and her therapist attended to the useful learning from the
homework, and the discussion also led to feedback from the patient about the likely
response from the therapist. Clearly, if Janine’s therapist had not allowed time for
this discussion, then important information for the case conceptualization would
have been missed. With this information, Janine’s therapist is better equipped to
encourage engagement, to maintain a positive alliance, and to help Janine work
with her pervasive beliefs about other people (including her therapist) and the
world.
A Focus on Self-Monitoring
If you were asked to take the book you are reading, close it, and attempt to spin the
entire volume on a single index finger, similar to the way in which a basketball player
spins a ball, you would likely ask the question, Why? It seems that having a reason for
a behavior, especially those that require effort, is critical to understanding sustained
engagement in that behavior.
Theories exist that are predicated upon decades of sound empirical research that
attest to the role of beliefs in determining human behavior, and engagement in health
behaviors. Attempting to spin a book on your index finger may appeal to those more
practiced at spinning objects on their fingers—basketball players, jugglers—but will
immediately conflict with others who hold value in the paper versions of practice
resources. For example, many colleagues refrain from writing on the pages of their
textbooks. They prefer to make their notes elsewhere in order to keep the book
in pristine shape, whereas others highlight and write all over the pages, and some
fold or tear out pages. Thus, one layer of cognition we need to attend to relates
to task-specific cognitions. What does the patient think of the task? Before deciding
on the next homework task, the patient should have the opportunity to gain some
experiential learning from in-session practice of the task, and to express his or her
task-specific thoughts, especially with regard to its relevance, difficulty, and some
feedback about how ready and able he or she is to try it. This information can be used
in collaboratively designing homework.
A further consideration is whether the task seems relevant to the patient’s thera-
peutic goals and personal values. The patient needs both a short-term and a long-term
benefit to the investment of time and energy in therapeutic homework. Behavior the-
ories suggest that situational antecedents are important for triggering the realization
that the application of a therapeutic skill is needed. At the same time, intrinsic and
environmental reinforcement is needed to generalize and maintain the practice of
therapeutic skills. However, what is reinforcing for one person may be punitive for
another. Consequently, therapists need to be guided by feedback from the patient
about the homework task. This is a fundamental principle of motivational interview-
ing: There needs to be (from the patient’s perspective) a clear and immediate benefit
to the therapeutic “action” that contributes to a long-term goal (Arkowitz, Westra,
Miller, & Rollnick, 2008; Dozois, 2010; Rosengren, 2009).
A therapeutic activity might only be evaluated as conflicting with a personal value
once a patient has tried it and had the opportunity for an in-session experience of the
task. Thus, it is important to consider what engaging in the task means to the patient.
Many patients will see their performance with therapeutic homework as a marker or
gauge of their personal value, or the likely outcome of their therapy. Others will find
themselves feeling “controlled” or “told what to do” simply because a plan represents
a limited number of options for the extension of therapeutic work through the week
(J. S. Beck, 2005; Kazantzis, 2011). Once the patient has articulated the personal
meaning of the task, patient and therapist can work together to address any conflicts
with personal values, by, for instance, enlisting greater patient input in the design
Homework Assignments and Self-Monitoring 319
of the task, or by exploring and perhaps modifying the patient’s perception of the
conflict.
Patients’ coping strategies can also influence their engagement with tasks. A patient
with an extreme avoidance pattern is likely to struggle with a homework task that
involves experiencing uncomfortable emotions, just as a patient with chronic anger
may resent the idea of a task that involves having him or her practicing new ways of
responding to triggering situations (C. F. Newman, 2011). Thus, it is important to
consider patients’ existing coping strategies when designing tasks.
Elizabeth was certain that she “wouldn’t be able to cope” when first introduced to
the thought record, and so, together with her therapist, she decided to start with
the initial columns of specifying a situation, recording her emotions, and associated
unhelpful automatic thoughts, images, dreams, and fantasies. Elizabeth also found
it validating to complete a second form that acknowledged her doubts about the
task, and her concern about her emotions “spiraling out of control ” because she was
focusing on them. The goal in using homework assignments is to empower patients
to engage with their emotional experience and to motivate them to try out alternative
or refined ways of coping. Without attending to the patient’s personal meaning in
this work, there is a risk of triggering and reinforcing his or her negative beliefs.
Sigmund felt surprised when he recalled his work as a project manager when
attempting an intervention of “evaluating worries.” The activity of focusing on his
worries, scrutinizing their likelihood, and identifying them as helpful or unhelpful
reminded him of ineffectively addressing the concerns of his team members—he said,
“I’m relating this to my team!” Without attending to this memory flashing through
his mind, his therapist may have missed an important opportunity to talk about his
associated feelings of “tenseness” and being “on edge” when engaging with the
cognitive restructuring task.
Anna and her therapist discussed a behavioral experiment after some in-session
practice with a task. Her therapist initiated some Socratic dialogue to explore Anna’s
beliefs about the task, its connection to her personal values, and perceived relevance
to therapy goals within the dialogue:
THERAPIST: So we are talking about opening the door for five people at work this week.
How does this fit with your understanding of how to strengthen relationships?
PATIENT: I think it’s a simple gesture and it’s definitely a step in the right direction.
THERAPIST: What do you think about the task itself—in relation to your personal
values?
PATIENT: I think I’m generally a courteous and helpful person. Maybe this small
gesture will convey that to others too.
THERAPIST: What do you predict will happen?
PATIENT: People will probably look right through me.
THERAPIST: How much do you believe that will happen—on a 0–100% scale?
PATIENT: People are not considerate—I am 100% confident that no one will even
notice; they’ll just walk on by.
THERAPIST: OK, so we have a useful activity on our hands. It is something that reflects
your personal value of being courteous and helpful, but it’s also going to help us gauge
how others respond to this act of consideration. If we view people in just one way or
another, there’s a chance that we miss some exceptions to the rule, or variations among
320 General Strategies
As this example illustrates, we advocate for the use of Socratic dialogue to explore
the patient’s associations with the task, how the task connects with his or her
assumptions, rules, and personal values regarding (a) self, (b) others and the world
including the therapist, (c) the likely outcome of the task (and therapy), (d) distressing
emotions, and (e) compatibility and conflict with existing ways of coping.
Because imagery is the next best thing to being in situations, it serves as a
useful technique for facilitating in-session practice when the immediate environ-
ment is not conducive to such exposure (J. S. Beck, 2011; Kazantzis, Arntz,
Borkovec, Holmes, & Wade, 2010). After having practiced sensation induction
for the treatment of panic through the previous week, Daniel communicated to
his therapist that the hyperventilation exercise failed to trigger any fear response as
planned. Daniel and his therapist used imagery in the following session to enable
him to move into a busy supermarket, cinema theatre, and crowded street to
practice his alternative interpretations of any heightened physiology that he may
experience, such as, “this is my anxiety—and anxiety is normal. It will take me
some time to feel entirely comfortable, but if I stay in the situation long enough,
I know I will start to enjoy being here. It’s an opportunity to practice my therapy
skills!”
One way to select homework assignments is to take an existing therapeutic inter-
vention and incorporate it into work with a patient (e.g., monitoring physiology
[Clark & A. T. Beck, 2010], panic, and worry [Wells, 2009]). Reliance on exist-
ing forms for homework may be more useful at the early stages of therapy or
when the patient is markedly distressed. For example, Jenny likened having too
much choice in therapy to visiting a supermarket with 30 types of mustard while
she was rushing to gather the other dinner party items before picking up her
children from school. Too much choice can be distressing. In fact, a useful rule
of thumb is to consider an inverse relationship between the extent of collabora-
tion, or shared work, in designing homework assignments and the level of patient
distress.
At the other end of the continuum there is the opportunity to design an intervention
from the ground up (to be extended in homework). Behavioral experiments are an
excellent example of this form of homework, as therapists and patients have identified
thoughts to evaluate and have a process of designing a tailored “empirical test” of the
belief through data gathering and/or experimentation with new or adjusted behavior
(Bennett-Levy et al., 2004).
In summary, consideration should be given to the extent of collaboration in “co-
authoring” or designing a therapeutic homework task in the context of each patient’s
Homework Assignments and Self-Monitoring 321
The majority of the therapeutic activities that patients are asked to engage in
between sessions involve some amount of self-monitoring. Beyond recording subjec-
tive emotions, thoughts, physiology, behaviors, and interactions, there is generally
an implicit need to self-monitor in order to know when to use a therapeutic tech-
nique. Put simply, most homework assignments demand that patients use their
executive functioning abilities. Research on prospective memory and implementa-
tion intentions overlap in pointing to the value in having a clear plan in order
to reduce the demands (or cognitive load) of the task (Gollwitzer & Sheeran,
2006; McDaniel, Howard, & Butler, 2008). CBT homework assignments often
require some prioritization, problem solving of unexpected obstacles, inhibition of
other learned responses (or ways of coping), initiating new responses, and shifting,
focusing, and dividing attention. Thus, the very least therapists can do is support
their patients to arrive at a specific plan that helps them start with the homework
activity.
Consider environmental prompts such as smartphone reminders, alarms, colorful
notes, wearing a watch on a different arm, leaving something unusual out of place,
or putting colorful stickers in prominent places. It is then useful to ask the patient to
summarize the task and present his or her understanding of how the task contributes
to therapy goals. Through collaborative discussion, the therapist takes a questioning
approach to decide on when, where, how often, and for how long the homework
task should be done. Practitioner surveys have shown that only a small proportion of
therapists (25% or less) work with their patients to devise a plan that comprises these
components (Kazantzis & Deane, 1999; Kazantzis & Ronan, 2006). This process is
initially led by the therapist, but requires patients to provide the information, as they
are the expert on their lives. After a few sessions, patients can usually take the lead and
initiate a specific plan with little contribution from the therapist. Initially, however,
arriving at a specific plan may require about 10 minutes of the concluding part of the
therapy session.
We advocate engaging patients to decide on when, where, how often, and for how
long the homework assignment will be done. The same homework can be made more
manageable by reducing its frequency. A more structured and therapist-led process is
needed when the patient is distressed. However, the goal is to create the conditions
under which the patient can put together his or her own plan, especially as the patient
takes more of the lead (and as the patient guides more of the collaborative work in
CBT; see Kazantzis, Arntz, et al., 2010).
Devising a clear plan for the homework with patients often raises likely obstacles
and potential environmental barriers, so it is helpful to ask about these specifically.
Additionally, therapists are wise to summarize the homework and ask patients to
provide feedback about the plan through ratings of their perceived confidence,
322 General Strategies
readiness, and importance (e.g., using subjective visual analogue scales ranging from
0 = none, to 50 = moderate, to 100 = high). Many therapists are surprised that
their patients are less than 70% confident about the homework, even though there
has been in-session practice, and the patient has decided on the specific plan for
the task. It is vital for therapists to be able to detect and effectively manage early
patient reluctance toward tasks, as this has been found to be a strong predictor
of engagement and treatment outcome (Westra, 2011). The whole is greater than
the sum of its parts, and so it is usually helpful to reconsider some aspect of the
homework, such as prioritizing one part by reducing it into manageable chunks.
When patients rate very low levels of confidence, questions that may be helpful
include:
A written summary of the homework that patients can take home with them has
been demonstrated to increase rates of engagement significantly (Cox, Tisdelle, &
Culbert, 1988), and a variety of summary forms have been recommended in the
professional literature to aid with therapeutic homework (e.g., Kazantzis, Dattilio, &
MacEwan, 2005).
If patients are asked to engage in homework assignments, then it follows suit to ask
them about their level of engagement and how they felt about the assignment at
the next session. Some therapists think, “I should only ask patients about homework
if they have done it,” and miss opportunities to gain feedback from patients who
have not engaged with the assignment. Therapists want to acknowledge the work the
patient has done, as well as what may have inhibited him or her from completing
the assignment. The review of homework during each session also conveys to
patients that the ultimate benefit of therapy will be dependent on their degree of
practice between sessions. If therapy is truly about learning, then the homework
review can be focused on what was gained, no matter how small the steps in going
forward.
Structuring sessions and pacing them appropriately depends on an effective review
of therapeutic homework assignments. It is useful to review the practical obstacles
to the task, as distinct from thoughts and emotions generated in completing the task.
For example, Sasha found substantial relief from practicing strategic withdrawal and
arousal reduction in interpersonal interactions where she was arguing and shouting,
yet this new strategy was associated with significant guilt and was accompanied by
the thought: “All these years that I have argued with people, and been aggressive … I’ve
Homework Assignments and Self-Monitoring 323
hurt so many because of my selfishness … How could I have given myself permission to
treat people with such disrespect?” Without asking about her emotions and thoughts
when engaging in this task, Sasha’s therapist may have missed vital information for
the session agenda and case conceptualization. Patients also often minimize their
accomplishments, or perceive progress as evidence that their overall functioning is
substandard, so cognitions activated in the homework are critical to be assessed as
part of the review.
The input offered to patients about their homework represents important feedback
about their progress in therapy. For this reason, it is useful to titrate verbal praise
and encouragement carefully so that it is clearly connected to the work done
(i.e., concrete evidence to the patient that the praise is accurate), and that it is
honest, sincere, and appropriate to what the patient has achieved. It is important to
communicate to patients that the skill being learned may be developed or adapted
further, which builds hope and optimism. Sharing stories of other patients who have
been at a similar stage of skill acquisition may also serve as a means of encouraging
patients.
Understanding the patient’s worldview through accurate empathy and understand-
ing is central to effective homework review. Acknowledging the difficulties in the task
(both emotional and achievement-related) and the importance of persisting despite
these challenges communicates to the patient that the therapist believes in his or
her abilities to bolster resilience. Therapists should attend to whether their patients
expect them to be disappointed for work not done, or not completed “properly” or
“adequately,” and take time to discuss their feelings of guilt and shame. Given that
homework is therapeutic work, then it makes sense that the process of engagement
in homework is therapeutic on multiple levels (i.e., through the direct benefits of
the therapeutic task, the patient’s increased appreciation and awareness of his or her
potential, and his or her discussion with a therapist who is accepting and encourag-
ing). It should be borne in mind that the conclusions patients reach from their work
in engaging with homework directly supports their belief about the likely outcome of
their therapy.
Conclusion
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to acknowledge the cognitive therapy teachings, guidance, and
mentorship of Aaron T. Beck (FD and NK), as well as Christine Padesky, Judith
Beck, Kathleen Mooney, and Cory Newman (NK). Special appreciation is extended
to our colleague and valued collaborator Keith Dobson. The authors wish to extend
gratitude to the current trainees and alumni of the Cognitive Behavior Therapy
Research Unit at La Trobe University for their ideas and collaboration, and to those
colleagues from the international CBT community who have shared in discussions
and assisted in developing the ideas represented in this chapter (in alphabetical order):
Tom Borkovec, David A. Clark, Frank Deane, Art Freeman, Stefan Hofmann, Ken
Laidlaw, Robert Neimeyer, Nancy Pachana, Ron Rapee, Kevin Ronan, Gregoris
Simos, Mehmet Sungur, Eleanor Wertheim, and Wong Chee-wing. We also extend
sincere thanks to Judith Stern for feedback on a previous draft of this chapter, and to
all those patients who have worked with us in therapy, since they are our best teachers
about what is ultimately useful when enhancing the use of homework in therapy.
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15
Using Motivational Interviewing
to Manage Resistance
Henny A. Westra
York University, Canada
Limited client engagement and compliance remain major factors limiting the efficacy
of existing treatments for many major mental health problems. For example, in a
recent survey of practitioner-identified obstacles to the implementation of empirically
supported treatments for panic disorder, client unwillingness to engage in treatment
was reported by 61% of therapists, and minimal client motivation at the outset of
therapy was identified as a problem by 67% of the therapists surveyed (American
Psychological Association [APA], 2010). Moreover, homework noncompliance is a
common problem with surveys of practicing therapists indicating that the majority of
clients in cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) exhibit noncompliance or only partial
compliance with homework (Helbig & Fehm, 2004).
Motivational interviewing (MI) is a brief, client-centered, directive method for
enhancing intrinsic motivation for change (Miller & Rollnick, 2002). Although
MI is an empirically supported treatment for substance abuse, extending it to the
treatment of other major mental health problems is clearly appealing to clinicians
and researchers, and conceptual and empirical work in these areas is advancing
quickly (e.g., Arkowitz, Westra, Miller, & Rollnick, 2008; Westra, 2012). MI is
likely appealing since it addresses important clinical problems (i.e., resistance, ambiva-
lence, lack of engagement in treatment), and can complement rather than replace
existing treatments. For example, MI is rapidly gaining momentum as an adjunct
to, or integrated with, other treatments for major mental health problems, such as
CBT.
This chapter starts by reviewing the importance of resistance in various forms, and
then argues that a major contribution of MI is the provision of a framework for
viewing and responding effectively to resistance. An overview of the basic philosophy
and principles of MI is then provided, followed by a consideration of how MI can
inform responses to various forms of resistance. Finally, existing support for MI is
outlined, and some future directions are considered for the integration of MI into
existing treatment approaches.
Resistance
Change is typically a very turbulent process that is fraught with competing and oppos-
ing feelings. Although clients come to treatment because they desire change, they may
simultaneously fear and oppose it. Research suggests that many individuals with major
mental health problems enter therapy with significant reservations, fears, or concerns
about treatment and change (e.g., Kushner & Sher, 1989). In certain populations,
such as among individuals with eating disorders, for example, noncompliance with
treatment and resistance to change are the norm (e.g., Vitousek, Watson, & Wilson,
1998). However, it is a misnomer to consider resistance solely as a client variable. In
MI, resistance is considered a product of the client’s ambivalence about change and
how a therapist responds to that ambivalence (Moyers & Rollnick, 2002). That is,
sustained client resistance in MI is considered a clinician skill error.
Despite being used interchangeably in the literature, it is useful to consider two
types of resistance: (a) resistance to change or intrapsychic resistance, and (b) resistance
to the therapist or treatment. The first type of resistance occurs within the client and
reflects competing motivational forces, that is, “There is a part of me that knows I
need (and want) to change and, yet, another part of me that stops me from changing.”
This type of resistance is best characterized as ambivalence about change and reflects
a client variable or characteristic. Clients vary considerably in terms of their degree of
ambivalence or “stuckness” regarding change.
The second type of resistance in therapy is interpersonal and reflects opposition to
the therapist or the treatment. In this type of resistance, there must be someone or
something to resist (i.e., the client resisting the therapist or application of the treatment
methods). For example, Newman (1994) outlines various forms that resistance can
take in CBT including refusal to follow through with homework, taking actions that
run counter to what was agreed upon in session, high levels of expressed emotion
toward the therapist, in-session avoidance such as silence or frequent use of “I don’t
know,” gratuitous debates with the therapist, and misinterpretation of the therapist’s
comments, among others.
While it is tempting to consider opposition to the therapist or treatment (i.e.,
interpersonal resistance) as an aspect of the client, it is more typically a reflection
of interpersonal process gone awry. Often, such resistance arises from the therapists’
directive (rather than supportive or exploratory) management of ambivalence. For
example, the therapist may indicate a preferred or healthier way of viewing a stressful
situation and the client disagrees (e.g., “I wish I could see it that way but I
don’t”) or the therapist suggests a homework assignment and the client objects
(e.g., “That sounds too hard”). The presence of such interpersonal resistance reflects
lack of collaboration and represents strains or ruptures in the therapeutic alliance.
Thus, this type of resistance is best considered an interpersonal process variable,
rather than a client characteristic. Such client disengagement is a signal of alliance
strain, which the therapist then needs to take corrective action to resolve in order
Motivational Interviewing 333
to reengage the client (typically by the judicious use of empathy). For example,
Aspland, Llewelyn, Hardy, Barkham, and Stiles (2008) found that such alliance
strains often arise in CBT in the context of therapist demand (e.g., convincing or
persuading) and are corrected only when the therapist realigns to understand the
client’s viewpoint.
The presence of interpersonal resistance (client disengagement from the therapist)
has been consistently found to be toxic to therapeutic outcomes. In their review of the
literature on (interpersonal) resistance, Beutler and colleagues concluded that there
is strong and consistent evidence that the effectiveness of psychotherapy is associated
with the relative absence of resistance (Beutler, Harwood, Michelson, Song, &
Holman, 2011). Even though it is relatively rare compared to client cooperation,
interpersonal resistance as early as the first session of therapy is a very strong
predictor of reduced subsequent engagement in CBT (in-session task involvement,
Jungbluth & Shirk, 2009; homework compliance, Aviram & Westra, 2011) and
poorer treatment outcome (Aviram & Westra, 2011; Westra, 2011). For example,
using observational coding of the first session of CBT, Aviram, Westra, and Eastwood
(2011) found that clients’ clear and unqualified opposition to the therapist (e.g.,
ignoring, interrupting, disagreeing, challenging) accounted for 30% of the variance
in outcomes for generalized anxiety disorder. Moreover, client hostility (direct or
indirect criticism of the therapist) accounted for an additional 10% of the variance
in treatment outcome over and above clear resistance. Hostility was even rarer than
interpersonal resistance, but the presence of even one instance of client hostility
toward the therapist in the first session of therapy was ultimately capable of predicting
treatment outcome. Such findings are consistent with other work suggesting that
even a small amount of hostility and negative interpersonal process can negatively
impact therapy outcomes (e.g., Binder & Strupp, 1997).
Given the strong capacity of interpersonal resistance to predict outcomes, the
presence of such resistance should then serve as a critical process marker in therapy.
Stated differently, not all moments may be equally important in the therapy process
and the identification of key moments (even if relatively rare) of tension in the therapy
alliance and client disengagement seem to be very important. In fact, observed
in-session resistance has been found to be a far better predictor of outcomes than
client self-reported motivation (Westra, 2011). In their review, Orlinsky, Grawe, and
Parks (1994) identified clients’ active involvement with the process of treatment as
among the most critical contributors to treatment outcomes. This result is consistent
with other studies finding that alliance ruptures are associated with poorer treatment
outcomes across a range of therapies, including CBT (Safran, Muran, & Eubanks-
Carter, 2011; Westra, Constantino, & Aviram, 2011).
Thus, it becomes incumbent on the therapist continually to monitor client engage-
ment with the process of therapy, and gauge the level of harmony and collaboration
in the process. Therapists also need to become adept at identifying the signs of
in-session client disengagement from the process of therapy (disagreeing, ignoring,
interrupting, withdrawal, passivity, criticizing, etc.). Moreover, since such process
markers (i.e., higher levels of interpersonal resistance) are strong predictors of sub-
sequent engagement (e.g., later homework compliance), therapists do not have to
wait until the client fails to complete homework to realize that there is a problem
334 General Strategies
with client engagement. Once identified, the manner in which therapists respond to
resistance plays a major role in perpetuating or diminishing it. In particular, therapist
directiveness has been found to reliably increase resistance (Beutler et al., 2011;
Beutler, Moleiro, & Talebi, 2002) whereas supportive approaches decrease resistance
(e.g., Patterson & Forgatch, 1985). For example, Miller, Benefield, and Tonigan
(1993) randomly assigned clients with problem drinking to therapists who used
either a client-centered or directive-confrontational counseling style. The directive
counseling style was associated with significantly higher levels of resistance which, in
turn, predicted poorer outcomes 1-year posttreatment. Aviram and Westra (2011)
found that the use of MI prior to CBT for anxiety (relative to no MI before CBT) was
associated with large reductions in observed interpersonal resistance. This reduction
in interpersonal resistance, in turn, mediated treatment outcomes. In other words,
clients who received MI in this study were visibly more engaged with the therapy
process in CBT than were individuals who had not received MI. Moreover, postther-
apy interviews revealed that clients who received MI prior to CBT reported that they
were more actively engaged in CBT and experienced their CBT therapists as more
collaborative than did participants who did not receive prior MI (Kertes, Westra,
Angus, & Marcus, 2011).
Finally, there is now evidence suggesting that the effective (supportive and
empathic) management of interpersonal resistance may also have implications for
the important common factor of client belief in the possibility that therapy will be
useful (i.e., outcome expectations; Constantino, Arnkoff, Glass, Ametrano, & Smith,
2011). Ahmed, Westra, and Constantino (2010) compared the interpersonal process
in session one of CBT for generalized anxiety disorder between clients who went on,
immediately after that session, to have high versus low outcome expectations (i.e.,
optimistic or pessimistic that treatment could help). Although groups were equiv-
alent overall in outcome expectations prior to the session, marked between-group
differences were found in interpersonal process during segments of the session when
interpersonal resistance was present. In essence, therapists of clients who went on to
have high outcome expectations managed to stay in friendly, affiliative harmony with
clients when their clients expressed doubts or disagreements. In contrast, clients who
went on to have low outcome expectations had therapists who had a much more
difficult time maintaining a harmonious encounter in the presence of client opposi-
tion. Nearly half the time in the low expectations group (versus less than 20% of the
time in the high expectations group), interactions during resistance episodes were
noncomplementary or nonreciprocal (i.e., client not following therapist, therapist not
following client) which is indicative of less satisfying, conflictual, anxiety-ridden, and
less stable interactions. In other words, therapists who managed to stay friendly and
warm, and were able to hear and respond to the client’s messages, even during times
of client doubt and opposition, or when clients presented challenges to the therapy or
therapist, had clients who went on to be more hopeful about the value of treatment.
This study further underscores not only the importance of navigating resistance well,
but also of relational skills and process sensitivity in contributing to client belief in
therapy.
However, responding to client opposition supportively, rather than directively,
is easier said than done. In a CBT context, reactions to resistance can often take
Motivational Interviewing 335
Any discussion of MI should begin with the “MI spirit” or client-centered nature of
the approach, since this is considered essential to the effective use of the method.
MI without the underlying spirit is like words without music and is not considered
MI (Rollnick & Miller, 1995). MI is an evolution of the client-centered therapy
explicated by Carl Rogers (1951, 1965) who emphasized empathic understanding of
the client’s internal frame of reference, and therapist communication and provision of
336 General Strategies
core facilitative relational conditions for client growth and change including accurate
empathy, unconditional positive regard, and therapist genuineness or congruence
(Rogers, 1957).
Like client-centered therapy, MI stresses the essential importance of the devel-
opment of a safe, collaborative atmosphere in which the client can sort out his or
her conflicting and often contradictory views of change. In this sense, MI converges
with the client-centered tradition of prioritizing the therapeutic relationship as an
essential vehicle in which greater self-awareness can be developed and new mean-
ings generated. Rogers’s emphasis on the importance of the therapeutic relationship
has since been supported by decades of research on the importance of relatedness
including research on the therapeutic alliance (Constantino, Castonguay, & Schut,
2002; Horvath & Symonds, 1991), attachment (Cassidy & Shaver, 1999), and the
necessity of caring, affection, and interpersonal safety for facilitating exploration and
new learning (Gilbert, 1993, 2010). In client accounts of their experiences of MI,
therapist empathy, and the provision of safety and freedom to explore, emerge as
prominent aspects of the approach (Marcus, Westra, Angus, & Kertes, 2011).
Consistent with its client-centered roots, Miller and Rollnick have emphasized
that MI is fundamentally a way of being with clients. This emphasis is consistent
with Rogers’s view of empathy as an attitude or way of being rather than a specific
technique per se (Rogers, 1980). The attitude one holds toward the client (prizing,
unconditional regard, warmth, genuineness, viewing the client as expert, etc.) is
more pivotal in MI than are the specific techniques. Stated differently, MI is not a
set of techniques. MI cannot be distilled into a set of questions or techniques one
can memorize and regurgitate in the absence of this fundamental spirit or attitude.
In other words, techniques can never be disembedded from their relational context
which is of paramount importance in MI. In fact, MI without a manual tends to
be more effective than structured MI with a manual (Hettema, Steele, & Miller,
2005). Similarly, MI cannot be equated with any particular method; it is not the
sum of its constituent parts. Rather, any technique (decisional balance, importance
and confidence ratings, forward looking, etc.) is merely an expression or instantiation
of the underlying spirit and objectives of MI. Even decisional balance, a technique
with which MI is often (incorrectly) equated, for example, is not an exercise that one
completes and is not even mandatory; rather it is merely a convenient and potentially
useful heuristic for advancing therapists’ (and therefore clients’) understanding and
exploration of ambivalence about change.
he or she is seen as already possessing all that is needed. Accordingly, motivation for
change and client resources in bringing about change are presumed to exist already
and are explored, elaborated, and supported. Thus, in MI the therapist considers the
client, and not him- or herself, as the authority or expert. Accordingly, MI therapists
avoid the use of persuasion and confronting clients with their point of view.
Evocation is the process of drawing out or calling forth the client’s ideas, rather
than seeking to emphasize or impose one’s own ideas. Evocative clinicians show a
high level of curiosity and a particular interest in supporting and helping clients to
articulate their own ideas regarding change. In MI, it is the client and not the therapist
who articulates the reasons for change and resolves ambivalence about change. This
is often a bottom-up or emergent process that requires patience: watching, waiting,
listening for, seeking, and creating opportunities to elicit client ideas regarding change
and the process of change. MI therapists actively avoid imposing their own views of
reasons for change, they do not educate or give opinions without being invited, and
they hold their own ideas lightly and are prepared to relinquish them, recognizing
the client’s authority as the arbiter of all decisions regarding change.
Again, the assumption underlying this evocative stance is that clients already
inherently possess the motivation and resources needed to accomplish behavior
change. The clinician who practices MI trusts this and thus seeks to identify, call
forth, elaborate, and mobilize these intrinsic resources, goals, desires, and values
in order to stimulate behavioral change. The therapist consistently communicates
the message: “I don’t have what you need, but you do.” This approach is at times
surprising for clients who often readily defer to others due to lack of confidence in their
own abilities to make decisions, take effective action, or pursue meaningful, satisfying
directions in their lives. Thus, this therapist belief in and approach to the client is a
very important antidote to the typical lack of self-regard and self-efficacy often seen
in clients with anxiety. The therapist’s belief in the client’s ability competently to
navigate the way forward itself translates into greater client self-belief, self-trust, and
agency.
Preserving and supporting client autonomy involves accepting that clients may
choose not to change, may avoid or delay change, or may proceed with change in an
unconventional manner. There is a need actively to recognize that the client is the
only authority on decisions regarding change and that this can never be appropriated
or usurped by another—no matter how well intentioned. The autonomy-supportive
clinician conveys an understanding that the critical variables for change are within the
client and can never be imposed by others. That is, motivation arises from personal
goals and values and not from external sources (including therapists).
Thus, MI is not coercive or “strategic.” MI is not a clever way of getting the
client to do what the therapist wants him or her to do. In fact, such controlling and
coercive attitudes are antithetical to the spirit of MI. The MI therapist recognizes,
sometimes explicitly, that choices always reside with the individual and can never be
appropriated by another. Pressuring and persuading clients (explicitly or implicitly)
to act in accordance with the therapist’s aspirations, desires, and needs introduces
contingencies in the relationship (i.e., conditional positive regard—“I will like and
accept you if you do this or think that … but not if you don’t”). Even if one “gains
compliance” (i.e., the client submits or relents), this “choice” is now confounded by
338 General Strategies
the client’s need to maintain harmony in the therapeutic relationship and may not
reflect consistency with his or her own intrinsic direction. The clinician practicing
MI actively becomes aware of, brackets, or “lets go” of any personal motivations or
aspirations for the client in order to be open to exploring the client’s goals, desires,
motives, and aspirations.
Another way in which the client’s autonomy and authority is communicated is
through the use of tentativeness (e.g., “I’m not sure about this … ,” “This may or
may not fit for you … ,” “If I hear you right, you are saying … ”), and encouraging
the client to check therapist inputs (e.g., reflections, feedback) against his or her own
experience. Essentially, the attitude is one of: “See what you think of this and check it
against your own experience, ideas, and preferences because what you think, not what
I think, is the most important thing here.” The implicit message is that the therapist
can never possess the truth about the client and can only ever guess about his or
her experience and offer thoughts (in the form of reflections, questions, feedback,
suggestions, ideas, etc.) for possible consideration if the client chooses to do so. It
is the client who is the ultimate arbiter of his or her choices and decisions regarding
if, when, and how to change. Accordingly, MI is not something one does to a client,
but rather with a client.
In short, in MI, clients are regarded as the best experts on themselves, with the
freedom to make their own choices, and as having an inherent and intrinsic knowledge
of what is best for them. The therapist operates as an evocative consultant or guide in
the client’s journey. In essence, through being collaborative, evocative, and preserving
and supporting autonomy, MI seeks to help clients recognize themselves as an authority.
MI promotes and supports the clients’ active use of that authority to make choices,
informed by a heightened awareness of their own best interests, values, and valued
directions.
Earlier, a distinction was drawn between two types of resistance: resistance to change
or ambivalence and resistance or opposition to the therapist or treatment. The first is
an intrapsychic or client variable whereas the second is an interpersonal phenomenon
and represents lack of collaboration between therapist and client. A major contribution
of MI is in the management of resistance—regardless of which type.
In general, MI strategies for navigating resistance reflect a spirit or attitude of
“dancing rather than wrestling” with resistance. This involves reframing or shifting
one’s view of resistance. In MI, resistance is not viewed as an obstacle to be defeated
but rather as important information to be understood, validated, and integrated. In
essence, at these times the client is sending critical signals that he or she has important
concerns that need to be heard and processed. Navigating resistance in this manner
can be among the most difficult of clinical skills to master (but highly worthwhile
in safeguarding the therapeutic alliance and allowing the client to process and work
toward resolving conflicting feelings that typically accompany change and treatment).
We now turn to how MI can be used to address both major types of resistance and
provide clinical illustrations.
Motivational Interviewing 339
MI works from the assumption that many clients who seek therapy are ambivalent
about change and/or engaging in treatment, and that motivation may ebb and flow
during the course of therapy. That is, clients are not viewed pejoratively as “unmoti-
vated” or “resistant,” but rather, as “stuck” due to their internal experience of ambiva-
lence, which consists of forces for and against change. The MI therapist works with
fluctuations in motivation by adopting a position of equipoise with respect to change
and preserving client volition regarding change, rather than advocating for change.
Resistance to change (arguments against change or in favor of the status quo)
simply reflects important information to be understood and integrated. Here, clients
are merely articulating that there is an important part of them that is afraid of change
or resists change (typically for very good reasons). In exploring this part of the person,
the therapist consistently uses empathic listening to genuinely hear and validate the
“good things” the client is attempting to express and achieve through the “problem”
(and the bad things he or she is trying to avoid by not changing). In other words, the
therapist needs to be able to hear and help the client understand these objections to
change in order to allow the client to process them.
In exploring the status quo (the not-changing position), the therapist seeks the
answers to the following questions:
• “What is good about being the way you are (e.g., the problem/anxiety/
depression/bulimia, etc.)?”
• “What is helpful about the current behaviors or coping strategies (e.g., avoid-
ing, checking, ritualizing, getting reassurance, being overprotective, worrying,
isolating, planning, ruminating)?”
• “What important needs are being met by the problem?”
• “For what problem does this represent a solution?”
• “What positive motives and intentions are being expressed by the problem?”
• “What are the downsides to changing this problem? What would be bad about
change?”
• “How would change create its own set of problems or challenges?”
That is, what appears maladaptive on the surface is often driven by core needs such as
the desire for comfort, safety, connection, control, familiarity, success, freedom from
aversive experiences or consequences, and so on. The status quo often offers familiarity,
predictability, a sense of control (i.e., “the devil you know”), whereas change and the
steps to produce change are fraught with risk, uncertainty, unfamiliarity, discomfort,
and ambiguity (e.g., “Can I do it? Who will I be? What if I fail? How will others
regard me?”). Thus, when people act in ways that do not make sense to them (or
to others such as family members or helpers), there are “good reasons” (positive
intentions) underlying these actions and beliefs.
A rule of thumb for the MI therapist is to assume that if a client is thinking or doing
something, and persisting with it despite all of his or her efforts not to, there are
important reasons. Clients have been “led astray” by learning history (e.g., necessary
340 General Strategies
rules for survival and getting affection or support from important others) and previous
experience (e.g., avoidance is reinforcing in that it creates a positive feeling of safety
and may also reinforce the validity of the negative assumption), and have not learned
more adaptive ways of meeting these core needs. Thus, the job of the therapist is
to know that clients are after good things, to help them discover the motivations,
needs, and desires that are being expressed through the “problem,” and to increase
awareness of these so they can evaluate for themselves the need for and utility of the
assumptions/behavior in light of underlying values and needs.
Consider the following example of a 25-year-old client who articulated ambivalence
about his style of managing conflict. He indicated significant dissatisfaction at his
tendency to be withholding and punitive to others who have hurt or angered him.
In particular, this client characterized his approach as “immature” and noted that he
often sulks for a protracted period of time and is passive-aggressive (e.g., indirectly
indicating displeasure such as slamming doors, stomping around, giving people
“the silent treatment,” etc.), rather than more directly and assertively expressing his
feelings and navigating conflict openly. The client noted that although he knew what
a better strategy would be, he was consistently unable to navigate these situations in a
more “mature” manner. Having identified this ambivalence and internal resistance to
change, the therapist sought to explore the existing behavior and work to understand
the “good things” or positive motives which were being expressed by it.
THERAPIST: I hear that you are displeased with yourself for acting in an “immature”
manner. Often when we find ourselves doing things that we don’t like, it can serve us
somehow to get something important. If you are willing, can you say what are you
attempting to get or hoping to get by dragging out your displeasure at the other
person?
CLIENT: (pause) I think I want them to notice me—and to know that they hurt me.
THERAPIST: So this is a way of communicating very important feelings; things you don’t
want people to overlook or just pass over. And that sounds important given that you’ve
said that you often feel invisible or unimportant to others—it’s hard to get their
attention. (garnered from previous sessions with client; the therapist is attempting to
reframe “negative” behavior during conflict)
CLIENT: Right. Like I try and try to get my parents to take me seriously but usually, I
feel like I might as well just talk to the wall.
THERAPIST: So it goes nowhere and that’s what you’re used to. And you’ve had to
develop creative ways to get noticed—to be taken seriously. If I hear you right, you
have tried the “more mature” approach, probably quite a few times, and it hasn’t
worked.
CLIENT: Absolutely. Being rational and reasonable never accomplishes anything with
them.
THERAPIST: So it may not be ideal, and there are some things you don’t like about how
you’re acting—but it works! And it certainly sounds better than the alternative of just
giving up. (the therapist is seeking not only to understand what perpetuates the existing
behavior but also to validate that the behavior makes sense)
CLIENT: That’s true. But why can’t they just listen to reason? Why do I have to resort
to this?
THERAPIST: You sound frustrated with the situation and with yourself, for having to act
in ways that another part of you—the mature part—really dislikes. I’m curious. What
Motivational Interviewing 341
happens when you act this way with your parents? (i.e., the therapist, believing that there
are positive motives underlying seemingly negative and self-defeating behaviors, is trying to
identify these by exploring the genesis of this pattern)
CLIENT: Well, my dad, who just ignores me most of the time, comes around. Like when
I’m mad I usually say, “I don’t want to eat supper”—which is a big deal because of my
diabetes. Then he actually goes out of his way to come up to my room. And then he is
very sweet and kind and asks me to calm down. And then I usually draw it out—my
anger—some more.
THERAPIST: And what is it like when he comes to you and is kind?
CLIENT: It feels really good. Like he talks with me and notices me … (pause) and I feel
powerful.
THERAPIST: So quite a nice change from feeling helpless and powerless with him! And it
sounds like those are the rare moments where you feel connected with him—feel like
he cares (Client: Yes, absolutely). So it makes a lot of sense then that you would act this
way. If I’m hearing it right, it sounds like a brilliant and necessary strategy to get some
control and feel close to others. (the therapist is prizing and validating)
CLIENT: I never thought about it that way. But it actually does feel really good. Even
though I know I’m being stubborn and difficult, I like it in some ways.
THERAPIST: And you learned that people are like that—that they can only hear you
when you are stubborn and withdraw. So naturally, you would keep acting that way.
(here the therapist is guessing at an underlying assumption in order to deepen empathic
understanding and help the client examine the assumption for himself, if he chooses to)
CLIENT: But I don’t think that everyone is like that though.
THERAPIST: So there’s another part of you that thinks that the world, or others, may
operate with different rules or ways of conducting themselves. What makes you say
that? (the client, having further uncovered and heard what he thinks, then begins to
challenge the assumption; the therapist hears this protesting voice and invites the client to
expand further, inviting change talk. Importantly, the protest has arisen from the client
and not the therapist)
CLIENT: Well, my girlfriend. She really cares about me and how I’m feeling. She often
asks me how I’m doing, even when I’m not angry with her but I seem upset about
something or seem like I’ve had a bad day.
THERAPIST: So if I hear you right, you are saying, “I don’t have to be this way in order
for her to take an interest. I learned to be this way; it’s well-practiced—and it
works—at least with some people. But I may not have to be this way with everyone in
order to be taken seriously or to get others interested in me.” Is that right?
CLIENT: Yes. I hate it when I act all stubborn and immature with her because she
doesn’t deserve it and I just feel silly.
When the therapist reframes problematic views and reactions in this way, it not only
assists in helping clients become more aware of and deconstruct them, but also reduces
clients’ pejorative perceptions of resistance to change. Such pejorative perceptions of
ambivalence and resistance to change are very common and clients frequently express
frustration with themselves, or become overtly self-critical, because of their continued
thinking or acting in ways that they are painfully and acutely aware are self-defeating.
Therefore, the therapist holding and reflecting a more compassionate and accepting
view of resistance to change as understandable, normal, and informative can be a
powerful antidote to the client’s pejorative, self-critical attitudes and provide potent
modeling for enhancing positive client self-regard.
342 General Strategies
emphasizing person choice and autonomy, among others (several of these strategies
are illustrated in the example below). The therapist must continually monitor the
interaction for evidence of client disengagement (interpersonal resistance); rather than
persisting with his or her own agenda, the therapist needs to shift to effectively hear
the message that the client is communicating.
We now turn to an example of client opposition to the therapist (i.e., interpersonal
resistance) for a client seeking therapy to reduce chronic tendencies toward excessive
organization and orderliness that she would exhibit as well as impose on others.
Within the example, the signals of client disengagement are noted. Following this is
an outline of how the same interaction might proceed if it were conducted in MI
style, using MI strategies for rolling with resistance.
THERAPIST: So if you were to begin changing this problem, where would you start?
CLIENT: (quickly) I don’t know. I have no idea. (resistance: passivity reflecting
disengagement)
THERAPIST: Is there anything from your previous experience of getting over the fear of
driving that could be useful here?
CLIENT: I don’t think that’s the same at all. (resistance: client disagreeing, objecting to
therapist’s suggestion)
THERAPIST: Well, actually strategies for overcoming anxiety can have a lot in common,
even though the situation is different. It sounds like in the past, when you overcame
your fear of driving, you let go of some of the specific behaviors that the anxiety told
you were necessary to stay safe—like not driving fast, not venturing too far … You
changed things up. For being overly organized, a similar strategy might involve letting
go of some of the organizing and not having everything in its place all the time. This
might be a kind of experiment to see if you need to do those things. It will make you
more anxious in the short term—just like the driving did—but you might find out
whether or not the anxiety eventually goes down as you change things up. How does
that …
CLIENT: (interrupts) I don’t want people to think I’m lazy though if I don’t clean up
right away. (resistance: interrupting, disagreeing, articulating arguments for not
changing)
THERAPIST: Would people think that though? Is there a chance they wouldn’t think
that?
CLIENT: (passively) Well, maybe not but it’s important to me to be impressive to others.
Like when we get together with other parents, and my kids will talk about all the fun
things we do, people say, “Gosh, you do a lot of stuff with your kids.” And that makes
me feel good. It makes me feel like I’m a great mom. (resistance: passivity in initial
agreement with the therapist, that feels like “throw away” agreement, and then elaboration
of disagreement)
THERAPIST: I could be wrong about this, but I also seem to recall that one of the
reasons you wanted to work on the problem is because you’re concerned about how
being overly organized might affect your kids. Is that right?
CLIENT: Yes, I do worry that I might be pushing them too hard but I worry too about
letting things go. (resistance: “Yes, but …”)
THERAPIST: I wonder if the best thing for your kids would be for you to be less
perfect—less organized.
CLIENT: I do want them to have a terrific childhood though. (resistance: ignoring and
disagreeing)
344 General Strategies
THERAPIST: And it sounds like your anxiety says that a perfect childhood is one that is
completely stimulating. I wonder if another version of a terrific childhood is one in
which you do things with your kids but it’s more balanced, where you let go of some
stuff—where you don’t have to be on the go all the time and everything doesn’t have
to be super organized.
CLIENT: I’d like my kids to have more freedom but I have a hard time letting go of
some things. (resistance: “Yes, but …”)
THERAPIST: Well, we can work on that together.
Here, by repeatedly placing demands on the ambivalent client, the therapist creates
a tense, conflictual interpersonal climate. By continuing with his or her agenda for
the client to change and see/do things differently, and failing to hear the client’s
objections (and more broadly, the client’s signals of resistance and disengagement
with the proposed task), the client is placed in the position of further articulating
objections to change in order to oppose the therapist. However, the client is simply
articulating that there is an important part of her that resists or fears change, and is
seeking to have this heard and understood. If this important information is not heard,
the client can persist (and often turn up the volume or make repeated attempts to
communicate her objections to change). In essence this results in client and therapist
acting out the client’s ambivalence (each taking a side), rather than helping the client
to process her ambivalence and work through it. In order to work more harmoniously
and reestablish collaboration, the therapist integrating MI would be alert for such
signals of disharmony and shift from a directive to a more supportive, exploratory,
and empathic stance, as in the following example:
THERAPIST: So if you were to begin changing this problem, where would you start?
CLIENT: (quickly) I don’t know. I have no idea. (resistance: passivity reflecting
disengagement)
THERAPIST: It’s hard to know even where to begin. And only you can know whether it
makes sense right now to start changing this. It might not. What are your thoughts?
(noticing resistance and explicitly emphasizing client choice and control)
CLIENT: Well, I do worry that I’m setting a bad example for my kids. I feel like I push
them too hard and I need to let go of some of that. But at the same time, I worry
about letting go too. (note here that the therapist’s support of the client’s autonomy allows
the client to articulate her ambivalence—but not have to disagree or oppose the therapist
in order to do so)
THERAPIST: It sounds like you feel conflicted about changing this. And I’m also hearing
that you might be afraid of what would happen if you do let up more. Is that right? (the
therapist reflects and aims to help the client further understand her ambivalence, getting
alongside of resistance by doing so the therapist is showing the client that he or she is willing
and able to hear objections to change and/or concerns about treatment)
CLIENT: Yes. Like I worry a lot about what other people think of me. It’s important to
me that people look up to me. Like when people say, “Gosh, you do a lot of fun stuff
with your kids,” I feel really proud as a mom. (the therapist’s continued empathic
responding eliminates interpersonal resistance; it enables the client to feel safe to explore
further)
THERAPIST: Naturally, who wouldn’t? So, this is an important way of feeling good
about yourself. (validating underlying positive intentions of the existing behavior)
Motivational Interviewing 345
CLIENT: Right. Like right now, other parents look up to me. They ask me for advice.
They admire me.
THERAPIST: And that feels good. And it sounds like it’s important not to risk losing that
… because you’re thinking, “If I weren’t the perfect mom, people might not respect
me … and I might damage my kids too. I would feel worse and they would feel worse.”
(amplified reflection of resistance to change; further guessing at underlying assumptions)
CLIENT: That sounds a bit extreme actually. (emergence of change position in response to
rolling with resistance; note here that the therapist’s task is to continually hear which side of
the ambivalence the client is articulating and seek to elaborate it in order to understand it
more fully; here, since the change position emerges, the therapist seeks to elaborate this)
THERAPIST: Maybe that’s not really true. Can you say more?
CLIENT: Well, I know that I overdo it with my kids and I need to let up sometimes.
And as much as I like working hard to be a great parent, I think going overboard also
sets a bad example for them too. Like, I already see my son getting flustered when his
things are out of order. He gets really upset about it and he’s five! (notice here as well
that the therapist’s rolling with resistance allows the client—and not the therapist—to
articulate the arguments for change)
THERAPIST: So while being a perfect mom is really gratifying in many ways, there’s a
sense that there is a significant cost to this—this could hurt my kids. And when you
think about that, you feel … (encouraging further elaboration of emergent change voice)
CLIENT: (sullen) Sad … that he might turn out to have anxiety like me … (pause) and
angry at myself for setting him up for that.
THERAPIST: I can see from how you say that that this really troubles you (Client: Yes).
And you also feel like this is something you might have some control over (pause). This
might be going too far, but I’m also hearing “If the perfectionism hurts my kids, it may
not be worth it.” (the therapist is explicitly attuned to how the client talks; also bringing
the two sides of ambivalence together to help the client work toward further resolving it)
CLIENT: Yeah. They are just too important. (pause) But I think it’s going to be hard
too. (ambivalence and resistance reemerge as the client more fully articulates or aligns
with the change position; this is very common and the therapist then hears this and
continues to roll with resistance as needed)
THERAPIST: Absolutely. There is a powerful part of you that tells you to back off from
being less perfectionistic and at the same time, it’s something you want. (reflection of
ambivalence)
Sometimes only momentary efforts to roll with resistance are needed, whereas at
other times more extended use of this empathic, exploratory style is required to
reestablish engagement. Notice that the MI strategies for navigating interpersonal
resistance (rolling with resistance, as outlined by Miller & Rollnick, 2002) illustrated
in the latter part of this brief vignette are identical in spirit to those used in working
with resistance to change. In essence, regardless of whether resistance appears in the
clinical encounter between client and therapist (disagreeing, ignoring, passivity, etc.)
or involves a client-articulated internal reticence to change, the general directive is to
resist defeating the resistance (as this will only either amplify interpersonal resistance
or fail to help the client resolve ambivalence). Rather, from an MI perspective, one
seeks to understand, validate, elaborate, and more generally roll with resistance and
get alongside of it. Note that when used to respond to alliance tensions (passivity,
arguing, etc.) these strategies can often have a rather immediate impact of diminishing
resistance, reengaging the client, and reestablishing client–therapist collaboration.
346 General Strategies
Note that in both illustrations above, the client articulated important reservations
about or objections to change. However, in the first (MI-inconsistent) illustration
these were associated with a feeling of disharmony, tension, or client and therapist
being at cross-purposes. In the second (MI-consistent) illustration, such disharmony
was not present. Stated differently, in the MI-consistent illustration, the client is safe
or free to articulate objections to change or treatment without fear of alienating the
therapist or threatening the therapeutic alliance.
The diversity in the ways that MI (and/or related procedures that include elements
of MI, often known as motivational enhancement therapy [MET]) has been utilized
across major mental health populations is striking (for a review, see Westra, Aviram, &
Doell, 2011). Most commonly, MI has been used as a prelude or pretreatment to other
therapies, or as an approach that is integrated into standard assessment and intake
procedures designed to increase motivation and engagement in treatment. MI has also
been added or integrated throughout treatment as one part of a larger multicomponent
treatment package. It has also been used to increase treatment-seeking among those
who are either not seeking or refuse treatment, and to increase antidepressant and
antipsychotic medication compliance. Other recommended possibilities for the use of
MI have included early prevention among those deemed at risk for developing mental
health problems, training significant others in MI to facilitate client recovery, and the
use of MI as a foundational framework into which other treatments can be integrated.
MI is a well-supported treatment in the substance abuse domain (e.g., Hettema
et al., 2005; Lundahl, Kunz, Brownell, Tollefson, & Burke, 2010) and it seems to
make good clinical sense to integrate it into the treatment of other major mental health
problems. However, apart from research in the area of dual diagnosis (psychosis and
substance abuse), research has only recently begun to test the value of adding MI to
existing treatments for common mental health problems (Westra, 2011). Consistent
with the early stage of this work, this research includes uncontrolled case studies and
controlled pilot studies.
Although most research on the application of MI to the treatment of major mental
health problems is in the early stages and has a number of important methodological
limitations, existing findings strongly support the continued evaluation of the potential
of MI to enhance outcomes. In general, positive findings for enhancing engagement
with, and response to, treatment have been reported for MI as a prelude to other
therapies in areas such as anxiety disorders (e.g., obsessive-compulsive disorder:
McCabe, Rowa, Antony, Young, & Swinson, 2008; generalized anxiety disorder:
Westra, Arkowitz, & Dozois, 2009), depression (e.g., Swartz et al., 2006; Van
Vorrhees et al., 2009), and eating disorders (e.g., Cassin, von Ranson, Heng, Brar,
& Wojtowicz, 2008; Wade, Frayne, Edwards, Robertson, & Gilchrist, 2009). In
the area of dual diagnosis (psychosis with comorbid substance abuse), randomized
controlled trials (RCTs) comparing adapted MI interventions have been found to be
superior to education controls in reducing substance abuse and improving psychiatric
symptoms (e.g., Bellack, Bennett, Gearon, Brown, & Yang, 2006; Kavanagh et al.,
Motivational Interviewing 347
2004). Here, RCTs have also supported the use of integrated MI interventions
in enhancing adherence to antipsychotic medication (e.g., Gray, Wykes, Edmonds,
Leese, & Gournay, 2004; Kemp, Kirov, Everitt, Hayward, & David, 1998).
Interestingly, although MI has not been consistently associated with higher self-
reported motivation in some domains (e.g., anxiety, depression) relative to controls,
it is consistently associated with a specific behavior change (e.g., entry into treatment,
attendance, decreased symptoms). It may be the case that in these domains, clients
are understandably reluctant to report themselves as less than optimally interested in
reducing highly aversive affective states such as anxiety or depression. As such, self-
report measures tend to exhibit ceiling effects, thereby limiting their utility. Despite
this, advantages in favor of MI are importantly observed on behavioral targets and
actual symptom change.
Moreover, the findings from existing studies on extending MI to other major
mental health problems are impressive given that many of the populations included
in these studies have quite severe symptoms and are difficult to engage (e.g., those
refusing treatment or typically unwilling to seek therapy, those with severe eating
disorders, severe anxiety disorders, comorbid psychosis, and substance abuse). Even
modest success in improving engagement and outcomes with treatment among these
individuals represents a significant accomplishment, and merits further exploration.
While promising, most of these studies have a number of important limitations, and
additional research, using rigorous controlled designs, is needed to determine the
value of adding and/or integrating MI with other treatments for common mental
health problems.
Moyers, Martinez, & Pirritano, 2004)—in much the same way as one cannot learn
to play the violin in a day (Miller & Rollnick, 2009).
In considering future directions for research on MI for major mental health
problems beyond addictions, there is a very clear need for controlled, rigorous
clinical trials of MI for most major mental problems. This is especially important
given that MI is being widely recommended by clinical researchers for inclusion
in existing treatments for many major mental health problems, but very few well-
controlled studies (randomly assigning clients to MI or an equivalent therapist
contact or therapy control) have been conducted to date. Moreover, process research
on mechanisms of MI is largely absent in the existing literature. While MI is associated
with increased attendance and engagement with treatment, more research from well-
controlled studies is required to identify whether such effects (or others) account for
or mediate the impact of adding MI on clinical outcomes. Additionally, quantitative
and qualitative research methods are needed to identify the major active ingredients
within MI. For example, Marcus et al. (2011) reported that client accounts of their
experiences of MI as a pretreatment for generalized anxiety disorder reflected increased
motivation, the importance of therapist empathy, and the creation of a safe climate
to explore feelings about change. The delineation of these mechanisms has important
implications both for understanding how MI works, and for effective training in MI.
Commensurate with this, the development of adequate measures (both self-report
and therapy process measures such as resistance or client active engagement in actual
therapy sessions) will help facilitate a clearer delineation of the impact and mechanisms
of MI.
Relatedly, more research is needed to identify those for whom MI is particularly
indicated (i.e., moderators of treatment effects). MI may not be necessary or useful
for all clients. Similarly, not all clients may need the same dose of MI. For example,
Westra et al. (2009) found that only those with high worry severity exhibited
augmented treatment response when MI was added to existing treatment, compared
to those with moderate worry severity. Identifying the characteristics of individuals
who are particularly likely to require and respond to MI (e.g., individual differences
in motivation, resistance, interpersonal problems, expectations, etc.) will assist in
tailoring treatment and identifying markers of the need to shift between MI and
more action-oriented treatments during therapy. Relatedly, given the heavy reliance
on empathy and relationship development in MI, it will be useful to evaluate whether
MI can be effectively delivered for these populations in group formats. As research
on MI evolves in these mental health domains, identifying individual differences in
treatment response, and critically evaluating the formats of MI delivery, will represent
important research goals.
In summary, interest in and research on MI for major mental health problems
beyond addictions is evolving rapidly. Such extensions of MI make good clinical
sense given the increasing recognition of the importance of client engagement
and disengagement with therapy, and the need to explicitly integrate approaches
for helping clients navigate ambivalence about change. Moreover, MI is a flexible
approach that can be added to or integrated with existing empirically supported
approaches to treatment for a wide range of mental health problems. Given the
significance of resistance (both resistance to change, and resistance to therapy or
Motivational Interviewing 349
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16
Dealing with Difficult Cases
Leslie Sokol and Marci G. Fox
Academy of Cognitive Therapy, United States
Emily Becker-Weidman
Center for Family Development and New York University,
Child Study Center, United States
Roadblocks to the therapeutic process can significantly interfere with effective treat-
ment. These obstacles can be categorized into three main areas: (a) the therapist’s
ability to conceptualize the case and apply effective interventions, (b) the therapist’s
application of session structure, conducted collaboratively with the patient, and (c)
patient variables, such as level of commitment and complexity of diagnosis. Cognitive
behavioral therapy (CBT) emphasizes the importance of individually tailoring treat-
ment to each patient, based on the case conceptualization, problem areas, and overall
goals. At the same time it is important for the therapist to be flexible and creative in
his or her design of treatment by collaborating with the patient and applying empirical
evidence supporting each intervention.
her phobia indicated that she had an exaggerated view of the danger of driving
and underestimated her abilities to cope with the act of driving. Examining her
exaggerations of danger and underestimation of resources was not enough to help
her face her fears and overcome her avoidance. A clinical formulation identified a
belief that she was fragile at the core. The therapist concluded that her avoidance
was therefore a result of three factors. First, as she was not fully committed to the
goal, she failed to make a scheduled appointment to do the driving and allowed
other tasks to take priority. Second, she avoided the driving to avoid the discomfort
she feared it would produce. Third, and most importantly, she held an underlying
belief that on the days she avoided driving she was too fragile to face the task. These
conclusions provided a clear treatment formulation for how to help her overcome
her avoidance. The patient was helped to recognize that when she commits to a
goal, she does it. Reminding herself of her reasons for facing this task enhanced her
commitment. Making a day, time, and plan to drive was critical in completing the
task. The patient was helped to draw the conclusion that the goal of exposure is not to
be discomfort-free but to face doing what she believes she is unable to do. She learned
that the feared consequences were unfounded. Instead of thinking that she was too
fragile to face the exposure, and listening to automatic thoughts that reinforced that
view, she saw herself as strong and capable.
Summarizing her successful exposure experiences provided the data for a positive
self-view. After reviewing the progress she made resisting the urge to exit the highway,
electing to drive challenging roads, changing lanes, and making left-hand turns, she
was able to conclude that she could do it. The fact that she overcame her fear, stayed
in uncomfortable situations, and completed effective exposure meant that she was not
the fragile person she believed and was in fact a strong, capable woman. Utilizing her
inner strength equipped her to continue with additional exposure assignments, which
helped in other spheres of her life as well. Instead of letting her insecurity of being
fragile get in the way and listening to her automatic thoughts that told her she was
not capable of completing a task on any given day, she was free now to take action
without letting the invalid excuse of being too fragile get in the way.
During the intake evaluation it is essential to identify the main problem areas for
the patient. The problem list reflects all the difficulties and stressors in the patient’s
life, including mood, interpersonal relationships, financial and other hardships, and
addiction issues. Each problem area can elicit cognitive, emotional, behavioral, and
physiological responses and motivation. Challenging patients tend to have a longer
list of difficulties, which can feel overwhelming to both the therapist and patient.
It can be useful to break complex difficulties into smaller, manageable, concrete
problems. Linking the problem list to overall goals in treatment, while keeping the
case conceptualization firmly in mind, is also important. In this way, both parties
are focused on how to work in the most efficient way and treatment progress is
better monitored. In addition, a positive outcome is facilitated by prioritizing the goal
list collaboratively, and setting up a realistic time frame (longer for more complex
356 General Strategies
cases). For instance, if a patient with depression tells the therapist that his or her
goal is to be happy, then it is essential to operationalize the abstract into specifics.
For this patient “being happy” may mean decreasing isolation, connecting more
with family and friends, reducing self-criticism, examining thoughts more realistically,
getting to work on time, figuring out pleasant activities, or even asserting oneself.
Especially with complex cases, it is also important for the therapist to use his or her
own clinical judgment to make sure that patients are strengthened with skills before
moving to interventions that may increase their vulnerability. Further, making sure
that the agenda is continually linked to the overall goals and frequently reviewing
overall progress will help both the patient and the clinician evaluate progress more
objectively.
The treatment goals that are developed during the intake evaluation or the initial
sessions provide essential information for setting the agenda within each session.
The goals can be thought of as the overall framework for treatment, along with
crises occurring during the week, specific difficulties, and homework assignments
collaboratively added into the agenda when indicated. Goals are initially developed
and prioritized early in therapy. These goals are later broken down into specific target
areas that are manageable for the allotted time.
Agenda setting is one of the most important components of a session and differ-
entiates a structured from an unstructured session. An agenda is a short list of clearly
defined topics that the therapist and patient agree will be the focus of the session.
The clinician can collaboratively set the agenda with a direct question to the patient:
“What would you like to put on the agenda for the session today?” The therapist
can also suggest items or limit the patient’s choices by giving options: “Would you
prefer to work on X or Y?” (Persons, Davidson, & Tompkins, 2001). It is also
recommended that the therapist work collaboratively and incorporate the prioritized
goals progressively into the agenda. If the therapist sets the agenda without inviting
input from the patient, the patient may not feel motivated to put energy into the
session. If the patient sets the agenda without input from the therapist, maladaptive
patterns or a focus on less significant issues may prevent effective use of the therapy
session. Thus, it is critical that both the patient and therapist play an active role in
contributing to the agenda. Once items are agreed on, it is helpful to prioritize them
so the most important objectives receive sufficient attention.
When working with difficult patients, who often come in with a “crisis of the week,”
the therapist may become confused about what issues to tackle first. Linehan (1993)
provides a helpful heuristic for ranking issues: suicidal and life-threatening behavior
first, then therapy-interfering behaviors second (such as homework compliance),
and finally life-interfering problems, which include all other problem behaviors. In
addition, it may be necessary to edit the agenda based on a review of homework.
Given that many patients cannot manage their time effectively, it is important for
the therapist to help set a realistic agenda. Also, in terms of setting an agenda, once
an item is chosen, Socratic questioning can be helpful to turn a vague item (such as
Dealing with Difficult Cases 357
To help prepare the patient for the structured and goal-oriented nature of therapy,
it is important for the therapist to focus first on psychoeducation. The therapist
should describe the features of CBT and the structure of each session during the
intake evaluation. An effective CBT session includes orientation to the structure of
the session, check-in, agenda setting, homework review, and work on the agenda,
periodic summaries, homework assignment, session summary, and feedback (Persons
et al., 2001). The use of structure facilitates efforts to teach skills and accomplish
goals effectively. Being structured also models for the patient the types of skills the
therapist is trying to teach: goal-oriented, active, problem-solving behaviors focused
on specific difficulties.
Research evidence supports the notion that structured sessions are helpful for
patients with depression (Shaw et al., 1999) and that setting an agenda and
assigning and reviewing homework predicts symptom reduction in these individ-
uals (DeRubeis & Feeley, 1990; Feeley, DeRubeis, & Gelfand, 1999). Structure
promotes goal-directed conversations that maximize the work that takes place in
every session.
The following case illustrates how the therapist can gently impose session guidelines
and the utility of structure. Alexa is used to unstructured sessions because she had
been in treatment with a therapist who utilized a different theoretical approach than
CBT. Her current cognitive behavioral therapist discusses the structure of treatment
358 General Strategies
with her, and Alexa is better able to see how the overall goals for treatment could
be broken down into workable and manageable units. She is also able to see how her
treatment goals are closely aligned to what is upsetting her. When Alexa experiences
difficulty focusing and tends to go off on tangents, the clinician helps her by gently
getting her back on track. This helps her use the session time more effectively,
organize herself, and self-monitor her progress with the initial goals she set in
treatment.
One of the central tenets of cognitive theory is its emphasis on the significance of the
patients’ beliefs about themselves, their world, and the future (A. T. Beck et al., 1979).
Aaron T. Beck theorizes that much of the patient’s emotional distress is a result of the
problematic, inflexible ways he or she interprets events (A. T. Beck et al., 1979). Strong
unpleasant affect is often a signal that key cognitions have been elicited. According
to the cognitive model, psychological problems involve problems in thinking. By
modifying key inaccurate situation-specific automatic thoughts, symptomatic distress
can be alleviated. Identifying, evaluating, and modifying more central underlying
beliefs are essential; otherwise situation-specific distressing thoughts will continue to
occur.
Cognitive therapy strives to modify the patient’s core dysfunctional beliefs that are
accepted by the patient as fundamental truths. This treatment focuses on helping
patients to identify and change maladaptive self-schemas and replace them with real-
istic and accurate beliefs about themselves (A. T. Beck & Dozois, 2011; Newman,
2008). Identifying and targeting these cognitions and beliefs is not always easy; how-
ever, it is vitally important. Dysfunctional attitudes not only contribute to the patient’s
symptoms and current complaints, they also have the potential to derail therapy and
impede progress. For example, individuals with high levels of perfectionism may have
unrealistic coping goals and inflated standards that may undermine therapy progress or
the maintenance of gains (Hewitt & Flett, 1996). Further, results from the National
Institute of Mental Health Treatment of Depression Collaborative Research Program
indicate that therapeutic outcome in adults (as indicated by severity of depression,
general clinical functioning, and social adjustment) was significantly related to pre-
treatment dysfunctional attitudes, specifically perfectionism (Blatt, Quinlan, Pilkonis,
& Shea, 1995). There is also evidence that changing dysfunctional beliefs is an
important mechanism of change in individual and group psychotherapy (Jónsson,
Hougaard, & Bennedsen, 2011).
A universal goal of therapy is to reduce distress. When symptoms are acute and
troublesome or significantly interfere with functioning, the patient tends to be
highly motivated to do whatever is necessary to reduce distress. In these cases,
the triggers of distress, whether external stressors (work, relationship, hardship) or
internal experiences (bodily sensations, pain, unpleasant emotions, images) are readily
identified and access to the key cognition or ineffective behavior ascertained. Targeting
Dealing with Difficult Cases 359
the key cognition or behavior and formulating how to evaluate and modify it are
often among the more difficult challenges.
Joan is an example of a patient without a significant psychiatric history. After dating
someone who seemed wonderful, she found herself married to a controlling, verbally
abusive man who was caught engaging in several extramarital affairs during their
marriage. Although a new mother, she divorced her husband. Three years later, she
was once again dating a boyfriend from the past who appeared to be a stable, loving
soul mate for her future. Now engaged to be married, she was acutely anxious, crying
all the time, and wondering if she really wanted this. She could not imagine facing
her impending engagement party. Therapy focused on the immediate problem at
hand, the upcoming party, and her uncertainty about the relationship. However, the
question was whether it was negative biases associated with depression that influenced
her perception of the relationship or whether this upcoming marriage was a mistake.
The primary goal of therapy was to figure out what she wanted. Looking at the option
of postponing the party, it became clear that the negative consequences of canceling
the party were less than going through with it. This realization allowed Joan to take
action, which immediately reduced her anxiety. The marriage decision was the priority
goal in therapy, and the key cognitions were defined as those associated with the
distress around this decision: “I will disappoint my mother. I could be walking away
from something really good. My daughter will be hurt. I don’t want to hurt him.”
These thoughts resulted in her feeling anxious, guilty, and sad. Identifying the key
cognitions makes the therapist’s road map clear. Guided Socratic questions led her to
conclude that she was a formidable woman who did not need a partner but would
want one if it made sense. Joan recognized that the qualities she wanted in a partner
were significantly lacking in this person and in this relationship. The pain she would
cause from the breakup would ultimately be less than the pain of a mistake. Helping
Joan to evaluate the situation objectively enabled her to take courageous action and
break off the engagement.
Harry is an example of a patient with chronic depression. Harry had been depressed
for over a year, was on disability leave from work, and lived alone, separated from
his wife and family. His problem list was extensive, including hopelessness, inactivity,
social isolation, inability to work, financial difficulties, tiredness, and overeating.
When an acute stressor—his daughter’s upcoming wedding—presented itself, his
depression convinced him he would never be able to participate and would disappoint
both himself and his daughter. The goal of attending his daughter’s wedding would
be a way to work on his goals of reconnecting to his family, becoming more active
and involved, returning to work, and finding his way back to hope. When thinking
about going to the wedding, thoughts associated with the hopelessness erupted: “It
will be too much for me. I won’t be able to do it. I’ll be too tired. I’m too fat.
They don’t want me there; what’s the point in going?” In this case pinpointing the
key cognitions was easy but modifying them was the challenge. Accepting that one
conversation is not going to change an embedded negative perspective and providing
some behavioral proof of progress helps move patients along. It is helpful to provide
patients with the possibility, not the certainty, that they can face what they believe
they cannot.
360 General Strategies
Identifying and evaluating the key cognitions can be challenging in chronic cases
where there is longstanding mood dysregulation and dysfunctional behavior. Difficulty
in identifying the key cognition may result when the situation-specific cognition is
not the real culprit for distress. Instead, the underlying belief is more important to
address, as it is that belief that leads the person to see the specific situation through a
distorted perspective or have negative automatic thoughts.
Take the case of Jo, who has been significantly impacted by bipolar disorder for
her entire adult life. Life’s stressors tend to unravel her on a regular basis. Whether
it is a sick cat, a pending social security disability review, food stamps running out,
or a postponed psychiatric appointment, the automatic thoughts are similar: “I can’t
handle this. Something bad is going to happen. It’s all on me. It’s too much. I’m
not safe. I won’t survive.” Rather than systematically evaluating each thought in
every situation, it would be more fruitful to recognize the underlying beliefs that fuel
these cognitions. When Jo is unable to cope, she believes that she is helpless and
lazy. By actively restructuring these thoughts she is better able to appraise situations
realistically rather than automatically assuming that they mean that she is helpless
and lazy. Accepting that depression makes it harder for her to do things and that
her disorganized thought makes every task more challenging for her will help her to
disengage from the inference that she is lazy. Similarly, by restructuring the belief that
she is lazy she is able to use external resources more effectively. Instead of needing to
prove she is not lazy by demanding she do every task alone, she is more able to ask
for help when warranted. Helping her see that asking for and getting assistance makes
her less helpless and more capable is critical. Collaboratively helping her recognize
that she has faced similar problems before, that solutions have been found in these
circumstances, and that she can seek the help of others, if necessary, allows her to
modify her view of self as helpless and lazy toward one of being competent and
determined. This new realistic, positive view leads her to more effective behaviors.
Sometimes the problem in more challenging cases is focusing on the appropriate
behavior. This is often the case when the behavioral problem is avoidance. The patient
with panic disorder whose fear of bodily sensations remains is typically unwilling to
face the interoceptive exposure to disconfirm his or her fears. Individuals with
phobias are avoidant of facing their feared situations, thus never disproving their
fearful predictions. Patients with obsessional problems are unable to learn that they
are exaggerating the importance of their thoughts when they try to avoid through
thought suppression or by engaging in compulsions and ritualistic behaviors. When
they avoid tasks and people, individuals with depression are unable to see how capable
or cared about they are. A similar situation occurs when patients avoid assertive action
and avoid addressing problems. Facing the avoidance head on can open the door
to therapeutic progress. It is important to acknowledge that avoidance is serving
a protective purpose for these patients. It allows them to feel safe by minimizing
exposure to what patients believe are intolerable experiences. The therapist can
validate the patient, acknowledging that the strategy is effective at minimizing distress
and works in the short term. At the same time, the therapist can point out the negative
long-term consequences of the patient’s behavior and the need to come up with an
alternative behavior that works and is not destructive. Providing a clear rationale for
actively addressing the avoidance is a critical first step. The second step is to arm
Dealing with Difficult Cases 361
patients with tools that equip them to face the discomfort of not avoiding, which
often means helping them to see that the danger is imagined or exaggerated. Last,
the ineffective avoidance is replaced with action.
Complex Cases
In complex cases, there are often multiple diagnoses and possible rule-outs. Problems
arise when one intervention strategy conflicts with another or when there is a
dilemma about which problem to address first. The difficulties that result from
multiple diagnoses can be mitigated by having a clear cognitive conceptualization of
each diagnostic disorder. By identifying the problem in thinking associated with each
issue, it becomes possible to address any number of determined difficulties in any
given session.
Choosing which problem to address first is often a quandary. Good collaboration
with the patient by directly asking him or her which problem is causing the most
distress in his or her life can help with this predicament. Often this is the case
when both anxiety and depression are present. Anxiety may be important to address
first if it limits one’s functioning or if the fear that it will never improve leads to
depression. Although the optimal path may not be obvious, having a clear cognitive
conceptualization of the problems allows for multiple problems to be addressed in a
systematic fashion.
Summaries are helpful during the session to provide a review of what has been learned,
clarify what will be covered next, and improve collaboration and time management.
Therapy material is often highly emotionally charged. Capsule summaries are used
throughout the session to fortify learning, check-in on understanding, help the patient
draw accurate conclusions, and make sure that the focus in the session remains on the
collaboratively agreed-upon area of focus. The final summary of the session is typically
done by the patient with the therapist serving as a guide. The final summary pulls
together the main points of the session, makes sure that the therapist and the patient
collaboratively draw the same conclusions, actively addresses the patient’s thoughts
and feelings about the session, and reviews the newly assigned homework.
Capsule summaries help patients focus and remember what has been learned at
the conclusion of each agenda item or intervention. These summaries also strengthen
collaboration between the therapist and the patient by acknowledging accomplishment
of the agenda item. Capsule summaries are used to check in with the patient and deter-
mine if therapy is having a beneficial effect. This strategy is also used to offer patients
options for how to spend the remainder of the session. The final summary and asking
for feedback are an important part of the session because there are often discrepancies
in the therapist’s and the patient’s perception of the therapy session. Takeaways
from the session can also be fleshed out. End-of-session summaries and feedback are
particularly important when working with patients who are prone to interpersonal
362 General Strategies
Missed appointments, real life stressors, lateness, and resistance can be significant
stumbling blocks that get in the way of effective treatment. It is important to address
these interfering factors on the part of the patient immediately and effectively. The
way to do this is through utilizing the case conceptualization as well as therapist dis-
cernment. By understanding the patient and collaboratively addressing the interfering
issue, the therapist can immediately place the problem on the agenda, objectively
examine its impact, and develop a direct plan of action.
Missed appointments can hinder therapeutic outcome. Patients who frequently
miss appointments may not be receiving the ideal treatment, leading to premature
termination (Berrigan & Garfield, 1981) or decreased efficacy (LaGanga & Lawrence,
2007; Leichsenring & Rabung, 2008). Similarly, outcome may be affected when a
patient is late and the appointment time is compromised. Explanations for missed
appointments can be grouped into four broad categories: clinical problems (illness),
practical matters (schedule conflicts, family emergency, weather, transportation),
motivational issues (the patient forgot, low motivation for treatment, difficulty
prioritizing self-care), and negative treatment reactions (Defife, Conklin, Smith, &
Poole, 2010).
Helping the patient understand his or her psychopathology and how it impacts
functioning can facilitate outcome. This involves psychoeducation about the nature
of the patient’s disorder, sharing the case conceptualization with the patient, and
providing the appropriate rationale and intervention strategy. For example, explaining
to a patient that he or she has a depressive disorder and how this has negatively
affected his or her judgment of self, the future, and the world (A. T. Beck et al.,
1979) helps develop a more accurate understanding of the impact of the depression.
The therapist also explains how a negative viewpoint leads the patient to avoid work
and others, imagine a more hopeless future, and discount the help that is available.
Letting patients know that therapy can ameliorate this bias in thinking and help
them draw more accurate conclusions that free them to participate actively once
again, see a more hopeful future, and gain a more positive view of others, facilitates
recovery. Therapy can then be tailored individually to remove negative biases in
thinking so that patients can draw more accurate conclusions, reduce avoidance and
hopelessness, and more accurately appraise external resources and social support. This
can serve to enhance motivation to continue in treatment because the difficulties
are collaboratively transformed into goals. Patients who believe that the cognitive
rationale resonates with their own view of depression improve faster and have less
resistance than do individuals who perceive a discrepancy between the cognitive
formulation and their own conceptualization of their problems (Fennell & Teasdale,
1987).
Identifying problems, brainstorming solutions, formulating plans, and guiding
the patient toward action help to eliminate practical obstacles to treatment (e.g.,
issues with transportation, last-minute work or personal requests, childcare issues, or
finances). It is important to identify such issues with the patient so that the costs and
364 General Strategies
appointment may represent a lack of commitment. Ask your patient, “Are you
committed to therapy and the work necessary for your recovery? How committed are
you … 10%, 50%, or 90%? Are you committed enough to make therapy a priority?
Are you committed enough to tolerate the discomfort that change may produce?”
Commitment can be enhanced by reiterating and regularly reminding the patient of
the rationale for his or her participation in treatment. The therapist can accomplish
this by (a) spelling out the link between the immediate work that is important to do
and overall goals, (b) identifying a goal the patient highly values, such as achievement,
mobility, freedom, independence, or friendship, and (c) reminding the patient how
that goal is directly linked to taking the necessary action required of therapy. For
example, an individual with a driving phobia who has been canceling sessions because
he or she is not doing the agreed-upon exposure can benefit from being reminded
that driving over those bridges is an accomplishment and that each step moves him
or her closer to achieving the overall goals. Reminding patients of some of the
reasons that compel them to work toward their goals (e.g., providing opportunities
to earn more money, job advancement, being a healthy role model for their children,
greater freedom, increased confidence, alleviation of unnecessary problems) may also
be helpful.
Additionally, the failure to prioritize self-care may be linked to faulty cogni-
tive assumptions that demand that patients make others’ needs and/or work a
priority in order for them to be liked, accepted, worthy, or a success. Helping
patients learn that self-worth, desirability, or success is independent of these arbi-
trary rules allows these unreasonable demands to be broken. For example, helping
patients understand that they can say no, take care of themselves, and put their
own needs first does not globally negate the good, likeable people they are. Simi-
larly, walking away from the office before nonessential work is completed does not
negate the fact that they may be hardworking, competent/capable, or responsible
employees.
Perhaps the greatest obstacle in getting patients to focus fully on the in-session
work is avoidance of discomfort. The paradox is that in their desire to avoid
emotional pain they actually create more pain by avoiding the necessary work.
Negative treatment reactions are magnified when this avoided distress is faced in
session (e.g., when a patient is asked to face material or participate in interoceptive
experiences). Exposure to discomfort is essential as it proves to the patient that
he or she can face it and tolerate it without the feared imagined consequences.
Talking about unpleasant things is linked to unpleasant feelings, but helping patients
see these situations through more accurate and reasonable perspectives will aid in
reducing those dreaded feelings. That is why at the very onset of therapy, it is not
enough to identify inaccurate thinking. One must skillfully evaluate and modify those
thoughts into a more reasonable viewpoint so that emotional relief is obtained. For
example, the therapist might begin interoceptive exposure by asking the patient,
“What do you fear most about the experience of anxiety?” Using a number of
interoceptive exposures, such as overbreathing for a minute, spinning around in a
chair, or breathing through a small straw with the nose pinched, and then exposing
the patient to his feared symptoms is all it usually takes to begin to modify inaccurate
views.
366 General Strategies
Resistance
does not necessarily eliminate the need for the resources he or she currently accesses.
Disability income does not stop even if one gets a job. It only stops if the income
exceeds a specific amount, and only if that income has been in place for a significant
period of time. In some cases, therapeutic gain might result in the loss of those
government resources but reap a much greater gain of resources that the patient can
now obtain for him- or herself. Another example is the case of a woman who had been
struggling with severe depression for most of her adult life. Her husband had taken
full responsibility for both the financial and the majority of the home responsibilities,
including child care. As long as his wife was disabled by her depression, he took care
of her too. However, once therapy helped this woman overcome her depression and
improved her level of functioning, her husband, then believing she could survive on
her own, asked for a divorce. In this case, getting better did come at a price, but in
the long run helping the patient see the benefits of recovery (the ability to attend her
children’s sporting events, join them for dinner, interact with other adults, rediscover
her former passion for visiting museums, and be able to visit her children in college
next year) outweighed the price of the loss of her marriage.
Timing can play an important role in resistance. According to Leahy (2001),
slowing the pace of therapy, rather than offering explanations before the patient is
ready to accept them or confronting the patient too soon, can minimize resistance.
If exhaustion plays a role in resistance, taking smaller steps and inquiring as to what
the therapist can say or do that might move the patient to make at least some
progress toward treatment goals can be helpful (Leahy, 2001). The patient may be
psychologically drained or overwhelmed and not have the energy to take on the tasks
that will lead to change. In these circumstances, it may be important to allow the
patient to replenish his or her energy. Leahy (2001) also highlights the importance
of not personalizing the resistance but rather accepting it as a fact in therapy.
Effective strategies for overcoming resistance are often specific to the particular
patient and dependent on the underlying cause of the resistance to change. For
example, one patient resisted any movement toward the goal of engaging in more
social interactions and allowing people back into her life. She feared her ability to
judge accurately who could be trusted, became overly concerned about the anxiety
and stress that this action would take, and feared her inability to cope should a
negative result happen. Having been abused and battered for years and betrayed by
a community of people she thought she could trust, she felt too worn down for the
challenge. Before any action toward these goals could be taken, therapy had to help
her learn how to recognize real signs of danger, see that she could assertively set
limits and say no, engage in social activities with short notice and thus not have to
make a long-term commitment, rely on others including her therapist to help evaluate
situations, and find tiny ways she could start to make inroads toward her goals. Once
armed with new resources, short phone contact became an entry point.
Another patient was intensely distressed and suffering from chronic pain, depression,
and insecurity. The load of her problems seemed unbearable. Acknowledging and
empathizing with her pain and her struggles allowed the therapist to help the patient
set short-term goals that would not overly tax her. She learned that she could engage
in therapy by giving herself permission to care for herself, improve balance, and move
forward slowly. She also learned that she could set one small goal each day and take
Dealing with Difficult Cases 369
credit for doing it no matter how hard it was or how long it took. Additionally, the
patient learned to ask for help from family members rather than setting Herculean
tasks that were beyond her limitations. With the help of others and these interventions,
she eventually gained the strength to cope with her situation.
Often when patients are significantly impacted by psychological problems, life stressors
feel overwhelming and the therapeutic progress comes to a halt or regresses. Both the
therapist and the patient can feel stuck when therapeutic progress is at a standstill.
Hopelessness, unwillingness to do homework or exposure work, embedded negative
beliefs, relationship problems in the therapy, and real life stressors frequently impact
this dilemma. Without adequately addressing any or all of these obstacles, therapy will
remain compromised.
Hopelessness is implicated in the course of depression and treatment outcome in
adults (Kuyken, 2004; Whisman, Miller, Norman, & Keitner, 1995) and adolescents
(Barbe, Bridge, Birhamer, Kolko, & Brent, 2004; Brent et al., 1998; Curry et al.,
2006). There is also an association between hopelessness and suicidal ideation and
behavior in a variety of adult (A. T. Beck, Steer, Kovacs, & Garrison, 1985; Cole,
1989; Smith, Alloy, & Abramson, 2006) and adolescent populations (Goldston et al.,
2001; Orbach et al., 2007; Reinecke, DuBois, & Schultz, 2001).
Hopelessness may be a significant obstacle to treatment (TADS Team, 2005). In
adults, studies suggest that there is a greater likelihood that patients with higher
levels of pretreatment hopelessness will drop out of therapy (Papakostas et al.,
2003; Rifai et al., 1994) and report more residual depression scores at termination
(Dahlsgaard, Beck, & Brown, 1998; Whisman et al., 1995). Hopelessness also has
been associated with poor medication compliance (Naidoo, Dick, & Cooper, 2009)
and nonadherence in CBT (Detweiler & Whisman, 1999). In adolescents, change in
hopelessness over the course of treatment has been shown to predict adherence and
drop-out (Becker-Weidman, 2010).
Hopelessness is one of the greatest obstacles to treatment. Believing that there is
no hope increases fatigue, reduces motivation, and negatively biases one’s perspective.
When therapists are hopeless about a case, it may lead them to discontinue strategies
that need more time or begin to embrace the negatively biased views of the patients.
Medeiros and Prochaska (1988) found that the greater degree to which therapists
relied on optimistic perseverance, the better they saw themselves coping with stressful
patients.
Combating hopelessness often involves operating at two levels—situation-specific
hopelessness and more global hopelessness beliefs. On the surface identifying, evaluat-
ing, and modifying the patient’s automatic thoughts that drive the hopelessness in any
specific situation is critical in reducing acute distress. For example, a patient who looks
around at unfinished renovations in his home, a broken appliance, windows without
curtains, and a bed in the middle of his living room may think, “Things will never get
done around here. I will have to live in this unfinished disarray forever.” Reducing
hopelessness in this case means validating the patient’s distress by acknowledging the
370 General Strategies
A central tenet of CBT is that in order for patients to learn to cope more effectively,
they must practice their therapy tools between sessions. Research has shown that the
better the quality of one’s homework, the better the prognosis (Kazantzis, Deane, &
Ronan, 2000; Mausbach, Moore, Roesch, Cardenas, & Patterson, 2010). Further,
Persons, Burns, and Perloff (1988) found that adherence to CBT was associated with
better treatment response and that patients who did homework outside of session
improved three times more than did patients who failed to complete therapeutic
assignments. In challenging patients, often the lack of therapeutic gain is attributable
to their unwillingness to engage in homework. Homework compliance is increased
when patients have a clear rationale for the assignment, collaboratively play a role
in its design, accept the cognitive model and thus believe the assignment will help
them achieve their goals, believe they have the resources to tolerate the discomfort
the assignment may produce, are committed to the goals to which the assignment
is linked, and have discussed and problem solved any practical obstacles that could
hinder their participation in the task. Reviewing the homework during each session
is also important (Scheel, Hanson, & Razzhavaikina, 2004). Assigning homework
throughout the therapy session as significant subject matter arises emphasizes the
homework’s relevance to the session.
symptoms and move therapy forward (Overholser, 1996). In fact, at least with regard
to depression, self-esteem has been found to be a significant predictor of short-term
outcome (Harris & French, 2009).
When a patient says, “No one wants to spend time with me,” the therapist can
elicit the core belief associated with that thought. The therapist might ask, “What
does that mean about you that no one wants to spend time with you?” Often
the response reflects a deeper belief, such as, “I am undesirable, unlikable, and
unworthy.” When a patient is unwilling to comply with homework, an exposure
task, or talking about distressing information in session, he or she often says, “It’s
too hard. It’s too much. I can’t handle this.” Digging deeper, the therapist can
ask, “What does it mean about you that it’s so hard, it’s too much for you, or
you can’t handle it?” A response may be, “I’m weak, I’m a failure, I’m helpless.”
It is important that patients learn that just because they have given themselves this
label does not make it true. There may, in fact, be many life experiences they have
used to confirm this view of themselves, but no unpleasant label is globally true
and often those life experiences could be interpreted in ways that undermine their
negative conclusions. For example, a patient may believe he or she is bad because
of past abuse rather than recognizing that the abuse had nothing to do with his
or her character. Once the doubt is thoroughly evaluated, a new more realistic and
positive view is formulated and strengthened (Fox & Sokol, 2011; Sokol & Fox,
2009).
Imagine a patient with panic disorder who is unwilling to do interoceptive exposure
in and out of session. No matter how much the therapist talks about the importance
and reasons to do the work, the patient resists. Identifying the patient’s doubt label,
“I’m weak,” may be the critical factor in obtaining his or her cooperation. Helping the
patient to modify his or her self-view to see that he or she is stronger than previously
thought may provide the fortification needed to face the exposure. Actually facing
the exposure now, in fact, provides the data for the new positive view of self to be
reinforced.
Another example of the importance of addressing underlying beliefs is patients who
believe they are helpless and are therefore unlikely to participate actively in their own
treatment. These individuals tend to sit back patiently waiting for medication to work
or for the therapist to “fix” them. Helping these patients see they are not as helpless
as they think and that they actually have the intelligence, skills, and experience to
face the work will enhance their cooperation. Once they begin taking action on their
own behalf, new information compiles which starts to change the faulty viewpoints
originally held. For example, a patient who was positive for HIV believed that he
was too frail and helpless to live independently, which resulted in him living in an
unhealthy codependent relationship. Curling up in bed and avoiding responsibility
convinced him that he was unable to care for himself. By collaboratively helping him
take on daily chores, venture out alone, pursue outside interests, cook for himself,
and most importantly begin to consider the viewpoint that, just because he spent his
life believing he was helpless did not make it true, allowed him eventually to move
out of that unhealthy environment. Living independently, cooking, and taking care
of himself allowed him to be surrounded by friendly neighbors and bolstered his view
that he is capable.
372 General Strategies
The relationship between the therapist and the patient can play a significant role in
working with challenging cases (Watson & Kalogerakos, 2010). The existence of a
working alliance between the therapist and patient is viewed as a critical component
of the therapeutic process (Bachelor, 1995). Two decades of empirical research have
consistently linked the quality of the alliance between therapist and patient with
therapy outcome (Horvath, 2001).
In cases in which the patient’s difficulties are chronic and the patient is exhausted
from the battle, the therapist can provide the energy, determination, coaching, and
even the cheerleading that the patient may need. It is important to validate the patient’s
suffering and struggle but not buy into distorted views. The therapist might say, “I
recognize how hard it has been for you. I understand how much pain you’ve had to
carry. But, that doesn’t mean you have to give up or that together we can’t figure out
how to get through this.” In fact, when working with patients for long periods of time,
there are often occasions where they have faced difficult problems or situations and
overcome them. It is helpful to point out those data and help them understand that, if
solutions have been found in the past, they can likely be found now. When the patient
says, “I can’t do it,” the therapist can be the voice of reason and say, “I know you can do
it because I have seen you …,” and specify all the examples of this happening. A good
relationship can act as a safeguard in suicidal patients, providing data to dispute erro-
neous negative beliefs, such as, “No one cares,” “I don’t matter to anyone,” or “No
one would notice if I died” (Ellis & Newman, 1996). The therapist can point out that
he or she cares and that it would matter. Keep in mind that it is important to support
the patient not only in words but nonverbally as well. The therapist should be aware of
the signals he or she sends out. In this regard, Fridlund (1994) provided evidence that
facial expressions function primarily to manipulate the emotional states of other peo-
ple, so a therapist’s nonverbal cues can be just as important as his or her verbalizations.
When a patient has a difficult time forming any alliance with the therapist, therapy
also can be negatively affected. J. S. Beck (2005) suggested that a patient’s anger
from feeling invalidated, rejected, controlled, misunderstood, or not cared about
and a patient’s skepticism, feelings of coercion, resistance to the structure of ther-
apy, and unwillingness to reveal important information are all common difficulties
that arise as a result of a therapeutic relationship issue. Leahy (2001) noted that
some patients enjoy manipulating other people. By not “moving” or responding
therapeutically, they experience power in recognizing that they can manipulate the
therapist. Defiance can also be a passive-aggressive behavior in therapy that is an
angry reaction toward feeling controlled by an authority figure. Being aware of these
potential barriers can help the therapist recognize them when they arise. Address-
ing them compassionately in an objective and constructive way can help therapy
progress.
Dealing with Difficult Cases 373
In summary, there are many ways therapists can maximize therapeutic gain and
minimize factors that interfere with the therapeutic process. Essential to symptom
relief and therapeutic progress is having a cognitive conceptualization of both the
patient and his or her problem. Identifying a detailed and comprehensive problem
list is also essential. Clearly defined, measureable goals facilitate effective treatment.
Linking the agenda to the goals keeps the therapy focused and on task, minimizing
derailment from extraneous topics.
Symptomatic relief is more efficient when the cognitive and behavioral components
driving the distress are identified. The most essential task is to make therapeutic
learning explicit. Summarizing throughout and at the end of every session facilitates
that end. It is important to acknowledge and address real life stressors and face
resistance head on.
Hopelessness is one of the greatest obstacles to therapeutic gain; thus, combating
hopelessness is critical. Similarly, homework noncompliance and avoidance can prevent
change from occurring and must be addressed. In order to help challenging patients
get unstuck, it is often necessary to identify, evaluate, and modify the underlying
negative pervasive beliefs. The quality of the alliance between the therapist and the
patient can play a key role in therapeutic gain. In sum, when the therapist understands
the patient and his or her difficulties, the road to recovery becomes clear.
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17
A Cognitive Behavioral Road
Map for Relapse Prevention in
Depression
Shadi Beshai and Keith S. Dobson
University of Calgary, Canada
Depression is one of the most prevalent, debilitating, and economically costly condi-
tions in the world (Murray & Lopez, 1997). Lifetime prevalence estimates of major
depression among adults in the United States are as high as 16.6% (Kessler et al.,
2005). Unfortunately, depression seldom strikes its sufferers only once, as evidence
suggests that those who are inflicted with the disorder go on to develop a career of
depression, often incurring an average of 4.3 episodes in their lifetime (Perris, 1992).
An even more bleak statistic is that 50–80% of those who seek treatment (in the
form of medication or psychotherapy) for their first episode experience a relapse in
symptomatology (Dobson & Ottenbreit, 2004). As such, although therapeutic efforts
that focus on the treatment of acute depression are critically important, attention must
be given to address the chronic nature of the disorder. Given the pernicious (Joiner,
2000), chronic, and evasive nature of depression, a number of authors (e.g., Dozois
& Dobson, 2004; Muñoz, Cuijpers, Smit, Barrera, & Leykin, 2010) have suggested
that the prevention of depression represents the most ethical, logical, and economical
therapeutic option.
Prevention efforts require the ability to focus efforts on at-risk groups, either prior
to the onset of a disorder (i.e., primary or universal prevention) or with groups who
have known risk indicators (i.e., selective prevention) or are showing early signs of a
disorder (i.e., indicated prevention; Institute of Medicine, 2009). Universal prevention
is often a challenge in the area of mental health, however, as population-wide risk
factors are so ubiquitous that it is difficult to target such factors for prevention.
Selective and indicated prevention, or what has been termed secondary prevention
(Dozois & Dobson, 2004), is challenged by the state of the literature on risk factors,
and the ability to detect depression early and potentially prevent the occurrence of a
first episode. While efforts to prevent onset of depression are worthwhile, especially as
the literature on risk continues to grow (Dobson & Dozois, 2008), one of the most
According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed., text
rev.; DSM-5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013), a major depressive episode
(MDE) is defined as a period of 2 weeks or more wherein an individual experiences
sad mood most of the day, on most days, and/or anhedonia (i.e., loss of interest or
pleasure). In addition to the presence of at least one of these fundamental symptoms,
the DSM-5 dictates that individuals display four or more other symptoms (e.g., sleep or
appetite disturbance, psychomotor retardation or agitation, diminished concentration
or energy, feelings of worthlessness or guilt, and suicidal ideation) to meet diagnostic
criteria. Exclusionary criteria include circumstances when the symptoms can be
explained by the direct effects of a substance taken by the individual or the direct
effects of a medical condition or disorder. Although the DSM-IV precluded a diagnosis
of MDE if the symptoms occured within 8 weeks of the death of a loved one and could
best be conceptualized as bereavement, this exclusion was eliminated in the DSM-5.
The DSM-5 further provides a variety of subtype specifications for MDE (e.g., with
anxious distress; with psychotic features, with peripartum onset; with seasonal pattern)
which need to be taken into account when a diagnosis is given. It is also important
to note that the DSM-5 recognizes the possibility of recurrent major depression or
major depressive disorder (MDD), the criteria for which stipulate that the sufferer
experience two (or more) distinct episodes, by a period of at least two months during
which diagnostic criteria are not met.
Definitions of relapse, recurrence, remission, and recovery have relied heavily on
the diagnostic criteria presented in the DSM nosological system. For instance, the
MacArthur Foundation Research Network Task Force (Frank et al., 1991) provided
operational definitions of commonly used terms in depression research. Their system
defines “full remission” as a brief period wherein the individual is “asymptomatic”
(i.e., does not meet diagnostic criteria), and “recovery” as an 8-week or longer period
Relapse Prevention in Depression 381
wherein the individual is in full remission. “Relapse” and “recurrence” were also
defined, as a diagnosable return of depressive symptoms subsequent to remission
and recovery, respectively. As such, the critical temporal period (i.e., 8 weeks) used
to distinguish these constructs was borrowed directly from DSM nosology. These
definitional terms remain useful after the publication of the DSM-5, although the rates
of depression, remission, and relapse can all be expected to rise somewhat as a result
of the removal of the exclusionary criterion related to bereavement, noted above.
Although the Frank et al. (1991) conceptualizations of recovery and recurrence are
pragmatic in nature and commonly used, they have been questioned. For instance, the
threshold for “remission” is somewhat ambiguous. If individuals who no longer meet
diagnostic criteria are defined as remitted, then by definition individuals with four of
the nine potential symptoms of MDE are in “remission.” However, such individuals
are clearly still suffering some of the symptoms of the disorder, and indeed, their level
of functioning may be demonstrably worse than before the onset of the most recent
episode of depression. Second, it is recognized that the temporal benchmark of 8
weeks utilized to distinguish remission and recovery is arbitrary. Given such issues, a
number of researchers in the field of depression relapse have relied on cut-off scores
on self-report questionnaires that yield severity scores, such as the Beck Depression
Inventory–II and the Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression, to define these constructs
(see Dozois & Dobson, 2010). It is recognized, however, that the use of cut-offs is
also somewhat arbitrary, and that research and clinical participants who fall below any
particular cut-off score may still experience considerable “residual symptoms.”
A number of risk and vulnerability factors have been implicated in depressive relapse
and recurrence. “Risk” can be defined as any factor that is associated with an increase
in the likelihood of the occurrence of a condition (e.g., depressive relapse). Risk
factors are established from evidentiary data, but they do not necessarily have causal
implications. On the other hand, “vulnerability” can be defined as any factor that
is causally associated with the occurrence of a disorder or condition (Dobson &
Dozois, 2008). For example, female gender is a risk factor for depression onset,
whereas depressogenic cognitive style has been described as a vulnerability factor
(Ingram, Miranda, & Segal, 1998). It should also be noted that “resiliency” factors
are sometimes noted for depression. Resiliency factors are in essence the opposite of
risk factors, in that they consist of variables that can be shown to reduce the risk of
depression. These factors are sometimes referred to as “buffers” against the likelihood
of a given disorder (Burcusa & Iacono, 2007). Some of these factors, such as higher
levels of social support, may also be causally related to a reduced risk of depression,
but to date the literature has not advanced to the point of distinguishing causal
resiliency factors from other factors that are simply associated with reduced risk of
onset, relapse, or recurrence of clinical depression.
Despite advances in the field (Dobson & Dozois, 2008), work that specifically
examines vulnerability to relapse has developed more slowly than the literature on
risk, and thus strong conclusions cannot be drawn regarding the causal mechanisms
382 General Strategies
for depressive relapse and recurrence. The above being said, a number of risk factors
have been identified for relapse and recurrence in depression. History of depressive
episodes has consistently been linked to recurrence, as the number of previous
depressive episodes is positively correlated with a higher likelihood to recurrence
(Beshai, Dobson, Bockting, & Quigley, 2011; Bockting et al., 2006). Furthermore,
a number of researchers (Conradi, de Jonge, & Ormel, 2008; Judd et al., 2002;
Taylor, Walters, Vittengl, Krebaum, & Jarrett, 2010) have observed that the presence
of residual symptoms after the conclusion of a depressive episode is a risk factor
for relapse and recurrence, although more recent evidence suggests otherwise (see
Bertschy et al., 2010). The results obtained by Conradi et al. (2008) suggest that,
while different clinical variables such as the severity of depressive symptoms and
depression-free time are associated with different outcomes, coping potential (i.e.,
a general construct measuring self-esteem and locus of control) and number of
previous episodes were significant predictors for all the outcome variables used in
their study. Burcusa and Iacono (2007) provided a recent review of the depressive
relapse literature. These researchers concluded that a number of the risk factors
that are associated with the onset of depression are also associated with relapse
of the disorder. Such factors include cognitive variables (e.g., rumination, selective
attention, and depressogenic style; Gotlib & Joormann, 2010; Iacoviello, Alloy,
Abramson, Whitehouse, & Hogan, 2006), neuroticism (Barnhofer & Chittka, 2010;
Duggan, Sham, Lee, Minne, & Murray, 1995; Hodgins & Ellenbogen, 2003),
stressful life events (both major life events and daily hassles; Kendler, Karkowski, &
Prescott, 1999; Monroe & Harkness, 2011; Paykel & Cooper, 1992), and social
support (as a resiliency factor; Kessler & Magee, 1994; Stice, Ragan, & Randall,
2004). There are factors, however, that are uniquely associated with relapse. For
instance, a large body of data supports a link between depression recurrence and
the severity of symptoms present in the index episode of depression, which is
the episode directly prior to relapse or recurrence. Furthermore, certain symptoms
such as suicidality appear to predict relapse and recurrence (Burcusa & Iacono,
2007). In addition, the authors identified familial history of depression (recurrent or
otherwise) and/or other psychiatric disorders as a more distal risk factor for depressive
recurrence, in concert with other risk factors. Moreover, some evidence suggests that
the presence of comorbid conditions, especially dysthymia, is a risk factor for chronic
depression. Finally, some authors suggest that a problem- or task-focused coping style
(confrontation of and drive to resolve stressful events), as opposed to emotion-focused
and avoidant strategies, may serve as a protective or resiliency factor against recurrent
depression (e.g., Kuyken & Brewin, 1994). In contrast, emotion-focused coping and
avoidance may be risk factors for recurrent depression.
A number of hypotheses have been forwarded to account for the chronicity of
depression. Some researchers argue that “scarring” occurs as a byproduct of each suc-
cessive episode of depression. The “kindling” hypothesis of relapse, for example, pro-
poses that, with each episode, less severe and frequent external stressors are required
to initiate the downward spiral into depression (Monroe & Harkness, 2005; Post &
Weiss, 1995). Support for the scarring hypothesis of depression is accruing (Bockting
et al., 2006; Kendler, Thornton, & Gardner, 2000; Lewinsohn, Rohde, Seeley, Klein,
Relapse Prevention in Depression 383
& Gotlib, 2000). Relatedly, Teasdale’s (1988) differential activation hypothesis pro-
poses that, with reoccurring episodes, the association between sad mood and negative
thinking patterns is bolstered, resulting in more readily activated mood-congruent
dysfunctional thinking. Thus, a self-perpetuating cognitive pattern is triggered when
the individual experiences sad mood, and this pattern narrows the scope of the
information processing system toward negative content and rumination, which then
exacerbates the sad mood. Third, the stress generation hypothesis of depression pro-
poses that depressed individuals inadvertently engender a greater number of stressful
situations, and that this process intensifies with increasing number of episodes (Ham-
men, 1991). Unlike the “scarring” proposition, however, the stress generation model
suggests that this proclivity toward more stressful environments represents a premor-
bid vulnerability in depression. Clearly, the “scarring,” differential activation, and
stress generation hypotheses are not mutually exclusive. It is probable that one or
more of these various processes are implicated within individual cases of depression.
Burcusa and Iacono (2007) concluded their review by indicating that there is
likely some genetic vulnerability that is specific to depression recurrence. This genetic
vulnerability may be neither necessary nor sufficient to cause relapse and recurrence,
but is rather probably contributory, in that its presence increases the possibility that
recurrence will take place. There is likely a network of causation that is both parallel
and sequential in nature. For instance, genetic vulnerabilities may initiate a chain of
causal factors and these causal factors operate simultaneously but also ignite their
own causal chains. For example, genetic vulnerability may predispose one toward
neurotic personality style, and thereby to subsequent dysfunctional attitudes which,
in concert with stressful life events, may lead to suicidal ideation and/or comorbid
psychiatric conditions. This causal chain is most likely nonlinear in nature and, as such,
the occurrence of a risk factor may retroactively reinforce and strengthen prior risk
factors in the chain. To add to this already complex etiological picture, it is likely that
causal and risk factors interact with one another, and therefore different degrees of
the same variable produce different clinical outcomes. As such, the risk, vulnerability,
and protective factors for recurrent depression are multifaceted and the outcome of
relapse and recurrence is multidetermined (see Figure 17.1).
Joiner (2000) places the risk factors for depression into three distinct categories:
propagatory (i.e., risk factors in the classic sense), erosive (factors that erode over
time, those that are affected by the “scarring” process), and self-propagatory (or
individual-induced factors that increase their risk for depression). Dobson (2010) has
argued that the categories identified by Joiner may not be mutually exclusive, and
thus some factors may be viewed as both erosive and self-propagatory.
There is strong evidence that some forms of psychotherapy successfully thwart the
chronic course of depression (Beshai et al., 2011; Guidi, Fava, Fava, & Papakostas,
2010; Vittengl, Clark, Dunn, & Jarrett, 2007). The models with the most evidence
Distal variables Proximal variables
Avoidant
coping
Negative Remission
Family history Familial Depressogenic life Depression
Genetic and residual Relapse
of experiences cognitive events/daily onset
vulnerability symptoms
psychopathology (e.g., trauma) style hassles
Rumination
A few hypotheses have been forwarded to explain the emergent finding in the
recurrence prevention literature regarding the moderating effect of depressive history.
Beshai et al. (2011) suggested, for example, that some individuals with depression
may have a single episode or only a limited number of episodes, whereas other
individuals develop a more recurrent form of the disorder. Some treatment literature
has also examined the trajectories of patients with more and less recurrent depression.
For example, Bockting et al. (2005) randomly assigned 187 remitted depressed
patients to two groups: a treatment as usual condition, and treatment as usual in
386 General Strategies
In this section, several intervention options are described from a cognitive behavioral
framework which can address relapse and recurrence prevention in depression. The
focus here is on unique elements of CBT that target known risk factors for relapse.
As such, a number of extrapolations from the literature are made to bridge the gap
between research and practice in the field. This section is organized in accordance with
the different stages of therapy (i.e., assessment, case conceptualization, intervention,
and evaluation).
Relapse Prevention in Depression 387
Assessment
To date, the number of prior depressive episodes is the most consistent factor that
appears to mitigate the effects of preventative efforts. As such, it is also important
to develop a clear picture of the client’s history of depression in the initial stages of
therapy. We recommend that the clinician utilize a semistructured clinical interview.
In addition to other key elements of an intake interview, this interview should serve
to elucidate several aspects of the client’s condition: (a) the age of first onset of
depression and subsequent chronicity of the client’s depression, (b) the typical nature
and length of the intermediary periods between depressive episodes (e.g., the presence
of residual symptoms after the remission of depression, and how long the client has
been symptomatic or asymptomatic after the depression remission and/or recovery),
(c) potential risk, vulnerability, and resiliency factors associated with the onset and/or
recurrence of depressive episodes, and (d) the presence or absence of comorbid
conditions which have been shown to moderate recurrence. Moreover, collateral
information may be gathered to determine familial history of psychopathology and
early temperament.
Based on the interview, the therapist should form hypotheses regarding the presence
and severity of the risk factors and moderators of therapeutic success identified by the
literature. We recommend an investigation of these hypotheses, both at the beginning
stages of therapy and throughout the treatment as new information becomes available.
Further, if these factors are not clear following the interview, a series of tests can
be considered, which might include a measure of symptom severity (e.g., the Beck
Depression Inventory–II; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996), depressogenic cognitive
style (e.g., the Attributional Style Questionnaire; Peterson et al., 1982), neuroticism
(e.g., the NEO-PI-R Neuroticism Scale; Costa & McCrae, 1992), coping style (the
Utrecht Coping List; Schreurs, van de Willige, Brosschat, Tellegen, & Graus, 1988),
and negative life events (e.g., the Negative Life Events Questionnaire; Kraaij &
De Wilde, 2001). Furthermore, we recommend the use of instruments designed
to measure intermediary attitudes (e.g., the Dysfunctional Attitude Scale; Weissman
& Beck, 1978) and core beliefs (e.g., the Young Schema Questionnaire; Young &
Brown, 1994).
Case Conceptualization
Case conceptualization is typically an ongoing process in CBT (Kuyken, Padesky,
& Dudley, 2009). The case conceptualization is preferably developed in accordance
with a thorough and integrative assessment process (Persons & Davidson, 2001).
It is a part of standard CBT and should be also employed in CBT for relapse
prevention, as the case conceptualization permits the practitioner to identify optimal
therapeutic strategies to prevent depression. Given the hypothetical balance between
the “internal” and “external” factors that drive recurrent depression, the therapist
should first decide whether CBT is the best option for the individual client. Standard
CBT may not be the optimal preventative therapy for depression if the client reports
a history of one or two depressive episodes, as CBT protocols may be more effective
for the “internal” type of recurrent depression. In cases of depression where there
388 General Strategies
are more “external” factors, and although the evidence for this recommendation
is admittedly limited, the practitioner might consider other therapeutic approaches
designed to prevent relapse, such as behavioral activation or interpersonal therapy (see
Beshai et al., 2011).
In cases where the client reports a history of three or more episodes, however,
a CBT-based protocol is recommended. The cognitive behavioral case conceptual-
ization should present hypotheses regarding factors that are implicated in the onset
and maintenance of the depressive episode, and possible barriers to therapeutic suc-
cess. For instance, a client with a significant familial history of psychotic disorders,
heightened neuroticism, and residual symptoms between depressive episodes prob-
ably requires a different protocol than would an individual with low neuroticism,
heightened negative attributions, and asymptomatic recovery periods. As mentioned
above, it is likely that multiple risk and vulnerability factors operate simultaneously.
As such, the therapist should decide what elements to add or subtract from a protocol
depending on the hypothesized pathway to recurrence.
Intervention
A number of CBT protocols have been developed to address relapse and recurrence
in depression. Depending on the results of the assessment and the clinician’s case
formulation, there are multiple avenues to pursue in therapy.
Cognitive behavioral therapy for residual symptoms. This protocol was developed to
help resolve symptoms that were unresponsive to treatment in the acute phase (Fava,
Fabbri, & Sonino, 2002; Fava, Grandi, Zielezny, Canestrari, & Morphy, 1994).
Reports indicate that this approach is delivered in 10- to 40-minute sessions, with
a session occurring every other week. This protocol is founded on the premise that
residual symptoms (e.g., suicidality, disrupted sleep or appetite, poor concentra-
tion) function as a prodrome to future depression which, if left unmanaged, may
develop into a full-blown episode. A 4-year follow-up investigation of this protocol
(Fava, Grandi, Zeilezny, Rafanelli, & Canestrari, 1996) revealed that individuals in
the treatment condition experienced significantly lower relapse rates than those in the
nontreatment condition (35% vs. 70%, respectively). Unfortunately, results from the
6-year extension of this study (Fava, Rafanelli, Grandi, Canestrari, & Morphy, 1998)
indicated that the relapse rates between groups were comparable and the significant
differences found in the 4-year follow-up were attenuated. It is thus possible that
this approach delays, but does not prevent, relapse and recurrence. Further research
is needed to ascertain the benefits of this approach to treating residual symptoms in
depression.
Coping with depression. Coping with depression (CWP) is a group format CBT
prevention protocol designed by Kühner, Angermeyer, and Veiel (1996) and is
typically offered 4 weeks after the completion of acute phase therapy. The protocol
emphasizes the gains made in the acute phase of therapy, and assists with the creation
of plans to maintain treatment gains. Kühner et al. (1996) found that individuals who
Relapse Prevention in Depression 389
received this treatment protocol experienced significantly lower relapse rates (14.3%)
than did matched controls (42.9%) over a 1-year follow-up period.
Evaluation. In this phase of treatment, we recommend that therapists use the same
measure of symptom severity used in the assessment phase to evaluate the presence
and intensity of depression symptoms. Most prevention studies employing the Beck
Depression Inventory define remission as a score of 8 or less, whereas those that
utilized the Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression (Hamilton, 1960) employ a cut-off
score of 7 or less. We recommend that these cut-offs be followed to determine
treatment success. Furthermore, we recommend that the therapist also administer the
same measures of intermediary attitudes and/or core beliefs to examine the intactness
of those tightly wound depressive self-schemas (Dozois & Dobson, 2001).
Future Directions
the density of positive (or constructive; Clark, Beck, & Alford, 1999) self-schemas.
As such, changes in self-schemas need to be measured, to enable evaluation of
these models of treatment change. Further, the study of constructs such as resilience
and thriving (i.e., the ability to learn from negative life events and adversity and
demonstrate functioning beyond baseline levels) becomes significant to understand
these compensatory mechanisms of mental health, and, in turn, individuals’ internal
ability to stave off depression.
It was noted above that acceptance of the chronic nature of one’s depression may
be positively correlated with the number of prior episodes, and that acceptance is
associated with treatment success. To the authors’ knowledge, this hypothesis has
never been empirically validated. In a related vein, it is possible that individuals with
perfectionistic and dichotomous cognitive patterns (e.g., “I need to be completely
healthy”; “If am not perfectly healthy at all times, I must be miserable”) benefit
less from preventative protocols, as they become distressed over being distressed.
In other words, these individuals might engage more frequently in “self-checking”
for depression symptoms, and if such symptoms are detected, the depressive cycle
is commenced. Finally, to the authors’ knowledge, relapse and recurrence patterns
have only been rarely examined in cultures outside of the Western world (cf. Dobson
& Mohammadkhani, 2007). As depression is a universally ubiquitous condition, we
believe that cross-cultural efforts to understand such patterns are in order.
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18
Cultural Context
Devon E. Hinton
Massachusetts General Hospital, Harvard Medical School, and Arbour
Counseling Services, Lowell, United States
Martin La Roche
Children’s Hospital/Martha Eliot Health Center and Harvard Medical School,
United States
Introduction
There have been some attempts to develop treatments for refugee and ethnic
minority populations for depression disorders (for reviews, see Horrel, 2008;
Miranda et al., 2005) and for the anxiety disorders (Cardemil, 2008; Hinton, Pich,
Hofmann, & Otto, in press; Hinton, Rivera, Hofmann, Barlow, & Otto, 2012).
In this chapter we will illustrate how cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) can be
adapted to treat ethnic minorities, particularly refugees, with anxiety and depres-
sive disorders. One of the central assumptions of culturally appropriate treatments
is that it is necessary to match the cultural characteristics of the treatment with
those of the patients (Bernal, Jiménez-Chafey, & Domenech Rodr ı́guez, 2009; La
Roche, 2013; D. Sue, Ivey, & Pedersen, 2008). We will first present a model
that describes the influences of culture on the generation of anxiety and depressive
disorders and, based on this model, describe various ways to make the treatment
culturally appropriate, giving examples from a treatment focused on posttraumatic
stress disorder (PTSD). The approach to developing culturally sensitive treatment
and most of the principles can be applied to other disorders, such as schizophrenia.
For example, in the case of schizophrenia, a model of the generation of disor-
der would include expressed emotion (Aguilera, Lopez, Breitborde, Kopelowicz, &
Zarate, 2010; Kopelowicz et al., 2006; Lopez et al., 2009), cultural differences on
that variable, and how that variable can be changed in a culturally sensitive way,
whereas for anxiety and depressive disorders, the construct of anxiety sensitivity will
loom large in the model of the generation of psychopathology and treatment, as we
will see.
In order to know how to intervene in a culturally sensitive way with anxiety and
depressive disorders, it is first necessary to develop an understanding of how anxiety
and depressive disorders are generated in different cultural populations. Culture pow-
erfully influences the ways in which anxiety and depression are generated, experienced,
and treated (Hinton & Good, 2009; Kleinman & Good, 1985). In Figure 18.1 we
present a general model of how episodes of anxiety and depressive disorders are
generated, all of which are culturally influenced processes.
Stigma
(e.g., that it is an incurable condition, that medication and therapy will make you crazy)
Figure 18.1 A culturally sensitive model of how anxiety and depressive disorders occur in a
certain cultural context: Psychopathological mechanisms.
Negative Affect
A dysphoric state is a processing mode that leads to withdrawal, rapid activation of
negative memory networks, scanning for danger cues, and a tendency toward negative
self-evaluation (Figure 18.1) (L. A. Clark & Watson, 1991; Ehrenreich, Fairholme,
Buzzella, Ellard, & Barlow, 2007).
East Asia
China Neurasthenia GAD, PD Dangerous weakening Worry-induced
“Weak heart” GAD, PD Heart arrest Heart-focused
“Weak kidney” GAD, PD Brain depletion Semen-loss-induced (e.g., in urine)
Japan Neurasthenia GAD, PD Dangerous weakening Worry-induced
Orthostatic dysregulation PD, SP (social phobia) Weakened nervous system, fainting Orthostasis-induced,
social-context-induced
Taijin kyofusho SP Offending others Social-context-induced
Korea Hwa byung GAD, PD Asphyxia, cardiac arrest Anger-induced
South Asia
India Semen loss GAD, PD Death from depletion Semen-loss-induced (e.g., in urine)
Southeast Asia
Cambodia “Weakness” GAD, PD, PTSD Dangerous weakening Worry-induced
“Weak heart” GAD, PD, PTSD Heart arrest Heart-focused
“Wind attack” GAD, PD, PTSD Syncope, vomiting Dizziness-focused
“Limb blockage” GAD, PD, PTSD Limb death, upward surge of wind Limb-focused
“Sore neck” GAD, PD, PTSD Neck-vessel rupture Neck-focused
“Abdominal wind” GAD, PD, PTSD Heart arrest, asphyxia Abdomen-focused
“Wind overload” GAD, PD, PTSD Syncope Orthostasis-induced
(Continued Overleaf )
Table 18.1 (Continued)
Notes. GAD = generalized anxiety disorder; PD = panic disorder; PTSD = posttraumatic stress disorder; SP = social phobia.
Cultural Context 405
and also resist treatment (Figure 18.1). Patients may be afraid that they themselves
and their family may be labeled as being “insane” (each culture will have different
stigmatizing labels, such as “loco,” that is, “crazy” in Spanish) if they are receiving
treatment for the condition in question. They may fear that medication and psycho-
logical treatments may worsen their conditions. Stigma and fear of treatment at times
is created by cultural misunderstandings. For example, stigma and fear of treatment
is very pronounced in some African American communities because historically their
differences have often been construed as deficits; they have more frequently been
misdiagnosed with severe mental health disorders (e.g., schizophrenia) than any other
group and as a result they have had higher hospitalization rates that have led many to
fear mental health treatments (Snowden, 2012; Snowden & Cheung, 1993). Negative
views of treatment may include medication and lead to nonadherence.
Now that we have outlined a model of some of the cultural factors that are involved
in generating anxiety and depressive disorders, we now turn to further discussion
of how CBT can be culturally adapted. The model of CBT intervention is given in
406 General Strategies
Figure 18.2 A culturally sensitive model of how CBT can reduce the severity of anxiety and
depressive disorders.
Figure 18.2. We will mostly give examples of cultural adaptation used in our treatment
for anxiety disorders, culturally adapted CBT (CA-CBT) for PTSD, which we also
refer to as flexibility-focused CA-CBT, given its emphasis on promoting flexibility
(see Table 18.2 for an overview of the treatment). CA-CBT has been shown to
be effective in randomized controlled trials for traumatized Latino patients and for
Table 18.2 Sessions in CA-CBT and Key Components of the Sessions
Session Session title Emotional exposure followed by Applied stretching Mindfulness lesson
number practice of the indicated protocol lesson at session’s end at session’s end
Note. The stretching modules differ by muscle group that is targeted. The mindfulness modules differ as well, with most teaching different types of multisensorial
awareness; some involve performing loving-kindness. The applied stretching is practiced just before the mindfulness lesson
408 General Strategies
Southeast Asian refugee patients from Cambodia and Vietnam (Hinton, Chhean,
et al., 2005; Hinton, Hofmann, Rivera, Otto, & Pollack, 2011; Hinton et al., 2004).
We have recently adapted the treatment for both anxiety and depressive disorders
more generally. The treatment focuses on emotional flexibility, a paradigm equally
applicable to the anxiety and depressive disorders.
CA-CBT emphasizes emotion exposure and emotion regulation techniques such as
meditation and yoga-like stretching, and aims to promote emotional and psychologi-
cal flexibility (on an emotion-centered approach, see also Barlow’s Unified Protocol;
Ellard, Fairholme, Boisseau, Farchione, & Barlow, 2010). CA-CBT aims to provide
the patient with a range of new adaptive processing modes—such as mindfulness,
which involves attending to the present-moment sensorial experiencing of environ-
mental events—that differ from the usual mode of attending to threat. Below we
describe the ways in which CBT for anxiety disorders can be made more effective
and culturally appropriate for refugee and ethnic minority groups (for a summary, see
Table 18.3).
Create positive expectancy and treatment The clinician should frame the treatment as addressing issues of concern to the patient, which
credibility may include culturally emphasized symptoms (e.g., dizziness, poor sleep, shortness of breath)
and culturally specific syndromes (e.g., taijin kyofusho among social phobia patients in Japan or
khyâl attacks among panic disorder patients who are Cambodian).
Address catastrophic cognitions about anxiety Catastrophic cognitions about anxiety symptoms drive psychopathology. In different cultures the
symptoms specific catastrophic cognitions about anxiety symptoms must be addressed such as those about
arousal symptoms (e.g., Cambodians consider dizziness to indicate a dangerous khyâl attack
that may cause syncope and other disasters) and about PTSD symptoms (e.g., Cambodians
consider startle to indicate a “weak heart” and imminent cardiac arrest).
Address cultural syndromes Patients often consider anxiety symptoms to indicate a cultural syndrome. The clinician must
explain how the anxiety disorder relates to those syndromes (e.g., how the symptoms are part
of an anxiety disorder rather than a cultural syndrome) and alleviate the patient’s concerns
about the cultural syndrome.
Target somatic symptoms In many cultural contexts, somatic complaints are prominent (e.g., dizziness among Cambodian
refugees) and these must be specifically addressed in treatment, taking into account
catastrophic cognitions, metaphor meaning, and trauma associations.
Address sleep-related phenomenon In certain groups, sleep-related phenomena are quite prominent and have extensive meanings.
For example, sleep paralysis is extremely elevated in African American and Cambodian patients,
and Cambodian refugees give these events elaborate explanation. So too the culturally specific
interpretations of nightmares should be addressed.
Use culturally specific proverbs, local stories, CBT techniques should be presented in a culturally sensitive way, such as using proverbs and
and culturally appropriate analogies to expressions from the culture that express the information in question. For example, to teach a
convey CBT information and to create Latino patients the effect of attentional focus on mood, and the dangers of rumination, the
positive expectancy phrase “Don’t drown in a glass of water” (No se ahogue en un vaso de agua) can be used.
(Continued Overleaf )
Table 18.3 (Continued)
Present CBT information and techniques in terms of Each culture will have certain ideas about how psychological disorder occurs. This may
the local psychology and physiology be rooted in local religious traditions such as Islam, Christianity, or Buddhism. The
clinician should try to frame CBT information in terms of those local psychologies
and related physiologies. For example, in Buddhism coldness is considered to be the
ideal state, suggesting a centered mind unperturbed by worry, and so the CBT
treatments can be presented as “cooling” and helping to center the mind.
Include techniques from the local religious and Each culture will have certain methods to relieve distress. If possible, techniques from
spiritual tradition local religious traditions should be incorporated in the treatment (or at least the CBT
techniques should be framed in terms of local religious traditions). Examples would
be to include yoga among Indian populations, meditation among Buddhists, or the
practice of repeatedly saying the name of Allah (dhikr) in Islamic groups.
Promote a sense of self-esteem and self-efficacy in a Low self-esteem and self-efficacy drives psychopathology. It is important to create
culturally appropriate way positive self-images that promote a positive sense of self and a sense of self-efficacy.
For example, in CA-CBT the image of the flexile wind-moved lotus is used as a
positive self-image that promotes a sense of being able to adjust.
Address stress and security issues Living in a state of stress and insecurity will have a major impact on psychopathology,
such as increasing arousal and arousability. Every group will have particular sources of
stress and insecurity and higher rates of certain types, for example, domestic abuse.
Knowledge of these issues and teaching how to practically handle these issues is
important. Emotion regulation techniques also need to be taught.
Worry and GAD as important treatment targets Uncontrollable worry drives multiple types of psychopathology, including somatic
symptoms, generalized anxiety disorder, and panic. Patients from other cultural
groups may have specific worry domains and great severity of worry, and they may
have great catastrophic cognitions about worry and its symptoms, which must be
addressed, or great arousal and psychopathology will result.
Conduct exposure in a culturally acceptable way Patients from other cultural contexts may tolerate poorly traditional exposure for several
reasons, including high current stress. A phase approach is suggested and the use of
novel techniques to make exposure more acceptable such as immediately practicing
emotion regulation techniques after exposure. This is done in CA-CBT.
Emotion exposure paired with practice of emotion Given that emotion regulation deficits are a key treatment in the emotion disorders, it
regulation makes sense to use exposure as an opportunity to practice emotion regulation
techniques. This makes exposure much more acceptable. This is done in CA-CBT.
Use emotion regulation techniques from the As indicated above, often a group will have healing traditions rooted in religious traditions.
patient’s religious and cultural healing tradition These can be incorporated into treatment as emotion regulation techniques. Examples
include the following: among Buddhists, practicing meditation or loving-kindness, or
among Christians, opening the Bible at random to read a passage or praying the Rosary.
Cultural adaptation of key CBT techniques CBT techniques should be adapted as far a possible to the group in question. For example,
when doing positive reassociation during interoceptive exposure, we introduce culturally
appropriate imagery: when inducing dizziness in head rolling we have Latino patients
think of the piñata game, a traditional game in which dizziness is induced.
Increase cognitive and emotion flexibility in a Psychological flexibility is a key aspect of psychological health and it is particularly
culturally appropriate way important for refugees and minorities who need to negotiate between multiple cultural
domains. Ideally, culturally appropriate analogies and self-imagery should be taught to
promote this skill.
Reduce stigma To reduce self-caused stigma, it is important to explain to patients that psychological
disorders are treatable and to address local ideas about mental illness.
Culturally indicated transitional rituals At the end of treatment, culturally appropriate transition may be utilized. This creates a
sense of positive expectancy about recovery. Also, these rituals through use of local
religious and psychological ideas often present a self-image and world image that create a
sense of having recovered, producing more positive self-schemas and world schemas.
412 General Strategies
and alleviate negative affect, and may help the person to handle stress and negative
emotions. They can be used to teach CBT information and may function as a form of
emotion regulation. For example, in trying to teach Latino patients the importance
of decentering and the negative spiral created by narrowly focusing on a negative
cognition, one can use the proverb, “No se ahogue en un vaso de agua,” meaning, “Do
not drown in a glass of water.” This is an example of tapping into the local model
of mind and traditional ways of handling distress enshrined in a proverb that teaches
about the danger of attending too narrowly to one subject or issue. Or to help a
Cambodian patient to better regulate anger, one can use the Cambodian proverb,
“If you don’t become angry one time, it gains you a hundred days of happiness.”
Similarly, to help a Cambodian patient to talk about current issues of distress, one can
use the proverb, “Don’t reek by yourself,” in which reek means “to carry a package
at either end of a pole that is balanced at the shoulder.” Or among African American
teenagers the term “rebound” is a powerful motivator that is increasingly used as a
reminder that you can recover after a missed “shot” or opportunity.
Appropriate cultural analogies can also be used to create positive expectancy about
treatment and to promote adherence. It should be noted that there is much evidence
that CBT efficacy is greatly influenced by positive expectancy (Woodhead, Ivan, &
Emery, 2012). At the beginning of therapy to help the Cambodian patient to be
adherent to treatment and to create positive expectancy, we state that the treatment
is like making a certain traditional noodle dish. To make that dish, there are several
steps, which include making a paste, making noodles from the paste, and multiple
Table 18.4 Examples of Proverbs and Culturally Salient Expressions that Can Be Used
Therapeutically
steps to make the sauce. We explain that each part of the therapy, each lesson taught,
is like one step in making this dish, and that one needs to wait until the end of therapy
to know exactly what has been accomplished.
The examples given above (Table 18.4) show how proverbs, cultural stories, and
appropriate culturally grounded analogies are useful in decreasing negative affect,
creating positive expectancy, and promoting emotion regulation. Using proverbs,
cultural stories, and culturally appropriate analogies also helps to promote cultural
self-esteem, that is, the sense that one comes from a culture with a rich and important
tradition of knowledge, which further decreases negative affect. Additionally, using
proverbs, cultural stories, and culturally appropriate analogies can improve the ther-
apeutic alliance; the patient feels the therapist understands and appreciates his or her
cultural background.
link between self-esteem and other constructs). In CA-CBT, the treatment teaches
self-images that promote cognitive flexibility (see section on “Culturally Adapted
Emotion Regulation Techniques”).
To illustrate this point, we give the example of exposure therapy in the case of
PTSD.
Probably the best-known CBT treatment of PTSD, prolonged exposure therapy (Foa
& Rothbaum, 1998), takes exposure to trauma memories to be the central part
of treatment for PTSD. Therapy mainly consists in repetitive exposure to a trauma
memory that is evoked in all its sensorial aspects until the person is quite distressed.
Vivid reliving and high distress are thought to be necessary for efficacy, with cure
resulting from the extinction of anxiety and fear associated with memories. In another
prominent protocol, cognitive processing therapy (Resick & Schnicke, 1996), exposure
is also a central component: The person writes down the trauma event in detail and
repeatedly reads it. The only published manual for treatment of refugees that has been
empirically tested is narrative exposure therapy (Schauer, Neuner, & Elbert, 2005).
It is based on the prolonged exposure approach but is much briefer (usually three
to six sessions; prolonged exposure therapy is 12 sessions and cognitive processing
therapy 12 sessions). This intervention focuses almost exclusively on exposure with
multisensorial reliving in the context of constructing the person’s trauma narrative
and aims to achieve extinction. For several reasons, none of these three treatments
conducts exposure in a manner that is optimal for traumatized refugees and ethnic
minorities.
First, even English-speaking Western populations who are highly educated often
find traditional exposure hard to tolerate and experience worsening at certain points
of the treatment (for a review, see Cahill, Foa, Hembree, Marshall, & Nacash,
2006; Markowitz, 2010). Given that ethnic minorities and refugees are often highly
distressed, these techniques would seem more likely to have negative results, such as
worsening of symptoms and increasing drop-out. In one study, traditional exposure
was poorly tolerated by ethnic minorities and refugees, with African Americans
dropping out twice as often as Caucasian patients (55% vs. 27%; Lester, Resick,
Young-Xu, & Artz, 2010).
Second, the theory of how exposure works has changed. Previously it was believed
that exposure was effective owing to the simple fact of exposure to the memory
reducing its automaticity, activatibility, and “hotness,” and that a key part of “extinc-
tion” was having the person experience the memory with high levels of multisensorial
vividness and distress (Foa & Rothbaum, 1998). Now it has been found instead
that the trauma memory is never erased through treatment (Craske et al., 2008;
Hofmann, 2008). Exposure works by creating new nonthreatening associations to
the trauma memory network and by creating new verbal links to and representations
of the trauma memory that decrease the memory’s uncontrollability and “hotness”
(Brewin, Dalgleish, & Joseph, 1996; Craske et al., 2008). The person does not need
to experience high levels of distress to get this result—rather, the goal is to create the
expectancy that the trauma memory can be tolerated (Craske, et al., 2008; Hofmann,
2008). This suggests new and less distressful treatments are possible.
Third, researchers have increasingly realized that emotion regulation techniques
should be taught prior to conducting exposure so that the patient’s level of arousal
is reduced. Otherwise the person will be unable to tolerate exposure. This is often
called a phase approach and is used in one new 16-session treatment (Cloitre, Cohen,
& Koenen, 2006; Cloitre, Koenen, Cohen, & Han, 2002). Phase treatment is
Cultural Context 419
especially important in highly traumatized populations and with patients under great
stress (Markowitz, 2010), which is commonly the case among refugees and ethnic
minorities.
Fourth, it has been increasingly realized that exposure should be conducted not
only for certain event memories but also for somatic sensations (Hinton, Hofmann,
Pitman, Pollack, & Barlow, 2008; Otto & Hinton, 2006; Wald & Taylor, 2007,
2008). Interoceptive exposure is especially indicated for those patients with promi-
nent somatic complaints, extensive catastrophic cognitions about somatic symptoms,
extensive trauma associations to somatic sensations (e.g., each trauma results in the
encoding of the trauma by somatic sensations), and many comorbid anxiety disorders,
all of which are commonly found in ethnic minority and refugee populations. Intero-
ceptive exposure to sensations decreases catastrophic cognitions about them, reduces
their ability to recall trauma events, and reduces panic attacks and panic disorder—as
well as somatization more generally (Barlow, 2002; Craske et al., 2009; Wald &
Taylor, 2007, 2008).
Taking into account these recent theories about exposure, we make our exposure
in CA-CBT acceptable and efficacious in the following ways:
• Phase approach: We use a phase approach, teaching emotion regulation skills, such
as applied muscle relaxation, applied stretching, and meditation, before starting
exposure. See Table 18.2 for a description of the first three sessions that precede
exposure and the emotion regulation techniques that are introduced.
• Trauma protocol: To promote acceptability of exposure during verbal recounting
and to make it more effective, in CA-CBT we have the patient discuss trauma
memories at the beginning of several sessions (sessions 5–10), and then when
the patient becomes upset, we have the patient perform a trauma protocol.
This protocol consists of a series of emotion regulation techniques, including
mindfulness and applied stretching with a visualization (the reasons for the efficacy
of the trauma protocol and the culturally adapted techniques used in this protocol
are discussed more fully later in the chapter).
• Interoceptive exposure with reassociation: We conduct interoceptive exposure to
sensations such as dizziness while creating positive reassociations to them to
compete with sensation-type trauma associations and catastrophic cognitions.
Creating positive reassociations to sensations increases acceptability and efficacy.
patient becomes anxious or distressed in any way. This anxiety protocol not only serves
as a means to regulate emotion. It also serves as exposure to dizziness sensations,
creates positive reassociations to dizziness (e.g., dizziness becomes associated to the
image of the lotus that competes with catastrophic images), and acts as a visual
analog of flexibility, a self-image of flexible adjustment. In the first part of the anxiety
protocol, the patient uses applied stretching to relax any tense areas, and then uses
applied stretching and muscle relaxation to relax the shoulders. The imagery in the
next section depends on the cultural group. We have the patient straighten the spine
through tightening the stomach muscles and then do head rolling. While doing the
head rolling with the straight spine, we have Southeast Asian patients imagine a lotus
flower circling in the wind on its stem and compare the spine to the stem and the
flower to the head. At the same time we have the patient make self-statements of
flexibility: “May I flexibly adjust to each situation just as the lotus flower is able to
adjust to each new breeze.” For Latino patients, we use the image of a palm tree at
the beach, with its long trunk and its fronds moving and circling in the wind. The
self-statement is the following: “May I flexibly adjust to each situation just as the
fronds of the palm tree adjust to each new breeze.”
We teach a loving-kindness meditation to help decrease anger (for a review of the
efficacy of loving-kindness meditation, see Hofmann, Grossman, & Hinton, 2011).
We change the imagery depending on the cultural group. We have Southeast Asian
patients imagine love spreading outward in all directions like water. This is because in
Buddhism water and coolness are associated with values of love, kindness, nurturing,
and “merit-making,” that is, doing good deeds such as making donations to the poor
or to the temple. In many Buddhist rituals, water is poured into a bowl to symbolize
the merit being made by participating in the rite and the “cooling” influence of the
merit-making for the dead and the living. We have Latino patients imagine love as
a warmth and light that spreads from the heart and body in all directions. We refer
to the image of the “Sacred Heart of Jesus,” or Sagrado Corazón de Jésus, one of the
best-known images in Christian iconography. In the image, Christ points a finger to
his flame-surrounded heart that emanates light; often the heart is surrounded by a
wreath of thorns that further symbolizes the overcoming of difficulties. In Western
European ethnopsychology and iconography, warmth connotes love and affection
and has extensive positive symbolic meanings (for one review, see Hinton, 2000).
The trauma protocol also varies by cultural group. The trauma protocol begins
with acceptance of having endured the trauma, followed by self- and other-directed
compassion, then loving-kindness, and next multisensorial mindfulness meditation.
After that, we use a technique that aims to bring about the multichannel embodying
of flexibility. The technique pairs together bodily representations of flexibility (actual
stretching and rotational movements), self-statements of flexibility, and musical
analogs of flexibility, that is, acoustic images of flexibility. The 5-step multichannel
flexibility protocol is as follows:
This 5-step multichannel flexibility protocol has several effects other than shifting
from the dysphoric states induced by trauma recall. It pairs bodily flexibility to a
musical metaphor that emphasizes psychological flexibility; it teaches the powerful
effect of attention on experiencing because the patient attends to one layer and then
another layer of music, for example, from one instrument to another; it teaches
set-switching, as the patient switches between musical layers; it creates cultural pride
because a certain cultural music is presented; and it creates a prompt—hearing
music—to remind the person to be flexible, a prompt that will often be experienced
in the everyday world.
(Table 18.2). A key Buddhist principle, “equanimity” (upekkha), that is, practice in
distancing from emotions and mental content, treating them as like clouds in the
sky, is also a part of the treatment. For a Buddhist patient, these acts can be referred
to by the term used in that tradition, and it can be stated that performing these
actions is “merit-making” and that this “merit” can be shared with oneself and others.
This “merit-making” promotes a sense of agency and greatly decreases suicidality and
depression. If a patient has survivor guilt, he or she can be reminded of the culturally
indicated duty to make merit at least yearly for the person about whom the patient
feels guilty in order to ensure the deceased will have a good rebirth and spiritual
health.
To promote flexibility among Christian Latino patients, we instruct them to note
how the flexile flame of votive candles moves in each breeze and assert that this
motion is a reminder to stay flexible—the image in question serves as a flexibility
primer (Hinton, 2008). As indicated above, we use Christian imagery in the loving-
kindness meditation. In addition, we suggest that the Christian Latino patient use
other religious-type techniques of emotion regulation such as random opening of
the Bible to select a passage to be read or reciting the Rosary (e.g., if the patient is
Catholic). If the patient is a Pentecostalist, we suggest that speaking in tongues, with
its layers of voices, is a reminder that there are many paths to God, many ways of
acting and feeling.
We consider emotion regulation techniques in the broad sense, ranging from
proverbs in a culture that are used to deal with negative affects, to healing rituals.
In the anger module of our treatment, we use a Cambodian proverb to help teach
anger restraint, which was mentioned earlier: “If you control your anger once, you
gain a hundred days of happiness.” We specifically ask about how patients cope with
anxiety, anger, and trauma recall in order to elicit the patient’s typical ways of dealing
with distress, including culturally specific healing traditions and emotion regulation
techniques. In CA-CBT we also suggest that the patient be encouraged to participate
in healing rites from his or her culture that may improve emotion regulation: among
Buddhists, relevant healing ceremonies, such as anointing with lustral waters or
listening to Buddhist tapes; among Latinos, going to church services, lighting a votive
candle, or reciting the Rosary; and among Native American groups, participation in
traditional ceremonies such as the sweat lodge. Ideally therapeutic metaphors, ideas
of causation (e.g., “historical trauma”), ideas of cure, and ideas about ontology (i.e.,
the nature of personhood) from that tradition should be integrated into treatment.
(For further discussion of the incorporation of traditional healing into treatments, see
Gone, 2009, 2010.)
we have the patient imagine various traditional games: a game in which a person
is made to run around in circles while holding a scarf (lea geunsaeng), or another
game in which the person runs to get a stick that has been hit into the distance,
all the while humming, making it impossible to inhale. Among Latinos, we have
the patient imagine playing traditional games that induce considerable dizziness:
playing the piñata game, which involves being blindfolded and spun around, or
playing galliñita ciega. In these games, the person is spun until very dizzy. La Roche,
D’Angelo, Gualdron, and Leavell (2006) found that relaxation imagery involving
an allocentric (the idea that one defines through social relationships) rather than an
individualistic (the idea that one defines through self-attributes) orientation was more
effective.
We have the used the “multisystem network” (MSN) model of emotional state
to depict the psychological-flexibility processing mode induced by applied stretching
and by the visualization part of the anxiety protocol. The model is based on recent
research on emotion (Fairholme et al., 2010; Teasdale, 1996). Figure 18.3 shows a
negative processing mode centering on negative affect and a sense of being trapped
and inflexible, and Figure 18.4 the positive processing mode induced by the anxiety
protocol or applied stretching more generally. This nodal network is constantly
activated during CA-CBT. Applied muscle stretching is practiced at the end of each
session, each night before sleep, and whenever the person is anxious. The anxiety
protocol is practiced in every session (see Table 18.2) and outside of the sessions
whenever the patient feels dysphoric. More generally, whenever a state of psychological
flexibility is experienced (e.g., when the patient distances from a negative affect during
the practice of equanimity) this type of network will tend to be activated but focused
on that psychological flexibility in question.
Reducing Stigma
Stigma can be reduced by informing the patient that the anxiety disorder in question
is treatable and that treatments such as medication will not lead to worsening. It
is also extremely helpful in reducing stigma to frame the treatment as reducing the
symptoms of most concern to the patient that are less stigmatizing. For example,
one can frame the treatment as reducing a somatic symptom such as dizziness or
improving vegetative functions such as sleep or appetite. These symptom conditions
are not stigmatizing. The patient then may describe their treatment to others in their
family or social network as targeting those nonstigmatizing symptoms.
Conclusion
In this chapter we have tried to illustrate how CBT can be adapted to treat refugees and
ethnic minorities with anxiety and depressive disorders. The manner of development of
culturally sensitive treatment illustrated in the chapter can be applied to other disorders
426 General Strategies
Activation of the biologically associated state of the CNS: decreased vagal tone and
decreased HRV (heart rate variability), associated with a decreased ability to
disengage from ongoing experiencing and to consider other mind-sets
Figure 18.3 The Nodal Network Model of Negative Affect: Focus on Inflexibility Aspects.
This is a nodal network model of negative affect, showing how multiple nodes interact to create
a negative affective state. At one point in time, one or another node may be the object of
attention or may be more active in determining the current mode of processing. As one node
becomes active, all the other nodes tend to be so as well; if one node shifts, all the others tend
to as well.
such as schizophrenia, and the same is true of many of the therapeutic principles
adduced in the chapter. A model of the cultural influences on the development of
anxiety and depressive disorders was presented (Figure 18.1), as was a model of
how culturally sensitive CBT can be conducted based on this cultural understanding
(Figure 18.2). We described key treatment components based on the model of how
anxiety and depression disorders are generated and on our treatment model. We
illustrated these treatment components using examples from our culturally adapted
CBT for PTSD.
Cultural Context 427
Activation of the biologically associated state of the CNS: Increased vagal tone and
increased HRV (heart rate variability) that increases the ability to distance from
mind-sets and consider other mind-sets
Associated self-statements: I am
Associated action predisposition: relaxed; I can adjust; I can handle
prosocial, active engagement things
Figure 18.4 The Nodal Network Model of Positive Affect: Focus on Flexibility Aspects. This
is a nodal network model of positive affect, showing how multiple nodes interact to create a
positive affective state. At one point in time, one or another node may be the object of attention
or may be more active in determining the current mode of processing. As one node becomes
active, all the other nodes tend to be so as well; if one node shifts, all the others tend to as well.
outcomes, but rather that the utilization of their cultural characteristics increases the
efficacy of treatment.
Future studies should examine through meditational analyses and dismantling
studies whether the model of the cultural influences on the generation of anxiety
and depressive disorders is accurate, and whether the interventions identified in the
model lead to improvement. Future studies should explore how the recommendations
advanced in this chapter are applicable to psychological disorders other than anxiety
and depression. Future studies need to explore the efficacy of culturally adapted
treatments to standard protocols (Foa & Rothbaum, 1998; Resick & Schnicke, 1996).
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19
Psychosis
Tania Lincoln
University of Hamburg, Germany
Aaron T. Beck
University of Pennsylvania, United States
Introduction
The difficulties faced by patients with psychotic disorders are diverse and complex.
On the one hand, there are the symptoms per se, such as persecutory delusions,
hearing threatening voices, feeling driven, or—if negative symptoms dominate—the
loss of drive and motivation. These tend to go along with distressing emotions,
such as anxiety, anger, or shame, and with concerns related to the meaning or the
consequences of symptoms. The symptoms are also accompanied by an array of
interpersonal problems, such as perceiving others to be untrustworthy, not empathic,
or even alienated and difficult to communicate with.
Moreover, the experience of an acute episode that might involve voluntary or
involuntary hospitalization can be traumatizing. Many patients report a continuous
worry about a possible relapse. The experience of psychosis can leave a person with the
impression that there is something fundamentally wrong with him or her, that he or she
as a person is “somehow defective” or “forever ill” and will never be able to live a nor-
mal life again. Such assumptions are generally accompanied by a sense of hopelessness.
Unfortunately, this hopelessness is often shared by mental health professionals.
Psychotic disorders, in contrast to affective disorders that show similar courses
overall, are more likely to be classified as chronic and are habitually diagnosed
as lifetime disorders. Furthermore, in contrast to other psychological disorders,
schizophrenia tends to be seen as almost exclusively biologically determined. This
view of psychosis provides the basis for a treatment reality that focuses strongly
on medical treatment. The efficacy of pharmacological treatment of schizophrenia
is empirically well supported with small to moderate effect sizes for positive and
negative symptoms in comparison to placebo (Leucht, Arbter, Engel, Kissling, &
Davis, 2009). However, antipsychotic medication has adverse side effects for many
and does not help everyone (e.g., the overall number of patients needed to be treated
for one patient to improve relevantly is about six; Leucht et al., 2009), while some
symptoms tend to be treatment resistant. Although most of the patients nevertheless
do not completely disapprove of medical treatment, many would appreciate additional
psychological therapy that takes into account the social and psychological aspects of
their symptomatology. Some case examples demonstrating different problems that
patients present with in therapy are provided in Box 19.1. All case examples in this
chapter stem from an outpatient intervention study (Lincoln et al., 2012) and have
been slightly modified to prevent the possibility of identifying the patient.
Most of the earlier clinical text books that describe cognitive behavioral interventions
for psychological disorders note that these interventions are contraindicated when
it comes to schizophrenia. For schizophrenia the recommendations, if any, have
been restricted to non-symptom-oriented interventions, such as family interventions
based on improving knowledge of the disorder, problem solving and communica-
tion (Pilling et al., 2002), cognitive remediation (Wykes, Huddy, Cellard, McGurk,
& Czobor, 2011), or combinations of cognitive remediation and skills training
(Roder, Mueller, Mueser, & Brenner, 2006), while there was a concern that targeting
symptoms directly was likely to make matters worse. At the root of this concern
was the assumption that psychotic symptoms such as delusions or hallucinations
are qualitatively different from normal experiences, are purely biologically deter-
mined, and are therefore not amenable to reason or normal mechanisms of learning.
Indeed, the concern that delusions might even deteriorate when discussed with the
patient remains widespread. Meanwhile, the idea that there is a qualitative differ-
ence between delusional and normal beliefs and between hallucinations and normal
perceptions has been strongly questioned by epidemiological studies that find high
rates of delusion-like beliefs and hallucinations in healthy populations (McGovern
& Turkington, 2001; van Os, Linscott, Myin-Germeys, Delespaul, & Krabbendam,
2009). For example, in a survey with a representative population sample in Germany
(Lincoln, Keller, & Rief, 2009) a quarter of the participants indicated that they
had the impression that others are trying consciously to harm them at least occa-
sionally. A similar proportion indicated that they at least occasionally believe that
they have to fulfill a special mission in life. About 7% said they were, at least
occasionally, convinced they were being persecuted, 10% knew from their own expe-
rience the phenomenon that thoughts could get so loud that others could hear
them, and 35% confessed to believing in telepathic communication. As in other
studies (Freeman, 2006), prevalence rates of the “symptoms” considered to be
typical for psychosis range from about 5% up to 30% in the general population,
depending on which phenomenon is regarded and how exactly the question is
phrased. Although only a small proportion of these delusion-like beliefs qualifies
as clinically relevant, such research demonstrates impressively that it is difficult to
Psychosis 439
draw a clear borderline even for the core psychotic symptoms such as delusions
and hallucinations. The assumption of a continuum between normal and psychotic
experiences indicates that normal reasoning could be involved in the formation
and maintenance of delusional beliefs and has therefore been one of the main
prerequisites for the systematic development of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT)
for schizophrenia.
440 Specific Disorders
CBT for psychotic symptoms has been adapted from cognitive therapy, originally
developed by A. T. Beck for depression and then broadened and adapted to numer-
ous other disorders in the course of the last 30 years (Beck, 2005). In CBT
for psychosis an important focus is on the development of a stable therapeutic
relationship as well as on the development of individual explanation models. Dis-
tressing symptoms are conceptualized as a part of a chain of preceding and resulting
thoughts and feelings. Core cognitions may be the delusional beliefs per se, thoughts
about the symptoms, or thoughts related to the self or other persons. Essentially,
the therapy consists of building a relationship, developing a shared understanding
of how symptoms might have arisen and are being maintained, using cognitive
interventions for working with psychotic symptoms as well as for changing dysfunc-
tional assumptions about the self and other persons, and interventions to prevent
relapse.
The following descriptions and illustrations of the intervention used for pos-
itive symptoms are based on manuals of the leading British researchers in this
area (Chadwick, Birchwood, & Trower, 1996; Fowler, Garety, & Kuipers, 1995;
Kingdon & Turkington, 2004; Morrison, Renton, Dunn, Williams, & Bentall,
2004), a German treatment manual (Lincoln, 2006), and clinical experience. Due
to space limitations the descriptions and case examples have been slightly simplified
and restricted to their central points.
Psychosis 441
Figure 19.1 Individual formulation for persecutory delusions. This model draws on the
cognitive model of persecutory delusions outlined by Freeman, Garety, Kuipers, Fowler, &
Bebbington (2002), but is modified to fit Frank’s case.
Psychosis 443
Basically, therapeutic strategies for hallucinations aim at reducing the feeling of not
being able to control hallucinations and challenge dysfunctional appraisals of the hal-
lucination. All of the described approaches act on the assumption that hallucinations
appear in a certain context, which is characterized by emotional, cognitive, physio-
logical, and behavioral factors within the patient or the environment. One group of
interventions targets the behavior that follows from the voice and aims at enhancing
the specific exertion of coping strategies (Tarrier et al., 1993). Patients are guided
to write baseline reports about the voices, their volume and duration, as well as their
reaction to the voices. In doing this, existing as well as new coping strategies, such as
social communication, relaxation, music, and withdrawal, are evaluated in regard to
the influence they have on frequency and duration of the hallucination as well as the
distress caused by it. The aim is to adopt the strategies that prove to be the most helpful.
Another approach, the so-called metacognitive approach (Chadwick & Birchwood,
1994), challenges the appraisals of hallucinations. Such appraisals can either be
catastrophizing (e.g., “Hearing voices means that I am crazy, need to go to hospital,
and will never live a normal life again”) or delusional (“Hearing voices means that
aliens must have implanted a chip, that the neighbors are talking to me through the
walls to frighten me”). Figure 19.2 illustrates how such catastrophizing or delusional
appraisals lead to further arousal and tension and thereby to the subsistence of voices.
In response to catastrophizing interpretations of voices, Chadwick et al. (1996)
suggest using normalizing techniques and enlightening patients about the fact that
healthy persons can hear voices occasionally without being classified as ill or crazy.
Some interesting web sites now provide numerous examples of how voice hearers
cope with their voices (e.g., www.intervoiceonline.org) and can be used to underline
the normalizing approach. In this context, it is also helpful to explain that generally
perceptions are a construction of the environment which does not necessarily match
the exact facts but is affected by expectation effects. For this, examples from the
genre of optical illusions can be useful since they illustrate that misperceptions are
Stress Stress
“My life has been ruined.” “The others are not telling
Arousal Arousal me the truth.”
social withdrawal “Better not tell anyone social withdrawal “Others are conspiring
about the voices.” against me.”
Figure 19.2 Cognitive formulations for the development and maintenance of voices by
catastrophizing (top) and delusional (bottom) interpretations. Used with permission from Dr.
Alison Brabban.
444 Specific Disorders
Working with delusional beliefs can be indicated once the delusion leads to severe
distress or is accompanied by potential harm to the self or others. It is essential to
prepare the work on delusions thoroughly. Most importantly, and as described in the
section entitled “Building a Stable Relationship,” an important premise is that the
therapist is able to understand how and why the delusions developed from their onset
onward and how they are linked to the patient’s background. Often, the beginnings
of a delusion development are easier to follow and validate than the final complex
conspiracy system that the patients present. A case example of how delusions can
begin to develop is presented in Box 19.4.
Another step in preparing to challenge delusional beliefs is to clarify the motivational
base for the modification of the delusions. At this point the therapist refrains
from discussing the evidence for or against the delusion but rather treats it as a
hypothesis that can be correct, noncorrect, or partly correct. The therapist and patient
446 Specific Disorders
Reality: Reality:
Acquaintance is a spy Acquaintance is trustworthy
Note. Adapted from T. M. Lincoln (2012), Ambulante KVT bei psychotischen Störungen. In
Stavemann (Hrsg.), KVT update. Neue Entwicklungen und Behandlungsansätze in der Kognitiven
Verhaltenstherapie, S179–200. Weinheim, Germany: Beltz Verlag.
448 Specific Disorders
THERAPIST: Can you think of further evidence for the belief that you were being
spied on by Scientologists in the bus?
(The therapist and Tom collect and note further evidence.)
THERAPIST: If you now look at the paper with the evidence do you think it is
complete or is there anything we should add?
TOM: No, I think that’s all.
THERAPIST: Well, maybe if you take it home with you, you might still come up
with some further evidence. Meanwhile, I’d like to collect some facts with you
that might speak against the beliefs that you were being spied on by
Scientologists on the bus. Can you think of any?
TOM: Well, sometimes my mum says that I am just imagining it all, and that it is
all just psychosis.
THERAPIST: What do you think your mother means when she says that? Do you
think she means that you are being hyper careful because you are already
convinced that something is going on and that therefore you might be seeing
things where there is really nothing?
TOM: Yes, that’s possible. Once, when I began to think that Scientologists were
on a bus I noticed more and more people who looked strange or suspect to me
and that made me really frightened.
THERAPIST: OK, so can we note: “I tend to be quick to interpret things as a
threat”?
TOM: Yes, note that. Although that doesn’t necessarily mean that there is no
threat.
THERAPIST: No, I agree with you. What about alternative explanations? Are there
any other reasons that people might look at you on a bus other than them being
Scientologists?
(The therapist and Tom continue to collect evidence against the belief and the
therapist then assesses the strength of the conviction in the belief which is now
at 65%.)
THERAPIST: Although you still think it’s likely that there were people on the bus
that were spying on you and that these people were Scientologists it seems that
you are slightly less convinced of this than at the beginning. Right?
TOM: Yes, I think that thinking about other reasons why people might have
looked at me was helpful. I certainly do not feel so sure any more that the
bus was full of Scientologists, though of course there might well have been
some.
Numerous studies now suggest that delusional symptoms are associated with a
negative appraisal of the self and other persons (Kesting & Lincoln, in press). Persons
with delusions ascribe more negative attributes to themselves and see themselves as
inferior, lower in the social hierarchy, less respected, and less accepted in comparison
to other people. Also, several studies have shown that the self-esteem of persons with
delusions is unstable, with decreases in self-esteem being preceded by increases in
delusional interpretations (Thewissen, Bentall, Lecomte, van Os, & Myin-Germeys,
2008; Thewissen et al., 2007). As a consequence of low self-esteem and high
levels of suspiciousness, patients with delusions tend to withdraw from people and
experience sparse positive social reinforcement. Thus, working on improving self-
esteem, self-acceptance, and acceptance of others is a vital aspect of therapy. Life
charts and downward arrow techniques are used to assess core assumptions and the
circumstances that have been feeding them. In the next step, these beliefs are linked
to the delusional beliefs or the content of distressing voices. The aim of therapy is
to get patients to question and abandon these beliefs. This is achieved by disputing
these assumptions by Socratic dialogue techniques, reality testing, and discussing the
implications of the beliefs. Because patients with psychosis often have difficulties in
describing their emotions, it can be helpful to work with specific life experiences and
imagery. In our work we found that schema therapy approaches (Young, Klosko,
& Weishaar, 2003) or techniques from compassion-focused therapy (Gilbert, 2010)
can be very useful. However, evaluation of such approaches for psychotic disorders is
needed. Finally, in order to achieve a stable growth in self-esteem and self-acceptance,
it is necessary to motivate patients to reengage in social interactions and support them
in finding meaningful work. A case example of working with self-esteem is presented
in Box 19.7.
Relapse Prevention
that when I am very stressed in my academic studies and several papers are due
simultaneously, I tend to hear my name or to easily get the impression that other
people are talking about me behind my back. Therefore, in such situations when
I get the impression that other people are whispering about me, I remember that
this is probably a stress symptom and it could be helpful to take things easier for a
while”).
At the same time, it is crucial to reduce catastrophic appraisals of relapse, which
are easily triggered by the awareness of early signals (e.g., “I am sleeping poorly, this
means I am going to relapse”) and are likely to increase anxiety, thereby rendering
relapse more, rather than less, likely. The manual Staying Well After Psychosis (Gumley
& Schwannauer, 2006) offers many valuable insights into the mechanisms of relapse
and its prevention. A case example of relapse prevention is provided in Box 19.8.
controlled trials and effect sizes were calculated for the comparison of CBT to
supportive therapy, revealing a high effect size of d = 0.91 in favor of CBT.
However, later meta-analyses that included larger numbers of studies and used
different methodology slightly dampened the initial optimism by finding small to
medium overall effect sizes (Jones, Cormac, Silveira da Mota Neto, & Campbell,
2004; Lincoln, Suttner, & Nestoriuc, 2008; Pilling et al., 2002; Wykes, Steel,
Everitt, & Tarrier, 2008; Zimmermann, Favrod, Trieu, & Pomini, 2005). The meta-
analysis by Wykes et al. (2008) also found that the methodological rigor of the
studies impacted on the results. In particular, studies that used blind raters to assess
symptoms were characterized by lower effect sizes. The meta-analysis conducted by
Lincoln et al. (2008) used a moderator analysis to investigate whether interventions
that relied more heavily on cognitive elements, such as working with a cognitive
model, cognitive restructuring of delusions and dysfunctional self-concepts, cognitive
symptom-monitoring, and metacognitive approaches, were more effective than those
using fewer cognitive elements. In this analysis, the mean weighted pre-post effect sizes
for the overall symptomatology was significantly correlated with a cognitive emphasis
in the interventions (r = .75, p ≤ .001, k = 18), indicating that interventions with a
stronger cognitive focus were more effective.
Furthermore, several studies have investigated how well the effects from the
randomized controlled trials hold up in clinical practice (Farhall, Freeman, Shawyer, &
Trauer, 2009; Peters et al., 2010). Lincoln et al. (2012) randomized 80 patients with
DSM-IV schizophrenia spectrum disorders who were seeking outpatient treatment
for psychosis in a primary care setting to a CBT plus treatment as usual or a wait-
list treatment as usual condition. This study found that the CBT group showed
significant improvement over the wait-list group for the total Positive and Negative
Syndrome Scale (PANSS) score at posttreatment/post waiting period. CBT was also
superior to the wait-list with regard to depression and functioning, but not with
regard to negative symptoms. Notably, the number of dropouts during the treatment
phases was low (11.3%), which further emphasizes the high treatment acceptability
of this approach by patients with psychosis. The positive effects of treatment on the
main outcomes could be maintained at 1-year follow-up, which demonstrates that
the efficacy of CBT for psychosis can be generalized to clinical practice despite the
differences in patients, therapists, and delivery.
Recent Developments
third treatment arm in which patients receive CBT without simultaneously receiving
medication. This treatment arm was not put into practice in the first generation of
trials for ethical and practical reasons. Therefore, the conclusions drawn with regard
to the efficacy of CBT are only correct if one assumes that CBT and TAU work
in an independent and additive manner. This is not necessarily the case. It is also
plausible to assume that medication is a necessary precondition for effective CBT to
occur (e.g., by its positive effect on disorganization, arousal, etc.). Alternatively, it is
conceivable that CBT would have a stronger effect as a stand-alone if one assumes
that patients who are not taking medication find it easier to be aware of and express
feelings, an essential part of any talking therapy. A recent and noteworthy pilot trial
(Morrison et al., 2011) used a pre-post design to investigate CBT for a group of
20 patients with psychotic disorders or attenuated psychotic symptoms who were
registered within the mental health system but had been refusing medication for
at least 6 months. Cognitive therapy took place for 26 sessions over a 9-month
period. The study found significant and large pre-post effect sizes for the total PANSS
score that were found to have increased at follow-up 6 months later. At follow-up
50% of the included patients showed a symptom reduction of 50% or more on the
PANSS. These results seem to indicate that the overall effect of CBT might have been
underestimated in trials that combine CBT and medication. However, several design
and methodological issues limit the generalizability of these results, and replications
are needed.
Furthermore, in regard to the interventions suggested for working with psychotic
symptoms, the established CBT manuals lag behind the transformation that has taken
part in recent years concerning our understanding of symptoms. Also, the complex
nature of the interventions and the global and broad outcome measures make it
difficult to identify the effective ingredients and to quantify the extent to which they
impact on individual symptoms or syndromes per se. These aims are more likely to be
achieved by tailoring interventions specifically to individual symptoms or syndromes
and the factors that are known to play a crucial role in their development and
maintenance.
With regard to persecutory delusions, reasoning biases (Fine, Gardner, Craigie, &
Gold, 2007), difficulties in emotion regulation (Lincoln, Lange, Burau, Exner, &
Moritz, 2010; Oliver, O’Connor, Jose, McLachlan, & Peters, 2011; Westermann,
Kesting, & Lincoln, 2012), and low and unstable self-esteem (Palmier-Claus, Dunn,
Drake, & Lewis, 2011; Thewissen et al., 2008) have been found to be strongly
associated with and possibly even causal to delusions. Also, both negative emotions
and reasoning biases tend to increase under stress (Keefe & Warman, 2011; Lincoln
et al., 2010; Moritz, Burnette, et al., 2011) and might mediate the impact of stressors
on paranoid beliefs (Lincoln et al., 2010). A recent line of intervention research has
thus begun to train patients to collect more information and is producing promising
effects on various dimensions of delusions (Moritz, Veckenstedt, Randjbar, von
Vitzthum, & Woodward, 2011; Waller, Freeman, Jolley, Dunn, & Garety, 2011).
Other studies have begun to focus on emotional factors relevant to delusions by
working with worry (Foster, Startup, Potts, & Freeman, 2010), emotion regulation
(Lincoln, Hohenhaus, & Hartmann, 2013), and distress associated with delusions
456 Specific Disorders
(Hepworth, Startup, & Freeman, 2011). However, these are pilot trials and more
work is required in this domain.
With regard to hallucinations, empirical findings support the cognitive model put
forward by Chadwick and Birchwood (1994), stating that the affect generated by
voices is not linked to the content or form but rather to the beliefs patients hold
about them. Specifically, beliefs about the power and meaning of voices were shown
to be closely related with coping and affect (Birchwood & Chadwick, 1997). Many
researchers have based specific interventions for hallucinations on this assumption
and have also followed suggestions by the recommendations (Chadwick et al.,
1994) to use a group format (Chadwick et al., 2000; Wykes et al., 2005). Cognitive
behavioral models are now being elaborated and broadened by including interpersonal
perspectives, such as social rank theory, to understand more fully the relationships that
voice hearers experience with their voices. For example, Trower et al. (2004) evaluated
the effects of a cognitive therapy grounded in the principles of social rank theory and
found it to be effective in reducing compliance with command hallucinations as well
as the degree of conviction of power and superiority of the voices. Larger-scale studies
using a similar approach are currently underway (Birchwood et al., 2011).
Another recent line of research is attempting to untangle the psychological processes
involved in negative symptoms, aiming to identify more specific targets for treatment.
Negative symptoms have been shown to be associated with a reduced sense of self-
efficacy (Bentall et al., 2010), low expectations of success (Beck, Rector, Stolar, &
Grant, 2009; Rector, Beck, & Stolar, 2005), low self-esteem (Lincoln, Mehl, Kesting,
& Rief, 2011), and social anxiety or insecurity (Bell, Tsang, Greig, & Bryson,
2009; Grant & Beck, 2010). Furthermore, several studies have demonstrated that
dysfunctional attitudes (e.g., “Finding new friends is not worth the energy I would
have to invest”; “Nothing will work out for me anyway”) mediate the association
between the neurocognitive deficits on the one hand and psychosocial functioning
on the other (Bell et al., 2009; Grant & Beck, 2009; Horan et al., 2010; McGlade
et al., 2008). Based on these findings, a study by Grant, Huh, Perivoliotis, Stolar,
and Beck (2012) used a cognitive approach to deal with negative symptoms in
a sample of low-functioning patients with psychotic disorders. Sixty patients were
randomized to CBT plus medication or to a medication alone condition. The authors
could demonstrate a significant improvement in functioning at the end of a 9-month
period. With regard to negative symptoms the authors found improvements in some
domains, such as apathy and avolition, whereas anhedonia, flat affect, and alogia did
not improve significantly. Overall, the results of this study are promising because they
demonstrate that CBT can achieve clinically meaningful changes for low-functioning
patients who do not respond well to medication.
The research on CBT for psychotic disorders has come a long way since an early case
study by Beck in the 1950s (Beck, 1952) and the first case studies by U.K. pioneers in
the early 1990s. We now have numerous treatment manuals offering detailed descrip-
tions of how to deal with psychotic symptoms and a wealth of evidence demonstrating
Psychosis 457
their effectiveness. Based on the results and the positive experiences of clinical practice
studies, we argue that more efforts should be undertaken to incorporate CBT for
psychosis into the regular training programs for clinical psychologists and for psychi-
atrists and to make it widely available to patients. Finally, it will be exciting to see
whether the attempts that are underway to refine cognitive interventions by tailoring
them more specifically to symptoms and syndromes will be successful in improving
the overall effectiveness of cognitive interventions in the future.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Stephanie Mehl, Esther Jung, and Martin Wiesjahn for
providing some of the case examples, Annika Clamor and Margaret Lincoln for their
help with translations and language editing, and Dr. Alison Brabban for providing
the cognitive formulations for voices.
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20
Chronic Pain
Stephen J. Morley
University of Leeds, United Kingdom
Johan W. S. Vlaeyen
University of Leuven, Belgium, and Maastricht University, The Netherlands
The literature on the psychology of pain is extensive but much of it can be subsumed
under three interlinked themes: interruption, interference, and identity (Morley,
2008; Morley & Eccleston, 2004). Interruption refers to the impact of pain on the
disruption of attention and its behavioral consequences on a moment-to-moment
basis (Eccleston & Crombez, 1999; Legrain et al., 2009). Continued disruption has
significant consequences for behavioral and cognitive performance (Dick & Rashiq,
2007; Grisart, Van der Linden, & Masquelier, 2002), resulting in interference in daily
life activities, so that a person either fails to complete tasks effectively or performs
them in a degraded manner that is unacceptable to them or members of their social
group. Repeated interference in key tasks impacts upon individuals’ sense of who
they are and, perhaps more importantly, who they might become by distorting their
vision of their future and reshaping their view of the past (Charmaz, 1999; Risdon,
Eccleston, Crombez, & McCracken, 2003). The importance of each theme varies
across people and the duration of pain. Brief laboratory pain has interruptive effects
but is unlikely to produce interference or impact on identity. Acute clinical pain
has both interruptive and temporary interference effects but is unlikely to affect a
person’s identity. Chronic pain frequently has a profound effect on all three categories.
Repeated interference with tasks that are essential to achieving various life goals and
maintaining a person’s status in society impact on the person’s sense of self and
future plans (Morley, Davies, & Barton, 2005; Sutherland & Morley, 2008). This
brief analysis illustrates the breadth of disruption that pain may have on normal
psychological processes. The range of treatment procedures developed within the
cognitive behavioral framework represents considered attempts to relieve elements of
suffering at each level of interruption, interference, and identity.
Until the early 1960s, chronic pain problems were approached as a symptom of
an underlying biomedical pathology. Pain was implicitly assumed to be related in a
1:1 ratio to the severity of the underlying pathology. According to this perspective,
the treatment of pain basically consisted of two operations: (a) localization of the
underlying pathology, and (b) removal of the pathology with appropriate remedy. In
the absence of bodily damage, the mind was assumed to be at fault, and a psychological
pathology was inferred. The limitations of the biomedical model became apparent
during the late 1950s, and Melzack and Wall’s gate-control theory (Melzack &
Wall, 1965) provided a Kuhnian paradigm shift that figuratively opened the gate for
research on the role of psychological variables moderating and mediating pain. Cortical
processes were acknowledged to be intimately involved in the integration of both
sensory-discriminative and affective-motivational aspects of pain. One revolutionary
finding was that pain is not just the result of nociceptive information ascending from
the periphery, but is also profoundly moderated by descending pathways. It was not
long until psychological approaches that are now part of contemporary cognitive
behavioral therapy (CBT) emerged. CBT is the dominant force in contemporary
psychological treatments for chronic pain. To understand some of the key elements,
it is useful to see how the main strands have developed and where they have been
incorporated into the field of pain.
Table 20.1 uses a timeline to schematize major strands in contemporary CBT
for chronic pain beginning with the application of behavior analysis by Fordyce in
the 1960s (Fordyce, 1976) and ending with the introduction of acceptance and
commitment therapy (ACT) in the late 1990s and from 2000 onward (McCracken,
2005). Table 20.1 also indicates the origins of each of the strands. Fordyce’s
applications of operant principles and ACT both have their roots in the analysis of
respondent behavior originating with Skinner’s work in the 1930s. The next part of
this chapter briefly reviews each major approach. The details of how to implement the
approaches in clinical practice cannot be given here but we have noted publications
that provide such information. We then briefly review the current status of the evidence
for CBT, and as a result of this we suggest that making therapeutic advances in this
field requires better specification of the problem. We illustrate this with reference to
the application of the general fear-avoidance model to a particular problem that arises
in a proportion of people with chronic pain.
Operant Treatment
About 10 years after the publication of the gate-control theory, Wilbert Fordyce pro-
duced his influential book Behavioral Methods for Chronic Pain and Illness (Fordyce,
1976). His work stemmed from the obvious shortcomings of the attempts of tradi-
tional health care to resolve chronic pain problems. Fordyce was the first to apply
the principles of operant conditioning to problems of chronic pain. Central was his
Table 20.1 Timeline Outlining the Development of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy as Applied to the Treatment of Chronic Pain
Clinical Cognitive
observations therapy
Buddhism Mindfulness-
(1000 based stress
BCE) reduction
Mower-Miller 2- Fear
process theory avoidance
Operant behavior Behavior Acceptance and
analysis analysis of commitment
language therapy
Note. From Morley (2011), p. S100. With permission of the International Association for the Study of Pain® (IASP).
466 Specific Disorders
idea that pain behavior—that is, the observable signs of pain and suffering—should
be the focus of treatment. At least two assumptions underlie this approach. First, the
factors that maintain the pain problem can be different from those that have initiated
it. Pain behaviors may be subject to a graded shift from structural/mechanical to
functional/environmental control. Second, biomedical findings do not eliminate the
possibility that psychological or social factors contribute to the level of disability
associated with pain. Fordyce also authored what is probably the first empirical CBT
study in patients with chronic pain.
Behavior analysis established that much behavior is a function of two significant
classes of external factors. The first class, reinforcement, refers to consequences that
determine the future probability of a specific behavior. The second class, antecedents,
refers to the context in which behavior occurs and includes the presence of discrim-
inative stimuli, which signal the availability of reinforcement. Fordyce’s insight was
to recognize that although pain is essentially a private experience there are publicly
observable expressions of pain (pain behavior) that are subject to the influences of
reinforcement and the context. As a consequence, pain behavior may be modified
in unhelpful ways. Similarly, it could be changed using the same principles of rein-
forcement modifying the context. The aim of behavioral treatment, in contrast to
interventions stemming from the biomedical model, is not to diminish the pain
experience, but rather to increase functioning despite the pain. To achieve this goal,
behavioral therapists attempt to decrease the frequency of pain behaviors and increase
the frequency of healthy behaviors by a contingency management procedure.
In a typical operant treatment, baseline levels of activities and pain behaviors are reg-
istered using a pain–rest contingency principle (Sanders, 2002). Patients are asked to
engage in activities until pain or other physical discomfort prevents them from contin-
uing. Subsequently, a treatment contract is made with the patient including concrete
goals and incremental performance quota. Treatment starts when the patient agrees
to follow the quota according to the activity–rest contingency principle. Patients are
positively reinforced for increased activity tolerance levels and develop a daily activity
schedule to be used at home. This procedure is also known as graded activity when
operant procedures are used to increase activity levels. Usually, the operant treatment
includes the involvement of the family, or at least the spouse, who are taught to
differentiate between pain and healthy behaviors, to identify their own responses to
these behaviors, and to socially reinforce healthy behaviors rather than pain behaviors.
Medication use is managed in a time-contingent fashion (White & Sanders, 1985).
In severely disabled patients who lack sufficient healthy behaviors to reinforce, the
generation of new healthy behaviors can be facilitated by the use of shaping, otherwise
called reinforcement of successive approximations. These are behaviors that progres-
sively approach a final target behavior. While reinforcement is initially contingent
on simple behaviors, it is gradually shifted toward more complex behavior patterns,
leading to the exhibition of the target behavior. Vlaeyen et al. (1989) successfully
used such a shaping procedure in a chronic pain patient with standing and sitting
intolerance. Specifically, they divided the higher goals of standing and sitting into
a hierarchy of smaller steps, and provided reinforcement each time one of them was
achieved. The patient progressively moved along this hierarchy of sub-goals, reaching
Chronic Pain 467
a significant increase in standing and sitting tolerance that was still visible at a 6-month
follow-up assessment, despite the fact that no changes in pain intensity were reported.
Activity Pacing
Another therapeutic approach that has its roots in the operant tradition is what is
currently called activity pacing (AP). AP is breaking down an activity into smaller parts
and alternating it with breaks. According to several authors, AP involves changing
the contingency of the breaks from pain or fatigue to a specific time point or
the completion of a part of the activity. However, a clear consensus regarding the
definition of AP is lacking. From the operant perspective, the rationale for AP is that
the continued performance of an activity to tolerance level exacerbates pain intensity,
leaving the patient in need of prolonged rest before being active again. The increase
in pain then functions as a punisher of activity, whereas rest is being negatively
reinforced by pain reduction. After a while, the patient might again be active until
pain becomes intolerable to make up for the lost time. Patients are then trapped in an
overactivity/underactivity cycle. To help patients to take breaks in response to cues
other than pain, the baseline level for the target activity is first established in a way
similar to that described earlier. Patients can use a timer as a reminder to interrupt or
resume an activity, and a daily activity diary, which captures the time spent on target
activities and rest, to obtain feedback regarding their progress in relation to the goals
initially set. Unfortunately, AP has not yet been systematically investigated (Gatzounis,
Schrooten, Crombez, & Vlaeyen, 2012; Nielson, Jensen, Karsdorp, & Vlaeyen, 2013).
By the beginning of the 1970s, biofeedback and relaxation were introduced into
treatment protocols. Biofeedback also had its roots in the analysis of learning. The
experimental studies were concerned with a particular distinction between classical
(Pavlovian) conditioning and respondent (operant) conditioning which hypothesized
that autonomic responses could not be operantly conditioned. Paradoxically, the
first applications of biofeedback to pain disorder appear to have been for chronic
headache which targeted striated muscle (Holroyd et al., 1984). Both biofeedback
and relaxation were incorporated into treatments for pain aimed at modifying the
hypothesized pain–tension–pain cycle (Arena & Blanchard, 2002) and biofeedback
directed at direct modification of musculoskeletal pathology is also occasionally used
(Flor & Birbaumer, 1993).
The recognition that complaints might be construed as a stress response was also
developed in the 1970s. Elements of this analysis were drawn from the work of Lazarus
and colleagues (Folkman & Lazarus, 1980) in the preceding decade that sought to
468 Specific Disorders
elucidate factors that were responsible for the variation in responses to aversive
stimulation (stressors). This work established two crucial ideas in the pain field,
appraisal and coping, that are still current (e.g., catastrophizing and self-efficacy). Also
by the mid-1970s work on self-control, which also had its roots in behavior analysis
(Mahoney & Thoresen, 1974), was incorporated into the treatment armamentarium
and a definitive text, Pain and Behavioral Medicine: A Cognitive-Behavioral Perspective
(Turk, Meichenbaum, & Genest, 1983), was published in 1983. A recent update can
be found in Chronic Pain: An Integrated Biobehavioral Approach (Flor & Turk, 2011).
Perhaps the most extensive and consistent series of clinical trials of psychological
approaches to the treatment of pain is that by Keefe and colleagues (Keefe, Beaupré,
Gil, Rumble, & Aspnes, 2002). Keefe developed a coping skills training treatment
(CST) that has been trialed in patients with pain arising from a number of sources.
It is the exemplar of the general cognitive behavioral approach adopted by many pain
management programs. Treatment incorporates a significant education and induction
phase that uses the gate metaphor from Melzack and Wall’s theory to engage
patients with the concept of pain and the importance of psychological influences on
pain. Progressive relaxation training is taught and the skills learned are transferred
so that patients learn a brief relaxation technique that can be applied quickly in
situations where pain is problematic. The essential part of this is the application of
differential relaxation; the ability to remove unnecessary tension while still maintaining
appropriate muscle tension necessary to engage in activity. While relaxation skills are
being mastered patients are introduced to the principles of rest–activity cycling (AP)
using the principles developed by Fordyce with the aim of shifting the control of
activity from a pain contingency to a time contingency. Throughout the program
particular attention is given to the implementation of skills at home and outside
the clinical setting. For example, applying rest–activity cycling will require the
patient to explain and negotiate the change in his or her behavioral pattern with
family and friends. To facilitate this change the protocol suggests that patients role
play and rehearse their expected interactions. The next element in the protocol
is the development of attention-diversion strategies, especially the use of pleasant
imagery and the development of “focal point distraction” to be used at times when
pain becomes particularly intense, perhaps during exercise (Morley, 2010; Morley,
Shapiro, & Biggs, 2004). Attention management strategies are taught after basic
relaxation skills have been acquired. Coping skills training may appear to be rather
light with regard to specific cognitive interventions but the group format in which it
is usually delivered gives considerable scope for patients to voice their fears, emotional
distress, and expectations. These issues are not avoided and Keefe et al. provide an
overview of the general strategy they adopt (Keefe, Crisson, Urban, & Williams,
1990). Finally, coping skills training has also been developed to involve the patient’s
spouse in assisting with the implementation of the protocol (Keefe et al., 2004).
Cognitive Treatment
At the turn of the 1970s, Beck published a text on the treatment of depression by
cognitive therapy (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Greenberg, 1979). The significance of this
Chronic Pain 469
was that a substantive claim was made that a disorder that had previously been difficult
to treat using psychological methods was treatable. Beck (1970) and Ellis (1980)
had developed separate versions of what became known as cognitive therapy in the
previous two decades. Cognitive therapy emphasized the critical meditational role
played by idiosyncratic interpretations of events in determining a person’s emotional
and behavioral responses to events. The model included a structural analysis of
dysfunctional thinking and hypothesized the development of underlying schema and
modes of information processing also referred to as cognitive errors. Typical errors are
catastrophizing, overgeneralization, all-or-nothing thinking, jumping to conclusions,
selective attention, and mindreading. Perhaps because of the marked overlap between
pain and depression (Lefebvre, 1981; Smith, Follick, Ahern, & Adams, 1986),
elements of Beck’s therapy were incorporated into pain treatments and the model
was adapted to the treatment of chronic pain (Thorn, 2004). Researchers also
developed measures of a range of beliefs and attitudes in pain populations (Turk &
Melzack, 2001), many of which attempt to identify cognitive representations that
are specific to pain. Notwithstanding that there have been few trials of what one
might regard as pure cognitive therapy in which specific “core beliefs” have been
targeted (Turner & Jensen, 1993). Nevertheless, the central elements and practice of
cognitive therapy have been incorporated into many general therapy protocols. Thorn
(2004) provides specific guidance on applying cognitive therapy principles to chronic
pain.
Mindfulness
(Morone, Greco, & Weiner, 2008; Schmidt et al., 2011). However, evidence is
emerging that mindfulness processes may play a significant role in mediating responses
to pain (Cassidy, Atherton, Robertson, Walsh, & Gillett, 2012; Schutze, Rees, Preece,
& Schutze, 2010).
ACT is also grounded in the experimental analysis of behavior, in particular the radical
behavioral analysis of the function of language and rule-governed behavior (Hayes,
Barnes-Holmes, & Roche, 2001). The complexity of ACT is harder to grasp than
Fordyce’s earlier implementation but the aims are essentially the same: to change
the control over behavior that pain exerts by altering the context. ACT targets
ineffective control strategies and experiential avoidance (Dahl, Wilson, Luciano, &
Hayes, 2005; McCracken, 2005). People learn to stay in contact with unpleasant
emotions, sensations, and thoughts rather than avoiding them. Negative thoughts
associated with pain are used as targets for exposure, rather than attempts being made
to change their content. ACT further focuses on value clarification, and the client’s
ability to commit to his or her personal values in daily life, and to engage in activities
that match these life goals. The results of a recent systematic review suggest that
ACT is not superior to more traditional CBT for chronic pain, but that it provides a
good alternative for a number of patients (Veehof, Oskam, Schreurs, & Bohlmeijer,
2011).
Exposure In Vivo
The final strand of current CBT is the application of the generalized fear-avoidance
model to chronic pain. The modern experimental and clinical analysis of fear and
avoidance has a long history dating back to the work of Masserman, Miller, and
Mowrer in the 1940s. This work shaped the development of behavioral treatments of
phobias. Fordyce noted the importance of fear learning and avoidance, but the analysis
and application to chronic pain is more recent (Vlaeyen & Linton, 2000). In contrast
to other approaches the fear-avoidance model is relatively specific and in its primary
instantiation it applies to a subgroup of patients who express fears that engaging in
specified movements will result in catastrophic consequences. Treatment proceeds by
having patients test the validity of their appraisals by engaging in the very behavior
of which they are frightened. In many regards the fear-avoidance model captures the
essence of CBT: collaborative engagement with the client; careful development of a
formulation of an individual’s problem; clarification of the problem and treatment
(education); development of a treatment strategy, based on known psychological
principles, that is devised to test an individual’s assumptions and alternative ways
of responding via individualized behavioral experiments; and reflective observations
on progress in treatment and careful monitoring. Results of exposure treatments are
summarized by Vlaeyen, Morley, Linton, Boersma, and de Jong (2012), and are
discussed later in this chapter.
Chronic Pain 471
The efficacy of CBT procedures has consistently been subjected to empirical testing
(Eccleston, Williams, & Morley, 2009; Hoffman, Papas, Chatkoff, & Kerns, 2007;
Williams, Eccleston, & Morley, 2012). There is evidence for the absolute efficacy of
CBT procedures (i.e., CBT is superior to no treatment) and some suggestion of their
relative efficacy (i.e., CBT may be marginally superior on some measures compared
with other treatments). This overall conclusion should be placed in the context of
the nature of the trials. Arguably we can have most confidence in the results of a
meta-analysis when all the key parameters (samples, diagnoses, interventions, control
arms, outcome measures, etc.) are homogeneous. This is not the case with respect to
CBT for chronic pain, as there is marked heterogeneity across all parameters which
then have to be aggregated (Higgins & Green, 2008). While this is not ideal it does
reflect the reality of this complex field and it is reasonable to conclude that there
is evidence for a class effect of CBT procedures for a range of conditions where
chronic pain is the significant feature. Most outcome measures in these studies are
continuous rather than categorical or binary, and the computed effect size is the
standardized mean difference between the treatment and control arms (Cohen’s d or
Hedge’s g) (Rosenthal, 1994); estimates of absolute efficacy range from d = 0.2 to
0.5 (Eccleston et al., 2009; Hoffman et al., 2007; Morley, Eccleston, & Williams,
1999; Williams et al., 2012). In summary, “average CBT has on average an effect for
the average patient, on general outcomes” (Morley, Williams, & Eccleston, in press).
The complexity of chronic pain is mirrored by the complexity of treatment. Many
of the trials entered into meta-analyses are pragmatic mixes of treatment content
and this makes it difficult to discern which, if any, of the components of treatment
contribute to specific changes. There are relatively few studies of change process
studies (Morley & Keefe, 2007) given the volume of trials, but several recent ones
(Litt, Shafer, Ibanez, Kreutzer, & Tawfik-Yonkers, 2010; Smeets, Vlaeyen, Kester, &
Knottnerus, 2006; Spinhoven et al., 2004; Turner, Holtzman, & Mancl, 2007) and
cohort studies (Burns, Kubilus, Bruehl, Harden, & Lofland, 2003) have begun to
explore this issue. The advent of daily diary methodology, including electronic diaries
and automated telephone contact (Naylor, Keefe, Brigidi, Naud, & Helzer, 2008),
and the development of suitable statistical analysis (multilevel modeling) provide a
suite of tools that may help advance our understanding of change. Possible indicators
of good outcomes include changes in catastrophizing, self-efficacy, and control beliefs,
all of which can be measured with relative ease.
We suggest that treatment for chronic pain by psychological methods is at a critical
juncture. Although treatment is effective the average impact is not large, but that
is not to deny that some patients may respond extremely well, and the delivery of
multicomponent therapies in randomized controlled trials means that it is not possible
to determine the functional relationships between intervention, process, and outcome.
On the other hand, clinicians and researchers might adopt the “old” technology of
single case experimentation to test the efficacy of specific treatment components
(Barlow, Nock, & Hersen, 2009; McMillan & Morley, 2010). Fordyce’s early studies
472 Specific Disorders
were dependent on this methodology, and more recently Vlaeyen and his colleagues
(de Jong et al., 2008; Vlaeyen, de Jong, Geilen, Heuts, & van Breukelen, 2001) have
used replicated single cases to establish the therapeutic potential of the fear-avoidance
model. The cardinal feature of behaviorally informed single case methodology is
that the target outcome measure may also be the process measure (Sidman, 1960).
These methods are readily implementable and in the rest of the chapter we outline
the development of a specific version of CBT with a strong theoretical foundation
(exposure in vivo for pain-related fear) that we have developed and tested with both
single case experiments and randomized controlled trials (Vlaeyen et al., 2012).
painful shock, the CS+ movement elicited increased fear of movement-related pain,
larger eyeblink startle amplitudes, and slower movement latency responses than the
CS–, validating the acquisition of fear of movement-related pain in healthy individuals
(Meulders et al., 2011). An intriguing but as yet untested idea is that interactions
among these pathways may facilitate learning. For example, previous observational
learning may enhance subsequent experiential learning of pain-related fear during the
actual encounter of a similar CS–pain pairing.
to engage in valued activities that have been avoided for a long time. Ideally, both the
psychologist and a medical specialist provide an educational session. This combination
of professionals generally increases the credibility of the new information provided to
the patient. In cases where the pain-related fear appears to be related to the patient’s
previous experiences of diagnostic tests (X-ray, magnetic resonance imaging), it may
be useful to review these tests together with a medical specialist. The purpose of
this consultation is to explain to patients that they have probably overestimated the
value of these tests, and that in symptom-free people similar abnormalities can also
be found. In this context, informing patients about the findings of studies which
reveal that individuals with and without back pain have similar magnetic resonance
imaging scans, suggests that the relevance of these imaging techniques in people with
chronic pain is rather limited (M. C. Jensen et al., 1994). Additionally, the therapist
can advise the patient to read one of the existing patient-centered books or leaflets
(Burton, Waddell, Tillotson, & Summerton, 1999). Generally, education is a useful
treatment component, but not always a sufficient one in order to inhibit avoidance
and more subtle safety behaviors.
One of the key elements of the educational session for patients with pain-related
fear is to provide an alternative explanation for the symptoms, which is credible and
integrates the idiosyncrasies of the patient’s pain problem. The general point of the
explanation is that the patient’s safety behaviors are a normal defensive response to
pain, which may have been adaptive in acute pain but have lost their efficacy as
pain has persisted. Over time the defensive avoidance behavior will interfere with
the performance of valued activities of daily life, which in turn may increase distress
and aggravate the pain. The educational session is not meant to convince patients of
the alternative explanation, but to help them prepare for treatment, and to increase
their willingness to engage in the exposure sessions (see Box 20.1 and Box 20.2). In
our experience, the education works best when a medical specialist, who can explain
that medical findings are absent or at least not indicative of serious pathology that
requires prolonged caution (such as medication, rest, or supportive devices), is part of
the treatment team. Sometimes, patients who have already consulted many specialists
are quite skeptical about the possible outcome of any new treatment proposed. The
graphical presentation of the fear-avoidance model is a usual way to help patients
understand that their own defensive behavior paradoxically may worsen the problem.
In an interactive way the therapist tries to map out beliefs, feelings, and behavior, and
their consequences. If patients accept that there may be alternatives to a biomedical
explanation of their pain problem, the educational session usually is a springboard to
the first exposure session.
goal explicit, and both patient and therapist should agree on one or more realistic and
specific goals that are formulated in positive terms. If reduction of pain is the only
or the most important goal, then exposure treatment may not be the right choice.
Typical examples of suitable treatment goals are: lifting a child, lifting a shopping bag,
using a bicycle, walking to the supermarket alone, and resuming swimming. More
general life goals, such as returning to work, taking up household chores, or going
on holiday, are best broken down into sub-goals or smaller activities that can each
be a subject for an exposure in vivo session. Goals are best formulated according to
popular SMART guidelines; the acronym refers to goals being specific, measurable,
attainable, relevant, and time-bound. The key question always remains: Why does
Chronic Pain 477
the patient consider such a life goal not achievable at the moment? There might be
specific movements involved which the patient is convinced are harmful, or there may
be other obstacles that may lead to additional behavioral experiments. Second, setting
goals also helps to structure the treatment and to design the hierarchy of stimuli
that will be introduced during the actual exposure in vivo sessions. For example, if a
patient wishes to resume his or her sports activities, than the therapist will make sure
that aspects of these will be included in the graded exposure activities. Third, setting
functional goals also redirects the focus of attention from pain and physical symptoms
toward daily life activities with the emphasis on the possibility of change away from
the disability status. Finally, as the patient is invited to formulate his or her own goals,
goal setting inadvertently reinforces the notion that active participation is an essential
part of the treatment.
Extremely harmful
100
90
80
70
60
50
30
20
28 29 30 31 32 33 3
10
0 FINISH
Not harmful at all
Figure 20.1 A screen shot of the computerized version of the Photograph Series of Daily
Activities (PHODA-SeV). From Vlaeyen, Morley, Linton, Boersma, & De Jong (2012), with
permission of the International Association for the Study of Pain® (IASP).
those outside of treatment. Patients are also encouraged to engage in these fearful
activities as much as possible until disconfirmation has occurred and anxiety levels
have decreased. This can be monitored by asking the patient to report his subjective
units of distress on a scale from 0 to 10 and repeat the exposure task until the level of
distress has substantially decreased.
Exposure in vivo often takes the form of a behavioral experiment. It is sometimes
mistakenly assumed that cognitive errors can be corrected simply through conscious
reasoning. In fact, behavioral experiments are an essential part of therapy. The essence
of a behavioral experiment is that the patient performs an activity to challenge
the validity of his or her catastrophic assumptions and misinterpretations. These
assumptions take the form of “if P then Q” statements, and are empirically tested
during a behavioral experiment (see Box 20.3). Three steps can be distinguished.
First, the patient formulates a hypothesis with the guidance of the therapist. For
example, “If I jump down off a stair, then I will inevitably experience nerve damage
in the spine and excruciating pain.” Second, a one session experiment is designed.
For example, if the patient is convinced that jumping down is harmful, the therapist
can further inquire about the minimal height that the patient considers necessary to
Chronic Pain 479
cause nerve injury. Finally, the experiment is carried out and evaluated. After having
modeled the activity, the therapist invites the patient to jump off the stair and
the experienced consequences are evaluated. In practice, behavioral experiments are
difficult to separate from mere exposure, and they can best be used simultaneously.
So in addition to monitoring changes in distress, as in exposure, the evaluation of
each behavioral experiment determines changes in the beliefs that the patient holds
about particular activities. For example, these can be monitored by asking patients
to predict the occurrence of harm prior to the experiment, and repeating the same
question after exposure to that activity: “How would you rate the probability (0–100)
480 Specific Disorders
that you will be unable to move after doing this activity?” When the rating has decreased
substantially the therapist may consider moving on to the next item of the hierarchy.
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21
Hypochondriasis
Gordon J. G. Asmundson, Daniel L. Peluso,
and Michel A. Thibodeau
University of Regina, Canada
Steven Taylor
University of British Columbia, Canada
Introduction
Anxiety about health is a ubiquitous experience that occurs when perceived bodily
sensations or changes are interpreted as symptoms of a serious disease. As several
theorists (e.g., Salkovskis & Warwick, 1986; Taylor & Asmundson, 2004) have
suggested, health anxiety comprises core cognitive and behavioral features and,
collectively, these appear to range in magnitude along a continuum from mild to
severe. The core cognitive feature is disease conviction; that is, bodily sensations and
changes are perceived as being indicative of disease processes as opposed to benign
bodily perturbations, symptoms of minor ailments, or autonomic nervous system
arousal. A range of dysfunctional beliefs (e.g., the doctor has missed something
critical, the lab test must be wrong) may accompany disease conviction. These
cognitive factors, together with disease-related preoccupation and worry, motivate
several characteristic maladaptive coping behaviors, including reassurance seeking and
recurrent checking behaviors. These maladaptive coping behaviors, while providing
transient relief from health-related distress (Haenen, de Jong, Schmidt, Stevens, &
Visser, 2000), perpetuate dysfunctional beliefs, maladaptive coping behaviors, and
associated distress and functional limitations (Warwick & Salkovskis, 1990).
Whether health anxiety is a construct that varies between people in degree along
a continuum, as opposed to existing as nonpathological versus pathological classes
or taxa, might influence the nature of research and treatment. Three recent studies
using relatively large samples have empirically tested the conceptualization of health
anxiety as continuous. Both Ferguson (2009) and Longley et al. (2010) utilized
taxometric analyses to demonstrate that the health anxiety construct, measured using
data from a variety of measures, was best explained by a continuous as opposed to
taxonic (i.e., comprising qualitatively distinct normal and maladaptive forms) model.
A more recent study (Asmundson, Taylor, Carleton, Weeks, & Hadjstavropoulos,
2012) utilized factor mixture modeling to demonstrate that health anxiety might
best be conceptualized as taxonic; specifically, findings indicated a taxon comprising
a larger health “anxious” class and a smaller “nonanxious” class with few, if any,
concerns regarding health. While additional research regarding this putative nonanx-
ious health anxiety class is warranted, the findings appear to converge regarding the
conceptualization of health anxiety along a continuum ranging from moderate to
severe anxiety. It is the latter expression of health anxiety that is particularly germane
to hypochondriasis and related conditions.
Classification
Expressions of severe health anxiety are not circumscribed to any single mental dis-
order. Rather, severe health anxiety is an intrinsic feature of three mental disorders
outlined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed., text
rev.; DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2000)—hypochondriasis,
specific phobia (other type; i.e., disease phobia), and delusional disorder (somatic
type). Disease phobia and delusional disorder (somatic type), respectively character-
ized by the fear of acquiring or catching a disease (e.g., HIV, cancer) and implausible
health-related fears (e.g., that the body is emitting a foul odor despite reassurance to
the contrary), are discussed in greater detail elsewhere (Taylor & Asmundson, 2004).
Hypochondriasis is classified as a somatoform disorder in the DSM-IV-TR. Somato-
form disorders are defined by medically unexplained physical symptoms that are not
Hypochondriasis 491
due to another mental disorder or due to the effects of substance use. In order to
meet DSM-IV-TR criteria for hypochondriasis, an individual must be significantly
concerned about having a serious medical condition based on the misinterpretation
of benign bodily sensations (criterion A). Concern ranges from highly specific (e.g.,
“This cough is so bad. I must have chronic obstructive pulmonary disease”) to vague
and diffuse (e.g., “I’m so clumsy lately. Why? Could it be multiple sclerosis? A brain
tumor? What about Parkinson’s disease?”). The concern must endure despite assur-
ance from medical professionals that there is no medical threat (criterion B) and must
not be of intensity reflecting a delusional disorder nor restricted to concerns about
physical appearance (such as in body dysmorphic disorder; criterion C). Health-related
preoccupation must cause significant distress and impairment (criterion D) and last
at least 6 months (criterion E). Hypochondriasis with poor insight may be assigned
in cases where an individual does not recognize that his or her preoccupations are
excessive.
Hypochondriasis overlaps in many ways with several anxiety disorders, which raises
the question of whether it should be classified as an anxiety disorder (Collimore,
Asmundson, Taylor, & Abramowitz, 2009; Olatunji, Deacon, & Abramowitz,
2009). Hypochondriasis and panic disorder are similar with respect to somatic
focus, somatization, and beliefs that arousal-related somatic sensations are indicative
of a serious medical condition (e.g., heart attack, stroke; Deacon & Abramowitz,
2008; Hiller, Leibbrand, Rief, & Fichter, 2005). Hypochondriasis and obsessive-
compulsive disorder are similar in repetitive checking behaviors and reassurance
seeking. Hypochondriasis differs from these disorders in that it is characterized by
more severe health anxiety and stronger health-related dysfunctional beliefs (Deacon
& Abramowitz, 2008).
The classification of hypochondriasis is likely to change considerably with the pub-
lication of the DSM-5 (http://dsm5.org). Hypochondriasis, somatization disorder,
and pain disorder will no longer be independent diagnoses and will likely be sub-
sumed within a new diagnosis called somatic symptom disorder. This new diagnosis
is characterized by at least 6 months of (a) one or more distressing somatic symp-
toms, (b) health-related dysfunctional beliefs (e.g., excessive worry), (c) excessive
health anxiety, and (d) maladaptive behaviors (e.g., unnecessary reassurance seeking).
The symptoms are not necessarily medically unexplained, but must be associated
with disproportionate concern. An optional specifier of predominant pain (previously
pain disorder) will also likely become applicable to a diagnosis of somatic symptom
disorder.
A new diagnosis—illness anxiety disorder—is also expected in the DSM-5. This
diagnosis, also called hypochondriasis without somatic symptoms, applies to individuals
who experience severe health anxiety without any salient bodily features or sensations.
Two subtypes have been proposed, including a care-seeking subtype (associated with
elevated health care usage) and a care-avoidant subtype (medical care is avoided as
diagnostic procedures elevate one’s anxiety). An individual who experiences significant
fear and anxiety regarding contracting an illness would meet criteria for illness
anxiety disorder. Consequently, the diagnosis of specific phobia (other type) will
likely no longer be relevant as a diagnosis for severe health anxiety under DSM-5
classification.
492 Specific Disorders
Epidemiology
Severe health anxiety is typically chronic and usually develops in early adulthood,
although it can develop at any age (APA, 2000). Onset typically occurs during
or after illness, after the loss of a family member, or after exposure to illness-
related information (e.g., via the media or anecdotally from a friend; Barsky &
Klerman, 1983). Whether health anxiety increases with age is not well under-
stood. Prognosis of severe health anxiety is difficult to predict because of the
heterogeneity of presentation and substantial comorbidity with other disorders
(e.g., anxiety disorders, somatization disorders; Barsky, Wyshak, & Klerman, 1992;
Noyes et al., 1994). Certain prognostic indicators have been associated with a
good outcome, such as short duration of health anxiety, mild symptoms, fewer
stressful life events, absence of strongly held health-related beliefs and dysfunc-
tional cognitions related to bodily functioning, lack of medical conditions, and
absence of secondary gains that reinforce illness behavior (APA, 2000; Barsky, 1996;
Fallon, Klein, & Liebowitz, 1993; Hiller, Leibbrand, Rief, & Fichter, 2002; Noyes
et al., 1993; Pilowsky, 1968; Speckens, Spinhoven, van Hermert, Bolk, & Hawton,
1997).
Etiology
Behavioral-genetic (twin) research indicates that the core facets of severe health
anxiety (i.e., disease conviction, checking behavior) are shaped by a combination
of genetic and environmental factors (Taylor, Thordarson, Jang, & Asmundson,
2006). This suggests that severe presentations of health anxiety may, at least in
part, be heritable. However, environmental factors as well as gene by environment
interactions appear important as well. Adverse childhood experiences, such as physical
abuse, are associated with numerous mental disorders in adulthood (Paris, 1998; Stein
et al., 1996), including hypochondriasis (Barsky, Wool, Barnett, & Cleary, 1994).
Retrospective studies suggest parental style (e.g., being overprotective, reinforcing
illness behaviors) may impact the expression of hypochondriasis (Baker & Merskey,
1982; Parker & Lipscombe, 1980; Schwartz, Gramling, & Mancini, 1994; Whitehead
et al., 1994). The problem with these studies is that they fail to take genetic factors
into consideration. Twin research indicates that parenting style and other forms of
family environment play a minor role, if any, in health anxiety and hypochondriasis
(Taylor & Asmundson, 2012; Taylor et al., 2006). More important are environmental
factors that are not shared by members of a twin pair, such as severe illness or
hospitalizations, in addition to genetic factors (Taylor & Asmundson, 2012; Taylor
et al., 2006).
Little is known about the genes associated with hypochondriasis. As with other dis-
orders, such as obsessive-compulsive disorder (e.g., Taylor, in press), hypochondriasis
is likely to be influenced by numerous genes, with each making a small, incremental
contribution to a person’s risk of developing the disorder. Little is also known about
nonshared environmental factors and individual difference factors that may increase
vulnerability. In addition to periods of significant stress, experiencing serious illness
or hospitalization, or loss of a family member, recent evidence suggests that learning
of the health struggles of strangers may also play a role in the development of
severe health anxiety (Karademas, 2009). A number of putative vulnerability factors,
including anxiety sensitivity (i.e., the fear of arousal-related bodily sensations based
on the belief that they might be harmful) and propensity toward disgust, have also
been implicated in the etiology of severe health anxiety (for a review, see Asmundson,
Abramowitz, Richter, & Whedon, 2010). Additional research on genes and non-
shared environmental factors involved in severe health anxiety and hypochondriasis is
clearly warranted.
Maintenance
Cognitive behavioral formulations (Abramowitz, Schwartz, & Whiteside, 2002;
Taylor & Asmundson, 2004; Warwick & Salkovskis, 1990) highlight how mal-
adaptive health beliefs, interacting with bodily changes or sensations, begin the
cycle that maintains severe health anxiety (see Figure 21.1). Maladaptive health
beliefs are typically centered on personal health, the meaning of illness, and the
meaning of bodily sensations or changes. Individuals with severe health anxiety fre-
quently overestimate the likelihood of being ill and erroneously perceive themselves
as being more likely than others to suffer an illness (Barsky, Cleary, & Klerman,
494 Specific Disorders
Sensations misinterpreted
in light of dysfunctional beliefs.
Focus of apprehension:
(1) I might have a serious disease,
or (2) I am at high risk for acquiring
a serious disease
Figure 21.1 Factors involved in precipitating and perpetuating episodes of excessive health
anxiety. Adapted from Taylor & Asmundson (2004), p. 21. Copyright The Guildford Press.
Reprinted with permission of The Guilford Press.
1992; Barsky, Ettner, Horsky, & Bates, 2001; Hollifield, Paine, Tuttle, & Kellner,
1999). Similarly, individuals with severe health anxiety typically overestimate the costs
of illness and overestimate the consequences of becoming ill (Ditto, Jemmott, &
Darley, 1988; Easterling & Leventhal, 1989; Marcus & Church, 2003). Individuals
with severe health anxiety, compared to controls, are more likely to misinterpret
normal bodily sensations (e.g., transient pain, flushing of the skin) and changes
(e.g., changes in fat distribution due to aging, benign skin imperfections) as indi-
cators of poor health or serious disease rather than normal “bodily noise” (Barsky,
Coeytaux, Sarnie, & Cleary, 1993; Barsky & Wyshak, 1989; Haenen, Schmidt,
Schoenmakers, & van den Hout, 1997). People with severe health anxiety are also
Hypochondriasis 495
more likely to believe that bodily changes do not occur in healthy individuals (Barsky
et al., 1993). Together, these beliefs contribute to the perceived notion and con-
viction that one’s health is in danger (e.g., “The tingling in my arm means I must
be having a heart attack and that I am going to die”), which result in elevated
anxiety.
In order to reduce distress resulting from maladaptive beliefs, individuals with
severe health anxiety often seek reassurance that they are healthy or avoid certain
cues or situations that would exacerbate their anxiety. Seeking reassurance typically
involves consulting a medical professional and requesting medical testing, with the
hope that the results will disprove any health-related fears (e.g., having HIV). For
people without severe health anxiety, assurance from a medical professional is enough
to attenuate their health concerns. This is typically not the case for people with severe
health anxiety. Their reassurance seeking reduces anxiety only for a short time (e.g.,
24 hours; Haenen et al., 2000), which drives the need to seek repeated medical
consultations and testing.
Medical professionals are not the only sources of reassurance. People with severe
health anxiety often seek reassurance from friends and family, and also attempt to
reassure themselves by checking their body for signs of disease or by searching libraries
or the Internet for reassuring medical information. For example, a woman with a
fear of having breast cancer may repeatedly palpate her breast to reassure herself that
she does not have breast cancer, and may also read Internet articles about breast
cancer to find evidence that her symptoms are not actually indicative of breast cancer.
These two forms of reassurance seeking, similar to seeking medical consultations, are
rarely beneficial. Bodily checking leads to the identification of previously unnoticed
and harmless bodily changes (e.g., temporary skin reddening) and the abundance of
health-related information (and misinformation) on the Internet often leads to the
discovery of alarming information about highly rare, lethal disease. This increases
perceived health threat.
Some people with severe health anxiety avoid health-related cues, such as hospitals,
doctors, and bodily checking, as well as television and Internet material pertaining
to health and disease. Activities that induce bodily sensations, such as physical
exertion, may also be feared and avoided. Although reassurance seeking and avoidance
seem contradictory, it is not uncommon for people with severe health anxiety
to use a mix of avoidance and reassurance-seeking as methods for coping with
health anxiety (Taylor & Asmundson, 2004). To illustrate, a woman who fears
having a stroke may avoid cues or situations associated with strokes and increases
in blood pressure (e.g., aspirin commercials, health documentaries), but may also
frequently request medical testing and do independent research on the detriments of
hypertension.
Treatment
are generally accepted as the front-line treatment for individuals presenting with
severe health anxiety and hypochondriasis (Abramowitz & Braddock, 2011; Taylor
& Asmundson, 2004). Asmundson et al. (2010) provide a recent overview of
pharmacotherapy for severe presentations of health anxiety, as well as evidence
indicating a marked patient preference for CBT.
Treatment always begins with comprehensive assessment, the details of which are
described elsewhere (Taylor & Asmundson, 2004). To summarize, critical steps in
assessment include ruling out medical conditions that may be responsible for present-
ing concerns, establishing that the presenting disease-based concerns are associated
with severe health anxiety, and gathering information pertinent to understanding the
presenting concerns (e.g., personal history, reasons for seeking treatment). People
with severe health anxiety are often unwilling or reluctant to accept that their concerns
are caused by anything other than disease. This poses a considerable challenge to the
cognitive behavioral therapist—how to engage the reluctant patient in psychother-
apy. A combination of validating statements (e.g., “I understand that what you are
experiencing is real”) and motivational interviewing (“You’ve tried many other things
that haven’t provided relief. If these other things haven’t helped, isn’t this at least
worth a try?”) are often helpful in this regard, establishing trust and initiating the
treatment process.
The general goal of CBT for severe health anxiety is not to reduce bodily sensations
or changes (although it often does so); instead, the goal is to help the person discover
explanations for his or her concerns that are not rooted in disease. For example, a
person might discover that the heavy limbs and clumsiness he or she thought likely
to be multiple sclerosis are consequences of recent increases in stress and fatigue.
Psychoeducation, behavioral stress management, exposure and response prevention,
and cognitive therapy are particularly effective in reducing disease conviction and
checking behavior while improving overall functioning and quality of life (Taylor &
Asmundson, 2004); however, meta-analytic findings indicate that the largest effect
sizes are for treatments that combine cognitive and behavioral strategies (Taylor,
Asmundson, & Coons, 2005). The rest of this section discusses the main cognitive
and behavioral strategies.
Psychoeducation
Psychoeducation-based treatments emphasize the dissemination of correct and clear
information to patients about their disorder. Psychoeducation discusses the nature
and function of anxiety in relation to health, focusing on the adaptiveness of these
thoughts and feelings. Importantly, the cognitive behavioral model of health anxiety is
emphasized and the patient is encouraged to conceptualize how the model applies to
his or her specific presentation. Information about safety behaviors, bodily sensations
and changes, and the role of these elements in maintaining and exacerbating anxiety
are discussed. Psychoeducation can be delivered via lectures, demonstrations, focused
group discussions, brief exercises, and homework assignments (Taylor & Asmundson,
2004). Treatments based on psychoeducation have produced reductions in health
Hypochondriasis 497
anxiety, medical consultations, time spent worrying, and physical complaints (Avia
et al., 1996; Buwalda, Bouman, & van Duijn, 2007; Lidbeck, 1997).
Cognitive Therapy
As described earlier, the contemporary cognitive behavioral models of health anxiety
suggest that catastrophic interpretations of bodily sensations/changes and health
information contribute to distressing emotions and maladaptive behaviors that main-
tain anxiety. Cognitive therapy seeks to identify dysfunctional beliefs and replace them
with more adaptive ways of thinking about health. A central technique is cognitive
restructuring, whereby patients learn to gather objective evidence in order to test
faulty beliefs about health and illness (Beck, 1976). The goal is to identify beliefs
and consider alternative interpretations in the service of forming a more accurate or
realistic belief. Additional components of cognitive therapy may include attentional
modification, building tolerance for uncertainty, and worry management (Taylor &
Asmundson, 2004; Warwick & Salkovskis, 2001). Cognitive therapy techniques have
been demonstrated to be effective in reducing maladaptive health-related beliefs, dis-
ease conviction, and somatic arousal (Avia et al., 1996). Generally, treatment studies
using cognitive therapy include a mix of both cognitive and behavioral strategies
(e.g., Clark et al., 1998; Warwick, Clark, Cobb, & Salkovskis, 1996), thereby making
it difficult to discern whether cognitive or behavioral techniques are more effective.
The few dismantling studies that have directly compared cognitive and exposure
therapies as stand-alone treatments (e.g., Bouman & Visser, 1998; Visser & Bouman,
2001) reveal that both techniques are equally effective in reducing severe health
anxiety.
of controlled trials exist, preliminary evidence strongly suggests ERP is effective for
reducing severe health anxiety (Abramowitz & Moore, 2007; Bouman & Visser,
1998; Taylor et al., 2005; Visser & Bouman, 2001).
year, depending on the study and population. CBT also consistently outperforms
other therapies (e.g., psychodynamic) and wait-list control conditions. The efficacy
of CBT for presentations of severe health anxiety with co-occurring diagnoses is also
encouraging, with some studies reporting diffuse symptom reduction as a result of
treatment. Warwick et al. (1996) observed significant reductions in both generalized
anxiety and depression among 32 health anxiety patients. Similarly, patients receiving
treatment for hypochondriasis with comorbid somatization showed 1-year reduc-
tions in intolerance of bodily complaints, frequency of medical consulting, general
psychopathology, and life satisfaction (Bleichhardt, Timmer, & Rief, 2005). These
results suggest that gains observed from CBT interventions may indeed extend to
other areas of concern.
Conclusions
Throughout its history hypochondriasis has been understood in several different ways,
be it a stress response, a personality disturbance, the result of psychic conflict, or a
problem secondary to other psychiatric diagnoses (e.g., depression). Current con-
ceptualizations of hypochondriasis, however, see it as an anxiety-based psychological
disorder with a characteristic set of cognitions and action tendencies. Advances in
empirical and conceptual understanding of severe health anxiety point to its develop-
ment and maintenance as being the result of a complex interaction of psychological
and biological processes. Cumulative research has established a strong evidence base
for a cognitive behavioral conceptualization and treatment of severe health anxiety. By
addressing dysfunctional thoughts about disease and reducing maladaptive behaviors
500 Specific Disorders
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Hypochondriasis 503
Robert L. Woolfolk
Rutgers University and Princeton University, United States
Historical Background
The history of somatization and conversion disorders begins with hysteria, first
described 4,000 years ago by the Egyptians and later elaborated and named by
the Greeks. Cases typically involved somatic symptoms in the absence of injury or
illness. The Egyptians hypothesized that a “wandering” uterus moved about the body
and produced somatic symptoms from various regions. Greek physicians described a
similar set of psychosomatic symptoms and essentially retained the Egyptian theory.
The Greeks gave us the word hysteria, from the Greek hystera, meaning womb.
The Greco-Egyptian formulation reveals that the disorder was primarily observed in
females and that there was something thought to be essentially female about the
disorder.
The ancient terminology and conceptualization remained essentially unchanged
until modern times. Foucault (1965) suggests that by the end of the eighteenth
century hysteria was beginning to be viewed as a disease “of the nerves” akin to
such recognized mental disorders as melancholia. Due to the heterogeneous nature
of hysterical symptoms and the hypothesized connection with the emotions, some
physicians began to allege that these symptoms were feigned or imagined. The
unsympathetic attitudes of contemporary health care workers toward somatizers and
the tendency to regard them as malingerers can be traced to this period in the history
of medicine.
Our current conception of somatization and conversion disorders derives directly
from Pierre Briquet’s (1859) monograph, Traité Clinique et Thérapeutique de
l’Hystérie. Briquet’s meticulous and exhaustive listing of the symptomatology of
hysteria remains unsurpassed. Briquet described three related syndromes: conversion
phenomena, hysterical personality, and multiple chronic unexplained somatic symp-
toms (Dongier, 1983; Mai & Merskey, 1980). These three syndromes overlapped in
symptomatology somewhat and they often were observed to co-occur.
Sigmund Freud and Pierre Janet began expanding theoretical conceptualizations
of hysteria by the end of the nineteenth century. Both men had studied with and
observed the world’s leading authority, Jean-Martin Charcot, as he used hypnosis
to remove hysterical symptoms. Janet (1907) asserted that hysterical symptoms were
produced when patients dissociated. Freud, on the other hand, proposed the process of
“conversion” whereby intrapsychic activity putatively brings about somatic symptoms
(Breuer & Freud, 1974). Janet’s and Freud’s work on hysteria provided a blueprint
for and harbinger of later theoretical efforts. Here the ideas of early emotional trauma
or intrapsychic conflict as the cause of physical symptoms began to take shape. This
work also introduced the notion of a physical symptom as an unconscious form of
communication, as a device for securing secondary gain, or a means for avoiding
emotional pain.
The notion of the transduction of psychological conflict into bodily symptoms was
widely disseminated as psychoanalysis began to dominate psychiatry. Stekel (1924)
coined the term somatization (somatisieren) during the early 1920s and defined it as
“the conversion of emotional states into physical symptoms” (p. 341). That is, Stekel
Somatization and Conversion Disorders 507
Diagnostic Criteria
Although medicine has long recognized the existence of a group of patients with
medically unexplained physical symptoms, there has been and continues to be dis-
agreement over the diagnostic criteria and terminology for what were once labeled
hysterical symptoms. In the first and second editions of the Diagnostic and Statis-
tical Manual of Mental Disorders, “conversion reaction” and “hysterical neurosis,
conversion type” were employed, respectively (1st ed., DSM-I; APA, 1952; 2nd ed.,
DSM-II; APA, 1968). Conversion symptoms were defined as those that affected
voluntary motor or sensory function and were psychogenic in origin. Also included
in DSM-I and DSM-II were psychophysiologic disorders which were characterized by
physical symptoms attributable to emotional factors (APA, 1952, 1968).
In DSM-III the hysterical neuroses and psychophysiologic disorders were replaced
with two new groupings of mental disorders: somatoform disorders and psychological
factors affecting physical condition (APA, 1980). Somatoform disorders were charac-
terized by physical symptoms that suggested a medical condition for which there
were no organic pathology or physiological mechanisms. Specific somatoform disor-
ders listed in DSM-III were conversion disorder, somatization disorder, psychogenic
pain disorder, hypochondriasis, and a residual category for other related symptom
presentations (APA, 1980). Briquet’s (1859) work on medically unexplained somatic
symptoms served as the foundation for DSM-III’s somatization disorder, which was
distinguished from conversion disorder (APA, 1980). Patients diagnosed with soma-
tization disorder complained of multiple medically unexplained symptoms, typically
both neurological and nonneurological symptoms. Conversion disorder, on the other
hand, was reserved for purely pseudoneurological symptom presentations. The sepa-
rate category of psychological factors affecting physical condition was used to describe
physical symptoms with either a demonstrable organic pathology or a known patho-
physiological process that also appeared to be affected by psychological factors (APA,
1980).
The criteria required for the diagnosis of the different somatoform disorders as well
as for psychological factors affecting physical condition have been revised in each of
the manual’s subsequent versions (DSM-III-R; APA, 1987; DSM-IV; APA, 1994).
Future editions of the DSM are likely to see more changes as well (the DSM-5 will be
discussed later in this chapter).
508 Specific Disorders
According to the current edition of the DSM (DSM-IV; APA, 1994), somatization
disorder is characterized by a lifetime history of at least four unexplained pain
complaints (e.g., in the back, chest, joints), two unexplained nonpain gastrointestinal
complaints (e.g., nausea, bloating), one unexplained sexual symptom (e.g., sexual
dysfunction, irregular menstruation), and one pseudoneurological symptom (e.g.,
seizures, paralysis, numbness). For a symptom to be counted toward the diagnosis
of somatization disorder, its presence must be medically unexplained or its degree of
severity be substantially in excess of the associated medical pathology. Somatization
symptoms are not intentionally produced or feigned. Also, symptoms counted toward
the diagnosis must either prompt the seeking of medical care or interfere with
the patient’s functioning. In addition, some of the somatization symptoms must
have occurred prior to the patient’s 30th birthday (APA, 1994). The course of
somatization disorder tends to be characterized by symptoms that wax and wane,
remitting only to return later and/or be replaced by new unexplained physical
symptoms. Thus, somatization disorder is a chronic, polysymptomatic disorder whose
requisite symptoms need not be manifested concurrently.
Although somatization disorder is classified as a distinct disorder in the DSM-IV,
it has been argued that somatization disorder represents the extreme end of a
somatization continuum (Escobar, Burnam, Karno, Forsythe, & Golding, 1987;
Kroenke et al., 1997). The number of unexplained physical symptoms reported
correlates positively with the patient’s degree of emotional distress and functional
impairment (Katon et al., 1991). A broadening of the somatization construct has
been advocated by those wishing to emphasize the many patients encumbered by
unexplained symptoms that are not numerous or diverse enough to meet criteria for
full somatization disorder (Escobar et al., 1987; Katon et al., 1991; Kroenke et al.,
1997).
The DSM-IV includes a residual diagnostic category for subthreshold somatization
cases. Undifferentiated somatoform disorder is a diagnosis characterized by one or
more medically unexplained physical symptom(s) lasting for at least 6 months (APA,
1994). Long considered a category that is too broad because it includes patients with
only one unexplained symptom as well as those with many unexplained symptoms,
undifferentiated somatoform disorder has never been well validated or widely applied
(Kroenke, Sharpe, & Sykes, 2007).
As an alternative to the wide-ranging category of undifferentiated somatoform dis-
order, two groups of researchers have suggested alternative categories for subthreshold
somatization using criteria less restrictive and requiring less extensive symptomatol-
ogy than the standards for the DSM-IV’s full somatization disorder. Escobar et al.
(1987) proposed the label abridged somatization, to be applied to men experiencing
four or more unexplained physical symptoms or to women experiencing six or more
unexplained physical symptoms. Kroenke et al. (1997) suggested the category of
multisomatoform disorder to describe men or women currently experiencing at least
three unexplained physical symptoms and reporting a 2-year history of somatization.
When the clinical presentation consists of purely pseudoneurological symptoms and
no history of medically unexplained pain or gastrointestinal or sexual symptoms, a
diagnosis of conversion disorder is considered. The DSM-IV’s conversion disorder is
characterized by the presence of one or more symptoms affecting voluntary motor
Somatization and Conversion Disorders 509
We have very little empirical research on the new somatic symptom disorder
categories proposed for DSM-5. One recent study supports the validity of somatic
symptom disorder (Rief, Mewes, Martin, Glaesmer, & Brahler, 2011), while research
on the older diagnostic categories is summarized in this chapter.
Prevalence
Epidemiological research suggests that somatization disorder is relatively rare. The
prevalence of somatization disorder in the general population has been estimated to
be 0.1–0.7% (Faravelli et al., 1997; Robins & Reiger, 1991; Weissman, Myers, &
Harding, 1978). When patients in primary care, specialty medical, and psychiatric
settings are assessed, the rate of somatization is higher than in the general popu-
lation, with estimates ranging from 1.0 to 5.0% (Altamura et al., 1998; Fabrega,
Mezzich, Jacob, & Ulrich, 1988; Fink, Steen Hansen, & Søndergaard, 2005; Gureje,
Simon, Ustun, & Goldberg, 1997; Kirmayer & Robbins, 1991; Peveler, Kilkenny, &
Kinmonth, 1997).
The prevalence of subthreshold somatization categories appears to be significantly
higher than is that for somatization disorder as defined by the DSM-IV. Abridged
somatization has been observed in 4% of community samples (Escobar et al., 1987) and
16–22% of primary care samples (Escobar, Waitzkin, Silver, Gara, & Holman, 1998;
Gureje et al., 1997; Kirmayer & Robbins, 1991). The occurrence of multisomatoform
disorder has been estimated at 8% of primary care patients (Jackson & Kroenke, 2008;
Kroenke et al., 1997).
Estimates of the prevalence of conversion disorder have varied widely, ranging
from 0.01 to 0.3% in the community (Faravelli et al., 1997; Stefansson, Messina, &
Meyerowitz, 1979). As is the case with somatization disorder, conversion disorder is
much more common in medical and psychiatric practices than in community samples
(Folks, Ford, & Regan, 1984). As many as 25% of neurology clinic patients may
present for treatment of a medically unexplained neurological symptom (Creed, Firth,
Timol, Metcalfe, & Pollock, 1990; Perkin, 1989).
Demographics
Gender is the demographic variable that most consistently has been associated with
somatization disorder, subthreshold somatization, and conversion disorder. In the
Epidemiological Catchment Area (ECA) study, the ratio of women to men who met
criteria for somatization disorder was 10 to 1 (Swartz, Landermann, George, Blazer,
& Escobar, 1991). Higher rates of occurrence in women, though not as extreme, also
have been found in studies examining subthreshold somatization categories, such as
Escobar’s abridged somatization or Kroenke’s multisomatoform disorder (Escobar,
Rubio-Stipec, Canino, & Karno, 1989; Kroenke et al., 1997), and conversion disorder
(Deveci et al., 2007; Faravelli et al., 1997).
Somatization and Conversion Disorders 511
Ethnicity, race, and education have been associated with somatization disorder,
subthreshold somatization, and conversion disorder. Epidemiological research has
shown patients with somatization or conversion disorders to be more likely to be
nonwhite and less educated than patients with medically explained symptoms (Gureje
et al., 1997; Robins & Reiger, 1991; Stefansson et al., 1979). Findings on ethnicity
have been less consistent across studies. In the ECA study, Hispanics were no more
likely to meet criteria for somatization disorder than were non-Hispanics (Robins &
Reiger, 1991). A World Health Organization study, conducted in 14 different
countries, revealed a higher incidence of somatization in Latin American countries
than in the United States (Gureje et al., 1997).
Clinical Characteristics
Much attention has focused on the illness behavior of patients with somatization or
conversion disorder. These patients disproportionately use and misuse health care
services. When standard diagnostic evaluations fail to uncover organic pathology,
patients with somatization or conversion disorders may seek additional medical pro-
cedures, often from several different physicians. Patients may even subject themselves
to unnecessary hospitalizations and surgeries, which introduce the risk of iatrogenic
illness (Fink, 1992). One study found that somatization disorder patients, on aver-
age, incurred nine times the U.S. per capita health care cost (Smith et al., 1986a).
Abridged somatization, multisomatoform disorder, and conversion disorder also have
been associated with significant health care utilization (Barsky, Orav, & Bates, 2005;
Escobar, Golding, et al., 1987; Kroenke et al., 1997; Mace & Trimble, 1996; Martin,
Bell, Hermann, & Mennemeyer, 2003).
The abnormal illness behavior of patients with somatization or conversion disorder
extends beyond medical offices and hospitals to patients’ workplaces and households.
These patients withdraw from both productive and pleasurable activities because of
discomfort, fatigue, and/or fears of exacerbating their symptoms. In a study assessing
the efficacy of cognitive behavioral therapy for somatization disorder, we found 19% of
patients meeting DSM-IV criteria for somatization disorder to be receiving disability
payments from either their employers or the government (Allen, Woolfolk, Escobar,
Gara, & Hamer, 2006). Estimates of unemployment among somatization disorder
patients range from 36 to 83% (Allen et al., 2006; Smith et al., 1986a; Yutzy et al.,
1995). Whether working outside their homes or not, these patients report substantial
functional impairment. Some investigators have found that somatization disorder
patients report being bedridden for 2 to 7 days per month (Katon et al., 1991; Smith
et al., 1986a). Likewise, high levels of functional impairment have been associated with
subthreshold somatization and conversion disorder (Allen, Gara, Escobar, Waitzkin,
& Cohen-Silver, 2001; Binzer, Andersen, & Kullgren, 1997; Escobar, Golding, et al.,
1987; Gureje et al., 1997; Jackson & Kroenke, 2008; Kroenke et al., 1997).
Comorbid psychiatric distress in patients with somatization or conversion disorder
is high. As many as 80% of patients meeting criteria for somatization disorder or
subthreshold somatization meet DSM criteria for another lifetime Axis I disorder,
usually an anxiety or mood disorder (Smith et al., 1986a; Swartz, Blazer, George, &
Landerman, 1986). When investigators consider only current psychiatric diagnoses,
512 Specific Disorders
Conceptualization
physical health. Furthermore, patients suffering from these physical symptoms, dis-
torted cognitions, and negative affect may seek repeated contact with physicians and
request medical tests. Pain catastrophizing has been associated with medical utiliza-
tion and disability (Severeijns, Vlaeyen, & van den Hout, 2004). Physicians, in turn,
attempting to conduct thorough evaluations and avoid malpractice suits, may encour-
age somatizing behavior by ordering unnecessary diagnostic procedures. Chronic
medical testing may ingrain patients in the “sick role” and reinforce somatizers’
maladaptive belief that any physical symptom indicates organic pathology. Also,
unnecessary medical procedures, if implemented, may result in iatrogenic illness.
A biopsychosocial model of medically unexplained symptoms leads to specific psy-
chosocial treatment strategies that include behavioral, cognitive, and interpersonal
interventions. Relaxation training may be employed to teach patients to use pro-
gressive muscle relaxation and/or diaphragmatic breathing to reduce physiologic
arousal. Behavioral activation/activity regulation promotes increases in pleasurable
and meaningful activities to modify the tendency of these patients to withdraw from
important aspects of their lives. Also, activity pacing is taught so that patients will
increase their activity levels gradually without exhausting or injuring themselves. The
cognitive restructuring component aims to help patients combat dysfunctional cog-
nitive tendencies. Communication skills, especially assertiveness training, are taught
to address the social disability that has been reported by somatizers (Zoccolillo
& Cloninger, 1986). Finally, patients’ environments are examined for factors that
reinforce their physical symptoms. Those factors are targeted for change. In some
treatment protocols the patient’s spouse/partner is invited to participate in treatment
sessions. Given the important role that spouses play in reinforcing patients’ expression
of pain and pain behavior (Kerns & Weiss, 1994), spousal behaviors that reinforce
patients’ symptoms may be modified.
complaints than did patients treated with standard medical care (Speckens et al.,
1995). The other study found an eight-session group CBT superior to a wait-
list control condition in reducing physical symptoms and hypochondriacal beliefs
(Lidbeck, 1997). In both studies improvements were observed after treatment as well
as 6 months later (Lidbeck, 1997; Speckens et al., 1995). Both of these studies were
conducted in primary care offices, the setting where somatization is most likely to be
seen.
Two more recently published randomized controlled trials examined the efficacy of
CBT for somatization with patients presenting with more severe somatization than the
earlier trials. One study required that participants meet Escobar’s criteria of abridged
somatization. That is, men were required to experience at least four somatization
symptoms and women were required to experience at least six somatization symptoms
(Escobar et al., 2007). The other trial enrolled participants who complained of five
or more unexplained physical symptoms (Sumathipala, Hewege, Hanwella, & Mann,
2000). In both studies patients were identified and treated with CBT in primary
care. Treatment protocols were similar to those of Lidbeck (1997) and Speckens
et al. (1995), with the addition of involving the patient’s spouse or another family
member in treatment (Escobar et al., 2007; Sumathipala et al., 2000). Spouses
are included to provide additional information regarding patients’ functioning, to
facilitate patients’ engagement in and compliance with treatment, and to help reduce
reinforcement of illness behavior. Findings from both trials show individual CBT
coincided with greater reductions in somatic complaints than did standard medical
care (Escobar et al., 2007; Sumathipala et al., 2000). CBT was associated with
a reduction in the number of physician visits in one study (Sumathipala et al.,
2000).
We are the only group of researchers who have published a randomized controlled
trial on the efficacy of CBT for DSM-IV full somatization disorder (Allen et al.,
2006). In the study 84 patients meeting DSM-IV criteria for somatization disorder
were randomly assigned to one of two conditions: (a) standard medical care, or (b) a
10-session manualized individually-administered CBT in combination with standard
medical care (see Table 22.1). The treatment protocol included relaxation training,
activity regulation, facilitation of emotional awareness, cognitive restructuring, and
interpersonal communication. As many as three of the 10 sessions were administered
conjointly with the patient’s spouse or significant other. An outline of the treatment
components and the sessions in which they were addressed is provided in Table
22.1. Although the elicitation and exploration of affect is an approach rarely used in
CBT, we have found this component to be a powerful clinical tool with patients who
cannot or do not willingly access and experience emotion. We have described our
treatment in detail elsewhere (Woolfolk & Allen, 2007). Participants’ symptomatology
and functioning were assessed with clinician-administered instruments, self-report
questionnaires, and medical records before randomization as well as 3 months, 9
months, and 15 months after randomization. Just after the completion of treatment,
as well as one year later—that is, at the 15-month follow-up assessment—patients
who received CBT experienced a greater reduction in somatization and functional
impairment. Substantially more participants who received CBT than the control
treatment were rated as either “very much improved” or “much improved” by a
Somatization and Conversion Disorders 515
Table 22.1 Woolfolk and Allen 10-Session Cognitive Behavioral Treatment for Somatization
Treatment rationale 3, 6, 9
Couple’s pleasurable activities 3, 6, 9
Couple’s communication about physical symptoms 3, 6, 9
Significant other’s reinforcement of patient’s illness behavior 6, 9
clinician who was blind to participants’ treatment condition (40% vs. 5%, respectively).
Also, for the 68% of the sample for whom complete medical records were reviewed,
CBT was associated with a reduction in health care costs and physician visits (Allen
et al., 2006). Thus, the study suggests CBT can result in long-term improvements
in symptomatology, functioning, and health care utilization of the most severely
disturbed somatizing patients.
relevant to the presenting complaint, (c) to avoid diagnostic procedures and surgeries
unless clearly indicated by underlying somatic pathology, and (d) to avoid making
disparaging statements, such as “your symptoms are all in your head.” Patients whose
primary physicians had received the consultation letter experienced better health
outcomes, such as physical functioning and cost of medical care, than those whose
physicians had not received the letter. The same group of investigators replicated these
results in three additional studies, one study using patients meeting criteria for full
somatization disorder (Rost, Kashner, & Smith, 1994) and two studies using patients
with subthreshold somatization (Dickinson et al., 2003; Smith, Rost, & Kashner,
1995).
Given the success of the consultation letter just described and the success of
CBT, some investigators have attempted to train primary care physicians to better
detect somatization and to incorporate cognitive and behavioral techniques into their
treatment of these patients. Five groups of investigators have reported controlled
clinical trials on the effects of such physician training (Arnold et al., 2009; Larish,
Schweickhardt, Wirsching, & Fritzsche, 2004; Morriss et al., 2007; Rief, Martin,
Rauh, Zech, & Bender, 2006; Rosendal et al., 2007). The two studies providing
the most extensive physician training (20–25 hours) resulted in no association
between physician training and patients’ symptomatology, functioning, or quality
of life (Arnold et al., 2009; Rosendal et al., 2007). Three other studies found less
intensive physician training programs—12 hours (Larish et al., 2004), 1 day (Rief,
Martin, et al., 2006), or 6 hours (Morriss et al., 2007)—to coincide with no clear
improvement in somatization symptomatology; however, Rief and colleagues did find
their training to result in fewer health care visits for the 6 months subsequent to
training (Rief, Martin, et al., 2006).
One other study examined the effect of training primary care clinicians to identify
and treat somatization using cognitive behavioral techniques and pharmacotherapy
(Smith et al., 2006). This study involved the most intensive such training program
studied, one entailing 84 hours over 10 weeks. Nurse practitioners were trained
to provide a year-long 12-session multidimensional intervention in primary care
that employed relaxation training, recommendations to exercise and to reduce the
use of controlled substances, medication management (i.e., antidepressants as well
as medications to treat comorbid organic disease), and physical therapy. Patients
who received treatment from these trained nurses reported modest improvements
on self-report scales of mental health as well as physical functioning. A post hoc
analysis was interpreted by the study’s investigators as suggesting that improvements
were attributable to more frequent and appropriate use of antidepressant medication
among patients of nurses who received the training (Smith et al., 2006).
A slightly different model for integrating CBT into primary care is a collaborative
care model of treatment, in which mental health professionals work together with
medical practitioners in the primary care setting (Katon et al., 1995; Von Korff,
Gruman, Schaefer, Curry, & Wagner, 1997). The one study investigating the efficacy
of such a model for the treatment of somatization had psychiatrists provide primary
care physicians and their staff with training on the diagnosis and treatment of
somatization and comorbid psychopathology (van der Feltz-Cornelis, van Oppen,
Ader, & van Dyck, 2006). Also, the psychiatrist provided case-specific consultations
Somatization and Conversion Disorders 517
to primary physicians regarding referrals for CBT and/or psychiatric treatment (van
der Feltz-Cornelis et al., 2006). A control comparison treatment included the same
training for primary care physicians and their staff by the psychiatrist without the case-
specific consultation. Six months after randomization, participants whose primary care
physician received psychiatric consultation reported a greater reduction in somatic
symptoms and in health care visits (van der Feltz-Cornelis et al., 2006).
Although the literature on CBT for somatization and conversion disorders is relatively
small, a few global conclusions can be posited. The literature on the treatment of
somatization supports the use of six to 16 sessions of CBT administered by a mental
health professional. A recent meta-analysis indicated CBT is modestly effective in
reducing somatization symptomatology and minimally effective in improving physical
functioning (Kleinstäuber, Witthöft, & Hiller, 2011). To date there is no evidence that
CBT reduces health care services when the cost of CBT itself is considered. Researchers
have just begun to develop and examine the effectiveness of true collaboration of
cognitive behavioral therapists and primary care clinicians and integration of their
services. There are inadequate data on the treatment of conversion disorder and on
treatment of the new DSM-5 diagnostic categories to make any conclusion.
One hurdle in administering CBT to somatically-focused patients is that most
of these patients seek treatment in primary care (or, in the case of conversion
disorder, neurology clinics), not in psychiatric clinics. When patients with somatoform
symptoms are referred to mental health treatment, it is estimated that 50–90% of
these patients fail to complete the referral (Escobar et al., 1998; Regier et al., 1988).
Impediments to successful psychiatric referral of patients presenting with somatization
occur at both the professional institutional level (e.g., lack of collaboration between
primary care and mental health practitioners, lack of mental health training for primary
518 Specific Disorders
care physicians, inadequate mental health insurance) and the level of the individual
patient (e.g., concerns about the stigma of having a psychiatric disorder, resistance to
psychiatric diagnosis, health beliefs that lead to somatic presentations, pessimism, and
fatigue) (Freidl et al., 2007; Pincus, 2003). This literature highlights the importance of
conducting research on the effectiveness of CBT for somatization and for conversion
disorder in medical settings where the overwhelming majority of these patients are
seen. Also, as suggested by the research on somatization, an integration of mental
health providers into primary care and collaboration with primary care physicians and
staff would seem imperative in that it could increase the acceptability and availability
of CBT. Additional research is required to substantiate these recommendations.
As we move forward to refine the treatment of patients with somatic symptom
disorders, one direction for future research is to improve treatment outcome. As
a whole, cognitive and behavioral treatments have been shown to reduce physical
discomfort and functional limitations in these patients. Although even the most
severely and chronically disturbed patients have benefited from treatment, a majority
of the treated patients continued to suffer with significant symptomatology after
treatment ended (see Woolfolk & Allen, 2007, for a review). Also, there are few
data on the impact of treatment on health care utilization, especially when the cost
of a psychosocial intervention is factored in to the equation. The investigation of
longer-term treatments has been recommended for patients who are severely or
chronically disturbed (Woolfolk & Allen, 2007). Some researchers have argued for
studying a stepped-care approach in which all patients would receive low-intensity
targeted primary care management. Response to this initial phase of treatment would
guide the level of intensity of additional treatment and possible referral to mental
health specialists (Arnold et al., 2009; Fink & Rosendal, 2008).
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23
Chronic Fatigue Syndrome
Trudie Chalder
King’s College London, United Kingdom
Diagnosis
There are no unequivocal diagnostic signs or symptoms of CFS. The clinical evaluation
of chronically fatigued patients is aimed at excluding underlying medical or psychiatric
causes of fatigue. In individuals with fatigue of more than 6 months’ duration, a
thorough history, physical examination, routine laboratory tests (full blood count,
erythrocyte sedimentation rate, renal, liver, and thyroid function, and urinary protein
and glucose), and mental state examination are sufficient to reach a diagnosis of
CFS in most cases. Where abnormalities are revealed on physical or laboratory
investigation, further investigations can be helpful (serological tests for Epstein–Barr
virus, cytomegalovirus, Q fever, toxoplasmosis, and HIV; chest X-ray, rheumatoid
factor, and antinuclear factor) but should otherwise be limited to avoid the risk of
iatrogenic harm. Specialist referral should be limited to situations where there is an
increased probability of an alternative diagnosis.
Chronic Fatigue Syndrome 527
The relationship between CFS and psychiatric illness is more complex. Fatigue
is a common symptom in mental illness, and where an individual’s fatigue is fully
explained by a specific psychiatric disorder, a diagnosis of CFS should not be made.
However, psychiatric comorbidity (particularly with depressive, somatoform, and
anxiety disorders) is also common and when present should be diagnosed and treated
in addition to the symptoms of CFS. This does not mean that psychiatric disorders
are the cause of CFS and indeed a substantial minority of patients do not fulfill criteria
for any psychiatric diagnosis (Wessely, Hotopf, & Sharpe 1998).
either little exercise or lots of exercise in childhood and CFS in adulthood (Goodwin,
White, Hotopf, Stansfield, & Clark, 2011).
Many patients link the onset of their symptoms to infection and, while it is
unlikely that serious viral illness perpetuates fatigue in CFS, serious infections such as
mononucleosis, hepatitis, meningitis, and Q fever are known to trigger onset in some
individuals (Cleare & Wessely, 1996). Other risk factors for developing CFS include
previous psychological illness (Harvey, Wadsworth, Wessely, & Hotopf, 2008a) and
negative life events or difficulties in the months before onset (Hatcher & House,
2003).
A wide range of factors may act to perpetuate chronic fatigue. Coping responses
to acute fatigue are important determinants of prolonged fatigue: Extreme physical
activity after an acute illness may allow insufficient time for recovery whereas prolonged
bed rest may cause physical deconditioning and further exacerbate symptoms. Illness
beliefs and the attribution of symptoms to a physical cause, with minimization of
psychological or personal contributions, are also important and have been related
to increased symptoms and worse outcomes in CFS (see Chalder & Hill, 2012, for
a review). Similarly, catastrophic beliefs that exercise will be damaging or worsen
symptoms lead to the avoidance of physical and mental activities and greater disability
(Petrie, Moss-Morris, & Weinman, 1995). Disrupted sleep patterns resulting from
excessive daytime rest may contribute to fatigue, muscle pain, and poor concentration.
The response and attitudes of others are also important in determining the course
of fatigue. Overly concerned carers may reinforce patients’ maladaptive beliefs and
coping strategies by inadvertently encouraging disability. Skeptical or stigmatizing
reactions from relatives, health professionals, or work colleagues can cause frustration
and leave the patient feeling isolated and unsupported (Deale & Wessely, 2001; Van
Houdenhove et al., 2002).
experiences in which the expression of negative emotion would have been met with
unsympathetic or hostile responses. The model proposed that a somatic attribution
(attributing symptoms to a physical cause) makes the patient’s symptoms and illness
easier to understand. The diagnosis of CFS, in a sense, can be seen as a protective
mechanism that the individual has employed in order to preserve identity and self-
esteem. Over time the individual’s focus on the symptom of fatigue leads him or her
to try and control it. The downside to this is that the individual then purportedly
gets into a vicious circle in which the desire to control symptoms leads to avoidance
in general. Although avoidant coping strategies may help in the short term, the long-
term consequences are potentially extremely unhelpful. The side effects of behavioral
avoidance or inactivity are well understood, whether related to disease processes
or not.
The evidence suggests that the most effective treatments for CFS are CBT and graded
exercise therapy (GET). The CBT model attempts to incorporate the heterogeneous
nature of the condition and stresses the role of perpetuating factors. The treatment
for CFS therefore involves planned activity and rest, graded increases in activity, a
sleep routine, and cognitive restructuring of unhelpful beliefs and assumptions.
Assessment
The assessment should include not only a detailed description of symptoms but also,
more importantly, a detailed behavioral analysis of what the individual is able to do
in relation to work, home, private, and social aspects of their lives. The quality and
quantity of sleep should be enquired about. A detailed account of activity, rest, and
sleep patterns should be obtained by asking the patient to keep a diary for 2 weeks.
This will be used as a guide for setting the initial behavioral goals and can be used
throughout treatment to monitor progress. Specific fears about the consequences
of activity and exercise should be elicited, as should more general ideas about the
nature of the illness. Circumstances surrounding the onset should be discussed, as
this information may be useful when giving the patient a rationale for treatment,
and lifestyle factors may need to be addressed during treatment. It is also extremely
helpful to elicit compassionately the patient’s family and personal history. Previous
trauma in childhood is associated with CFS in adulthood, and making links between
trauma and fatigue may be helpful during the process of therapy. The presence of
depression and/or anxiety should be assessed; if severe, such disorders may require
treatment in their own right, either before CBT or concurrently.
Engagement
Engaging the patient and his or her significant other in treatment and forming a
therapeutic alliance is a continual process. During the assessment, the individual, who
may be sensitive to being disbelieved, may be on the lookout for evidence that the
530 Specific Disorders
therapist thinks the problem is “all in the mind.” During the early stage of treatment
it is helpful for the therapist to be explicit in conveying belief in the real and physical
nature of the symptoms. Careful attention should be paid to the language that is used.
The term “psychological” is probably best avoided; first, because it is a broad term
which means different things to different people, but also because it may set the scene
for unnecessary disagreement between the patient and the therapist. The patient’s
symptoms are real and it helps to state and restate this. Rather than debating whether
the problem is physical or psychological—a mind/body split which is unhelpful in
any illness—it is far more useful to direct the discussion toward how the problem can
best be managed, taking into account physiological, behavioral, and cognitive factors.
Structure
Patients are usually seen fortnightly for up to 15 sessions of face-to-face treatment.
Follow-ups are carried out at 3 and 6 months and then 1 year to monitor progress
and tackle any residual problems. Written material and self-help books are offered
(Burgess & Chalder, 2005; Chalder, 1995) to supplement verbal interactions.
Questionnaires are given to assess fatigue and disability before and after treatment
and at follow-up. The Chalder Fatigue Scale is an 11-item scale used to assess both
physical and mental fatigue. There are two ways of scoring it. The bimodal scoring
Chronic Fatigue Syndrome 531
system can be used (0, 0, 1, 1) and those who score 4 or more are considered a
fatigue case. Alternatively the Likert scoring system can be used (0, 1, 2, 3) (Cella
& Chalder, 2010; Chalder et al., 1993). The work and social adjustment scale is a
5-item scale which assesses the impact of fatigue on an individual’s ability to go to
work, manage the home, engage in social or private leisure activities, and maintain
relationships (Cella, Sharpe, & Chalder, 2011). It is brief, simple, and sensitive to
change after CBT.
At the beginning of treatment long-term targets are negotiated with the patient to
ensure the therapist, patient, and significant other are working toward similar goals.
At every subsequent session short-term goals are agreed upon. Patients keep records
of their activity and rest throughout treatment so that progress can be monitored and
problems discussed.
Problems are anticipated and problem-solving strategies are used to elicit effective
coping. Discussion during sessions often revolves around exploring issues that may
be preventing the patient from making changes. A variety of techniques are used to
facilitate change. Socratic questions are used to explore specific concerns or difficulties.
The therapist may need to slow down the expectation of success. Less pressure to
succeed often results in quicker success, on the part of the therapist and the patient.
Activity Scheduling
Goals usually include a mixture of social and leisure-related activities as well as activities
related to responsibilities. Short walks or tasks carried out in even chunks throughout
the day are ideal and are interspersed with rests. The emphasis is on consistency and
breaking the association between experiencing symptoms and stopping activity. The
goals (e.g., for someone less disabled, walking for 10 minutes three times daily) are
gradually built up as tolerance to symptoms increases, until the longer-term targets
are reached. Fatigue levels do not decrease very much initially, but during the process
of treatment marked reductions in fatigue might be expected. Tasks that require
concentration, such as reading, can be included, but mental functioning does seem
to improve in synchrony with physical functioning.
Treating Comorbidity
Some patients with severe depression may benefit from antidepressants. Others will
find their mood improves with activity scheduling and cognitive restructuring. For
those with an anxiety disorder, discussion about the physiological aspects of anxiety
can be helpful. Many patients are unaware of the physiological aspects of anxiety and
the associated physical symptoms. Giving information about the nature of autonomic
arousal often helps explain the patient’s experience of intrusive, frightening somatic
sensations.
Employment
There is no black-and-white rule about how to negotiate employment. From a
therapeutic perspective, several factors need to be considered: the patient’s level of
Chronic Fatigue Syndrome 533
fear, degree of disability, age, and plans for the future; the employer’s view, when
relevant, and the degree of support from the employer. The long-term goal may
involve a return to work, but some patients may be negotiating medical retirement.
Others may be on state benefits, which makes recovery more difficult. Clearly, the
longer a person is away from work the less confident the person will become, making
a return even more daunting.
Facilitating Change
Telephone Treatment
Many patients are unable to travel to specialist units for treatment. In addition, there is
a shortage of specialists who are suitably qualified to deliver CBT. To overcome these
problems, a telephone treatment package of CBT, consisting of 13 telephone and two
face-to-face sessions, was developed. In an initial pilot study, nine patients with a diag-
nosis of CFS who were unable to attend regular outpatient appointments were offered
telephone treatment after an initial face-to-face assessment. Patients were given a self-
help manual and were phoned fortnightly for up to half an hour to discuss progress,
problem solve any difficulties, review diaries sent by post to the therapist, and discuss
plans for the coming fortnight. Patients also attended a face-to-face discharge appoint-
ment. Eight patients completed treatment, and improvement was seen on all measures
at discharge; fatigue had improved by 75%. At 6-month follow-up, levels of function-
ing had continued to improve. This pilot study demonstrated that telephone CBT
resulted in a reduction in fatigue and improvement in disability (Burgess & Chalder,
2001). The advantage of a telephone-based approach is that it is less time-consuming
for the therapist, therefore allowing more patients to be treated. The advantages for
patients are that it is less time-consuming and less disruptive to their lives.
Given the promising results of the pilot study, the next obvious step was to compare
telephone CBT with face-to-face CBT. Significant improvements in the primary
outcomes of physical functioning and fatigue occurred and were maintained to 1-year
534 Specific Disorders
Treatment Evidence
Mediators of Change
Acceptance
Research on patients with chronic pain has suggested that attempting to control
pain which is uncontrollable (i.e., lack of acceptance) is associated with distress and
frustration (Aldrich, Eccleston, & Crombez, 2000) and reduced physical functioning
(McCracken, Carson, Eccleston, & Keefe, 2004). Lack of acceptance has also been
shown to be inversely related to the ability to undergo positive, personal change
for better health and well-being (Afrell, Biguet, & Rudebeck, 2007). Conversely,
increased acceptance—giving up attempts to control pain—has been associated
with less psychological distress and better well-being and adjustment (McCracken,
1998).
Despite the wealth of research into acceptance and chronic pain, the concept of
acceptance in relation to chronic fatigue is discussed much less. One study that does
consider the relationship between acceptance and CFS symptoms found that higher
levels of acceptance were associated with greater psychological well-being and less
distress in patients with CFS (Van Damme, Crombez, Van Houdenhove, Mariman, &
Michielsen, 2006). In another study, lack of acceptance was the key factor associated
with impaired physical functioning and work and social adjustment cross-sectionally.
After a course of CBT, patients showed significantly increased acceptance, as well as
reduced concern over mistakes (negative perfectionism), less fatigue and impairment
of physical functioning, and improved work and social adjustment (Brooks, Rimes, &
Chalder, 2011).
536 Specific Disorders
This study showed that acceptance increased after CBT despite not being directly
incorporated into the cognitive behavioral model of CFS. It may be useful therefore to
address acceptance directly during a course of CBT, as this may lead to improved phys-
ical and social functioning and less fatigue. While “willingness” is incorporated into
CBT, acceptance is often not directly addressed, with CBT focusing more on graded
increases in activity, sleep management, and addressing unhelpful cognitions concern-
ing symptoms, coping strategies, and perfectionism. CBT could focus on acceptance
of the symptom of fatigue using attentional strategies to facilitate this. It must be
stressed, however, that acceptance of disability is not being advocated here. Indeed
the research demonstrates that disability can improve with rehabilitative therapies.
Perfectionism
Unhelpful aspects of perfectionism have been linked to CFS. Several studies (Deary
& Chalder, 2010; Kempke et al., 2011; White & Schweitzer, 2000) have found a
link between CFS and negative aspects of perfectionism (e.g., doubts about actions,
concern over mistakes). More specifically, “self-critical” perfectionism has been shown
to be related to increased stress sensitivity and depression in CFS patients (Luyten
et al., 2011). Patients report change for the positive in certain aspects of perfectionism
after CBT (Brooks et al., 2011). However, it is possible that enduring perfectionist
traits may hinder improvement and/or put people at risk for future episodes of CFS
or depression.
Prognosis
CFS is not associated with an increased mortality rate and rarely constitutes a missed
medical diagnosis when an attempt has been made to exclude organic illness prior
to making the diagnosis. A systematic review of studies describing the prognosis of
CFS identified 14 studies that used operational criteria to define cohorts of patients
with CFS (Cairns & Hotopf, 2005). Full recovery from untreated CFS is rare and an
improvement in symptoms is a more commonly reported outcome than full recovery.
The median full recovery rate was 5% (range 0–31%) and the median proportion of
patients who improved during follow-up was 39.5% (range 38–64%). Less fatigue
severity at baseline, a sense of control over symptoms, and not attributing illness to
a physical cause were all associated with a good outcome. Psychiatric disorder was
associated with poorer outcomes. The review looked at the course of CFS without
systematic intervention but, as we have seen, there is now increasing evidence for the
effectiveness of CBT and GET. More recent evidence suggests that recovery from CFS
is possible and that CBT and GET are the therapies most likely to lead to recovery
(White et al., 2013).
Chronic Fatigue Syndrome 537
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24
Insomnia
Allison G. Harvey and Lauren D. Asarnow
University of California, Berkeley, United States
Humans spend approximately one-third of their lives sleeping. Although the study of
human sleep is a relatively young science and many fascinating mysteries remain to
be solved, there have been rapid advances in knowledge on the function of sleep, the
consequences of inadequate sleep (for cognition, mood, and health), sleep disorders,
and treatments for sleep disorders. Sleep disorders are a major public health problem
and there are insufficient numbers of professionals equipped to deliver the powerful
evidence-based treatments available. Hence, there is growing need for the budding
science of dissemination to be applied in this area. The present chapter provides a
brief overview of the basics of sleep and relevant theory before moving on to discuss
the most prevalent sleep disorder—insomnia—in terms of diagnosis, assessment, case
formation, and treatment.
Sleep Basics
Human sleep can be divided into (a) non-rapid eye movement (NREM) sleep that
can be subdivided into four stages (Stages 1, 2, 3, and 4) through which sleep
progressively deepens and (b) rapid eye movement (REM) sleep. Stage 1 and 2
sleep improves the ability to learn. Stage 3 and 4 sleep is important for growth,
repair, metabolic regulation and immunity, and solidifying memories. REM sleep is
important for learning and unlearning information, memory consolidation, emotional
processing, and mood/emotion regulation.
It is well established that sleep deprivation has detrimental effects on multiple
domains. There is robust evidence that sleep deprivation undermines emotion regula-
tion the following day (Yoo, Gujar, Hu, Jolesz, & Walker, 2007). Adverse and severe
effects of sleep deprivation on cognitive functioning have been clearly demonstrated
(e.g., Van Dongen, Maislin, Mullington, & Dinges, 2003). Sleep deprivation increases
appetite, weight gain, and insulin tolerance (Spiegel, Tasali, Penev, & Van Cauter,
2004). Indeed, in a recent meta-analysis involving 30 studies (12 in children) and
634,511 participants, an association between short sleep and obesity was observed
across the lifespan (Cappuccio et al., 2008). There is accruing evidence that sleep
disturbance and sleep loss signal increased risk for suicidality (see Bernert & Joiner,
2007, for a review). Given these important functions, disorders of sleep have major
public health implications.
Sleep need varies across ages. The National Sleep Foundation recommends 12–18
hours for newborns (0–2 months), 14–15 hours for infants (3–11 months), 12–14
hours for toddlers (1–3 years), 11–13 hours for preschoolers (3–5 years), 10–11
hours for school-aged children (5–10 years), 8.5–9.25 hours for teens (10–17 years),
and 7–9 hours for adults.
Two processes govern the sleep–wake cycle (Borbely & Wirz-Justice, 1982). The
first is the circadian process, which arises from the endogenous pacemaker in the
suprachiasmatic nuclei (SCN). At the molecular level, intrinsically rhythmic cells
within the SCN generate rhythmicity via an autoregulatory transcription–translation
feedback loop regulating expression of circadian genes. The process by which the
pacemaker is set to a 24-hour period and kept in appropriate phase with seasonally
shifting day length is called entrainment, which occurs via zeitgebers. The primary
zeitgeber is the daily alteration of light and dark. Hence, behavioral interventions
for sleep disorders can incorporate timed light exposure (Wirz-Justice, Benedetti,
& Terman, 2009), as discussed later. The SCN is also responsive to non-photic
cues such as arousal/locomotor activity, social cues, feeding, sleep deprivation, and
temperature (Mistlberger, Antle, Glass, & Miller, 2000). Hence, interventions for
sleep problems can take advantage of powerful non-photic cues such as meal times
and exercise, as described in interpersonal and social rhythm therapy (Frank, 2005),
also discussed later.
The second process governing the sleep–wake cycle is the homeostatic process.
This process regulates the duration and structure of sleep based on prior sleep and
wakefulness. Specifically, sleep pressure increases during wake and dissipates during
sleep. Sleep homeostasis influences sleep propensity; that is, sleep homeostasis results
in an increased tendency to sleep when a person has been sleep-deprived, and a
decreased tendency to sleep after having had a substantial amount of sleep. Cognitive
behavioral therapy for insomnia (CBT-I) includes methods to increase homeostatic
drive to sleep via short-term sleep deprivation. This chapter describes CBT-I in
detail.
Insomnia
In this chapter we focus on insomnia, as it is the most common sleep disorder. Insom-
nia is a chronic difficulty getting to sleep, maintaining sleep, or waking in the morning
not feeling restored. It is a prevalent problem, reported by approximately 10% of
the population (Ohayon, 2002). The consequences are severe and include func-
tional impairment, work absenteeism, impaired concentration and memory, increased
Insomnia 543
use of medical services and increased risk of accident, health problems, and the
development of psychiatric disorders (Kyle, Morgan, & Colin, 2010; Riemann &
Voderholzer, 2003). Not surprisingly given the prevalence and associated impair-
ments, the cost to society is enormous (Daley, Morin, LeBlanc, Gregoire, & Savard,
2009).
Diagnostic Criteria
There are three classification systems for sleep disorders; the International Classifica-
tion of Sleep Disorders (2nd ed.; ICSD-2; American Academy of Sleep Medicine, 2005),
the Research Diagnostic Criteria (RDC; Edinger et al., 2004), and the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed., DSM-5; American Psychiatric
Association, 2013). Here we focus on the RDC criteria because these were derived
via a thorough published literature review conducted by a workgroup commissioned
by the American Academy of Sleep Medicine.
According to the RDC, a diagnosis of insomnia disorder may be given when there is
a subjective complaint of trouble falling asleep, staying asleep, or obtaining restorative
sleep. Additionally, these difficulties must be associated with daytime impairment,
and must occur despite the allowance of adequate time periods and circumstances for
sleep. The RDC defines a diagnosis of primary insomnia as persisting for one month
and is independent from and not better accounted for by any psychiatric diagnosis,
another primary sleep disorder (e.g., parasomnia or narcolepsy), substance use or
withdrawal from psychiatric medications, or a general medical condition. A number
of subtypes are also defined.
Epidemiology
Children. Up to 30% of primary school-aged children experience symptoms of
insomnia (Gregory & O’Connor, 2002) such as difficulties initiating and, to a lesser
extent, maintaining sleep, as well as behavioral difficulties including bedtime resistance
and reluctance/refusal to sleep alone (Gregory, Cox, Crawford, Holland, & Harvey,
2009). The only pediatric insomnia disorder covered in the ICSD-2 is behavioral
insomnia of childhood. Behavioral insomnia is a sleep disorder in which school-aged
children typically require parental presence in order to fall asleep. In addition to
decrements in physical health (Cappuccio et al., 2008), inadequate or disturbed sleep
in childhood forecasts the later development of anxiety and depression (Gregory et al.,
2005).
Teens. The rapid body and brain development associated with the onset of, and
progression through, puberty is associated with greater sleep need (Carskadon,
Acebo, & Jenni, 2004). Moreover, a key feature of sleep, preceding and during the
adolescent years, can be the delay in circadian phase and corresponding delay in sleep
onset, often shifting past midnight to the early morning hours (Carskadon, 2002).
This effect may be attributable to a number of influences, which include a tendency
toward increasing autonomy in deciding what time to go to bed, which coincides
with both a natural biological delay in the circadian cycle and irregularity in the
544 Specific Disorders
sleep schedule associated with psychosocial stress and social activities (Carskadon,
2002). This tendency toward a delayed circadian phase, combined with early school
start times (Carskadon, Wolfson, Acebo, Tzischinsky, & Seifer, 1998) and paid work
responsibilities, means that adolescents often do not obtain sufficient sleep. Indeed,
many studies indicate an epidemic of sleep deprivation in youth (Gibson et al.,
2006). Sleep deprivation of varying severity is reported by 10–40% of high school
youth (Carskadon, 1999); 12.4% of youth report insomnia symptoms nearly every
day of the past month, with higher rates for girls and youth of lower socioeconomic
status (Roberts, Lee, Hemandez, & Solari, 2004). Lifetime prevalence of DSM-IV
defined insomnia through age 18 has been reported as 10.7%, with an increased risk
among postpubertal girls (Johnson, Roth, Schultz, & Breslau, 2006). Youth DSM-IV
insomnia has 30-day prevalence of 4.7% (Roberts, Roberts, & Chan, 2006) and point
prevalence of 4.0% (Ohayon, Roberts, Zulley, Smirme, & Priest, 2000). Insomnia is
even higher (>70%) among depressed youth (Liu et al., 2007).
Adults. About 6% of the general adult population meets diagnostic criteria for a
formal diagnosis of insomnia. Approximately one-third of the general population
reports some significant symptoms of insomnia (Morin, LeBlanc, Daley, Gregoire,
& Merette, 2006; Ohayon, 2002). The rate of insomnia is higher among older
adults. Insomnia in older adults is often accompanied by medical illnesses, which
may complicate issues of assessment and treatment, further compounding burden and
cost.
Comorbidity. In a large epidemiological study, Ford and Kamerow (1989) found that
there is approximately a 50% comorbidity rate between insomnia and other psychiatric
or medical illnesses. More recent studies have yielded a rate as high as 75% (Lichstein,
2000). In cases of comorbid insomnia, additional empirical and clinical attention may
be especially important as there appears to be a bidirectional relationship whereby
worsening sleep problems lead to a decline in general health as well as the maintenance
of daytime distress and mood symptoms. Then daytime distress and mood symptoms
worsen the sleep problems the next night (Harvey, 2008). Hence, a very important
recent shift in the field was documented as part of the National Institutes of Health
(NIH) State of the Science Conference (NIH, 2005). It was concluded that the term
“secondary” insomnia should be replaced with the term “comorbid insomnia” on the
basis of accumulating evidence that insomnia that is comorbid with another disorder
likely contributes to the maintenance of that disorder (Harvey, 2001; Smith, Huang,
& Manber, 2005).
Three-Factor Model
This is a diathesis–stress model that is often referred to as the three-factor model
or the three-P model. According to Spielman, Caruso, and Glovinsky (1987), acute
or short-term insomnia occurs as a result of predisposing factors (e.g., traits) and
precipitating factors (e.g., life stressors). This acute form can then develop into
a chronic or longer-term disorder as a result of perpetuating factors (e.g., poor
coping strategies). Predisposing factors (such as a tendency to worry) constitute a
vulnerability for insomnia, and this vulnerability remains across the life of the disorder.
Precipitating factors trigger acute insomnia, but their influence tends to wane over
time. In contrast, perpetuating factors take hold and serve to maintain insomnia.
Cognitive Model
One cognitive model of insomnia aims to specify the cognitive processes that serve to
perpetuate insomnia (Harvey, 2002). According to this conceptualization, insomnia
is maintained by a cascade of cognitive processes that operate at night and during
the day. The equal emphasis on the nighttime and daytime processes is an important
feature of this model. The key cognitive processes that comprise the cascade are (a)
worry and rumination, (b) selective attention and monitoring, (c) misperception of
sleep and daytime deficits, (d) dysfunctional beliefs about sleep (based on Morin,
1993), and (e) counterproductive safety behaviors that serve to maintain beliefs.
Many of the specific predictions generated by this model have been empirically tested,
leading to refinement of the model (Harvey, 2005) and a new cognitive therapy
treatment approach that has preliminary support in an open trial (Harvey, Sharpley,
Ree, Stinson, & Clark, 2007).
Hyperarousal Models
The hypothesis that physiological hyperarousal serves to perpetuate insomnia has
attracted interest for several decades, since the classic work of Monroe (1967) in
which significantly increased physiological activation (increased rectal temperature,
heart rate, basal skin resistance, and aphasic vasoconstrictions) was found 30 minutes
before and during sleep in persons with insomnia, as compared to good sleepers.
More recently, in a series of elegant studies, Bonnet and Arand (1992) experimentally
induced a chronic physiological activation via caffeine intake in good sleepers. The caf-
feine resulted in decreased sleep efficiency and increased daytime fatigue. In addition,
546 Specific Disorders
Bonnet and Arand (1995) measured whole body VO2 , which was conceptualized
as an index of hyperarousal, at intervals across the day and during sleep. VO2 was
consistently elevated at all measurement points in individuals with insomnia, relative
to the good sleepers. The authors concluded that the 24-hour increase in metabolic
rate observed may be an important maintainer of insomnia.
Neurocognitive Model
The neurocognitive model (Perlis, Giles, Mendelson, Bootzin, & Wyatt, 1997; Perlis,
Merica, Smith, & Giles, 2001) extends the behavioral model by explicitly allowing for
the possibility that conditioned arousal may act as a perpetuating factor. The concept
of arousal is expressed in terms of somatic, cognitive, and cortical arousal.
Somatic arousal corresponds to measures of metabolic rate, cognitive arousal
typically refers to mental constructs like worry and rumination, and cortical arousal
refers to the level of cortical activation (but may also include all of central nervous
system arousal). Cortical arousal, it is hypothesized, occurs as a result of classical
conditioning and allows for abnormal levels of sensory and information processing,
and long-term memory formation. These phenomena, in turn, are directly linked to
sleep continuity disturbance and/or sleep state misperception. Specifically, enhanced
sensory processing (detection of stimuli and potentially the emission of a startle and/or
orienting responses) around sleep onset and during NREM sleep is thought to make
the individual particularly vulnerable to perturbation by environmental stimuli (e.g.,
a noise outside on the street), which in turn interferes with sleep initiation and/or
maintenance. Enhanced information processing (detection of, and discrimination
between, stimuli and the formation of a short-term memory of the stimulating event)
during NREM sleep may blur the phenomenologic distinction between sleep and
wakefulness. That is, one cue for “knowing” that one is asleep is the lack of awareness
of events occurring during sleep. Enhanced information processing may therefore
account for the tendency in insomnia to judge polysomnography-defined sleep as
wakefulness.
Finally, enhanced long-term memory (detection of, and discrimination between,
stimuli and recollection of a stimulating event hours after its occurrence) around sleep
onset and during NREM sleep may interfere with the subjective experience of sleep
initiation and duration. Normally, individuals cannot recall information from periods
immediately prior to sleep, during sleep, or during brief arousals from sleep. An
enhanced ability to encode and retrieve information in insomnia would be expected
to influence judgments about sleep latency, wakefulness after sleep onset, and sleep
duration.
Hybrid Models
At least three models have been proposed that incorporate a range of levels of
explanation (e.g., behavioral, physiological) and across various points of the disorder
(e.g., precipitating factors, perpetuating factors). These will now be described.
Morin’s (1993) cognitive behavioral model of insomnia incorporates cognitive,
temporal, and environmental variables as both precipitating and perpetuating factors.
Insomnia 547
Morin places hyperarousal as the key precipitating factor of insomnia. The hyperarousal
can be cognitive-affective, behavioral, or physiological. Stimulus conditioning can then
exacerbate this arousal. For example, a person may associate temporal (e.g., bedtime
routines) and environmental (e.g., bedroom) stimuli with fear of being unable to
sleep. Worry and rumination may then result. Additional perpetuating factors may
ensue, including, as in the cognitive model, daytime fatigue, worry and emotional
distress about sleep loss, and maladaptive habits (e.g., excessive time in bed). Thus,
hyperarousal may serve as a trigger, but a multitude of factors perpetuate the negative
cycle. However, the consequences of sleeplessness can also serve as a trigger for the
cycle.
Lundh’s (1998) cognitive behavioral model of insomnia also considers cognitive
and physiological arousal, as well as stressful life events, as factors. However, Lundh’s
model proposes sleep interpreting processes as additional factors. Sleep interpreting
processes are thoughts about sleep, including perceptions about sleep onset latency,
total sleep time, and sleep quality; thoughts about sleep quantity requirements and the
consequences of not meeting these requirements; how variations in sleep quality are
explained; and the degree to which negative aspects of daily functioning are attributed
to poor sleep. Thus, a central tenet of this model is that individuals’ cognitions and
perceptions about their poor sleep and their consequent daytime functioning play key
roles in maintaining insomnia.
Espie’s (2002) psychobiological inhibition model posits that insomnia is a disorder
of the automaticity of homeostatic and circadian processes. That is, in good sleepers,
these two processes naturally default to good sleep and can adjust to some variability,
but in persons with insomnia, the central problem is with inhibition of dearousal
processes critical to good sleep. The attention–intention–effort pathway (Espie,
Broomfield, MacMahon, Macphee, & Taylor, 2006) extends this model by providing
an explanation for how insomnia develops and what critical factors maintain it.
More specifically, this pathway suggests that sleep–wake automaticity is inhibited by
selectively attending to sleep, by explicitly intending to sleep, and by introducing
effort into the sleep engagement process.
Environmental Factors
The impact of the environment on insomnia is an understudied area. The interpersonal
context of sleep is an important contributor to insomnia; bed partners can interfere
with each other’s sleep, whether by snoring sounds, movement, or out of sync
bedtimes; noisy or otherwise uncomfortable environments could also create sleep
disturbance; and unsafe bedroom environments likely result in hypervigilance (Troxel
et al., 2010; Troxel, Robles, Hall, & Buysse, 2007).
Also, increased technology use and busier schedules may have an effect on insomnia.
Technology options (television, movies, video games, Internet, music, cell phones,
and text-messaging) and busier schedules (increased homework, part-time employ-
ment, and increased time spent on sports and other extracurricular activities) surely
contribute to the bright light and arousing conditions that are not conducive to
sleep.
548 Specific Disorders
Subjective Estimates
As evident from the RDC criteria, insomnia is defined subjectively. As such, three
levels of self-reported sleep data are collected from patients during an assessment for
insomnia. First, a clinical sleep history is taken to assess for the diagnostic criteria and
the presence of comorbid psychiatric and medical problems. It can be valuable to take
a “wide lens” as well as a “focused lens” approach to the assessment of the current
sleep schedule. The wide lens approach is a broad overview and involves asking the
patient retrospectively to recall his or her sleep before it became a problem. Typically
the focus is on the past week or the past month. The focused lens approach focuses
more specifically on a particular typical night of insomnia.
The broad overview starts by determining which of the following is the patient’s
predominant complaint: not enough sleep, trouble falling asleep, difficulty staying
asleep, early morning awakening, light or nonrefreshing sleep, inability to sleep
without sleeping pills, or sleep that is unpredictable. Then there is a move to more
specificity by obtaining information about the frequency of nights of insomnia and
the night-to-night variability (Spielman & Anderson, 1999). Other topics to work
through systematically are: the time the patient retires to bed (many patients go to bed
very early in an attempt to maximize the amount of sleep they obtain), the activities
engaged in once in bed, time of lights out (including how the decision to turn the
lights out is made), sleep onset latency (the difference between the time of lights out
and the time of falling asleep), awakenings (the number, timing, and duration; the
experience of awakenings, particularly any distress experienced and how the patient
copes), wake-up time (which can be determined by environmental disturbances, and
can be variable or unvarying which is suggestive of a circadian component to the
insomnia), out of bed time (does the patient linger in bed and occasionally fall back
to sleep? If so, this is suggestive of poor sleep hygiene), and total sleep time (does it
vary on the weekdays versus the weekends? If so, this gives a clue that work stress may
be contributing or that circadian factors such as a delayed sleep phase may need to be
considered) (Spielman & Anderson, 1999). In addition, an appreciation of what sleep
and daytime functioning were like before the onset of the sleep problem provides a
comparison for assessing response to treatment.
The more focused lens approach involves a detailed functional analysis of a typical
recent night. The goal is to build up a picture of how various emotional, behavioral,
and cognitive processes are linked to, and feed into, each other (Harvey, 2006). It
essentially involves a detailed discussion of a recent, specific, typical night of poor
sleep. A very specific episode is a situation that happened on one particular day (e.g.,
last Monday) and at a particular time (e.g., while trying to get to sleep). Focusing
Insomnia 549
on this night, a few minutes should be spent asking questions to start to get an
idea of the contexts (e.g., “How was your day?,” “What had you been doing in the
evening?”). These questions help to determine antecedents or events that might have
had a bearing on the insomnia experienced that night (e.g., conflict with a spouse, a
late exercise session). Then a very detailed description should be obtained of exactly
what happened and the consequences of it. By working through the events, and
corresponding thoughts, feelings, and behaviors across one night, a vicious cycle is
drawn out, demonstrating their contribution to the insomnia (Harvey, 2006).
Second, one or more validated questionnaire measures can be used to index the
presence and severity of sleep disturbance (e.g., Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index;
Buysse, Reynolds, Monk, Berman, & Kupfer, 1989), insomnia (e.g., Insomnia
Severity Index; Bastien, Vallieres, & Morin, 2001), and daytime sleepiness (e.g.,
Stanford Sleepiness Scale; Hoddes, Zarcone, Smythe, Phillips, & Dement, 1973).
Third, the patient can be asked to complete a sleep diary each morning as soon
as possible after waking for 2 weeks to provide prospective estimates of sleep. A
standardized and recommended sleep diary has been published (Carney et al., 2012).
A sleep diary provides a wealth of information including night-to-night variability in
sleeping difficulty and sleep–wake patterns and can be used to determine the presence
of circadian rhythm problems, such as a delayed sleep phase or an advance sleep phase.
Also, sleep diaries reduce several problems associated with the methods just discussed
that rely on retrospective report, such as answering on the basis of saliency (i.e., the
worst night) or recency (i.e., the previous night) (Smith, Nowakowski, Soeffing, Orff,
& Perlis, 2003). Interestingly, the “enhanced awareness” of sleep patterns facilitated
by diary keeping can reduce anxiety over sleep loss and thus contribute to better sleep
(Morin, 1993, p. 71).
Objective Estimates
The gold standard measure of sleep is polysomnography (PSG). PSG is used to classify
sleep into the aforementioned stages. It involves placing surface electrodes on the
scalp and face to measure electrical brain activity (electroencephalogram, EEG), eye
movement (electro-oculogram, EOG), and muscle tone (electromyogram, EMG).
The data obtained are used to classify each epoch of data by sleep stage and in terms
of sleep cycles (NREM and REM). Disadvantages associated with PSG include its
expense, discomfort for participants, and labor-intensive nature. Although PSG is
not needed for the routine assessment of insomnia, it is important if the patient is
suspected of having a comorbid sleep disorder such as sleep apnea or periodic limb
movement disorder (Chesson et al., 2004) or if treatment is not effective.
Actigraphy is an alternative means of providing an objective estimate of sleep.
Actigraphs are small, wrist-worn devices, within which are located a sensor, a processor,
and memory storage. The sensor samples physical motion; the processor translates
it into numerical digital data, summarizing the frequency of motions into epochs
of specified time duration and storing the summary in memory. These data are
then downloaded to a computer and analyzed to generate various sleep parameters
(but cannot differentiate stages of sleep). Because the body becomes more quiescent
during sleep, actigraphy can be used to differentiate between periods of wakefulness
550 Specific Disorders
and periods of sleep. In fact, the correlation between actigraphy- and PSG-defined
estimates of total sleep time is quite strong, ranging from 0.88 to 0.97 in adult
nonpatients (Jean-Louis et al., 1997). Although actigraphy is not required for the
assessment of insomnia, it provides an overview of the sleep–wake cycle in a way that
is minimally intrusive.
Interventions
Stimulus control. The rationale for stimulus control therapy lies in the notion that
insomnia is a result of conditioning that occurs when the bed becomes associated
with inability to sleep. As described by Bootzin, Epstein, and Wood (1991), stimulus
control requires patients to (a) use the bed only for sleep (i.e., no watching television
or talking on cell phones), (b) go to bed only when sleepy, (c) get out of bed and go
to another room when unable to fall asleep or return to sleep within approximately
15–20 minutes, and return to bed only when sleepy again, and (d) arise in the
morning at the same time each day (no more than 2 hours later on weekends)
(Bootzin & Stevens, 2005). The goal is gradually to move toward a regular schedule
7 days a week. It is very clear that as a stand-alone intervention, stimulus control is
an effective treatment (Morin et al., 2006), although it is easy to combine with sleep
restriction and deliver the two together.
6 hours of sleep per night, but usually spends about 2 additional hours trying to
get to sleep, the sleep restriction therapy would begin by limiting his or her time
spent in bed to 6 hours. This initial reduction in time spent in bed is intended to
heighten a person’s homeostatic sleep drive (Perlis & Lichstein, 2003). Following this
restriction, sleep gradually becomes more efficient, at which point time spent in bed
is gradually increased to reach an optimal sleep efficiency. Sleep efficiency is defined as
total sleep time divided by time in bed multiplied by 100. The goal is to increase sleep
efficiency to more than 85–90%. It is very clear that as a stand-alone intervention,
sleep restriction is an effective treatment (Morin, Bootzin, et al., 2006).
Sleep hygiene. Information about sleep, sleep-incompatible behaviors, and the daytime
consequences of sleep disturbance is often given to inform patients of the basic steps
that they can take to improve their sleep. Although sleep hygiene education is
typically included as one component of CBT-I, its use as the sole intervention in
treating insomnia has not been empirically supported (Morin, Bootzin, et al., 2006).
to 24 months in adult and older adult samples (Morin, Bootzin, et al., 2006).
This review used the American Psychological Association criteria for well-supported
empirically-based treatments (Chambless & Hollon, 1998) and concluded that these
criteria are met by stimulus control, paradoxical intention, relaxation, sleep restriction
approaches, and the administration of multiple components in the form of CBT-I.
The sleep hygiene intervention alone has not been found to be effective as a treatment
for insomnia. Cognitive therapy for insomnia is a promising new approach, but RCTs
are still needed in order for it to meet American Psychological Association criteria for
an empirically supported treatment.
Treatment of comorbid insomnia. Until relatively recently, it had often been assumed
that insomnia that is comorbid with another psychiatric or medical disorder could
not be successfully treated if the primary condition with which it was associated was
not treated first. While it is certainly true that cases of comorbid insomnia present
additional challenges, evidence is accumulating to suggest that insomnia does respond
to treatment when it is treated with CBT-I, even if the psychiatric or medical disorder
is not under control. Moreover, consistent with the growing evidence that insomnia
and the comorbid disorders mutually maintain each other, treating insomnia can
reduce symptoms and processes associated with the comorbid disorder. For example,
Manber et al. (2008) gave all patients an antidepressant treatment (escitalopram). Half
also received CBT-I while the other half received placebo psychotherapy for sleep. The
addition of CBT-I to the antidepressant treatment resulted in greater remission from
insomnia (50%) and a substantially higher rate of remission of depression (61.5%),
relative to a placebo psychotherapy (remission from insomnia 7.7%; remission from
depression 33.3%). These startling outcomes have encouraged researchers to treat
insomnia comorbid with a range of other medical and psychiatric conditions, including
cancer, HIV, posttraumatic stress disorder, and bipolar disorder.
1. The ideal intervention for sleep disturbance in patients who are taking medica-
tions for other psychiatric or medical conditions is one that alleviates the sleep
disturbance without causing adverse interactions with the prescribed medication
and without causing adverse side effects. Nonpharmacologic interventions meet
those criteria.
Insomnia 553
treatment phase 42% were in remission and these rates increased to between 65
and 51% after 6 months of extended treatment. Patients treated with a combined
approach of CBT plus zolpidem during the initial 6-week treatment phase achieved
better long-term outcomes when zolpidem was discontinued after the initial 6-week
trial compared to those who continued taking the medication on an intermittent
schedule.
In a report of a sample of 334 adolescents aged 12 to 18 years with major
depressive disorder who had not responded to a 2-month initial treatment with a
selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor, adolescents with treatment resistant depression
who used adjunctive sleep medication were less likely to respond to treatment (Brent
et al., 2008), again pointing to the possible advantage of psychosocial treatments for
sleep problems.
Although a full description of other sleep disorders and their treatment is beyond
the scope of this chapter, we provide a very brief description of other major sleep
disorders here. It is important to be aware of, and assess for, the presence of these
other sleep disorders. Each of these disorders is relatively common and can have
serious consequences for the health and daytime functioning of the sufferer. For
further information on these disorders we refer the reader to Kryger, Roth, and
Dement (2005) and Perlis et al. (2011).
Treating Hypersomnia
The pharmacologic treatment of hypersomnia is underresearched (Harvey & Li,
2009) and psychological treatments are in development (Kaplan & Harvey, 2009).
One tricky aspect of the treatment of hypersomnia at this point in knowledge is
to ascertain whether hypersomnia is a disorder of excessive sleep or a disorder of
excessive time in bed. If, as the literature is suggesting, many cases of hypersomnia
are a function of excessive time in bed, the treatment is likely to be focused on
setting daytime goals, adjusting the sleep–wake schedule, and planning for waking
up (see Kaplan & Harvey, 2009, for more details). In cases where hypersomnia
truly involves excessive sleep, after rule outs for disorders such as narcolepsy, CBT-I
approaches involving sleep compression, sleep education, detailed planning of wind-
down and brisk wake-up period, and regularizing the sleep–wake schedule may be
indicated.
Sleep Apnea
Transient closure of the upper airway during sleep is associated with disruption to
sleep. The nighttime symptoms can include snoring, pauses in breathing during
sleep, shortness of breath during sleep, choking during sleep, headaches on waking,
and difficulty getting breath or breathlessness on waking. The adverse outcomes
include daytime sleepiness and cardiovascular problems. Continuous positive airway
pressure (CPAP) is an effective therapy for most patients with obstructive sleep
apnea (OSA). Cognitive behavioral therapy has been used to increase adherence to
CPAP (Perlis et al., 2011). The psychoeducation approach focuses on educating
patients that the most effective treatment for OSA is CPAP and highlights the
psychiatric and health risks of untreated OSA. The modeling approach is presented
in a group setting, with other patients as well as partners and family members to
engage social support. Following an education component, a “modeling video” is
shown that presents real cases of successful CPAP usage, emphasizing the long-
term health benefits of using CPAP. Other useful interventions for CPAP adherence
include exposure therapy for claustrophobic reactions to CPAP and motivational
enhancement therapy.
556 Specific Disorders
Narcolepsy
This is a disorder characterized by excessive sleepiness. Episodes of short uncontrol-
lable naps during the day are typical. Often the nap is associated with cataplexy (loss
of muscle tone triggered by strong emotion), sleep paralysis, or hypnogogic hallu-
cinations. Behavioral interventions for patients with narcolepsy include regularizing
the sleep–wake schedule and scheduled naps. For example, a single 120-minute nap
may be more effective than several short naps for reduction in daytime sleepiness
symptoms (Perlis et al., 2011).
Sleep Deprivation
A startling improvement in mood has been observed in 40–60% of depressed
bipolar patients following total or partial sleep deprivation (Barbini et al., 1998). As
symptoms of depression quickly return when the patient sleeps, several approaches
are being tested in the hope of extending the therapeutic effects of sleep deprivation
by combining sleep deprivation with antidepressant medications, lithium, and light
therapy (Giedke & Schwarzler, 2002; Riemann et al., 1999; Wirz-Justice & Van
den Hoofdakker, 1999). The initial results are promising (Benedetti et al., 2001;
Benedetti et al., 2007). Intriguingly, it is increasingly widely agreed that sleep
deprivation operates via mechanisms similar to antidepressant medication, namely, by
inducing activation of serotonergic transmission (Adrien, 2002).
Social Rhythms
As already noted, exogenous factors have a powerful impact on the circadian/sleep
systems. Indeed, stronger social rhythms are associated with better subjective sleep
quality (Monk, Petrie, Hayes, & Kupfer, 1994). As these exogenous factors are
relatively easy to modify, they have become the target of a powerful psychosocial
Insomnia 557
intervention; namely, interpersonal and social rhythm therapy (Frank, 2005). This
approach is effective for bipolar disorder (Frank et al., 2005). The regularization of
daily rhythms such as meals, exercise, and social contact is likely to be a helpful part
of many interventions to improve sleep.
Meditation
Studies incorporating mindfulness skills, such as letting go, acceptance, and non-
striving, in combination with behavioral treatment for insomnia, reported significant
improvements in presleep arousal, sleep effort, and dysfunctional sleep-related cogni-
tions (Ong, Shapiro, & Manber, 2008). Interestingly, mindfulness may target specific
psychological aspects of sleep-related arousal, such as high levels of rumination and
more negative sleep-related cognitions. Mindfulness meditation represents something
of a departure from traditional cognitive therapy techniques as, rather than chal-
lenging and changing the content of one’s thoughts, one would observe and accept
one’s thoughts. Future research examining the effects of mindfulness meditation
techniques on specific contributors to presleep arousal is an exciting domain for the
future.
Summary
In this chapter we have focused on the most common sleep disorder; namely, chronic
insomnia. We have provided a description of the disorder, an overview of the various
theories of the factors that predispose an individual to developing insomnia, that
precipitate insomnia, and that perpetuate insomnia. In addition, we have included
an overview of the assessment and treatment of insomnia and a brief introduction
to other sleep disorders. Although we spend approximately one-third of our lives
sleeping, sleep is a relatively new topic of scientific study. As such, there is a myriad of
mysteries and questions about the function of sleep and sleep disorders that are yet to
be answered. The results that have emerged to date clearly place sleep as critical for
the health and well-being of humans throughout the lifespan. As such, it is a domain
that holds a large number of exciting opportunities for future research. Before closing
we wish to draw attention to three of the many interesting questions that remain to
be answered relating to chronic insomnia and the role of sleep in other psychiatric
and medical disorders.
16 (Hoban, 2004). Average nighttime sleep varies between 7 and 9 hours in young
adults and between 6 and 8 hours in the middle adult years. There are also alterations
in sleep architecture over the course of development. Newborn infants are thought
to start sleep with REM and then move into NREM, with each REM–NREM
cycle lasting about 50 minutes (Carskadon & Dement, 2005). In newborns REM
and NREM phases are called “active” and “quiet” sleep, respectively, because of
the difficulty in differentiating sleep stages at this age. Whereas newborns spend
approximately 50% of sleep in “active” sleep, once a child is 2 years of age this
percentage reduces to 20–30% of total sleep time. Between the ages of 6 and 11, the
amount of Stage 3 and 4 sleep reduces and Stage 2 sleep increases (Hoban, 2004).
Across the adolescent years, the “adult” sleep cycle length becomes established, with
Stages 3 and 4 further decreasing in length, accompanied by increases in Stage 2 sleep
(Carskadon & Dement, 2005). During the adolescent years there is a delay in circadian
phase and a corresponding delay in sleep onset, often shifting past midnight to the
early morning hours (Carskadon, 2002; Tate, Richardson, & Carskadon, 2002).
This has been attributable to a number of influences, which include a tendency
toward increasing autonomy in deciding what time to go to bed, which coincides
with both a natural biological delay in the circadian cycle with the onset of puberty
and irregularity in the sleep schedule associated with psychosocial stress and social
activities (Carskadon, 2002; Hoban, 2004). There is a small evidence base reporting
on the effectiveness of some interventions (including those described previously in
the “Circadian Rhythm Disorders” section) with children and adolescents who suffer
from sleep disturbance (Bootzin & Stevens, 2005; Owens, France, & Wiggs, 1999;
Sadeh, 2005). However, this domain has not been adequately investigated given the
scope of the problem.
Improving Treatments
There is no doubt that CBT-I is an effective treatment, as evidenced by two meta-
analyses (Morin, Culbert, & Schwartz, 1994; Murtagh & Greenwood, 1995) and a
review conducted by the Standards of Practice Committee of the American Academy
of Sleep Medicine (Chesson et al., 1999; Morin, Hauri, et al., 1999) which has
been updated (Morin, Bootzin, et al., 2006). However, the field is not as yet at a
point where patients can be offered a maximally effective psychological treatment,
as indicated by (a) the significant subset of patients who do not improve following
CBT-I (19–26%), (b) the average overall improvement being in the range of 50–60%
(Morin, Culbert, et al., 1994; Murtagh & Greenwood, 1995), and (c) the fact that
only a minority of patients reach a high end state (i.e., become good sleepers; Harvey
& Tang, 2003). Furthermore, the widely held assumption that a treatment that
addresses sleep will also effectively address the daytime consequences of insomnia,
has not yet been supported (Means, Lichstein, Epperson, & Johnson, 2000). In fact,
there is some evidence that aspects of the daytime impairment suffered by patients
with insomnia are independent of nighttime sleep (Neitzert Semler & Harvey, 2005).
Hence, treatment development efforts that improve outcome and target daytime
symptoms are an important direction for the future.
Insomnia 559
Comorbidity
Several investigators have concluded that the outcome data suggest that improvement
in sleep following CBT-I treatment has great potential to facilitate improvement in
medical and psychological symptoms of the so-called “primary” psychiatric or medical
disorder (Harvey, 2008; Smith et al., 2005). This is an exciting direction for future
exploration. Theoretically this links back to the idea, discussed earlier in this chapter,
that sleep likely has a regulatory role in mood and emotion as well as in bodily repair
and immune system functioning. Hence, sleep disturbance is likely to contribute to
the exacerbation of symptoms in psychiatric and medical disorders and treatment of
sleep disturbance may be critical for full recovery. Initial results are consistent with
these ideas in the context of depression (Manber et al., 2008), nightmares (Germain,
Shear, Hall, & Buysse, 2007), chronic pain (Currie, Wilson, & Curran, 2002), and
substance use problems (Arnedt et al., 2007).
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25
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia
Nervosa
Jennifer Svaldi and Brunna Tuschen-Caffier
University of Freiburg, Germany
Eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa (AN) and bulimia nervosa (BN) are
characterized by disturbed eating behavior as well as body weight and shape concerns.
Subjects with AN strive to be extremely thin and show pathological fear of gaining
weight. While the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed., text
rev.; DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2000) stresses that this
fear persists even though individuals with AN are underweight, the Eating Disorder
Work Group of the DSM-5 (www.dsm5.org) recommends substituting the term
“underweight” with the phrase “markedly low weight”. In the DSM-IV-TR (APA,
2000), normal weight and underweight are established by means of the body mass
index (BMI = body weight in kg/body height in m2 ). A BMI less than or equal to
17.5 is considered underweight, suggesting that an individual’s weight is less than 85%
of the weight considered to be normal for his or her age and height. For the revision
of the DSM (DSM-5), the Eating Disorders Work Group proposes to renounce the
quantification of underweight. Rather, whether weight is inappropriately low should
be defined taking into consideration the person’s age, gender, and physical health
status (see also www.dsm5.org).
In the case of BN it is typical for affected subjects to suffer from repetitive episodes
of binge eating. During these episodes, mainly high caloric and easily accessible
food (e.g., cake, ice cream, bread, pasta, fast food) is consumed, which is generally
avoided during regular meals. Due to fears of weight gain many individuals with
BN engage in self-induced vomiting after a binge-eating episode. Alternatively or
additionally, they misuse laxatives, diuretics, or enemas, or other medications. This
form of BN is subtyped as BN purging type (APA, 2000). Binge-eating episodes
are a necessary criterion for the classification of BN according to the DSM-IV (APA,
2000). However, it is still unclear how large the amount of food eaten needs to
be in order to qualify as an “objective”—rather than a “subjective”—binge attack.
This aside, binge attacks are episodes which occur in a discrete period of time
and are accompanied by a sense of loss of control. While in the current DSM-
IV binge-eating episodes and compensatory behaviors have to occur on average at
least twice a week over a period of 3 months, the Eating Disorder Work Group
recommends that the required minimum frequency in the DSM-5 be reduced to once
a week over the last 3 months (www.dsm5.org), as individuals who report a lower
frequency than twice per week are comparable to those meeting the current DSM-IV
criterion.
Even though individuals with BN are in general of normal weight, they often are
concerned about their body shape and weight. Additionally, their self-evaluation is
strongly dependent on how satisfied or unsatisfied they are with their body weight
or shape (APA, 2000). A diagnosis of BN, however, should not be given if the
disturbance occurs only in the course of AN.
While the DSM-IV requires the specification of the BN purging subtype and the
nonpurging subtype, the expert group recommends a deletion of the two subtypes
as it is unclear how to define nonpurging inappropriate behavior. Additionally,
the nonpurging subtype has received little attention both empirically and clinically.
Finally, it is unclear insofar as individuals with this subtype of BN more closely
resemble individuals with binge eating disorder (www.dsm5.org).
Overvaluation of body weight and shape and associated body dissatisfaction are core
features of AN as well as BN (APA, 2000). It has been shown that overvaluation
of body weight and shape plays a central role in the development and maintenance
of eating disordered symptoms (Jacobi, Hayward, de Zwaan, Kraemer, & Agras,
2004). According to schema-theoretical conceptions (Vitousek & Hollon, 1990;
Williamson, White, York-Crowe, & Stewart, 2004), body dissatisfaction represents
the negative cognitive and affective connotation of one’s own body represented in
the body schema. From a developmental perspective, a negative body schema is the
result of past negative experiences activated by exposure to body-related cues (e.g.,
a mirror). Such activated negative body-related self-schema is further presumed to
direct eating disordered patients’ attention to body-related stimuli. At the behavioral
level such distortions in information processing are presumed to be observable as
body checking and avoidance of body-related information, but also restrictive eating
and compensatory behavior (Williamson et al., 2004).
According to the presented model, shape- and weight-related worries in AN present
themselves not only at the emotional (e.g., shame, disgust) and cognitive level (e.g.,
undue influence of body weight and shape on self-evaluation), but also at different
levels of information processing; for example, the allocation of attention toward
specific body parts. Empirical evidence for the model comes, for instance, from a
study by Rieger et al. (1998): Subjects with AN and BN responded faster to a probe
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa 569
when it was at the location of a word cue denoting a large body. Likewise, in a pictorial
dot-probe paradigm, Shafran, Lee, Cooper, Palmer, and Fairburn (2007) found that
relative to body-unrelated cues, attention was allocated more toward both neutral and
negative body-related cues in eating disordered patients. While these studies did not
assess whether the processed stimuli were dependent on their level of self-reference,
other studies investigated whether eating disordered individuals process their own
and other bodies in fundamentally different ways. For example, Jansen, Nederkoorn,
and Mulkens (2005) consecutively presented eating symptomatic and normal control
participants with a photo of themselves (self-body) and a picture of a weight-matched
control body (other-body) while continuously measuring eye movements. Eating
symptomatic participants allocated their gaze more toward their own self-termed ugly
body parts than to their own beautiful body parts. When looking at the other-body,
the eating symptomatic group paid most attention to the beautiful body parts of
the other-body. By contrast, normal controls showed the opposite gaze pattern.
Comparably, when looking at body pictures, women with high body dissatisfaction
were found to allocate their attention significantly more often and longer toward
hips, waist, legs, and arms than women with low body dissatisfaction did (Hewig,
Cooper, Trippe, Hecht, Straube, & Miltner, 2008). Moreover, Blechert, Ansorge,
and Tuschen-Caffier (2010) analyzed attentional processes of patients with AN and
BN using a modified dot-probe paradigm. The aim of the study was to test whether
individuals with AN and BN show an attentional bias toward a photo of their own body
(self-photo) relative to a photo of a matched control participant’s body (other-photo).
Saccade latency was used as an index of covert attention to the cue photos. In the AN
group saccades were faster when the self-photo was the target whereas in the BN group
there was a numerically opposite but nonsignificant pattern. The bias for self-photos
correlated with body dissatisfaction in the AN group (the more dissatisfied AN patients
were, the stronger was the attentional bias toward the self-photos). Taken together,
there is evidence that patients with eating disturbances seem to show an attentional
bias (vigilance) toward ugly body parts (Jansen et al., 2005) and toward their own
body, rather than avoidance behavior (Blechert et al., 2010; Shafran et al., 2007).
This is an important aspect for body image treatment (discussed later in this chapter).
Associated Psychopathology
failure and to muscular weakness and cramps, obstipation, hypotonia, and cardiac
arrhythmias. Moreover, severe underweight may result in estrogen deficiency lead-
ing to bone loss, which is associated with an increased fracture risk. In addition,
metabolism problems and electrolyte imbalance may lead to cardiovascular complica-
tions, or cardiac insufficiency, which can also lead to death by cardiac arrest. As such,
the mortality risk in AN and BN is significantly increased compared to the normal
population (Arcelus, Mitchell, Wales, & Nielsen, 2011; Crow et al., 2009; Herzog
et al., 2000; Keel, Mitchell, Miller, Davis, & Crow, 1999).
Physiological dysfunction includes amenorrhea, which is usually a consequence of
the weight loss. While the DSM-IV (APA, 2000) requires amenorrhea for diagnostic
fulfillment, the Eating Disorder Work Group of the DSM-5 suggests a deletion of
this criterion, as a subgroup of AN patients continues to have at least some menstrual
activity though fulfilling all other symptoms of AN. Moreover, amenorrhea cannot
be applied to men, nor to premenarchal and postmenopausal females, nor to females
taking oral contraceptives (www.dsm5.org).
Genetic Predisposition
There is evidence that a genetic predisposition may increase vulnerability for AN and
BN (Fichter & Noegel, 1990; Strober, Freeman, Lampert, Diamond, & Kaye, 2000).
For instance, the concordance rate concerning eating disorders for monozygotic twins
amounted to 56–65%; in dizygotic twins concordance rates were substantially lower
at 7–8% (Crisp, Hall, & Holland, 1985; Holland, Sicotte, & Treasure, 1988). Genes
seem to be important for the development of AN in particular (e.g., Bulik et al.,
2006; Klump, Wonderlich, Lehoux, Lilenfeld, & Bulik, 2002).
In patients with BN concordance rates have been reported at between 22.9 and
35% for monozygotic twins, and for dizygotic females between 8.7 and 29% (Holland
et al., 1988; Kendler et al., 1991). This could indicate a lower involvement of
genetic factors in BN compared to AN. On the basis of a review on cultural and
genetic influences in eating disorders, Keel and Klump (2003) have drawn a similar
conclusion. However, another review (Fairburn, Cowen, & Harrison, 1999) gives
evidence of a wide range in the determined concordance rates both in AN and BN
twin studies. This wide range may also be determined by the varying methodologies
and sample sizes used in the studies.
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa 571
Positive short-term
Biological
effects (e.g., emotion
changes
regulation)
Disturbed eating
(e.g., binge eating)
Sociocultural Influences
In Western industrialized societies there is an abundance of palatable foods, appe-
tizing beyond the extent of physical hunger. Moreover, opulent and versatile food
is of high significance on social occasions. At the same time, though, Western
societies have an extremely thin body ideal, favoring slim and flat bodies. Women
in particular are exposed to a strong normative pressure to conform to this body
ideal. From an early age, girls more than boys learn that positive evaluations and
care are strongly dependent on their physical appearance (Striegel-Moore, Silber-
stein, & Rodin, 1986), and their self-esteem correlates significantly with body
build (Guyot, Fairchild, & Hill, 1981). Many of them have concerns about their
weight and appearance even in childhood and try to restrict their food intake
(Hawkins, Turell, & Jackson, 1983). This problem aggravates in puberty during
the genetically determined increase of body fat in females; accordingly, the per-
centage of those who resort to dieting increases (Thelen, Powell, Lawrence, &
Kuhnert, 1992). Body dissatisfaction is very prominent in adult women as well.
Thirty percent of those in the normal weight range try to lose weight by dieting
or exercise in order to improve general health and increase attractiveness (Green
et al., 1997). The mentioned characteristics—concerns about body shape, size, and
weight, and efforts at dietary restriction—are also typical features of AN and BN.
Therefore, it is assumed that there is a continuum from an accepting attitude toward
one’s body with a dietary intake oriented at internal signals, to strong concerns
about one’s body with a deliberate restriction of caloric intake, up to clinical eat-
ing disorders (Heatherton & Polivy, 1992; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore,
1984).
572 Specific Disorders
Familial Factors
There is evidence that mothers of daughters with disordered eating report more
dissatisfaction with the general functioning of the family system than mothers of
daughters without disturbed eating (Pike & Rodin, 1991). However, the inference
that these abnormalities are responsible for the development of eating disorders is
problematic, as their characteristics may well be a consequence of eating disorders.
Nevertheless, unfavorable familial ties can become a source of pressure, independent
of whether they are of a primary or secondary nature, thus contributing to the
maintenance of the disorder.
However, it is likely that the eating-related behavior of mothers and their attitudes
toward body and weight are of special importance. Mothers of daughters with
disordered eating differ in their dieting history from mothers of girls without disturbed
eating. They themselves more often show disturbed eating patterns and have a
problematic attitude toward the body shape and weight of their eating disturbed
daughters (Pike & Rodin, 1991). Possible effects of modeling (observational learning)
are given by a study of girls with mothers with restrained eating: These girls have
stronger fears of getting fat, and in the laboratory they eat more after a preload
than girls with mothers without restrained eating (Franzen & Florin, 1995). As
such, children of mothers with restrained eating could have a higher risk for the
development of an eating disorder. However, it is still unclear whether modeling
explains the transmission of the maternal eating behavior to the daughters. For
instance, evidence for a familial transmission of eating behavior from mothers to
daughters through direct modeling has not been found yet (Byely, Archibald, Graber,
& Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Griffiths & McCabe, 2000). Moreover, it has been shown
that girls show higher restrained eating if their mothers report a low belief in their own
autonomy (Ogden & Steward, 2000). Furthermore, the development of disturbed
eating may be the consequence of an interaction between parental eating style and
other aspects of parental behavior such as overprotection (Tata, Fox, & Cooper,
2001) or shame-proneness (Murray, Waller, & Legg, 2000).
This indicates that patients with AN and BN show a generalized attentional bias for
food images, regardless of caloric value, and may explain the persistent preoccupation
with food in these individuals. Further, it has been found that restrained eaters
(Herman & Mack, 1975), as a risk group for the development of eating disorders,
show typical attentional processing toward food items: Restrained eaters respond less
strongly in their electrocortical responses (as displayed by early ERPs) to high caloric
food cues which they expect to eat subsequently compared to food cues which they do
not expect to eat, a difference that was not evident in nonrestrained eaters (Blechert,
Feige, Hajcak, & Tuschen-Caffier, 2010). This result may indicate that restrained
eaters downregulate their reactivity to available food cues in order to maintain their
dietary rules.
Further, experimental studies with women high on restrained eating yield evidence
that cognitive control of restrained eating behavior can be lost under various circum-
stances. In particular, under preload conditions (e.g., letting participants taste a food
item prior to a taste test), but also at the smell or the sight of food, under stress for
any number of reasons, as well as under negative and positive mood, individuals with
high restrained eating react with disinhibited eating (Cools, Schotte, & McNally,
1992; Jansen, 1996; Mills & Palandra, 2008; Schotte, Cools, & McNally, 1990).
Specifically, whereas unrestrained eaters eat less under the described circumstances,
restrained eaters tend to eat more. This phenomenon of counter-regulation is con-
sidered an analogue of binge episodes, which are a central feature of BN and AN
binge-eating/purging subtype. It is interesting that in individuals with AN and BN
the control over the eating behavior is lost under comparable circumstances as in
individuals with restrained eating.
Physiological Reactions
When exposed to food, individuals display anticipatory reactions (Powley & Berthoud,
1985) including increased salivation and insulin response. Subsequently, blood glu-
cose level goes down and intestinal motility increases to prepare the organism for
food intake (see Power & Schulkin, 2008, for other such anticipatory reactions,
also called cephalic phase responses). It seems plausible that such cephalic phase
responses are particularly distinct in food-deprived individuals. Contrary to expec-
tation, patients with AN (restricting type), who consequently maintain a strict diet
and accordingly are strongly food-deprived, react with a significantly lower sali-
vary response at the sight of food stimuli than women with BN, whose dietary
restriction is subject to strong fluctuations (LeGoff, Leichner, & Spigelman, 1988).
Jansen’s (1994) classical conditioning model yields a good explanation for this
counterintuitive result. Accordingly, food intake as an unconditioned stimulus acti-
vates unconditioned metabolic processes. If an abundant food intake often succeeds
the sight or smell of food, the latter themselves can become conditioned stimuli,
thereby triggering cephalic phase responses without prior food intake. Similarly,
arbitrary other external and internal conditions (being alone in front of the tele-
vision, agitation, depressed mood, pressure to perform) can become conditioned
stimuli for anticipatory physiological reactions directed at food intake, if they are
always succeeded by food intake. In patients with AN of the restricting subtype,
574 Specific Disorders
however, the chances of such conditioning processes occurring are fairly low. They
frequently expose themselves to eating-related stimuli, for example, by studying
cooking recipes, preparing palatable meals for others, and occasionally confronting
themselves with the smell and the sight of food—in general, though, without
noteworthy food intake occurring. Thereby, AN patients have, to a certain extent,
established an extinction program for anticipatory, physiological reactions and there-
fore have created a favorable premise to further maintain their dietary restriction.
Patients with BN, on the other hand, switch between dieting or fasting periods
and phases, during which they eat abundantly. Overeating often occurs in the
evening, when they are alone, when they have expressed restrained eating over the
whole day, and often when they feel under pressure. In this way these external
and internal conditions can easily reach the stage of conditioned stimuli for the
anticipatory, physiological reactions. In restricted food intake and fasting periods
as well behavioral strategies, patients with BN differ from those with AN. In these
periods individuals with BN are constantly concerned with food. However, these
thoughts center around the question of how the confrontation with food can be
avoided, or they are oriented toward the availability of food for a later binge-eating
episode.
Sexual Trauma
Eating disordered patients share some features with victims of sexual trauma, such as a
negative attitude towards one’s body and a sense of self loaded with shame and guilt, as
well as a negative attitude toward sexuality. However, these common features do not
allow the conclusion that traumatic experiences, especially in childhood and adoles-
cence, increase vulnerability, particularly for the development of an eating disorder. In
methodologically well-conducted studies, the assumption of an increased vulnerability
for eating disorders after traumatic experiences compared to other mental disorders
was not confirmed (Pope & Hudson, 1992; Welch & Fairburn, 1996). Some studies
suggest that women with eating disorders do not differ from women without eating
disorders with regard to the frequency of sexual trauma prior to the onset of the disor-
der (Pope & Hudson, 1992; Pope, Mangweth, Negrao, Hudson, & Cordas, 1994).
In other studies clear differences between patients with mental disorders (DSM-III-R,
Axis I) and healthy controls were found; however, differences were not found between
women with eating disorders and those with other Axis I disorders (Palmer, Chaloner,
& Oppenheimer, 1992; Welch & Fairburn, 1994). The latter results point more
toward an increased risk for the development of mental disorders in general (DSM-III-
R, Axis I), and therefore also for the possible development of an eating disorder, fol-
lowing trauma. However, trauma does not represent a specific risk factor for the devel-
opment of eating disorders. In accordance with this, the probability of past traumatic
experiences in eating disordered individuals is higher with the presence of comorbid
Axis I disorders (Roty, Yager, & Rossotto, 1994) or comorbid personality disorders
(McClelland, Mynors-Wallis, Fahy, & Treasure, 1991) than when such comorbidity
is absent. Nevertheless, even though not specific for the development of AN and BN,
traumatic experiences, if present, should be a target in the treatment of AN and BN.
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa 575
Dysregulation of Affect
A subgroup of eating disordered individuals may have difficulties coping with intensive
emotions, especially anger and sadness, or may experience them in an especially
intensive manner. In this context, Fairburn, Cooper, and Shafran (2003) speak
of mood intolerance. It is assumed that eating disordered individuals affected by
mood intolerance do have difficulties in the acceptance of mood fluctuations and in
reacting adequately to them. Instead, they engage in dysfunctional strategies, such
as overeating, in order to distract themselves from aversive emotional states and
associated thoughts. There is some evidence that binge eating in patients with BN
is triggered by negative affect (e.g., Alpers & Tuschen-Caffier, 2001; Haedt-Matt &
Keel, 2011; Hilbert & Tuschen-Caffier, 2007).
Moreover, Svaldi, Griepenstroh, Tuschen-Caffier, and Ehring (2012) systemati-
cally investigated emotion regulation difficulties across patients with AN, BN, and
binge-eating disorder (BED) using a large range of emotion regulation variables.
Additionally, as emotion regulation difficulties have been found across a wide range
of emotional disorders (e.g., Campbell-Sills & Barlow, 2006) patients with borderline
576 Specific Disorders
personality disorder (BPD) and individuals with major depressive disorder (MDD)
were included. Compared to healthy subjects, all clinical groups reported significantly
higher levels of emotion intensity, lower acceptance of emotions, less emotional aware-
ness and clarity, more self-reported emotion regulation problems, and decreased use
of functional and increased use of dysfunctional emotion regulation strategies. Thus,
results point toward emotion regulation difficulties being a transdiagnostic risk or
maintenance factor, rather than being typical for specific mental disorders.
Low Self-Esteem
Empirical evidence further suggests that eating disordered individuals often display
low self-esteem (Button, Loan, Davies, & Sonuga-Barke, 1997; Cooper & Fairburn,
1993). In addition, several studies found associations between self-esteem and eating
pathology in eating disturbed individuals (for an overview, see Shisslak, Crago,
Renger, & Clark-Wagner, 1998). It is still unclear, however, whether low self-esteem
is the consequence of an eating disorder and as such contributes to its maintenance,
or whether low self-esteem is also relevant for the incidence of an eating disorder.
Overall, empirical evidence suggests that the development and maintenance of eating
disorders is most probably multifactorial. A key component of AN and BN is that
the importance of body shape and weight is strongly overvalued. In this context
(both preceding and following the incidence of the disorder) eating-behavior-related
abnormalities emerge (restricted food intake, increased food intake). With the aim
of weight reduction different means of weight control (e.g., intermittent fasting) are
adopted, thus leading to biological changes (e.g., reduction of the basal metabolism),
which in turn increase the probability of disturbed eating behavior. Most likely, the
immediate consequences of pathological eating behavior (e.g., restricted food intake
in AN) play a central role in the maintenance of eating disorders (e.g., positive
reinforcement in the sense of an increased control over one’s body in AN; negative
reinforcement in the sense of a distraction from aversive emotions by focusing on
binge episodes in BN).
For the primary incidence of the psychopathological phenomena associated with
eating disorders, it is very likely that interdependent factors play a crucial role. As such,
biological processes such as the reduction of the basal metabolism through frequent
dieting, or the conditioning of metabolic processes (cephalic phase responses) as a
consequence of the frequent linkage of arbitrary internal or external stimuli (e.g.,
agitation, negative mood, performance orientation) with food intake (e.g., in BN),
probably play an important role. These processes have to be considered in the context
of social factors (e.g., excessive orientation toward a thin body ideal) and individual
factors of a person’s learning history (e.g., food as a comforter, the importance of
the thin body ideal in the family). Personality variables (e.g., self-esteem problems,
a pronounced need for control) can contribute to a narrowing of one’s sense of
self and self-definition to one’s body shape and weight (see also Fairburn, Shafran,
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa 577
& Cooper, 1999), thereby leading to the necessity to become or remain thin.
Alternatively, in BN increased food consumption may be a means of affect regulation
in the sense of a negative reinforcement (Alpers & Tuschen-Caffier, 2001; Fairburn,
Cooper, et al., 2003; Heatherton & Baumeister, 1991). Critical life events or periods
(e.g., interpersonal problems in the form of a closeness–distance regulation problem
in close relationships) not infrequently precede the onset of the first incidence of
eating disorder symptoms; at the same time, though, these factors also contribute
to the maintenance of the disorder (see also Cattanach, Malley, & Rodin, 1988;
Tuschen-Caffier & Vögele, 1999).
Taking into consideration contemporary studies and developments in the concep-
tualization of eating disorders, it can be assumed that the various eating disorders
share more commonalities than differences with regard to mechanisms of develop-
ment and maintenance (Fairburn, Cooper, et al., 2003). This justifies the adoption
of an integrative view on risk factors in their possible effect on the development and
maintenance of the various forms of eating disorders.
For the treatment of AN and BN, cognitive behavioral approaches adopt a therapeutic
structure that directly focuses on the distinctive features of the disorder: nutritional
management and normalization of food intake, alteration of body image disturbances
and negative feelings towards one’s body, and alteration of the functional relation of
stress and eating behavior (Fairburn, Cooper, et al., 2003; Tuschen-Caffier, Pook,
& Frank, 2001; Wilson, Fairburn, Agras, Walsh, & Kraemer, 2002). Within these
treatment blocks, most cognitive behavioral treatment programs adopt behaviorally-
oriented interventions, but also cognitive interventions that are thought to motivate
patients to question their views and beliefs, and, where necessary, achieve a shift
toward more realistic thoughts and attitudes, as well as emotional patterns that
enhance well-being.
developed into a central goal in life. Society conveys the impression that the value
of a woman depends, to a great extent, upon her figure or weight. Considering this
background, it is understandable if a woman develops a massive concern or fear about
her figure not corresponding with this ideal. It is further understandable that this
could lead someone to start dieting, eating low-caloric food, or even vomiting. These
general statements should be complemented, if possible, by individual experiences of
the patient. They should also be able to describe why the patient was overly concerned
with figure and weight at the time the eating disorder began to occur.
Depending on the results of the individual analysis of the problem, the therapist will
also point out the connection between eating behavior and psychological impairment
due to stressful situations. These can be interpersonal conflicts, pressure to achieve, or
intense feelings (e.g., feeling angry, sad, bored, excited, or lonely). One mechanism
that can be used to explain the connection between stressful situations and eating is
distraction. A preoccupation with eating and vomiting (in the case of BN) or with the
aim of not eating (in the case of AN) provides a distraction from disturbing thoughts
and feelings.
Alternatively, it can be explained to patients with BN that psychological stressors,
and specifically the accompanying feelings and thoughts, can become conditioned
stimuli for anticipatory bodily reactions focusing on food intake (e.g., raised insulin),
as long as they are repeatedly followed by eating (Jansen, 1994). The principle of
counter-regulation can also be explained to the patients: In situations that are not
stressful, they are capable of controlling or suppressing the craving for food that is
produced by their body. However, in stressful situations this energy is needed to cope
with the problems.
Knowledge of the disorder and the ability to use specific therapeutic measures in
treating AN and BN are of great importance for the success of therapy. It further
requires a positive attitude toward the therapy on the part of the therapist, as well as a
high motivation to cooperate actively with therapy on the part of the person seeking
treatment.
The next section of this chapter focuses on cognitive behavioral interventions in
the context of symptom-oriented therapy.
Nutritional Management
Long time-spans between meals, frequent fasting, and a diet low in carbohydrates
and fats are typical for both AN and BN. In both disorders the aim is to implement
regular eating patterns, including a balanced intake of macronutrients (carbohydrates,
protein, fats). To counteract malnutrition and the co-occurring psychobiological
aftereffects (e.g., binge-eating episodes, depressed mood, constant preoccupation
with food), patients are guided to eat three meals a day, and, additionally, two small
daily snacks between the meals. As both AN and BN patients are characterized by
distinct fears about weight gain when being on a regular meal schedule, exclusively
educative interventions in the sense of a nutrition consultation are in general not
enough to motivate patients to change their eating patterns in the long run (e.g.,
Pike, Walsh, Vitousek, Wilson, & Bauer, 2003). Motivational interviewing techniques
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa 579
are used to support patients in adherence to a regular eating pattern and to motivate
patients toward self-responsible decisions and behaviors (DiMarco et al., 2009).
In AN, weight restoration is a major aim of the implementation of a regular meal
intake. Experts advise aiming for a weight gain of about 500 g to a maximum of
1,000 g per week in the inpatient setting; in the outpatient setting the weight gain is
usually smaller (200–500 g per week). The magnitude of the weekly weight gain has
to be planned according to the physical condition of the patient. A medical checkup
of the patient’s health status is essential. To promote personal responsibility and self-
control for the progression of a healthy eating style, and because of possible severe
medical complications, there is a tendency to refrain from total parenteral nutrition.
However, in cases where underweight may prove fatal, there may be an indication for
parenteral nutrition, which occurs under medical assistance in the inpatient setting.
In addition to the regular meal intakes, patients’ general levels of activity have a
crucial influence on whether the intended weight gain is achieved. Therefore, patients
are motivated to avoid excessive exercise and to reduce their general level of activity
for their daily errands (e.g., by taking the elevator instead of using the stairs). In
severe cases, patients need to have bed rest.
In contrast to patients with BN, most of whom can be treated in an outpatient
setting, for many patients with AN inpatient treatment may be necessary before
starting treatment in an outpatient setting. In the context of nutritional management,
all patients are guided to learn an eating behavior that they can maintain in the
long term, without feeling psychologically or biologically deprived and without
experiencing fear toward specific foods, which can themselves function as risk factors
for relapse. Therefore, from the beginning “forbidden foods” are integrated into the
regular meal plan and patients learn to eat them in moderate amounts. Usually, these
forbidden foods are of high caloric content (e.g., chocolate, cake), which patients
actually like to eat, but in general deny themselves out of a fear of becoming fat or
losing control. The fact that these foods in particular are eaten in large amounts during
the course of a binge episode repeatedly leads to rigorous attempts to eliminate them
from the daily meal plan. Therefore patients are prompted gradually to overcome their
phobic fears concerning specific foods and to develop realistic beliefs with regard to the
probability of weight gain. Furthermore, in the context of these exposures patients
with binge-eating episodes are guided to eat the preferred binge food attentively
(i.e., eating slowly, identifying and naming the taste and the smell of the relevant
food).
confrontation are useful techniques. The aim of these techniques is to confront the
patients with their body and their body experience systematically (e.g., Delinsky &
G. T. Wilson, 2006; Hilbert & Tuschen-Caffier, 2004; Tuschen-Caffier, Pook, et al.,
2001; Tuschen-Caffier, Vögele, Bracht, & Hilbert, 2003). During mirror exposure,
patients are guided to describe their appearance in detail, rather than evaluating
themselves on the dimensions of fat and thin. Initially, patients wear their habitual
clothes, in which they feel comfortable. Often, these are articles of clothing that veil
the patient’s body shape. The therapist prompts the patient to observe him- or herself
in a full-length mirror. With the help of gull-wing doors, patients are also able to
observe the back side of their body. In general, patients start with a description of
their face. Without the guidance of the therapist self-descriptions remain at a rather
global, superficial level (e.g., “Apart from my fat cheeks my face looks quite normal”).
By means of directed specifications (e.g., “Skin can be fine-pored or large-pored,
pigmented light-colored or dark. What does your skin on the face look like?”),
patients are gradually guided toward a more differentiated perception and evaluation
of their physical appearance.
Having described their body in detail, patients are prompted to reflect the overall
impression of their person. In doing so they should attribute emotions (e.g., “I look
rather sad and reserved”), the state of their personal needs (e.g., “If I met myself at a
party, I would think: She wants to be alone. She doesn’t want to be approached by
anyone”), and behavior tendencies (e.g., “My posture looks as if I would like to steal
off”) to their overall appearance.
Mirror exposures are carried out at different times of the day (e.g., prior to and
after meal intake) and when patients are in different emotional states. Furthermore,
patients are asked to wear different clothing (elegant, figure-accentuating dresses;
sports clothes) in order to experiment with their appearance (e.g., changing hair-style,
putting on make-up, wearing jewelry). By means of such a playful/experimental
handling of their look, many patients become more flexible in the way they dress and
the image they want to represent.
It is especially difficult for patients to do the mirror exposures in skin-tight clothing.
It is important that the therapist pays attention that the patient does not use avoidance
strategies (e.g., diverting his or her gaze). On the one hand, patients verbalize their
thoughts and feelings at the sight of their body; on the other hand, they are prompted
to give a detailed self-description. The respective mirror exposure sessions are not
terminated until the patient has calmed down considerably. Over the course of
exposure sessions patients gradually get used to the sight of their body, and they learn
to widen the evaluative dimensions regarding their physical attractiveness and to accept
negative features of their physical appearance, without overly emphasizing them.
Skills-Based Interventions
These interventions are useful for patients who have skill deficits (e.g., deficits in
problem solving, deficits in strategies for overcoming stressful situations), or for
patients who display overly strong emotional reactions to stressful events. Moreover,
they are helpful for patients who show a reduced tolerance for aversive situations and
emotions (e.g., Fairburn, Marcus, & Wilson, 1993). Patients are asked to describe
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa 581
and define what they experience their problem to be; then the therapist prompts
them to generate, preferably in an uncensored manner, all potential solutions that
come to mind. Subsequently, they evaluate the various generated alternatives in terms
of their effectiveness for the solution of the problem. In the following phase of the
training patients are prompted to choose an alternative solution (or combination of
alternatives) and to try it. After the “testing stage” patients evaluate the alternative(s),
with regard to how successfully they were able to implement the strategy and to what
extent they were able to solve their problem effectively. If the result is unsatisfactory,
patient and therapist together try to find a plausible explanation for the unfavorable
problem-solving result (e.g., Was the problem-solving strategy implemented
adequately? Was the strategy unsuitable for the solution of the problem?). This is
then followed by a further test phase, either using the problem-solving strategy that
was originally implemented, or choosing and testing a new strategy.
Exposure Therapy
If patients show overly strong reactions to stressful events, or their tolerance for
aversive situations and emotions is rather low, exposure therapy may be a promising
option. During exposure therapy, patients are exposed to aversive situations and
emotions without being able to resort to pathological eating behavior. As such, by
means of several techniques (e.g., videofeedback, audiofeedback, special therapeutic
conversation strategies), patients are mentally exposed to the specific situations and
emotions (e.g., negative recall of a former relationship; unreached goals) that usually
lead to binge eating. At the same time they are confronted with the foods they usually
eat during a binge-eating episode. They are repeatedly prompted to describe the food
in detail, to smell it, to describe what they smell, and to have a small bite of the food
in order to identify it. During the course of the prolonged exposure the high level
of stress gradually decreases, and the anticipated physiological craving (cephalic phase
responses) is probably extinguished, thereby gradually reducing the desire to eat (see
also Jansen, 1994). In this way patients learn that they have the ability to bear stressful
situations and their co-occurring feelings and thoughts without having to give in to
the craving for food.
Cognitive Intervention
In most cognitive behavioral treatments, the three main therapeutic blocks (nutritional
management, alteration of body image disturbances, and improvement of stress
management) are supplemented by specific cognitive strategies, which help patients
overcome their rigid, often dichotomous thinking. As such, for the development of
more realistic thoughts in eating disordered patients, Fairburn et al. (1993) suggest
an orientation toward the developed strategy of cognitive restructuring (e.g., Beck,
2011). In the first step of this process, participants are asked to identify and specify
a problematic thought. Following that, they are asked to evaluate the evidence for
and against the expressed thought. In the final step, patients have to weigh the pros
and cons against each other and finally come to a reasoned conclusion. This shift in
thinking is then thought to guide patients’ future behavior. Thereby, at the beginning
582 Specific Disorders
of this restructuring process it is not pivotal that patients have actually internalized
their shift in attention; rather, they should acquire the knowledge regarding which
perspective (e.g., with regard to weight cycling) is appropriate and reasonable,
and orient their behavior toward this perspective. In sum, the aim of cognitive
interventions is to help patients to become aware of the respective advantages and
disadvantages of their behavior and objectives and to decide for themselves, giving
consideration to all aspects (e.g., health risks vs. risks regarding central aspects of their
perception of attractiveness) in favor of or against each alternative in a self-determined
and self-responsible manner.
In general, cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) programs for the treatment of eat-
ing disorders include the treatment blocks described earlier in the chapter. For the
treatment of BN, CBT is considered the treatment of choice; as such, in numerous
controlled treatment studies CBT emerged as the more effective treatment com-
pared to other forms of treatment (e.g., pharmacological treatment, interpersonal
psychotherapy) (Walsh et al., 1997; Wilson & Fairburn, 2002; Wilson et al., 1999).
A meta-analysis considered 26 studies with a total of 460 patients with BN
for the treatment of BN by CBT; the studies compared patients treated with
CBT with patients treated with alternative psychological therapies or no treatment
(Whittal, Agras, & Gould, 1999). Effect sizes for CBT were very good throughout
(effect size [ES] for reduction of binges = 1.28; ES for reduction of compensatory
behavior = 1.22; ES for reduction of symptoms of depression = 1.31; ES for
reduction of dysfunctional thoughts with regard to eating = 1.35). Furthermore, this
meta-analysis showed that CBT was superior to pharmacological approaches on all
four outcome variables. Moreover, clinical studies have provided evidence that CBT
leads to a long-term reduction of bulimic symptoms in 70–75% of patients (Fichter
& Quadflieg, 2004; Tuschen-Caffier et al., 2001).
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa 583
With regard to AN, only a few controlled treatment studies have been conducted
to date. At this point, there is no empirical support for whether CBT should be
the treatment of choice for AN as well. However, clinical studies yield evidence
that CBT treatment leads to a substantial reduction of symptoms in the majority
of patients. As such, Fichter, Quadflieg, and Hedlund (2006) described the 12-year
course of patients with AN (N = 103) after inpatient cognitive behavioral treatment.
Accordingly, over 50% were free of any eating disorder.
Effectiveness studies for the evaluation of CBT usually refer to an investigation of
the treatment blocks described earlier. In the following sections, the three treatment
blocks (nutritional management, body image therapy, and stress management) will
be considered separately with regard to their (supposed) effectiveness.
exposure session both prior to and after a body image therapy session including
at least three sessions of guided mirror exposure. Results revealed that the extent
of negative body-related emotions and cognitions was significantly reduced in the
unguided post- compared to the unguided pre-mirror exposure session in the eating
disordered group, while emotions and cognitions remained stable in the control
group.
Further, Delinsky and D. M. Wilson (2010) found considerable decreases in distress
within and between exposure sessions in a BN case example with three repeated mirror
exposures. Moreover, Trentowska, Bender, and Tuschen-Caffier (2013) have shown
that subjective distress as well as negative cognitions and emotions improved during
four sessions of body image training with repeated mirror exposure in women
diagnosed with eating disorder not otherwise specified (EDNOS) and BN.
In sum, there is evidence that mirror exposure is a promising intervention for
the treatment of body dissatisfaction for individuals with subclinical eating symp-
tomatology (Delinsky & G. T. Wilson, 2006; Moreno-Dom ı́nguez et al., 2012),
binge-eating disorder (Hilbert & Tuschen-Caffier, 2004; Hilbert, Tuschen-Caffier,
& Vögele, 2002), BN, and EDNOS (Trentowska et al., 2013; Vocks et al., 2007;
Vocks et al., 2008). By contrast, studies testing the effects of mirror exposure in AN
are scarce. In fact, disregarding studies which included extremely small samples of
AN patients and thus could not make evaluations in this subsample only (n < 6;
Vocks, et al., 2007; Vocks et al., 2008), to our knowledge only three studies so far
have tested the effects of body image therapy in AN. One study showed that body
image therapy with mirror exposure was significantly better with regard to reduction
of body dissatisfaction, body anxiety, and avoidance behaviors than standard body
image treatment with only one mirror exposure (Key et al., 2002). However, the
sample size in this study was very small (n = 6 for the standard treatment, n = 9
for the mirror exposure group). In addition, patients with AN were admitted to the
study only after weight restoration. Using exposure by videofeedback, another study
(Rushford & Ostermeyer, 1997) found that sensations of fatness and comparative
size responses decreased significantly over the course of body exposure. By contrast,
a recent fMRI study (Vocks et al., 2010) found an increase in the activity of the
extrastriate body area by body image therapy, but no pre-post differences were found
at the self-report level of the AN patients with regard to the cognitive affective
dimension towards one’s body. The authors interpreted the neural findings in terms
of a reduction of an avoidant information processing of body-related stimuli instigated
by the body image therapy. However, only a more direct measure of visual attention
during exposure to one’s body can give more insight into the role of attentional
processes in the maintenance and modification of body dissatisfaction in body image
therapy.
In summary, even though it seems promising, at present there is a lack of evidence
on the long-term effects of body image therapy using mirror exposure and/or other
confrontation methods (e.g., videofeedback). Furthermore, future research has yet
to reveal the underlying mechanisms of the effectiveness of mirror exposure. Mirror
exposure has been shown to trigger negative emotions toward one’s body that
gradually decrease during the course of repeated exposure (Tuschen-Caffier et al.,
2003), but it is still unclear whether this effect is a consequence of habituation or can
Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa 585
Concluding Remarks
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behavioral theories of eating disorders. Behavior Modification, 28, 711–738.
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and processes of change. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67 , 451–459.
26
Obesity
Simone Munsch
Fribourg University, Switzerland
Anita Jansen
University of Maastricht, The Netherlands
Introduction
Obesity, defined as a body mass index (BMI) equal to or greater than 30 kg/m2 , is
a major health problem that is increasing dramatically worldwide. Obesity is health-
threatening and brings about high medical costs and significant productivity losses as
a result of increased sick leave (Neovius, Neovius, Kark, & Rasmussen, 2010).
The ultimate cause of obesity, or excess body fat, is calorie intake exceeding
calorie output. Although it is quite easy to overeat and gain weight, it is extremely
difficult to reduce intake and lower body weight. Current knowledge about obesity
predominantly comes from biomedical, epidemiological, and public health studies and
recently also from the cognitive neuroscience field. Despite all this knowledge, long-
term effective treatments for obesity are not available, except for bariatric surgery.
Surgery is, however, risky (complications), invasive, and mostly irreversible, and
leads to inescapable lifelong abnormal eating. Hence there is a need for noninvasive
treatments that are effective in the long run. Genetic vulnerability is frequently used
as an argument against cognitive behavioral interventions. However, there are many
examples of genetically vulnerable people improving from cognitive behavioral therapy
(CBT); for example, individuals suffering from depression and anxiety disorders or
from conditions such as phenylketonuria, where sustained behavior change in terms
of dieting is maximally effective. The genetic contribution to obesity is mainly related
to the regulation of eating behavior. The most likely successful therapy for obesity
therefore targets pathways of the regulation of food intake.
In the present chapter an overview is given of the psychological mechanisms and
individual differences that determine food intake and body weight. Until now, psycho-
logical interventions to lose body weight—and to maintain this weight loss—have
been only partially successful. One of the claims in the present chapter is that
obesity is predominantly a behavioral problem and that insights from clinical psy-
chology could contribute to the development of more effective interventions for
obesity.
(WHO, 2009). Overweight and obesity are classified into different classes representing
increasing risk for various health consequences:
A clear indication for treatment is given in individuals with a BMI over 30. If risk
factors such as abdominal fat distribution, hypercholesterolemia, diabetes, hypertonia,
and significant psychological suffering are given at present, treatment in overweight
(BMI 25–29.9 kg/m2 ) individuals is required (see also guidelines of the National
Heart Lung and Blood Institute, 2012).
Etiology
Overweight and obesity result from an ongoing positive energy balance due to
an excess of energy intake compared to energy use (Westerterp, 1993). Besides a
genetic predisposition, psychological, sociocultural, and environmental factors act as
determinants for energy intake and expenditure. To enhance prevention and treatment
effects it is especially important to identify the psychological factors contributing to
the maintenance of overweight and obesity.
Biological factors. Twin and adoption studies underline the importance of biological
factors, as approximately two-thirds of the variability in body weight is probably due
to genetic factors (Bouchard, 2007; Ravussin & Bogardus, 2000). Genetic factors
include alleles fostering the storing of energy in times when food is scarce (“thrifty
genotype”; Neel, Weder, & Julius, 1998). These alleles represent evolutionary mean-
ingful mechanisms but in today’s obesogenic environment they turn out to act as
genetically driven risk factors for certain individuals. Further maternal weight regu-
lation during the prenatal phase and an early obesity rebound between the ages of
4 and 6 represent genetically determined vulnerable phases for the development and
maintenance of overweight and obesity (Hebebrand, Sommerlad, Geller, Görg, &
Hinney, 2001).
However, the largest part of inherited body weight variability is supposed to
operate through effects on appetite-related traits. Specifically sensitivity to food cues
and experienced food reward show heritable influence (Wardle, Carnell, Haworth,
& Plomin, 2008). In recent years there have been substantial efforts to identify
specific candidate genes for obesity. Two appetitive phenotypes appear to be related
to obesity (Wardle & Carnell, 2009; Wardle et al., 2008): a phenotype that shows
decreased sensitivity to internal satiety cues, and a phenotype that is highly responsive
to external food cues. One of the most important candidates is the FTO-gene
(fat mass and obesity associated gene). People with the FTO-gene (AA alleles)
typically show difficulty in stopping or down-regulating eating. They are called
the “satiety insensitive phenotype” (Wardle et al., 2008). Genome-wide association
596 Specific Disorders
studies (GWAS) corroborate the existence of 32 loci altogether. These alleles explain
1.5% of the BMI variance, while 0.34% of the variance is explained by the FTO-gene.
The other phenotype is hyper-responsive to food cues. This phenotype is sensitive to
the rewarding effects of foods that are mediated by brain dopamine levels and typically
up-regulates intake with palatable food.
Although 67% of the variability in BMI is supposed to be genetically based, only
12% of genetic predisposition is related to metabolic rate. The largest part of inherited
body weight variability, about 40%, is thought to operate through effects on appetite-
related traits (Ravussin & Bogardus, 2000; Wardle & Carnell, 2009). The effects of
currently identified genes thus are marginal (Speliotes et al., 2010) and it was therefore
concluded by Ravussin and Bogardus (2000) that “the most likely successful therapy
for obesity may target pathways of the regulation of food intake” (p. 17).
Environmental factors: nutrition, eating style, and physical activity. Even though
there is a considerable genetically driven biological control of energy intake and body
weight, up to 40% of the variance of body weight is associated with environmental
factors such as nutritional habits, eating style, and physical activity patterns (Herpertz
et al., 2003). The worldwide increase in overweight and obesity prevalence rates is
associated with drastic changes in nutritional and physical activity habits during the
last 50 years. In today’s modern world, regular physical activity is no longer necessary
for survival and large amounts of palatable foods are always easily accessible for a
huge part of the population (Martinez-Gonzalez, Martinez, Hu, Gibney, & Kearney,
1999; Rolls, Roe, Beach, & Kris-Etherton, 2005).
Psychological factors: emotion and impulse regulation, and cognitive factors. The devel-
opment and maintenance of obesity is significantly influenced by psychological factors
such as deficient impulse and emotion regulation capacities. Several prospective stud-
ies reveal an association between depressive symptoms, oppositional defiant disorders,
and overweight or obesity (Goodman & Whitaker, 2002; Peisah, Brodaty, Lus-
combe, & Anstey, 2005; Pine, Goldstein, Wolk, & Weissman, 2001). In a cohort
study, depressive symptoms in 17-year-old adolescents were predictive for an increase
of body weight during the next 10 years (Hasler et al., 2004). Another recent
meta-analysis based on longitudinal studies found a bidirectional association between
depression and obesity. Clinically relevant depression predicted obesity, and depres-
sion influenced the development of obesity. These associations were most relevant for
Americans but were also found in samples from Europe (Luppino et al., 2010).
Psychological problems may have detrimental consequences for obese persons,
especially in childhood. Consequently, psychological well-being should be routinely
assessed in obese youth and adult patients. Table 26.1 summarizes instruments that
allow the identification of correlates of clinically significant mental health problems,
and BED in particular.
Eating Disorder Examination for Children 8–14 years 36 items, 4 subscales: restraint, eating concern,
(ChEDE; Bryant-Waugh, Cooper, Taylor, weight concern, shape concern; DSM-IV
& Lask, 1996) eating disorder diagnosis
Eating Disorder Examination-Questionnaire 12–14 years 28 items, 4 subscales: restraint, eating concern,
for Children (ChEDE-Q; TODAY Study weight concern, shape concern; measures
Group, 2007) diagnostic features of eating disorders
Schedule of Affective Disorders and 6–18 years Past and present DSM-IV mental disorders
Schizophrenia for School-age
Children—Present and Lifetime Version
(K-SADS-PL; Kaufman et al., 1997;
K-SADS; Puig-Antich & Chambers, 1978)
Eating in the Absence of Hunger for Children 6–19 years 14 items, 3 subscales: negative affect, external
and Adolescents (EAH-C; Tanofsky-Kraff, eating, fatigue/boredom; measures the
Ranzenhofer, et al., 2008) frequency of eating when one is not hungry
Eating Disorder Examination (EDE; Fairburn,
2008)
Eating Disorder Examination-Questionnaire 28 items, 4 scales: restraint scale, eating
(EDE-Q; Fairburn & Beglin, 1994) concern scale, weight concern scale, shape
concern scale
Basic Symptom Inventory (BSI; Derogatis, 53 items, 9 subscales, 3 global indexes
1993)
(Continued Overleaf )
Table 26.1 (Continued)
response inhibition abilities and reward sensitivity might determine one’s responses
to the abundance of food in contemporary societies. Obesity is associated with
insufficient inhibitory control and increased reward sensitivity (Nederkoorn, Braet,
Van Eijs, Tanghe, & Jansen, 2006; Nederkoorn, Smulders, Havermans, Roefs,
& Jansen, 2006). Response inhibition refers to the ability to overrule automatic
intentions to respond to (mostly tempting) stimuli. Studies using the Stop Signal
Task to measure one’s ability to inhibit show a clear difference between obese and
lean participants: Obese children and adults are less capable in stopping responses
than lean children and adults (A. Jansen et al., 2009; Nederkoorn, Braet, et al., 2006;
Nederkoorn, Smulders, et al., 2006). Reward sensitivity refers to an increased need
for large and quick rewards. Obese children and adults are more sensitive to rewards
than lean children and adults; for example, they gamble longer for rewards even
when this ends up in losses (Appelhans, 2009; Franken & Muris, 2005; Nederkoorn,
Smulders, et al., 2006).
Increased reward sensitivity and insufficient inhibitory control have been proposed
as a common pathway of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), obesity,
and BED, which may also explain the increased co-occurrence of ADHD and
obesity (Pagoto et al., 2009). Temperament characteristics such as decreased response
inhibition and increased reward sensitivity (sometimes referred to as impulsivity)
induce overeating (Guerrieri, Nederkoorn, Schrooten, Martijn, & Jansen, 2009;
Guerrieri et al., 2007) and may moderate the influence of negative affect on eating
behavior in obese individuals (Solanto et al., 2001; Stice et al., 2009).
Impulsivity might hinder treatment. In a sample of obese children (aged 8 to 12
years) treated with CBT, it appeared that BMI and impulsivity were correlated: Within
the obese sample the most obese children were the most impulsive ones (Nederkoorn,
Braet, et al., 2006). These most impulsive children lost the least amount of weight
during treatment (Nederkoorn, Jansen, Mulkens, & Jansen, 2007).
Another important and interconnected factor regarding the regulation of food
intake concerns emotion regulation. Responses to daily stressors depend on an
individual’s sensitivity toward emotions, the capability to correctly identify and
express emotions, and the ability to regulate one’s emotional response appropriately
(Gross, 2007; Haynos & Fruzzetti, 2011; Reicherts, Genoud, & Zimmermann,
2011). Difficulties with the regulation of emotions appear to be related to psy-
chopathology, as emotion regulation deficiencies are related to longer and more
severe periods of distress (Aldao, Nolen-Hoeksema, & Schweizer, 2010). Individuals
with poor emotion regulation capacities are further prone to turn to food to escape
or down-regulate their emotions, creating risk for excessive restriction or intake of
energy (Engler, Crowther, Dalton, & Sanftner, 2006; Munsch, Hasenboehler, &
Meyer, 2011; Munsch, Meyer, Quartier, & Wilhelm, 2011). In a laboratory study
it was found that an obese sample high in negative affect overate after negative
mood induction compared to an obese sample low in negative affect (A. Jansen,
Vanreyten, et al., 2008). A recent questionnaire-based study shows that obese
patients reveal difficulties in identifying and labeling emotions and rely more on
unhealthy strategies such as suppression compared to healthy controls. In particular
unhealthy emotion processing was associated with emotional eating (Zijlstra et al.,
2012).
600 Specific Disorders
Obesity Treatment
It has been shown that a positive energy balance is responsible for the development
and maintenance of obesity. Consequently, current treatments include strategies
in order to change this energy balance by focusing on both energy intake and
physical activity behavior. In spite of substantial research efforts in the field of obesity
treatment, studies often do not indicate the strength of their treatment effects, and the
comparability of the efficacy of the different programs remains limited. The following
suggestions for effective treatment of obese adults are based on the guidelines of the
Cochrane Collaboration (Oude Luttikhuis et al., 2009) and the National Institute
for Health and Clinical Excellence (2012). Child-specific treatment suggestions are
discussed in the “Obesity in Childhood” section of this chapter.
Physical activity behavior. In order to lose weight, one’s amount of daily sedentary
behavior has to be reduced and the amount and frequency of physical activity have to
be increased. In general, 45–60 minutes of physical activity per day is recommended
in obese adults in order to foster weight reduction. For the maintenance of weight
losses, individuals are advised to be physically active for 90 minutes per day. An
increase of physical activity is associated with an increase of muscle mass and a
reduction of the health complications related to obesity (high blood pressure,
fasting serum glucose, etc.). Even though a substantial increase in physical activity is
needed, it should be kept in mind that only realistic, individually adapted goals foster
long-term behavioral change.
Cognitive training. Given that CBT is one of the most effective treatment strategies
for many behavioral disorders, it seems likely that psychological treatment for obesity
will focus on CBT strategies (Carter & Jansen, 2012). However, results from a recent
CBT trial for weight loss and weight maintenance in obesity are disappointing (Cooper
et al., 2010). Some other studies, however, do suggest that a more intense focus on
cognitive interventions is needed for weight loss and weight loss maintenance (Stahre
& Hallstrom, 2005; Stahre, Tärnell, Håkanson, & Hällström, 2007; Werrij et al.,
2009). It has been suggested that cognitive restructuring might have a prophylactic
effect in helping to prevent relapse and maintain weight loss over the longer term
(Werrij et al., 2009).
Recent experimental pilot studies indicate that interventions aimed at the reduc-
tion of impulsive behaviors might be effective in the reduction of overeating. For
example, a training of inhibitory control was effective in the reduction of chocolate
intake (Houben & Jansen, 2011) and working memory training appeared to reduce
alcohol intake in problem drinkers (Houben, Wiers, & Jansen, 2011). Future studies
should find out whether new cognitive interventions that actually tackle maintain-
ing mechanisms—such as cognitive restructuring, training of inhibitory control, and
working memory training—are also effective in the long run, and can be implemented
in clinical practice.
602 Specific Disorders
Obesity in Childhood
Epidemiology and phenomenology. Obesity in childhood is an increasing worldwide
problem and children are becoming overweight and obese at a progressively younger
age (Ogden et al., 2006). Childhood overweight and obesity is not only known to
cause multiple health consequences but also shows a strong tendency to persist into
adulthood (Baker, Olsen, & Sørensen, 2007).
Moreover, obese children suffer from diverse psychological problems (Pitrou, Sho-
jaei, Wazana, Gilbert, & Kovess-Masfety, 2010; Roth, Munsch, Meyer, Isler, &
Schneider, 2008). These psychological problems encompass internalizing problems
(such as anxiety and depression, isolation and withdrawal) and externalizing problems
(such as hyperactivity, conduct problems, low self-esteem, and peer conflicts and
interaction problems) (Banis et al., 1988; Braet, Mervielde, & Vandereycken, 1997;
Drukker, Wojciechowski, Feron, Mengelers, & Van Os, 2009; Epstein, Klein, &
Wisniewski, 1994; Epstein, Myers, & Anderson, 1996; Lawlor et al., 2005; Lumeng,
Gannon, Cabral, Frank, & Zuckerman, 2003; Pitrou et al., 2010; Roth, Munsch,
Meyer, Winkler, et al., 2008; ter Bogt et al., 2006; Tershakovec, Weller, & Gallagher,
1994; Vila et al., 2004). Only a few studies used standardized diagnostic interviews
to assess mental disorders in obese children. Affective disorders, as well as anxiety
and conduct disorders and ADHD, were also frequently found (Mustillo et al.,
2003; Roth, Munsch, Meyer, Winkler, et al., 2008; Vila et al., 2004). It should be
noted that the degree of obesity is not systematically related to more psychological
problems, it is not systematically observed in all cross-sectional studies, and it is not
always independent of confounders such as socioeconomic status or lifestyle (Pitrou
et al., 2010). In general, the interrelatedness between weight gain and psycho-
logical problems might be bidirectional, in that clinically meaningful psychological
distress might foster weight gain and rapid weight gain may lead to psychosocial
problems.
The psychological consequences of obesity in childhood should be assessed as
carefully as the possible medical consequences. Besides self-report questionnaires such
as the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL; Achenbach, 1991), specialized interviews
such as the Child Eating Disorder Examination (ChEDE; Bryant-Waugh, Cooper,
Taylor, & Lask, 1996) to assess the eating behavior of the child, or corresponding
questionnaire forms (ChEDE-Q; Bryant-Waugh et al., 1996), should be applied (for
further information, see Table 26.1).
As in the case of adults, the treatment of childhood obesity aims at changing
nutritional behavior and eating style, and increasing physical activity. Parents are
highly important when it comes to sustained behavior change in obese children and
thus should be included in treatment attempts. As measurement of BMI does not
reflect the status of overweight in children adequately, up to the age of 18 years BMI
percentiles are calculated taking into account age and gender (Kromeyer-Hauschild
et al., 2001). According to the criteria of the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (2012), children with a BMI over the 85th BMI percentile are classified
as overweight. Children with a BMI over the 95th BMI percentile are classified as
fulfilling the criteria for obesity even though this classification is, in a sense, arbitrary.
The natural course of BMI is age-dependent. After birth, BMI increases and reaches
Obesity 603
a peak at the age of 8 to 9 months. Thereafter BMI decreases until the age of 4.5
to 5 years. The second increase thereafter until puberty is called “obesity rebound.”
The risk of staying obese increases with age: Whereas a 3-year-old obese child has a
relatively low risk of being obese in adulthood, this risk increases up to 80% in a 10-
to 14-year-old adolescent. Furthermore, an early age of obesity rebound seems to be
predictive for later obesity (Baker et al., 2007).
Familial factors. In children, family context, and familial eating behavior and its
transmission, have an important role with respect to the regulation of body weight
(Hasenboehler, Munsch, Meyer, Kappler, & Vögele, 2009; Munsch et al., 2007;
Zeller et al., 2007). In obese children, familial eating style is often transmitted by
specific instructions or reinforcements. A further important psychological correlate of
childhood obesity might be found in familial stress. Familial stress such as mental or
somatic illnesses of parents, or stress associated with low socioeconomic status, might
contribute to excessive energy intake. The underlying mechanism might be related to
shared genetic factors and the regulation within the neuroendocrine axis in response
to stress (Goodman & Whitaker, 2002; Hasler et al., 2005).
Psychological factors
Eating behavior. In obese children, studies report elevated scores of external and
emotional eating as well as engagement in restrained eating in an attempt to restrict
energy intake to achieve society’s aesthetic ideal of thinness (Braet & Van Strien,
1997; Nederkoorn, Braet, et al., 2006). Uncontrolled overeating might be driven by
a deficit in affect-regulation emotional eating as a response to an adverse arousal state
(Czaja, Rief, & Hilbert, 2009; E. Jansen, Mulkens, & Jansen, 2007) in combination
with engaging in strict dietary restraint.
There is increasing evidence that many obese children suffer regular binge eating,
with several important differences in phenomenology compared to adults with BED
(Ackard, Neumark-Sztainer, Story, & Perry, 2003; Decaluwé, Braet, & Fairburn,
2002; Goossens, Braet, & Decaluwé, 2007; Hilbert & Munsch, 2005; Marcus &
Kalarchian, 2003; Morgan et al., 2002; Tanofsky-Kraff, Marcus, Yanovski, & Yanovski,
2008; Tanofsky-Kraff et al., 2003). Children also binge eat during regular meals or at
parties. As in adults, the amount of energy intake seems to be less important for the
identification of binge-eating episodes than the subjective feeling of loss of control.
As only very few children seem to fulfill the adult research criteria for BED and thus
are diagnosed with EDNOS (eating disorder not otherwise specified), Marcus and
604 Specific Disorders
Kalarchian (2003) developed specific criteria to assess binge eating in children. They
suggest assessing the experience of “loss of control (LOC) eating,” defined as the
experience of loss of control independent of the amount of energy intake, rather
than the full-blown picture of adult BED (Tanofsky-Kraff, Marcus, et al., 2008).
LOC eating is associated with an increase in body fat mass of 15% over 4 years
(Tanofsky-Kraff et al., 2006).
Treatment of childhood obesity. In children, the model behavior of the family plays
an important role in the development of obesity (Golan & Crow, 2004; Munsch
et al., 2008). As the exclusive treatment of parents is comparably efficacious to
Obesity 605
Treatment effects. Treatment effects in childhood obesity have increased but still
remain moderate, especially if long-term weight reduction, improvement of psycho-
logical problems, and dropout rates are considered (Oude Luttikhuis et al., 2009;
Wilfley et al., 2007). The inclusion of specialized modules aiming at the improvement
of social anxiousness, body image, and social competences result in a more profound
and sustained decrease in behavior problems (A. Jansen, Vanreyten, et al., 2008; E.
Jansen et al., 2011; Munsch et al., 2008; Roth, Munsch, & Meyer, 2011). Additional
booster sessions are shown to reduce weight regain, but there may be no time-limited
effective strategy to guarantee long-term weight stabilization in obese youth (Wilfley
et al., 2007).
Case Reports
Erica
Erica is 36 years old (178 cm and 126 kg; BMI 39.8) and has been a fanatical
sportswoman. In her late twenties, she became less active and started to gain weight.
At the age of 28, after her first child was born, she was definitely obese. Since then,
she has tried continuously to lose weight, unfortunately without much success. Erica
has followed a range of popular diets, and although she frequently lost some pounds,
her weight loss never lasted. Usually, she ended up with a higher weight than before.
606 Specific Disorders
When she reached her highest ever weight, Erica decided that she needed professional
help.
Last month she started participating in CBT (following the Oxford manual; Cooper,
Fairburn, & Hawker, 2003) at the local mental health center. A physical examination
at the intake revealed type 2 diabetes, hypertension, and the beginnings of arthritis
in her knees. Erica also complains of fatigue and a loss of energy. A psychological
interview further underlined the presence of a mild depressive disorder. During the
interview it became clear that Erica’s self-worth decreases when gaining weight. She
lacks self-respect and is not able to accept herself.
Erica is highly motivated for treatment. She absolutely wants to regain control over
her eating and her weight. In response to the question “Why do you want to lose
weight?” Erica answers that she wants to feel better, and to improve her health and
her appearance.
During the behavioral analysis concerning Erica’s eating behavior, problems with
restricting energy intake in the late afternoon and evening became evident. Addition-
ally it revealed that Erica eats irregularly and that she has a preference for high-calorie
foods, in particular high-fat snacks. She starts the day without breakfast, as she does
not feel hungry early in the morning. At work she sometimes has a small lunch.
She usually feels quite exhausted and hungry when she goes home and she therefore
frequently buys high-calorie snacks on her way home from work. At that moment she
thinks of all the work at home—for example, preparing a meal for her husband and
two children—and concludes that she deserves a snack. At home, she is frequently
continuously grazing: she repeatedly eats small amounts of high-calorie tasty foods
(nuts, chips, chocolate, and so on) during the evening until she goes to bed. Next
morning she regrets having eaten all the high-calorie foods and not having adhered
to her dietary rules.
Erica tells the therapist that she has been trying to change her habits frequently,
she has been working hard to change, but she has always slipped back into bad habits.
The issue is, according to Erica, that the wrong food is everywhere. At nearly every
corner it is possible to buy cheap high-calorie sweets and snacks.
She has tried several diets. At the beginning of a diet, Erica usually loses weight, but
then it becomes more difficult, especially at times of sustained stress and when Erica
feels tired or emotional. She then gives in to temptations; at these moments she thinks
things like “I am craving it,” “It is unfair that I can’t eat this,” or “I am unhappy and
deserve it.” Overeating is the consequence, followed by shame and regret.
Erica also feels miserable about her body. She tells the therapist that looking at
herself or dressing makes her feel miserable. She avoids looking in the mirror, feels
ashamed about her body when naked; for example, when taking a shower. She never
goes to a swimming pool because she does not want to be seen in swimming clothes.
She is convinced that she will never look good as long as she is overweight. She does
not exercise anymore as she thinks that everybody will look at her and that everybody
will see her fat wobbling. Thinking about her body makes her feel sad, and when she
feels sad, she often starts snacking to cope with her feelings.
In treatment, a modest weight loss goal is set and Erica starts a 1,500-calorie diet.
It is expected that she will lose weight when consuming 1,500 kcal a day. Clear
advice is given about when to eat and what to eat. Erica monitors everything she
Obesity 607
eats and drinks. Close reviewing of the monitoring records enables the identification
of Erica’s high-risk situations. Skills are taught for coping with these situations.
Overall activity is intensified and appointments are made to do some formal exercise
(swimming during swimming hours for overweight people). Although it is not easy
for Erica, she succeeds in gradually changing her daily routine. Her motivation and
commitment are very high, which might foster success. Erica slowly loses weight
and she quickly feels much better. Cognitive interventions (Beck & Foss, 2007)
are started to change her ideas on her looks, and how to respond to sabotaging
thoughts. Although Erica still has a long way to go, she has made an excellent
start.
Sarah
Sarah is 9 years old (44 kg, 120cm, BMI-percentile >99). She has two brothers, who
are of a normal weight, but both her mother and her father are obese. When she was
3 years old, Sarah was already overweight and her weight increased significantly after
the age of 4.
Sarah has problems at school. She is easily distracted and reacts impulsively if she
feels attacked or provoked. She is teased because of her weight and shape at school
and suffers a lot from it. She tells us that she has no idea how to defend herself.
Her parents do realize that Sarah is not well and they feel very sorry for her as they
both remember having been teased because of their body weight. They try hard to
support Sarah in doing her homework as she needs a lot of structure. Lately, Sarah’s
pediatrician told them that he fears that Sarah’s weight will continue to increase.
Both parents try to offer healthy food, but as they are out at work during the day,
the children help themselves to items from the fridge until their parents return. In the
evening the parents usually serve the children cheese, butter, and cold meat.
Sarah tells us that she often eats more than her brothers and others at school. She
tells us that she hates herself for this. She also snacks frequently and she does not like
fruit or vegetables. She wants to lose weight and would like to be slimmer—like the
other girls at school. It makes her feel very sad if she is not invited to participate in
playing or sports. She is convinced that others laugh at her because of her body shape.
Sarah’s parents blame themselves for not being able to support their daughter.
Sarah’s father tells us that he is often exhausted at weekends and he then does not
feel prepared to go out and play with his children. The boys go out themselves, but
Sarah is often bored and stays inside the house.
Sarah and her parents are motivated to participate in a manualized CBT training for
obese children and their parents (Munsch et al., 2008). The psychological interview
does not reveal any mental disorders but the CBCL indicates an increased score
of attentional, impulsive symptoms, and a tendency to isolate from others. As the
pediatrician regularly sees Sarah, the medical investigation was not repeated. Due
to their work schedule the parents could not participate in a group program and
individual sessions were carried out. Sarah was regularly informed about the contents
of her parents’ training.
During the training, the maintaining factors of Sarah’s overweight were identified.
As a consequence, the parents helped the older brother and Sarah to prepare healthy
608 Specific Disorders
meals more regularly. Together with Sarah they developed nutritional and physical
activity goals. The nutritional goal included the eating of fruit three times a day and
waiting 5 minutes before a second serving of food. The physical activity goal was to
cycle on the playground near the house for 15 minutes per day. The parents agreed
to go shopping together once a week and to buy food they could easily allow their
children to eat (as the parents were trained to take responsibility for the food that is
offered, while the children are encouraged to eat until satisfied from what is being
served). They also involved their children in goal setting and in the reinforcement plan;
goals were fixed for all three children. The family soon realized that reinforcements
have to be feasible in the context of everyday life, such as, for example, being with
her mother in bed for five minutes, or playing football at weekends. Sarah’s brothers
were not happy to change their food preferences but they agreed in order to help
their sister. The parents trained Sarah in defending herself against being teased by
others. At the beginning it was difficult, as in particular Sarah’s mother could not
stand seeing her daughter suffering. It was important to train Sarah to defend herself
independently of her overweight. Also Sarah’s brothers helped and began to intervene
when Sarah was teased while they were present. Sarah’s parents contacted the teacher
and he agreed to intervene whenever he observed that anybody was teased because
of his or her shape or weight. The whole family found it very hard at the beginning
but the behavioral changes became part of the daily routine during the following 6
months. Sarah felt more capable of defending herself in front of others and succeeded
in asking others whether she could play with them. She started to develop a more
positive attitude toward herself. At the end of the treatment Sarah weighed about
41.8 kg with a height of 122 cm. She is doing very well but still wants to be slimmer.
The goal of regular monthly follow-up sessions is to motivate ongoing behavioral
change and to prepare Sarah for upcoming new developmental challenges during
early adolescence.
Outlook
It is extremely difficult to lower body weight successfully in the long run (Wing
& Hill, 2001). Many people try, but the majority of attempts to restrict intake are
unsuccessful. Most dieters regain more weight than they initially lost (Mann et al.,
2007) and it is estimated that less than 20% of obese individuals are capable of
achieving a normal weight (Wing & Phelan, 2005). Most studies point to a very
modest effect of long-term treatment when it comes to weight loss. For children,
results are slightly better, but child and adolescent interventions also show much
room for improvement.
One of the reasons for this low success rate in the psychological treatment of obesity
is a lack of knowledge of the mechanisms that maintain unhealthy eating and lifestyle
habits. Evidence is growing that cognitive and affective mechanisms play a critical
role in the maintenance of unhealthy eating, as well as personality characteristics
such as reward sensitivity. Effective behavioral interventions should try to tackle these
maintaining mechanisms and some experimental pilot studies are promising.
Obesity 609
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27
Women’s Sexual Difficulties
Lori A. Brotto and Morag A. Yule
University of British Columbia, Canada
As a result of studying over 700 couples engaged in solitary and partnered sexual
activity in their St Louis, Missouri clinic, Masters and Johnson (1966) forwarded
a four-stage sexual response cycle that consisted of linear stages of excitement,
plateau, orgasm, and resolution, which reflected progressively increasing levels of
physiological sexual arousal. Within the next decade, Kaplan (1977, 1979) and Lief
(1977) independently added a sexual desire phase to the beginning of the sexual
response cycle. The resulting “triphasic model of sexual response” (see Figure 27.1)
predominated clinical practice and research of sexual response from that time until
the present.
Masters and Johnson’s work had important implications for sex therapy and for
the development and widespread implementation of behavior-based psychological
therapy. First, in contrast to the previous work of Freud in Three Essays on the
Theory of Sexuality (1905), Masters and Johnson believed that there was no separate
vaginal orgasm, which meant that subsequent behavior-based treatments focused on
teaching women to experience clitoral orgasm. Second, they noted that women had
a capacity for multiple orgasms without a refractory period (unlike men). They also
acknowledged the enormous individual variability across women, unlike men who
appeared to have a more predictable, linear progression of sexual response. Finally,
their work emphasized the need for sex therapy to be focused on the couple as a
sexual unit, rather than the individual.
In 1977 Bancroft summarized the key elements of behavior sex therapy and these
included (a) systematic desensitization, (b) shaping of fantasies, (c) operant methods,
and (d) role rehearsal. The assumption among early behavioral sex therapists was that
changes in behavior would lead to changes in beliefs and attitudes since cognitive
Orgasm
excitement
Sexual
Arousal
Resolution
Desire
Time
dissonance would ensure that cognitions would be congruent with behavior. Sensate
focus was developed by Masters and Johnson (1970) and became a primary treatment
approach for a variety of sexual difficulties in both men and women. There were
three stages to sensate focus: Stage 1 focused on sequential touching of one partner
and then the other, excluding the breasts and genitals, during which the giver of
the touch was guided by his own curiosity, not by what he believed his partner
liked. The recipient of the touch provided verbal feedback to the toucher about
the qualities of the touch. After approximately 15 minutes, roles were reversed
and the toucher now became the touchee. There was a focus on sensual, rather
than erotic, pleasure, and overt sexual activity was often prohibited during the
period of sensate focus practice. Stage 2 now included breast and genital touch
and the goal remained to learn about the other partner’s body, rather than the
overt creation of pleasure. Stage 3 involved mutual touching with the progressive
reintroduction of intercourse. The therapist sought to monitor the couple’s responses
to prescribed homework activities, and would emphasize positive reinforcers while
removing negative reinforcers.
The outcomes of Masters and Johnson’s sex therapy, which included sensate focus,
sexual communication, and education, were evaluated, and using a single therapist-
derived endpoint of improved versus not improved, Masters and Johnson found
success rates in the range of 72–98% following their daily therapy which took place
over 2 weeks, and only a 5% relapse rate after 5 years (1970). Although modifications
of their intensive daily behavior-based therapy have been attempted (see Table 27.1),
other researchers have never been able to replicate the very high rates that Masters
and Johnson achieved.
Before long, behavioral sex therapists recognized that improvements in sexual
response would not take place with behavioral change alone; rather, beliefs and
attitudes needed to be targeted as well. In their behavior-based therapy, Mas-
ters and Johnson recognized the importance of exploring fantasies, which revealed
beliefs and attitudes—of which negative ones were identified and challenged. This
gave rise to the development of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) for sexual
dysfunction.
Women’s Sexual Difficulties 621
Masters & 790 men and Daily sex therapy 72–98% rated as a 5% relapse at 5 years
Johnson women for 2–3 weeks “success”
(1970) by male–female
team
Hawton, 140 couples Weekly couple 61% completed 76% of original sample
Catalan, therapy for 15 treatment; 26% completed
Martin, & weeks by single had complete follow-up; 75% had
Fagg (1986) therapist resolution of continuing
problem; 50% difficulties but only
had partial 34% were concerned
resolution
Sarwer & 365 married Weekly sex 65% rated as a Less than 50% of
Durlak couples therapy for 7 “success” responders
(1997) weeks completed 3-month
follow-up; 74% of
those maintained
treatment gains
sexual excitement. This anxiety creates further cognitive interference, perhaps giving
rise to thoughts such as “I am a failure” or “I will never be able to experience desire,”
which in turn may lead to decreased sexual ability. The individual may begin to
avoid sexual situations in the future, or develop the tendency to experience anxiety
immediately upon, or perhaps even before, entering a sexual situation.
Barlow (1986) took this idea of spectatoring one step further and, in a series of
experiments, demonstrated that anxiety and cognitive interference interact to produce
sexual dysfunction. According to Barlow, problems in sexual functioning are caused
by the inability of the spectator to decode sexual cues properly. Instead of erotic cues
activating sexual arousal, they activate performance anxiety for the spectator, which
immediately causes a shift in attention from potentially rewarding arousal properties
to more intimidating consequences, such as failure or embarrassment. This, in turn,
can lead to deterioration of sexual performance. Barlow emphasized the similarity
between this process and other performance anxieties, such as that experienced by
those with social phobia.
Most of the research on sexual spectatoring has focused on men; however, there
is evidence that cognitive distraction during sexual activity does have a negative
impact on women’s sexual esteem, sexual satisfaction, and orgasm consistency. Sexual
satisfaction in particular was influenced by distracting thoughts while being sexual
with a partner (Dove & Wiederman, 2000), and sexual arousal has also been shown
to be negatively impacted by cognitive distraction (Adams, Haynes, & Brayer, 1985;
Elliott & O’Donohue, 1997; Koukounas & McCabe, 1997). More recently, Nobre
and Pinto-Gouveia conducted a series of studies investigating the role of cognitive
and emotional factors on sexual dysfunction, and determined that women with sexual
dysfunction hold stronger beliefs surrounding the influence of age and body image on
sexuality, and this makes them more vulnerable to activation of negative self-schemas
(specifically those of incompetence) when confronted with an unsuccessful sexual
situation (Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2008b). These self-critical schemas then trigger
a system of negative automatic thoughts, preventing the woman from focusing on
sexual stimuli and promoting negative emotions, which further impairs sexual response
(Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2006, 2008a). These models of sexual dysfunction have
important treatment implications, in that they suggest targeting problematic thoughts
and shifting attention allocation through performance-based exercises. These are
precisely the targets of CBT.
CBT as a treatment for sexual dysfunction has been in widespread use for nearly
four decades, although it has been tested empirically on a more limited scale. For
example, Morokoff and Heiman (1980) examined the effect of CBT for women
with and without sexual difficulties on subjective (self-report) and genital measures
of sexual arousal. Before treatment both groups had similar levels of genital arousal;
however, the nonclinical women reported higher levels of subjective sexual arousal
than the women with sexual difficulties. Following therapy, genital arousal remained
comparable across the two groups, but subjective sexual arousal in the clinical
group had increased and was equivalent to that of the nonclinical group. The
authors interpreted their findings as indicating that women with and without sexual
dysfunction differ in their awareness or interpretation of physiological genital arousal,
such that women with sexual arousal difficulties may not be attending to genital
Women’s Sexual Difficulties 623
changes, and so do not feel sexually aroused as a result. This led the authors to
suggest that future treatment for low sexual arousal should focus on cognitive and
affective processes, rather than on improving physiological sexual response directly.
That a woman may show a robust genital arousal response in the complete
absence of subjective sexual arousal is a common finding in this area of research
(Chivers & Bailey, 2005; Chivers, Seto, Lalumière, Laan, & Grimbos, 2010). There
is often a marked discrepancy between subjective and genital measures of sexual
arousal, such that a woman will usually always show pronounced genital arousal using
laboratory measures such as the vaginal photoplethysmograph, but may report a level
of subjective sexual arousal that is either much less than the physical response, or
even absent altogether (Chivers & Bailey, 2005). Such “discordance” suggests that
treatments focused on strengthening the physiological sexual response may do nothing
to alter a woman’s reported sexual difficulties. It is perhaps not surprising, therefore,
that all proposals to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for pharmaceutical
products to treat women’s sexual dysfunction have been rejected on the grounds
of inadequate efficacy data (as well as questionable long-term safety data). Because
sexual dysfunction in women is often the result of cognitive interference and anxiety,
CBT could be considered a front-line treatment.
CBT for sexual difficulties is different from CBT for more conventional psychological
difficulties by virtue of the fact that it is often targeted at the couple, not at the
individual. When sex therapy was carried out only with an individual (the “presenting
patient”), there were often two key issues guiding treatment: (a) how do nonsexual
problems in a relationship affect the sexual functioning of the individual?; and (b) how
do changes brought about from therapy play out in the relationship? (Lief & Friedman,
2006). Masters and Johnson dealt with this dilemma by insisting on only seeing
couples in their treatment. Even when the nonidentified patient did not experience any
of his or her own sexual difficulties (which was the case in only 50% of their patients),
relationship factors often interacted with the sexual complaints and influenced the
process of therapy. A therapist could elicit nonsexual problems such as those related to
power, intimacy, communication, respect, and role conflict and discover the negative
reinforcers used by the couple as they completed homework assignments. Sensate
focus often led couples to overcome negative affect such as shame, anxiety, and anger
and change attitudes by rewarding positive responses to increasing sensual and erotic
pleasure by encouraging words from the therapists (Lief & Friedman, 2006).
Therapists were doing “double duty” by administering sex therapy and couple
therapy, and in the early days of sex therapy, most training programs offered training
in one or the other, but rarely both, leading therapists to acquire these skills on their
own. Couple sex therapy, unlike individual therapy, requires therapists to be proficient
in sex therapy, couples therapy, assessment of the individual, assessment of a couple,
assessment of sexual factors, and implementation of a treatment plan targeting the
couple (McCarthy & Thestrup, 2008).
624 Specific Disorders
Another facet of couple sex therapy that differs from individual CBT relates to
the fact that the therapist must provide adequate education and information about
available sexual norms. This is made difficult by the fact that norms rarely exist for such
a highly subjective experience as sexual response and behavior, yet, at the same time,
the therapist’s ability to provide data often normalizes and destigmatizes individuals’
concerns. For example, conveying to a 21-year-old woman who is highly distressed
at her anorgasmia during intercourse that many (if not most) women are unable to
experience orgasm through vaginal penetration alone, and that often clitoral orgasms
come about with less effort, can be highly therapeutic. Another guiding principle is
that a woman’s sexual response, including orgasm, is often much more variable than
the experience of a man. However, just as there are between-gender differences, there
are enormous within-gender differences (Meana, 2010).
Thus, CBT for sexual problems includes therapy directed at both partners’ sexual
and nonsexual complaints, education about available norms, attention to nonverbal
communication in session, and as much careful attention to process as there is to
content. Unfortunately, the number of sex therapists is decreasing, not increasing,
particularly as the vigorous search for a pharmaceutical panacea has driven treatment
practices (Binik & Meana, 2009). However, given the failure of any pharmaceutical
products to receive FDA approval for women’s sexual ailments, it seems that there
continues to be a role for the cognitive behavioral therapist in the treatment of low
desire, arousal, orgasm, and genital pain difficulties. We will now review the literature
on each of these domains in turn.
Unfortunately there are very few empirical studies examining CBT for low sexual
desire, the most common sexual complaint in women and the leading reason why
women seek sex therapy. Moreover, it has long been recognized that sexual desire
problems are the most difficult to treat and are the most resistant to change (Beck,
1995). The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed., text
rev.; DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2000) defines hypoactive
sexual desire disorder (HSDD) as absent or deficient sexual fantasies and desire for
sexual activity with accompanying distress. Recent population-based data from the
“Prevalence of Female Sexual Problems Associated with Distress and Determinants of
Treatment Seeking” (PRESIDE) trial, gathered on 31,581 American women, suggest
that approximately 22% of women aged 18 to 44 reported low sexual desire, whereas
this number was reduced to 9% when distress over the low desire was included
(Shifren, Monz, Russo, Segreti, & Johannes, 2008). Low desire was found in 39%
of 45- to 64-year-old women (with 12% reporting low desire plus distress), and the
figures were 75% for women more than 65 years old (with 7% having low desire
plus distress). In a structured cognitive behavioral marital therapy for women seeking
treatment for low desire, 55 women were randomized to either standard CBT with or
without orgasm consistency training. Their treatment included sensate focus, directed
masturbation, and the coital alignment technique—more behavior-based elements.
After eight 2-hour sessions (plus an additional 30–45 minutes for those in the orgasm
Women’s Sexual Difficulties 625
consistency training group), women in both groups had a significant increase in sexual
desire and arousal, and improvements were retained at 6-month follow-up (Hurlbert,
1993). In a more recent controlled trial, 74 couples, in which the female partner met
criteria for HSDD, were randomized to couple CBT versus wait-list control (Trudel
et al., 2001). The 12 weekly 2-hour sessions consisted of psychoeducation, couple
exercises, sensate focus, communication and emotional training, mutual reinforcement
training, cognitive challenging, and sexual fantasy training, with between-session
reading and homework activities. At the end of treatment 74% of the women no
longer met criteria for HSDD and 64% maintained this at 1-year follow-up.
Dutch researchers developed a CBT bibliotherapy that was meant to be a minimal
intervention approach. It consisted of a bibliotherapy manual of 266 pages that
had three introductory chapters followed by specific chapters that focused on
different aspects of sexual dysfunction, and a chapter focused on communication
problems. Participants with a wide array of sexual difficulties were randomized either
to the bibliotherapy group or a wait-list control group (van Lankveld, Everaerd,
& Grotjohann, 2001). The manual contained educational information, a list of
individual and partner exercises that generally followed sensate focus instructions,
and some “rational-emotive self-analysis.” Participants were also invited to contact
the investigator about any questions or concerns. A total of 53 women with HSDD
were randomized to the CBT bibliotherapy group and 44 women with HSDD to the
control group. Overall, there was not a strong effect of bibliotherapy on the women
with HSDD, suggesting that, perhaps, bibliotherapy techniques may not adequately
capture the complexity of desire dysfunction.
Most recently, a three-session mindfulness-based CBT group treatment for women
with low sexual desire has been developed and found to significantly improve
sexual desire, sex-related distress, and perceptions of genital tingling (Brotto,
Basson, & Luria, 2008). Mindfulness is an ancient Eastern practice that embodies
present-moment, nonjudgmental awareness. It made its debut in Western health care
in the 1970s through treatment of chronic pain and the work of Kabat-Zinn (1990).
Since then, it has been found to be effective for a large range of psychological and
health-related conditions. Because women with sexual desire complaints might be
characterized as experiencing normal genital arousal in the absence of mental sexual
excitement, mindfulness-based strategies which aim to cultivate active awareness of
the body have been postulated to be ideally suited to deal with complaints related
to sexual desire (Brotto & Heiman, 2007; Brotto, Seal, & Rellini, 2012). Future
research must focus on randomized controlled trials of mindfulness-based CBT for
this population of women.
Sexual Arousal
PRESIDE study, sexual arousal complaints increased with age and ranged from 10%
(18- to 44-year-old women) to 65% (women aged 65 and over). The prevalence
of arousal difficulties plus distress ranged from 3 to 6% across these age groups.
Notably, in the clinical setting, complaints of reduced genital sensations and lack of
excitement appear to be more prevalent than the complaint of insufficient lubrication,
calling into question the existing definition of HSDD (Graham, 2010b). This has
also been a sexual concern that has been the focus of intense pharmaceutical efforts
to find a “female Viagra”; however, to date, there is no evidence of any effective
pharmacological treatment for FSAD.
In a study comparing eight 55-minute sessions of individual CBT versus oral ginkgo
biloba extract (versus placebo) in women with FSAD, treatment was aimed at increas-
ing women’s focus on their sexual pleasure and physiological sexual arousal response
during sexual activity (Meston, Rellini, & Telch, 2008). There was no significant
impact of the CBT treatment on genital sexual response (as measured by a vaginal
photoplethysmograph) when women were exposed to erotic films in a controlled
laboratory environment. However, the CBT did significantly increase women’s sub-
jective sexual arousal to these erotic films. Treatment also resulted in a trend toward
increased concordance between self-reported and physiologically measured sexual
arousal. Treatment also significantly enhanced sexual activity-related desire, arousal,
lubrication, and orgasm ratings, whereas responses were not significantly improved
with gingko biloba treatment. Although the focus of this study was not on CBT (but
rather gingko biloba), the findings suggest that CBT may be effective in improving
arousal-related concerns.
In another uncontrolled study of gynecologic cancer survivors with the primary
complaint of FSAD, Brotto and colleagues tested a three-session individually admin-
istered mindfulness-based CBT on the primary outcomes of sexual arousal measured
with self-report questionnaires as well as in response to laboratory-evoked erotic
stimuli (Brotto, Heiman, et al., 2008). Treatment involved a combination of edu-
cation, cognitive strategies aimed at challenging cancer-related maladaptive beliefs
about women’s incapacity for sexual arousal, behavioral strategies involving exposure
to arousal-enhancing tools, and mindfulness meditation exercises that were to be
practiced daily between sessions. Women’s perception of their genital arousal during
an erotic film significantly increased with treatment, even though their actual levels
of physiologically measured sexual response did not. Moreover, their self-reported
sexual arousal during sexual activity significantly increased following treatment, as
did self-reports of desire, orgasm, and sexual satisfaction. Although the absence of
a control group makes it difficult to delineate the precise mechanisms by which
this mindfulness-based CBT was effective, there is converging evidence across studies
(Brotto, Basson, & Luria, 2008; Brotto, Heiman, et al., 2008) that such psychological
techniques may be effective for women’s complaints of low desire and arousal.
Anorgasmia
Female orgasmic disorder (FOD) is the second most frequently reported female sexual
problem, affecting 10% (in women aged 18 to 44 years) to 55% (in women aged 65
Women’s Sexual Difficulties 627
and over) of women assessed in the large PRESIDE study (Shifren et al., 2008). The
DSM-IV-TR defines it as a “persistent or recurrent delay in, or marked absence of,
orgasm” that causes marked distress or interpersonal difficulty (APA, 2000, p. 549).
According to the definition of FOD, a diagnosis should be made only when the
lack of orgasm occurs following a normal sexual excitement phase; however, it is
not uncommon for women seeking treatment for anorgasmia also to report marked
difficulties in becoming sexually aroused and excited (Graham, 2010a).
Much remains unknown about the definition of orgasm and the factors that
contribute to FOD (Graham, 2010a; Meston, Hull, & Levin, 2004; Meston, Levin,
Sipski, Hull, & Heiman, 2004), making it even more difficult to quantify. Subjective
descriptions of orgasm are varied, and orgasms are experienced in diverse ways,
perhaps depending on numerous contextual factors. Compared to other aspects of
women’s sexual response (e.g., desire and arousal), there is a much greater literature
evaluating psychological treatments, and in particular CBT, for FOD.
Anorgasmia is often associated with anxiety, and for this reason, historical treatments
have tended also to include elements of anxiety reduction. As discussed in previous
sections, anxiety can disrupt the flow of the sexual response cycle by removing focus
from erotic cues, and placing it instead on distracting thoughts such as performance
concerns, embarrassment, guilt, or body image (Meston, Levin, et al., 2004). This
makes it very difficult for orgasm to occur, as not enough pleasure is experienced
to allow the woman to reach the threshold required for orgasm. It is important to
assess whether the anorgasmia is global (occurring in all situations) or is situational
(occurring only in specific circumstances). A woman complaining of anorgasmia may
experience orgasm during masturbation, foreplay, and/or oral sex, but be unable to
reach orgasm during intercourse alone. It is also important to determine whether the
anorgasmia is primary (i.e., she has never experienced an orgasm), or if it is acquired
(i.e., the problem arose following a period of orgasmic ability, as is often the case in
medication-induced anorgasmia).
CBT for orgasmic difficulties in women focuses on decreasing anxiety, changing
thoughts and attitudes surrounding sexuality, promoting positive associations between
emotions and sexual behavior, and increasing satisfaction from and ability to orgasm
(Meston, 2006). It has been used to treat anorgasmia effectively via various treatment
modalities, such as bibliotherapy, and group, individual, and couples therapy, and
is composed typically of various homework exercises that focus on visual and tactile
exploration and awareness of the body, as well as body acceptance. While many of the
techniques employed are arguably physiological (e.g., using guided masturbation or
sexual touch to allow the woman to learn how to experience orgasm), significant cog-
nitive changes are promoted simultaneously (Heiman, 2002). Cognitive techniques
for anorgasmia focus on psychosexual education and communication skills training,
encouraging changes in attitude and sexually relevant thoughts.
Behavioral techniques such as directed masturbation, sensate focus, and systematic
desensitization target anxiety reduction (Meston, Levin, et al., 2004; ter Kuile,
Both, & van Lankveld, 2010). Directed masturbation has been shown to be an
empirically valid, effective treatment for women with primary anorgasmia, and may
be beneficial to women with acquired anorgasmia (Meston, Levin, et al., 2004).
Sensate focus is primarily a couples’ skill-learning process that was summarized earlier.
628 Specific Disorders
Dyspareunia
Vaginal Penetration Cognition Questionnaire (Klaassen & ter Kuile, 2009), can be an
important method of capturing improvements with CBT in this patient population.
Specifically, penetration-related maladaptive beliefs in women with PVD have been
categorized as control cognitions (e.g., “I am afraid that I will panic during pene-
tration”), catastrophic and pain cognitions (e.g., “I think about everything that can
go wrong and fail with penetration”), self-image cognitions (e.g., “I feel guilty when
penetration is not possible”), positive cognitions (e.g., “penetration is a moment of
intimacy with my partner”), and genital incompatibility cognitions (e.g., “I am afraid
that my vagina is too narrow for penetration”). The vast array of maladaptive beliefs
held by women with PVD suggests that the cognitive challenging strategies within
CBT may be an ideal treatment approach.
Table 27.2 summarizes the existing studies testing CBT for women with dys-
pareunia; in most cases, women had a diagnosis of PVD. Treatment usually always
has a component of education explaining what is known about the pathophysiology
involved in this condition. Cognitive restructuring is aimed at the catastrophizing and
hypervigilance to pain that usually accompanies PVD. In the study reported earlier
which involved randomizing couples in which the female partner experienced a sexual
dysfunction to either 10 weeks of CBT bibliotherapy and minimal therapist support
by telephone or wait-list control (van Lankveld et al., 2001), CBT was not found
to be statistically effective among the women with dyspareunia whereas women with
vaginismus did significantly benefit.
In one of the most widely cited studies showing the effectiveness of CBT for PVD,
Bergeron et al. (2001) randomized 78 women to either vestibulectomy (surgery to
remove the area of the vestibular tissue that was painful), pelvic floor physiotherapy
including biofeedback, or group CBT. They found that participants in all conditions
significantly improved but the surgery group had significantly greater reductions in
genital pain. However, the fact that seven participants dropped out of the surgery
arm while no participants dropped out of the CBT arm suggests that the study may
have been biased in favor of the surgery condition. When women were assessed 2.5
years later, women in the CBT condition maintained the gains achieved immediately
posttreatment whereas women in the vestibulectomy group had lost some of their
improvements on pain during intercourse (Bergeron, Khalifé, Glazer, & Binik,
2008).
In a study on group CBT similar that carried out by Bergeron et al. (2001), Dutch
researchers were primarily interested in mediating factors that predicted patient
outcomes (ter Kuile & Weijenborg, 2006). A total of 76 women with PVD (mean
age 25 years, mean duration of symptoms 4.1 years) participated in 12 biweekly
2-hour group sessions taking place over a period of 6 months. There was a significant
reduction in pain with intercourse, sexual dissatisfaction, vestibular pain, and vaginal
muscle tension. Success of treatment was mediated by improvements in vestibular pain,
sexual dissatisfaction, and vaginal muscle tension. Moreover, changes in vestibular
pain and sexual dissatisfaction during treatment predicted long-term treatment success
at 3-month follow-up. Interestingly, none of the pretreatment scores examined by the
authors, including age, relationship duration, pain duration, treatment expectation,
marital dissatisfaction, psychological distress, vestibular pain, vaginal muscle tension,
or perceived pain control, predicted treatment outcome at follow-up.
Table 27.2 Studies Testing Cognitive Behavioral Therapy in the Treatment of Provoked
Vestibulodynia
More recently, Brown, Wan, Bachmann, and Rosen (2009) randomized 43 women
to either self-management with CBT, oral amitriptyline, or topical triamcinolone plus
oral amitriptyline for 12 weeks. The CBT arm included group education, physical
therapy, and sex education. There was a significant reduction in pain in the CBT
group and effects appeared to have been stronger than the two medication arms;
however, the lack of power led to nonsignificant group differences.
Masheb, Kerns, Lozano, Minkin, and Richman (2009) more recently compared 42
women who were randomized to either 10 weeks of individual CBT or supportive
psychotherapy. The CBT condition included motivational enhancement, role playing,
problem solving, and contingent reinforcement. The control condition did not
include any elements of behavioral interventions or problem solving. Both treatments
were equally effective on all measures and 42% had a clinically significant reduction in
pain. The CBT group had significantly greater improvements on pain elicited during
a physician cotton swab testing, and on measures of sexual functioning. Continued
improvements in pain severity were observed when women were assessed one year
later. Unfortunately, the absence of a control group means that the mechanisms
underlying improvements, particularly since the support group therapy arm improved,
are unknown.
In the only available study that compared CBT with medical management, Berg-
eron, Khalifé, and Dupuis (2008) randomized women to either 13 weeks of group
CBT or medical management which was comprised of topical application of a cor-
ticosteroid analgesic cream. The group CBT arm consisted of 10 90-minute group
CBT sessions identical to the treatment reported on by Bergeron et al. (2001). Par-
ticipants in both arms reported a significant reduction in pain and an improvement in
their global sexual functioning that was retained at 6 months. At follow-up, however,
women in the CBT group reported significantly more improvement in pain and sexual
functioning, lower catastrophizing, and higher treatment satisfaction. In examining
predictors of treatment outcome, catastrophizing-magnification and pain self-efficacy
632 Specific Disorders
functioning significantly predicted pain severity at follow-up for the medical manage-
ment group (Desrochers, Bergeron, Khalifé, Dupuis, & Jodoin, 2010). In the CBT
arm, pain self-efficacy was the single most important predictor of pain intensity at
follow-up.
Vaginismus
Figure 27.2 Vaginal dilators. Reproduced by permission of Bruce Watt, Soul Source
Enterprises.
Women’s Sexual Difficulties 633
Case Example
Presenting Complaint
Veronica is a 48-year-old woman who has been married for 21 years. She presented
for treatment with the primary complaint of infrequent sexual intercourse. Veronica
is a perimenopausal woman who is the senior librarian at a university library. She and
her husband, Bob, have two children, aged 16 and 9, both of whom live with the
couple. Veronica noted that sexual intercourse took place once every 3 or 4 months,
typically late at night, and tended to consist of limited to no intercourse followed by
a quick intromission period that ended in her husband reaching ejaculation after only
a few minutes.
During sexual activity, Veronica said that her mind was focused on wondering
when sex would be over. She described significant concerns about her body, and
being distracted by the fact that she had still not lost the 60 pounds she gained
while pregnant with her second child. Because of her body image concerns, she
Table 27.3 Studies Testing Cognitive Behavioral Therapy in the Treatment of Vaginismus
ter Kuile et al. 117 women 3 months of group or bibliotherapy Increased frequency of Not reported
(2007) with lifelong CBT vs. wait-list control intercourse, decreased fear of
vaginismus coitus, and an enhancement of
non-coital penetrative behavior.
Intercourse frequency was partially
mediated by changes in fear of
coitus and avoidance behavior.
No treatment predictors were
detected.
van Lankveld 117 women 3 months of group or bibliotherapy 18% of CBT participants had CBT participants were able to engage in
et al. (2006) CBT vs. wait-list control successfully attempted penile-vaginal intercourse at follow-up
penile-vaginal intercourse, (27% at 3 months, 28% at 12 months)
compared with none in the
control group.
ter Kuile et al. 10 women 3 therapist-aided exposure sessions 90% of participants were able to Results remained at 1-year follow-up
(2009) over 1 week, plus 2 follow-up engage in intercourse following
sessions, single-case A-B design treatment.
Level of fear and pain beliefs
surrounding penetration
decreased.
(Continued Overleaf )
Table 27.3 (Continued)
Seo, Choe, & 12 women 8 weeks of functional electrical All women could engage in None assessed
Lee (2005) stimulation biofeedback (to train satisfactory vaginal
the women to gain control over intercourse.
their vaginal musculature, such that
they could learn to relax the pelvic
muscle contractions that compose
vaginismus) along with CBT
The re-education and reactivation
of the ability to control the
pelvic floor muscles through
biofeedback seems to be an
effective tool in the treatment
of vaginismus.
This technique is acceptable to
women suffering from
vaginismus and provides
strong motivation to
continue with treatment.
Engman, 44 women 14 sessions of CBT Not assessed At a mean of 39 months posttreatment,
Wijma, & 81% maintained the ability to engage
Wijma in intercourse, and 61% reported
(2010) reduced pain with intercourse.
The authors cited a noteworthy
increase in participants’ subjective
self-worth as women and as human
beings.
Women’s Sexual Difficulties 637
insisted that they have sexual intercourse with the lights completely off, and she
did not allow Bob to caress her body with his hands. During sexual activity she
also remained hypervigilant to any sounds from outside the room, and reported
being fearful that one of their children would walk in and see them having
sex. Because of this, Veronica kept her vocalizations during love-making deliber-
ately minimal. Veronica reported having desire “out of the blue” approximately
once or twice a year, typically during their vacations, and she would occasion-
ally masturbate, but mostly as a means of falling asleep. Veronica reported only a
minimal genital arousal response during sex, and denied ever having an orgasm
in her life. However, intercourse was not painful. She indicated that she has
never really craved sexual activity, but that her current absence of any desire has
been especially pronounced for the last few years as her responsibilities with work
increased.
Prior to seeking treatment, Veronica and Bob had experimented with different
sexual positions (at Bob’s suggestion) in hopes of creating more pleasure. They
had also tried a course of androgel (50 mg), which she applied to her abdomen
four hours before sexual activity, prescribed by Veronica’s primary care physician.
Neither of these interventions was helpful. Their current request for treatment was
prompted by Bob’s increasing frustration at their infrequent sexual activity, which
was creating tension in their relationship. Whereas their communication, in general,
was good, the topic of sexuality made Veronica anxious as she believed that Bob was
truly unhappy in their marriage and would leave unless their sexual frequency
improved.
Assessment
During her individual interview, Veronica described some discomfort about sexual
topics that she related to her early childhood when her parents warned her against
the dangers of sex. Veronica had had a few sex partners prior to Bob, and although
there was some desire during the first few months of those relationships, it faded
as the relationships progressed and became more serious. Veronica felt that she was
completely responsible for the failure of those relationships and attributes this to her
sexual problems. To this day, she reported believing that the success of her marriage
will depend on whether her sexual difficulties can improve, and carried significant
guilt around this belief.
A brief psychiatric examination was performed. Veronica had no history of major
depressive episodes, though she had suffered from dysthymia for most of her life.
Anxiety was a more pronounced symptom for her. She described having a hard time
relaxing, which was difficult for Bob, who enjoyed spending time away from work
watching movies or taking naps. She denied any history of childhood or adult sexual
abuse.
Veronica’s health was excellent. She exercised regularly and did not smoke or
consume alcohol. She was not using any medications although she did suffer from
migraine headaches (once a month) for which she used Tylenol-3 with adequate
effectiveness. She had no history of endocrine problems and her surgical history
included two cesarean sections.
638 Specific Disorders
Formulation
Veronica did not have sexual thoughts, fantasies, or desire for sexual activity. However,
on most occasions of sexual activity, she did experience some pleasure and sexual desire
after sex began, though it was short-lived because of Bob’s rapid ejaculation. She met
criteria for HSDD according to the DSM-IV-TR. On the basis of her brief medical
history, it is unlikely that there was a significant medical and/or hormonal component
to Veronica’s reduced sexual desire. She did not feel that perimenopause contributed
to her loss of sexual interest given that it had been much more long standing.
Veronica had several problematic automatic thoughts. Among them was the belief
that her children might hear them having sex, that masturbation is wrong, and that
it is inappropriate for Bob to caress her body. She was also very preoccupied with
her negative body image and believed that Bob found her body repulsive, which led
her to avoid sex even more. Veronica had sex solely out of a sense of obligation, she
resented being asked for sex by Bob, and she experienced guilt for her low desire.
Her behaviors included avoidance of talking about her low desire, deliberately going
to bed after Bob, and thinking about other obligations on her to-do list during
sex. Each of these cognitions, emotions, and behaviors led to a cascade of other
thoughts, feelings, and behaviors; thus, a tightly woven vicious circle was spun around
Veronica’s sexual activity and low desire.
A CBT approach was adopted. Treatment focused on identifying, challenging,
and replacing her automatic thoughts related to sex. It was helpful for Veronica to
complete a thought record to see the range of her automatic thoughts and how they
gave rise to a host of negative emotions and problematic behaviors. Given Veronica’s
significant distractibility, multitasking, and anxiety proneness, a mindfulness-based
cognitive behavioral intervention was also added. Over time, this allowed Veronica to
have more compassion for herself and treat her body image related concerns during sex
to be viewed simply as “mental events” which, over time, were less likely to provoke
anxiety and guilt. We also normalized her age and relationship-related changes in
sexual desire, and instead worked together to cultivate sexual pleasure during the
sexual interaction, given that this was often associated with triggering desire for her.
It was also important that Bob’s early ejaculation be explored by his primary care
provider given that the wakening of Veronica’s sexual response was usually shortened
due to Bob’s ejaculating too quickly. Over the course of 6 months, Veronica learned
to accept her problematic thoughts as just thoughts, she learned methods of relaxation
and mindfulness to remain more present during sexual encounters, and she began to
challenge some of her more problematic beliefs about the children hearing her during
sex, leading to a gradual improvement in her feelings of sexual pleasure during sex
and a corresponding increase in the frequency of their planned sexual interactions.
Taken together, although there is evidence for the beneficial effect of CBT on
women’s sexual difficulties, the majority of this research was carried out prior to 1995
Women’s Sexual Difficulties 639
and there is little current research evaluating CBT in this domain. This may partially
be attributable to the boom in scientific research seeking a pharmaceutical product
to cure women’s sexual difficulties. The lack of any FDA-approved medication for
women’s sexual difficulties, however, suggests that there remains work to be done
for sex researchers in the area of evidence-based psychological therapies (Rowland,
2007). There is growing, but insufficient, evidence that CBT works to improve
women’s sexual difficulties; however, there is also recent evidence that medications
thought to be on a clear pathway to FDA approval for improving sexual dysfunction
in women are about as effective as a placebo pill (BioSante Pharmaceuticals, 2011).
This is a crucial time for sex therapy and research to use this pendulum shift
to further develop and test CBT treatments for sexual dysfunction in women. A
growing body of literature showing the benefits of mindfulness-based CBT in other
domains of health (Grossman, Niemann, Schmidt, & Walach, 2004) also supports
recent efforts to develop and test similar interventions for women with sexual
complaints.
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28
Male Sexual Dysfunctions
Pedro Nobre
Universidade do Porto, Portugal
Introduction
Male sexual dysfunctions are highly prevalent clinical conditions with strong negative
impact on men’s well-being and life satisfaction (Laumann, Paik, & Rosen, 1999). In
this chapter we will review the description and classification of sexual dysfunctions,
present findings on prevalence and comorbidity, discuss the psychological etiology and
conceptual models of sexual dysfunction, describe the assessment process, and present
the main components of cognitive behavioral treatments for male sexual dysfunction.
Sexual desire disorders. The majority of the classification systems consider two clinical
diagnoses of sexual desire disorders: hypoactive sexual desire disorder and sexual
aversion. Deficiency or absence of sexual fantasies and desire to engage in sexual
activity characterize the first dysfunction, while the second is best described by
the aversive and avoidance response to any sexual contact with a partner (APA,
2000).
Male erectile disorder. Male erectile disorder is defined by the DSM-IV-TR (APA,
2000) as the persistent or recurrent inability to attain, or to maintain until completion
of sexual activity, an adequate erection (criterion A), causing marked distress or
interpersonal difficulties (criterion B). Erectile difficulties may occur regardless of
sexual activities, partners, or stimulation types (generalized type), or be present in
determined specific situations (e.g., sexual intercourse vs. masturbation) or with
specific partners (usual sexual partner vs. occasional partner) (APA, 2000). In the two
last examples etiology is mainly psychological, while the first example suggests further
inquiry regarding the potential role of organic factors.
Sexual pain disorders. Sexual pain disorders include two different clinical manifesta-
tions: dyspareunia, which consists in the experience of pain associated with sexual
activity (usually before, during, or after intercourse), and vaginismus, which is char-
acterized by the involuntary contraction of the muscles surrounding the outer third
of the vagina interfering with sexual intercourse (APA, 2000). Dyspareunia could
be diagnosed to both men and women, although its presence is significantly higher
among women (Masters & Johnson, 1970), while vaginismus is exclusive to the
female population. In men, sexual pain is usually associated with medical conditions
such as Peyronie disease or urinary infections.
New classification proposals. The DSM classification of sexual disorders has been the
object of criticism, and some alternative classification systems have been developed
(National Institutes of Health Impotence, 1993; Lue et al., 2004). The main
objections have been related to the terminology and inconsistency of the definitions,
lack of objective and quantified criteria, and lack of scientific evidence. Currently,
the DSM-5 work group for sexual dysfunctions is proposing a new classification,
taking into account some of the most common criticisms of the DSM-IV as well
as a thorough review of evidence-based literature in the field. The DSM-5 work
group is suggesting changes in the terminology of some clinical conditions (e.g., male
orgasmic disorder is substituted by delayed ejaculation, and premature ejaculation is
now termed early ejaculation). Moreover, temporal criteria are now included, with
a minimum of 6 months of persistent or recurrent difficulties as the threshold for
assigning a clinical diagnosis. Additionally, severity and frequency of the symptoms
are introduced as important markers, with clinical diagnosis being assigned only when
the symptoms occur on at least 75% of sexual occasions. Finally, a list of specifiers
is suggested for inclusion in the diagnosis (e.g., partner factors, relationship factors,
individual vulnerability factors, cultural/religious factors) (Segraves, 2010a, 2010b,
2010c).
at least one sexual dysfunction at the time of the study. In this review, early ejaculation
was the most common clinical complaint with estimates ranging from 9 to 31% in the
different epidemiological studies. The prevalence of erectile dysfunction was estimated
between 1 and 9% in younger men (under 40 years of age) increasing to 50–75% in
men older than 70. Delayed orgasm prevalence rates were estimated to range between
1 and 8%. Finally, sexual desire disorder was the less common complaint and mostly
present in older men (Lewis et al., 2004). However, recent studies based on national
probability samples in the United Kingdom and Australia have found low sexual
interest as the most prevalent complaint among men in the general population. In the
National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles in Britain (Mercer et al., 2003),
17.1% of the male participants reported lack of interest in sex during at least one
month in the previous year. Additionally, Richters et al. (2003) found lack of interest
to be the most common sexual difficulty among 24.9% of the 8,517 interviewed
Australian men.
Besides epidemiological studies, there are some data published on the prevalence
rates of sexual dysfunction in clinical settings. Interestingly, findings from clinical
samples indicate a different prevalence pattern. While the majority of the population-
based studies indicate premature ejaculation as the most common sexual problem,
the most frequent complaint in clinical settings by far is erectile dysfunction (see
Simons & Carey, 2001, for a review).
(Bancroft & Janssen, 2000; Barlow, 2002), sexual beliefs (Baker & de Silva, 1988;
Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2006a), cognitive schemas (Andersen, Cyranowski, &
Espindle, 1999; Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2009b), automatic thoughts (Nobre &
Pinto-Gouveia, 2008), and emotions (Mitchell, DiBartolo, Brown, & Barlow, 1998;
Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2006b; Nobre et al., 2004).
Sexual Beliefs
Regarding the role of sexual beliefs and myths on sexual functioning, Zilbergeld
(1999) stated that men with erectile disorders present a set of myths and erroneous
beliefs about sexuality that work as a vulnerability factor to the development of
their difficulties. Additionally, Wincze and Barlow (1997) identified a set of sexual
myths underlying male sexual dysfunctions with emphasis on excessively high sex-
ual performance beliefs, and erroneous ideas about sexual response and women’s
sexual satisfaction. Besides the male myths, Hawton (1989) called attention to a
set of female beliefs that reflect the double standard, permissive but demanding for
men, and repressive for women. Heiman and LoPiccolo (1988) further included
dimensions related to the role of age and physical appearance, and beliefs about
performance demands in women. Besides these data from clinical observations, Baker
and de Silva (1988) found that men with sexual dysfunction present significantly
higher beliefs in Zilbergeld’s myths compared with a group of sexually functional
individuals.
Moreover, Nobre and Pinto-Gouveia (2006a) found that men and women with
sexual dysfunction reported having higher scores on a scale of dysfunctional sexual
beliefs (Nobre, Pinto-Gouveia, & Gomes, 2003) when compared to sexually healthy
men and women (Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2006a). Men in the clinical sample were
more likely to present beliefs related to excessive sexual performance demands (e.g.,
“A real man has sexual intercourse very often”; “In sex, getting to the climax is the
most important”; “Sex without orgasm can’t be good”), and beliefs about women’s
sexual satisfaction and their reaction to men’s failure (e.g., “The quality of the erection
is what most satisfies women”; “A woman may have doubts about a man’s virility
650 Specific Disorders
when he fails to get an erection during sexual activity”; “A man who doesn’t sexually
satisfy a woman is a failure”) (Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2006a).
The authors hypothesized that these dysfunctional sexual beliefs would play an
important role as vulnerability factors for the development of sexual dysfunction.
Sexual beliefs may be conceptualized as conditional beliefs or rules that can be
transformed into an “if … then” format, stipulating conditions for the way individuals
interpret their sexual events. If we take as an example the “macho” belief, “A man
who doesn’t get a firm and rigid erection is a failure,” it is understandable that a
man who holds such a belief will tend to react in a more negative way if, on occasion,
his erectile response is not so high or rigid. In other words, sexual beliefs might
work as lenses that magnify the negative aspects of sexual experience and make some
individuals more prone to further develop sexual problems.
Cognitive Schemas
Studies assessing the role of cognitive schemas on sexual dysfunction are scarce.
Despite the extensive scientific literature on the implication of cognitive structures
on several psychological disorders, there are only a few studies in the field of
sex research (Andersen et al., 1999; Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2009a, 2009b).
Nobre and Pinto-Gouveia (2009b) found that both men and women with sexual
difficulties, when exposed to negative sexual events, tend to activate significantly
more negative self-schemas when compared to individuals without sexual problems.
More specifically, both men and women with sexual dysfunction tend to interpret
unsuccessful events as a sign of failure and personal incompetence: “I’m incompetent,”
“I’m weak,” “I’m a failure.” This activation of negative schemas might be related
to the tendency shown by individuals with sexual dysfunction to present attributions
of an internal, stable, and global nature to negative sexual experiences (Weisberg,
Brown, Wincze, & Barlow, 2001). Nobre (2009, 2010) hypothesized that these
negative self-schemas activated by individuals during exposure to sexual situations
are strongly linked to the type of sexual beliefs they present with. Specifically,
individuals with dysfunctional sexual beliefs (as described above) would be more
vulnerable to activate negative self-schemas whenever an unsuccessful sexual event
occurs. The negative event would act as a precipitant for the activation of negative self-
schemas (mainly self-incompetence schemas), with sexual beliefs playing a moderator
role.
Low positive
Neuroticism Negative
trait-affect
trait-affect
Dysfunctional
sexual beliefs
Negative Activation of
sexual event incompetence
schemas
Low sexual
response
Figure 28.1 Schematic structure of the cognitive-emotional model. Adapted from Soares
& Nobre (2013), p. 290. Copyright 2013 from The cultural context of sexual pleasure and
problems: Psychotherapy with diverse clients edited by K. Hall and C. Graham. Reproduced
by permission of Taylor and Francis Group, LLC, a division of Informa plc.
these biological factors are sufficient to explain the onset of the dysfunction (sexual
dysfunction due to a general medical condition, or substance-induced) or not. If an
exclusively organic etiology is found, a medical approach should be considered.
Identification of the predisposing, precipitant, and maintaining factors of sexual diffi-
culties. The importance of this goal results from the adequate formulation of causal
hypotheses and individual case conceptualization. According to Carey, Wincze, and
Meisler (1993), the accomplishment of this goal should be based not only on the
causal-temporal analysis mentioned above, but also on a systemic analysis involving
the biopsychosocial dimensions. Thus, a specific clinical case might involve predis-
posing, precipitant, and maintaining factors of diverse biopsychosocial origins. As
predisposing factors, organic factors such as diabetes and psychological factors such
as sexual erroneous beliefs might coexist. As precipitant factors, simple occasional
sexual failure (psychological factor), relationship conflicts (interpersonal factor), or
hormonal problems (organic factor) might be involved. Finally, as maintaining fac-
tors, phenomena such as performance demands (psychological) or use of hypertensive
medication may be present.
Treatment planning. This goal is a consequence of the first two, and its adequacy
depends of the accuracy of the clinical diagnosis, and the adequacy of the case
formulation.
Assessment of the clients’ goals and their motivation for change. This aspect is of
critical importance since clients’ goals do not necessarily match therapists’ purposes.
Therefore, it is necessary to clarify clients’ objectives, as well as to assess their feasibility,
since most present unrealistic expectancies about treatment gains and human sexual
response. Besides, it is also important to assess clients’ motivation for change, a
variable which is strongly associated with their involvement in the treatment process
and success.
Establishment of the therapeutic relationship. Taking into consideration the fact that the
therapeutic relationship is one of the factors most strongly associated with treatment
outcome, the establishment of an empathic environment during the assessment
process deserves serious attention. The development of a professional and open
atmosphere facilitates the establishment of a confidence relationship and the decrease
of social and cultural constraints.
Determination of a pretreatment baseline. The identification of the initial client
position regarding a set of variables associated with sexual difficulties facilitates an
accurate assessment of the severity of the problem and allows the measurement
of progress during treatment. This baseline may include: physiological measures
(penile circumference changes during exposure to sexually explicit material), medical
measures (e.g., testosterone), or self-reported measures (e.g. sexual functioning,
sexual satisfaction).
Provide feedback to the client. Feedback assumes special relevance since it allows the
clarification of eventual misunderstandings and provides a comprehensive formulation
of the factors involved in the predisposition, precipitation, and maintenance of sexual
difficulties, as well as information regarding the treatment plan.
Male Sexual Dysfunctions 655
Clinical Interview
The clinical interview constitutes the central method of assessment of sexual dysfunc-
tion. According to Hawton (1989), a clinical interview should cover the following set
of issues:
Self-Report Questionnaires
The use of self-report questionnaires is a very important complement to clinical
interviews and allows the assessment of a variety of factors associated with sexual
difficulties as well as the measurement of progress over the course of treatment. A list
of relevant measures according to specific dimensions is presented below.
Sexual functioning.
International Index of Erectile Function. The International Index of Erectile
Function (IIEF; Rosen et al, 1997) is a 15-item, brief, self-administered measure of
erectile function, evaluating five domains of male sexual function: erectile function,
orgasmic function, sexual desire, intercourse satisfaction, and overall satisfaction.
Psychometric studies have supported its validity and reliability as well as its sensitivity
to treatment changes.
656 Specific Disorders
Relationship factors.
Dyadic Adjustment Scale. The Dyadic Adjustment Scale (DAS; Spanier, 1976)
is a 32-item scale specifically oriented to assess the quality of a couple’s interaction
in nonsexual areas. Moreover, psychometric studies have supported its validity and
reliability.
Medical factors.
Medical History Form. The Medical History Form (MHF; Wincze & Carey, 2001)
assesses dimensions such as medical history (including relevant diseases, treatments,
operations, and hospitalizations), medication, medical family history, and the use of
alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs.
Cognitive-emotional factors.
Sexual Self Schema. The Sexual Self Schema (SSS, male version; Andersen et al.,
1999) assesses cognitive generalizations about sexual aspects of oneself that are
responsible for guiding sexual behavior. The male version is composed of 45
items assessing three different dimensions: passionate-loving, powerful-aggressive,
and open-minded-liberal. The SSS presents good psychometric characteristics.
Questionnaire of Cognitive Schema Activation in Sexual Context. The Ques-
tionnaire of Cognitive Schema Activation in Sexual Context (QCSASC, male version;
Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2009a) is a 28-item instrument that assesses cognitive
schemas presented by individuals when facing negative sexual situations. A principal
component analysis identified five factors: undesirability/rejection, incompetence,
self-deprecation, difference/loneliness, and helplessness.
Sexual Dysfunctional Beliefs Questionnaire. The Sexual Dysfunctional Beliefs
Questionnaire (SDBQ; Nobre, Pinto-Gouveia, & Gomes, 2003) is a 40-item ques-
tionnaire assessing sexual beliefs associated with male sexual dysfunctions. A principal
component analysis identified six factors (Nobre, Pinto-Gouveia, & Gomes, 2003):
sexual conservatism, female sexual power, “macho” beliefs, beliefs about women’s
sexual satisfaction, restricted attitude toward sexual activity, and sex as an abuse of
men’s power.
Sexual Modes Questionnaire. The Sexual Modes Questionnaire (SMQ; Nobre &
Pinto-Gouveia, 2003) is a measure aimed at assessing automatic thoughts, emotions,
and sexual responses during sexual activity. A principal component analysis of the
automatic thoughts subscale identified five factors: failure anticipation thoughts,
erection concern thoughts, age related thoughts, negative thoughts toward sex, and
erotic thoughts.
Sexual Inhibition/Excitation Scales. The Sexual Inhibition/Excitation Scales
(SIS/SES; Janssen, Vorst, Finn, & Bancroft, 2002) assess an individual’s propensity
for sexual inhibition or sexual excitation. The SES is a 20-item scale that assesses four
dimensions: social interactions, visual stimulation, sexual thoughts and fantasies, and
nonspecific sexual stimuli.
one of the main purposes of the assessment is to develop a case formulation that
facilitates the planning of an appropriate therapeutic intervention. In this regard
the integration of the different assessment data in a biopsychosocial perspective is
essential, allowing a consistent and complete case conceptualization. Wincze and
Carey (2001) stated that this integrated case formulation communicates to the client
that (a) his difficulties are comprehensible, taking into account his psychophysiological
characteristics, medical history, life experiences, and so on, (b) there is reason for
optimism and hope regarding change, and (c) there is a conceptual “map” that
supports the therapeutic plan.
Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) for sexual disorders is the application of cognitive
and behavioral principles to the field of sexual problems. Therefore, CBT for male
sexual disorders uses treatment strategies similar to those for other psychological
disorders. Before starting treatment it is very important to conduct a thorough
assessment of the sexual difficulties and related problems (as described above).
In particular, therapists should collect rigorous and complete information on the
following topics:
After this information is collected and case formulation is completed, the therapist
should give feedback to the patient, explain the CBT rationale, and discuss the
treatment plan.
Most cognitive behavioral treatment protocols for sexual dysfunction use a common
list of intervention techniques (Bach, Wincze, & Barlow, 2001; Hawton, 1989; Rosen,
Leiblum, & Spector, 1994; Wincze & Carey, 2001). The main components used are
(a) sensate focus, (b) stimulus control, (c) sexual skills training, and (d) cognitive
restructuring. We will present the main objectives and processes involved in these
techniques, with special emphasis on cognitive restructuring.
Sensate Focus
Sensate focus is a technique developed by Masters and Johnson (1970) that aims
to desensitize clients from their discomfort (anxiety, negative mood) levels when
approaching sexual situations. Similarly to systematic desensitization, this technique
658 Specific Disorders
uses a gradual exposure to sexual activity, starting with nondemanding and pleasurable
exercises and continuing to genital and intercourse oriented exercises. The main goal
is to reduce performance anxiety and help patients focus their attention on sexual
enjoyment and pleasure rather than on performance. The idea is to expose the couples
to gradually demanding sexual exercises (genital touch, intercourse), starting with
nondemanding and pleasurable situations (touching each other excluding genitals)
and moving on to the next step whenever they feel comfortable with the previous
exercise. The usual steps are as follows:
1. During the first step the therapist instructs the couple to avoid intercourse or
any other form of direct genital contact. The couple is encouraged to take part
in exercises designed to promote feelings of comfort and pleasure in the absence
of any type of performance demand. Usually, these exercises include touching
each other’s bodies in a sensitive and pleasurable way excluding the genital area
(the couples should choose the type of nongenital touching according to their
mutual preferences). It is also very important to create an intimate and romantic
atmosphere where privacy is guaranteed. The ultimate goal is to focus on positive
and pleasurable feelings associated with the exercise.
2. The second step is an extension of the first with the addition of direct genital
contact. It is important to include genital touch in the previous intimate and
pleasurable atmosphere, rather than orient the couple to focus on genital touch.
3. The third step usually includes intercourse; the goal is similar to the previous
exercises, to create a positive and intimate atmosphere, focusing on the pleasure
of nongenital and genital touch. Intercourse should be tried only if both partners
are prepared and comfortable. The couple is encouraged to focus on the pleasure
sensations of intercourse and to try different positions as long as they feel
comfortable. During this step partners are encouraged to control orgasm, in order
to avoid focusing on achieving orgasm, but rather on the positive sensations of
intercourse.
4. The final step consists of the integration of the previous steps without the ban on
orgasm. It is again essential that the couple follow the complete process, starting
with nongenital and genital foreplay, continue with intercourse when they feel
comfortable, and end in orgasm if desired. The main goal is always enjoyment
and pleasure using the most diverse touching and positions they feel comfortable
with, and reducing the anxiety related to sexual performance.
Stimulus Control
Stimulus control is a therapeutic procedure, oriented to associate sexual events with
pleasurable and comfortable situations. Since many patients present a history of sexual
activity in nonintimate and sometimes uncomfortable settings, it is important to
change the usual circumstances in which sexual activity usually occurs, and create
more pleasant and erotic environments. This technique could be used in the sensate
focus procedure during the preparation of the first step. An appropriate stimulus
is essential to create a comfortable and erotic atmosphere to start sensate focus
exercises.
Male Sexual Dysfunctions 659
Cognitive Restructuring
Cognitive restructuring includes a variety of processes and techniques. In order to
simplify the subject, we will divide the process into two major components: (a)
identification of the cognitive structures, and (b) cognitive restructuring techniques.
THERAPIST: Focus on a sexual situation in which you have failed recently (e.g., erection
was not as rigid as you would like). When you were in the midst of sexual activity, what
ideas have passed through your head? What thoughts or images were occurring at that
moment?
PATIENT: I am not sure. I think I was worried about not being able to achieve. This is
not working out, my penis is not responding …
Subsequently, the therapist should demonstrate the relationship between the auto-
matic thoughts and the emotional and behavioral responses in the same context:
THERAPIST: While these ideas were going through your head, how were you feeling
(sad, anxious, pleasure … )?
660 Specific Disorders
At this stage the therapist should explain to the patient the important link between
automatic thoughts, emotions, and sexual response. By counterpoint, the therapist
should also ask the patient to describe thoughts and emotions experienced during
successful sexual situations:
THERAPIST: Try to remember the last sexual intercourse that went well. What ideas or
thoughts were going through your head?
PATIENT: I don’t know exactly… things were going well, I was enjoying it.
THERAPIST: What kind of ideas were going through your mind?
PATIENT: Well, today this is going well, she is enjoying it, I can do it, this is great…
THERAPIST: While these ideas were occurring, how were you feeling?
PATIENT: I was feeling great, enjoying it, and very confident.
THERAPIST: What was going on, what were your behaviors?
PATIENT: Things were going well, the penis was reacting, I was getting a full erection
and was able to penetrate.
The reference to two distinct situations, a successful and a negative one, helps
the patient understand the impact of thoughts on emotions and sexual response.
Of course, this relationship is not necessarily causal, but circular (Beck, 1996). The
main message should be that changes in the content of automatic thoughts may
help change emotions and sexual responses. Therefore, a first step is to train patients
in identifying automatic thoughts occurring during sexual activity, as well as the
associated emotions and sexual response.
In addition to the automatic thoughts query, the therapist should instruct the
patient to monitor the main thoughts and emotions occurring during sexual situations
and the related sexual responses and behaviors. Patients should use a self-record diary
describing the situation, the thoughts that have occurred, and their degree of belief
in them (on a scale from 0 to 100), the emotions experienced as well as their intensity
(from 0 to 100), and the associated behaviors (see Table 28.2).
In addition to the record of thoughts, the patients may also respond to the Sexual
Modes Questionnaire (SMQ; Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2003). This questionnaire
lists a set of typical negative and positive automatic thoughts that may occur during
sexual activity, and patients are asked to rate the frequency with which they occur, as
well as the associated emotions and subjective sexual arousal.
Table 28.2 Self-Record of Automatic Thoughts, Emotions, and Behaviors during Sexual
Activity
Sexual penetration “If I fail, I’m lost” (70) Worry (80) Withdrawal of
difficult to sexual activity
achieve
“This is not going Sadness (70)
anywhere” (80)
“I am not able to satisfy Disappointment
my partner” (80) (90)
cognitive schemas activated in sexual context is crucial, since they supposedly guide
the meaning assigned to sexual events and underlie automatic thoughts and emotions
during sexual activity. Since schemas work at a preconscious and automatic level
(Alford & Beck, 1997), they are very difficult to assess. However, a few strategies may
be used to facilitate the elicitation of cognitive schemas in sexual context:
• First, recurring themes of the patient’s automatic thoughts during sexual activity
should be analyzed.
• This analysis helps understanding the patient’s central concerns, thereby facilitating
the identification of cognitive schemas.
• Beliefs and attitudes toward sexual themes can be directly questioned.
• The downward arrow technique can be used. This is a technique that helps
evaluate cognitive schemas, through questioning the meaning and consequences
of each of the most typical negative automatic thoughts presented by the patient,
as shown in the following example.
Information and sex education. One of the first steps in confronting patients with their
distorted and maladaptive beliefs is to give them accurate information about the basic
psychophysiological processes of sexual response. Several studies have highlighted the
extent of myths and misleading ideas that patients present about basic aspects of
sexual response (Baker & de Silva, 1988; Nobre & Pinto-Gouveia, 2006a). There
is a list of self-help and educational books that can be used (e.g., Heiman & Lo
Piccolo, 1988; McCarthy, 1998; Wincze & Barlow, 1997; Zilbergeld, 1999). Some
false beliefs could be changed easily after the provision of evidence by the therapist
or the reading of educational books, but others are strongly related to personal
structural beliefs and need a more systematic cognitive intervention in order to be
challenged.
Evaluating the advantages and disadvantages of sexual beliefs. One of the first tech-
niques that could be used in the process of cognitive restructuring is to encourage
the patient to analyze the benefits and disadvantages of the main sexual beliefs that
they present with. In the following dialogue, the patient holds the sexual belief that
“A man who fails to maintain an erection may be abandoned by his sexual partner.”
THERAPIST: What kind of advantages do you see in having this belief? Does it help you
in any way?
PATIENT: Well, maybe it does not have any direct advantage, but obliges me to work
harder to prevent failure.
THERAPIST: And does that prevent you from failing?
PATIENT: Unfortunately not.
THERAPIST: Can you see any disadvantage?
PATIENT: I don’t know … maybe it makes me feel even more tense and nervous.
Analysis of evidence. Once the patient is educated on the basics of sexual response
and has learned to question the usefulness of his own sexual beliefs, it is easier to
encourage him to confront the evidence for and against the beliefs. The analysis
of the evidence can rely on a logical debate (Ellis, 1962), where the patient is
encouraged to list a number of arguments for and against each of his sexual beliefs
based on evidence and/or logical thinking. In addition, training in the identification
of cognitive distortions or errors in the processing of information (Beck, 1967)
related to sexual events is another useful technique in questioning the evidence for
the sexual beliefs. Here are some common cognitive errors presented by men with
sexual dysfunction (Rosen et al., 1994):
• overgeneralization (“I had trouble getting an erection last night. I will never be
able to get an erection during intercourse”);
• disqualifying the positive (“My partner says that I satisfy her sexually. She only
says this because she feels sorry for me”);
• mind reading (“My partner must think that I’m a failure or a poor sexual partner”);
• fortune-telling (“I will lose my erection during intercourse tonight”);
• emotional reasoning (“I feel like I’m incompetent; therefore, I really must be
incompetent”);
• categorical imperatives (“I should be able to get an erection whenever my partner
wants to have sex”);
• catastrophizing (“If I lose my erection tonight, my partner will leave me”).
Reality testing. Reality testing (also known as behavioral experiments) is the use of
real-life situations to test hypotheses resulting from patients’ dysfunctional beliefs.
One very useful way of conducting behavioral experiments to test beliefs is the use of
sensate focus exercises. Sensate focus promotes the involvement of partners in a variety
of sexual activities without intercourse, thus providing opportunities to disconfirm
the idea that sexual pleasure and women’s satisfaction and orgasm require an erect
penis and vaginal penetration.
Formulating alternative beliefs. Once the patients have learned to identify their own
cognitive distortions, and the lack of evidence for their sexual beliefs, it is important
that they develop alternative and more accurate beliefs that make sense for them.
One technique that may help patients identify alternative beliefs is the use of Socratic
questioning. This technique is based on the teaching method used by the Greek
philosopher, and helps to guide the patient’s process of self-discovery, reflecting on
his own beliefs and facilitating the development of new alternative interpretations
for his life events (i.e., new beliefs). In the following dialogue, the patient holds the
sexual belief that “A man who fails to get an erection is not a real man.”
THERAPIST: On a scale from 0 to 100, to what degree do you believe in this statement?
PATIENT: Maybe 90.
THERAPIST: So you strongly believe that whenever someone fails to get an erection it
means he is less of a man.
PATIENT: Well, perhaps not always, sometimes there are other reasons.
THERAPIST: What reasons?
PATIENT: Don’t know … he might be tired or preoccupied with something and things
don’t work very well.
THERAPIST: You mean that this tiredness or concern can explain the failure, without
meaning a loss of masculinity?
PATIENT: Yes, sometimes.
THERAPIST: How many times (on a scale from 0 to 100)?
PATIENT: Maybe 30.
THERAPIST: Is there any other possible explanation for a failure?
PATIENT: Well … maybe sometimes women also do not help much.
THERAPIST: And this explains how much (on a scale from 0 to 100)?
PATIENT: Maybe 10.
664 Specific Disorders
Practicing alternative beliefs. Once the patient has identified alternative beliefs, he
should be given the opportunity to practice and exercise his “new role.” In this sense,
the technique of point-counterpoint, also designated rational-emotive role play, is very
useful. The technique consists of the dramatization of a dialogue between the patient
and the therapist where they exchange roles and represent the dysfunctional and
the alternative beliefs position. The patient may begin by representing his usual role
(dysfunctional beliefs) and then change with the therapist, putting himself in the new
position (defending the alternative beliefs). This technique is of central importance
since it allows the patient to decenter from his usual point of view and to play a new
role whose job is to convince the former of the inaccuracy and dysfunctional nature
of his sexual beliefs.
Additionally, the patient is encouraged to practice alternative beliefs and thoughts
in everyday life whenever any negative automatic thought arises. He must report the
original level of belief in the negative thought and the level of belief in the alternative
thought. He must also report the new level of belief in the previous negative thought
as a result of the alternative thought (see Table 28.3).
Sexual penetration difficult “If I fail, I’m lost” Worry (80) “Sometimes real men also “If I fail, I’m lost”
to achieve (70) fail” (50) (40)
“This is not going Sadness (70) “There is nothing that says “This is not going
anywhere” (80) that I am not going to anywhere” (50)
achieve” (50)
“I am not able to Disappointment (90) “It will not be the end of “I am not able to
satisfy my partner” the world ” (70) satisfy my partner”
(80) (40)
666 Specific Disorders
Taking into consideration that attentional processes during sexual activity are
central to sexual response and may facilitate the experience of subjective sexual arousal
(Barlow, 1986; De Jong, 2009), there is a clear theoretical background to support
the potential benefits of mindfulness-based approaches to sexual dysfunction.
Recent studies have suggested a positive effect of mindfulness on women’s sexual
health (Brotto, Basson, & Luria, 2008; Brotto & Heiman, 2007). Although these are
only preliminary findings and there is still a lack of studies on men with sexual dys-
function, the integration of mindfulness into cognitive behavioral treatment programs
for sexual dysfunction is promising.
Despite the growing body of empirical data on and conceptual models of psychological
factors of sexual problems and specifically on the role of cognitive and emotional
variables, the application of this knowledge in terms of treatment approaches is still very
narrow. Regardless of the existence of some therapeutic proposals based on cognitive
behavioral principles (Bach, Wincze, & Barlow, 2001; Hawton, 1989; Rosen et al.,
1994; Wincze & Carey, 2001), the majority of sex therapists primarily use sensate focus
techniques, systematic desensitization, or specific behavioral procedures. Moreover,
training programs, although they may incorporate some knowledge of cognitive
determinants and interventions, are mostly based on sensate focus techniques.
Finally, empirically validated psychological treatments for sexual dysfunction are
scarce and mostly based on Masters and Johnson’s sensate focus or systematic desen-
sitization procedures (Heiman, 2002; Heiman & Meston, 1998). No randomized
controlled trial studies have been published so far testing the efficacy of cognitive
behavioral interventions for male sexual problems. Results from two pilot studies
(Bach, Barlow, & Wincze, 2004; Banner & Anderson, 2007) have indicated that
a combination of oral treatment (sildenafil) and CBT produced better treatment
outcomes (sexual functioning satisfaction) in men with erectile dysfunction compared
to pharmacological treatment alone.
Taking these findings into consideration, and bearing in mind that CBT has
proved to be the most efficacious treatment for a variety of psychological problems
(Chambless & Ollendick, 2001) and to present long-term effects superior to pharma-
cological treatments (Craske, Brown, & Barlow, 1991; DeRubeis & Crits-Christoph,
1998; Hollon et al., 2005; Shapiro et al., 2007), we think that the systematic test
of the treatment efficacy of CBT for sexual dysfunction, as well as the study of the
underlying mechanisms of change, may play an important role in developing better
treatment options for a major clinical complaint.
Male Sexual Dysfunctions 667
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29
The Paraphilias
W. L. Marshall and L. E. Marshall
Rockwood Psychological Services, Kingston, Canada
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), in all its iterations,
has a category of disorders that are identified as paraphilias. The behavior of some
of these paraphilics (i.e., those who commit crimes related to their paraphilias) cause
distress and harm to others, while the remainder cause distress, if at all, only to
themselves. The former are likely to involve the paraphilic with the criminal justice
system where he will be described as a sexual offender. Since the majority of paraphilics
appear to be men, and research has for the most part focused only on men, we will use
the masculine form throughout this chapter. There are other types of sexual offenders
who do not meet criteria for a DSM diagnosis (e.g., nonpedophilic child molesters,
and rapists). We will also address their issues.
This chapter will begin with a brief description of these various disorders with
remarks about some of the problematic issues. Next we will comment on the
reliability and nosological status of the paraphilias. We will then move to the primary
focus of the chapter: namely, treatment and the evaluation of its effectiveness.
The current edition of the DSM (4th ed., text rev.; DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric
Association [APA], 2000) identifies the paraphilias as involving “recurrent, intense
sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors generally involving 1) nonhuman
objects, 2) the suffering or humiliation of oneself or one’s partner, or 3) children or
other nonconsenting persons that occur over a period of at least 6 months” (APA,
2000, p. 566). Of course, for each paraphilia, the DSM-IV-TR provides specific details
of the criteria.
As noted, the paraphilias include some criminal, or potentially criminal, acts, and
noncriminal acts. In addition there are other criminal sexual behaviors linked to
fantasies and urges that do not appear in the DSM. The following section describes
these various problematic behaviors.
One important point to note, before we proceed, is that there is evidence that a
number of paraphilics have other paraphilias, in addition to their primary diagnosis. For
instance, Abel and Rouleau (1990) showed that among nonfamilial child molesters,
61.4% reported having three or more paraphilias, as did 46% of incest offenders.
However, Abel and Rouleau included what appear to be transitory (i.e., less than 6
months) interests in their count of paraphilias. When W. L. Marshall, Barbaree, and
Eccles (1991) conducted a similar study, but excluded these transitory inclinations,
they found that only 12% of child molesters reported more than one paraphilia and
only one offender had three additional paraphilias.
Offense-Related Disorders
Frotteurism
According to the DSM-IV-TR this behavior “involves touching and rubbing against
a nonconsenting person” (APA, 2000, p. 570). The frotteur will typically have an
erection and may have an orgasm during the act. Frotteurism represents a threat to
the personal integrity and well-being of (mostly) women on packed public transit
systems and other densely crowded places, but little is known about it as the offenders
are rarely reported or prosecuted. Despite the fact that Krueger and Kaplan (1997)
could find only 17 papers on frotteurism after a complete Medline search, it appears
to be a common offense. Fisher, Cullen, and Turner (2000), for example, found that
35% of a sample of 4,446 females reported being victims of frotteurs.
Voyeurism
The DSM-IV-TR describes this as involving acts of “observing unsuspecting individ-
uals, usually strangers, who are naked, in the process of disrobing, or engaging in
sexual activity” (APA, 2000, p. 575). In most cases, and certainly in the early stages
of the development of this interest, the voyeur wants the victim to be unaware of
his presence. The voyeur may masturbate while observing or he may use the images
in later masturbatory activity. Just as we saw with frotteurs, there are few studies of
voyeurs (Kaplan & Krueger, 1997), making it difficult to say anything with confidence
about their characteristics. Recently, McConaghy (2005) described a survey in which
50% of young males said they had engaged in voyeuristic acts without being detected.
Exhibitionism
Exhibitionists are said by DSM-IV-TR to be aroused by exposing their genitals to a
nonconsenting person, usually a stranger. This behavior is typically enacted at high
frequencies usually for relatively short periods but these short periods recur over many
The Paraphilias 675
years with an apparent decline after age 40 (W. D. Murphy, 1997). The data that are
available suggest that the incidence of these acts is high, particularly when anonymous
surveys of women are the basis for estimating frequency (Cox & MacMahon, 1978).
Gittleson, Eacott, and Mehta (1978), for example, reported that 44% of British nurses
said they had been exposed to exhibitionism outside the work situation. Most of the
literature on exhibitionism is from the 1960s and 1970s, so much of what we know
about these offenders may not reflect current issues.
An interesting facet of the recently expanding literature on hypersexuality (often
called “sexual addiction” or “sexual preoccupation”) concerns the observation that
35–40% of sexual offenders meet criteria for this associated problem (L. E. Marshall,
Marshall, Moulden, & Serran, 2008). More specifically it has been reported that a
significant proportion of exhibitionists display hypersexual behaviors (Långström &
Seto, 2006).
Pedophilia
This term describes a subset of child molesters. Only those molesters who are
persistently (i.e., over a period of more than 6 months) sexually aroused by children
meet criteria for a diagnosis of pedophilia. Strict application of the diagnosis suggests
that no more than 50% of men convicted of sexual offenses against children meet
criteria for this disorder (Seto, 2008). Unfortunately far too many reports in the
literature use the term “pedophilia” to describe all child molesters without concern
for the diagnostic criteria (W. L. Marshall, 2007).
There is now an extensive body of literature on men who have committed sexual
offenses against children and it is clear that the problem is both universal and
underreported (Seto, 2008). For example, in their study of males who have never
been identified as offenders, Brière and Runtz (1989) reported that 9% said they had
fantasized about having sex with a child and Smith (1994) found that 3% of college
males admitted having had sexual contact with females aged 12 or younger. There is a
particularly interesting ongoing research project (Beier et al., 2009) that has recruited
men in Germany who admit to, and are bothered by, a persistent sexual interest in
children but have never been identified by the justice system. In one of the reports
of this project, Schaefer et al. (2010) indicated that 39.4% of these men admitted
to having had undetected sexual contact with children. Apparently the strategies of
some child molesters effectively reduce their chances of being identified.
As Seto (2008) noted in his comprehensive appraisal of the literature, there are now
available several reasonably sound methods for assessing persistent sexual interests
in children, at least for adult males. After reviewing various methods, Seto (2008)
concluded that the evidence to date supports the use of phallometric measures as
currently the best way to assess the sexual interests of pedophiles. In fact, Freund
(1967; Freund & Watson, 1991) has for several years maintained that the only reliable
way to diagnose pedophilia is through the use of phallometry. Phallometry involves
measuring erectile responses while the man is viewing sexual scenes or listening to
audio recordings of sexual interactions. A man is said to be pedophilic if his sexual
arousal to children is equal to or greater than his arousal to adults (W. D. Murphy &
Barbaree, 1994). In fact, phallometry has been used to assess various paraphilics but
676 Specific Disorders
has not consistently produced valuable information for exhibitionists or for rapists
(W. L. Marshall & Fernandez, 2003).
More recently Seto and his colleagues (Seto, Harris, Rice, & Barbaree, 2004;
Seto & Lalumière, 2001) have developed an assessment procedure that relies on
offense history and crime scene data. This assessment produces results in line with
phallometric test data. Essentially what these two approaches (phallometry and Seto’s
measure) indicate is that unless the offender has more than two victims he is unlikely
to be identified by either of these methods as a pedophile. However, the problem of
accurately identifying pedophilia is more complex than simply examining the number
of victims, as reference to the DSM criteria makes clear (O’Donohue, Regev, &
Hagstrom, 2000).
& Nitschke, 2011). Nitschke et al.’s scale allows for either a categorical diagnosis
or a dimensional determination of the degree of sexual sadism. Nitschke, Mokros,
Osterheider, and Marshall (2012) expressed the view that a dimensional index of
sadism would represent a better solution than a categorical diagnosis; perhaps the
same is true for all the paraphilias.
Nonoffending Disorders
Fetishism
The DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) defines fetishism as “involving the use of nonliving
objects (e.g., female undergarments)” (p. 570) for the purpose of generating sexual
arousal. For the behavior to meet diagnostic criteria it has to produce distress and
yet many men who engage in fetishistic behaviors are not upset by the activities.
For example, although the prevalence appears to be reasonably common (Gosselin &
Wilson, 1980) very few appear at clinics for treatment (Chalkley & Powell, 1983).
In fact, it seems that many fetishists who seek treatment do so because their partners
express distress (Mason, 1997).
There are numerous web sites that specifically cater to fetishistic interests. These
sites, and evidence reviewed by Junginger (1997), indicate a broad range of objects
and activities associated with fetishisms. The most common objects are articles of
underwear, shoes, and leather or plastic articles (Mason, 1997). One diagnostic issue
that remains unresolved concerns whether “partialism” (defined as a fetish for specific
body parts such as breasts or buttocks) should be considered a fetish or an aspect of
678 Specific Disorders
Transvestic Fetishism
Transvestic fetishism and fetishism appear to have a significant feature in common, as
is implied by the inclusion of the term fetishism in the DSM label. Cross-dressing is a
defining part of DSM criteria for transvestic fetishism where the wearing of clothing
of the opposite sex is said to be sexually arousing. The same articles that a fetishist
fondles (e.g., women’s underwear or other articles of women’s clothing) to generate
arousal are the very articles cross-dressers wear to generate arousal. Clearly the two
disorders have much in common.
It is necessary to distinguish among cross-dressers those who meet criteria for
transvestic fetishism from those who do not. Some people cross-dress because they
believe they are biologically members of the “opposite” sex (transsexuals); some men
cross-dress to attract other males (so-called “drag queens”); some men cross-dress
in their role as entertainers; and some do so in order to generate sexual excitement
(i.e., the true transvestic fetishists). While some males who cross-dress claim it is not
sexually exciting, when these men are assessed by phallometric methods, they display
sexual arousal to the act (Blanchard, Racansky, & Steiner, 1986). As Croughan,
Saghir, Cohen, and Tobins (1981) note, while cross-dressing may not be a part of
sex with their partner, transvestic fantasies are typically required for orgasm to occur
during sex.
As was the case with fetishisms, researchers have questioned the validity of the
criterion of distress among transvestic fetishists (King, 1993), claiming that it is
usually only when someone else complains (e.g., the man’s wife) that the person
seeks treatment. Studies have reported that transvestic fetishists are satisfied with their
interests (Prince & Bentler, 1972) and that they report feeling comfortable and relaxed
when cross-dressed (Gosselin & Eysenck, 1980). However, Croughan et al. (1981)
found that 95% of transvestites reported at least one adverse consequence arising
from cross-dressing and that these consequences were related to disruptions in social
relations, impairments in education and employment, and negative self-denigrating
thoughts. Perhaps these somewhat conflicting observations can be understood if we
accept the claim by Weinberg, Williams, and Calhan (1995) that fetishisms (and by
implication transvestic fetishisms) lie along a continuum from a mild interest to a
The Paraphilias 679
strong preference. Consistent with this, apparently some men who cross-dress do so
only occasionally and although on these occasions it is sexually exciting, they do not
seem driven to cross-dress more frequently (Docter & Prince, 1997).
Diagnostic Reliability
For any diagnosis to serve a useful purpose it must be shown to be reliable (Nelson-
Gray, 1991). Standards of reliability suggest that for important decisions to be made
the kappa coefficient should be k = 0.8, while for very important decisions (i.e.,
SVP commitments) it should be k = 0.9 (K. R. Murphy & Davidshofer, 1998).
Since a diagnosis of a paraphilia (particularly pedophilia and sexual sadism) has serious
implications for both the client and the safety of the public, such diagnoses clearly meet
criteria for at least an important decision. Unfortunately none of the paraphilias that
has been examined meets such a standard even under rigorous conditions that ought
to maximize reliability and that ought to overestimate the reliability of diagnoses as
they are conducted under normal clinical conditions.
For example, O’Donohue et al. (2000) examined the criteria for pedophilia
and observed that, in almost all respects, the specification of each criterion was
sufficiently open to differing interpretations that reliability across diagnosticians was
almost guaranteed to be low. They also pointed out that the reliability of paraphilic
diagnoses reported in the field trials accompanying the DSM-III (American Psychiatric
Association, 1980) was unsatisfactory. O’Donohue at al. said they were unable to find
evidence of further DSM field trials of the paraphilias.
In a landmark study, Levenson (2004) examined this issue within the context of
SVP commitments for all of the diagnostic categories employed. She found that none
of the diagnoses met acceptable standards, with even the general category of “any
paraphilia” being far lower than desired (k = 0.47). The resulting coefficients for
the specific disorders were unsatisfactorily low (pedophilia, k = 0.65; exhibitionism,
k = 0.47; sexual sadism, k = 0.30; and paraphilia NOS, k = 0.36).
On a related issue, Kingston, Firestone, Moulden, and Bradford (2007) discerned
problems with a variety of methods for diagnosing pedophilia, including diagnoses
by experienced forensic psychiatrists, phallometric assessment data, and Seto and
Lalumière’s (2001) measure of sexual interests. First they found little correspondence
between any of these indices of pedophilia. However, the most important observation
was that, no matter what the basis, a diagnosis of pedophilia was unrelated to any of the
features indicative of future risk. A later study by this same group (Moulden, Firestone,
Kingston, & Bradford, 2009), using similar methods of diagnosing pedophilia, found
that none of the diagnoses derived from any of the procedures was related to actual
reoffending of any kind (i.e., sexual, violent, or nonsexual/nonviolent offending).
In their review of the available literature on sexual sadism, W. L. Marshall and
Kennedy (2003) noted that every reported study used either one or two unique
criteria or had a unique combination of criteria; no two studies employed matching
criteria. This, of course, made it impossible to come to confident conclusions about the
meaning of the overall findings. Subsequent studies found that the clinical application
of the diagnosis of sadism in a prison setting was not done reliably (W. L. Marshall,
680 Specific Disorders
Kennedy, & Yates, 2002) nor did 15 international experts agree on a diagnosis
(W. L. Marshall, Kennedy, Yates, & Serran, 2002), although, as noted earlier, they
did agree on the importance of the specific criteria.
Assessment Issues
Assessments conducted prior to treatment are meant to serve several purposes includ-
ing establishing the beginning of a developing case formulation and providing a
baseline against which to assess gains at the end of treatment. To serve these purposes,
some treatment programs have sexual offenders complete a comprehensive battery of
tests, most of which are self-report measures (see Craig & Beech, 2009, for details).
Such measures present problems with offenders who have serious trust issues and
who, accordingly, are motivated to present themselves as competent and prosocial.
Our experience is that case formulation can best be generated in the following way.
First there is a thorough understanding, at least for sexual offenders, of the problems
that put them at risk to reoffend (Hanson, 2006). When these features are potentially
modifiable, they are described as “criminogenic factors” and there is solid evidence
that addressing these issues in programs for sexual offenders (Hanson, Bourgon,
Helmus, & Hodgson, 2009) is essential to reduce reoffending. There is every reason
to suppose, from the available evidence, that these criminogenic factors identified in
sexual offenders are the same problems that beset all types of paraphilics (see Laws
& O’Donohue, 1997, 2008). Thus, a nomothetically-based case formulation would
assume that each client has some degree of problems in each of the criminogenic
areas of functioning. The second step in generating a case formulation is to enter the
client into a treatment program where the first stage provides specific information
about various deficits and strengths. Thus, the first stage of treatment needs to have
the client provide an autobiographical account of his life’s successes and problems
as well as an account of the events leading up to his offense or that resulted from
the shame associated with his paraphilic interests. As a result of this information the
nomothetic formulation can be adjusted to produce an idiographic formulation for
each individual (W. L. Marshall, Marshall, Serran, & O’Brien, 2011).
With regard to assessing the effects of treatment on each individual client,
W. L. Marshall et al. (2011) have developed an empirically validated Therapist
Rating Scale (TRS-2) which is applied at the point of discharge. This 10-item scale
requires the therapist to rate each client in terms of how well he understands each of
the treatment issues and how well he has internalized or demonstrated what he has
learned. There are data available (W. L. Marshall et al., 2011) indicating that these
posttreatment ratings predict the success or failure of treated sexual offenders whereas
various other assessments (e.g., actuarial risk evaluations or measures of psychopathy)
do not.
Assessments are also conducted prior to treatment to determine each client’s risk
to reoffend based on actuarially-determined static factors (see Doren, 2006, for a
summary of such measures). These assessments are done to assist in determining both
the need for treatment and how extensive and intensive treatment should be. Andrews
and Bonta (2006) have demonstrated across all offender types that treatment has its
The Paraphilias 681
greatest impact with higher-risk offenders and Hanson et al. (2009) have shown the
same to be true for sexual offenders. Of course, risk assessment results are also helpful
to institutional authorities (e.g., parole boards) who make release decisions.
Treatment
In the early days of the development of modern treatment programs for the para-
philias, as well as for sexual offenders more specifically, the focus of treatment was
circumscribed. For example, specific types of nonoffending paraphilics were treated
separately from others (e.g., Marks & Gelder, 1967) as were different types of sexual
offenders (e.g., Abel, Blanchard, & Becker, 1978). In addition, initially the targets
of treatment were almost exclusively deviant sexual preferences, an approach that was
based on McGuire, Carlisle, and Young’s (1965) conditioning model of the etiology
of paraphilic behavior. Over the past 40 years, however, the range of issues addressed
in treatment has expanded significantly and many programs now integrate all types of
sexual offenders in the same groups (Mann & Marshall, 2009).
Nonoffending Paraphilics
Except for interventions implemented in the 1960s and 1970s, there have been few
reports of treatment for these nonoffending paraphilics. This is also largely true for
some of the sexual offenses where the major thrust in the development of treatment
has been for child molesters and rapists. We will, however, provide a review of what
is available.
Junginger’s (1997) review of treatment for fetishists focused entirely on condi-
tioning procedures applied to sexual interests. Such approaches appear to have been
effective. For example, W. L. Marshall (1974) reported success using a condition-
ing procedure with a client who had a fetish for blue jeans; however, relationship
and social skills training were added to encourage this socially isolated young man
to become involved in friendships and to develop an intimate relationship. The
treatment-induced changes in this man’s sexual interests were retained at a 2-year
follow-up.
A rapist with a fetish for women’s pantyhose was referred to a treatment unit in
a Canadian federal penitentiary in mid-1975. This man’s offending routine involved
wearing women’s pantyhose under his trousers and then prowling city streets in search
of a woman wearing pantyhose whom he would then follow. If the woman finally
traveled to an isolated location he would attack and rape her. During the rapes he said
the sensations of his and the victim’s pantyhose rubbing against each other provided
the necessary stimulation for his orgasm; without these sensations he said he was
unable to ejaculate. He adopted similar tactile interactions with pantyhose during his
masturbatory activities. Accordingly a novel treatment approach was designed.
A collection of pantyhose was purchased and a new one was presented to the
client at each treatment session during which time he was alone in an isolated room.
The client was instructed to masturbate to orgasm using the pantyhose in his usual
manner and then to continue to caress the pantyhose during the postorgasm refractory
682 Specific Disorders
period while articulating aloud his typical fetishistic thoughts. Masters and Johnson
(1966) had shown that immediately after orgasm men enter a period where they
are unresponsive (i.e., refractory) to sexual stimuli that would otherwise be arousing
to them. Repeatedly associating the fetish object and behavior with this state of
sexual unresponsiveness would, it was assumed, induce the extinction of the erotic
valence attached to the pantyhose and its associated rituals. Phallometric testing
revealed a remarkable diminution of arousal to the pantyhose over treatment sessions
with the client reporting a complete loss of interest in the fetishistic activity (W. L.
Marshall & Lippens, 1977). These changes were maintained over the remainder of his
prison sentence (approximately 3 years) and there were no instances of reoffending
over several years postdischarge. This procedure was called “satiation,” and it has
been used effectively with several other nonfetish, paraphilic, and sexual offending
behaviors.
Given that fetishists commonly have features (e.g., poor social and relationship skills,
loneliness, deficiencies in empathy, low self-esteem) in common with sexual offenders
as well as a strong tendency to use sex as a coping strategy, it has been suggested
that the treatment approach applied to sexual offenders should prove effective with
fetishists (Darcangelo, Hollings, & Paladino, 2008). In fact, all paraphilics seem to
have problematic features common to sexual offenders, so it seems likely that similar
treatment is likely to be effective across all paraphilias.
As was the case with fetishisms, early treatment for transvetic fetishists was directed at
eliminating arousal to cross-dressing by a variety of aversive conditioning procedures.
Using either nausea-inducing drugs or electric shocks, these approaches appear to
have been effective, at least across time-limited follow-up appraisals (Adshead, 1997).
More recently it has been suggested that the components of comprehensive sexual
offender treatment should be applied to transvestic fetishists (Newring, Wheeler, &
Draper, 2008).
There is little in the way of reported psychological treatment outcome studies with
the various other nonoffending paraphilics. The best evidence on effective treatment
with a range of nonoffending paraphilics is derived from interventions employing
one or another of the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (Grubin, 2008). While
the data from these studies convincingly demonstrate enhanced control over the
expression of paraphilic interests, such treatment has not been shown to enhance
prosocial skills (particularly intimacy skills) or to improve self-worth and diminish
shame. As W. L. Marshall (1971) noted, normalizing sexual interests does not
necessarily lead to the generation of the skills necessary to secure the variety of needs
that are typically pursued in sexual relations, and yet the absence of stable relationships
has been shown to increase the likelihood of a relapse, at least among sexual offenders
(Hanson & Harris, 2000).
Sexual Offenders
As noted earlier, not all sexual offenders meet criteria for a paraphilia, although some
do. However, several studies suggest that paraphilic and nonparaphilic sexual offenders
respond equally well to the same comprehensive treatment programs (W. L. Marshall,
2008). As a consequence we will ignore the diagnostic distinction in this section.
The Paraphilias 683
Treatment for sexual offenders has a long history dating back to the late 1800s
and early 1900s (Laws & Marshall, 2003), although systematic approaches were not
initiated until the 1970s when treatment targets began to be expanded beyond simply
modifying sexual interests (W. L. Marshall & Laws, 2003).
urges, while the other focused far more on enhancing relationship skills, building the
capacity for empathy, and strengthening self-efficacy and coping skills. The effects of
these two programs were compared with the subsequent rates of reoffending among
untreated exhibitionists. Official police records revealed that 26% of the untreated
exhibitionists reoffended over an 8.8-year follow-up while 14% of the men given the
behavioral program relapsed, but only 8% of those given the more comprehensive
treatment failed to remain offense-free. Although generated by only one study, these
findings suggest that programs addressing a broad range of the common deficits
among exhibitionists are the treatments most likely to be maximally effective.
Frotteurs and voyeurs. The literature on the treatment of frotteurs and voyeurs is
limited. As Krueger and Kaplan (1997) noted, “aside from a few case reports, therapy
suggestions have been developed with a heterogeneous group of paraphilics in general
and not derived specifically for the treatment of frotteurs” (p. 139). The same can
be said for voyeurs where the extant literature amounts to no more than a handful
of single case reports (Hanson & Harris, 1997). In their chapter on the treatment
of voyeurs, Mann, Ainsworth, Al-Attar, and Davies (2008) outline suggestions for
a broad-based treatment program for voyeurs, largely based on programs for child
molesters and rapists. However, they were unable to point to any current program of
this kind much less outcome data supporting its utility.
Child molesters and rapists. By far the majority of reported studies of the treatment
of sexual offenders have included only child molesters and rapists. There is now an
extensive body of reports on the treatment of these offenders.
After the 1970s move to more comprehensive programs for these offenders, the
most significant change came when Janice Marques (1982) presented her adaptation
for sexual offenders of Alan Marlatt’s (1982) relapse prevention (RP) program for
addicts. Despite the fact that Marlatt had developed this approach as a way of
maintaining treatment gains among addicted clients, Marques’ approach quickly
evolved into a complete treatment program for sexual offenders (Pithers, Marques,
Gibat, & Marlatt, 1983). Within a few short years this approach became entrenched
across North America as the accepted standard for treating these men, despite an
absence of evidence supporting its efficacy. RP endured unchallenged until Ward and
his colleagues (Ward & Hudson, 1996; Ward, Hudson, & Siegert, 1995) began to
critically examine its theoretical bases while others demonstrated that RP, either on
its own or as an adjunct to otherwise comprehensive programs, showed no beneficial
effects (W. L. Marshall & Anderson, 2000). Eventually, Marques’ own long-term
randomized controlled trial of RP demonstrated no differences between treated and
untreated sexual offenders (Marques, Weideranders, Day, Nelson, & van Ommeren,
2005). Unfortunately the outcome of this well-designed study did not toll the death
knell for RP, with many current programs continuing to adhere to most, if not all,
of its elements, and its advocates continue to sing its praise (Carich, Dobkowski, &
Delehanty, 2009).
Despite these dismal results with the RP model, other comprehensive programs
appeared to produce effective results. Two large-scale meta-analyses demonstrated
that treatment could be effective with these problematic offenders. Hanson et al.
The Paraphilias 685
Strength-Based Treatment
Several important publications over the past 20 years have suggested the potential
value of the elements of an alternative, more positively focused, and strength-based
treatment approach. These elements derive from four sources: Andrews and Bonta’s
(2006) risk/needs/responsivity principles; Miller and Rollnick’s (2002) motivational
686 Specific Disorders
interviewing; Ward’s (2002) good lives model; and ideas derived from the recent
positive psychology movement (see Linley & Joseph, 2004, and Snyder & Lopez, 2005,
for numerous examples). We will discuss the relevance of each of these in turn before
describing our own program that integrates these four influences and its outcome
data.
Risk/Needs/Responsivity
Andrews, Bonta, and Hoge (1990) elucidated a set of principles derived from their
meta-analysis (Andrews, Zinger, et al., 1990) of outcome studies of treatment for
various types of offenders. They showed that three principles of effective offender
treatment could be derived from this meta-analysis which they described as risk,
needs, and responsivity. Independent meta-analyses confirmed Andrews’ findings
with general offenders (Aos, Miller, & Drake, 2006; Lösel, 1995; Redondo, Garrido,
& Sanchez-Meca, 1999) and Hanson et al. (2009) showed that these principles were
equally applicable to sexual offenders.
The risk principle suggested that the greatest benefits were likely to be apparent
when the highest-risk offenders were treated. However, in Andrews’ studies this
generated the lowest overall effect size (ES = 0.10) of the three principles and in
Hanson et al.’s (2009) replication with sexual offenders it essentially exerted little
effect at all. In practice this principle is interpreted as requiring that the greatest
treatment intensity and extensivity should be reserved for high-risk offenders, with
less energy being devoted to moderate or lower-risk offenders. Fortunately there
are now available empirically derived risk assessment instruments for sexual offenders
(Hanson & Thornton, 2000) which allow treatment planners to allocate them to
appropriate levels of intervention.
The needs principle demands that the issues targeted in treatment be limited to
those potentially changeable features that have been shown to predict reoffending;
the so-called “criminogenic factors.” Prior to the year 2000, there were no empirically
established criminogenic factors for sexual offenders as there were for other types
of offenders. Until the early part of the twenty-first century, treatment providers
addressed features that had either been shown to be unique to sexual offenders
compared to other males, or that the therapists believed were necessary treatment
targets. Some of the features that distinguished sexual offenders (e.g., an array of
distorted cognitions or an absence of victim empathy) were later determined not to
predict reoffending, and some that seemed obviously necessary to address (e.g., the
offender acknowledging responsibility for the offense details) similarly turned out not
to be criminogenic. Hanson and Harris (2000) report the results of a large-scale
study in which they identified a number of modifiable features that were related to
later sexual reoffending. This landmark study initiated various research projects that
have revealed various targets meeting the needs principle (Craig, Browne, & Beech,
2008; Mann, Hanson, & Thornton, 2010). Presumably as this work continues other
appropriate treatment targets will be identified.
It is, however, important to note that, as Andrews and Bonta (2006) point out,
it may also be valuable to target some, but few, noncriminogenic characteristics if
treatment is to be effective. For example, both low self-esteem (Baumeister, 1993)
The Paraphilias 687
and shame (Tangney & Dearing, 2002) have been shown to block attempts at
any type of change. Since sexual offenders characteristically display low self-esteem
(W. L. Marshall, Anderson, & Champagne, 1997) and marked shame (Sparks, Bailey,
Marshall, & Marshall, 2003), it would appear necessary to overcome these obstacles
in order to engage these men in treatment. Nevertheless, treatment providers should
not take this caveat by Andrews and Bonta as license to address whatever they like in
treatment. The effect size of addressing criminogenic features increases proportional
to the number of these features that are targeted, while the effect size is diminished
proportional to the number of noncriminogenic features that are addressed (Gendreau,
French, & Gionet, 2004). Overall, the needs principle generated an effect size of 0.19.
Of the three principles identified by Andrews and Bonta (2006), it is the proper
application of the responsivity principle that appears to account for the greatest benefits.
They report that it produced a significant effect size (ES = 0.23) which approached
the overall effect size (ES = 0.28) of all three principles combined. As noted earlier,
Hanson et al.’s study specifically with sexual offenders replicated these effects. Clearly
the responsivity principle, if properly adhered to, is critical to obtaining beneficial
treatment effects.
This principle has both a general and a specific component. The latter states that
treatment providers should be responsive to the unique features of each client and
adjust their approach accordingly. Therapists should adopt different strategies, for
example, with offenders from different cultural backgrounds, and with those of dif-
fering intellectual levels and different world views, as well as with those having unique
personalities. In addition therapists should adapt to clients’ day-to-day fluctuations in
mood and motivation. The demands of specific responsivity are essentially the same as
the proper application of the notion of flexibility that has been shown to be important
in the delivery of treatment for various other Axis I and Axis II disorders (Duncan,
Miller, & Sparks, 2004).
It is, however, the general component of responsivity that exerts the most influence
on treatment outcome. While it has been somewhat mistakenly inferred that adopting
a cognitive behavioral approach will satisfy general responsivity, this is not necessarily
true. While it is true that meta-analyses of treatment for both sexual (Hanson et al.,
2002) and nonsexual offenders (Andrews, Zinger et al., 1990) have consistently
shown cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) to be the most effective approach, these
data have not demonstrated that all CBT programs are effective nor have they shown
that non-CBT programs are all ineffective. What appears to be essential for programs
to meet the general responsivity principle is that they follow what Andrews and Bonta
(2006) describe as the “core correctional practices” (CCPs). Briefly, these practices
require the selection and training of therapists to be based on those characteristics
(e.g., empathy, warmth, support, respect) and skills (e.g., being rewarding, modeling
prosocial attitudes and behaviors) that have been shown in the general clinical
literature to facilitate beneficial changes (Norcross, 2002).
These CCP features are consistent with a growing body of independent research
on the effective elements of treatment delivery with sexual offenders. For example,
Drapeau (2005) reported that sexual offenders judged therapists to be crucial to
the benefits they derived from treatment but only when the therapists were warm,
688 Specific Disorders
Motivational Interviewing
In their initial book describing their motivational interviewing (MI) approach with
people with addictive problems, Miller and Rollnick (1991) specified a number
of techniques. Subsequently, they observed that in many of the later applications,
therapists had employed these techniques without understanding the “spirit” of
MI. As a result, in the second edition of their book (Miller & Rollnick, 2002)
they emphasized the various aspects of this spirit which they identified as requiring
collaboration between the therapist and client, evocation of insight by the client,
and autonomy which requires the client to be responsible for change. They also
described four guiding principles involving (a) empathy for the client’s perspective, (b)
generating a discrepancy in the client between his present behavior and his expressed
goals in treatment, (c) rolling with the client’s resistance, and (d) supporting the
client’s emerging self-efficacy.
The target of MI involves building the client’s motivation to engage fully with
the processes of treatment. This is particularly relevant with sexual offenders who
are typically ambivalent about treatment which they often see in advance as likely to
involve no more than attacking them about their history of offending. Mann and
Webster (2002) showed that this view is common among those sexual offenders who
refuse an offer of treatment and we have observed that it is characteristic of these men
in the initial stages of treatment.
The Paraphilias 689
(a) Identify the goal of (a) Challenge antisocial and (a) Develop good lives model
treatment offense-supportive plans
attitudes/beliefs and
reinforce and model
prosocial attitudes/beliefs
(b) Address issues of (b) Enhance self-regulatory (b) Generate limited relapse
confidentiality strengths including prevention plans
behavioral and emotional
self-regulation
(c) Request an (c) Build relationship (c) Elicit list of supports
autobiography (intimacy and attachment)
skills
(d) Elicit immediate (d) Develop sexual health (d) Define release/discharge
precipitants to offense - expand sexual plans
knowledge
(e) Initiate procedures to - enhance skills to attain
enhance self-esteem/ sexual satisfaction
reduce shame - reduce sexual
(f) Begin building coping preoccupation
and mood management - modify sexual interests
skills
(g) Expand empathic skills
enhance clients’ self-esteem and reduce their feelings of shame. Clients are also trained
in effective empathy, coping strategies, and mood management, and the therapist
elicits a history of their successes and the problems they have encountered in the
past.
In the second phase offenders are assisted in developing the behavioral skills, as
well as the cognitions and attitudes, necessary to overcome the deficits they display
on all the criminogenic factors. Since antisocial attitudes and beliefs, as well as
offense-supportive ideas, only occur within the context of the discussion of various
topics (e.g., when addressing offense-related issues, when targeting relationship issues,
when discussing incidents of antisocial behaviors), these problematic cognitions are
challenged throughout treatment whenever they occur. Alternative prosocial views
are elicited from other participants and suggestions are made by the therapist who
models prosocial attitudes and behaviors. When antisocial or otherwise unhelpful
remarks are made by clients seeking attention, then as far as possible these are simply
ignored; lack of attention typically reduces the frequency of such remarks.
The evidence from the general literature suggests that behavioral self-regulation is
largely a product of emotional self-regulation (Carver, 2004). Clients are therefore
encouraged to be as naturally emotionally expressive as possible. This facilitates
discussions leading to an enhancement of the clients’ abilities to recognize their
own emotions and those of others, which is the first step in developing regulated
expressions. Emotional disruptions resulting from a distressing experience typically
cause people to make poor choices and this is frequently apparent in sexual offenders.
Training in coping skills, particularly problem solving, is effective in helping clients
both to modulate their moods and to make decisions that are in their best interests
and that best serve the interests of others.
Relationship difficulties appear frequently to disrupt behavioral and sexual reg-
ulation in sexual offenders and so comprehensive training is offered that aims at
identifying and enhancing the skills and attitudes necessary to achieve effective inti-
macy. It is within the context of an effective intimate relationship that a significant
range of human needs are met. It seems that sexual offenders seek these same needs
but pursue them in inappropriate ways.
A brief version of sex education is provided that outlines the ways well-functioning
people achieve sexual satisfaction. In this context an attempt is made to reduce
prudishness which is common in sexual offenders (L. E. Marshall, O’Brien, Woods, &
Nunes, 2011) and which seems to block their attempt at satisfactory sexual intimacy.
Sexual preoccupation is one of the strongest predictors of reoffending among sexual
offenders (L. E. Marshall & O’Brien, 2009) and is, therefore, a significant target in
treatment. Finally in Phase 2, procedures are implemented to change inappropriate
sexual interests when these are apparent (W. L. Marshall, O’Brien, & Marshall, 2009).
In the final phase, clients are helped to integrate what they have learned into
effective release plans. These release plans include continuing to work on the issues
involved in each of the GLM domains, as well as identifying people who can serve as
supports to encourage further development. Clients are also encouraged to generate a
limited set of individualized potential risks that they should attempt to avoid. Finally
they are required to identify strategies to obtain jobs and accommodations, and to
develop enjoyable leisure activities.
692 Specific Disorders
Recently two research assistants, who were naive regarding the sexual offender
literature and who had no expectations about rates of reoffending, conducted inde-
pendent appraisals of this program. The first research assistant conducted an appraisal
at a point where the average time at risk of 535 treated offenders was 5.4 years, while
the second did so after 8.4 years at risk. The data generated by the second research
assistant also provided a check on the reliability of the initial data extraction from
official records; there was an exact match. The official records included the Royal
Canadian Mounted Police national data base of all charges and convictions, as well
as the Correctional Service of Canada’s Offender Management System which records
all parole suspensions and revocations. The combined information from these two
sources represented the data on reoffending.
There are actually at least three indices of the potential value of a treatment
program: the percentage of the available offenders who accept the offer of treatment;
the percentage of those who enter and also complete treatment; and the rate of
relapses among those who complete treatment.
High rates of refusal to enter treatment are common among sexual offenders (Lee,
Proeve, Lancaster, & Jackson, 1996; Mann & Webster, 2002) with these rates ranging
from 25% to 86%. Several studies (Browne, Foreman, & Middleton, 1998; Lee et al.,
1996; McGrath, Cumming, Livingston, & Hoke, 2003) have reported high dropout
rates among sexual offenders who entered treatment. This is problematic as dropouts
have higher reoffense rates than those who refuse to enter treatment.
The offer of treatment is made by W. L. Marshall et al. (2011) to all sexual offenders
within the prison system where all but 3.8% accept and enter the program. Of those
who enter treatment, 95.8% complete the program. Thus, this program is successful
on the first two indices of the value of treatment, which seems likely to be due to the
motivational aspects of the approach and the focus on building a better life.
Most importantly, however, long-term outcome evaluations reveal significant reduc-
tions in recidivism. Table 29.2 outlines the outcome data associated with this program.
Unfortunately since almost all offenders are recruited into and remain in treatment,
Notes. * Expected rates are based on pretreatment evaluations using the following actuarial risk assessment
instruments: sexual offenses, STATIC-99 (Hanson & Thornton, 1999); violent offenses, VRAG (Harris,
Rice, & Quinsey, 1993); nonsexual/nonviolent, LSI-R (Andrews & Bonta, 1995). FU = follow-up.
Adapted from W. L. Marshall, Marshall, Serran, and O’Brien (2011).
The Paraphilias 693
there are no available untreated comparison groups. As a result the outcome for the
treated offenders is compared with what would be expected on the basis of the average
of the clients’ overall pretreatment risk assessments. As can be seen in Table 29.2 at
the 8.4-year follow-up assessment, the program has been very effective.
A similar evaluation was conducted on a community-based program that operated
on similar, although less comprehensive, principles to those outlined above (W. L.
Marshall & Barbaree, 1988). In this case, matched untreated samples were available
for each of three types of sexual offender. As can be seen from Table 29.2, treatment
significantly reduced reoffense rates.
Conclusions
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30
Couple Therapy
Melanie S. Fischer and Donald H. Baucom
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, United States
Kurt Hahlweg
Technische Universität Braunschweig, Germany
Norman B. Epstein
University of Maryland, United States
The recognition of high divorce rates, the prevalence of relationship distress, and
the negative consequences of these problems for individual and family functioning
have led many researchers and clinicians to dedicate their efforts to the development
of effective couple therapies in recent years (Epstein & Baucom, 2002; Schindler,
Hahlweg, & Revenstorf, 2006; Snyder, Castellani, & Whisman, 2006; Whisman
& Baucom, 2012). In this chapter, we describe cognitive behavioral couple therapy
(CBCT) in a recent, enhanced form (Epstein & Baucom, 2002). CBCT is a contextual
approach that allows clinicians to address behaviors, cognitions, and emotions as they
relate to relationship functioning. At the same time, CBCT practitioners tailor the
treatment based on the unique needs of the couple under consideration, addressing
individual, dyadic, and environmental factors.
CBCT first emerged in the early 1980s but draws heavily from the traditions
of behavioral couple therapy (BCT), individual cognitive therapy (CT), and basic
cognitive and social psychology research on information processing. In early BCT,
basic learning principles and social exchange theories were applied to achieve a
more favorable ratio of positive versus negative behaviors between the partners (e.g.,
Stuart, 1969). Skills trainings and systematic functional analyses of behavioral patterns
of reinforcement and punishment were incorporated into the work with distressed
couples as well (e.g., Jacobson & Margolin, 1979; Liberman, 1970; Schindler et al.,
2006). However, the strictly behavioral approach was not without limitations. Most
importantly, it became clear that idiosyncratic interpretations of relationship events,
causal attributions for one’s partner’s behavior, and longstanding cognitive schemas
have marked influence on the subjective emotional experience of each member
of the couple (Baucom & Epstein, 1990). Consequently, CBCT evolved through
the gradual incorporation of principles and interventions from individual cognitive
therapies (e.g., Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979; Ellis, 1962) and information
processing research (e.g., Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Fletcher & Fitness, 1996) into work
with distressed couples. Broadly speaking, the goal of the cognitive component in
CBCT is to help couples become more active observers of their own automatic
thoughts, assumptions, and standards, and to evaluate and revise them as needed. A
major premise of CBCT is that behaviors, cognitions, and emotions are inherently
interrelated, and that changes in one domain will influence other domains as well.
Thus, shifts in cognitions toward more balanced/adaptive views are thought to result
in positive changes in emotions and behaviors of the partners (Baucom & Epstein,
1990).
The most recent modifications of CBCT (Epstein & Baucom, 2002) incorporate
additional phenomena and allow for a more balanced attention to different aspects of
relationship functioning. This includes a greater emphasis on emotional experiences
as an area to be targeted, rather than relying on changes in cognitions and behaviors
to affect emotions indirectly. In addition, enhanced CBCT explicitly considers how
the couple responds to environmental demands and uses available resources, further
expanding the model’s systemic characteristics. Furthermore, broad “macro” level
interaction patterns and core relationship themes (e.g., partners’ differences in needs
for intimacy) are now emphasized, along with the traditional work on “micro” behav-
iors. Finally, stable characteristics that each partner brings into the relationship (e.g.,
personality traits, psychopathology) and their influence on relationship functioning
(Christensen & Heavey, 1993; Karney & Bradbury, 1995; Whisman & Baucom,
2012) also receive greater consideration in enhanced CBCT (Epstein & Baucom,
2002).
Other couple theorists and researchers shared the concerns about the restrictions of
a purely behavioral approach to treating relationship distress and constructed models
that were still based on the principles of BCT, but addressed the restrictions. Their
efforts have resulted in a number of other effective treatment approaches with roots
in BCT (e.g., Jacobson & Christensen, 1998).
conflict in diverse couple relationships and to help couples to build on their particular
strengths and resources (Kelly, 2006; LaTaillade, 2006).
CBCT has been implemented with a wide range of sessions, from several to over
20 weekly sessions in treatment outcome studies, and an unknown average number
of sessions in clinic and private practice settings. Although the length of treatment
cannot always be predicted for every couple, reasonable goals should be set with the
couple to orient the treatment and to enable both therapist and couple to assess the
progress along the way (Epstein & Baucom, 2002; Schindler et al., 2006; Wood
& Jacobson, 1985). Both “micro” and “macro” level goals should be set at the
beginning of therapy (e.g., having a “date night” twice a month vs. increasing a
couple’s overall sense of closeness). Goals should be reassessed later in therapy, and
the length of treatment can be renegotiated if needed, or goals can be shifted if new
challenges arise (Wood & Jacobson, 1985).
Across the course of treatment as well as within one session, a CBCT practitioner
purposefully assumes multiple roles to establish a supportive environment, provide
didactic information, set the pace of sessions, facilitate the treatment process, and
achieve therapeutic goals. Often, stylistic strategies include being more directive at
the beginning of treatment, especially with high conflict couples that are at risk of
behaving in hurtful ways in the session. Typically, the therapist will then gradually
move toward a more collaborative style to allow the couple more control as they learn
new skills and address their issues (Epstein & Baucom, 2002). However, a flexible
application of different roles within a session is equally important, as it allows the
therapist to respond most effectively to the needs of a couple.
listening skills) are evaluated. Both environmental stressors and resources should be
assessed, as well as how the couple has coped with environmental demands in the past.
Areas to consider include relations with the extended family network, work demands,
neighborhood and economic stresses, and experiences of discrimination (e.g., based
on race or sexual orientation).
Assessment Methods
Strategies we typically employ in our assessment for CBCT include self-report ques-
tionnaires, conjoint and individual clinical interviews, and direct observation of the
couple’s communication patterns. During the initial joint interview, the therapist
orients the couple to the process of therapy and provides the rationale for CBCT, as
well as the role of the therapist and the couple. A developmental relationship history
is obtained (e.g., what initially attracted them to each other, how the relationship
progressed toward deeper involvement and commitment, significant positive or neg-
ative life events and their effect on the relationship, any prior therapy experiences),
which helps the therapist to place the couple’s current concerns into a broader con-
text and sometimes brings positive aspects of the relationship back to the couple’s
attention. Sexual satisfaction and any problems due to sexual dysfunctions should also
be assessed. Influences of race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, socioeconomic
status, and other factors are explored as well, along with potential differences between
the partners. In addition to historical factors, the therapist assesses current relationship
concerns and strengths in the relationship.
During the individual interviews, the therapist gathers more historical and current
information about each partner as an individual. In addition, the therapist elicits
information about relevant environmental factors and the individual’s perception of
the current relationship and the presenting concerns. The interviews focus on early
relationship models and other relevant factors that the individual was exposed to
within his or her family of origin (e.g., history of psychopathology in the family),
other significant past relationships, educational and employment history, physical
and mental health, and areas of personal strengths (Epstein & Baucom, 2002;
Schindler et al., 2006). The therapist gathers information about individual, dyadic,
and environmental factors in a similar fashion as in the joint interview. Because a
detailed assessment of all aspects would be too time-consuming, the therapist guides
the interview by focusing on factors that likely influence the individual as a romantic
partner in the current relationship.
During the initial joint interview, we explain to couples how confidentiality of
the information shared during individual sessions will be handled. We keep this
information confidential, although we encourage each person to tell their partner
about past experiences or current functioning that may have an influence at present in
a joint session if such information comes up (e.g., infidelity of a past romantic partner).
However, if we become aware of recent physical abuse resulting in injury and/or
the individual being afraid to live with their partner, we will keep such information
confidential. Disclosing that the individual shared such information with the therapist
may put him or her at risk for further abuse. Under such circumstances, it must be
determined whether conjoint sessions are too risky, in which case we give feedback to
Couple Therapy 709
the couple that based on our observation and their reports of conflict management,
we believe couple therapy is not the best plan of action for them at this point. We then
discuss an alternative plan with the partners, such as providing referrals for individual
therapy. Despite the complications of such situations, protection of the physical and
psychological well-being of each partner should take priority in determining the most
appropriate intervention (e.g., Holtzworth-Munroe, Meehan, Rehman, & Marshall,
2002).
A communication sample is also routinely obtained as part of the assessment process.
Ideally, a videotaped structured discussion with the therapist leaving the room for
about 10 minutes allows for a more naturalistic observation of the couple’s interaction
patterns. For example, the therapist may ask the couple to have a problem-solving
discussion or share their thoughts and feelings about a topic of moderate concern in
their relationship, or may ask one partner to describe a topic of individual concern
while the other partner responds as he or she usually would (observing social support
interactions).
Self-report questionnaires are a helpful adjunct in the assessment process. They
provide information in structured way, and some measures are also well suited to
monitor treatment progress. We usually ask couples to complete a set of questionnaires
that assess general relationship satisfaction (e.g., Dyadic Adjustment; Spanier, 1976),
as well as a number of specific areas relevant to relationship functioning (e.g., Revised
Conflict Tactics Scale; Straus, Hamby, Boney-McCoy, & Sugarman, 1996). Detailed
descriptions of useful measures and their effective use in the assessment in CBCT are
provided elsewhere (Epstein & Baucom, 2002). Most measures were developed in
the United States; however, several measures have been translated and are available in
other countries (e.g., in Germany; Schindler et al., 2006).
The therapist’s feedback to the couple about the case conceptualization and treatment
recommendation concludes the assessment phase. The therapist shares with the
couple his or her understanding of how individual, couple, and environmental factors
affect relationship functioning. In this discussion, the therapist integrates emotional,
behavioral, and cognitive patterns and how they relate to broader relationship themes.
After eliciting feedback from the couple about this case conceptualization, the therapist
and couple collaborate in defining goals based on the relationship problems. Goals
should be phrased as positive statements with adequate detail (e.g., instead of “too
little intimacy,” state the goal as “increasing intimacy in the relationship by spending
more time together as a couple and improving communication of thoughts and
feelings”). The therapist then discusses with the couple what types of interventions
will help the couple to achieve these goals. The therapist helps with setting realistic
goals for treatment and fosters the couple’s sense of self-efficacy and hope.
There are some general principles for the appropriate sequence of addressing
goals in therapy, which should be determined in collaboration with the couple.
First, both partners should have a sense that their most important issues are being
addressed in therapy; otherwise motivation for therapy will likely be diminished.
710 Specific Disorders
Second, for some couples the level of secondary distress is so high (e.g., frequent
volatile arguments, resentment about how conflict has been handled) that this needs
to be addressed first before it is possible to turn to sources of primary distress.
Third, some couples appear disengaged or uninvolved. To help such a couple actively
engage in therapy, an early goal may be to increase openness with each other and
emotional expressiveness. The therapist may also prescribe activities that foster a sense
of closeness. Last, some immediate issues, such as a recent relationship trauma or
engagement in high-risk behaviors, must be addressed right away, before other goals
can be attained.
Although, for practical reasons, we describe the wide variety of interventions used
by CBCT practitioners separately based on their primary area of interventions, it is
important to keep in mind that behavior, cognitions, and emotions are inherently
interrelated. Thus, changes in one area will usually also result in change in the other
domains. For example, if a couple improves their communication skills and learns
to share their thoughts and emotional experiences more openly, the partners might
develop more benign interpretations of each other’s behaviors and feel more positively
about each other. Interventions with a focus on one domain are often selected with
the explicit goal of addressing other aspects of the relationship at the same time.
Any of these interventions focused on behavioral, cognitive, or emotional factors can
be applied to address issues of the partners as individuals, the dyadic relationship,
or the couple’s interactions with the environment. For example, if a couple faces
demands from their environment, such as needing to take care of a parent after
a stroke, the therapist might address their cognitions regarding the event and the
support they wish or may be expected to provide, their emotional response to the
event and having to rearrange their daily lives to accommodate the new caretaking
role, and the specific actions they may need to take to respond effectively to the
demands. Similarly, a therapist might address issues pertaining to individual or dyadic
aspects of the relationship across all three domains of behavior, cognitions, and
emotions.
An integral part of CBCT is the collaborative designing of homework assignments,
to ensure that rehearsal of new patterns occurs frequently enough for changes in
ingrained dysfunctional patterns to occur, and to allow for a generalization of new
skills in the couple’s everyday life.
the intent simultaneously to create changes toward more positive cognitions and
emotions regarding each other as well. Although there are many specific behavioral
interventions, these interventions belong to two broader categories: guided behavior
change and skills-based interventions (Epstein & Baucom, 2002).
partner to fulfill his or her need for autonomy (e.g., a husband might provide a wife
with opportunities to follow her interests and fulfill her autonomy needs by taking
over more responsibilities in the family). Similarly, a couple who is barely spending
any time together might make changes in each partner’s schedule to allow for more
joint dinners during the week, outings on weekends, and so on, in order to meet both
partners’ needs for affiliation and/or intimacy. Overall, focal guided behavior changes
are designed to address important needs or concerns in the relationship, rather than
shifting the overall ratio of positives compared to negatives.
Skills-Based Interventions
Skills-based interventions, such as communication training, usually involve the thera-
pist providing didactic instruction/psychoeducation about the skills and their purpose,
followed by the couple practicing the new skills. Skills-based interventions are used
with couples who appear to lack adequate skills, or with couples who struggle with
implementing skills that they already know. The therapist will inquire to what degree
the couple was able to perform in a certain skill area in the past, and what is currently
preventing them from doing so. For example, many couples struggle with constructive
communication when the level of negative emotions in their interactions has increased
over time, or they may engage in hardly any problem-solving discussions at all due
to past aversive experiences. Strong emotions such as anger or resentment might
currently lead to deficits in the performance of skills that the partners used effectively
in the past.
For all couples, discussing guidelines for constructive communication helps provide
the structure either to learn new skills or to address performance deficits. We
discuss with the couple the difference between two major types of communication:
conversations focused on sharing thoughts and feelings, and decision-making or
problem-solving conversations (Epstein & Baucom, 2002; Schindler et al., 2006).
This distinction in itself can be helpful for couples to make, in order to avoid
frustrations that occur when the two partners have a different “agenda” for a
conversation (e.g., a wife wants to vent about her boss after a long work day and is
frustrated with the problem-solving attempts of her husband, while the husband feels
rejected because his wife rejects all of his suggestions).
We provide couples with communication guidelines specific to both types of
conversations; sample handouts can be found elsewhere (e.g., Epstein & Baucom,
2002). We usually begin with discussing the guidelines for sharing thoughts and
feelings conversations, as these will also apply during decision making, and it is
important for couples to be able to understand each other’s view point before moving
into problem solving. Briefly stated, the guidelines for sharing thoughts and feelings
include skills for the speaker and the listener. The speaker is asked to express his
or her emotional experiences along with their thoughts in a subjective manner, to
include any positive feelings about the person or situation when expressing concerns,
and to make statements specific and avoid generalizations, among other guidelines.
The listener is instructed that his or her only tasks are to understand and accept the
speaker’s point of view; we emphasize that this does not mean that the partners agree.
The listener should also demonstrate that he or she is listening (e.g., through facial
Couple Therapy 713
expressions, body posture), and reflect back what he or she understood in a summary
(but not an interpretation).
For decision-making conversations, we provide couples with a five-step structure,
each with additional guidelines:
The guidelines are discussed as recommendations, rather than strict rules. Based on
the specific strengths and difficulties of each couple, certain points can be emphasized
or altered. For example, very intellectualized couples may benefit from heightening
the expression of emotions in order to create a stronger sense of closeness. Similarly,
different couples tend to struggle with different stages of the decision-making process
(e.g., accepting the first proposed solution, or not implementing solutions that were
reached in a constructive manner), and the therapist will focus the communication
training on those aspects needing particular attention.
The communication skills training per se focuses primarily on the process of
communication rather than the content. However, broader themes that the couple
and therapist have agreed to work on will naturally play out in conversations (such
as power distribution in the relationship, reflected by the couple quickly agreeing to
a solution proposed by the dominating partner, or a broader pattern of unresolved
issues due to avoidance of emotion-laden topics). Thus, it is important that the
therapist works with the couple to shift these broader patterns as they engage in these
conversations. In this manner of addressing both the communication process and
the important themes in the relationship, the therapist moves beyond the traditional
role as a “coach” in communication training, which allows therapy to address factors
related to a couple’s distress in a more comprehensive way. In addition, the therapist
might attend to the content by providing didactic information at different times; for
example, to provide a couple with information about alternative discipline techniques
as they engage in a decision-making discussion about how to handle a child’s
behavioral problems, or to share his or her concern if a couple decides on a solution
that appears contrary to the couple’s overall goals.
As for any other important area of life, members of a couple are likely to hold
strong beliefs about their relationship and have well-established patterns of cognitions
around how a partner should behave, why their partner is behaving the way he
or she does, what they expect their relationship to look like in the future, and so
on. These different types of cognitions have the capacity to strongly influence a
partner’s behavioral and emotional responses in a romantic relationship. Cognitions
714 Specific Disorders
can determine the meaning of a behavior, and are therefore important factors that
should not be overlooked in therapy. For example, a husband might take the children
on an afternoon outing. The wife’s emotional and behavioral response to the partner’s
behavior is likely to be influenced by the attribution she makes for her partner’s actions.
If she thinks that her husband is trying to be thoughtful and wants to allow her a
free afternoon so that she can follow some of her individual interests, she might
experience this as a positive event. If, however, she concludes that her husband does
not enjoy spending time with her and uses the outing with the children as a way
to avoid her, she might react with anger or sadness. Thus, the same relationship
event can result in entirely different responses, and cognitions need to be taken into
account to develop an adequate understanding of the couple’s patterns and select
effective interventions. We have described a number of cognitive variables that are
relevant in CBCT elsewhere (Epstein & Baucom, 2002), including selective attention
(what each individual notices about the partner and the relationship), attributions
(causal inferences about relationship events), expectancies (predictions of what will
occur in the relationship in the future), assumptions (beliefs about what people
and relationships are actually like), and standards (beliefs about what people and
relationships should be like).
As in individual cognitive therapy, CBCT practitioners pay particular attention to
cognitions that are markedly distorted, rather than addressing negative cognitions in
general. For example, an individual may have an unrealistic relationship standard that
leads to distorted attributions about his or her partner (“Partners should always desire
to talk about their innermost feelings. You don’t want to talk to me right away when
you get home from work; you must be doing that because you don’t really love me”).
Distorted assumptions (“Relationships never last; my partner is eventually going to
abandon me”) or expectancies (“Our relationship will just keep going downhill”) also
negatively influence emotions, behaviors, and other cognitions.
The therapist helps the couple to identify and reassess their cognitions, and works
with them to develop more balanced views. Many strategies used in individual cogni-
tive therapy apply here as well, such as the “downward arrow” method, evaluating the
logic behind a cognition, providing didactic information, or weighing the advantages
and disadvantages of a cognition. In addition, interventions more specific to the inter-
personal context (e.g., identifying macro patterns from interactions across situations
or past relationships, increasing relationship schematic thinking by highlighting repet-
itive cycles in couple interactions) can supplement these traditional strategies. Two
broad approaches summarize the overall strategies in these interventions: Socratic
questioning and guided discovery.
Socratic Questioning
Socratic questioning, a technique of helping an individual reevaluate the logic of his
or her thinking, explore underlying issues, and so on, by asking a series of questions,
is one of the core strategies in individual cognitive therapy. It can be effective in
couple therapy, but the different setting needs to be taken into account and the
interventions should be adapted to this context with caution. In individual therapy,
the client can explore and evaluate cognitions in a safe, supportive environment. In
Couple Therapy 715
Guided Discovery
While the presence of the partner may interfere with effective use of Socratic question-
ing, couple therapy allows CBCT practitioners to use a different type of intervention
that appears to be highly effective. Guided discovery interventions have the goal of
creating experiences that allow one or both partners to question their thinking and
develop a different perspective on the partner or relationship, without raising their
defensiveness or exposing them to criticism from the other partner.
For example, an individual may interpret her partner’s withdrawal from sexual
intimacy as a sign that her partner no longer finds her attractive or does not love
her anymore. The therapist could use Socratic questioning to help the individual
consider a number of alternative interpretations for this behavior and evaluate the
logic and evidence for each of these explanations. On the other hand, the therapist
could create a guided discovery intervention that would provide the individual
with insights that might lead to a reevaluation of her attributions without directly
challenging her thoughts. The therapist might ask the couple to have a conversation
in which the man shared his perspective and what he is thinking and feeling about
their sexual interactions or the lack thereof. His own insecurity or hurt feelings
around previous sexual encounters may have led to the withdrawal, rather than a
lack of interest or caring. Disclosure of this perspective may lead the partner to
change her initial attributions for his behavior and thereby lead to different emotional
and behavioral responses to it. Similarly, the therapist and couple may collaborate
to design experiences in the couple’s everyday life that may also help alter their
assumptions about each other’s motives (e.g., rearranging the couple’s schedule
to allow for one partner to spend more time with the children and plan for the
partner to share thoughts and feelings about this experience, in order to address the
other partner’s belief that he or she is not interested in or does not enjoy family
life).
Relationship standards (beliefs about what a relationship or a partner’s behavior
should be like) is a category of cognitions that frequently surfaces in couple therapy.
What a person believes about ideal partners or relationships is not necessarily based on
logic, and problematic standards are therefore addressed by focusing on the advantages
and disadvantages of trying to adhere to these standards rather than evaluating their
logic. Standards can be about an individual (e.g., how open an individual should be
about his or her feelings), relationships (e.g., how much time a couple should spend
with each other), or appropriate interactions with the environment (e.g., in what
716 Specific Disorders
situations the couple should provide financial support to struggling extended family
members). Targeting standards that are factors related to relationship dysfunction
or distress for a given couple is one example of cognitive restructuring in couple
therapy that proceeds as follows. Generally, we begin with clarifying each person’s
existing standards and then discuss advantages and disadvantages of holding these
standards. If the couple and therapist conclude that a standard needs alteration, they
work together to form new standards that are acceptable to both individuals, typically
small variations from initial more extreme standards. These altered standards can be
taken into account behaviorally in specific domains, and problem-solving strategies
can be employed to facilitate this process. In some cases, the standards of the two
members of a couple might continue to differ; the intervention will then focus on the
degree to which the partners may be able to accept these differences, and discussing
the consequences if they are unable or unwilling to do so.
For example, a same-sex couple might differ on their standards for how “out”
couples should be, and to whom. One partner might believe that a gay couple
should be very open about their sexual orientation and their relationship, should be
politically active in the gay rights movement, and should not be hesitant to display
their affection publicly. On the other hand, the other partner may believe that they
should lead their lives in a way that reduces experiences of discrimination and negative
reactions from their environment, and thus only be out to their immediate friends
and family and be more restrictive in public. Once the partners have clarified each of
their standards regarding this issue, both partners are asked to describe the advantages
and disadvantages of living according to their own standard. That is, the first partner
would be asked to describe positive consequences of his or her standard as well as
possible disadvantages, and the second partner would then be asked to add his or
her perspective. The same procedure would then be repeated with the second partner
speaking about the pros and cons of his or her standard. The therapist should ensure
that each partner shares both positives and negatives about his or her own perspective
to avoid a polarization of the perspectives at this stage.
Following the discussion of the partners’ current standards, the therapist asks them
to try and find a moderated standard. Newly formulated standards should take both
partners’ perspectives into account. The therapist also clarifies that the couple should
not agree to a standard that would not be acceptable to one of the partners, as
behavioral changes based on such a standard would be unlikely to occur or lead to
new distress. After a newly developed standard is agreed upon, the couple is asked to
make decisions about specific behaviors that they each will engage in to implement
the new standard.
with emotions within these broader domains allows the therapist to select the
appropriate interventions.
to the expression of intimacy needs. They suggested that individuals then revert to
secondary emotions instead that they experience as safer, such as experiencing or
expressing anger instead of anxiety when reacting to criticism in an interaction with
the partner. A number of strategies based on emotionally-focused couple therapy
(Johnson, 2004; Johnson & Greenberg, 1987) are used to help individuals access,
heighten, or differentiate their emotions. As a broad principle, the therapist first
creates a safe atmosphere and then intervenes to heighten the emotional experience.
Normalizing the experience of both positive and negative emotions is a first step to
promote a safe environment, and the therapist also encourages the partner to respond
to the expression of various emotions in a caring and supportive manner, which may
also be modeled by the therapist. Understandably, attempts by the individual to avoid
a new emotional experience are likely to occur, and the therapist will need to carefully
refocus the individual to emotional expression. To prevent these interventions from
creating an aversive experience, the therapist has to determine when and to what
degree to shift the attention (back) to the expression of emotions, depending on
the therapist’s understanding of the partners and at what point they might feel
overwhelmed.
A number of strategies can be used to heighten the experience of emotions once
a safe atmosphere is established, including asking an individual to recount the details
of a particular event in order to evoke the associated emotions; encouraging the
use of metaphors and images to make the description of emotions easier or less
frightening; using questions, reflections, and interpretations to draw out primary
emotions; discouraging attempts by an individual to distract him- or herself from
experiencing emotions; and facilitating the acceptance of the individual’s subjective
experience by the partner. The goal of these strategies is to help the individual to
enrich his or her emotional experience and expression, and for the partner to respond
appropriately, in a way that is useful to both the individual and the couple. However,
individual and cultural differences in the experience and expression of emotions should
be taken into account when deciding to use the above strategies. Focusing on this
area of functioning should not be based on a general assumption that an individual
should have rich emotional experiences with a full range of emotional expression.
Instead, the therapist should carefully assess if a restricted emotional experience or
expression is interfering with the individual’s or couple’s functioning and well-being.
the work with such couples quite demanding, but a variety of strategies can assist in
such cases.
Similarly to the strategies noted above, behavioral and cognitive interventions
may be indicated to address an individual’s inappropriate behavior or a partner’s
extreme standards that hardly anyone could satisfy, all of which may lead to frequent
strong negative emotions. In addition, interventions that are more focal to extreme
emotional experiences are available to therapists. First, it may be useful for the
couple to establish scheduled times during which they discuss issues that one or both
partners are upset about, with the goal of containing the expression of strong negative
emotions to fewer instances and more appropriate settings. Some people with poor
affect regulation find it easier to refrain from expressing strong negative feelings if
they know there will be a set time to address their concerns. Thus, this intervention
can be helpful in keeping strong negative affect from intruding into all areas of life
or occurring under circumstances that would likely increase frustration or have other
negative consequences for the couple (e.g., at a family function).
The application of interventions from dialectical behavioral therapy (Linehan, 1993)
in an interpersonal context also can be helpful in addressing poorly regulated strong
negative emotions in CBCT. For example, one of these strategies involves increasing
an individual’s distress tolerance. Some individuals tend to express their emotions
and concerns immediately to their partners, which leads to frequent emotionally
driven negative interactions. Helping these individuals to become more comfortable
and accepting of being upset without expressing every concern immediately can be
helpful. In addition, teaching the individual how to focus on the current moment
can be helpful in keeping upset in one domain of the relationship from infiltrating
other aspects of their life. We discuss this “healthy compartmentalization” with the
understanding that it is important to voice negative emotions and address concerns
about a given aspect of a relationship, but to restrict the response to this issue, and
to be in the moment when positive events happen in the relationship as well and to
allow oneself to enjoy them.
Finally, it can be helpful to find alternative ways of coping with strong negative
emotions other than expressing them to one’s partner. Relying on friends for
expressing some of one’s concerns in an appropriate manner, writing about one’s
emotional experiences in a journal, or other alternatives for adaptively expressing
strong emotions can help an individual regulate his or her feelings more effectively.
At the same time, concerns should still be addressed with the partner. If the emotion
regulation difficulties of an individual are too severe to be addressed in the context
of couple therapy, or if teaching the necessary skills is not feasible for other reasons,
individual therapy for the partner with poor emotion regulation may be a helpful
addition to couple therapy.
Termination
The couple and therapist collaborate closely in determining when treatment should
be terminated. In this discussion, the degree to which initial goals and present-
ing concerns have been addressed should be considered, along with any additional
720 Specific Disorders
concerns or goals that have emerged over the course of therapy. In addition, the
relief of both primary and secondary distress should be taken into account. At
times, there may be concerns left to address, but the couple now has made changes
and developed skills that allow them to work on these remaining challenges with-
out the therapist’s assistance. Toward the end of therapy, the couple and therapist
also discuss how the partners will continue the necessary efforts and hold them-
selves accountable to further improve their relationship and/or maintain treatment
gains.
2009). For most countries, it is unclear if and to what extent clinicians in the com-
munities utilize evidence-based interventions in the treatment of relationship distress,
and couple therapy or counseling is often not readily available, regardless of the
type of intervention offered (Hahlweg et al., 2009). Furthermore, investigations that
examine the effectiveness of couple therapy outside of controlled research settings are
rare, and when available, show smaller effect sizes than usually found in controlled
studies (Klann, Hahlweg, Baucom, & Kroeger, 2011). Hahlweg et al. (2009) discuss
the issues above in more detail and propose a framework for successful dissemination
of effective interventions in the future. Considering the high prevalence and negative
impact of relationship distress on the partners and the family, the dissemination of
these efficacious interventions should become a focus for the field.
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31
Family Therapy
Frank M. Dattilio
Harvard Medical School, United States
Cognitive behavioral family therapy (CBFT) has now entered the mainstream of
contemporary family therapy and appears prominently in the vast majority of major
textbooks in the field (Becvar & Becvar, 2009; Bitter, 2009; Goldenberg & Golden-
berg, 2008; Nichols & Schwartz, 2012; Sexton, Weeks, & Robbins, 2003).
CBFT has its roots in the major development of psychotherapy that spawned
during the 1960s and 1970s, involving behavior therapists’ utilization of learning
theory principles to address various problematic behaviors with children and adults.
The behavioral principles and techniques that were used successfully in the treatment
of individuals were later applied to families. Patterson, McNeal, Hawkins, and Phelps
(1967) and others (e.g., Lebow, 1976; Wahler, Winkel, Peterson, & Morrison, 1971)
applied operant conditioning and contingency-contracting procedures to help parents
control the behavior of aggressive children. This operant approach offered solid
empirical support and became popular among behaviorally-oriented therapists. This
was later integrated into work with families.
It was not until the end of the 1980s that the late Ian Falloon (1988) encouraged
behavioral family therapists to adopt an open-systems approach that examined the
multiplicity of forces that might operate within the family constellation. Falloon
stressed the need to focus on the physiological status of the individual, as well as
his or her cognitive, behavioral, and emotional responses. This was in addition to
considering the interpersonal transactions that occur within the family, work, social,
and cultural-political networks. Falloon advocated for a more contextual approach,
whereby each potentially causative factor was considered in relation to other factors.
The contextual approach was elaborated on by an earlier theorist, Arnold Lazarus
(1976), in his multimodal assessment approach. The goal of behavioral analysis became
involved with exploring all systems operating on each spouse or family member that
contributed to the presenting problem. It is for this reason that pioneering behavior
family therapist Gerald Patterson (1971) stressed the need for assessment to occur in
different settings, such as the adjunctive agencies in school and work environments.
One of the hallmarks of behaviorally-oriented family therapies was the addition of
components of communication and problem-solving skills training to interventions
(Falloon, 1988; Falloon, Boyd, & McGill, 1984).
Over time, as behaviorally-oriented therapists developed more comprehensive
approaches to modifying family interactions that contribute to distressed relationship,
their methods became more appealing to family therapists in general whose work was
guided by systems theory (Dattilio, 2010). Nevertheless, schools of family therapy that
have emphasized the modification of behavior patterns (e.g., the structural-strategic
and solution-focused approaches) typically continue to use interventions that are
different from those used by behavioral family therapists (e.g., directives, paradoxical
prescriptions, and unbalancing interventions, such as temporarily siding with one
family member).
It was also in the late 1980s that cognition was introduced as a component of
treatment within the specific behavioral paradigm of couples and family therapy
(Dattilio, 1983, 1989; Ellis, 1982; Epstein, Schlesinger, & Dryden, 1988). Family
members’ thought processes had always been considered important in a variety of
family therapy theoretical orientations (e.g., reframing and the strategic approach,
“problem-talk” in solution-focused therapy, and life stories in narrative therapy).
However, none of the original mainstream family therapy approaches employed
the concept and systemic methods of CBT to assess and intervene with thought
processes and perceptions of family relationships. Traditional family therapists did
consider cognition, but only in a very simplistic manner, such as addressing the
specific thoughts that family members expressed in their obvious conscious attitudes.
However, cognitive therapists were busy developing more thorough and complex
ways to deal with family members’ underlying belief systems that contributed to their
interactions with one another.
It was also during the 1980s that established cognitive assessment and intervention
methods were derived from individual therapy and adapted by cognitive behavioral
therapists for use in family therapy. These interventions were used to identify and
modify distorted cognitions that family members experienced about each other
(P. C. Alexander, 1988; J. F. Alexander & Parsons, 1982; Bedrosian, 1983). As
with individual psychotherapy, cognitive behavioral interventions with families were
designed to enhance the family members’ skills for evaluating and modifying their
own problematic cognitions, as well as skills for communicating and solving problems
constructively. Bedrosian (1983) specifically applied Beck’s model to cognitive therapy
to understanding and treating dysfunctional dynamics, as did Barton and Alexander
(1981). This evolved into what later became known as “functional family therapy”
(J. F. Alexander & Parsons, 1982).
Family Therapy 729
During the same decade, the model saw a rapid expansion into what constitutes
contemporary CBFT (P. C. Alexander, 1988; Dattilio, 1993; Epstein & Schlesinger,
1996; Epstein et al., 1988; Falloon et al., 1984; Schwebel & Fine, 1994; Teichman,
1981, 1992). In this chapter, I will focus on CBFT that has a strong rapport
with systemic approaches, and emphasizes the role of family schemas—those jointly
held beliefs among the family members that have formed as a result of years of
integrated interaction within the family unit. Other CBFT approaches have been
developed as well, frequently focusing on a special clinical problem; for example,
CBFT for abdominal pain in children (Sanders, Shepherd, Cleghorn, & Woolford,
1994), family intervention in psychosis (Bird et al., 2010), family-focused therapy
for anxiety disorders (Chambless, 2012), family interventions in the case of suicidal
children (Wells & Heilbron, 2012), and structured family CBT for children with
obsessive-compulsive disorder (Piacentini et al., 2011).
More recently, the triple p-positive parenting program has been widely disseminated
as a family support strategy. This is a five-level program that aims to prevent severe
behavioral, emotional, and developmental problems in children by enhancing the
knowledge, skills, and confidence of parents. Randomized efficacy trials have yielded
very favorable results (Sanders, 2012). However, to underline the specificities of the
family approach, I will exemplify schema-based CBFT.
Due to the fact that CBFT is a limited approach, the empirical literature is somewhat
lean. Faulkner, Klock, and Gale (2002) conducted a content analysis on articles
published in the marital/couple and family therapy literature from 1980 to 1999. The
American Journal of Family Therapy, Contemporary Family Therapy, Family Process,
and the Journal of Marital and Family Therapy were among the top journals from
which 131 articles that used quantitative research methodology were examined. Of
these 131 articles, fewer than half involved outcome studies. Unfortunately, none of
the studies that were reviewed considered CBFT.
One of the reasons for this may be the fact that research in family therapy is more
arduous than couple and individual therapy in that there are multiple dynamics in
the case of families. Much of the dynamics involved with CBFT draws from cognitive
behavioral couple therapy, for which there are a number of substantial controlled
outcome studies (see Dattilio, 2010, for an extensive review). These studies indicate
the effectiveness of cognitive behavioral therapy for relationships, although the
majority of the studies have primarily focused on the behavioral interventions of
communications training, problem-solving training, and behavioral contracts, with
only a handful examining the impact of cognitive restructuring procedures. This
would indicate that additional studies are certainly necessary to enable conclusions
to be drawn about the relative efficacies of the empirically supported treatments
with families using a cognitive behavioral approach. However, there is encouraging
support for CBFT as a treatment mode that can be helpful to many distressed families
(Dattilio, 1998, 2005b; Dattilio & Epstein, 2005).
730 Specific Disorders
Consistent and compatible with systems theory, the cognitive behavioral approach
to families is based on the premise that members of the family simultaneously
influence and are influenced by each other’s thoughts, emotions, and behaviors
(Dattilio, 2001a; Leslie, 1988). In essence, to know the entire family system is to
know the individual parts and the manner in which they interact. As each family
member observes his or her own cognitions, behaviors, and emotions regarding
family interactions, as well as cues regarding the responses of other family members,
these perceptions lead to the formation of assumptions about family dynamics, which
then develop into relatively stable schemas, or what are referred to as “cognitive
Family Therapy 731
structures.” These cognitions, emotions, and behaviors may elicit responses from
some members that can constitute much of the moment-to-moment interaction with
other family members. This interplay stems from the more stable schemas that serve
as the foundation for the family’s functioning (Dattilio, 2010). When this cycle
involves negative content that affects cognitive, emotional, and behavioral responses,
the volatility of the family’s dynamics tends to escalate, rendering family members
vulnerable to a negative spiral of conflict. As the number of family members increases,
so does the complexity of the dynamics, adding more fuel and intensity to the
escalation process.
One of the important aspects of cognition with families pertains to the concept
of schema. The concept of schema has become the cornerstone of contemporary
CBFT (Dattilio, 1993, 2001a, 2005a, 2010). Family members’ perceptions of each
other’s interactions provide the information that shapes the development of their
family schemas, especially when an individual member observes such interactions
repeatedly. The pattern deduced by an individual from such observation serves as
a basis to form a schema, or a template, that is subsequently used to understand
the world of family relations and to anticipate future events. Family schemas are a
subset of a broad range of schemas that individuals develop about many aspects of life
experiences.
The development and operation of schemas in family systems are similar to those
in individuals and couples and are predicated on prior and current life experiences
as perceived by each family member. It was the pioneering family therapist Virginia
Satir (1967) who wrote years ago that, “The parents are the architects of the family”
(p. 83). CBFT embraces the concept and posits that the schemas and life experiences
that a couple brings to a relationship are transmitted to their offspring and shape
the family constellation (Dattilio, 1998). For example, a couple who share the belief
that “parents should never argue in front of the children for fear of the negative
effect it may cause” may contribute to a child’s belief that parents should rarely
experience conflict. Parents’ beliefs certainly have an effect on how their offspring
perceive and interpret various life events, and they contribute greatly to a child’s
conceptualization of the world. The notion of schema, as applied to families, may
explain some of the dynamics that constitute core beliefs and how these beliefs
affect emotion and behavioral patterns with family interactions (Dattilio, 1993).
The term “family schema” is highlighted more clearly in the recent literature by
Dattilio (1998, 2001a). The concept entails stable, entrenched longstanding beliefs
that family members jointly hold about family life. Shared schemas evolve within the
marital relationship and eventually contribute to what Dattilio (1993, 1998) refers
to as “joint family schema.” It is these schemas that serve as a template for family
members in their functioning within the family unit. Schemas can be a helpful guide
for family members in navigating complex aspects of family life, but when they are
extreme or distorted, they can contribute to family conflict. In essence, elements such
as core and basic beliefs are structures that are contained within schemas that give rise
732 Specific Disorders
to one’s assumptions, perceptions, and personal theories of life. Myths emerge out of
schemas that individuals develop, as well as certain standards and attributions made
about self and others and expectations. In a sense, schema becomes a superordinate
or umbrella construct that comprises all of the above.
Some schemas are based on misperception since sometimes perceptual bias may
occur, depending on the course of the person’s experience with his or her family
members. These biases include:
1. selective attention: the tendency of family members to notice only certain aspects
of the events occurring in relationships and to overlook others (e.g., a sister
focusing on her brother’s statements and ignoring his actions);
2. attributions: inferences about the factors that have influenced a family member’s
actions (e.g., concluding that a parent failed to respond to a question because he
or she wants to control the relationship);
3. expectancies: predictions about the likelihood that particular events will occur in
the relationship (e.g., that expressing feelings to one’s family members will result
in the parents becoming angry);
4. assumptions: beliefs about the general characteristics of people and relationships
(e.g., a mother’s assumption that her children never respect authority);
5. standards: beliefs about the characteristics that people and relationships “should”
have (e.g., a parent’s belief that families should have no boundaries between
them, sharing all of their thoughts and emotions with each other).
To the extent that the family schema involves cognitive distortions, it may result
in dysfunctional interactions. Schemas further influence how family members sub-
sequently process information in new situations. For example, they may influence
what the individual selectively perceives, the inferences he or she makes about
the causes of another’s behavior, and whether he or she is pleased or displeased
with the family relationship. Existing schemas may often be difficult to modify and
require a great deal of effort in restructuring. Schemas usually only change when
there is enough new powerful information that serves to modify a family member’s
beliefs.
Just as in the case of individuals, families are prone to engaging in cognitive distortion.
These distortions typically emanate from belief systems held not only by family
members, but families as a whole. These include:
whose wife responds to his questions with one-word answers concludes, “She’s
mad at me.”
3. overgeneralization: An isolated incident or two is allowed to serve as a represen-
tation of similar situations everywhere, related or unrelated. For example, when
a parent declines a child’s request to go out with his friends, he concludes, “You
never let me do anything.”
4. magnification and minimization: A situation is perceived as more or less
significant than is appropriate. For example, an angry husband “blows his top”
upon discovering that the checkbook is not balanced and says to his wife, “We’re
in big trouble.”
5. personalization: External events are attributed to oneself when insufficient
evidence exists to render a conclusion. For example, a mother who finds her son
adding heavy amounts of ketchup to his dinner assumes, “He hates my cooking
and has to disguise the taste.”
6. dichotomous thinking: Experiences are codified as either black or white, a
complete success or a total failure. This is otherwise known as polarized think-
ing. For example, when a mother is reorganizing her daughter’s closet and
the daughter protests, the mother thinks to herself, “She’s destined to be a
slob.”
7. labeling and mislabeling: One’s identity is portrayed on the basis of imperfections
and mistakes made in the past, and these are allowed to define oneself. For
example, subsequent to the children’s resistance to completing their chores, a
mother concludes, “These kids expect me to be their maid.”
8. tunnel vision: Sometimes family members only see what they want to see or what
fits their current state of mind. A man who believes that his wife and children
“do whatever they want” may conclude that his voice carries no weight in the
family.
9. biased explanations: This is a type of thinking that family members develop
during times of distress and automatically assume that other family members
hold a negative alternative motive behind their intent. For example, a son may
say to himself, “My parents don’t let me go out because they want me to do
their chores.”
10. mind reading: This is the magical gift of being able to know what another
person is thinking without the aid of verbal communication. Some spouses end
up ascribing unworthy intentions to each other. For example, a man may think
to himself, “I know what is going through my wife’s mind; she thinks that I am
naive about how much she is spending.”
Schema Restructuring
While individual family members maintain their own basic beliefs about themselves,
the world, and their future, they also develop schemas about characteristics of their
family-of-origin, which are commonly generalized to some degree to conceptions
about other close relationships. It has been suggested in the past that greater
emphasis should be placed on examining not only cognitions of individual family
members, but also the family schema (Bedrosian & Bozicas, 1994; Dattilio, 1993,
2005a). Many of these schemas trickle down from the parents’ families-of-origin
and it is important to investigate, particularly when underlining the strength of such
schemas to family members. Although family schemas typically constitute jointly held
beliefs about most family phenomena, such as day-to-day dilemmas and interactions,
they may also pertain to nonfamily phenomena, as well as other issues, such as cultural
and spiritual matters. Most family schemas are shared; however, individual family
members may sometimes deviate from the joint schema.
The family-of-origin of each parent in the family relationship plays a crucial role
in the shaping of the current shared family schema (Dattilio, 1993). The beliefs
developed in each parent’s family-of-origin may be either conscious or beyond a
conscious awareness, and whether or not they are explicitly expressed suggests how
they may contribute to the joint family schema (see Dattilio, 2010, for a more
expansive discussion).
Schemas are often at the heart of family conflicts (Dattilio, 2005a). It is for this
reason that they should be addressed during the early phase of treatment while the
assessment phase is still ongoing. One of the guidelines used for assessing schema
from family-of-origin is Richard Stuart’s Family of Origin Inventory (1995). This
will be discussed in more detail under the section heading of “Clinical Assessment
of the Family.” These schemas may be ingrained because they are deeply rooted in
experiences from one’s family-of-origin, depending on the circumstance and these
schemas pose as a significant challenge for therapists in treatment. They are also likely
to be culturally based and imposed early in one’s formative years, rendering them
more resistant to modification and change (Dattilio & Bahadur, 2005).
Belief systems that hail from one’s family-of-origin have usually been strongly and
consistently reinforced and have been internalized during key formative periods of
life (Dattilio, 2006b). A classic example is a father whose schema from his family-of-
origin is that fighting and arguing among parents leads to separation and divorce and,
therefore, must be avoided at all costs. Consequently, he may bend over backwards
to appease his wife and child in order to avoid intrafamilial conflict for fear that
this will break up the family. This has a trickle-down effect to the offspring who
views the father’s role as passive and may respond in one of two ways. The child
may respond to overcompensate for father’s passivity by being more aggressive and
arguing with his mother. On the other hand, this child could choose a different
posture and remain passive, much like his father, but then resent it and engage
in passive-aggressive behaviors, or even develop depression, which may cause other
problems in the family. Therefore, addressing such schemas and modifying behaviors
within the family dynamics is essential in order to incur change.
736 Specific Disorders
Parents and other primary caregivers have a very powerful effect on the development
of children’s belief systems, particularly when these beliefs are conveyed in the
context of strong cultural underpinnings. Such schemas, as mentioned above, may be
communicated from parents to children in a variety of ways, either directly via specific
statements or more subtly through children’s observations of interactions within the
family dynamics.
One of the most critical aspects in assessing family dysfunctioning is case conceptual-
ization. Much of the success of treatment rests on the accuracy of careful investigation
and assessment procedures. Therefore, the use of extensive interviewing, self-report
questionnaires, and the therapist’s behavioral observation of family interactions and
dynamics are essential modes of clinical assessments (Schwebel & Fine, 1994; Dattilio,
2005b). The more specific goals of assessment are to identify strength and problem-
atic characteristics of the family and the environment, as well as to place current
family functioning in the context of its developmental stages and changes. Addition-
ally, identifying cognitive, affective, and behavioral aspects of family interactions is
essential, particularly in determining targets of intervention. While the description
of assessment in this chapter is limited, the reader is directed to a more extensive
coverage of procedures in Schwebel and Fine (1994) and Dattilio (2010).
Unlike when working with couples, family therapists typically do not separate family
members unless there are specific reasons. For example, sometimes families enter into
treatment circuitously, in which parents will come to a therapist’s office because they
are experiencing difficulty with their teenage son or daughter who refuses to submit
for therapy. Therefore, in such cases exceptions have to be made; however, most of
the time it is advantageous for therapists to see families together. It should be noted
that cognitive behavioral therapists deviate from traditional therapists who insist that
everyone attends in order for therapy to begin. Sometimes this simply is not realistic
and modifications have to be made. The therapist can focus on engaging with those
members who are motivated to attend and later work with engaging absent members.
Cognitive behavioral therapists make the assumption that the difficulties that a family
presents in ensuring all members’ attendance may be a sample of broader problematic
dynamics. Thus, from the initial contact, a therapist is observing the family process
and formulating a hypothesis about patterns that may be contributing to the family’s
overall dysfunction.
Traditionally, family therapy has been characterized by a noted division between
assessment and the actual delivery of therapy (Cierpka, 2005). Traditional family
therapy involves basic information gathering and only a superficial understanding of
the relationship dynamics.
During the initial family interview, therapists may begin to probe family members’
cognitions regarding the reasons for seeking assistance at this particular time and
whether or not a crisis may have brought them into therapy. The therapist should
probe each family member about their individual perspective on the particular concerns
Family Therapy 737
and about any changes that each member believes should be made in order to make
family functioning more satisfying.
Another area to focus on is what works well in the family functioning and what
might account for times when the family functions in a productive, cohesive fashion.
Learning about what works in the family often provides the family therapist with
vital information about what does not work well. In addition, therapists should also
familiarize themselves with the family members’ “dance,” or as the systems theorists
say, “obtaining a good handle on how the systems function within this particular
family structure and how power and control are balanced.” Developing insight into
what makes the family “tick” and how they deal with crisis and conflict are all grist for
the therapeutic mill, allowing us to see what contributes to the system’s dysfunction.
It is also very important to note that the assessment actually continues throughout
the course of treatment and is not limited to the initial visit. Even though an initial
phase of assessment may appear to be the formal inquiry, the assessment continues,
even until the end of the treatment process, since the therapist will always be
discovering new information about the family and this may change or modify the
course of therapy. Consequently, a good clinician continues to reappraise the situation
long after treatment is underway.
Assessing Cognitions
Family members are eventually trained to become adept at identifying the types
of cognitive distortions involved in their automatic thoughts that create difficulties
for them. A primary exercise is to have each family member refer to the list of
cognitive distortions and labeling, along with any automatic thoughts that they
experienced during the past week. The therapist can discuss with family members
any aspects of the thoughts that were inappropriate or extreme, and whether the
distortion contributed to any negative emotions and behaviors at the time. Doing
this in session and reviewing the written logs over the course of time can increase
740 Specific Disorders
awareness, along with their skills, in identifying and evaluating such distorted beliefs
and correcting them.
In the event that the family therapist believes that the family members’ cognitive
distortions are associated with any form of specific psychopathology, such as depression
or a thought disorder, this can be addressed further and a referral can be made for
individual treatment.
• From your past experiences or the events occurring recently in your family, what
evidence exists that supports this thought? How could you get some additional
information to help you judge whether or not your thought is accurate?
• What might be an alternative explanation for your family member’s behavior?
What else might have led your family member to behave that way?
• We have reviewed several types of cognitive distortions that can influence a
person’s views of other family members and can contribute to getting upset with
them. Which cognitive distortions, if any, can you see in the automatic thoughts
that you just experienced? (p. 35)
An example of this might be an adolescent girl who believes that her older sister
who refuses to lend her one of her outfits is jealous of her and enjoys restricting her,
not allowing her to gain attention from her peers. An automatic thought might be,
“She is too conceited to let me use any of her things, but yet she always wants to
borrow my stuff. She doesn’t care how I feel.”
The therapist may subsequently coach her in identifying that she might have been
engaging in the “mind reading” distortion and that it might be important for her to
gather more information from her sister by addressing the issue in a nonemotional
way in order to see whether that is really her sister’s intention or whether there is
something else going on. Gathering and weighing the evidence for one’s thoughts is
an integral part of the work done in family therapy. Family members are able to provide
valuable feedback that will help each other evaluate the validity or appropriateness of
their cognitions as long as they use good communication skills, which are described
later in this chapter. After a family member challenges his or her thoughts or beliefs,
he or she is then asked to rate his or her belief from 0 to 100 on the “Alternative
Explanations” section of the Dysfunctional Thought Record. Often, revised thoughts
may not become assimilated unless they are considered credible and implemented by
family members.
Family Therapy 741
Behavioral Experiments
Family members sometimes also find it helpful to switch roles during role playing
exercises in order to increase empathy for each other’s experiences within the family.
Sometimes, having an adolescent play the role of his parent, and allowing him to
express how he feels the parent should handle certain things, may help the family
gain greater insight into his perceptions and why they are or are not inappropriate or
unrealistic. Having fun with techniques like this often lightens the family atmosphere
and allows family members to see their roles from different perspectives. This technique
should not be used until the therapist feels confident that the family members will be
able to process their strong emotional responses and refrain from abusive behaviors
toward each other.
There are a number of interventions that are used to modify family members’
behavioral patterns. The most common include communications training, problem-
solving strategies, and behavioral change agreements.
Communications Training
Communications training and the improvement of family members’ skills in expressing
thoughts and emotions, as well as learning to listen effectively to each other, are
very important aspects of family therapy. This intervention can have an indelible
742 Specific Disorders
Problem-Solving Training
The use of verbal and written instructions for problem-solving training, along with
modeling and behavioral rehearsal and coaching, can facilitate effective problem
solving with family members. There are a number of steps that can be followed in
problem-solving training. These steps are outlined in more detail in Dattilio (2010).
It is essential to agree on a trial period for implementing designated solutions
and assessing their effectiveness. Once again, the use of homework practice for the
Family Therapy 743
Behavioral Rehearsal
Subsequent to training and feedback from the therapist, family members often need to
refer to specific skills. This can initially occur through verbal coaching and modeling
during the therapy process. Such practice sessions have traditionally been referred to
as “behavioral rehearsal,” which starts in the therapy session and gradually generalizes
to the family’s environment. This is typically one of the most essential aspects of the
treatment sequence because it provides feedback to the therapist regarding the extent
to which couples and family members have understood what they have learned and
can demonstrate how it should be implemented. The actual practice is what galvanizes
the change and contributes to becoming a permanent fixture. Behavioral rehearsal
744 Specific Disorders
can be considered, in one sense, a “shaping process” in which both the therapist and
family members learn to adopt a new way of interaction. This is often considered a
form of enactment in which the change process occurs directly in a therapy session
and then, of course, is encouraged to continue outside of the session.
Homework Assignments
often extremely important during the course of treatment. Engaging family members
in role play concerning important relationship issues in order to elicit emotional
responses is sometimes crucial in encouraging emotions to flow appropriately in
therapy.
Sometimes family members will experience intense emotions that affect them and
significant others adversely. In this manner, the therapist can help them compartmen-
talize emotional responses by scheduling specific times to discuss distressing topics
and coach them in self-soothing activities such as relaxation techniques. These activ-
ities help to improve family members’ abilities to monitor and challenge upsetting
automatic thoughts. They also help to encourage family members to seek social sup-
port from family and others and develop their ability to tolerate distressing feelings.
Enhancing a family member’s skills in expressing emotions constructively so that
others will notice is also an important aspect of treatment. Training techniques and
emotional regulation, as well as tolerance building, are also significantly helpful when
working with particularly volatile families.
CBFT has grown exponentially within the past several decades among family therapists
who use it as either a straightforward approach within a system perspective or
integrated into other approaches with couples and family therapy. While in the past
the CBFT approach has focused mostly on the treatment of specific disorders in
individual members rather than on alleviating general conflicts and distress in family
constellations, it has more recently been used as a general approach to treating
families. Forms of CBFT have chosen to highlight some of the demonstrated efficacy
of the behavioral aspect, which involves training parents in behavioral interventions
for their children’s anxiety or conduct disorders, or addressing issues of attention-
deficit/hyperactivity disorder, as well as other behavioral problems. These problems
may involve addressing core symptoms of inattention, impulsivity, hyperactivity, and
even psychiatric conditions.
As noted earlier, methods of CBFT have been used in conjunction with other
interventions, particularly in addressing the issue of schema and restructuring thought
processes among family members who are in conflict. Results of various studies that
have been conducted indicate that CBFT interventions are very effective in improving
family functioning.
The CBFT approach has gained widespread adoption among family therapists
across the globe who have found the basic approach to be easily integrated with other
modalities, and also to provide an effective mechanism for restructuring maladaptive
thinking patterns and dysfunctional behaviors. The unique aspect of CBFT is that it
clearly embraces issues of attachment and emotional regulation, as well as maintaining
an overall respect for the neurobiological functioning of human beings. CBFT is
featured in all of the primary family therapy textbooks used within university graduate
school training programs, as well as in medical school residency curriculums.
746 Specific Disorders
It should also be noted that in some of the more recent surveys conducted among
couples and family therapists, clinicians have designated their primary treatment
modality as being CBFT, while respondents who use other approaches have stated
that they use cognitive behavioral techniques in combination with other methods
of treatment (Psychotherapy Networker, 2007; Northey, 2002). As a result, the
cognitive behavioral approach, in one form or another, will likely continue to
be one of the more espoused treatment modalities among couples and family
therapy.
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32
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity
Disorder in Adults
Laura E. Knouse
University of Richmond, United States
Steven A. Safren
Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School, United States
Notes. Selected findings summarized from chapters 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 of Barkley, Murphy, & Fischer
(2008a), reporting on data from 146 clinic-referred adults diagnosed with ADHD, 97 clinical controls
referred to the same clinic but not diagnosed with ADHD, and 109 community controls. DMV =
Department of Motor Vehicles.
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Adults 753
ADHD to community and clinical controls (Barkley et al., 2008a) and illustrates the
range of functional impairments and comorbidity associated with the disorder. In
particular, comparisons with clinical controls highlight the magnitude of treatment
needs in this population.
While medication is a crucial intervention for many patients because it provides
more direct reduction in core neurobiological symptoms, psychosocial treatment is
also recognized as a necessary component for many patients. Some patients may be
unable or unwilling to take medications, others may be medication nonresponders,
and many experience some symptom reduction from medications but continue to
experience residual symptoms, skill deficits, symptoms of comorbid disorders, and
ongoing functional impairments. Indeed, the proliferation of self-help books on
adult ADHD and commercially available treatment approaches over the past 10
years demonstrates increasing demand for psychosocial approaches to management of
ADHD in adults.
Several individual and group cognitive behavioral approaches have been developed
and tested in the last 10 to 15 years and, while enthusiasm for novel approaches is
certainly warranted, there is also a need for critical evaluation of both efficacy and
“active ingredients” in the context of evidence-based practice. Programs that carry
the CBT label can vary in content and in presumed mechanisms of change (Knouse &
Safren, 2010). Fortunately, recent clinical trials in this emerging area provide an
empirical basis—albeit a small one relative to other longer-studied disorders—for the
use of particular cognitive behavioral approaches for adult ADHD.
Adult ADHD can be a particularly challenging condition to treat using standard
cognitive and behavioral strategies due to potential interference from the core
symptoms of the disorder itself and the didactic nature of skills training in cognitive
behavioral therapy (CBT) (Ramsay, 2010). The very nature of the disorder, with its
difficulties in executive functioning, is likely to interfere with a client’s ability to access
a standard CBT intervention. Attending sessions regularly and on time, processing and
recalling session content, completing homework assignments, and bringing important
skills and concepts to mind when needed in one’s daily life are all processes that might
be particularly difficult for an adult with ADHD. In one of the first studies to describe
a large group of adults with ADHD presenting for treatment, Ratey, Greenberg,
Bemporad, and Lindem (1992) noted that many of their patients diagnosed with
adult ADHD were treatment failures referred by clinicians using insight-oriented
approaches, where patients’ lack of progress was interpreted as resistance. They
also observed that structured short-term approaches were often hindered by the
patients’ difficulties “maintaining the focused commitment” necessary for success
(Ratey et al., 1992, p. 270). For this reason, successful approaches purposefully
incorporate treatment strategies that can address these difficulties (Ramsay, 2010;
Ramsay & Rostain, 2008).
Efficacious CBT for adult ADHD focuses on helping patients not only to acquire
strategies but also to implement them consistently (Knouse & Safren, 2010, 2011;
Ramsay, 2010). Compensatory skills practice can directly address therapy-interfering
behavior. For example, a client learning to consistently use a calendar system with
reminders might choose an initial goal of using these tools to arrive on time for
therapy appointments. The therapy context has provided an opportunity for clients to
754 Specific Disorders
Isolated research studies of adults with “minimal brain dysfunction” (as ADHD
was then known) began to appear in the literature in the 1960s and 1970s, but
ADHD in adults did not receive widespread recognition in the clinical research
literature until the mid-1990s (Barkley, Murphy, & Fischer, 2008b). Although
recommendations for nonmedication treatments based on clinical anecdote appeared
earlier, the first outcome data for a psychosocial treatment for adult ADHD appeared
when Wilens et al. (1999) published a retrospective chart review of 26 cases treated
with a combination of cognitive therapy adapted for ADHD (McDermott, 2000)
and stimulant medication. Patient clinical global impression (CGI) scores for ADHD
symptoms decreased significantly from baseline to medication stabilization and then
again significantly decreased from that point to the endpoint of cognitive therapy.
Although limited by its methodology, the study was the first to provide data in
support of the idea that cognitive behavioral methods could be successfully applied to
the treatment of adult ADHD. That same year Wiggins, Singh, Getz, and Hutchins
(1999) published a small wait-list-controlled trial (N = 17) of four sessions of “group
psychoeducation” showing decreases in self-reported inattention and disorganization
at posttreatment. Sessions covered specific skills that patients could use to improve
goal setting, time management, and task completion.
Soon after, three other research groups began publishing on modifications of exist-
ing cognitive and behavioral paradigms to suit the needs of adults with ADHD. In
Germany, Hesslinger et al. (2002) adapted dialectical behavior therapy (DBT) skills
groups (Linehan, 1993) for use with adults with ADHD. In a small nonrandomized
controlled trial (N = 15) the treatment group self-reported significant improvements
in depression and ADHD symptoms compared to no changes in the wait-list control
group. This research team later published a larger open trial (N = 72) wherein
patients receiving modified DBT self-reported significant pre-to-post reductions in
ADHD symptoms and depressive symptoms (Philipsen et al., 2007). A multisite,
randomized controlled trial (RCT) of this treatment program alone and in combina-
tion with medication treatment has recently completed data collection and results are
forthcoming (A. Philipsen, personal communication, January 10, 2012). A different
research group recently published an RCT of DBT for adult ADHD compared to an
active control condition (Hirvikoski et al., 2011). These results are detailed later in
this chapter.
In Australia, Stevenson, Whitmont, Bornholt, Livesey, and Stevenson (2002) took
a cognitive remediation approach and developed a group treatment designed to
“retrain cognitive functions,” followed soon after by individual cognitive behavioral
treatment for patients taking medication but experiencing residual symptoms by
Safren, Otto, et al. (2005). Both of these approaches are discussed in detail below.
Weiss and Hechtman (2006) reported on a multisite placebo-controlled study of
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Adults 755
dextroamphetamine versus paroxetine for adults with ADHD in which eight sessions
of problem-focused therapy were provided to all patients. Although patients receiving
active medications generally fared better than those receiving placebo, 16% of the
placebo plus problem-focused therapy group showed a treatment response for ADHD
symptoms and 28% showed a response in their overall CGI. It is not possible, however,
to tease apart the effects of problem-focused therapy versus pill placebo as there was
not a “therapy-only” group. Also in this period, one of the most prolific teams of
scientist-practitioners in psychosocial treatment for adult ADHD, J. Russell Ramsay
and Anthony Rostain, began publishing descriptions of a direct modification of
cognitive behavioral therapy for adults with ADHD (Ramsay, 2002; Ramsay &
Rostain, 2003), culminating in an open trial of 43 patients treated with CBT and
medication (Rostain & Ramsay, 2006). Treatment consisted of 16 sessions of CBT
(Ramsay & Rostain, 2008) over 6 months combined with up to 20 mg of Adderall
twice a day. From pre-to-post, significant decreases in self-reported and investigator-
rated ADHD symptoms were observed as well as reductions in anxiety and depression
symptoms, with generally large effect sizes.
Virta and colleagues (Salakari et al., 2009; Virta et al., 2010; Virta et al., 2008)
published two small studies that employed group or individual versions of “cognitive
behaviorally oriented rehabilitation.” This treatment approach covered a wide variety
of topics across 10–11 sessions. In an open trial (Virta et al., 2008) (N = 29), they
obtained significant but small effects on one self-report ADHD symptom checklist but
not on the DSM-IV based checklist. In a follow-up study (Salakari et al., 2009), the 11
participants defined as responders (with at least a 30% mean reduction in symptoms
across two self-report checklists) maintained their gains at 3 and 6 months. This group
(Virta et al., 2010) more recently published a small (N = 29) randomized controlled
pilot study testing individual rehabilitation against computerized cognitive training
and against wait-list control. Compared to wait-list, the individual rehabilitation did
not demonstrate significant effects on any measures administered by investigators
blind to treatment condition or on a DSM-IV based self-report checklist, but did
show reductions on some subscales of another ADHD self-report measure. None of
the comparisons between rehabilitation and cognitive training were significant.
Following the general trend in CBT toward integration of acceptance and
mindfulness-based techniques, as well as dovetailing with the aforementioned appli-
cations of DBT, Zylowska et al. (2008) conducted an open feasibility trial (N = 30)
to examine the effects of mindfulness meditation training on self-reported symptoms
and cognitive measures. Self-reported ADHD symptoms were significantly reduced
pre-to-post with a medium to large effect size and improvements were observed on
several cognitive measures including the Stroop task and measures of task switching.
Controlled studies will be needed to increase internal validity and, in particular, to
rule out practice effects in accounting for changes on the cognitive measures. As we
have discussed elsewhere (Knouse & Safren, 2010), this treatment approach is unique
among CBT approaches in that it purports to more directly alter the deficient cogni-
tive functions associated with ADHD rather than helping patients to learn strategies
to work around them. In this same year, Solanto, Marks, Mitchell, Wasserstein, and
Kofman (2008) published an open trial of their group “metacognitive therapy,”
discussed in detail later in this chapter.
756 Specific Disorders
As evidenced by the pilot studies and open trials described above, clinical innovations
in psychosocial treatment for adult ADHD have accelerated over the past 10 years.
Fortunately, this has also been accompanied by increasingly rigorous research trials
to establish the efficacy of these approaches. While this literature is still small, it
has been growing at an encouraging rate. Just a few years ago (Knouse & Safren,
2010), we reviewed the literature and identified three published RCTs—at the time
of writing, that number has doubled, with the largest, most rigorous trials to date
published in 2010 (Safren et al., 2010; Solanto et al., 2010). Next, we review RCTs
with wait-list or treatment-as-usual controls followed by those with active control
groups.
The American Psychological Association (APA) has codified its support of Evidence-
Based Practice in Psychology in its recent policy statement (APA Presidential Task
Force on Evidence-Based Practice, 2006), supporting systematic review of RCTs as
the highest-quality evidence of clinical efficacy. In this section, we review RCTs of
cognitive behavioral therapy for adult ADHD, first focusing on studies using wait-list
or treatment-as-usual control groups and then studies with active, attention-matched
controls. This method is also consistent with APA Division 12’s criteria for Empirically
Supported Treatments (Chambless, 1998). For each trial we report between-groups
effect sizes (Cohen’s d) at posttreatment for ADHD symptoms either reported by the
authors or computed from reported means and standard deviations.
rigorous efficacy studies of CBT for adult ADHD to date. As a result, we outline these
treatment approaches and findings in some detail concluding with a recent RCT of
group DBT skills training for adult ADHD compared to support group (Hirvikoski
et al., 2011).
Metacognitive group therapy. Solanto and colleagues (Solanto, 2011; Solanto et al.,
2008; Solanto et al., 2010) developed a group treatment for adults with ADHD called
metacognitive therapy. Their use of the term “metacognitive” reflects the focus of the
treatment on helping patients develop executive self-management skills and routines
to compensate for core neuropsychological deficits. The treatment specifically aims to
help patients cope with the inattentive symptoms of ADHD by developing their time
management and organizational skills. Importantly, the treatment heavily emphasizes
implementation and maintenance of these skills in patients’ daily lives. Practice and
repetition of skills in sessions and during homework assignments is employed so
that they will become automatic, habitual behaviors. Self-instructional phrases are
rehearsed to increase the likelihood that patients will recognize cues indicating the
need for skill implementation. Patients also learn to challenge maladaptive cognitions
that may arise. Skill modules are arranged hierarchically and include time and task
management skills, followed by organization of physical space, and planning. During
weekly 2-hour sessions, group members first discuss at-home application of skills,
receive feedback from group members, and are then given new skill information and
homework assignments from group leaders with anticipatory troubleshooting.
Solanto et al. (2008) first obtained promising results from an open trial with 30
adults diagnosed with ADHD completing either an 8- or a 12-session version of
the treatment. After treatment, patients showed significant and sizeable reductions
in inattentive symptoms as measured by the Conners’ Adult ADHD Rating Scale
(CAARS) and the Brown ADD Scales, with 47% falling below the clinical cutoff for
inattentive symptoms on the CAARS.
In an RCT, Solanto et al. (2010) compared metacognitive group therapy to a
group supportive therapy, randomizing 88 patients stratified by medication status.
Patients were rigorously diagnosed with either inattentive or combined-type ADHD
and, other than active substance use disorders and pervasive developmental disorders,
patients with other Axis I disorders were included. Over half of each treatment group
was diagnosed with a current anxiety disorder and about one-third was diagnosed
with a current mood disorder using the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV
Axis I Disorders (SCID-I; Spitzer, Williams, Gibbon, & First, 1995). Metacognitive
and supportive therapy groups were run concurrently 2 hours per week for 12
weeks and used the same therapists. Supportive therapy was described to patients
as a way to provide education, share experiences, and provide support. Group
members identified specific goals for the treatment period and each session focused
on reviewing the events of the previous week and having group members provide
support and troubleshooting. Therapists also led discussion on psychoeducational
themes suggested by group members.
Compared to supportive therapy, metacognitive therapy resulted in significantly
greater reductions in independent evaluator-rated inattentive symptoms as measured
by the Adult ADHD Investigator Symptom Rating Scale (Spencer et al., 2010)
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Adults 759
and as measured by the CAARS (Conners, Erhardt, & Sparrow, 1999) completed
by a significant other with medium effect sizes (d = 0.55; 0.57). Response to
treatment measured by self-reported inattention symptoms on the CAARS showed an
interaction between treatment condition and baseline scores, such that patients with
higher baseline symptom scores showed larger differential benefit of metacognitive
therapy. In the supportive therapy group, the magnitude of symptom reduction was
relatively flat across levels of baseline symptom severity. Metacognitive therapy also had
more treatment responders (at least 30% reduction in symptoms) measured by blinded
investigator ratings (42% vs. 12%) and self-report (reduction of at least one standard
deviation; 53% vs. 28%) of inattentive symptoms. Treatment group was not associated
with changes in comorbid anxiety and depressive symptoms. Patients in both treatment
groups who were diagnosed with a depressive disorder showed significant reductions
in self-reported depression symptoms from pre- to posttreatment. In summary,
metacognitive therapy was associated with ADHD inattentive symptom reduction
over and above the nonspecific elements of group therapy, and treatment-related
change was large for patients with more severe symptoms.
Core
(Neuropsychiatric)
Impairments in
Attention
Inhibition
Self-Regulation
History of Failure to utilize
(impulsivity)
Failure compensatory
Underachievement strategies – examples:
Relationship problems Organizing
Planning
(i.e., task list)
Managing
procrastination,
Mood avoidance,
Dysfunctional disturbance distractibility
cognitions and beliefs Depression
Guilt
Anxiety
Anger
Functional
impairment
Figure 32.1 Cognitive behavioral model of ADHD. From Safren, Sprich, Chulvick, & Otto
(2004), p. 351.
behavior change. In subsequent sessions, the therapist guides the patient in choosing
and implementing a calendar for all appointments and a task list for all to-do items.
These compensatory tools are considered foundational for subsequent skills and so
considerable time and attention are devoted to helping the patient choose a calendar
and task list system that is effective yet simple enough to maintain. Throughout the
program, the emphasis is on choosing simple systems and using them consistently
until they become habit. Patients often come to CBT having tried numerous times to
develop organizational systems only to “fail” at them when they have chosen overly
complicated systems that are far too unwieldy to maintain, or when they have not
practiced the system long enough for it to become habitual. The therapist pays close
attention to other aspects of implementation, such where the calendar/task list will
be kept, when the patient will use it, and whether the patient needs external cues to
remember to use the system.
Next, strategies for prioritization and breaking down overwhelming tasks are
introduced. The patient uses a simple prioritization system to label items in his or
her task list and is taught to break a large task list item down until the first “chunk”
no longer seems prohibitively overwhelming. These skills are followed by training
in traditional problem-solving skills including identifying the problem, generating
possible solutions, evaluating the alternatives, and forming an action plan. The
organization and planning module concludes with a session on creating filing systems
and organizing mail.
The second module focuses on strategies to help patients manage distractibility.
They first engage in an exercise to become more aware of their attention span and
then practice breaking down tasks to fit within this time window. For example, if
a patient finds that she can only work on organizing papers in her filing system for
10 minutes at a time before becoming distracted, then she would proactively assign
herself this type of task in 10-minute “chunks.” The following session focuses on
setting up the environment to reduce sources of distraction. The client and therapist
go through an inventory of possible distractions in the work environment and employ
stimulus control strategies to reduce distractions. For example, a patient might find
that turning off audible “new email” alerts while working on a long, boring, or
difficult-to-complete task results in reduced distractibility.
The third module focuses on adaptive thinking and uses traditional cognitive
therapy techniques including a thought record, identification of cognitive errors, and
formulation of rational responses (Beck, 1995). In particular, the goal is to increase
the patient’s awareness of thoughts that occur in the context of negative emotion,
avoidance, or failure to use a compensatory skill. The patient can then use rational
responses, including recalling past instances of successful skill use, to increase adaptive
coping and decrease avoidance. For example, a patient might figure out that the
thought, “I’ll just do it later,” often precedes avoidance and, with practice, he or she
is able to stop and reevaluate the situation whenever this “red flag” thought occurs.
Following the main modules, an optional one-session module focuses on applying
previously learned skills to the problem of procrastination. Another optional one-
session module involves meeting with the patient and a significant person in his or
her life to provide psychoeducation and recruit the person’s support for the patient’s
behavior-change efforts.
762 Specific Disorders
Hirvikoski et al. (2011) randomized 51 adults with ADHD to either a DBT skills
group or a supportive discussion group. Nineteen DBT group participants and 18
support group participants were analyzed per protocol, with subjects who made
changes to their medications during the trial excluded. Outcomes were based on
self-report and showed a significantly greater reduction in ADHD symptoms for the
DBT group (d = 0.57). They report that responders with at least a 30% reduction
in symptoms represented 32% of the DBT group and 0% of the support group.
None of the comorbid symptoms measures showed significantly greater change in the
DBT group. A strength of this study is that it employed more inclusive entry criteria
than has been the case for past studies such that 75% of individuals screened were
eligible to participate. The authors caution, however, that four participants in the
groups reported worsening anxiety at the end of the trial due to apprehension about
separation from the group. When these participants were included in the analyses
along with participants who had dropped out or changed medications (intent-to-
treat), the effect of DBT on ADHD symptoms was not significant. Clinicians using
group treatments must be sensitive to the way patients respond to the loss of this
form of support and should work to ease this transition.
DBT for adult ADHD is currently being tested in a multimodal, multisite treatment
study in Germany where it is being compared alone and in combination with medica-
tion to medication alone. Results of this trial are forthcoming (A. Philipsen, personal
communication, January 10, 2012) and comparison among emerging treatment
approaches will be important as the field continues to develop.
Despite these promising results, far more questions about CBT for adult ADHD
remain than these studies have answered. As would be expected, effect size estimates
in these trials have tended to decrease as the integrity of the comparison group
improves and response rates to CBT are far from 100%. Thus, further investigation of
“what works for whom” in the form of moderator analyses is needed, some of which
are described below. In particular, participant samples in these initial research trials
have been (understandably for this stage of development) relatively homogeneous
and high functioning and thus the limits of generalizability of these findings are
not known. Additional data on the effect of education level, comorbidity, and
symptom severity on response to CBT are needed. This information will be crucial
in tailoring the treatment to the needs of particular patients and settings, improving
the utility of CBT for this population. A second compelling question concerns active
ingredients or underlying mechanisms of change that may be operating within and
across studies. The treatment packages described here contain multiple components
and it is not yet clear which elements are necessary or sufficient for helping adults with
ADHD improve. Identifying the most critical elements through mediation analyses
and dismantling studies—as has been undertaken for other forms of CBT (Dimidjian
et al., 2006)—may improve the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of these interventions,
facilitating dissemination and reducing patient burden. Finally, a host of questions
related to dissemination and implementation of CBT for adults with ADHD remain
to be answered, including how to adapt the treatment to other settings (primary
care, universities, prison systems, child clinics), how much and by what methods to
train therapists, and whether novel delivery methods are feasible and effective (e.g.,
self-help format, Internet delivery). In the following sections, we outline existing data
on these questions and future directions.
Medication status. Clinical intuition might suggest that most adults with
ADHD—due to their core symptoms and impairments in executive functioning—are
likely to need some form of medication treatment to help control their symptoms
and facilitate the acquisition of behavioral and cognitive skills. Treatment approaches
such as that of Safren, Perlman, et al. (2005) have been specifically developed for
and tested with adults who are already receiving ongoing medication treatment.
However, the CBT outcome studies that have examined medication status as a
moderator have not found support for this hypothesis (Philipsen et al., 2007; Solanto
et al., 2008; Solanto et al., 2010; Stevenson et al., 2003; Stevenson et al., 2002;
Zylowska et al., 2008). For example, in their RCT, Solanto et al. (2010) did not
find that medication status predicted treatment response. In addition, medication
status was not associated with baseline symptom severity—an important piece of
information given that medication status and symptom severity might be confounded
with one another, that is, clients with more severe symptoms are more likely to seek
medication treatment. Ramsay and Rostain (2011) recently reported the results of
a small pilot study of individual CBT for adults with ADHD who were not taking
medication (N = 5). The authors describe their sample as relatively high functioning
and uncomplicated. Nevertheless, nonparametric tests showed significant pre-to-post
reductions in total clinician-rated ADHD with a large effect size (d = 0.83). Changes
in CGI score did not reach significance but also demonstrated a large effect size
(d = 0.85) and internalizing symptoms showed significant and sizeable reductions
(e.g., Beck Depression Inventory d = 1.17). These results must be interpreted
with caution, however, and the most responsible interpretation is probably that
for adults with ADHD who cannot or are unwilling to take medication, CBT is
not contraindicated. Medication remains a critical treatment component for many
patients and multimodal treatment is likely to be associated with the best outcomes
for adults. As described earlier, the forthcoming results of the study by Philipsen and
colleagues will directly test this hypothesis.
Comorbid symptoms. Comorbidity may complicate the treatment of adult ADHD and
few empirical data exist to guide clinicians in treatment planning for the many adults
with ADHD and other disorders (Knouse & Safren, 2011). Is there any evidence that
comorbid symptoms moderate the effects of CBT? During their open trial, Solanto
et al. (2008) reported that depressive symptoms at baseline did not predict changes
in any of the primary outcome measures. In their RCT, Solanto et al. (2010) did not
find that comorbid anxiety or depressive diagnoses predicted differential treatment
response. Philipsen et al. (2007) found that DBT group participants with more severe
depressive symptoms at baseline had greater reductions in depressive symptoms and
in ADHD symptoms as measured by one self-report measure. Zylowska et al. (2008)
found that baseline severity score on symptom measures showing pre-to-post changes
predicted the magnitude of those changes with more severe symptoms at baseline
leading to greater magnitude of improvement. Likewise, Stevenson et al. (2002)
did not find that comorbid anxiety problems predicted effects of group CBT, and
change scores in the minimal therapist contact version of the treatment (Stevenson
et al., 2003) were not correlated with depression, anxiety, stress, intellectual ability,
or spelling or reading ability. Again, results must be interpreted with caution due to
766 Specific Disorders
the likelihood that these samples had lower rates and severity of comorbidity than
adults with ADHD in general. Furthermore, patients with externalizing problems
such as substance abuse were frequently excluded from study. However, none of the
available data suggest that comorbid internalizing symptoms at a mild to moderate
level reduce the efficacy of CBT for adult ADHD. Treatment of ADHD may even
be associated with reductions in mild comorbid symptoms (e.g., Safren, Otto, et al.,
2005).
Moderators for future study. There is currently no evidence that gender moderates
the effects of CBT for adult ADHD (Rostain & Ramsay, 2006; Solanto et al., 2010;
Zylowska et al., 2008) but conclusions about other moderators including education
level, socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, and intellectual functioning cannot be
adequately assessed given the available data and the nature of the samples examined.
Future effectiveness studies of CBT for adults with ADHD will be needed to test the
boundary conditions of these promising efficacy results.
Active Ingredients
What are the “active ingredients” or critical behavior change processes in CBT
for adult ADHD? The answer to this question is not clear. An analogy might be
drawn between the current state of this young field and the state of treatments for
anxiety disorders in the 1960s and 1970s. Up to that point, a variety of behavioral
methods for the treatment of anxiety disorders—systematic desensitization, implosive
therapy, flooding, in vivo exposure—had proliferated and it took an intensive series
of comparative and dismantling studies to determine that exposure was the “active
ingredient” of these various approaches (McNally, 2007). Similarly, one might
ask whether current CBT approaches for adult ADHD are converging around
common change processes. Identifying features of efficacious approaches and critically
appraising treatment elements that are not sufficient for efficacy will result in better
“adult ADHD CBT 2.0.”
From the preceding review, we have observed a variety of goals, techniques,
and strategies that appear within treatments described as being based on CBT.
Some treatments focus mainly on helping the client develop organizational and
motivational systems and habits to compensate for their ADHD-related deficits.
Many incorporate concepts from cognitive therapy, wherein habitual patterns of
thinking that contribute to avoidance and emotional distress are examined and
modified. Other interventions appear to be primarily psychoeducational in nature,
covering a broad range of topics associated with ADHD in adults with less emphasis
on specific compensatory and implementation strategies. Finally, a few treatment
approaches incorporate mindfulness-based skills designed to improve clients’ ability
to focus their attention in the moment.
In a previous review of the literature where we examined effect sizes of trials
published to that point (Knouse & Safren, 2010), we hypothesized that the most
critical element in successful CBT for adult ADHD is “the introduction and, most
importantly, the repetition and reinforcement of compensatory skills that target core
symptoms” (p. 507). We also noted that the most efficacious treatments included
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Adults 767
CBT for adult ADHD could be adapted for and exported to specialized settings
where people with ADHD are likely to present with unique challenges. For example,
ADHD is highly heritable and thus children with ADHD who are referred for
treatment often have parents who meet criteria for the disorder as well. Behavioral
treatments involving parents are considered first-line interventions for children with
ADHD, especially for young children (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2011). Given
that behavioral parent training interventions require parents to learn and implement
new skills requiring significant self-regulation, skills-based CBT for adults with ADHD
could be adapted to meet the needs of parents with ADHD and could further improve
child outcomes (Chronis-Tuscano et al., 2011). University and community college
settings, including counseling centers and disability services offices, are another setting
in which the unique needs of adults with ADHD could be met with a modified CBT
intervention. For example, in these settings, specific interventions to improve self-
guided study and memory strategies could be incorporated into “standard” CBT
(Knouse, Anastopoulos, & Dunlosky, 2011). People with ADHD in correctional
facilities and chemical dependency units are also in acute need of specialized treatment
approaches (Chan, Dennis, & Funk, 2008; Rösler et al., 2004).
Following the recent work of Craske et al. (2009) on dissemination and imple-
mentation of CBT for anxiety disorders in primary care, there are certainly similar
opportunities for innovation in delivery of adult ADHD treatment. Possible direc-
tions include lower-intensity versions of treatment delivered in a doctor’s office by
paraprofessionals, on-site computer-assisted delivery methods, and online self-help
versions of treatment. The use of paraprofessional “coaches” to augment group CBT
for adult ADHD (e.g., Emilsson et al., 2011; Stevenson et al., 2003) has the potential
to increase both efficacy and cost-effectiveness and should be studied more closely.
Several treatment manuals for CBT approaches outlined in this chapter are now
published (Ramsay & Rostain, 2008; Safren, Perlman, et al., 2005; Solanto, 2011)
and the effects of these manuals on therapist practice and patient outcomes could also
be studied systematically. Importantly, as outlined by McHugh and Barlow (2010),
studies of dissemination strategies must examine two critical issues—how much and
what type of therapist training is needed to ensure competency and positive patient
outcomes, and how should such outcomes be measured? As this field moves forward,
clinical researchers must attend to and build upon dissemination knowledge and
models developed for the exporting of other efficacious CBTs.
Conclusion
CBT for adult ADHD is designed to ameliorate the significant functional impairments
experienced by people with the disorder that are not addressed by medication
alone. Group and individual CBT approaches have recently received support in
larger and more rigorous efficacy studies (Safren et al., 2010; Solanto et al., 2010)
with medium effect sizes compared to active-treatment control groups. The most
efficacious approaches to date focus on helping adults with ADHD acquire and—most
importantly—implement compensatory strategies that ameliorate core symptoms and
deficits in executive functioning. Available evidence to date suggests that CBT may
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Adults 769
be useful in treating adults with ADHD who are not taking medication and who
have mild to moderate comorbid internalizing symptoms, but additional studies of
moderators and mediators of treatment outcome are needed. Future critical research
directions also include additional rigorous efficacy studies, adaptation of the treatment
for specialized populations, and evaluation of dissemination and implementation
strategies that should be informed by prior CBT research. Considerable progress has
been made in the last 15 years and yet considerable work remains to provide every
adult with ADHD access to high-quality, evidence-based psychosocial treatment.
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33
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity
Disorder in Children and
Adolescents
Miguel T. Villodas
University of California, San Francisco, United States
Stephen P. Hinshaw
University of California, Berkeley, United States
Linda J. Pfiffner
University of California, San Francisco, United States
symptoms and functioning of children with ADHD across settings. Despite the
neurological and genetic underpinnings of ADHD, evidence indicates that changing
the social environment through behavioral interventions can dramatically impact
outcomes for youth with ADHD. A substantial literature supports these approaches.
Indeed, a meta-analysis reported large average effect sizes (Cohen’s ds ranging from
0.70 to 3.78 depending on study design) that were stable across demographic factors
(e.g., age, IQ, and race of children, family structure, etc.; Fabiano, Pelham, et al.,
2009).
In contrast to these approaches, early cognitive approaches attempted to address
ADHD deficits and impairments by directly teaching children to use self-instruction
and self-reinforcement in order to improve self-regulation and behavioral responses
(Baer & Nietzel, 1991; DuPaul & Eckert, 1997; Dush, Hirt, & Schroeder, 1989).
The hope was that these approaches would provide a more portable and sustainable
method for promoting behavior change than strictly behavioral approaches, which
rely on parents and teachers. Unfortunately, such strategies were not supported in
empirical studies. A combination of factors may have limited the success of self-
instruction, including the need for sufficient verbal-executive control for children
to generalize their use of the strategies outside of the therapy setting, inadequate
methods within the procedures for addressing the impulsivity and affective instability
characteristics of ADHD, and a failure to address potential skill deficits (Pfiffner,
Calzada, & McBurnett, 2000).
Despite the shortcomings of stand-alone cognitive interventions, a growing evi-
dence base supports psychosocial intervention strategies that include cognitive and
behavioral approaches. For the purposes of this chapter, we will define cognitive
behavioral interventions broadly, with a focus on psychosocial interventions, including
those with cognitive behavioral elements, which have been empirically demonstrated
to improve symptom and functioning deficits in children and adolescents with ADHD.
ADHD symptoms are frequently comorbid with many other psychiatric disorders,
most notably disruptive behavior problems; a number of interventions have been
developed to address both sets of problems (Barkley, 2006). Although this chapter
will primarily focus on interventions with evidence for treating ADHD-related prob-
lems, many of the outcomes will also apply to the comorbid externalizing problems.
Frequently comorbid internalizing problems (e.g., anxiety, depression) may require
additional strategies (MTA Cooperative Group, 1999b).
Behavioral Interventions
Behavioral interventions are the most consistently researched and implemented psy-
chosocial interventions for ADHD (Pelham & Fabiano, 2008). Rooted in social
learning theory (Bandura, 1977), behavioral interventions for this population are
supported by empirical evidence of efficacy across multiple implementation settings.
Although effect sizes vary depending on the outcome of interest and the method of
assessment, results of a key meta-analysis (Fabiano, Pelham, et al., 2009) indicated
medium to large average effect sizes for improvements in parent-reported parenting
practices, direct observations of parenting practices and children’s behaviors, and
Attention-deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Children 777
Versions of BPT have been designed for children and adolescents of all ages
with ADHD (Pfiffner & Kaiser, 2010). BPT is often included in multicomponent
treatments but has also been shown to be effective as a stand-alone treatment for
symptoms and impairments related to ADHD (Fabiano, Pelham, et al., 2009). When
implemented alone, BPT is typically 8–16 sessions and can be administered in a parent
group format or to individual parents/families (Pelham & Fabiano, 2008), or as a
mixture of group and individual sessions (Wells et al., 2000). Most BPT programs for
ADHD include education about ADHD symptoms and impairments plus common
social-learning-theory derived elements that teach parents the following:
Furthermore, many BPT programs are combined with specific skills training for
children, discussed in further detail below.
A variant of BPT is parent–child interaction therapy (PCIT; Zisser & Eyberg,
2010). Although not designed specifically for ADHD, PCIT is an evidence-based
intervention that has been shown to be effective with young children (aged 2–7)
with ADHD. PCIT focuses on restructuring dyadic interactions between parents and
their children in the context of structured play in order to create a context in which
behavior can be managed effectively. In the first phase, child-directed interaction,
children lead play while parents learn to praise enthusiastically, reflect, imitate, and
describe the child’s actions. During the second phase, parent-directed interaction,
parents direct the child to complete tasks using behavioral strategies like those taught
in BPT, such as effectively giving commands and implementing time-out when the
child is noncompliant. Parents learn and practice skills in session with live coaching
from a therapist.
Mediators and moderators of behavioral parent training. Despite the success of BPT,
researchers have identified important factors related to implementation that influence
the impact of this intervention on children with ADHD (Pelham & Fabiano, 2008).
For example, researchers have found that the match between parental treatment
preferences, such as program times, locations, activities, and advertised benefits of the
treatment in which parents participated, influenced their utilization of BPT programs
(Cunningham et al., 2008). Moreover, positive parental expectations prior to and
throughout treatment have been found to predict better treatment engagement in
BPT and better child outcomes (Kaiser, Hinshaw, & Pfiffner, 2010). Similarly, based
on a review of the relevant literature, Mah and Johnston (2008) recommended that
parental social cognitions, such as attributions and parenting efficacy, may be crucial
Attention-deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Children 779
targets for increasing acceptability of and engagement in BPT, particularly during the
early stages of the treatment.
Researchers have found that factors related to family socioeconomic status may
influence the impact of BPT for children with ADHD and their families because
of barriers to treatment engagement (Lundahl, Risser, & Lovejoy, 2006), such as
attrition, low income, parent education level, single motherhood, and a lack of
father involvement (Chronis, Chacko, Fabiano, Wymbs, & Pelham, 2004; Pelham &
Fabiano, 2008). In response to concerns about the barriers faced by single mothers,
Chacko et al. (2009) developed the Strategies to Enhance Positive Parenting (STEPP)
program. This program enhances BPT by integrating it with a group-based supportive
problem-solving format that follows a manualized approach to common burdens of
single motherhood. In order to increase engagement in treatment among fathers,
Fabiano, Chacko, et al. (2009) developed the Coaching Our Acting-out Children:
Heightened Essential Skills (COACHES) program. This program facilitated the
acquisition of behavioral management techniques among fathers in the context of
sports activities, and found that it increased father involvement in treatment. Atkins
et al. (2006) recruited respected parents from the African American community to
serve as community consultants in a partnership with providers and school personnel
as part of the Positive Attitudes for Learning in Schools (PALS) program in order
to increase engagement in BPT among low-income African American families. Based
on input from these community consultants, the program improved engagement in
BPT by framing sessions as “parent parties” rather than training sessions, emphasizing
social support and community building, and having a community consultant co-lead
groups with a therapist.
Given the strong heritability of ADHD and the risk for a variety of psychopathol-
ogy among parents of youth with ADHD, researchers have begun developing BPT
protocols that include cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) elements for parents. For
example, in response to the finding that maternal depression may limit the impact of
BPT on child outcomes (Owens et al., 2003), an integrated treatment protocol that
combines BPT and an adjunctive CBT treatment for maternal depression, the Coping
with Depression Course for mothers of children with ADHD, is being developed
and evaluated (e.g., Chronis-Tuscano & Clarke, 2008). Similarly, researchers have
identified that maternal ADHD symptoms attenuate the impact of BPT on child out-
comes because mothers with ADHD often have difficulty adopting and implementing
the new parenting practices (Chronis-Tuscano et al., 2011; Sonuga-Barke, Daley, &
Thompson, 2002). However, a combined treatment for parents and children who
each have ADHD has not yet been developed.
praise) and prudent negative consequences (e.g., response cost; Pfiffner, O’Leary,
Rosen, & Sanderson, 1985; Pfiffner, Rosen, & O’Leary, 1987) for managing the
behavior problems of children with ADHD. These approaches have been found to
improve academic achievement and behaviors that facilitate academic productivity
(e.g., motivation, engagement, etc.; DuPaul et al., 2006). A variant of a token
economy is the use of a daily report card, on which the child is rated each day
on his or her performance in a number of prespecified domains of behavior that
require improvement—and rewarded for performance (Fabiano et al., 2010). Daily
report cards have been found to improve observed classroom functioning, attainment
of individualized education plan goals, and teacher-rated academic productivity and
disruptive behaviors (Fabiano et al., 2010). Daily report cards also facilitate commu-
nication between teachers and parents and allow for the coordination of school and
home behavioral targets.
Whereas the above interventions target parents and teachers in order to improve
symptoms and functioning in children with ADHD, skills training interventions that
directly address the skill deficits of these children have also been developed. These
generally include cognitive components but are differentiated from purely cognitive
interventions through their focus on specific skills for day-to-day functioning rather
than global self-instruction.
Attention-deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Children 781
Langberg et al., 2011; Langberg, Epstein, Urbanowicz, Simon, & Graham, 2008;
Willcutt, Doyle, Nigg, Faraone, & Pennington, 2005). These functions are partic-
ularly impairing in the academic setting, in which children’s academic success (i.e.,
organizing and completing class work, homework, tests, and projects) is often depen-
dent on these skills. Poor organizational and study skills often translate into lower
scores on academic achievement tests, poorer class work and homework completion,
lower report card grades, and overall deficits in academic performance (Barkley,
2006; Power, Werba, Watkins, Angelucci, & Eiraldi, 2006; Schultz, Evans, & Serpell,
2009). Interventions have been developed to target the following specific skills, which
promote academic success:
• organizational skills (Abikoff et al., 2013; Evans, Langberg, Raggi, Allen, &
Buvinger, 2005; Langberg, Epstein, Urbanowicz, et al., 2008);
• self-management (Gureasko-Moore, DuPaul, & White, 2006, 2007);
• note-taking (Evans, Pelham, & Grudberg, 1995);
• homework skills (Raggi, Chronis-Tuscano, Fishbein, & Groomes, 2009).
Comprehensive programs that teach many of these skills, such as the Challenging
Horizons Program (CHP; Evans et al., 2005; Evans, Schultz, DeMars, & Davis,
2011; Langberg, Epstein, Urbanowicz, et al., 2008), have recently demonstrated
their utility for the improvement of children’s academic outcomes as well as their
organization and homework skills. CHP combines various treatment components,
which have been evaluated individually and in varying doses, into a comprehensive
after-school program involving intensive intervention 2 to 4 days each week. The
intervention can be implemented in different forms, but in general the sessions last
approximately 2 hours each and can continue for 10 weeks up to an academic year,
and can be implemented by mental health professionals or school personnel. The
most comprehensive implementations of CHP include three Family Check-Up (FCU;
Dishion, Nelson, & Kavanagh, 2003) sessions during the fall semester prior to the
start of the intervention (Evans et al., 2011). The Family Check-Up was designed as
an enhancement to more intensive interventions, in which parents are motivated and
engaged in better monitoring of their children and management of their families. The
three sessions consist of an initial interview, an assessment session, and a feedback
session, in which feedback about the assessment results is delivered using motivational
interviewing techniques.
of combining social skills training with parent training, such as BPT. They also
underscore the importance of including parents in a complementary role in these
interventions. It is likely that social skills training will be most beneficial with ongoing
monitoring and incentives from parents and that didactic learning will be insufficient.
With regard to training skills for academic success, some important factors should
also be considered. For example, it has been estimated that approximately 30% of
children and adolescents with ADHD have a comorbid specific learning disorder
(DuPaul & Stoner, 2003). Teaching study and organizational skills may be necessary
but not sufficient for those with a specific learning disorder, which will in all prob-
ability require educational interventions in the areas of disability. Another potential
consideration for the development of academic skills interventions is the age range
of the youth who are targeted. Langberg and colleagues (Langberg, Epstein, Altaye,
et al., 2008; Langberg et al., 2011) have identified that ADHD symptoms and
impairments generally decrease as children develop, but this trend can be disrupted
by contextual shifts (e.g., the transition to more demanding academic environments).
These findings suggest that it is appropriate to tailor these interventions to meet
the needs of key transition periods. Moreover, teaching these skills in the context in
which they will be used (e.g., the school setting) may facilitate their acquisition and
application.
Multicomponent Interventions
Incredible years. Initially designed for disruptive behavior problems in preschool chil-
dren, the Incredible Years program (Webster-Stratton & Reid, 2010) has shown
some evidence of utility for children with both comorbid and primary ADHD prob-
lems. Incredible Years is a comprehensive, multisetting program for young children
(ages 3–7) that integrates BPT, BCM, and child skills training interventions. Each
Attention-deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Children 787
Multimodal Treatments
The focus of this chapter has been on psychosocial interventions for ADHD, but
it is also important to consider the impact of these interventions in the context of
pharmacological approaches to treatment, given their status as an evidence-based
treatment for ADHD (Hinshaw, Klein, & Abikoff, 2007). Stimulant medication in
particular has a strong evidence base supporting its efficacy for ADHD and is widely
used by pediatricians and psychiatrists for managing ADHD symptoms in children
and adolescents. Additionally, medication and behavioral interventions in combination
appear to form an especially potent treatment. The largest and most renowned study
of medication and behavioral treatments was the Multimodal Treatment Study of
ADHD (MTA), a six-site collaborative effort designed to rigorously evaluate the
effects of pharmacological, behavioral, and combined intervention approaches for the
treatment of ADHD (MTA Cooperative Group, 1999a; Pelham et al., 2000; Swanson
et al., 2008a, 2008b). The behavioral treatment included 35 BPT sessions for parents,
both group and individual; therapist-facilitated consultation and coordination with
the children’s teachers; an 8-week summer treatment program; and paraprofessional
aide involvement in the classroom for 3 months following the summer treatment
program. These treatments were faded toward the end of the 14-month intervention
period.
Although initial results supported the superiority of the medication and combined
treatments over behavioral treatment alone for ADHD symptom reduction, (a) com-
bination treatment was superior with regard to academic, social, and parenting-related
impairments (e.g., Connors et al., 2001); and (b) after the active intervention period,
medication benefits fell off more sharply than those from behavioral intervention
(e.g., Molina et al., 2009). Furthermore, during the summer treatment program, a
comparison of differences between the behavioral and combined treatment groups
across three sites revealed few differences between them while both treatments were
active (Pelham et al., 2000). Moreover, subsequent analyses have revealed important
and positive impacts of the behavioral treatment on parent–child interactions (Wells
et al., 2006) and homework success (Langberg et al., 2010). Finally, combination
treatment, when associated with improved parenting, was prone to yield not just
improvement in behavior, but normalization of such behavior (Hinshaw et al., 2000).
Overall, the MTA study has demonstrated the substantial benefit of combined phar-
macological and behavioral interventions as the most potent treatment approach for
788 Specific Disorders
the most impaired children with ADHD. Further evidence for this treatment approach
comes from studies showing that when behavioral interventions are in place, optimal
medication dosages may be lower, with more durable and broader effects (Fabiano
et al., 2007).
Conclusions
The evidence base for behavioral interventions is longstanding, with BPT, BCM,
and intensive peer-based treatments meeting rigorous criteria for categorization as
evidence-based treatments (Pelham & Fabiano, 2008). Although initial evaluations
of cognitive interventions focused on self-instruction for children with ADHD were
discouraging, more recent psychosocial interventions that incorporate both cogni-
tive and behavioral strategies targeting specific skill development show significant
and clinically important effects on ADHD symptoms and functional impairments.
Moreover, despite evidence for individual intervention strategies such as BPT, BCM,
and child skills training, combined/multicomponent/multimodal treatment packages
have demonstrated the most consistent impact on a broader range of symptoms and
impairments among these children and adolescents. This latter finding is likely to be
the result of direct training of skills in the real-world contexts to which they apply (e.g.,
school, home, etc.) and the generalization of the structured behavioral contingencies
across these contexts. Given the potential for moderators and mediators to influence
the impact of interventions, emerging research on adaptive implementation strategies
should improve the sustainability and dissemination of interventions to populations
who were previously unable to access them. In addition, the personalization of inter-
vention packages to match the preferences and needs of specific populations should
facilitate increased treatment engagement. Also, in light of support for the incremental
impact of combined pharmacological and behavioral interventions, it is possible that
personalizing this combined treatment approach through sequencing of interventions
could provide the most potent effects. Although evidence for working memory and
attention training is still preliminary, additional research is warranted to determine
the potential benefits of these approaches for the full range of ADHD symptoms and
impairments. Finally, researchers should continue to explore and develop innovative
methods of intervention dissemination that are both sustainable and cost-effective.
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34
Conduct Disorder and
Delinquency
Michael R. McCart, Cindy Schaeffer,
and Scott W. Henggeler
Medical University of South Carolina, United States
Introduction
Prevalence
Data from a nationally representative sample of adolescents reveal a lifetime prevalence
of 6.8% for conduct disorder (Merikangas et al., 2010). Regarding delinquency, a U.S.
Department of Justice report indicates that 1.9 million youth, or about 4% of the child
and adolescent population (aged 5–18 years), were arrested for delinquent offenses
in 2009 (Puzzanchera & Adams, 2011). It should be noted, however, that most
youth who engage in delinquent behavior never come to the attention of authorities.
More accurate prevalence estimates come from studies that gather self-report data
on youths’ participation in delinquent acts (Thornberry & Krohn, 2000). Between
2005 and 2007, the International Self-Report Delinquency Study-2 (Junger-Tas
et al., 2010) surveyed random samples of youth in several nations regarding their
involvement in delinquent behavior. In the U.S. sample, almost 30% of participants
reported committing at least one delinquent offense during the past year. The most
commonly reported offenses included participation in group fights (9.7%), shoplifting
(9.2%), and vandalism (8.7%). These prevalence data demonstrate the high rates of
conduct disorder and delinquency among youth in the United States.
Demographic Trends
Prevalence rates for conduct disorder and delinquency vary with age, gender, and
race. Youth antisocial behavior tends to peak in later adolescence (Junger-Tas,
Marshall, & Ribeaud, 2003; Merikangas et al., 2010), with most youth desisting
during emerging adulthood. Youth who develop serious behavior problems at a
young age (i.e., prior to the age of 14), however, are more likely to continue
offending into adulthood (Chen, Matruglio, Weatherburn, & Hua, 2005; Loeber &
Farrington, 2000). Regarding gender, conduct disorder and delinquency are
significantly more prevalent among boys than girls (Loeber, Burke, Lahey, Winters,
& Zera, 2000; Stahl, Finnegan, & Kang, 2007). In terms of race, discrepant trends
have been identified. For example, studies have reported no race differences in
rates of conduct disorder (Merikangas et al., 2010) and relatively small magnitudes
of race differences in rates of self-reported delinquency—with African American
youth tending to report more offenses than their white counterparts (Hawkins,
Laub, Lauritsen, & Cothern, 2000). Nevertheless, striking race differences in
rates of juvenile arrest have been observed. Indeed, in 2009, African American
youth were five times more likely than white youth to be arrested for a violent
crime (Puzzanchera & Adams, 2011). It has been suggested, however, that such
discrepancies might be the product of law enforcement and judicial practices as
opposed to actual differences in the rates of offending behavior by race (Snyder &
Sickmund, 2006).
Conduct Disorder and Delinquency 799
Recent research has focused on the most proximal (i.e., real time) step of this pro-
cess, the selection of the behavioral response (i.e., response decision making; Fontaine
& Dodge, 2006). Response decisions are comprised of multiple components, includ-
ing appraising the response along dimensions important to the individual (e.g., desire
to be friendly or to appear tough; response evaluation), anticipating the consequences
of various courses of action (i.e., outcome expectation), and evaluating his or her own
efficacy in enacting the response (i.e., self-efficacy evaluation). At the bivariate level,
deficits within each component of response decision making have been associated with
aggressive behavior in samples of adolescents and collectively, to account for signifi-
cant variance (Fontaine, 2006; Fontaine & Dodge, 2006). Response decisions may be
particularly important for understanding antisocial behavior among adolescents who
have the cognitive maturity to engage in complex mental representations of possible
behaviors and their outcomes (see Fontaine, Yang, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 2008).
Consistent with this view, adolescents’ response decision making appears to be more
consistent, differentiated, and predictive of antisocial behavior than that of elementary
school-aged children (Fontaine, Yang, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 2009; Lansford et al.,
2006).
Biological factors. Certain biological factors are distally associated with the devel-
opment of conduct disorder and delinquency through their influence on youth
temperament. For example, the presence of toxins (e.g., alcohol, nicotine) in the
prenatal environment negatively impacts neurological functioning and can lead
to temperamental difficulties in infancy characterized by emotional reactivity and
impulsivity (Lemola, Stadlmayr, & Grob, 2009; Wakschlag & Hans, 2002). These
temperamental difficulties increase the likelihood that youth will develop serious
behavior problems in later childhood (Caspi, Henry, McGee, & Moffitt, 1995; Frick
& Morris, 2004). It is of note that such biological variables tend to exert their
strongest influence at an early age, whereas environmental variables become stronger
predictors of behavior problems as youth progress through middle childhood and
adolescence (Moffitt, 1993).
sequence begins when a parent makes a request for child compliance, one that often
is inadequate in some way (e.g., vague or insensitive to contextual factors such as
child fatigue). The child protests, but the parent’s request intensifies. This sequence
repeats several times, escalating to emotional displays of anger and frustration by both
the parent and child. The interaction typically ends in one of two ways. The parent
might discipline the youth either physically or by removing some privilege, although
implementation of the consequence is often too delayed to have an impact on the
youth’s future behavior. A more common outcome involves the parent “giving in”
and thus negatively reinforcing the youth’s defiance. The parent also is negatively
reinforced for backing down (i.e., the unpleasant exchange with the child ends).
Thus, through the coercive cycle, the youth learns over time that oppositional and
aggressive behaviors are effective ways to avoid undesired activities (e.g., going to
bed, doing chores), and parents become increasingly disengaged from attempting to
control the child’s behavior.
Several other aspects of family relations have been linked with antisocial behavior. By
middle childhood and adolescence, the families of youth with conduct problems and
delinquency tend to be characterized by an overall lack of warmth and involvement
among family members, high rates of family conflict, inept discipline, and poor parental
monitoring of youth whereabouts and behaviors (Dishion, Bullock, & Granic, 2002).
These problems set the stage for youth difficulties in peer and school contexts.
Peer relationships. Association with deviant peers (i.e., delinquent and/or substance
using friends) represents a powerful and proximal risk factor for adolescent behavior
problems (Dodge, Dishion, & Lansford, 2006). Numerous cross-sectional and longi-
tudinal studies have established positive relations between deviant peer affiliation and
youths’ own involvement in delinquent behavior (e.g., Andrews, Tildesley, Hops, &
Li, 2002; Liberman, 2008; Patterson, Dishion, & Yoerger, 2000). Further evidence
for the negative effects of deviant peer association comes from randomized prevention
trials demonstrating that the aggregation of high-risk youth in group-based inter-
ventions can yield iatrogenic effects (Dishion & Andrews, 1995; Metropolitan Area
Child Study Research Group, 2002). Consistent with these findings, results from
mediation studies of evidence-based interventions have supported the important role
of decreased association with deviant peers in reducing serious behavior problems
among juvenile offenders (Eddy & Chamberlain, 2000; Huey, Henggeler, Brondino,
& Pickrel, 2000).
School factors. Low academic achievement is associated with conduct problems during
adolescence, and poor school performance predicts elevated rates of conduct problems
in young adulthood (Loeber et al., 2005). Low bonding to school, a high number
of school transitions, high truancy, and dropping out of school are also associated
with conduct problems and delinquency (Janosz, Le Blanc, Boulerice, & Tremblay,
1997; Maguin & Loeber, 1996). In addition, studies indicate that when youth attend
schools characterized by a high student–teacher ratio, poor academic quality, and a
lack of perceived fairness and clarity of school rules, they are more likely to engage
in delinquent behavior (Gottfredson, Gottfredson, Payne, & Gottfredson, 2005;
Hellman & Beaton, 1986).
802 Specific Disorders
Evidence-Based Treatments
often have little to do with achieving favorable outcomes for youth (e.g., meeting
billing requirements). Treatments that have proven successful in effectiveness research,
therefore, are more likely to be transported effectively to real-world settings.
Anger Coping and Coping Power Programs. The Anger Coping Program (Larson
& Lochman, 2002) is a group-based intervention for elementary school-aged youth
with disruptive behavior. Group sessions target cognitive processes that have been
empirically linked with behavior problem outcomes, including perspective taking,
affect awareness and management, and social problem-solving skills. The Coping
Power Program (Lochman, Wells, & Lenhart, 2008) was designed as an extension
of the Anger Coping Program and incorporates a parent training component as well
as additional group sessions for youth. Several research trials have supported the
effectiveness of these two interventions.
Theoretical bases. The Anger Coping and Coping Power Programs are both
influenced by the SIP model proposed by Crick and Dodge (1994). According to
this model, individuals process information in six sequential steps when responding
to social situations. The sequence is (a) encoding of information, (b) interpretation
of information, (c) specification of an interaction goal, (d) generation of potential
responses, (e) selection of an optimal response, and (f) enactment of that response.
Youth with behavior problems generally display deficits at each of these steps. For
example, they search for fewer social cues, are more likely to attribute hostile intent
to ambiguous situations, and have difficulty generating multiple potential solutions
to social problems (Lochman & Dodge, 1994). In addition, such youth display more
confidence in their ability to use aggression as a problem-solving strategy and have
higher expectations that aggression will lead to positive outcomes (Guerra, Huesmann,
& Spindler, 2003; Perry, Perry, & Rasmussen, 1986). The Anger Coping and Coping
Power Programs aim to improve youths’ behavioral outcomes by specifically targeting
each of these SIP deficits.
Model of service delivery. The Anger Coping and Coping Power Programs are
both typically delivered in a group-based format. The Anger Coping Program includes
18 child sessions that are 60 to 90 minutes in length. The Coping Power Program
consists of 34 child sessions and a 16-session parenting training group. The child
groups are co-led by two clinicians so that one can monitor the youths’ behavior
while the other leads the group activities. The Anger Coping and Coping Power
Programs are most commonly implemented in school settings, although they can also
be implemented in outpatient clinics.
Clinical overview. The procedures for implementing the Anger Coping Program
are specified in a treatment manual (Larson & Lochman, 2002). Across all 18 sessions,
804 Specific Disorders
youth earn points for good behavior and for progress made in meeting individualized
goals. Points can be cashed in to purchase prizes from a prize chest. During Session 1,
the group facilitators outline the group rules, and the youth participate in a cohesion-
building exercise. Then, to increase self-awareness, youth record their thoughts about
an ambiguous situation and listen to the recordings as a group. In Session 2, the
youth generate personal goals regarding self-control. Sessions 3 through 9 involve
a series of structured activities designed to improve the youths’ problem-solving
skills. For example, the youth are taught strategies for identifying and managing
anger (e.g., through self-talk, distraction, and/or relaxation methods). The youth
practice perspective taking and learn strategies for brainstorming multiple solutions
to problems. They also learn how to evaluate the consequences of different response
options. Finally, the youth are taught a problem-solving model that includes the
following key questions: (a) What is the problem?, (b) What are my feelings?, (c)
What are my choices?, (d) What will happen?, and (e) What will I do? During Sessions
10–17, group members create videos demonstrating how the problem-solving model
can be applied to real-life situations. The final session includes review of skills learned
and a graduation ceremony.
Procedures for implementing the Coping Power Program are described by Lochman
et al. (2008). The first 18 group sessions are similar to those described for the
Anger Coping Program. However, 16 extra group sessions focus on enhancing
youths’ emotional awareness and social skills. Periodic individual sessions are also
conducted with youth to help facilitate skill generalization. During the 16-session
parent group, caregivers are taught how to generate developmentally appropriate
rules for their youth, how to give effective commands, and how to implement rewards
and consequences based on their youth’s behavior. Parents also practice applying
the aforementioned problem-solving model to situations within the family. Finally,
caregivers are taught stress management techniques.
Empirical support. The Anger Coping Program has been evaluated in two ran-
domized hybrid efficacy and effectiveness trials with aggressive school-aged boys
(Lochman, Burch, Curry, & Lampron, 1984; Lochman, Lampron, Gemmer, Harris,
& Wyckoff, 1989). In both trials, youth receiving the Anger Coping Program demon-
strated significantly greater reductions in aggressive and disruptive behavior relative
to youth in the control condition. Moreover, a 3-year follow-up of the Lochman
et al. (1984) sample revealed continued treatment effects on several key outcomes
(Lochman, 1992). Youth in the Anger Coping Program group demonstrated bet-
ter problem-solving skills and lower levels of drug and alcohol use compared to
counterparts in the control group. Interestingly, moderator analyses suggested that
the Anger Coping Program was most beneficial for youth who had less advanced
problem-solving skills, higher levels of peer rejection, and more comorbid internalizing
symptoms (Lochman, Lampron, Burch, & Curry, 1985).
The Coping Power Program also has been evaluated in several studies. One
randomized efficacy trial tested the intervention with elementary school-aged boys
rated by parents and teachers as high on physical aggression (Lochman & Wells,
2004). Participants were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: child group-
based treatment only, child plus parent group-based treatment, or a no treatment
Conduct Disorder and Delinquency 805
Theoretical bases. The theoretical foundation for PSST is almost identical to that
of the Anger Coping and Coping Power Programs. That is, PSST assumes that
impaired SIP patterns are key drivers for youth behavior problems. The intervention
aims to improve behavioral outcomes by helping youth learn more adaptive ways
of interpreting and responding to social cues. PSST draws heavily from learning-
based procedures to help youth develop new problem-solving skills. These procedures
include prompting, shaping, positive reinforcement, behavioral rehearsal, and response
cost.
Clinical overview. A treatment manual for PSST has not been published, although
a clinical description of the intervention is provided in Kazdin (2010). PSST strives
to enhance problem-solving skills by teaching youth to apply a five-step model to
difficult social situations. In step 1, the youth learns to recognize that problems can
be solved prosocially. In steps 2 and 3, the youth learns how to identify different
806 Specific Disorders
response options and to evaluate their potential consequences. In step 4, the youth
selects a response with the highest perceived benefits and the fewest perceived costs.
In step 5, the youth evaluates whether the chosen response effectively resolved the
problem.
The five problem-solving steps are introduced to the youth in Session 1. During
Sessions 2 and 3, the steps are applied to simple problems in a board game. During
these and all subsequent sessions, the youth also receives homework assignments to
practice the skills in real-life settings. Assignments start small and become increasingly
complex over the course of treatment. In Session 4, the youth and therapist practice
applying the steps in structured role plays. During Session 5, the youth models the
problem-solving steps for his or her caregiver. In addition, caregivers are taught to
provide verbal praise whenever they observe the youth implementing the model.
Sessions 6–11 involve continued application of the steps to real-life situations. Each
session focuses on different types of interpersonal problems and situations (e.g.,
conflict with peers, parents, siblings, and teachers). In Session 12, the skills acquired
during treatment are reviewed, and a role reversal exercise is conducted during which
the youth plays the part of the therapist and explains how to use each of the problem-
solving steps. To enhance motivation, youth receive tokens at the beginning of each
session that can be exchanged for prizes, and they can lose those tokens for failing to
use the problem-solving steps.
Empirical support. PSST has been evaluated in three randomized hybrid efficacy
and effectiveness trials with conduct disordered youth presenting to university-based
clinics (Kazdin, Bass, Siegel, & Thomas, 1989; Kazdin, Esveldt-Dawson, French,
& Unis, 1987; Kazdin, Siegel, & Bass, 1992). Across studies, PSST was more
effective than the comparison conditions at reducing youths’ externalizing behavior
and increasing their prosocial behavior. One of the trials showed that the addition of in
vivo homework assignments augmented PSST treatment effects (Kazdin et al., 1989),
and another demonstrated that the combined PSST plus PMT protocol was superior to
either individual treatment component alone (Kazdin et al., 1992). Several additional
studies have examined predictors of PSST and PMT outcomes. Variables positively
associated with treatment response include higher youth intellectual functioning,
higher levels of parent psychopathology, a more positive therapeutic alliance, and
lower caregiver-reported barriers to treatment participation (see Kazdin, 2010).
Together, these findings indicate that PSST and PMT both have strong empirical
support, but more work is needed to establish their effectiveness in community-based
settings.
problems occur (homes, schools, community locations) and, whenever possible, are
delivered to the youth by key members of the ecology.
A central assumption of MST is that caregivers are the key to achieving and sustain-
ing positive long-term outcomes. Thus, interventions focus intensely on empowering
caregivers to obtain the resources and skills needed to parent and manage their chil-
dren more effectively. As caregiver competencies (e.g., ability to provide consistent
monitoring and supervision) increase, the therapist guides caregiver efforts to address
other factors that might be contributing to a youth’s problem behavior, such as
associations with deviant peers and poor school performance. The ultimate goal is
to create a context that supports adaptive youth behavior (e.g., relationships with
prosocial peers, effective parenting), rather than a context that encourages antisocial
behavior. Importantly, the central emphases of MST on improved parenting and
decreased youth association with deviant peers as central vehicles for change have
been supported in mediation studies (e.g., Henggeler, Letourneau, et al., 2009; Huey
et al., 2000).
Model of service delivery. MST teams consist of two to four full-time master’s-
level therapists, an advanced master’s-level or doctoral-level supervisor who devotes
at least 50% of his or her professional time to the team, and administrative support.
Therapists carry caseloads of four to six families each. Therapists provide 24-hour-
a-day and 7-day-a-week availability, which allows them to work at times the family
finds convenient and to respond to clinical crises. Treatment duration is relatively
brief, ranging from 3 to 5 months. However, the intervention process is intensive
and often involves a total of 60 or more hours of direct contact with the family
and other ecology members. The strong emphasis on the delivery of MST services
in home and community settings enhances the ecological validity of assessments
and interventions, helps overcome barriers to service access, and facilitates family
engagement in treatment.
Clinical overview. Because of its highly individualized nature, MST does not follow
a rigid manualized plan for treatment. Rather, nine treatment principles provide the
underlying structure and framework upon which therapists build their interventions.
In addition to principles that stem from the social ecological model, interventions are
designed to be intensive (i.e., daily or weekly effort by family members), developmen-
tally appropriate, present-focused, and action-oriented. Interventions also encourage
responsible behavior by all parties, and are designed to promote the generalization
and long-term maintenance of therapeutic gains. Importantly, the nine treatment
principles are applied using an analytical decision-making process that structures the
treatment plan, its implementation, and the evaluation of its effectiveness.
Early in the treatment process, the problem behaviors to be targeted (i.e., treat-
ment goals) are specified clearly from the perspectives of key stakeholders (e.g.,
family members, teachers, juvenile justice authorities), and ecological strengths are
identified. Then, based on multiple perspectives, the ecological factors that seem to
be driving each problem are organized into a coherent conceptual framework (e.g.,
the youth’s vandalism is associated with a lack of caregiver monitoring, association
with delinquent peers, and poor school performance). Next, the MST therapist, with
Conduct Disorder and Delinquency 809
support from other team members (i.e., other therapists, supervisor, consultant),
designs specific intervention strategies to target those “drivers.” Strategies incorpo-
rate interventions from empirically supported, pragmatic, problem-focused treatments
such as structural/strategic and behavioral family therapies (e.g., to address family
conflict), behavioral parent training, CBT, and psychopharmacology. Most relevant
to the present chapter, the primary MST text (Henggeler, Schoenwald, et al., 2009)
specifies evidence-based CBT interventions for a range of clinical issues (e.g., youth
and parent depression, substance use, difficulties with self-control and problem solv-
ing). Importantly, these empirically supported interventions are highly integrated and
are delivered in conjunction with interventions that address other pertinent ecolog-
ical drivers of the identified problems (e.g., advocating for more appropriate school
services, connecting caregivers with the parents of the youth’s peers).
Functional Family Therapy. The efficacy and effectiveness of functional family therapy
(FFT) has been supported in six research trials (four randomized and two quasi-
experimental) with various samples of youth, including status offenders, serious
juvenile offenders, and substance-abusing adolescents. FFT is one of the most widely
transported evidence-based family therapies, with 270 programs worldwide treating
12,000 youth and their families annually. A clinical description of FFT is provided by
Alexander et al. (1998).
Theoretical bases. FFT has a strong relational focus, with youth conduct problems
viewed as a symptom of dysfunctional family relations. Interventions, therefore, aim
to establish and maintain new patterns of family behavior to replace dysfunctional
ones. In addition, FFT integrates behavioral (e.g., communication training) and
cognitive behavioral interventions (e.g., assertiveness training, anger management)
into treatment protocols while maintaining a relational focus.
810 Specific Disorders
Model of service delivery. FFT interventions tend to be less intensive than MST,
lasting for an average of 12 sessions spanning a 3- to 4-month duration. Services are
delivered primarily in clinic and home settings, supplemented by sessions in schools,
probation offices, or other community settings as needed. FFT programs typically
consist of teams of three to eight therapists each carrying caseloads of 12 to 15
families.
Empirical support. FFT has been evaluated in one randomized efficacy trial with
male and female status offenders (Alexander & Parsons, 1973), a randomized effi-
cacy trial with substance-abusing adolescents (Waldron, Slesnick, Brody, Turner, &
Peterson, 2001), and in quasi-experimental studies that included youth charged with
serious delinquent offenses (Barton, Alexander, Waldron, Turner, & Warburton,
1985; Gordon, Arbuthnot, Gustafson, & McGreen, 1988). Across studies, FFT has
been shown to significantly reduce rates of delinquency recidivism and substance use
relative to control conditions. Treatment effects have also been maintained as long
as 5 years posttreatment (Gordon, Graves, & Arbuthnot, 1995). A recent large-scale
randomized effectiveness trial with juvenile offenders conducted by an independent
research group found positive outcomes for FFT on criminal recidivism 12 months
posttreatment, but only when therapist adherence to the model was high (Sexton &
Turner, 2010).
Theoretical bases. MTFC is based on the principles of social learning theory, which
include behavioral principles (i.e., learning through overt reward and punishment)
and the impact of the social context (i.e., learning through imitation and observa-
tion). As with MST, many of the specific intervention techniques used in MTFC are
derived from behavior therapy (e.g., development of behavior management plans) and
cognitive behavioral approaches (e.g., problem-solving skills training). These inter-
ventions also are implemented within a social ecological framework that emphasizes
the critical role of foster parent monitoring in engaging the youth in prosocial peer
activities, disengaging him or her from deviant peers, and promoting positive school
functioning.
Clinical overview. The behavior management plan is the centerpiece of the MTFC
intervention. The purposes of this plan are to surround the youth with positive,
encouraging adults who provide a highly structured and supervised context, reduce
or eliminate exposure to other antisocial peers who encourage negative behaviors,
increase exposure to prosocial contacts, support and enhance school performance,
and set clear rules with frequent reinforcement of positive behaviors and consistent
consequences for negative behaviors. Plans are very specific, outlining a core set
of behavioral expectations (e.g., getting up on time, attending school, completing
812 Specific Disorders
chores) that are rewarded with points that can be exchanged for activities and
privileges. In addition, all MTFC team members use specific, verbal praise for positive
behaviors.
Empirical support. MTFC has been evaluated in one randomized, hybrid efficacy
and effectiveness trial with serious and chronic male juvenile offenders (Chamber-
lain & Reid, 1998) and in one quasi-experimental study (Chamberlain, 1990) with
delinquent boys. More recently, this family-based intervention was also evaluated
in a randomized, hybrid efficacy and effectiveness trial with delinquent girls (Leve,
Chamberlain, & Reid, 2005). In all three studies, youth receiving MTFC were less
likely to run away and more likely to complete treatment compared to youth placed in
community residential treatment settings. Youth who received MTFC also engaged in
fewer offenses at posttreatment, as measured by official arrest records and self-report
of delinquent behavior. Moreover, outcomes have been maintained for up to 2 years
following completion of treatment (Chamberlain, Leve, & DeGarmo, 2007; Eddy,
Whaley, & Chamberlain, 2004). Recently, an independent research group has demon-
strated favorable outcomes for MTFC in a randomized effectiveness trial (Westermark,
Hansson, & Olsson, 2011) and a quasi-experimental study (Westermark, Hansson,
& Vinnerljung, 2008) involving Swedish youth with conduct disorder.
Conclusions
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35
Depression, Bipolar Disorder,
and Suicidal Behavior in
Children
Rachel D. Freed, Priscilla T. Chan,
David A. Langer, and Martha C. Tompson
Boston University, United States
Mood disorders represent the third most common psychiatric disorder among ado-
lescents (Merikangas et al., 2010), with 14.3% of youth aged 13–18 diagnosed with
a depressive disorder (major depressive disorder or dysthymic disorder) or bipolar
disorder (bipolar I or II). Mood disorders are relatively rare prior to adolescence
but increase markedly as children reach puberty, particularly among females, with a
nearly twofold increase from early to late adolescence (Costello, Mustillo, Erkanli,
Keeler, & Angold, 2003; Merikangas et al., 2010). For children under 13, estimates
suggest that 2.8% are affected by depressive disorders (Costello, Erkanli, & Angold,
2006). A recent meta-analysis of epidemiologic studies conducted in the United
States and internationally estimates a mean prevalence rate of 1.8% for bipolar I
and II in individuals aged 7–21, with studies that used broader criteria to diagnose
bipolar disorder (e.g., bipolar disorder not otherwise specified) showing rates as
high as 6.7% (Van Meter, Moreira, & Youngstrom, 2011). Retrospective reports of
adults with bipolar disorder suggest that 40% experience initial onset between the
ages of 13 to 18, and 30% experience onset prior to the age of 13 (Perlis et al.,
2004).
Among the negative sequelae of youth mood disorders is the fact that they
increase risk for suicide (Shaffer et al., 1996). In one study, more than 25%
of prepubertal children and 50% of adolescents with major depression endorsed
at least one suicide attempt when followed up over 10–15 years (Weissman,
Wolk, Goldstein, et al., 1999; Weissman, Wolk, Wickramaratne, et al., 1999).
Goldstein et al. (2005) found that almost one-third of children and adolescents
aged 7–17 years with bipolar disorder had attempted suicide at least once. Sui-
cide is a leading cause of death among 10- to 24-year-olds in the United States
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], National Center for Injury
Prevention and Control, 2009), and approximately 14% of high school students
in the United States report having seriously considered suicide (CDC, 2010).
Although suicide attempts in younger children are rare (Dervic, Brent, & Oquendo,
2008; Goldstein et al., 2005), suicidal ideation may occur as often in children
with mood disorders as it does in adolescents (Lewinsohn, Rohde, & Seeley,
1996).
Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) has strong empirical support as an effec-
tive treatment for child and adolescent depressive disorders (David-Ferdon &
Kaslow, 2008) and is developing efficacy as an adjunct to psychopharmacologi-
cal treatment for youth with bipolar disorder (Lofthouse & Fristad, 2004) and
as a treatment for youth suicide attempters (Spirito, Esposito-Smythers, Wolff,
& Uhl, 2011). Although the focus of this chapter is on cognitive behavioral
interventions for mood disorders, research also supports the efficacy of psychophar-
macological treatment of mood disorders in youth, particularly for bipolar disor-
der (Kowatch et al., 2005). Combining medication and CBT may be especially
efficacious in the treatment of mood disorders in adolescents and may offer
additional protection against suicidality (Birmaher et al., 2007; Treatment for
Adolescents with Depression Study [TADS] Team, 2004). However, medication
use is often less acceptable to youth and families, especially for younger chil-
dren (Jaycox et al., 2006; Stevens et al., 2009). This may be particularly the
case given recent evidence suggesting that increased suicidal ideation may be a
side effect of antidepressant medication use in young people. Two meta-analytic
studies examining randomized clinical trials of antidepressant medications in youth
have found small but significant increases in suicide risk in antidepressant-treated
groups (Bridge et al., 2007; Hammad, Laughren, & Racoosin, 2006). These
findings underscore the utility of combined medication–psychotherapy interven-
tions, where suicidality can be carefully monitored and addressed. In addition,
medication and medication adherence can be particularly challenging for individ-
uals, especially youth, with bipolar disorders (Case, 2011; Colom, Vieta, Tac-
chi, Sanchez-Moreno & Scott, 2005), further warranting adjunctive psychosocial
intervention.
In this chapter we have six goals: (a) to describe mood disorders in youth,
(b) to outline existing evidence for the efficacy and effectiveness of CBT for
youth mood disorders and suicidality, (c) to describe specific CBT interventions
among youth with mood disorders and suicidality, (d) to introduce some essential
treatment considerations in youth populations, (e) to outline the specific com-
ponents included in some of the most prominent CBT protocols, and (f) to
discuss future directions. We use the term mood disorders to describe the pres-
ence of symptoms that meet DSM-IV criteria for a depressive disorder (major
depressive disorder, dysthymic disorder, depressive disorder not otherwise speci-
fied) or bipolar disorder (bipolar I disorder, bipolar II disorder, bipolar disorder
not otherwise specified). In addition, we use the term youth to describe individu-
als under the age of 18, children and pre-adolescents to describe individuals under
the age of 13, and adolescents to describe individuals between the ages of 13
and 18.
Depression, Bipolar Disorder, and Suicidal Behavior in Children 823
2009; Craney & Geller, 2003) and are associated with significant morbidity and
persistent psychosocial dysfunction, including poor academic and work performance,
and impaired interpersonal and social functioning (Goldstein et al., 2009; Jaycox
et al., 2009). In addition, more often than not, youth with mood disorders will also
have one or more comorbid conditions (Angold, Costello, & Erkanli, 1999; Pavuluri
et al., 2005; TADS Team, 2004).
As mentioned previously, mood disorders put youth at risk for suicidal ideation
and behavior, particularly as youth enter adolescence. However, there are certain
characteristics that increase the risk for suicidality in youth with mood disorders
(see Spirito & Esposito-Smythers, 2006, for a review). Severity and chronicity of
mood disorder, history of a previous suicide attempt, emotional lability, hopelessness,
withdrawal, psychiatric comorbidity (particularly anxiety, externalizing, or substance
use disorders), poor problem-solving skills, impulsive aggression, anger, and lack
of ability to sustain positive feelings may all increase risk for suicidal ideation and
behavior. These risk factors in the child may be particularly associated with suicidality
in the face of stressful life events (Asarnow et al., 2008). Although the majority of
youth who contemplate or attempt suicide suffer from mood disorders (Asarnow
et al., 2008), other factors also contribute to suicidality. For example, bullying/peer
victimization, aggression, early involvement in substance use, risky sexual behavior,
and health problems may increase risk for suicidal ideation and behaviors (Epstein
& Spirito, 2009). Given that there may be factors other than or in addition to
depression that impact suicidality, interventions are needed specifically to address
suicidal thoughts and behaviors.
Depression
CBT has been investigated more than any other psychosocial approach for treat-
ing youth depression (David-Ferdon & Kaslow, 2008) and is considered the best
supported treatment for youth depression in boys and girls across multiple ethnici-
ties with an average treatment effect size of 0.87 (Chorpita et al., 2011). CBT for
depression is “highly trainable” and effective with various levels of clinician training
(Chorpita et al., 2011). Results from large multisite randomized controlled trials
(RCTs) and smaller singlesite trials document the efficacy and effectiveness of CBT
and combined treatments (i.e., CBT plus medication) for youth depression in both
reducing symptoms and enhancing psychosocial functioning (see David-Ferdon &
Kaslow, 2008). In addition, the benefits of CBT for youth depression have been
shown to generalize to usual care settings (Asarnow et al., 2005; Clarke et al., 2005).
Most of the research has focused on CBT for depression in adolescents, but CBT has
also proved effective for children with elevated depressive symptoms (e.g., Asarnow,
Scott, & Mintz, 2002; Weisz, Thurber, Sweeney, Proffitt, & LeGagnoux, 1997). No
published RCTs have evaluated CBT for children with a depressive disorder, although
there have been some treatment development studies with diagnosed children (e.g.,
Stark et al., 2005; Tompson et al., 2007).
Depression, Bipolar Disorder, and Suicidal Behavior in Children 825
Bipolar Disorder
Psychosocial interventions for treating bipolar disorder in children and adolescents
have been developed and tested only recently, within the past 15 years (Young &
Fristad, 2007). Such interventions generally consist of cognitive behavioral com-
ponents and are designed to be adjunctive to psychopharmacological treatment
(Lofthouse & Fristad, 2004). The RCTs that have been conducted to evaluate psy-
chosocial interventions for youth with bipolar disorder demonstrated that youth and
families who participated in treatment reported more improvement in mood symp-
tom severity and recovered faster from mood episodes than comparison groups and
improvements appeared to increase over time (Fristad, Verducci, Walters, & Young,
2009; Miklowitz et al., 2008). However, for one study, treatment benefits affected
depressive symptoms only and did not extend to manic symptoms (Miklowitz et al.,
2008). A small number of additional psychosocial treatments with cognitive behav-
ioral elements are in development (e.g., Feeny, Danielson, Schwartz, Youngstrom,
& Findling, 2006; Pavuluri et al., 2004; West et al., 2009). Open trials of these
interventions show promise in improving symptoms and psychosocial functioning
and suggest that they are feasible and acceptable to youth and families, though their
effectiveness remains unclear.
Suicidality
Most studies of CBT for depression in youth have been shown to reduce suicidal
ideation and behavior (Spirito et al., 2011). A handful of investigations have tested
CBT interventions developed specifically for use with suicidal adolescents. These
interventions generally help adolescents to strengthen their coping, problem-solving,
and emotion regulation skills to prevent future suicidal behavior. The treatment
outcome literature is limited, partly because of concerns inherent in conducting
clinical trials with such high-risk patients (Spirito & Esposito-Smythers, 2006);
however, the studies that have been conducted show promise for CBT in reducing
depression and suicidality in this population (see Spirito et al., 2011, for a review).
To our knowledge, no treatments exist for pre-adolescents with suicidal ideation or
behavior, perhaps due to the low base rates of suicidality in younger children (Dervic
et al., 2008).
CBT for youth mood disorders is based on the cognitive behavioral model of depres-
sion, which posits that negative thought patterns and interpretations put youth at
risk for and maintain depressed mood, and certain behaviors (e.g., social withdrawal,
inactivity, or maladaptive social behaviors) further exacerbate low mood and vulner-
ability to depression. Deficits in coping, problem-solving, and social skills may make
it even more challenging for youth to handle stressors when they occur. Indeed,
children and adolescents with mood disorders tend to show negative attributional
826 Specific Disorders
styles and cognitive distortions (Garber & Hilsman, 1992) and have poorer social,
problem-solving, and coping skills than nondepressed youth (Becker-Weidman et al.,
2010; Spirito, Hart, Overholser, & Halverson, 1990). CBT interventions are generally
designed to help youth develop more positive, adaptive patterns of thinking, increase
positive behavioral patterns, and boost coping, mood regulation, and problem-solving
skills (Lewinsohn, Clarke, Rohde, Hops, & Seeley, 1996). In addition, given find-
ings that hostility, criticism, and negative communication among family members
may contribute to stress within the family environment and, subsequently, poorer
prognosis in youth with mood disorders (Asarnow, Goldstein, Tompson, & Guthrie,
1993), some interventions aim to improve family communication and functioning
(e.g., Fristad, Gavazzi, & Soldano, 1998; Miklowitz et al., 2004; Tompson et al.,
2007). Interventions for bipolar disorder in youth generally include strategies for
maintaining medication adherence (e.g., Feeny et al., 2006; Fristad et al., 1998;
Miklowitz et al., 2004; West, Henry, & Pavuluri, 2007).
Interventions for suicidal youth also include family members in some or all of the
sessions, and contain modules aimed at strengthening and stabilizing the family system
(e.g., Asarnow, Berk, & Baraff, 2009; Rotheram-Borus, Piacentini, Cantwell, Belin,
& Song, 2000; Stanley et al., 2009). Another common element in CBT interventions
for suicidal youth is the development of a safety plan that includes a specific set of
coping strategies and sources of support that families can use during a suicidal crisis.
Some treatments also aim to increase hopefulness by helping youth create tangible
reminders of positive things in their lives. For example, a “hope box” or “emergency
kit,” with reminders of reasons to live and cues/facilitators of the safety plan, can
serve as a memory aid in times of crisis (Asarnow et al., 2009; Stanley et al., 2009).
Like other CBT treatments, CBT for mood disorders and suicidality in youth is
present-oriented and skills-based. Throughout treatment, the clinician adopts the
role of “coach” or “instructor,” with the youth (and, sometimes, family) actively
involved as “students.” Youth/families are encouraged to practice skills within and
between sessions. Some treatments are designed to be used with small groups of youth
and/or parents, whereas others are intended for use with individual youth, with or
without their parents/families. CBT programs also vary in the number of sessions,
emphasis on cognitive versus behavioral skills, and specific techniques employed.
Given the differences in symptom presentation in youth at different developmental
stages (outlined earlier), treatment strategies are generally tailored to the specific
needs and cognitive capacities of the client. In this section, we describe a selection of
CBT techniques that address youth mood disorders and suicidality, focusing only on
the most common techniques due to space limitations.
Psychoeducation
CBT interventions for mood disorders in youth generally include a psychoeducation
component, usually at the start of treatment, to educate the youth and/or family
about the disorder, including the symptoms, etiology, course, comorbidity, treatment,
impact of the disorder on family and youth functioning, and role of risk and protective
factors. Handouts or videos (e.g., Miklowitz et al., 2004) can be used to present or
accompany this information. The CBT model of treatment should also be explained
Depression, Bipolar Disorder, and Suicidal Behavior in Children 827
early on, along with expectations of treatment, including session number, length, and
structure. Psychoeducation is important for debunking myths about mood disorders,
distinguishing normative child or adolescent behavior from symptoms, normalizing
occasional feelings of sadness, decreasing blame, identifying triggers of mood episodes,
and enhancing motivation.
When explaining mood disorders to younger children, it is important to use
developmentally appropriate language. For example, low mood and irritability can
be described as feeling “sad,” “bummed,” “like crying,” or “cranky.” Instead of
“manic,” youth may prefer “wired” or “hyper” (Miklowitz et al., 2004). In describing
anhedonia, it is usually helpful to use the word “boredom.” Using a child’s own labels
for emotions may also help the child feel understood. Finally, when explaining mood
disorders and the cognitive behavioral model, it is important to adapt descriptions
to the particular child’s experience. Here is one way to introduce to children the
relationship between thoughts, feelings, and behaviors:
When kids have a lot of stress they have all kinds of thoughts and feelings. They sometimes
have trouble sleeping, feel really down and grouchy, believe things just aren’t going to get
better, and feel like they are not good people. It seems like after your grandmother died,
the whole family went through a hard time and you started feeling pretty bad, stopped
doing the fun things you enjoy and things just got worse. Does this sound like what was
happening? (Tompson et al., 2010, p. 12)
Behavioral Activation
Behavioral activation—encouraging the youth to engage in behaviors that result
in positive changes in mood—is often one of the first skills taught in CBT for
youth mood disorders. Commonly referred to as “fun activities scheduling,” its
straightforward practice assignments may have a quicker impact on a youth’s mood
than more complex cognitive techniques. It is suitable for youth of all ages since the
cognitive demands are low (even children who do not understand the concept of
behavioral activation can have their moods lifted by engaging in fun activities), and,
if done correctly, it enables the clinician to build rapport with the youth while doing
fun things during in-session practice. The primary objectives of a behavioral activation
module is to help youth (a) understand the connection that their actions have with
their thoughts and feelings, (b) generate a diverse, realistic set of fun activities, (c)
develop and implement a plan to incorporate fun activities into daily life, and (d)
review the effects of following the plan and refine the plan so that it will continue to
be helpful in the future.
Behavioral activation often begins by reviewing the cognitive behavioral model, with
a focus on activities. Older youth may more readily recognize the connections between
actions and feelings, but may not recognize that the connection between feelings
and actions is bidirectional (i.e., they may recognize that they isolate themselves
when sad, but not recognize that isolating themselves may lead to them feeling more
sad). Younger children may respond to simpler examples, such as direct comparisons
of their mood in a desired activity compared to a disliked activity. To highlight
the relevance of this module, it is often helpful to ask the youth to think about
the day when he or she was happiest the previous week, and the day when he or
she was saddest. Then, the clinician might ask about what the youth was doing on
each of those days. Most likely, a clear link between activities and feelings will be
apparent.
Next, the clinician will work with the youth to generate a list of potentially fun
activities. Some youth may already engage in some fun activities, and the focus can
be on increasing their frequency. Others may have engaged in fun activities in the
past and the focus can be on reinitiating those activities. Clinicians should encourage
the youth to identify a diverse set of fun activities, ranging from easy-to-do (e.g.,
coloring, playing cards) to requiring planning (e.g., going to the park, going out to
dinner), and ranging from individual activities to activities with friends or family. The
goal is that there will always be a fun activity available when needed, whether it is
on a weeknight with limited time or during a vacation when there is more time and
more resources are available. Clinicians may find it handy to have a pre-existing list of
potentially fun activities that they can bring in to session to help with the generation
of ideas, though youth may benefit most when they generate their lists with minimal
clinician guidance.
If there is sufficient time available, in-session practice is a great way to illustrate the
benefits of fun activity scheduling most clearly. First, the clinician will take a mood
rating, then play a game with the youth, then take another mood rating. Typically,
the mood rating will go up after playing a game, providing evidence that this strategy
works. One variant of this activity is to conduct a brief mood induction first, asking
Depression, Bipolar Disorder, and Suicidal Behavior in Children 829
the child to think about something slightly sad. This will lower the starting mood
rating, leaving more room for an increase after doing the fun activity. As with most
skills, out-of-session practice is necessary. Practice typically consists of planning a
specific number of fun activities over the following week. Having the parent join the
session to discuss the practice assignment may help ensure the availability of the time
(and any materials) needed for the activities.
Cognitive Restructuring
In the cognitive model of depression (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979), depres-
sive symptoms are viewed as consequences of negative thought patterns, schemas,
and cognitive errors that serve to maintain negative beliefs despite the presence of
contradictory evidence. Depressed youth may fall prey to the same negative pat-
terns, schemas, and errors as adults, though helping youth identify and correct
these unhelpful thinking styles requires adapting standard cognitive restructuring
techniques to youth who are earlier in their cognitive development and often still
developing metacognition (the awareness that they have thoughts; Kuhn, 2000). As
mentioned above, depressed youth who are also suicidal have shown elevated levels
of cognitive errors (Brent, Kolko, Allan, & Brown, 1990). The goals of cognitive
restructuring in the treatment of youth mood disorders and suicidality are to help
the youth (a) discriminate between “helpful” and “unhelpful” thoughts, and (b)
develop strategies for generating more helpful thoughts in the context of his or her
life.
The first step in cognitive restructuring is identifying and labeling negative thoughts
as such. Children may need additional help in noticing that they have thoughts, and
exercises such as handouts of cartoon characters engaging in an activity with thought
bubbles may be useful (e.g., “What might this boy sitting alone with a frown be think-
ing?”). Often, this work of identifying thoughts may occur earlier in the treatment,
during the psychoeducation phase. Ideally, the clinician will work with the youth to
identify his or her common positive and negative thoughts by asking about specific
or recurrent situations. While many youth may not be ready at first to challenge
negative thoughts they believe are true, the clinician could at least point out that the
thoughts are negative and that they are connected to negative feelings and behaviors
(e.g., if a youth asked a friend to spend time with her after school and the friend
said she was a busy, a thought like “she doesn’t like me” would lead to a lower
mood and may discourage her from asking her friend in the future). The clinician
can teach the common thought distortions (e.g., “all or nothing” thinking, catas-
trophizing) and practice labeling negative thoughts with what type of distortion the
youth is exhibiting. Youth-oriented CBT programs use youth-friendly terms for types
of cognitive distortions, such as “blaming myself” and “unhappy guessing.” There
are also many games that may help keep youth engaged in the session. For example,
the clinician could bring a list of negative thoughts and the youth could cross them
out with a different color marker for each distortion, or the negative thoughts could
be written on index cards and the youth could sort them into piles by distortion
type.
830 Specific Disorders
Once the youth is able to identify thought distortions, even if only at a basic level,
the remainder of the work will focus on restructuring the negative thoughts into more
realistic or positive thoughts. An example dialogue of this process is presented in
Box 35.1. Clinicians are not responsible for generating a positive counter-thought for
every negative thought or distortion; in fact, it is preferable that clinicians present a
negative thought (fictional at first) for the youth to label and counter. In this way the
youth assumes the role of the “person with the positive counter-thoughts,” which not
only builds the youth’s cognitive restructuring skills, but also his or her self-efficacy
to counter negative thoughts. As always, practice is an important component of
mastering the skills. Practice worksheets may include a table in which there is a row
for each day and the columns are: youth-identified negative thoughts, mood ratings
associated with the negative thoughts, labels of the thought distortions, positive
counter-thoughts, and mood ratings associated with the positive thoughts.
In families with mood disorders, emotions may be strong and affect may be volatile.
Thus, the clinician must take an active role in structuring role plays, modeling
behavior, and setting limits. Making “rules” at the outset can be helpful, including:
no name calling, no blaming, keep it short and specific, and only speak for yourself. In
highly affectively-charged families, these structured interventions can allow members
to begin to create an emotionally safer environment.
Social skills training can range from micro-level skills (e.g., appropriate smiling, eye
contact, posture), to general conversation skills (e.g., introductions, asking questions,
listening, showing interest), to more complex skills for making friends (e.g., expressing
empathy, sharing, inviting others, and giving compliments) and being assertive. Skills
are taught and reinforced using modeling, role playing, and in vivo social practice.
Some interventions also include built-in social/recreational activities to allow for
practice in a naturalistic environment (Clarke, Lewinsohn, & Hops, 1990; Fristad
et al., 1998) or assign social tasks for homework (e.g., social initiating, group
activity; Danielson, Feeny, Findling, & Youngstrom, 2004). Social skills can also be
incorporated into other modules. For example, youth can practice problem solving
or cognitive restructuring in the context of social situations, and behavioral activation
can include planning social activities with peers.
Relaxation Training
Relaxation training may be particularly helpful for youth who experience heightened
physiological arousal, such as muscle tension, difficulty falling asleep, or concentration
difficulties, especially when using coping skills is too challenging. The primary
objective of this module is to help youth (a) understand the relationship between
their somatic feelings and depressive feelings, (b) learn that their somatic feelings of
depression may be related to muscle tension, and (c) practice an additional coping
strategy to deal with stress. The first step is helping youth become more aware of how
their bodies feel when tensed versus relaxed by guiding youth through progressive
muscle relaxation (PMR), which is the tensing and releasing of specific muscle groups.
For younger children, it can be helpful to describe the tensing and releasing of muscles
more concretely, such as describing tension in the lower arms as “squeezing lemons”
or tensing and releasing the shoulder muscles as “shrugging your shoulders up
and down.” Another aspect of relaxation training is teaching youth diaphragmatic
breathing in which they take a few minutes to breathe deeply in and out through their
belly, rather than their chests, in a calm manner. Assigning out-of-session homework
can be helpful to facilitate practice of these relaxation skills during times of low stress,
so that youth are able more easily to access and engage in these strategies during
times of high stress.
Safety Planning
Recent research has shown that using cognitive behavioral principles to address youth
suicidality is feasible (Stanley et al., 2009) and may protect against future suicidality
relative to medication alone (TADS Team, 2004). While there are entire CBT-based
protocols devoted to treating youth suicidality (e.g., Brent et al., 2009; Stanley et al.,
834 Specific Disorders
2009; Tompson, Boger, & Asarnow, 2012), two techniques, among others, are
common to many of the protocols—chain analysis and safety planning.
Chain analysis (or “cognitive behavioral fit analysis”) is closely related to basic
CBT psychoeducation in which youth work to understand the relationships among
thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. When the focus is on a suicidal event, the clinician
works with the youth to identify the antecedents of the suicidal thoughts or behaviors
(i.e., stressful events, other thoughts, feelings or behaviors). A step-by-step, detailed
analysis of these antecedents will assist in safety planning, will help the youth
view suicidal thoughts and behaviors in a CBT framework, and will send the implicit
message that suicidal thoughts and behaviors do not occur without warning. Clinicians
may choose to include the parent(s) in this process if they can help in providing
additional detail and use the information to help the youth stay safe.
The main point of safety planning is to develop a list of clear, personalized coping
strategies that a youth could use when he or she is feeling at risk for uncontrolled,
dangerous, or suicidal behavior. The list should include strategies that are behavioral
(e.g., listening to comforting music, relaxation, distraction, seeking support from
parents or other responsible adults) and cognitive (e.g., “coping” thoughts, which
can come from the cognitive restructuring module, or temporary coping thoughts
could be developed if safety planning occurs at the beginning of treatment). If those
behavioral and cognitive strategies are not sufficient, the list should include contact
information of available emergency psychiatric services (e.g., 911). The clinician and
youth should write the list clearly and each sign the list as if it were a contract. If
possible, parents will be invited in toward the end of the session to review the list,
offer any suggestions, and also agree to support the youth in the ways detailed in the
list. Some protocols include the parents for the majority of safety planning, which
may be preferable depending on the youth’s and family’s needs. The list may be
updated throughout treatment, and may also include restriction of dangerous items
(e.g., firearms) from the home (Spirito, Esposito-Smythers, Weismoore, & Miller,
2012; Stanley et al., 2009).
Medication Management
Medication is an essential component of a comprehensive treatment approach for
bipolar disorders (McClellan, Kowatch, & Findling, 2007), and, as noted earlier,
combining medication and CBT has been shown to be particularly efficacious in the
treatment of depression in adolescents (Birmaher et al., 2007; TADS Team, 2004).
However, studies focusing on youth suggest medication adherence is often dismal
(Case, 2011). The intent of this module is to describe strategies used within a CBT
model to address medication adherence.
The first step in addressing medication nonadherence is to understand what is
driving it. Numerous factors underlie medication nonadherence, including, but not
limited to, simple forgetting, a poor understanding of the disorder, side effects, lack
of financial resources, concerns regarding blood tests, stigma, and negative feelings
about having one’s mood controlled (Colom et al., 2005). These concerns are likely
to evolve across development with more concrete concerns in school-aged children
(swallowing pills, getting blood tests, teasing by peers) and more concerns about
Depression, Bipolar Disorder, and Suicidal Behavior in Children 835
social stigma, autonomy, and the meaning of medications for the self in adolescents.
The clinician should choose an intervention strategy to directly address the cause
of nonadherence. The second step is to determine who is involved in medication
adherence. Medications have the potential to be a “battleground” for adolescents to
act out their struggles for autonomy, contributing to problems with nonadherence.
Thus, even for older adolescents, involving parents or other family members in
some treatment sessions may be essential for maximizing adherence. Additionally,
in cases where the CBT clinician is not the prescribing physician, it is essential that
there be ongoing communication between treatment providers and, in service of the
therapeutic alliance, that the youth be apprised of these communications.
Third, the clinician selects specific CBT strategies to enhance medication adherence.
Where nonadherence results from a poor understanding of the disorder or rationale for
medication treatment, psychoeducation about the disorder, its symptoms, causes, and
treatment is essential. More concrete problems (side effects, concerns about blood
tests, forgetting, inability to obtain) are often addressed through problem-solving
interventions. Cognitive restructuring can be particularly useful in addressing under-
lying thoughts and assumptions that fuel nonadherence, including such thoughts as
“If I stop taking medication I can prove I’m my own boss,” “Taking medication means
I’m under the control of my parents,” and “If I take medication, my emotions aren’t
‘real’.” Parents often need to be engaged in problem-solving discussions regarding
medication to balance the adolescent’s desire to make his or her own decisions with
the parents’ need to ensure that the youth is receiving appropriate care.
Developmental Phase
Several important developmental factors have strong implications for treatment deliv-
ery. First, each developmental phase is associated with new cognitive skills. The more
limited cognitive abilities of children, as opposed to adolescents, have implications
for both risk models and treatment. Children may not have developed the requi-
site cognitive abilities for the formation of cognitive vulnerabilities for depression,
such as internal, global, and stable explanatory styles for negative events (Turner &
Cole, 1994), and, as noted previously, their limited metacognitive abilities may make
techniques such as cognitive restructuring challenging. Younger children may prefer
behavioral to cognitive components of CBT (Asarnow et al., 2002). Second, develop-
mental tasks and challenges change as youth mature. During adolescence, the focus
shifts from the family to the peer group, and youth begin to attend increasingly to
peer feedback, leading to increased peer-related stress (Rudolph & Hammen, 1999;
Wagner & Compas, 1990). This changed focus, combined with adolescents’ increas-
ing cognitive perspective-taking abilities, enables them to engage more frequently in
social comparison in evaluating their self-worth (Stark et al., 2006). These factors
contribute to the enhanced risk for mood disorders in adolescence as compared to
childhood. Pre-adolescents are often more strongly embedded in their family context
836 Specific Disorders
and are more dependent on parents for guidance, feedback, and support in negoti-
ating the outside world. Effective CBT treatment means tailoring interventions for
developmental level, with attention to cognitive capacity, development challenges,
and family involvement.
Comorbidity
As mentioned earlier, youth mood disorders are often comorbid with other psychi-
atric conditions, including anxiety disorders and attention deficit disorder, and, in
adolescence, substance abuse (Angold et al., 1999; Goldstein et al., 2008; Pavuluri
et al., 2005; TADS Team, 2004). Recent studies underscore the enhanced risk for
depression among individuals with autism spectrum disorders (Matson & Nebel-
Schwalm, 2007). Among youth with bipolar disorders, comorbidity with disruptive
behavior disorders during euthymic periods may be normative (Findling et al., 2001),
and comorbid conduct disorder and substance use has been associated with more
restrictive care settings (Rizzo et al., 2007). When comorbidity complicates treatment,
clinicians need carefully to consider working with a team of providers, using a modular
format, and sequencing treatment according to levels of impairment and likelihood
of success. Attention to specific comorbid symptoms—for example, the rigidity and
limited perspective-taking abilities of youth with autism spectrum disorders—may be
important in implementing specific cognitive interventions.
Parental Psychopathology
Children of parents with mood disorders are at significantly enhanced risk for
the development of these disorders themselves (Beardslee & Martin, 2010). Mood
disorders in parents may impact their ability to provide effective care for their children,
limit their ability to collaborate in their child’s treatment, and increase family stress.
In implementing CBT with youth with mood disorders, clinicians may need to refer
parents to their own treatment, include parents in sessions, and work with youth
on coping with parental psychopathology. During conjoint sessions, clinicians can
work with youth and parents on reducing family tension through implementing
communication enhancement and problem-solving exercises. In addition, helping
parents to find ways to talk to their offspring about their own mood disorders can
help reduce stigma and self-blame, enhance children’s feeling of security, and improve
the parent–child relationship.
Stress Context
Stress is one of the predominant pathways to the development of and manifestation
of youth mood disorders (Stark et al., 2005; Stark et al., 2006). Depressed youth
and their families report more negative life events and chronic stress (Compas, 1987;
Garber & Robinson, 1997; Hammen, 2002). Among youth with bipolar disorder,
affective dysregulation may diminish interpersonal function and increase interpersonal
stress, and life stress appears to negatively impact the course of the disorder (Keenan-
Miller & Miklowitz, 2011). Knowledge of the stress context is therefore crucial
Depression, Bipolar Disorder, and Suicidal Behavior in Children 837
Ethnic Background
Different ethnic/cultural groups demonstrate differences in their level of mental
health service utilization. For example, although African American youth may
show higher depressive symptoms, they may be less likely than European American
youth to receive outpatient treatment for any disorder and be more likely to drop
out of treatment early (Cuffe, Waller, Cuccaro, & Pumariega, 1995). Findings
from current clinical trials may not generalize to ethnic/racial minorities (Bernal,
Bonilla, & Bellido, 1995; Bernal & Scharron-Del-Rio, 2001). Beliefs and values
about psychopathology and treatment are influenced by cultural background (Weisz,
Doss, & Hawley, 2005), and a sensitive understanding of these beliefs/values is
essential to accurate assessment and effective treatment planning.
Programs in Action
Table 35.1 provides information about a selection of existing CBT programs for
depression, bipolar disorder, and suicidality in children and adolescents and indicates
which CBT components described above are included in each. For information about
efficacy and effectiveness of particular programs, readers are advised to read the numer-
ous review articles on the topic (e.g., Asarnow, Jaycox, & Tompson, 2001; David-
Ferdon & Kaslow, 2008; Spirito et al., 2011; Young & Fristad, 2007). It is important
to note that some of the programs on our list guided the development of other
treatment protocols on our list. For example, the CBT treatment administered in the
TADS study was based on other treatment manuals, including the Adolescent Coping
with Depression Course (Lewinsohn, Clarke, Hops, & Andrews, 1990) and Treating
Depressed and Suicidal Adolescents: A Clinician’s Guide (Brent, Poling, & Goldstein,
2011). As Table 35.1 shows, there is substantial overlap in CBT components across
treatments. We also note that some treatments are applied flexibly and contain some of
the CBT elements in required modules and others in optional modules (e.g., TADS).
Mood disorders in youth represent a clear public health burden, with long-term and
far-reaching consequences for youth and families. Fortunately, CBT has established
efficacy for reducing symptoms and improving quality of life in youth and families.
A number of CBT interventions have been developed for treating youth with mood
disorders and suicidality. Although these programs vary considerably in terms of
Table 35.1 Information about and Components of a Sample of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy Protocols for Youth Mood Disorders
Treatment components
Therapy Disorders targeted Age range Number of Format
sessions
Psychoeducation
Problem solving
Cognitive restructuring
Communication enhancement
Medication management
Activities scheduling
Social skills
Relaxation
Safety planning
Treatment components
Therapy Disorders targeted Age range Number of Format
sessions
Psychoeducation
Problem solving
Cognitive restructuring
Communication enhancement
Medication management
Activities scheduling
Social skills
Relaxation
Safety planning
Adjunctive CBT for Pediatric BP 10–17 years 12; plus 6–10 session Individual with X X X X X X
Bipolar Disorder (Danielson, maintenance phase flexible parental
Feeny, Findling, & involvement
Youngstrom, 2004)
Successful Negotiation Acting Suicide attempt 12–18 years 1 specialized ER care Family X X X
Positively (SNAP) session; plus 6
(Rotheram-Borus et al., 1994) outpatient sessions
Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy for Suicide attempt 13–19 years 12–16; plus 6-session Mostly individual X X X X X X
Suicide Prevention (CBT-SP) continuation phase with some family
(Stanley et al., 2009) sessions
Skills-based treatment for Suicide attempt 12–17 years 7; plus 3-session Individual with 1 X X X X X X
adolescent suicide attempters maintenance phase family session
(Donaldson, Spirito, &
Esposito-Smythers, 2005)
Notes. *Some treatments are applied flexibly and contain some of these elements in optional modules; MDD = major depressive disorder, DD = dysthymic disorder,
DDNOS = depressive disorder, not otherwise specified, ER = emergency room, BP = bipolar disorder, BP-NOS = bipolar disorder not otherwise specified.
Depression, Bipolar Disorder, and Suicidal Behavior in Children 841
session length, modality (e.g., group vs. individual), extent of parent involvement, and
specific components included, they are each generally designed to help youth develop
more positive or adaptive patterns of thinking, increase positive behavioral patterns,
and boost coping, mood regulation, and problem-solving skills. Some interventions
also focus on improving family communication and functioning and include strategies
for medication management and planning for emergency situations. Regardless of
format, the quality of the therapeutic alliance is an important predictor of treatment
outcome with youth (Shirk, Karver, & Brown, 2011) and building rapport and trust
with youth and family is a critical first step. In addition, clinicians must adapt cognitive
behavioral approaches to the individual needs of youth and families.
Given the overlap in treatment components across interventions, little is known
about which components are most effective in treating youth mood disorders. Future
research is needed to identify the relative contributions of specific CBT components
to symptom reduction and long-term improvement in functioning. Further, studies
with diverse patient populations are needed to evaluate generalizability of available
interventions. New and innovative methods have emerged in recent years to increase
the transportability of delivering CBT to youth, including computerized CBT, school-
based CBT, camp-based CBT, and CBT delivered in primary care settings (Elkins
et al., 2011). These various modalities have shown promise in the dissemination
and implementation of CBT programs for children and adolescents with mood
disorders (Elkins et al., 2011). Such new developments and continued testing will
help us continue to refine cognitive behavioral treatments and demonstrate even
better outcomes for youth and families.
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848 Specific Disorders
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36
Anxiety Disorders in Children
and Adolescents
Candice Chow and Donna B. Pincus
Boston University, United States
Introduction
et al., 2007; Costello, Mustillo, Erkanli, Keeler, & Angold, 2003; Pine, Cohen,
Gurley, Brook, & Ma, 1998; Pollack et al., 1996).
In addition to the negative effects that anxiety disorders inflict on youth and their
families, these conditions bring with them serious societal implications. A cost-of-
illness study conducted in the Netherlands revealed that the societal costs (e.g., health
care costs, child absences from school, productivity loss due to parents’ work absences)
incurred by families with children with an anxiety disorder were approximately 21
times the cost incurred by families in the general population (Bodden, Dirksen,
& Bogels, 2008). In the United States, the annual cost of anxiety disorders for
individuals aged 15 and older is estimated to be over $40 billion, accounting
for one-third of the national psychiatric treatment costs overall (Greenberg et al.,
1999).
The far-reaching consequences of childhood anxiety disorders point to the need
for an understanding of the factors that lead to their development, and for effective
and accessible interventions that can quickly return children and adolescents to their
developmentally appropriate tasks and activities. Fortunately, we are at an exciting
point in our understanding of child and adolescent anxiety disorders. Etiological
investigations of anxiety disorders in youth have now led us to a much more
comprehensive working knowledge of the many factors that, in combination with
one another, can lead to the development and maintenance of anxiety disorders
(Barlow, 2002). Additionally, years of devising, honing, and testing psychosocial
interventions for anxious youth have yielded efficacious treatments for this population.
Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) has emerged as the front-runner in psychosocial
treatments for anxious youth. Although CBT for anxiety in children and adolescents
began as a downward extension of CBT for anxious adults, innovative treatment
adaptations have resulted in developmentally appropriate CBT interventions for
anxious youth.
Despite the proven efficacy of CBT for anxious children and adolescents, there
is a wide gap that exists between families who are in need of services, and acces-
sibility to trained practitioners who can effectively deliver empirically supported
treatments (Buckner & Bassuk, 1997; Kendall & Southam-Gerow, 1995; Merikangas
et al., 2011). The field as a whole is moving toward closing this service gap and
ensuring that CBT for anxiety disorders in youth is a transportable and accessible
treatment for individuals and families who need it the most. As such, much of the
current research in the area of child anxiety disorders is focused on novel ways to
deliver treatment to families that may not have immediate access to trained CBT
practitioners.
This chapter provides an overview of CBT for anxious youth and a discussion of
the current state of intervention research in this area. Specifically, the goals of this
chapter are (a) to review the clinical characteristics of anxiety disorders in children
and adolescents, (b) to discuss the current understanding of the etiology of anxiety
disorders in youth, (c) to examine research on the efficacy and effectiveness of CBT
for anxious youth, (d) to outline the main components of CBT for childhood anxiety
disorders, and (e) to introduce recent innovative adaptations of CBT for anxious
youth.
Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents 851
daily tasks. Youth with GAD often espouse dysfunctional cognitions and overestimate
the likelihood that a negative or catastrophic outcome will occur in a given situation
(Bogels & Zigterman, 2000). A diagnosis of GAD is considered when the worry
occurs on most days, is at least 6 months in duration, and is difficult to control (APA,
2000). In addition to experiencing persistent and distressing worries, youth with GAD
often report the presence of somatic symptoms, including muscle tension, abdominal
distress, and headaches (Masi, Favilla, Millepiedi, & Mucci, 2000). Other related
difficulties include irritability, problems with concentration, restlessness, fatigue, and
interruptions in sleep.
The prevalence of GAD in pre-adolescents is estimated to be between 2.9%
(Anderson, Williams, McGee, & Silva, 1987) and 3.6% (Bowen et al., 1990), with an
average age of onset typically around 8 years (Last, Perrin, Hersen, & Kazdin, 1992).
There is substantial comorbidity associated with GAD, with other anxiety disorders
and major depressive disorder being the most commonly co-occurring disorders in
youth with this disorder (Masi, Mucci, Favilla, Romano, & Poli, 1999).
Social Phobia
Social phobia (SP) is marked by excessive apprehension and anxiety in social situations
due to a fear of negative evaluation, rejection, or humiliation (APA, 2000). Children
and adolescents with SP are extremely fearful of social or performance situations,
typically because they worry that they will act in ways that will cause them to be
embarrassed. Due to this fear, youth with SP often avoid social or performance
situations such as musical and athletic performances, oral presentations, answering
questions in class, seeking help from teachers, spending time with friends, and
attending parties or school activity nights. Young children may withdraw, cry, freeze,
or exhibit temper tantrums when asked to enter social situations. Insight into the
excessive and unreasonable nature of these fears may be absent, particularly in young
children. The disturbance also needs to be present for at least 6 months before a
diagnosis of SP can be assigned.
Data from both community and clinical samples estimate that the onset of SP
occurs most frequently during middle adolescence, around the age of 16 (Last
et al., 1992). Prevalence rates of SP among youth are estimated to be a little
over 1% (Anderson et al., 1987; Essau, Conradt, & Petermann, 1999a). Over half
of youth with SP also meet diagnostic criteria for comorbid psychiatric disorders,
including depressive disorders, somatoform disorders, and substance use disorders;
however, few seek treatment for their difficulties (Essau et al., 1999a). Children and
adolescents with SP have been found to have high levels of general emotional over-
responsiveness, social inhibition, dysphoria, and loneliness, and often have poorer
social skills than their non-socially-phobic counterparts (Beidel, Turner, & Morris,
1999). In adolescent school samples, girls tend to report more symptoms of social
anxiety than boys; girls with high levels of social anxiety also report fewer friendships,
and less intimacy, companionship, and support in their close friendships (La Greca &
Lopez, 1998).
Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents 853
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder
Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) is characterized by the presence of obsessions
and compulsions. Obsessions are thoughts, images, or impulses that are persistent,
experienced as intrusive, and cause anxiety or distress (APA, 2000). Compulsions
are defined as behaviors or mental acts that are performed, typically in a repetitive
manner, to prevent or reduce anxiety experienced because of an obsession (APA,
2000). Compulsions can also be performed in an effort to prevent an untoward
outcome or event in a given situation.
Epidemiological research suggests that OCD affects approximately 2–3% of children
and adolescents (Zohar, 1999), with an average age of onset at 7 years (Flessner,
Berman, Garcia, Freeman, & Leonard, 2009). Frequently reported obsessions in
children and adolescents include intrusive thoughts around contamination, hurting
oneself or others, symmetry and exactness, superstitious and magical beliefs, and
thoughts that are religious in nature (Hanna, 1995). Common compulsions in youth
854 Specific Disorders
Specific Phobia
While it is developmentally appropriate for young children to endorse a variety
of fears (see Gullone, 1999), approximately 5% of children and adolescents expe-
rience persistent fear and distress in the presence of various stimuli (Costello &
Angold, 1995). A diagnosis of specific phobia is characterized by excessive fear
in the presence of a particular object or situation (APA, 2000). Often, the anx-
ious response that is invariably invoked by the presence of the feared stimulus can
take the form of a situationally bound panic attack. The DSM-5 highlights five
different subtypes of specific phobia. These are animal (e.g., dogs, insects), nat-
ural environment (e.g., storms, water), blood-injection-injury (e.g., seeing blood,
getting shots), situational (e.g., elevators, enclosed places, flying in an airplane),
and other (e.g., vomiting, choking, contracting an illness, loud noises, costumed
characters). Children and adolescents with a specific phobia will exhibit extreme
distress in the presence of the feared stimulus, may display tearfulness or have
a temper tantrum, and will typically attempt to avoid the feared object or sit-
uation whenever possible. Specific phobias are commonly comorbid with other
anxiety disorders such as GAD, SP, SAD, and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disor-
der (ADHD) (Ollendick, Raishevich, Davis, Sirbu, & Ost, 2010). Because many
fears are present in normally developing children, a diagnosis of specific phobia is
only warranted if the distress and impairment associated with the fear is interfering
with daily functioning and is over and above what other children of the same age
experience.
unknown, though the rates appear to vary widely depending on the type of trauma
to which youth are exposed. For instance, traumatic events such as rape yield higher
rates of PTSD than do accidents and learning about traumatic events (see Yehuda,
2002).
Selective Mutism
Selective mutism (SM), an anxiety disorder with an average age of onset ranging
between 2.7 and 4.1 years (Cunningham, McHolm, Boyle, & Patel, 2004; Kristensen,
2000), is characterized by a failure to speak in certain settings where speech is expected,
despite normal speech in other settings (APA, 2000). Children and adolescents with
SM typically speak fluently in their home settings and with immediate family members,
but will not exhibit verbal speech in other settings (e.g., school). Youth with SM
will often have peers speak for them, or use nonverbal gestures to communicate their
needs. The disturbance interferes with developmentally appropriate tasks, such as
educational or occupational achievement. SM affects less than 1% of the population
and is more commonly observed in females than in males (Steinhausen & Juzi, 1996).
Seventy-four percent of youth diagnosed with SM are also assigned a comorbid
anxiety disorder, most commonly SP and SAD (Kristensen, 2000). Black and Uhde
(1992) posit that SM may be a more severe form of social phobia.
Genetic Factors
Evidence for the familial transmission of anxiety is robust. Offspring of adults with
anxiety disorders are far more likely than offspring of nonanxious individuals to
meet diagnostic criteria for an anxiety disorder (Turner, Beidel, & Costello, 1987;
Weissman, Leckman, Merikangas, Gammon, & Prusoff, 1984). Twin studies have
been utilized to tease apart the relative contributions of genetics and environmental
factors in the development of anxiety disorders. Findings from these studies have
shown a higher concordance of anxiety disorders in monozygotic than dizygotic
twins, suggesting that genetics are a stronger influence than shared environments on
the development of anxiety disorders (e.g., Thapar & McGuffin, 1995). PD, GAD,
specific phobias, and OCD all have significant familial aggregation that can likely be
explained by genetic influences (Hettema, Neale, & Kendler, 2001).
Amid mixed findings, there does appear to be some specificity in the heritability of
anxiety disorders; if an individual has a specific anxiety disorder diagnosis, there is a
856 Specific Disorders
higher likelihood that a first-degree relative will meet criteria for the same diagnosis
(Fyer, Mannuzza, Chapman, Martin, & Klein, 1995). Other findings suggest that
psychological characteristics, rather than specific disorders, are transmitted from one
generation to the next. For instance, anxiety sensitivity (Stein, Jang, & Livesley, 1999)
and introversion and neuroticism (Bienvenu, Hettema, Neale, Prescott, & Kendler,
2007) have been shown to predispose individuals to the development of a variety of
anxiety disorders. The overall heritability of anxiety disorders is estimated to be in
the range of 30–40% (Hettema et al., 2001). These estimates are significantly lower
than those observed in the familial transmission of schizophrenia or bipolar disorder,
suggesting that much of the variance can be explained by factors other than genetics.
Child Factors
Children and adolescents with anxiety disorders display some characteristic patterns in
temperament, attentional and interpretational biases, cognitive processes, and behav-
ior. Many of these factors can maintain symptoms of anxiety. Certain temperaments
have been shown to be more closely associated with the development of anxiety disor-
ders in youth. For instance, behavioral inhibition, a temperamental style characterized
by heightened responses to new stimuli and withdrawal from situations that are novel
or unfamiliar, has been shown to be predictive of the development of anxiety disorders
in children and adolescents (Fox & Pine, 2012; Kagan, Reznick, Clarke, Snidman, &
Garcia-Coll, 1984).
Much like anxious adults, youth with anxiety disorders tend to display characteristic
attentional and interpretational biases with regard to threatening information (Kindt,
Bierman, & Brosschot, 1997; Kindt, Brosschot, & Everaerd, 1997). These biases
lead to the overestimation of threat posed in ambiguous situations. In comparison
to their nonanxious counterparts, youth with anxiety disorders engage in increased
dysfunctional thinking around the danger involved in various situations (Bogels
& Zigterman, 2000). As a result of maladaptive cognitions, anxious children and
adolescents are less likely to approach situations in which a negative outcome is feared
to occur. Behavioral avoidance has been implicated in the maintenance of anxiety
symptomatology, as it decreases opportunities for anxious youth to challenge their
maladaptive cognitions.
Parental Factors
Parenting behaviors also play a role in the development and maintenance of anxiety
disorders in youth, though a recent meta-analysis concluded that only 4% of the
variance in childhood anxiety disorders is related to parenting behaviors (McLeod,
Wood, & Weisz, 2007). Parents can sometimes inadvertently convey anxious messages
to their children, through modeling of anxious behaviors, limiting opportunities for
approaching feared situations, exerting excessive control over children, or providing
verbal information about the threat involved in a given situation. For example, an
observational study of family processes, conducted by Barrett, Rapee, Dadds, and Ryan
(1996), revealed that anxious children are more likely to choose avoidant responses
to ambiguous situations after briefly speaking to their parent about how to cope
Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents 857
with those scenarios. Parents sometimes encouraged avoidance rather than approach
of presented situations. Parental intrusiveness has been shown to exacerbate anxiety
symptoms in children by decreasing autonomy and conveying negative messages about
their ability to cope in distressing situations. Mothers of anxious children tend to
exhibit increased levels of intrusiveness in the presence of child negative affect or dis-
tress, in comparison to mothers of nonanxious children (Hudson, Comer, & Kendall,
2008). In parent–child interactions, observed parental control has also been repeat-
edly linked to shyness and anxiety disorders in youth (McLeod et al., 2007; Wood,
McLeod, Sigman, Hwang, & Chu, 2003). Conclusions regarding the direction of the
effects linking parenting and child anxiety symptoms cannot be definitively made.
Environmental Factors
Early experiences can play a large role in the development of anxiety disorders.
Negative and stressful life events have been shown to increase the likelihood of
developing anxiety symptomatology in youth (Benjamin, Costello, & Warren, 1990).
Weems, Silverman, Rapee, and Pina (2003) found that perceived control over
anxiety-related situations was significantly negatively correlated with self-reported
anxiety symptomatology; children who reported low perceived control in anxiety-
provoking situations also reported higher levels of anxiety, supporting the notion that
anxious children may be more likely than nonanxious children to perceive events as
uncontrollable. Chorpita and Barlow (1998) and Barlow (2002) have posited that
repeated early experiences of diminished control may lead to processing of subsequent
events as out of one’s control and predispose youth to the development of anxiety
disorders.
CBT is currently the most efficacious psychosocial treatment for anxiety disorders in
children and adolescents. The first randomized clinical trial examining the effectiveness
of CBT for childhood anxiety disorders was Kendall’s (1994) study of children aged
8–13 years, with a diagnosis of SAD, GAD, and SP. Children in the CBT condition,
who received Kendall and Hedtke’s (2006a, 2006b) manual-based “Coping Cat”
treatment over 16 sessions, exhibited significant improvements on self- and parent-
reported measures of distress and coping abilities. At posttreatment, 66% of the 47
participants no longer met criteria for their primary anxiety diagnosis.
A number of randomized controlled trials have reported on the efficacy of CBT for
anxious youth and have made comparisons between CBT and medication treatments
for this population. In the Child/Adolescent Anxiety Multimodal Study (CAMS),
a large-scale treatment study of anxiety disordered youth conducted by Walkup
et al. (2008), children between the ages of 7 and 17 were assigned to either 14
sessions of CBT, medication (sertraline), a combination of sertraline and CBT, or
a pill placebo. Both CBT and sertraline reduced the severity of anxiety symptoms
in youth. While CBT alone produced a 59.7% response rate, and sertraline alone
858 Specific Disorders
produced a 54.9% response rate, the combination of CBT and sertraline yielded the
highest response rate, with 80.7% of participants in this condition being rated as much
improved or very much improved on the Clinical Global Impression-Improvement
Scale. Despite the efficacy of both CBT and pharmacotherapy for the treatment
of anxiety disorders in youth, parents of anxious youth perceive CBT as a more
acceptable and effective treatment, regardless of their child’s treatment history (Brown,
Deacon, Abramowitz, Dammann, & Whiteside, 2007). While adults may readily seek
medication for their own psychiatric symptoms, parents are typically less eager to select
psychopharmacological interventions as a first response for their anxious children.
Various modalities of CBT have been tested in children and adolescents with anxiety
disorders. The relative merits of individual, group, and family-based CBT have been
well studied. It appears that in some cases, such as with children and adolescents
reporting high social anxiety and exhibiting a vulnerability to depression, youth may
respond preferentially to individual treatment (Manassis et al., 2002). However, the
majority of studies have found no significant differences in treatment outcome between
individual and group-based CBT for anxious youth (see In-Albon & Schneider, 2007;
Silverman, Pina, & Viswesvaran, 2008, for a review). Due to the negligible difference
between treatment outcomes in individual and group CBT, the choice to utilize one
or the other could depend on more practical considerations such as parent and child
preferences, therapeutic resources, and referral rates (Liber et al., 2008).
As discussed in the previous section, parenting behaviors may partially contribute
to the development and maintenance of anxiety disorders in children and adolescents.
It makes sense, then, that interventions for anxious youth might also include a
parent-focused component. A number of studies have compared treatment outcomes
in individual CBT without parental involvement, and individual CBT with parental
involvement. Again, we see that there may be certain subgroups for which a parenting
component may be most helpful. In a study comparing the relative efficacy of
individual CBT, CBT and family management, and a wait-list control condition,
both treatment conditions led to comparable decreases in anxiety symptomatology;
however, younger children responded better in the CBT and family management
condition (Barrett, Dadds, & Rapee, 1996). Family CBT, in comparison to individual
CBT, may be less beneficial when the child’s parents also meet diagnostic criteria for
one or more anxiety disorders (Bodden, Bogels, et al., 2008; Kendall, Hudson, Gosch,
Flannery-Schroeder, & Suveg, 2008). In an examination of therapist-delivered parent
training techniques, Khanna and Kendall (2009) found that transfer-of-control and
parental anxiety management techniques significantly predicted improvement on both
clinician and parent ratings of child global functioning, and contributed significantly
to treatment outcome.
discussed in detail, and examples of each are elicited from the child. Through mon-
itoring thoughts, feelings, and behaviors over the course of several weeks, the child
will hopefully begin to understand the common patterns present in his own cycle of
anxiety.
Cognitive Restructuring
As mentioned in the previous section on etiology and maintenance of anxiety
symptoms, maladaptive thoughts, primarily about the threat involved in a given
situation, can maintain anxiety symptoms in children and adolescents. Anxious
youth often espouse catastrophic thoughts and perceive the likelihood of a negative
outcome in a given situation as significantly higher than it really is. Through cognitive
restructuring, a strategy used to evaluate maladaptive cognitions, anxious youth are
taught to think more realistically about anxiety-provoking situations. They are first
asked to identify their anxious thought (e.g., “A robber is going to come into my
house tonight”). Then they are asked to evaluate the evidence both for and against
that thought (e.g., evidence for the thought: “Robbers do exist and sometimes break
into people’s houses”; evidence against the thought: “Nobody in my neighborhood
has ever been robbed,” and “When houses are robbed, it is usually during the day
when no one is at home”). The child is asked to evaluate the thought based on the
evidence he or she generated (i.e., “Knowing the evidence, how likely is it that a
robber will break into my house tonight?”). With events that are more likely to occur
(e.g., “I will stumble on my words and feel embarrassed during an oral presentation”),
the child is instructed to think about the consequences of the scenario (e.g., “If you
feel embarrassed, will that feeling last forever? Will you lose friends if you stumble
over your words during your oral presentation?”). Thinking more realistically not
only about the likelihood of a feared outcome, but also about the often time-limited
nature of the consequences in a situation, can help anxious individuals restructure
their maladaptive thoughts.
Relaxation Training
While relaxation training is not an essential component of CBT for every anxious
child or adolescent, it can be helpful in reducing physiological arousal, muscle tension,
and feelings of nervousness. Additionally, it can aid in increasing sleep quality and
concentration. Relaxation training can be particularly useful for individuals with
high baseline levels of physiological arousal. During relaxation training, children and
adolescents are first taught to recognize how their body feels in both a tense and
relaxed state; being able to identify how the body feels in the presence of anxiety
allows the child to be more aware of his or her symptoms and of the antecedents
that might precede feelings of tensions or anxiety. The clinician guides the child
through progressive muscle relaxation (PMR), during which the child is asked to
tense and relax isolated muscle groups. Younger children are asked to focus on just
a few muscle groups, while adolescents might be led through a more comprehensive
series of exercises.
Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents 861
It is important that anxious children and their parents only utilize relaxation outside
the context of in vivo exposures (see below), as relaxation during exposures can serve
as a distraction and ultimately an avoidance tactic in the face of a feared situation.
In Vivo Exposure
The most common behavior observed in anxious youth is an avoidance of feared
situations. The latter part of treatment is focused on helping the child approach,
rather than avoid, these situations. In vivo exposure, which involves gradual exposure
to a child’s feared situations, is one of the most effective components of CBT for
anxious youth. It is during in vivo exposures that children and adolescents begin
to challenge their maladaptive cognitions with regard to the threat involved in their
feared situations. The child, parents, and clinician collaborate on the generation of
a fear and avoidance hierarchy, or “bravery ladder” for younger children, which is a
list of feared situations ordered from least to most anxiety-provoking for the child.
In vivo exposures begin with tasks that are low on the hierarchy and progressively
increase in difficulty until the most anxiety-provoking situation is tackled. Beginning
with an exposure task that is at the bottom of the hierarchy, and advancing to the
next exposure only when the child is able to approach the previous one with relative
ease, ensures that the child experiences success and continues to stay motivated to
face his or her fears. Children and adolescents are praised and rewarded for their
exposure efforts, toward the goal of positively reinforcing their approach behaviors.
See Table 36.1 for a sample fear and avoidance hierarchy for a child diagnosed with
specific phobia, blood-injection-injury type.
In the presence of a feared stimulus, it is expected that the child’s initial anxiety
response will be high; however, over time and repeated exposure exercises, the child’s
anxiety and physiological arousal should dissipate. This process is termed habituation
and while there is evidence to suggest that habituation is not a necessary ingredient in
a successful exposure task, its repeated occurrence provides evidence to the child that
without engaging in any special behaviors, his or her anxiety can decrease over time.
Because it is important that anxious youth observe that they can cope independently in
a feared situation, they are encouraged during exposures to limit their safety behaviors,
which are behaviors that increase their perception of safety (e.g., carrying a lucky
charm, pill bottle, or cell phone; utilizing relaxation techniques; reading a book, etc.).
These behaviors serve to lessen anxiety in the short run, but ultimately feed into
cognitions that the situation was only safe because of the presence of a safe object or
behavior. This limits the child’s ability to conclude that the feared situation is truly
nonthreatening.
For younger children, in vivo exposures can occur in the context of games or
playful activities to increase engagement. A number of clinically useful games have
been developed and successfully implemented to help engage younger clients. Some
examples of these include “Bravery Bingo,” during which the child is asked to
complete one exposure task for every box on his Bingo card, “Scavenger Hunts”
(e.g., a child with a diagnosis of SAD may be asked to separate from parents to find
fun items around the clinic), and relay races (e.g., to bring on physical symptoms of
anxiety prior to an in vivo exposure) (see Pincus et al., 2011, for a full description).
862 Specific Disorders
Table 36.1 A Sample Fear and Avoidance Hierarchy for a Child with a Specific Phobia,
Blood-Injection-Injury Type
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
No fear A little fear Moderate fear A lot of fear Very much fear
Never avoid Rarely avoid Sometimes avoid Often avoid Always avoid
Interoceptive Exposure
For patients with PD in particular, interoceptive exposures can be helpful in reducing
the fear associated with the experience of uncomfortable physical sensations. Inte-
roceptive exposures involve exposure to physical sensations such as rapid heartbeat,
shortness of breath, sweating, dizziness, and nausea. Various exercises, such as run-
ning in place, spinning in a circle, staring at a light, sitting in a heated room, and
breathing through a narrow straw, are employed to expose anxious children to their
feared physical sensations. Just as with in vivo exposures, it is expected that the
physical feelings and associated anxiety will dissipate over time and demonstrate to
the child that the physiological experience of anxiety cannot last forever (a common
maladaptive cognition, particularly in PD). Interoceptive exposures can be paired with
in vivo exposures to increase the intensity of in vivo exposures and further mimic the
physiological arousal that occurs during an anxiety-provoking experience.
Relapse Prevention
By the end of treatment, the child or adolescent should have a solid understanding of
the skills that can be utilized to target maladaptive thoughts, uncomfortable physical
feelings, and avoidance behaviors. Parents should also feel competent in facilitating
use of these skills outside of therapy sessions. Depending on the child’s age and
Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents 863
As the beneficial effects of CBT for childhood and adolescent anxiety disorders have
been repeatedly observed in controlled research settings, recent investigations have
moved toward promoting the widespread dissemination of CBT for anxious youth;
however, there are a number of barriers to the dissemination of evidence-based
treatments. While there are highly trained clinicians delivering CBT in community
settings, training the majority of clinicians in both community and school settings
requires extensive resources. Even when high-quality CBT services are available, there
is no guarantee that anxious youth and their families will have the resources to be able
to access those services. The utilization of mental health services varies widely across
demographic and socioeconomic categories, such that racial and ethnic minorities
and uninsured families are less likely than Caucasian or insured families to receive
assistance (Kataoka, Zhang, & Wells, 2002; Merikangas et al., 2011). Additionally,
children with internalizing symptomatology, such as anxiety disorders, are less likely
to receive mental health services than those with externalizing difficulties (Wu et al.,
1999). Without easy access to CBT, anxious youth and their families will be far less
likely to receive the treatment they need. Because of these issues, the effectiveness and
generalizability of CBT is now being put to the test, with the intention of maximizing
the accessibility and feasibility of delivering CBT to a range of populations. The
following is a sampling of innovative adaptations of CBT for anxious youth that have
864 Specific Disorders
been developed and tested by researchers who are invested in ensuring that CBT is
effective and can be widely disseminated.
While a full course of CBT typically consists of 12 to 20 weekly sessions, not
everyone can access a provider on a weekly basis over the course of several months.
Brief, intensive treatments for anxiety disorders have emerged as a way to provide cost-
effective treatment to individuals for whom weekly treatment is not feasible. Intensive
treatments can allow for the delivery of CBT over the course of a short, defined
period of time (e.g., during a school vacation), decrease travel costs, and rapidly
return youth to developmentally appropriate activities that they might be avoiding
because of their anxiety. Comparisons of intensive and weekly treatments for a variety
of anxiety disorders have shown that the two treatments perform comparably. For the
treatment of OCD, Storch et al. (2008) compared the efficacy of a 14-session, weekly
treatment, to a 14-session, daily treatment (excluding weekends) for pediatric OCD
and found that the two treatments yielded similarly positive treatment outcomes, with
both providing significant reductions in global symptoms of anxiety and depression.
A shorter, 5-day intensive treatment for pediatric OCD has also been shown to be
efficacious (Whiteside & Jacobsen, 2010). Pincus et al. (2010) tested the efficacy
of an 8-day intensive treatment for adolescent panic disorder (with or without
agoraphobia). Results from this trial revealed that after just 6 days (approximately 20
hours) of in-clinic treatment involving psychoeducation, interoceptive exposures, and
in vivo exposures, and 2 days of independent in vivo exposure practice, adolescents
exhibited significant reductions in anxiety symptoms as rated by the adolescent, his
parent, and the treating clinician. Santucci, Ehrenreich, Trosper, Bennett, and Pincus
(2009) designed and evaluated an intensive program for school-age girls with a
diagnosis of SAD. An initial evaluation of the program yielded significant reductions
in SAD severity and avoidance of separation situations after one week of treatment.
The briefest intensive treatment for anxiety disorder in youth, a one-day intensive
treatment for specific phobias conducted by Ollendick and colleagues (2009), was
compared to an education support treatment and a wait-list condition. Individuals
in the intensive treatment condition outperformed individuals in the other two
conditions on clinician-rated and self-report measures of anxiety symptomatology.
In an effort to enhance the generalizability of evidence-based treatments for
anxiety disorders in youth, there has been a push toward conducting treatment in
settings that are accessible and relevant to the daily lives of anxious children and
their families. Training school-based personnel and transporting CBT into school-
based mental health programs is a solid next step in translating treatment gains
to the settings in which children spend most of their time (Ginsburg, Becker,
Kingery, & Nichols, 2008). Masia-Warner et al. (2005) demonstrated the efficacy of
a school-based intervention for adolescents with social anxiety disorder. In addition
to providing CBT to adolescents, the clinicians provided education to teachers on
anxiety symptomatology, treatment techniques, and school-based exposure tasks.
Adolescents in the intervention group, in comparison to the wait-list control group,
demonstrated significantly greater reductions in social anxiety and avoidance, and
improvements in overall functioning. A small pilot study conducted by Ginsburg
and Drake (2002) suggested the effectiveness of a school-based, group treatment
for anxious African American adolescents. Other studies have provided support for
Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents 865
condition (Khanna & Kendall, 2010). Wuthrich et al. (2012) tested the efficacy
of a computerized program, entitled “Cool Teens,” targeted at adolescents with
anxiety disorders. After participating in this 12-week computerized CBT program
for anxiety management, adolescents exhibited significant reductions in parent- and
child-reported severity of their primary anxiety disorder in comparison to individuals
on a 12-week wait-list.
Internet-based treatments are also being evaluated. With barriers to treatment
being quite high for children and families who live in remote or rural areas where
treatment providers are lacking, Internet-delivered treatments can offer a viable
alternative. These treatments, while still relatively new to the field, are receiving
positive feedback from families. Spence, Holmes, March, and Lipp (2006) conducted
a study in which anxious youth were randomly assigned to clinic-based CBT, the
same treatment partially delivered via the Internet and partially delivered in the
clinic, or a wait-list control group. When surveyed about the combined Internet and
in-clinic treatment, participants reported high acceptability, consumer satisfaction,
and credibility. Another trial in 7- to 12-year-olds with anxiety disorders conducted
by March, Spence, and Donovan (2009) showed small but significantly greater
reductions in anxiety and increased functioning in participants in an Internet-based
CBT condition as compared to a wait-list condition. Also currently underway, Comer
and colleagues at Boston University and Brown University are conducting an efficacy
and feasibility study for Internet-delivered, family-based treatment of OCD (Comer
et al., in press). The clinician delivers 12 sessions of family-based CBT for OCD
(Freeman & Garcia, 2009) via Webcam. The feasibility and acceptability of this
modality of treatment will continue to be evaluated.
Conclusion
While CBT for anxiety in children and adolescents began as a downward extension of
CBT for anxious adults, it has evolved into a developmentally appropriate treatment
for youth. The efficacy of CBT for childhood and adolescent anxiety disorders has
been demonstrated repeatedly. However, a proportion of anxious youth do not exhibit
symptom remission after a full course of CBT. In an evaluation of individual and
group CBT for anxious youth, Flannery-Schroeder and Kendall (2000) found that
37% of youth in the individual CBT condition and 50% of youth in the group CBT
condition still met criteria for a primary anxiety disorder after 18 weeks of treatment.
Most trials evaluating the efficiency of CBT have been efficacy trials and therefore
have limited generalizability to community settings (Cartwright-Hatton, Roberts,
Chitsabesan, Fothergill, & Harrington, 2004), and there is some evidence to suggest
that CBT may not provide benefits above and beyond usual care in community clinics
(Pincus et al., 2011; Southam-Gerow et al., 2010).
The recent adaptations of CBT for anxious youth discussed in this chapter offer
innovative and exciting ways to begin to disseminate CBT widely and increase its reach
to children and families who may not otherwise have access to mental health services.
Additionally, the continued examination of mediators and moderators of treatment
outcome—why and for whom treatments work—will be a critical tool in determining
Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents 867
how best to tailor and adapt treatments to a child’s or adolescent’s individual needs.
These continued efforts will help to ensure that anxious children and adolescents and
their families are receiving the best possible care for their difficulties.
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37
School Refusal Behavior
Christopher A. Kearney and Rachele Diliberto
University of Nevada, United States
Introduction
illness, and school dropout as well as long-term economic deprivation and social,
marital, occupational, and psychiatric problems (Hibbett & Fogelman, 1990, Hibbett,
Fogelman, & Manor, 1990; Kogan, Luo, Murry, & Brody, 2005; Tramontina et al.,
2001).
The substantial prevalence and potential negative consequences of school refusal
behavior have thus provided an impetus for researchers to study this popula-
tion and develop comprehensive assessment and treatment approaches. Indeed,
school refusal behavior has long been a target of clinical child psychologists,
educators, and professionals from multiple disciplines. Treatment approaches for
youths with school refusal behavior can be generally categorized as (a) cognitive
behavioral strategies for anxiety-based cases, (b) cognitive behavioral strategies for
non-anxiety-based cases, and (c) broader strategies that include components of cog-
nitive behavioral treatment and consider the many contextual variables that impact
problematic absenteeism. Each of these treatment approaches is described in this
chapter.
Psychologists who study school refusal behavior often concentrate on fear- and
anxiety-based absenteeism. Historical examples include psychoneurotic truancy,
school phobia, separation anxiety, or school refusal. These conditions apply to
youths who miss school due to excessive fear of a school-related stimulus (e.g., a
classroom, a teacher), difficulty separating from major attachment figures such as
parents, and anxiety regarding social and evaluative situations at school (e.g., peer
interactions, tests) (Suveg, Aschenbrand, & Kendall, 2005). Many of these anxiety-
based cases include other internalizing behavior problems such as somatic complaints
(e.g., headaches, stomachaches), depression, fatigue, and worry (Kearney & Albano,
2004). Cognitive behavioral treatment approaches for anxiety-based school refusal
behavior generally involve key components such as psychoeducation, somatic con-
trol exercises, cognitive therapy, coping skills training, and gradual exposure to the
school setting. These components, together with supporting evidence, are described
next.
Psychoeducation
Psychoeducation involves educating both youth and parents about the primary
components of a youth’s absentee behaviors and providing a rationale for treatment.
Children can be taught to understand the nature and process of anxiety by giving
personally relevant examples of anxiety-based feelings, thoughts, and actions. In
addition, children can often identify sequences of anxiety-based behavior. For example,
many children with school refusal behavior awake to aversive physical sensations (e.g.,
nervous stomach, jitteriness) that lead to anxiety-based thoughts (e.g., “school is
going to be terrible today”) and then to school refusal behaviors (e.g., dawdling,
noncompliance, absenteeism) (Figure 37.1). Psychoeducation is often integrated with
School Refusal Behavior 877
My head and
Physical stomach hurt;
component of I feel sick;
child’s distress I am so tired;
I am jittery
I do not want
Cognitive to go to
component of school; school
child’s distress will be
terrible; I hate
my classroom
Dawdling,
Behavioral refusal to
component of enter the
child’s distress school
building
rapport-building so a child can gain greater insight into his or her condition and
understand the rationale behind upcoming treatment procedures such as somatic
control exercises, cognitive therapy, or gradual exposure.
Cognitive Therapy
Cognitive therapy for school refusal behavior refers to a child-based approach to iden-
tify and modify maladaptive thoughts about peers and other stimuli at school. This
is especially relevant in social and evaluative situations to boost adaptive and realistic
thinking. Many children with school refusal behavior, especially those in middle or
high school, have maladaptive and irrational thoughts regarding performance before
others, examinations, conversations, and other social or evaluative situations. Cogni-
tive therapy is designed to help youths recognize their problematic thoughts, develop
alternative and more realistic thoughts, and self-evaluate the outcome (Reinecke,
Dattilio, & Freeman, 2003).
Cognitive therapy for youths with school refusal behavior relies heavily on the
Socratic method, or questioning a youth so that he or she becomes an active par-
ticipant in the therapy process. Such questioning can initially be used to identify
common cognitive distortions made by youths with school refusal behavior. Such
distortions include certain erroneous beliefs, such as assuming (a) something terri-
ble will happen when actually it will not, (b) incorrectly what others are thinking,
(c) that the consequences of one’s actions will be catastrophic, (d) that embarrass-
ment will linger and be excruciating, (e) that situations will be either wonderful
or awful (with no “gray” areas), and (f) that the child is to blame for a certain
outcome when actually the outcome is beyond his or her control. Such distor-
tions could be conveyed to some adolescents in a more formal fashion so that
they can learn to label a distortion. Examples include all-or-nothing thinking, catas-
trophizing, overgeneralization, negative labeling, absolutist language (e.g., “must,”
“cannot,” “never”) mind reading, fortune telling, and canceling a positive (Kearney,
2005).
Cognitive therapy can then progress to an overall model that a child can use
to identify anxiety-provoking situations and thoughts and develop more realistic
thoughts. The STOP acronym is commonly used in child anxiety treatment to assist
this process (adapted from Silverman & Kurtines, 1996):
School Refusal Behavior 879
Exposure-Based Practice
A key element of treatment for anxiety-based school refusal behavior is exposure-based
practice, or gradual reintegration of a child into school such as one class or hour at
a time. Exposure-based practice is typically conducted following the development of
an anxiety and avoidance hierarchy. This hierarchy refers to a list of school-related
social and other situations that range from least to most anxiety-provoking and helps
provide structure for exposure-based practice (see Box 37.2 for common examples).
Information on a hierarchy is often organized into gradual steps so a child may begin
with the easiest (or lowest) item and progress toward the most difficult (highest)
hierarchy item. Most children progress through several hierarchies during treatment
until all anxiety-provoking situations or activities are challenged.
Exposure-based practice can take many forms depending on the individual char-
acteristics of a child’s school refusal behavior. However, certain forms are common
in this population. One common example involves entering school and class in the
morning and staying for a limited time, such as an hour, before being allowed to go
882 Specific Disorders
home. The child is then expected gradually to increase his or her amount of school
time, such as an extra hour every 3 days, until full-time attendance is reached. Other
exposure-based practices are similar but may begin toward the end of the day (and
then working backward), attending school initially for lunch and then increasing class
time, attending successive favorite classes (i.e., most favorite to least favorite over
time), and attending a nonclassroom setting at school (e.g., library, main office) prior
to gradual reintegration to a classroom.
Empirical Support
Several outcome studies reveal that cognitive behavioral treatment approaches are
effective for anxiety-based school refusal behavior. For example, King et al. (1998)
randomly assigned children to cognitive behavioral treatment or wait-list control.
Treatment included (a) child-based rapport-building, coping skills training, relaxation
training, cognitive therapy, and imaginal and in vivo exposure, (b) parent-based
training in behavior management, and (c) a meeting with a child’s teacher regarding
treatment. Treatment for six sessions was superior to control regarding school
attendance, fear, anxiety, and depression. Treatment was especially effective if a
youth returned swiftly to school and if parents and youth were involved in the
intervention.
Last, Hansen, and Franco (1998) found that CBT and education support (control)
over 12 weeks both produced substantial improvements in school attendance, fear,
anxiety, depression, and posttreatment diagnosis. Education support consisted of
School Refusal Behavior 883
allowing youths to express concerns about school. Bernstein et al. (2000) found that
CBT with imipramine was superior to placebo for improving school attendance and
depression over 8 weeks. Better response to treatment was predicted by higher baseline
attendance and less separation anxiety and avoidant disorder (Layne, Bernstein, Egan,
& Kushner, 2003).
Heyne et al. (2002) also examined cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) across three
groups: child, parent/teacher, and combined. Child-based treatment involved relax-
ation training, social skills training, cognitive therapy, and exposure-based practice.
Parent/teacher-based treatment involved behavior management strategies (discussed
in more detail in next section) and strategies to enhance parent–school communica-
tion. A combined group included both child- and parent/teacher-based CBT. Each
group demonstrated improvements in school attendance and distress, but more so
for the parent/teacher group. Heyne et al. (2011) also designed a treatment program
to blend cognitive behavioral procedures with modules to address key developmental
issues such as comorbid depression, adolescent cognitive capability, adolescent–parent
communication, and problem-solving with respect to school attendance. Treatment
over 13 sessions produced improvements in school attendance, general functioning,
and internalizing and externalizing behavior problems. Cognitive behavioral proce-
dures have also been found useful for treating inpatient youths with school refusal
behavior (Walter et al., 2010).
Psychologists have often focused on anxiety-based school refusal behavior but many
children refuse school for reasons other than anxiety. Kearney outlined a functional
model of school refusal behavior that includes children with and without anxiety-
based problems (Kearney, 2007; Kearney & Silverman, 1990, 1996). In this model,
children refuse school for one or more of the following reasons, or functions: (a)
avoidance of school-based stimuli that provoke negative affectivity, (b) escape from
aversive school-based social and/or evaluative situations, (c) pursuit of attention from
significant others, and (d) pursuit of tangible rewards outside of school. The first
two functions are anxiety-based and refer to youths who refuse school for negative
reinforcement. Treatment for these youths would include the strategies discussed in
the previous section.
The latter two functions are often non-anxiety-based and refer to youths who refuse
school for positive reinforcement, or to pursue more alluring stimuli outside of school.
Chronic cases of school refusal behavior often involve a combination of these functions
(Evans, 2000). Youths who refuse school for positive reinforcement receive several
cognitive behavioral treatment strategies that are targeted primarily toward parents
and/or family members. These strategies include contingency management and
contingency contracting as well as related practices such as forced school attendance,
communication skills training, peer refusal skills training, attendance journals, and
escorts to school and class. These strategies are described next.
884 Specific Disorders
Contingency Management
Contingency management is a parent-based approach typically used for children who
refuse school to pursue attention from significant others such as parents. Components
of contingency management for this population include developing regular morning
and daily routines, altering parent commands toward brevity and clarity, ignoring or
extinguishing minor school refusal behaviors such as tantrums, and providing con-
sequences for attendance and nonattendance. Contingency management procedures
may be conducted in conjunction with consultation with school officials.
A key aspect of contingency management for school refusal behavior is to develop
set morning routines that include regular times for tasks such as rising from bed,
eating breakfast, dressing, and preparing school materials. Many families in this group
have chaotic morning routines, so developing a consistent schedule that affords time
for each key task is important. In addition, children may receive immediate and later
rewards for adhering to the morning routine without misbehaviors such as tantrums.
Immediate rewards could include free time and activities before school if all tasks are
completed and later rewards could include later bedtime or extra time spent with a
parent. Failure to adhere to the morning routine would result in loss of free time
and/or some loss of privilege that night. Positive and negative consequences are also
established regarding morning misbehaviors such as tantrums or excessive dawdling.
Another key component of contingency management for this population is to
modify parent commands toward greater brevity and clarity. Parents are discouraged
from negotiating, bribing, lecturing, criticizing, or pleading with their child and
instead encouraged to issue brief, clear commands that focus on school preparation.
In related fashion, parents are encouraged to ignore or extinguish minor inappropriate
behaviors such as complaints about school or persistent requests to remain home.
Parents are also encouraged to reduce excessive reassurance-seeking behavior in their
children by answering a child’s question only once and subsequently ignoring other
pleadings.
Contingency management works well for children whose school refusal behavior
is motivated by attention, but forced school attendance may be used in rare circum-
stances. Forced school attendance involves a procedure whereby parents bring a child
to school and deposit him with school officials who escort the child to his classroom.
Forced school attendance has been advocated in the literature as an effective strategy
(Kennedy, 1965) but is recommended for use only under the following circumstances:
when the child is less than 11 years of age, missing most days of school, understands
the procedure, and refuses school only for attention and without significant distress,
and when there are two parents who are willing to take the child to school, and school
officials who are willing to take the child to class (Kearney & Albano, 2007).
Contingency Contracting
Contingency contracting is a family-based approach involving written contracts
between a youth and his or her parents to increase incentives for school attendance
and disincentives for school nonattendance. Contingency contracting is typically
used for youths who refuse school to pursue tangible rewards outside of school
School Refusal Behavior 885
(e.g., time with friends). Youths in this function tend to have more chronic school
refusal behavior as well as greater absenteeism, family conflict, and externalizing
behavior problems than youths who refuse school for other functions. Contingency
contracting is thus an appropriate method for helping family members improve their
communication and problem-solving skills while focusing on the immediate issue of
school attendance.
Written contracts are commonly constructed between the youth (typically an
adolescent) and his or her parents. Initial contracts may focus on school preparation
behaviors, especially if a child has been out of school for some time and has difficulty
rising in the morning before school. Later contracts may focus on part-time school
attendance (e.g., half-day, three classes) and then full-time school attendance. School
preparation and/or attendance are then reinforced with tangible rewards such as time
with friends on the weekend or payment for completed chores. Tangible disincentives
may be incorporated into the contract as well for absenteeism and may include
fines or loss of privileges. Contracts are generally short (e.g., 1 week) to allow
for modification as the child’s attendance improves. In addition, contracts must be
negotiated with equal input from the adolescent and his or her parents (Kearney &
Albano, 2007).
Other Strategies
Other strategies are often made part of contingency management and contracting
procedures for school refusal behavior. One strategy, especially for older youths and
their parents, is communication skills training. Communication skills training involves
improvements in careful listening, paraphrasing, and appropriate responses in addition
to limits on unhelpful behaviors such as interruptions, insults, and yelling (Khanna &
Kendall, 2009). Communication skills training may be particularly useful during the
contract development phase and for families with longstanding conflict regarding a
child’s school refusal behavior.
Peer refusal skills training is another ancillary strategy for school refusal behavior
whereby a youth is taught methods to refuse offers to miss school or to avoid
high-risk situations that provoke absenteeism. Many youths are lured by friends to
miss school and may not otherwise do so if not tempted. Peer refusal skills training
is thus used to help youths construct appropriate verbal responses to such offers and
avoid embarrassment. In addition, youths are encouraged to avoid places and times
in school where such offers are mostly likely to occur (e.g., the school locker area at
11 a.m.).
Attendance journals are also used to help monitor attendance. A child is required
to attend each class and secure a signature from the teacher confirming his or her
presence. Such logs are then presented to parents for appropriate consequences. In
cases where contracts and attendance journals are insufficient, then escorting a child
to school and from class to class may be implemented. Escorts may involve relatives or
school-based personnel who can ensure the youth attends each class. Escorts usually
must be phased out with time, but are nevertheless useful to help a child secure
tangible rewards that will hopefully produce greater attendance.
886 Specific Disorders
Empirical Support
Researchers have found empirical support for a functionally-based, prescriptive treat-
ment approach that includes anxiety-based and non-anxiety-based cases of school
refusal behavior (Chorpita, Albano, Heimberg, & Barlow, 1996; Kearney, 2002;
Kearney, Pursell, & Alvarez, 2001; Kearney & Silverman, 1990; Tolin et al., 2009).
Prescriptive treatment, or intervention administered on the basis of a youth’s primary
function of school refusal behavior, has also been found superior to nonprescriptive
treatment, or intervention administered on the basis of a youth’s least influential
function of school refusal behavior (Kearney & Silverman, 1999).
Pina et al. (2009) conducted a meta-analysis of psychosocial (and largely cognitive
behavioral) interventions for school refusal behavior. Across group design studies,
school attendance improved from 30% at pretest to 75% at posttest (range at posttest:
47–100%). Effect sizes were also calculated for continuous variables associated with
school refusal behavior such as anxiety, fear, and depression. These effect sizes were
quite variable (range: –0.40–4.64), leading the authors to conclude that CBT may
be more effective for some domains (e.g., anxiety) than others (e.g., depression).
These authors contended that further research is needed to pinpoint which specific
interventions are best for individual cases of school refusal behavior, to include a wider
swath of youths who refuse school, to refine interventions to maximize effectiveness,
and to identify which youths are most likely to benefit from treatment. Mediators
of behavior change, such as enhanced self-efficacy for solving school-based problems
and addressing stressors, must also be examined more closely (Pina et al., 2009).
Professionals from disciplines other than psychology have also designed broader
treatment strategies for youths with school refusal behavior that include some cognitive
behavioral components. These strategies are designed to address large numbers of
youth with problematic absenteeism and to account for the many contextual variables
that affect absenteeism (Kearney, 2008). These broader strategies include school-
based truancy courts, other school-based programs, and mental health and related
initiatives. These strategies are described next.
Several researchers have examined the utility of these school-based truancy court
programs and found them to be successful for reducing absenteeism. These pro-
grams often have elements related to cognitive behavioral practices. Shoenfelt and
Huddleston’s (2006) program involved home visits to investigate factors related
to absenteeism, meetings with a judge, parenting classes, academic tutoring, anger
management, mentoring, and support groups. Richtman’s (2007) program involved
inviting absentee students and their parents to school-based meetings with a county
attorney, school social worker or counselor, or probation officer to create a school
attendance plan. The meetings also included referrals to social services agencies, sub-
stance use and mental health evaluations, and student or family counseling to address
nonattendance. Fantuzzo, Grim, and Hazan (2005) placed court proceedings within
school buildings and linked families with caseworkers from various service organi-
zations. Hendricks, Sale, Evans, McKinley, and Carter (2010) required students to
attend regular truancy court sessions in school, complete assigned work, and avoid
substance use and confrontations with peers.
changes such as smaller and more independent academic units as well as alternative
educational programs. A meta-analysis of truancy and dropout prevention programs
for middle and high school students also revealed that alternative educational programs
were best for reducing dropout and enhancing attendance, academic achievement, and
graduation rates (Klima, Miller, & Nunlist, 2009). Others have concluded that school
dropout prevention programs are most successful if they involve an individualized
approach that tailors intervention to the academic, health, skills, social, and resource
needs of students and their families (Christenson & Thurlow, 2004; Dynarski &
Gleason, 2002). The most effective programs target students who are behind in grade
level and provide occupational training programs with equivalency diploma assistance
(Mac Iver, 2011).
Conclusion
Cognitive behavioral and related strategies to reduce school absenteeism have garnered
increased empirical support over the past 20 years. Various kinds of problematic
absenteeism in children have been addressed, including children with and without
anxiety symptoms and those in clinical as well as educational settings. However, the
range of mental health, educational, and other professionals who study the assessment
and treatment of this population remains disparate. As such, little consensus has
developed about the best way to address all youths with problematic absenteeism
School Refusal Behavior 889
and the best way to disseminate effective treatment strategies to nonclinical settings.
In addition, researchers are faced with the unenviable task of having to address the
many contextual factors associated with this population. Greater collaboration across
professionals from various disciplines is thus encouraged to help address these unique
challenges.
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School Refusal Behavior 891
Social anxiety disorder (SAD), also known as social phobia, is one of the most
prevalent mental disorders, affecting up to 12–13% of the population at some point in
life (Ruscio et al., 2008). SAD is characterized by a marked or persistent fear of one or
more social or performance situations (DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association
[APA], 2000). The central concern for persons with SAD is that they will say or
do something to elicit negative evaluation from others or that they will demonstrate
excessive symptoms of anxiety. A distinction is also made between generalized SAD,
in which anxiety is present across most social situations, and nongeneralized SAD, in
which anxiety is constrained to a limited number of specific situations (e.g., public
speaking). SAD shows an earlier onset than many other psychiatric disorders (Kessler
et al., 2005). Symptoms typically develop during early childhood or adolescence
(Reich, 1986) and tend to be unremitting without treatment (Bruce et al., 2005).
Social fears and avoidance of social situations appear to be normally distributed
in the population, and SAD represents high levels on a unitary dimension of social
anxiety (Mattick & Clarke, 1998). The widespread presence of subclinical levels of
social anxiety has historically resulted in a minimization of the severity of the disorder.
However, research has shown SAD to be a devastating condition, affecting career,
academic, and general social functioning (Acarturk, de Graaf, van Straten, ten Have,
& Cuijpers, 2008; Schneier et al., 1994). Compared to their nonanxious peers,
individuals with SAD report fewer friends and dating partners (Rodebaugh, 2009;
Wenzel, 2002) and jobs that are less prestigious than would be expected based on
their level of education (Bruch, Fallon, & Heimberg, 2003). They are also less likely
to marry than those suffering from other anxiety disorders (Sanderson, DiNardo,
Rapee, & Barlow, 1990).
Individuals with SAD fear social interaction or performance situations in which oth-
ers may judge them as awkward, inferior, unintelligent, or incompetent. Commonly
In the 1990s, two similar cognitive behavioral models of social anxiety were advanced
(Clark & Wells, 1995; Rapee & Heimberg, 1997). These models emphasize the
role of cognitive processes during an anxiety-provoking event in maintaining social
fears. In Rapee and Heimberg’s (1997) model, social anxiety first arises with the
perception of an evaluative audience. Subsequently, the individual formulates a mental
representation of the self as seen by the audience. Both models suggest that individuals
with SAD collect information about how they appear to others in maladaptive ways.
Clark and Wells (1995) emphasized the problem of excessive self-focused attention, in
which interoceptive cues (e.g., aversive physiological arousal) are used to gauge how
one must appear to others. This internal monitoring could, for example, lead a socially
anxious man who registers heat in his cheeks to assume that his face appears bright red
to others. Rapee and Heimberg asserted that, in addition to monitoring for internal
symptoms of anxiety, persons with SAD scan the outward environment for signs they
are performing poorly (e.g., signs of boredom from an interactional partner) and
incorporate this potentially inaccurate information into the mental representation of
the self as seen by others.
Once conjured, this mental representation is compared with the audience’s pre-
sumed standards to judge the likelihood of being evaluated (Rapee & Heimberg,
1997; also see Heimberg, Brozovich, & Rapee, 2010). As the discrepancy between
an individual’s self-representation and the audience’s presumed standards grows, so
does the belief that others are forming a negative opinion. The symptoms of anxiety
which follow this estimation attune the individual to negative internal and external
cues, and attention to these cues further distorts the mental representation of the self
as seen by others. This vicious cycle continues, and anxiety climbs as the perceived
probability of evaluation increases. Additionally, because it is a challenge to remain
socially engaged while simultaneously monitoring the self for unacceptable behav-
iors and scanning the environment for signs of threat, this division of attentional
resources has the potential to disrupt social performance and invite true negative
evaluation.
Social Anxiety Disorder 897
Upon perceiving that one is being negatively evaluated, Wells, Clark, Salkovskis,
and Ludgate (1995) and Clark (2001) assert that socially anxious individuals engage
in a range of compensatory “safety behaviors” intended to reduce visible signs of
anxiety and avert negative consequences. For example, the woman who believes no
one at the party is interested in talking to her may play games on her cell phone to
appear busy. Whereas safety behaviors may reduce anxiety in the short term, they may
maintain anxiety in the long term by preventing the unambiguous disconfirmation of
unrealistic beliefs (Wells et al., 1995).
After an anxiety-evoking event has occurred, individuals with SAD typically engage
in postevent processing—the repeated consideration and potential reconstruction
of one’s previous performance. Socially anxious individuals tend to recall selectively
and brood over information which confirms negative assumptions about the self
and others, and this process invariably maintains or worsens the negative mood
state. A growing literature points to the importance of postevent processing in the
maintenance of SAD (Brozovich & Heimberg, 2008).
Since the publication of Clark and Wells’s (1995) and Rapee and Heimberg’s
(1997) theoretical models, numerous studies have refined our understanding of the
cognitive factors implicated in SAD. The tendency for socially anxious individu-
als to selectively process social threat cues in the environment (e.g., angry faces)
has been well established (e.g., Gilboa-Schechtman, Foa, & Amir, 1999; Veljaca
& Rapee, 1998). Persons with SAD also tend to hold high behavioral standards
for themselves and believe that others share these high standards (Hofmann &
Otto, 2008). Although these individuals wish to make a positive impression, they
lack confidence in their ability to do (Leary, 2010) and overestimate the proba-
bility and costs of social mishaps (e.g., Foa, Franklin, Perry, & Herbert, 1996).
Socially anxious individuals also tend to believe they have little control over their
emotions (Hofmann & Barlow, 2002) and display an inability to clearly define
social goals and develop strategies to reach them (Hiemisch, Ehlers, & Wester-
mann, 2002). Based on these findings, Hofmann (2007) put forth an additional
model, which construes social apprehension as the product of unrealistic social
standards and an inability to select specific attainable social goals. According to
Hofmann, when persons with SAD enter anxiety-provoking situations, they shift
their attention toward internal symptoms of anxiety, view themselves as negative
social objects who are unlikely to meet the audience’s high standards, underestimate
their own control over their emotions, and overestimate the costs of negative social
experiences.
Exposure
Broadly, exposure refers to a family of strategies that require contact with the feared
stimulus. In the treatment of SAD, exposure to feared social situations may be
direct or indirect. For example, the man who fears dating could repeatedly visualize
himself asking women out on dates, role play the experience with his therapist, or
speak to and eventually invite out a potential dating partner. From a behavioral
perspective, exposure provides a context for the natural habituation of unpleasant
physiological arousal and increases exposure to reinforcers inherent in the social
environment (McNeil, Lejuez, & Sorrel, 2010). Individuals with SAD may have
long avoided the situations that make them anxious, thereby diminishing their
opportunities to experience physiological habituation or the rewards of nonphobic
behavior.
Avoidance also protects distorted, anxiety-maintaining beliefs. The man who fears
dating may, for example, avoid approaching women because of a belief that his
anxiety will escalate to the point that he will panic and appear foolish. Cogni-
tive behavioral models of SAD assert that exposure presents an opportunity to
experience powerful, corrective feedback, which reduces anxiety by facilitating the
modification of maladaptive beliefs (e.g., that anxiety will increase exponentially if
the feared situation is not avoided). Consistent with this idea, exposure has been
shown to be more effective when clients are instructed to eliminate safety behav-
iors and focus their attention completely on the experience (Wells et al., 1995;
Wells & Papageorgiou, 1998), thereby accessing the full physiological arousal asso-
ciated with the feared situation (Foa & Kozak, 1986). Although research supports
exposure’s efficacy in reducing social anxiety (e.g., Al-Kubaisy, Marks, Logsdail, &
Marks, 1992; Alström, Nordlund, Persson, Hårding, & Ljungqvist, 1984), there
is some question as to the durability of gains when exposure is not coupled
with techniques directly addressing maladaptive cognitions (Heimberg & Juster,
1995).
Cognitive Restructuring
Current cognitive models of SAD propose that anxiety is largely maintained via
biased information processing and dysfunctional beliefs (e.g., Clark & Wells, 1995;
Heimberg et al., 2010), and most cognitive behavioral treatments for SAD use
cognitive restructuring techniques to address these distortions directly. During cog-
nitive restructuring, the therapist and client collaboratively identify distorted or
maladaptive cognitions and challenge them using strategies such as Socratic ques-
tioning, logical disputation, and behavioral experiments (Hofmann & Admundson,
2008). An important goal of cognitive restructuring is to develop clients’ ability
to regulate their emotions by reappraising the degree of threat present in feared
situations. Research has demonstrated that this ability to reframe emotional events,
Social Anxiety Disorder 899
Relaxation Techniques
Because excessive physical symptoms of anxiety can impair social performance in
those with SAD, relaxation techniques are often used to help clients reduce their
physiological arousal. Several variations on the procedure have been developed, with
differing degrees of empirical support. In progressive muscle relaxation, muscle groups
are alternately tensed and released in a sequential fashion. As a stand-alone treatment,
progressive muscle relaxation has shown little efficacy for SAD (Al-Kubaisy et al.,
1992; Alström et al., 1984). Systematic desensitization, a technique which combines
progressive muscle relaxation with the visualization of increasingly anxiety-provoking
scenes, has been associated with some improvements. However, in controlled studies
these improvements were not superior to those observed in wait-list conditions
(Kanter & Goldfried, 1979; Marzillier, Lambert, & Kellett, 1976).
900 Specific Disorders
Research suggests that therapies in which clients gain practice applying relaxation
techniques in specific feared social situations are more promising (Jerremalm, Jansson,
& Öst, 1986). In applied relaxation (AR), clients cultivate an awareness of the earliest
symptoms of anxiety and practice relaxation techniques until they reach a state
of moderate relaxation. Once clients are able to achieve a relaxed state relatively
quickly, this practice is transferred to progressively more difficult real-life situations.
One study directly compared a full CBT protocol to exposure plus AR and a
wait-list control condition (Clark et al., 2006). Both treatments fared better than
the control condition; however, CBT was more effective than AR plus exposure.
It is possible that the addition of relaxation techniques could enhance the efficacy
of exposure and CBT protocols more generally, but this has not been empirically
established.
Since the publication of the DSM-III (APA, 1980), a large body of research supporting
the efficacy of CBT for SAD has accumulated. Several empirically supported treatment
protocols have been developed, in both group (Heimberg & Becker, 2002) and
individual (Clark et al., 2003; Hope et al., 2010) formats. The literature presented
here focuses on treatments containing some combination of the cognitive and
behavioral strategies described above.
One of the most researched and widely disseminated treatments for SAD is Heim-
berg’s cognitive behavioral group therapy (CBGT; Heimberg & Becker, 2002).
Treatment components include (a) psychoeducation about the factors associated with
the onset and maintenance of social fears, (b) in-session and in vivo exposures, (c) cog-
nitive restructuring, (d) identification and modification of dysfunctional core beliefs,
and (e) homework assignments. In 1990, Heimberg and colleagues compared CBGT
to educational-supportive group therapy, which consisted of lectures about social anx-
iety, discussion, and group support. CBGT produced greater reductions in anxiety,
both during a behavioral test and as rated by an independent assessor, and CBGT
treatment gains were better maintained after 5 years (Heimberg, Salzman, Holt, &
Blendell, 1993). CBGT has also been compared to medication known to be effective
for SAD. Heimberg et al. (1998) conducted a multisite study comparing CBGT, the
monoamine oxidase inhibitor phenelzine, educational-supportive group therapy, and
pill placebo. Of those who completed treatment, 75% of those in the CBGT group
and 77% of those who took phenelzine were classified as treatment responders. In
the second phase of the study, responders to both CBGT and phenelzine received 6
additional months of maintenance treatment (Liebowitz et al., 1999). After an addi-
tional 6-month follow-up, 50% of previous responders to phenelzine had relapsed,
compared to only 17% of previous responders to CBGT. Heimberg and colleagues
have since adapted CBGT to an individual format (Hope et al., 2010), which produces
effect sizes similar to those for the group protocol (Ledley et al., 2009).
Another well-studied treatment is Clark’s individual cognitive therapy (CT) for
SAD. Controlled trials of this protocol have also yielded large effect sizes (Clark
et al., 2003, 2006). Consistent with the Clark and Wells (1995) model, CT includes
exposure and cognitive restructuring, with emphasis on the identification and elimi-
nation of safety behaviors. Here, the therapist and client create a personalized version
of the cognitive behavioral model using the client’s idiosyncratic thoughts, images,
safety behaviors, and attentional strategies. Throughout therapy, negatively distorted
mental representations of the self are modified using video-feedback—in which pre-
dicted performance is compared to actual performance—and redirection of attention
from interoceptive cues toward the task at hand. In the 2003 trial, those in the CT
condition responded significantly better than those in a fluoxetine plus self-exposure
condition or a placebo plus self-exposure condition (Clark et al., 2003). In a study
comparing CT to AR, individuals in the CT condition were twice as likely to be
classified as treatment responders (Clark et al., 2006). Additionally, the gains made
during group or individual CT tended to be maintained when assessed at 5-year
follow-up (Mörtberg, Clark, & Bejerot, 2011).
902 Specific Disorders
Treatment Modality
Several meta-analyses of CBT for SAD suggest that individual and group formats
produce similar effects (e.g., Acarturk, Cuijpers, van Straten, & de Graaf, 2009; Pow-
ers, Sigmarsson, & Emmelkamp, 2008); however, one study (Stangier, Heidenreich,
Peitz, Lauterbach, & Clark, 2003) and one meta-analysis (Aderka, 2009) indicate a
slight advantage for individual therapy. There appear to be costs and benefits to both
formats. By facilitating social contact with other socially anxious individuals, group
therapy reduces isolation and may help to normalize social fears. The group format
also lends itself well to exposure activities, with plenty of people at hand to act as role
players or audience members. This function may be of particular advantage because
high levels of client alliance with their therapist may dampen the arousal of anxiety
during exposure (S. A. Hayes, Hope, VanDyke, & Heimberg, 2007). Furthermore,
group members can help challenge each other’s distorted thinking by providing
objective feedback about social skills and performance. On the other hand, not all
clients are well suited for participation in group therapy. Group treatment may be
contraindicated for clients whose social anxiety symptoms are so severe that they have
difficulty concentrating and learning the concepts in a group context or clients who
exhibit severe personality pathology. Another significant benefit of individual treat-
ment is that it allows for greater flexibility in the pace and duration of therapy and can
address idiosyncratic concerns or symptoms of a comorbid condition. More research
specifically examining client characteristics and how they may moderate response to
group versus individual therapy is needed.
Summary
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39
Panic Disorder
Norman B. Schmidt, Kristina J. Korte,
and Aaron M. Norr
Florida State University, United States
Meghan E. Keough
University of Washington, United States
Background
The anxiety response is an innate, adaptive “alarm system” that prepares humans to act
and ensure safety. However, this “alarm system” can have problematic consequences
when it is triggered without the presence of a true environmental threat, or for exag-
gerated periods of time. Panic responses (intense fight-or-flight emotional arousal)
represent the most intense activation of the “alarm system.” More formally defined by
the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, a panic attack is described
as a discrete period of intense fear or discomfort accompanied by four or more somatic
and/or cognitive symptoms (e.g., sweating, fear of dying) (DSM-IV-TR; American
Psychiatric Association [APA], 2000). When triggered at inappropriate times, panic
responses can become feared and may result in the development of panic disorder,
though panic attacks have also been shown to be associated with a diverse array of
psychiatric disorders (Craske et al., 2010).
A diagnosis of panic disorder is merited when the individual experiences recurrent,
unexpected panic attacks, and at least one of the attacks is followed by one month
(or longer) of worry around having future attacks or the implications of the
attacks, or the individual exhibits a significant change of behavior as a result of the
attacks (APA, 2000). When fear of panic attacks results in substantial avoidance
behaviors, a specifier of agoraphobia (i.e., panic disorder with agoraphobia) is added
(APA, 2000). Individuals with panic disorder with or without agoraphobia suffer
intensely and often chronically. Fortunately, treatments for panic psychopathology
are well researched, such that we now have a variety of established and efficacious
interventions for those suffering from panic disorder. Of all available treatment
options for panic disorder, cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is the clear favorite
(Schmidt & Keough, 2010). These treatments constitute the focus of this chapter.
Contemporary CBT owes much to conceptual models of panic attacks that were
advanced in the mid-to-late 1980s. At that time, a variety of cognitively focused,
learning-based accounts of panic were advanced. We briefly highlight three highly
influential models that directly impacted the most common CBT procedures in use
for panic disorder today. Contemporary conceptualizations of panic have focused on
cognitive models that detail the relationships between fear and cognitive appraisal,
and the external factors that affect the appraisal process. The development of cognitive
and behavioral interventions for panic has been heavily influenced by Barlow’s (2002)
emotion-based model, Clark’s (1986) cognitive model, and Reiss’s (1991) expectancy
model.
The central tenet of each of these models is that individuals with panic disorder have
acquired exaggerated, fearful beliefs that were critical in the genesis and maintenance
of the disorder. As illustrated by the cognitive model of panic advanced by Clark
(1986), panic evolves from a positive feedback loop model involving the catastrophic
misinterpretation of anxiety-related symptoms. Clark posits that individuals perceive
the presence of anxiety-related symptoms to be indicative of a more serious medical
or cognitive condition. For example, an individual may interpret arousal such as
heart palpitations as an impending cardiac arrest, or difficulty concentrating as a sign
of a mental breakdown. These catastrophic misinterpretations lead to greater fear,
increased arousal symptoms, and the possibility of panic.
The emotion-based model of panic (Barlow, 2002) is a diathesis–stress model in
which the etiology of panic is seen as the result of biological and psychological vulner-
abilities that interact with environmental stressors. Individuals who are predisposed
to the development of panic disorder may be neurobiologically overreactive to stress,
have a sense that emotions and external events are uncontrollable and unpredictable,
or both. One of the unique processes outlined by Barlow’s model is that, as stress-
related arousal and panic transpire, the individual associates this “panic alarm” with
salient internal sensations through a classical conditioning framework referred to as
interoceptive conditioning. For example, specific bodily sensations associated with
arousal (e.g., rapid heart rate) become conditioned to panic and may serve to trigger
subsequent panic attacks. Thus, interoceptive conditioning is believed to play a critical
role in the development and exacerbation of panic disorder.
The expectancy model (Reiss, 1991) proposes that panic attacks and panic disorder
result from elevated levels of a cognitive risk factor described as anxiety sensitivity.
Anxiety sensitivity is a fear of anxiety symptoms due to beliefs that dire consequences
can result from experiencing anxiety (Reiss, 1991). Expectancy theory suggests that
although bodily sensations do not cause panic in everyone, individual difference levels
in anxiety sensitivity will determine whether an individual will panic in response
to bodily arousal (Reiss & McNally, 1985). Anxiety sensitivity is thought to be
a relatively stable belief system that results from many different paths, suggesting
that an individual can develop high anxiety sensitivity without having personally
experienced anxiety or panic. Whereas Clark’s model suggests that some individuals
may misinterpret arousal, thereby leading to panic, expectancy theory suggests that
Panic Disorder 919
In the following section, an outline of current CBT protocols for panic is provided.
This outline is intended to provide a description of the key elements involved in
treating panic rather than as a step-by-step guide for panic treatment. CBT manuals
that serve this purpose are readily available. One such manual that has been widely
utilized and empirically supported is Mastery of your Anxiety and Panic, which is
currently in its fourth edition (Barlow & Craske, 2007).
Assessment
Because panic attacks occur across a number of anxiety disorders, the first step
in the treatment of panic disorder is to conduct a thorough assessment to obtain
an accurate diagnosis. The gold standard, certainly for research purposes, begins
with a structured diagnostic interview such as the Structured Clinical Interview
for DSM-IV (SCID-IV; First, Spitzer, Gibbon, & Williams, 1994) or the Anxiety
Disorders Interview Schedule for DSM-IV (ADIS-IV; DiNardo, Brown, & Bar-
low, 1994). These interviews facilitate the development of an accurate diagnostic
impression by ruling out differential diagnoses and assessing for comorbidity. While
both are excellent interviews, the ADIS provides more detailed information about
anxiety psychopathology beyond establishing the presence or absence of DSM-IV
criteria (APA, 1994). At our academic anxiety clinic, we routinely receive refer-
rals from the community with inaccurate diagnoses and much of this stems from
920 Specific Disorders
a lack of appreciation that the central feature of panic disorder is not the mere
presence or history of panic attacks, but the development of a clear pattern of
worry and impairment created by fear of additional panic. These structured inter-
views will often assist in the assessment of panic-related worry and disability, but
clinicians should remind themselves of the importance of these criteria when con-
ducting their assessments. As noted by Barlow, Raffa, and Cohen (2002), a key
to accurate assessment of anxiety psychopathology goes beyond simply noting the
presence of fear, anxiety, avoidance, and panic. Differential diagnosis of anxiety
should focus on the nature of the anxious apprehension. When this focus is on
panic per se, then it is highly likely that the individual is suffering from panic
disorder.
In addition to information gathered from the diagnostic interview, further analysis
of panic and related symptomatology can be achieved through a number of brief
measurement instruments. These instruments can serve to facilitate an accurate
diagnosis as well as aid in the development of a treatment plan and provide baseline
data for later comparison of treatment progress. A thorough guide to relevant measures
is beyond the scope of this chapter but one excellent resource is the Practitioner’s
Guide to Empirically Based Measures of Anxiety (Antony, Orsillo, & Roemer, 2001)
or the Handbook of Clinical Interviewing with Adults (Hersen & Thomas, 2007).
However, we provide a few suggestions for measures of specific domains related to
panic disorder. First, panic attack severity can be assessed using a clinician-administered
scale such as the Panic Disorder Severity Scale (PDSS; Shear et al., 1997) or the self-
administered Panic Disorder Self-Report (Newman, Holmes, Zuellig, Kachin, &
Behar, 2006). Panic-related (or agoraphobic) avoidance should either be assessed
through a clinician’s questioning about commonly seen panic avoidance, or be
more systematically assessed with the Mobility Inventory (Chambless, Caputo, Jasin,
Gracely, & Williams, 1985), which is a self-report measure that queries respondents
about 26 different situations that are commonly the focus of phobic avoidance.
Anxiety sensitivity has been shown to mediate treatment outcome (Smits, Powers,
Cho, & Telch, 2004) and therefore we recommend monitoring it on a regular basis.
The most commonly utilized measure of anxiety sensitivity is the Anxiety Sensitivity
Index, a 16-item self-report measure (Peterson & Reiss, 1993). A newer measure of
anxiety sensitivity is the 18-item Anxiety Sensitivity Index–3 (ASI-3; Taylor et al.,
2007). The ASI-3 was developed to address some of the psychometric deficiencies
observed with the ASI, especially in regard to measuring its subfactors (e.g., social
concerns, cognitive concerns, physiological concerns) of anxiety sensitivity (Zinbarg,
Barlow, & Brown, 1997). Use of the ASI-3 is recommended when there is particular
interest in monitoring change in the anxiety sensitivity subfactors during the course
of treatment.
An important part of the assessment and diagnostic phase of treatment is providing
the client with diagnostic feedback. Individuals with panic disorder have often spent
significant time and resources seeking a diagnosis for and understanding of their
symptoms. Patients with panic disorder often repeatedly present to medical settings
such as emergency departments thinking that their panic symptoms are a manifestation
of a serious physical illness and in such settings they rarely receive an accurate diagnosis
(e.g., Deacon, Lickel, & Abramowitz, 2008; Foldes-Busque et al., 2011). Thus, before
Panic Disorder 921
beginning the specific techniques of CBT, time should be set aside to explain the
diagnosis of panic disorder and how the client’s particular symptoms and experiences
fit the diagnosis.
Education
Building upon the diagnostic feedback, CBT should begin with psychoeducation
regarding the patient’s role in this type of therapy, the CBT model of panic, and the
physiological nature of panic. As with the CBT treatment of any disorder, therapy
should start with a discussion of the patient’s role in the therapeutic process. Patients
come to therapy with different levels of therapeutic experience and expectations.
Those who have a history of supportive or dynamic therapy may have expectations
about their role in therapy and the therapeutic process that are discordant with CBT.
Because CBT is necessarily challenging, it is helpful for patients to understand that
treatment is collaborative, that sessions will be structured and follow a mutually
agreed upon agenda, and that treatment gains will be more readily seen if they attend
sessions on a regular basis and complete the home practice that is assigned between
sessions.
Orienting patients to the CBT conceptualization of the panic cycle also helps to
set the foundation for therapy. Patients are likely to achieve a deeper understanding
of the processes involved if the therapist and patient work together to personalize
the cycle to the patient’s experience. This can be done by first asking patients what
they noticed during some of their initial, or more severe, panic attacks. Some of the
important data to highlight include physical symptoms that may be salient. Finally,
the patient is asked how he or she has tended to react to panic. For example, a trip
to the emergency room is a pretty clear sign that the individual believed they were
experiencing some type of catastrophic medical emergency. If patients have difficulty
recalling such information, the clinician can prompt them by providing examples that
were mentioned during the assessment (see an example of a personalized panic cycle
in Figure 39.1). The clinician then uses the specific examples to engage the patient in
a discussion of how physical symptoms lead to anxiety-provoking thoughts that then
lead to anxious behaviors. This discussion should illustrate that this cycle serves to
reinforce and exacerbate anxiety and panic. Finally, it should then be explained that
the goal of CBT is to alleviate panic through disrupting this cycle.
Patients with panic disorder necessarily experience a significant amount of distress
regarding the specific physiological presentation of their panic attacks. It is crucial for
patients to come to the understanding that while the symptoms may be uncomfortable
they are not dangerous or a sign of some impending physical or cognitive catastrophe
(Barlow & Craske, 2007). To ameliorate this distress, clinicians should provide
patients with an explanation of the fight-or-flight response and how this response
serves to protect us when faced with harm. It is helpful to emphasize that this is an
adaptive, evolutionary system designed to protect us, as well as to review with patients
their particular physical symptoms and how those symptoms fit into the fight-or-flight
response. For example, anxiety will create unpleasant cardiac sensations because of
increased heart rate. However, the reason for these sensations is that the body is
preparing itself (to fight or flee) by ensuring increased delivery of oxygen to our
922 Specific Disorders
Physical symptoms
• Shaking
• Sweating
• Nauseous
• Heart racing
• Dizziness
• Difficulty breathing
Behaviors Thoughts
• Avoid crowds • I am going to pass out and hurt myself.
• Avoid situations where panic has • People are going to think I am weird
occurred because my hands are shaking.
• Sit by the exit in class and movies • My throat is closing.
• Make sure I always have my medicine • I am going crazy.
and cell phone with me
major muscle groups. For some patients, such explanations may mitigate their fear of
physical symptoms, but for most psychoeducation is just the starting point for more
active and challenging CBT interventions.
Exposure
Exposure, that is, repeated and systematic provocation of fear by placing the patient
in fear-producing situations, is the central intervention in the treatment of anxiety
psychopathology (Craske, Rowe, Lewin, & Noriega-Dimitri, 1997). In the case of
panic disorder, therapists utilize both in vivo exposure and interoceptive exposure.
In vivo exposure is focused on exposing clients to places, people, and situations
that they actively avoid in their day-to-day lives due to fears and distress about
panicking. Situational exposure is informed by assessments focused on bringing to
light avoidance. In addition to specifying more overt and obvious avoidance behaviors
such as avoiding driving on certain roads or going to crowded stores, this assessment
needs to help identify more subtle coping strategies, which we typically refer to as
safety behaviors (Schmidt & Telch, 1994; Schmidt et al., 2012), such as bringing
companions or objects (e.g., water bottle, pill bottle) with them to places in an effort
to make themselves feel more secure. The use of these safety behaviors may serve to
undermine exposure since use of safety aids may prevent the induction of fear, or
patients may perceive that the safety aids were critical in allowing them to manage
Panic Disorder 923
the situation. In both instances, the patient fails to receive a potent disconfirmation
of the beliefs underlying the avoidance behaviors.
Whereas in vivo exposure has long been employed in the treatment of anxiety
problems, cognitive models of panic suggest that addressing the fear of anxiety-
related physiological arousal may be even more critical to effective treatment of
panic disorder (Clark, 1986). To address these concerns, interoceptive exposure (IE)
is utilized. Just as in vivo exposure is designed to mitigate fears of situations, the
basic premise of IE is that repeated, deliberate exposure to internal anxiety-related
sensations will reduce fear of internal sensations. To begin IE, an assessment is
conducted which involves the therapist guiding the patient through a number of
exercises (e.g., breathing through a coffee stirrer, running in place, spinning in an
office chair) intended to provoke strong physical sensations. Following each exercise,
the patient is asked to rate the fear provoked by the particular exercise as well as
its similarity to the panic-induced sensations. Exercises that elicit distress are then
selected for repeated practice both in session and for homework. Further information
on these procedures can be found elsewhere (e.g., Craske & Barlow, 2007; Schmidt
& Trakowski, 2004).
Cognitive Restructuring
While exposure-based techniques address many of the physical and behavioral sequelae
of panic disorder, cognitive restructuring serves to directly address the fear-provoking
thoughts that are believed to be central to the condition. The first step in the
restructuring is identifying anxiety-provoking thoughts. Some patients are more
aware of their thoughts than others but probing as well as the assessment will
typically identify many of the key anxiogenic thoughts. When these methods are
insufficient, therapist-assisted exposure will often reveal such thoughts when sufficient
anxiety is generated. The goal of cognitive restructuring is to examine and correct
maladaptive thoughts as well as to enable the patient to generate alternatives. The
themes of panic-related anxious thoughts vary; however, they regularly fall into two
categories—probability overestimation and catastrophization.
Probability overestimation involves greatly overestimating the likelihood of an
event (e.g., “Being dizzy means I will pass out”). In many instances, education
about the physical effects of arousal (e.g., anxiety causes hyperventilation, which in
turn often creates dizziness) is a critical starting point to cognitive restructuring.
However, behavioral experiments including IE exercises are often important in
providing compelling disconfirmation of the threatening thought (e.g., having the
patient repeatedly hyperventilate until very dizzy to see that these intense symptoms
do not lead to passing out).
The second type of thinking that is common for panic clients is catastrophization
and typically involves prediction that the consequences of panic are far worse than
reality. For example, patients may believe that they will panic at work and make a
“complete fool of themselves.” Careful examination of prior panic attacks as well as
planned exposure is useful in illuminating the more accurate outcomes of panic (e.g.,
“No one even noticed when I panicked”). Of course, cognitive restructuring, in vivo
924 Specific Disorders
Efficacy
CBT is viewed as the most efficacious form of treatment for most anxiety disorders and
is generally considered to be the ideal type of treatment modality for panic disorder
(Barlow et al., 2002). Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) have clearly indicated
the efficacy of CBT in the treatment of panic disorder (Barlow, Gorman, Shear, &
Woods, 2000). RCTs examining the use of CBT for panic disorder have consistently
found impressive effect sizes with a mean effect size of 0.68 in meta-analyses (Gould,
Otto, & Pollack, 1995) with the majority of patients being classified as treatment
responders (Mitte, 2005). These effects have been demonstrated in tightly controlled
trials by independent research teams, showing the efficacy of CBT for panic disorder
in comparison to placebo (Barlow et al., 2000; Sharp, Power, Simpson, & Swanson,
1996), applied relaxation (Clark et al., 1994), nondirective supportive therapy (Craske,
Maidenberg, & Bystritsky, 1995), and the use of pharmacotherapy, especially when
considering long-term treatment gains (Otto & Deveney, 2005). As a result, CBT has
been listed as an empirically supported treatment for panic disorder by the American
Psychological Association Task Force (Chambless & Ollendick, 2001).
Recent meta-analytic examinations of the effects of singular and combined treatment
approaches have shown that the combination of CBT and pharmacotherapy tends to
provide beneficial effects in the treatment of panic disorder in the short-term, acute
treatment phase; however, when examining the long-term maintenance of treatment
gains, the effects of CBT are believed to be more enduring (Hofmann, Sawyer, Korte,
& Smits, 2009), particularly once medication has been discontinued. In fact, it has
been suggested that the discontinuation of pharmacotherapy may actually have a
deleterious effect on prior treatment gains (Schmidt, Koselka, & Woolaway-Bickel,
2001), thereby underscoring the potential difficulties associated with discontinuing
this treatment approach over time. For example, the use of benzodiazepines has been
shown to be efficacious in the acute treatment of anxiety; however, discontinuation
of these medications is associated with significant withdrawal sensations (Roy-Byrne
& Hommer, 1988) which tend to mirror the symptoms of anxiety and result in
rebound anxiety (Fontaine, Chouinard, & Annable, 1984). Fortunately, evidence
has emerged showing that CBT can assist with reducing the distress associated with
withdrawal sensations experienced when tapering benzodiazepines among those with
panic disorder (Otto et al., 2010; Otto et al., 1993).
While older, primarily exposure-based interventions and newer CBT-based inter-
ventions have reliably been shown to be efficacious in RCTs, a recent review paper
revealed some interesting findings regarding historical trends in the efficacy of CBT
for anxiety (Öst, 2008). Specifically, Öst (2008) reviewed over 400 RCTs for panic
and other anxiety disorders and found that the average effect size for panic disorder
treatment trials has decreased from an effect size of 2.40 for cognitive therapy in the
Panic Disorder 925
1990s to an effect size of 1.23 for cognitive behavioral therapy in the 2000s, thereby
demonstrating the negative associations between year of publication and effect sizes
for the primary outcome measures used in the studies. These findings may be due to
a number of factors, such as an increase in symptom severity in more recent trials;
however, this review raises a significant question about whether the integration of
cognitive therapy and interoceptive exposure has significantly enhanced efficacy in the
treatment of panic. Öst, Thulin, and Ramnerö (2004) conducted a dismantling study
illustrating this effect, in which panic disorder patients were randomized to receive
either in vivo exposure or CBT. Results revealed that while both groups evidenced
significant improvements across a wide range of treatment outcomes, there were no
differences in treatment outcome between the groups, 67% of the in vivo exposure
group and 79% of the CBT group having significant reductions in the primary out-
come at posttreatment. At follow-up, 74% of the in vivo exposure group and 76% of
the CBT group had significant treatment gains. So while it is fair to say that CBT for
panic disorder has demonstrated high efficacy, it is also important to note that the use
of interoceptive techniques and cognitive restructuring may not significantly enhance
treatments that rely on basic exposure.
Effectiveness
While considerable research has supported the use of CBT as an efficacious treatment
for panic disorder, less work has examined the dissemination and effectiveness of
CBT for panic disorder in real-world settings, such as primary care and community
mental health centers. The majority of patients with panic disorder initially seek
treatment for their symptoms in primary care settings (Kessler et al., 2006; Wang
et al., 2005), which underscores the need for effectiveness trials in real-world settings
to address this public health concern. As such, primary care physicians are commonly
the first to see individuals suffering from panic disorder, with 85% of panic disorder
patients initially seeking medical attention for their symptoms (Katerndahl & Realini,
1995). At the onset of panic attacks, many patients will present at medical centers
since their symptoms (e.g., racing heart, shortness of breath, numbness) tend to
be misinterpreted as symptoms of an impending medical condition such as having
a heart attack or a stroke. Unfortunately, it appears that a minority of patients in
primary care settings are recognized as having an anxiety condition when presenting
for treatment in a primary care setting (Ormel, Koeter, van den Brink, & van de
Willige, 1991) and it has been estimated that 70% of panic disorder patients have an
average of 10 contacts with a physician before receiving a correct diagnosis (Sheehan,
1982). Moreover, Roy-Byrne, Katon, Cowley, and Russo (2001) found that of those
correctly diagnosed with panic disorder in a primary care setting, only 12% received
psychotherapy containing some elements of CBT.
Despite the lack of recognition of panic and anxiety conditions and the low
percentage of those receiving efficacious treatment for panic in these settings, there
are some promising effectiveness trials examining the integration of CBT into primary
care settings. These trials have used a variety of strategies, including training primary
care physicians in CBT, using self-help and computer-assisted treatments in these
926 Specific Disorders
settings, and using collaborative care models that involve the integration of CBT-
trained mental health therapists into primary care settings (Grey, Salkovskis, Quigley,
Clark, & Ehlers, 2008; Roy-Byrne et al., 2005; Roy-Byrne et al., 2010). These
effectiveness trials suggest significant patient improvement can be achieved when
CBT is incorporated into primary care settings.
Effectiveness trials examining the use of CBT for panic disorder have also been
conducted in community mental health centers. Based on the limited reports available,
research has shown that manualized CBT protocols for the treatment of panic disorder
can be administered effectively at community mental health centers with high rates
of treatment responders at posttreatment (87%) and at 1-year follow-up (89%),
suggesting that the treatment gains at posttreatment (Wade, Treat, & Stuart, 1998)
and at 1-year follow-up (Stuart, Treat, & Wade, 2000) tend to be comparable to those
reported for efficacy trials conducted at research centers. Likewise, reports evaluating
the use of empirically supported CBT protocols in managed care settings also suggest
that CBT protocols result in improvements over treatment as usual (Addis et al.,
2006).
panic disorder with comorbid Cluster A and Cluster C personality disorders tended
to have elevated severity of symptoms at baseline and posttreatment, and poorer
treatment outcome, after controlling for baseline panic disorder and personality
disorder severity.
Other reports have also found that certain comorbid diagnoses are not affected
even when CBT is generally efficacious for panic disorder. For example, comorbid
alcohol use disorders and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) may not be impacted
by CBT for panic (Bowen, D’Arcy, Keegan, & Senthilselvan, 2000; Teng et al.,
2008). Teng et al. (2008) conducted an investigation examining the use of CBT
for panic disorder or a supportive psychoeducation control in a group of individuals
with a principal PTSD diagnosis and comorbid panic. The intervention resulted in a
more substantial reduction in panic frequency, severity, and distress than the control
treatment; however, the symptom severity for PTSD and other comorbid conditions
was not reduced in either condition.
Still other evidence suggests that comorbid conditions may benefit from CBT
for panic disorder. Tsao et al. (2002, 2005) assessed the use of a CBT-based
panic intervention for panic disorder patients with a broad spectrum of comorbid
diagnoses. These investigations suggest that the panic-focused intervention resulted
in reductions in the severity of the comorbid diagnoses as well as the number
of comorbid conditions that met diagnostic criteria at posttreatment. Recently,
Emmrich et al. (2012) examined the impact of CBT for panic disorder in comorbid
depression, finding depressive symptoms to be significantly reduced at posttreatment.
These investigations are consistent with the idea that certain comorbid conditions are
secondary to panic disorder, or it may be the case that CBT skills for panic disorder
effectively generalize to other conditions.
It has also been suggested that comorbidity may actually be associated with
enhanced treatment outcome for some panic disorder patients (Chambless,
Renneberg, Goldstein, & Gracely, 1992). Recently, Olatunji, Cisler, and Tolin
(2010) conducted a meta-analytic investigation examining the effect of comorbidity
on treatment outcome in patients with anxiety disorders, finding positive effect sizes
for panic disorder patients with comorbid conditions (k = 13, z = 3.81, p < .001).
As suggested by Olatunji et al., it is possible that panic disorder patients with
comorbid conditions may have a differential treatment response, possibly having an
enhanced response to treatment. It is not clear exactly why panic disorder patients
with comorbid conditions show larger effect sizes. One explanation is that these
individuals may have greater overall severity pretreatment because of the comorbid
conditions and therefore have more room to change in the context of treatment,
or they have more room to regress to the mean while at the same time being less
responsive to control conditions (Olatunji et al., 2010).
Overall, results of these investigations examining the effects of comorbidity in
the treatment of panic disorder appear to be complex and potentially contradictory.
Although there are considerable methodological differences across studies, it appears
that at least some of the incongruous findings are due to differences in the type and
severity of the comorbid conditions examined. Further investigation is needed to
clarify this situation.
928 Specific Disorders
Pharmacotherapy
Treatment Innovations
Computerized Interventions
Computerized treatments for panic disorder have begun to appear over the past
decade. The advantages of computerized treatments are similar to those previously
seen with more traditional self-help book therapy (or bibliotherapy) as they require
little to no involvement from a trained mental health professional, reducing the cost
of treatment and the burden to the mental health system. However, computerized
treatments offer additional advantages over bibliotherapy as they can be interactive,
which can provide the user with a more engaging, personally tailored therapy
experience. An engaging protocol should lead to greater compliance and decreased
attrition. Additionally, more sophisticated, computer-based platforms can provide a
means of assessing treatment compliance, comprehension, and clinical progress.
Panic Disorder 929
These strategies, called safety aids, are ubiquitous across anxiety conditions and
play a central role in the maintenance of anxiety conditions. A major strength of
F-SET is the straightforward nature of the intervention, which focuses on iden-
tification and elimination of safety aids, which tend to be similar across anxiety
disorders. The F-SET protocol is especially helpful for clients with multiple anxiety
conditions, who tend to use the same safety behaviors with each diagnosed anxi-
ety condition. For example, Schmidt et al. (2012) found that 88% of participants
in the F-SET condition, which included patients with panic disorder, social anx-
iety disorder, and generalized anxiety disorder, demonstrated clinically significant
improvement.
Recently, the utility of adding motivational interviewing (MI; Miller & Rollnick,
2002) techniques to CBT in the treatment of anxiety disorders has been examined.
Preliminary research has suggested that incorporating MI techniques into CBT
enhances treatment outcome for anxiety disorders (Buckner, Ledley, Heimberg, &
Schmidt, 2008; Maltby & Tolin, 2005; Merlo et al., 2010; Westra, Arkowitz, &
Dozois, 2009). Westra and Dozois (2006) examined the use of a three-session MI
pretreatment before group CBT in a mixed anxiety sample of patients with panic
disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, and social anxiety disorder. Those receiving MI
were found to have increased homework compliance, higher expectancy for anxiety
control, and a significantly higher level of responders at posttreatment. This provides
preliminary evidence for the potential benefits of using MI as an adjunct to CBT in
the treatment of panic disorder.
Conclusions
Panic disorder can be a chronic and highly debilitating condition. Fortunately, there
are a number of scientifically established treatments for this disorder, with CBT being
a clear treatment of choice. As reviewed in the chapter, CBT has vast empirical
support for its efficacy in treating panic disorder. Moreover, strides have been made
to disseminate CBT for panic in primary care and other settings. However, there
is some concern that we have reached something of an “efficacy plateau” as newer
CBT interventions do not appear to clearly outperform older, exposure-focused
interventions. Moreover, dissemination remains a critical challenge as the majority of
individuals suffering from panic do not receive CBT. On the positive side, there is
promise in these areas. For example, the use of transdiagnostic treatment approaches
and computerized interventions are likely to speed dissemination, and researchers have
begun to examine different approaches to enhance outcomes through augmentation
of protocols with other treatment strategies as well as certain substances (e.g.,
D-cycloserine, motivational interviewing, emotion regulation).
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40
Agoraphobia
Michael J. Telch, Adam R. Cobb,
and Cynthia L. Lancaster
Laboratory for the Study of Anxiety Disorders, The University of Texas at Austin
History of Agoraphobia
The term agoraphobia was first coined by Westphal (1871) in his description of three
males who experienced intense anxiety when walking across open spaces. Westphal also
noted the physiological symptoms of anxiety (i.e., palpitations, blushing, trembling,
and sensations of heat) and the intense subjective anxiety that is elicited upon
anticipating entering a feared situation. Today, agoraphobia remains one of the
most disabling phobias and one of the most challenging to treat (Wittchen, Gloster,
Beesdo-Baum, Fava, & Craske, 2010).
In the third edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(DSM-III; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 1980), agoraphobia was char-
acterized as a “marked fear and avoidance of being alone, or in public places from
which escape might be difficult, or help not available in case of sudden incapacitation”
(p. 227). However, even the DSM-III recognized the linkage between agoraphobia
and panic attacks by stipulating that a diagnosis of agoraphobia with panic attacks
should be coded if the onset of the disorder included recurring panic attacks. In the
third revised edition of the DSM (DSM-III-R; APA, 1987) and subsequently in the
fourth edition (DSM-IV; APA, 1994; DSM-IV-TR; APA, 2000), agoraphobia was
reconceptualized as a common complicating feature of panic, thus relegating agora-
phobia to a panic disorder “subtype” status. In the DSM-IV, the diagnosis “agorapho-
bia” no longer exists; rather, in cases of “pure” agoraphobia, clinicians are instructed to
use the diagnosis “agoraphobia without history of panic disorder.” It is interesting to
note that the diagnostic criteria for agoraphobia in the International Statistical Clas-
sification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (10th ed.; ICD-10; World Health
Organization, 1992)—the diagnostic system used in many other countries outside the
United States—still recognizes agoraphobia as taking precedence over panic disorder.
There continues to be considerable controversy surrounding the current diagnostic
status of agoraphobia. The crux of this controversy concerns whether agoraphobia
Epidemiology
Prevalence of Agoraphobia
Data from a community survey in Vermont predating the DSM-III (Agras, Sylvester,
& Oliveau, 1969) estimated the prevalence of agoraphobia to be 6 per 1,000 indi-
viduals. Since that early report, numerous high quality epidemiological investigations
using standard diagnostic criteria have appeared (Adler et al., 2006; Eaton, Kessler,
Wittchen, & Magee, 1994; Kessler et al., 2006; Wittchen & Essau, 1991). Prevalence
rates from these studies vary somewhat as a function of sample, diagnostic criteria,
and diagnostic instrument, but a reasonably conservative estimate of the lifetime
prevalence of agoraphobia with and without panic across studies is approximately 5%.
Further, agoraphobia with and without panic disorder is about 2 and 1.3 times more
likely to occur in women, respectively, and has a mean age of onset in the early 20s
(Kessler et al., 2006).
The first series of research reports on the treatment of agoraphobia appeared almost
50 years ago. These first generation studies share several common features. First,
they all predated the DSM-III and consequently it is not clear what proportion
of the patients in these studies would have met current DSM-IV criteria for panic
disorder with agoraphobia, or agoraphobia without panic disorder, or neither diag-
nosis. Second, the treatments included in this first group all targeted reductions in
situational avoidance and phobic anxiety, as opposed to reductions in panic attacks,
or fear of panic attacks. Third, despite a number of different treatment variations
and labels, they all had a common procedural element, namely having the patient
confront fear-eliciting situations repeatedly with the goal of eliminating the patients’
phobic anxiety and avoidance. Finally, most would not meet the methodological
standards of contemporary treatment outcome investigations; that is, the studies were
underpowered, lacked treatment fidelity assessments, and focused their analyses on
treatment completers only.
The specific treatments studied in these early investigations include systematic
desensitization (Gelder & Marks, 1966; Gillan & Rachman, 1974), imaginal flooding
(Gelder et al., 1973; Marks, Boulougouris, & Marset, 1971), reinforced practice
(Agras, Leitenberg, & Barlow, 1968; Crowe, Marks, Agras, & Leitenberg, 1972),
self-observation (Emmelkamp, 1974), group in vivo flooding (Hand, Lamontagne,
& Marks, 1974; Stern & Marks, 1973; Teasdale, Walsh, Lancashire, & Mathews,
Agoraphobia 943
1977; Watson, Mullett, & Pillay, 1973), and participant modeling/guided mastery
(Bandura, Jeffery, & Wright, 1974; Williams, 1990). As mentioned earlier, these
treatments all shared the central procedural element of having the patient repeat-
edly confront fear-provoking situations. They differ mainly with respect to certain
parameters of exposure, namely, mode of presentation (imaginal vs. in vivo), intensity
(graded vs. ungraded), and mode of facilitation (therapist-aided, partner-aided, or
self-directed).
Systematic Desensitization
The primary focus of systematic desensitization in the treatment of agoraphobia has
been to teach the patient to produce inhibitory physiological responses (i.e., deep
muscle relaxation) in order to inhibit the anxiety response to increasingly threatening
situations. Gelder and Marks (1966) compared desensitization with attention placebo
control in treating 20 inpatients with agoraphobia. Despite the trend in favor of
desensitization, differences between the two groups at posttreatment and follow-
up were not statistically significant. Similarly, Gelder, Marks, and Wolff (1967)
found systematic desensitization only slightly more effective than individual or group
psychotherapy in reducing phobic symptoms in 14 patients with agoraphobia. Further,
Wolpe (1974) reported that desensitization is contraindicated in the treatment of
agoraphobia except for those who suffer from a specific fear of open space.
Imaginal Flooding
Imaginal flooding involves exposing the patient in imagination to high levels of
feared situations for prolonged durations. Research investigating its application in
the treatment of agoraphobia first appeared in an article by Watson, Gaind, and
Marks (1971) in which they reported significant reductions in phobic symptoms
as measured by clinical ratings and heart rate response to phobic imagery among
10 agoraphobics. Other investigations of imaginal flooding have been conducted in
the context of comparisons with systematic desensitization (Boulougouris, Marks,
& Marset, 1971). Boulougouris et al., for instance, showed that imaginal flooding
significantly outperformed imaginal desensitization in a mixed sample of patients with
agoraphobia and specific phobias.
In an attempt to assess the role of anxiety experienced during flooding, Chambless,
Foa, Groves, and Goldstein (1979) compared imaginal flooding alone, flooding plus a
relaxant drug, and a control group with 27 outpatient agoraphobics. Results indicated
that imaginal flooding decreased phobic symptoms as measured by client and therapist
ratings, and physiological and behavioral measures. They found some support for the
hypothesis that patients who experienced higher levels of anxiety during treatment
benefited more from the treatment. This finding is in sharp contrast to results reported
by Hussain and Nolan (1971), who treated 40 outpatients diagnosed with anxiety
neurosis with either imaginal flooding with thiopental infusions or imaginal flooding
with saline. Hussain and Nolan suggest that the use of a short-acting barbiturate
(e.g., thiopental) protects against the possibility that exposure therapy may exacerbate
anxiety.
944 Specific Disorders
Self-Observation
The self-observation procedure for treating agoraphobia was introduced by
Emmelkamp and colleagues (Emmelkamp, 1974; Emmelkamp & Emmelkamp-
Benner, 1975). Like successive approximation, self-observation requires patients to
gradually enter feared situations. Upon experiencing undue anxiety, the patient is
instructed to return immediately. This procedure is repeated for a number of trials,
with the usual session length being approximately 90 minutes. Unlike successive
approximation, however, patients are not given social reinforcement by the therapist.
Instead, patients are provided with a stopwatch and instructed to record the time
they spend outside. It should be noted that both self-observation and successive
approximation differ from flooding in that they do not require the patient to
experience a reduction in anxiety before terminating the trial.
Emmelkamp (1974) compared the relative effectiveness of self-observation, flood-
ing, a combination of flooding and self-observation, and a wait-list control in treating
20 outpatient agoraphobics. Patients in the first three conditions received a total
of 12 sessions (90 minutes each) over a 4-week period (three sessions per week).
In the flooding sessions, patients received 45 minutes of flooding in imagination
immediately followed by 45 minutes of flooding in vivo. Patients in the combined
flooding/self-observation condition received flooding during the first three sessions
and self-observation for the remaining nine sessions. Results indicated that patients in
all three treatment conditions significantly improved on measures of phobic anxiety,
phobic avoidance (rated by patient, therapist, and observer), and a behavioral in vivo
measure. While no differences were found between self-observation and flooding,
the combined flooding/self-observation treatment was shown to be more effective
than either of the individual treatments. It is possible that the combined treatment
proved more credible to the patients and thus increased their expectation for change.
Unfortunately, credibility assessment was not carried out to test this hypothesis.
Everaerd, Rijken, and Emmelkamp (1973) compared self-observation and succes-
sive approximation in a cross-over design with 16 agoraphobic outpatients. Patients
in both treatment conditions received six 90-minute sessions over a 3-week period
(two sessions per week). Results indicated that both treatments produced significant
improvement in phobic anxiety (rated by client and therapist) and in vivo mea-
surement (number of minutes spent outside). Between-group comparisons yielded
no significant differences on any of the measures. The findings suggest that social
reinforcement administered by the therapist is not an essential component of in vivo
treatments for agoraphobia.
Using a 2 x 2 factorial design, Emmelkamp and Emmelkamp-Benner (1975) tested
the effects of historically portrayed modeling and group versus individual format
on the outcome of self-observation treatment. Thirty-four agoraphobic outpatients
were randomly assigned to one of the following four conditions: (a) video film plus
individual treatment, (b) video film plus group treatment, (c) individual treatment (no
film), and (d) group treatment (no film). Patients in all conditions received four 90-
minute sessions of self-observation. Half of the patients were treated in small groups
of 4 to 6 patients, while the other half were seen individually. The video film, which
lasted 23 minutes, showed three ex-agoraphobics discussing their experiences with
Agoraphobia 945
self-observation treatment. The film stressed that clients had improved by practicing
in the phobic situations. Patients in all conditions were instructed to carry out the
procedure at home. Results showed a significant improvement for all conditions,
as measured by in vivo client and observer ratings of phobic anxiety and phobic
avoidance. Group treatment proved just as effective as individual treatment and the
video film had no effect on treatment outcome. The present findings support the
conclusion that self-observation treatment administered in a group setting is both
effective and cost-efficient in treating agoraphobia.
Self-Directed Exposure
For almost four decades, anxiety disorder researchers have speculated that exposure
to feared situations is the crucial procedural element in the successful treatment
of agoraphobia (Marks, 1978). If this assumption is true, agoraphobia sufferers
should be able to achieve considerable therapeutic benefit on their own through
946 Specific Disorders
self-directed practice entering feared situations with guidance coming from a ther-
apist, family member, or self-help manual. Several studies have examined the
effects of simply providing agoraphobia patients with instructions for self-directed
practice.
The first systematic evaluation of a self-directed home-based treatment program
for agoraphobia was conducted by Mathews, Teasdale, Munby, Johnston, and Shaw
(1977). Twelve married agoraphobia patients were seen at their homes and were
provided with manuals which described (a) the development and maintenance of
agoraphobia, (b) principles of target behavior selection, (c) self-monitored practice,
and (d) panic management. In addition, patients’ spouses were provided with a
detailed manual describing the same material with additional sections covering the
spouse’s role in reinforcing phobic behavior and use of contingent attention to
reinforce patients’ practice. A therapist visited patients on eight occasions during the
4-week program. During the home visits, the therapist stressed the importance of
daily practice, gave advice about overcoming specific difficulties encountered during
practice, ensured that future targets had been agreed upon between partners, and
encouraged the use of contingent reinforcement for achieving proximal goals. Results
of the program were quite encouraging. Data obtained from patients’ diaries revealed
a twofold increase in the time spent out of the house. Significant improvement was
also shown on ratings of phobic anxiety, phobic severity, and psychiatric ratings
of overall improvement. Comparison of the present results with those achieved in
earlier studies by the same authors using the same measures, therapists, and assessors
(Mathews et al., 1976) revealed a similar or even greater effect for the home-based
program. A notable finding was that patients showed further improvements on most
measures during the follow-up.
A replication of the Mathews et al. home-based treatment program (Jannoun,
Munby, Catalan, & Gelder, 1980) provided additional evidence for the efficacy
of this self-directed exposure treatment. Twenty-eight women with agoraphobia
were randomly assigned to the self-directed exposure program or a problem-solving
control condition. Self-directed exposure led to a significantly greater increase in
the number of weekly journeys out of the home compared to the problem-solving
treatment. However, the authors also noted the unexpected improvement achieved
in the problem-solving control treatment. This latter finding raises the question as
to whether exposure to phobic situations is a crucial procedural component for fear
reduction to occur as well as the possibility that both treatments may be mediated by
a mechanism other than exposure-facilitated habituation to feared situations.
Several early studies have examined the efficacy of self-directed exposure to
feared situations without the involvement of family members (Greist, Marks, Berlin,
Gournay, & Noshirvani, 1980; McDonald et al., 1979). In McDonald et al., 19
patients with agoraphobia were randomly assigned to a self-exposure homework con-
dition or a nonexposure discussion control. Results revealed a small but statistically
significant superiority of the self-exposure condition on patients’ ratings of phobic
severity and assessors’ ratings of target problems. It should be noted that the supe-
riority of the self-exposure condition was obtained despite evidence from patients’
diaries showing that the groups did not differ in the frequency of outings (McDonald
et al., 1979).
Agoraphobia 947
This next group of treatment studies includes single-site RCTs in which patients
meeting for agoraphobia with panic attacks (DSM-III) were randomly assigned to
a psychological treatment that was compared to either another active treatment, a
nonspecific treatment (attention/placebo control), or delayed treatment (wait-list
control). As a group, the studies in this generation tend to be methodologically
superior to those in the first generation by virtue of their (a) larger sample size,
(b) use of structured diagnostic interviews to ensure patients met the threshold for
agoraphobia, (c) use of psychometrically validated outcome measures, (d) greater
attention to issues of treatment fidelity, (e) greater attention to patient dropouts
in their outcome analyses, and (f) greater attention to the clinical significance of
the changes brought about by the treatments. The treatments investigated in this
generation of studies tend to be exposure-based treatments or attempts to enhance
exposure treatments through one or more augmentation strategies. Representative
studies in this generation (Michelson, Marchione, Greenwald, Testa, & Marchione,
1996; Öst, Thulin, & Ramnero, 2004; van den Hout, Arntz, & Hoekstra, 1994)
are described later in this chapter in the section entitled, “Exposure Augmentation
Strategies in the Treatment of Agoraphobia.”
This next group of treatment studies includes single-site RCTs in which patients
met DSM-III-R or DSM-IV criteria for panic disorder with agoraphobia. As a
group, the studies in this generation tend to be of high quality and share the same
methodological strengths outlined above. Unlike second generation studies, which
focused primarily on situational exposure treatments alone or in combination with
other treatment augmentation strategies, the treatments investigated in this generation
include therapeutic elements that specifically target panic attacks and panic-related
apprehension. The three most widely researched treatments in this generation are
panic-focused cognitive behavioral therapy (Barlow, Craske, Cerny, & Klosko, 1989;
Craske et al., 2005; Margraf, Barlow, Clark, & Telch, 1993; Telch et al., 1993;
Telch, Schmidt, Jaimez, Jacquin, & Harrington, 1995), cognitive therapy (Clark
948 Specific Disorders
et al., 1994; Clark et al., 1999), and applied relaxation training (Öst, 1987, 1988).
Most studies of this generation include mixed samples of panic disorder with and
without agoraphobia. To avoid duplication with Chapter 39 (“Panic Disorder”), we
have limited this review to representative third generation treatment studies focusing
on agoraphobia outcome.
In a comparative study of several widely established treatments for panic disorder
with agoraphobia (PDA), Öst, Westling, and Hellstrom (1993) randomized 45
patients meeting DSM-III-R criteria for panic disorder with moderate to severe
agoraphobia to applied relaxation, in vivo exposure, or cognitive therapy. Patients
in all three conditions received self-exposure homework instructions. The three
treatments yielded significant pre- to posttreatment improvements across behavioral
and self-report measures of agoraphobia with no appreciable differences between the
treatments. On a behavioral assessment of agoraphobia, 86.7% in the applied relaxation
group, 80% in the in vivo exposure group, and 60% in the cognitive therapy group
met criteria for clinically significant improvement at posttreatment. On a self-report
assessment of agoraphobia, 53.3% in the applied relaxation group, 46.7% in the in
vivo exposure group, and 60% in the cognitive therapy group met criteria for clinically
significant improvement at posttreatment. Between-group comparisons revealed no
statistically significant differences in the percentage of participants demonstrating
clinically significant improvement. All three treatments maintained their gains at
1-year follow-up, although only patients assigned to cognitive therapy (26.7%)
sought additional treatment during the follow-up period.
Craske, DeCola, Sachs, and Pontillo (2003) investigated the efficacy of augmenting
panic control treatment (PCT) with in vivo exposure. Patients meeting DSM-IV
criteria for panic disorder with moderate to severe agoraphobia were assigned to
either PCT alone (in which they were encouraged to approach avoided situations, but
were not provided with instruction or feedback) or PCT with formal in vivo exposure
(in which they were encouraged to approach avoided situations and were provided
with instruction and feedback). At posttreatment and at follow-up, both treatments
were deemed equally effective for both panic disorder and agoraphobia. Clinically
significant improvement at posttreatment was achieved in 42% of the PCT-only
group and 32% of the PCT plus exposure group. At 6-month follow-up, 58% of the
PCT-only group and 50% of the PCT plus exposure group met criteria for clinically
significant improvement. There were no statistically significant between-group
differences in the percentage meeting criteria for clinically significant improvement.
Results overall suggest that adding formal in vivo exposure to standard PCT does not
enhance therapeutic outcome in patients displaying moderate to severe agoraphobia.
Unfortunately, the failure to include a treatment arm in which patients receive only
in vivo exposure limits conclusions drawn from this study regarding the relative
benefits of PCT versus in vivo exposure in the treatment of agoraphobia.
In a study designed to address whether cognitive therapy, exposure therapy, and
their combination vary in efficacy depending on the patient’s level of agoraphobia,
Williams and Falbo (1996) randomized 48 panic patients with varying levels of
agoraphobic avoidance to one of four conditions: (a) cognitive therapy, (b) guided
performance mastery, (c) combined cognitive therapy plus guided mastery, and (d)
wait-list. Between-group comparisons of the three active treatments for the full
Agoraphobia 949
sample showed equally large effects across the primary measures of panic attacks,
and agoraphobic avoidance. However, comparison of patients with high and low
levels of agoraphobia revealed that all three treatments were significantly less effective
for reducing panic attacks for those with high levels of agoraphobia (88% vs. 39%,
respectively, at the 2-year follow-up). Accordingly, Williams et al. suggest that
panic disorder treatment studies that exclude patients with agoraphobia may be
overestimating the efficacy of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) for panic attacks
and argue that exposure-based treatments that do not directly target panic attacks are
as effective for reducing panic as cognitive therapy.
and Swanson (2004) compared group with individual CBT in 97 patients meeting
DSM-IV criteria for panic disorder either with or without agoraphobia. On the major
index of agoraphobia treatment outcome, both groups showed statistically equal
symptom reduction at 3-month follow-up; 40% of the participants receiving group
CBT and 58% of the participants receiving individual CBT met criteria for clinically
significant improvement. However, two additional findings are worth noting. First,
47% of the participants assigned to the group treatment condition dropped out of the
study, which is four times higher than that observed in previous group administered
CBT (Telch et al., 1985; Telch et al., 1993; Telch et al., 1995). Second, when
wait-listed patients were given the choice of receiving group or individual treatment,
the majority chose individual treatment.
Cognitive Strategies
Several studies have investigated whether cognitive restructuring interventions
enhance the efficacy of exposure-based therapies for agoraphobia (Michelson et al.,
1996; Öst et al., 2004; van den Hout et al., 1994). In a well-crafted, two-phase
design by van den Hout et al. (1994), 24 agoraphobia patients were randomized to
one of two groups: Group 1 received four sessions of cognitive therapy (CT) without
exposure followed by eight sessions of CT plus exposure. Group 2 received four
sessions of a placebo psychotherapy (“associative therapy”) followed by exposure
without CT. At the conclusion of the first 4-week phase, CT resulted in reductions
in panic, but not avoidance, whereas those assigned to the attention control showed
no significant change in panic or avoidance. At the conclusion of 8 weeks of either
exposure therapy or exposure therapy plus CT, no differences were observed, thus
showing that CT did not enhance the effects of exposure.
Öst et al. (2004) randomized 73 patients meeting DSM-IV criteria for panic
disorder with agoraphobia to (a) in vivo exposure alone, (b) in vivo exposure plus
CT, or (c) wait-list control. The two active treatments were equated for both number
of sessions (12–15) and duration of each session (45–90 minutes). Both active
treatments showed large pre-to-post effect sizes and maintenance of improvement
at the follow-up assessment. Comparisons between the two active treatments were
consistent with the earlier findings of van de Hout et al. (1994) showing that those
receiving the combination of CT plus exposure therapy fared no better than patients
receiving exposure therapy alone. The percentage of patients no longer meeting
criteria for a diagnosis of panic disorder with agoraphobia at the end of treatment
was 76% among those receiving CT plus exposure, 62% receiving exposure alone,
and 0% among wait-listed patients. At follow-up, 86% of patients receiving exposure
alone and 74% receiving exposure plus CT no longer met DSM-IV criteria for panic
disorder with agoraphobia (follow-up results include wait-list patients who had been
randomized to an active treatment condition).
In the only study to show a significant exposure enhancement effect of cognitive
therapy, Michelson et al. (1996) randomized 92 patients meeting DSM-III criteria
for agoraphobia with panic attacks to one of three treatment arms: (a) group-
administered graded exposure (GE) alone, (b) GE plus CT, and (c) GE plus relaxation
training (RT). Experienced doctoral-level clinicians delivered the treatments and total
treatment time (48 hours) was equated across the three conditions. Results revealed
that patients assigned to CT plus GE were significantly more likely to achieve high
end-state functioning (44% at posttreatment; 71% at follow-up) relative to GE alone
(22% at posttreatment; 38% at follow-up) or GE plus RT (22% at posttreatment;
33% at follow-up). The observed enhancement effect brought about by CT in this
study raises the obvious question: Why did CT enhance the effects of exposure in
this study but not in the two studies reviewed above (Öst et al., 2004; van den
Hout et al., 1994)? One possibility, although unlikely, is that the increased sample
size led to greater statistical power to detect a CT enhancement effect. A more likely
possibility is that the markedly increased “dose” of CT used by Michelson et al. (i.e.,
at least a threefold increase in therapy hours over other studies) was responsible for
the observed exposure enhancement effects of CT.
Agoraphobia 953
Respiratory Training
For over 25 years, aberrant respiratory functioning has been implicated in the
pathogenesis of panic disorder with agoraphobia (Klein, 1993; Ley, 1985). Reduced
levels of pCO2 (i.e., partial pressure of CO2) brought about through hyperventilation
can lead to a positive feedback loop in which heightened levels of anxiety lead to
increased respiration resulting in further lowering of pCO2 and panic-like symptoms.
Consequently, many of the CBT packages for panic disorder with agoraphobia have
included a breathing retraining component (BRT) designed to normalize pCO2
levels, thus reducing somatic perturbations and, presumably, anxiety and panic.
Several studies have examined whether adding BRT enhances the efficacy of exposure
treatment for panic disorder with agoraphobia (Bonn, Readhead, & Timmons, 1984;
Hibbert & Chan, 1989) or whether BRT contributes to the efficacy of multi-
component CBT interventions for panic/agoraphobia (Schmidt et al., 2000).
In the study by Bonn et al. (1984), patients with panic disorder with agoraphobia
received either two sessions of BRT followed by seven weekly sessions of in vivo
exposure, or nine weekly sessions of in vivo exposure with no BRT. Findings at
posttreatment showed no differences, but an advantage of BRT-augmented exposure
emerged at the 6-month follow-up. In the Hibbert and Chan (1989) study, patients
with panic and agoraphobia received 2 weeks of BRT followed by 3 weeks of in vivo
exposure, or 2 weeks of supportive therapy followed by 3 weeks of in vivo exposure.
At the end of the in vivo exposure treatment, patients receiving BRT showed greater
improvement on clinician ratings of improvement, but not on patient self-report
ratings.
In a dismantling study of group CBT, Schmidt et al. (2000) randomized panic
disorder patients with and without agoraphobia to CBT either with or without
BRT. At the end of the trial there were no significant differences in outcome,
suggesting that BRT did not significantly contribute to the efficacy of group CBT.
These findings are in accord with those reported by Craske, Rowe, Lewin, and
Noriega-Dimitri (1997), who found no differences on measures of agoraphobic
avoidance between an individual-administered CBT treatment consisting of cognitive
restructuring (CR), interoceptive exposure, and in vivo exposure relative to a treatment
package combining CR plus BRT plus in vivo exposure. Taken together, these findings
provide little evidence that BRT enhances the efficacy of either exposure treatment or
multicomponent CBT interventions for panic disorder with agoraphobia.
In the last decade, a number of new treatments for panic disorder and agorapho-
bia have emerged, prompted by barriers to dissemination, as well as a need to
augment existing treatments and boost their economic appeal. With a foundation
rooted in established cognitive behavioral techniques and driven by technological
innovations, these treatments reflect two major movements in the extant research.
The first movement aims to improve patient access through efficacy and effectiveness
trials of teletherapy and Internet-based treatments. The second movement, driven by
advances in virtual reality (VR) technologies, aims to enhance exposure-based treat-
ments through incorporating VR components in the therapist’s arsenal of effective
techniques. Here we review these innovative and emerging treatments, which have
shown promising preliminary results.
Botella et al. (2007) compared nine weekly sessions of VRET, in vivo exposure, or
a wait-list control administered to 37 patients with panic disorder with agoraphobia
(82.9% of the sample) or without agoraphobia (17.1% of the sample). At posttreatment
and 9-month follow-up, VRET showed similar efficacy relative to the in vivo exposure
treatment, with no significant differences on any outcome measures, whereas both
active treatments were significantly superior to the wait-list control condition on all
outcome measures (with effect sizes [partial eta squared] ranging from 0.35 to 0.8,
and most measures obtaining medium to large pre-to-post effects).
Treating a sample of 29 panic disorder patients with or without agoraphobia,
Perez-Ara et al. (2010) compared the efficacy of virtual reality interoceptive exposure
(VRIE), in which patients were simultaneously exposed to arousal-inducing audio and
visual effects in virtual agoraphobic situations, to a traditional interoceptive exposure
(IE) treatment. Results revealed significant reductions in primary outcome measures
at posttreatment which were maintained or even improved at 3-month follow-up, but
no differences were found between treatment conditions. While these data suggest
that VRIE is comparable to traditional, gold standard IE in the absence of VR
components, the authors argue that VR may be more palatable for some patients, and
conclude that the incorporation of multisensory stimulation in VR may enhance the
ecological validity of exposure situations.
In a recent study, Pelissolo et al. (2012) compared the effects of 12, hour-long
sessions of VRET, CBT, and a wait-list control, administered to 92 patients with
panic disorder with agoraphobia. Results revealed no significant differences between
groups, providing evidence that VRET is at least as effective as traditional CBT.
Despite a lack of statistical difference between groups (and curiously, this study did
not show significant differences between the active treatment groups and wait-list
groups, perhaps due to relatively high rates of attrition), treatment effects were
impressive, with a mean reduction of around 50% in measures of agoraphobia and
panic at 9 months posttreatment.
In sum, the evidence supporting the use of VR exposure for the treatment of
agoraphobia is inconclusive. Some authors suggest that its use is as effective (Botella
et al., 2007; Pelissolo et al., 2012; Perez-Ara et al., 2010) or more efficient (Vincelli
et al., 2003) compared to traditional CBT, while others demonstrate that traditional
techniques are superior (e.g., Choi et al., 2005). Still, considering the potential
benefits of applying VR technology to the treatment of agoraphobia, and notable
advances in the technology and refined protocols that may directly boost treatment
effects, continued empirical development appears warranted.
Though CBT is currently the gold standard treatment for agoraphobia, several
alternative approaches are available for patients seeking treatment. It is vital to the
well-being of agoraphobia patients that researchers actively investigate alternative
treatments being employed in the field, and that practitioners, in turn, consider
research outcomes when selecting treatment approaches. Therefore, this section will
962 Specific Disorders
Interpersonal Psychotherapy
Given data suggesting that interpersonal stressors may contribute to the onset and
maintenance of panic and agoraphobia (Faravelli & Pallanti, 1989), it is reasonable to
expect that psychotherapy aimed at correcting interpersonal problems may confer sig-
nificant benefits to patients presenting with agoraphobia. Interpersonal psychotherapy
(IPT) is a time-limited, manualized, structured treatment originally developed for the
treatment of depression (Klerman, Weissman, Rounsaville, & Chevron, 1984), which
has been adapted and shown to be efficacious for a range of problems including major
depression, bipolar disorder, bulimia, and substance use disorders (see Markowitz &
Weissman, 2012, for a review). Encouraging preliminary findings were reported from
an open pilot trial of IPT in 12 patients meeting DSM-IV criteria for panic disorder
(Lipsitz et al., 2006).
More recently, Vos, Huibers, Diels, and Arntz (2012) completed an RCT com-
paring IPT and CBT in 91 patients meeting DSM-IV criteria for panic disorder
with moderate to severe agoraphobia. The major treatment components included
in the IPT protocol were (a) characterizing panic disorder in terms of the medical
model, (b) determining the focus of treatment (e.g., role conflict, transition, grief,
or skills deficit), (c) exploration and improvement of interpersonal problems, and (d)
treatment termination. CBT included cognitive therapy, interoceptive exposure, and
in vivo exposure. Relative to IPT, CBT produced significantly greater improvement in
panic attack frequency (i.e., from baseline to 1-month follow-up, within-group effect
sizes [Cohen’s d] were 0.74 and 0.51 for the CBT and IPT groups, respectively), but
more importantly, CBT was also superior on multiple measures of agoraphobic dys-
function (i.e., from baseline to 1-month follow-up, effect sizes based on a composite
agoraphobia score were 1.05 and 0.58 for the CBT and IPT groups, respectively).
The authors concluded that IPT appears to have limited value in the treatment of
moderate to severe agoraphobia.
and interoceptive exposure, these techniques were framed in terms of ACT goals and
objectives (e.g., learning to abandon the attempt to control bodily sensations, rather
than striving to habituate fear response to bodily sensations). A comparison of baseline
to posttreatment scores revealed a significant decrease in panic and agoraphobia
symptoms. The patient also exhibited a reduction in escape and avoidance behaviors
observed during the session and in self-reported agoraphobic symptoms. However,
the inclusion of exposure treatment for this case precludes drawing conclusions about
the specific contribution of ACT.
Codd, Twohig, Crosby, and Enno (2011) reported the outcome of another case
in which panic disorder with agoraphobia was treated with ACT. In contrast to
Carrascoso López (2000), the authors specifically avoided conducting any in-session
exposure therapy to reduce the overlap of ACT with previously established treatments
for panic and agoraphobia. At posttreatment, the patient demonstrated a clinically
significant decrease in clinician-rated symptoms of panic disorder and no longer met
diagnostic criteria for panic disorder with agoraphobia. Furthermore, self-reported
reductions in daily ratings of avoidance behaviors were noted after the first couple
of sessions and maintained through the end of treatment. Interestingly, while the
client’s diagnostic status and avoidance behaviors changed, her mean anxiety level
remained somewhat constant throughout therapy. The authors note that this pattern
of findings suggests that the change process in ACT alters the function of anxiety in
one’s life, rather than altering the severity of anxiety experienced.
The case studies reviewed herein provide preliminary support for the feasibility
of ACT as a treatment for panic disorder with agoraphobia; however, additional
empirical support is needed before conclusions can be drawn regarding the efficacy of
ACT in treating panic with agoraphobia. RCTs are needed to determine the efficacy
of ACT relative to CBT. Furthermore, research exploring predictors of treatment
outcome may help identify subsets of patients most amenable to this approach.
section, we review those studies that examine one or more patient prognostic factors
on measures of agoraphobia treatment outcome.
20
No comorbidity
18 Only anxiety
Only depression
16 Both anxiety and depression
14
PDSS-IE score
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Pre Post
Assessment
Figure 40.1 PDSS-IE scores (with standard errors) across treatment for participants with
no comorbidity, only anxiety comorbidity, only depression comorbidity, and both anxiety
and depression comorbidity. PDSS-IE Panic Disorder Severity Scale—Independent Evalu-
ator Version, Pre pretreatment, Post posttreatment. With kind permission from Springer
Science+Business Media: Laura B. Allen (2009), Cognitive-behavior therapy (CBT) for panic
disorder: Relationship of anxiety and depression comorbidity with treatment outcome, Journal
of Psychopathology and Behavioral Assessment, 32, 185–192.
966 Specific Disorders
exception of adult separation anxiety disorder, patients who have panic disorder with
agoraphobia and comorbid anxiety and depression seem to benefit just as much from
CBT as those without comorbid conditions. This latter finding is generally consistent
with earlier reports (Brown et al., 1995; Tsao, Mystkowski, Zucker, & Craske, 2005).
The other positive finding is that patients also showed significant reductions in
comorbid conditions, which is consistent both with earlier reports (e.g., Brown et al.,
1995) and with a more recent naturalistic study of changes in comorbid conditions
following CBT treatment for anxiety disorders (Davis, Barlow, & Smith, 2010).
30
% Variance explained in
25
improvement status
20
15
10
5
0
Pretreatment Cluster A Pers-D Cluster B Pers-D Cluster C Pers-D
panic/agoraphobia
severity
Future Directions
In this final section we provide some recommendations for advancing research and
treatment for agoraphobia.
First, there is a need for research on the nature and treatment of individuals pre-
senting with pervasive situational avoidance (agoraphobia) without a history of panic
disorder/panic attacks. Evidence from epidemiological studies suggests that almost
50% of adults meeting diagnostic criteria for agoraphobia have no history of panic
disorder or panic attacks that predate the onset of their agoraphobia (Wittchen et al.,
2010). Unfortunately, with the exception of large-scale epidemiological studies, vir-
tually all agoraphobia research studies (intervention and nonintervention) conducted
over the past 25 years have restricted their samples to adults with agoraphobia and
panic disorder/panic attacks. This state of affairs has created a tremendous knowledge
gap in our understanding of the nature and treatment of individuals disabled by
pervasive situational avoidance without panic disorder/panic attacks.
Second, there is a need for treatment matching research aimed at identifying factors
that predict differential treatment response to pharmacological, exposure, cognitive,
and combined therapies. Our review of the research studies examining predictors of
agoraphobia treatment outcome suggests that we have yet to identify specific patient
factors that predict differential clinical response to one treatment modality relative to
another. To meet this objective, we need a large-scale multisite trial with the following
features: (a) a sufficient number of treatment arms to accommodate the treatment
matching objective, (b) a thoughtfully selected battery of putative moderator variables,
and (c) recruitment of research participants who display pervasive situational avoidance
with and without a history of panic disorder/panic attacks.
Third, research should test new strategies for increasing compliance with exposure
therapy regimens. Despite its established clinical efficacy, a sizeable minority of
patients make only minimal progress or show significant return of fear due to poor
compliance with exposure treatment prescriptions, and continued use of subtle forms
of avoidance such as excessive use of safety aids during exposure outings. We also
know that compliance with exposure homework predicts treatment outcome in PDA
patients (Schmidt & Woolaway-Bickel, 2000).
The possible causes of poor compliance with exposure therapy are numerous
but usually fall into one of three major classes: (a) strategic errors on the part of
the therapist—examples include poor choice of exposure target, inadequate patient
training in the execution of exposure, and insufficient monitoring of patients’ exposure
970 Specific Disorders
homework; (b) patient factors—these may include comorbid health problems, low
distress tolerance, high anxiety sensitivity, and faulty assumptions about exposure
therapy, and (c) environmental stressors, including relationship, family, or work
stressors.
Given the prominent status of exposure to fear-eliciting targets as a central thera-
peutic element in the treatment of agoraphobia (not to mention most other anxiety
disorders), research aimed at improving our understanding of exposure noncompli-
ance and strategies for its amelioration should be given high research priority.
Conclusions
Based on our qualitative review of the literature spanning the past 35 years, the
following conclusions can be drawn with a reasonable degree of confidence:
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41
Specific Phobia
Matilda E. Nowakowski, Jenny Rogojanski,
and Martin M. Antony
Ryerson University, Canada
Introduction
According to the current edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association, 2000), a specific phobia is
characterized by clinically significant fear or anxiety in response to a specific object
or situation. Exposure to the feared object or situation consistently provokes an
immediate fear or anxiety response, the intensity of which varies as a function of one’s
proximity to the object and the degree to which escape is possible. A diagnosis of
specific phobia requires that the individual recognize his or her response as being
exaggerated or in excess of what is reasonable given the actual danger posed by the
object or situation. Individuals typically exhibit significant anticipatory anxiety prior
to encountering the object of their fear, engage in active avoidance of the feared
object or situation, or endure the phobic stimulus with severe anxiety or distress.
A diagnosis of specific phobia also requires that the individual’s fear or anxiety be
associated with significant interference with his or her typical routine, occupational
or academic functioning, or social activities and relationships, or that the individual is
significantly distressed about having the fear. Lastly, the DSM-IV-TR stipulates that
the fear, anxiety, and avoidance associated with the feared object or situation are not
better accounted for by another mental disorder (American Psychiatric Association,
2000).
The DSM-IV-TR categorizes specific phobias into five types: animal type (e.g., fears
of dogs, spiders, snakes), natural environment type (e.g., fears of heights, storms, being
near water), blood-injection-injury type (e.g., fears of receiving an injection, seeing
blood, dental procedures, undergoing surgery, or other invasive medical procedures),
situational type (e.g., fears of flying, closed spaces, driving), and other type (e.g., fears
of loud noises, vomiting, choking, costumed characters such as clowns). Regardless
of the type of phobia, most individuals’ fear or anxiety is focused around the
idea that some aspect of the feared object or situation will cause them harm. In
addition, research indicates that strong feelings of disgust, concerns about panicking,
experiencing anxious arousal, losing control, or fainting during an encounter with the
feared object or situation may also motivate individuals to avoid particular objects or
situations (e.g., Ehlers, Hofmann, Herda, & Roth, 1994; Öst, 1992; Sawchuk, Lohr,
Tolin, Lee, & Kleinknecht, 2000; Teghtsoonian & Frost, 1982). It is not uncommon
for individuals to experience a panic attack prior to or upon confronting a feared
stimulus, and fainting is common among people with phobias of blood or injections
(Öst, 1992).
In the present chapter, we first provide a brief overview of the epidemiology and
etiology of specific phobias, followed by a detailed overview of the assessment and
treatment of specific phobias. We conclude with a case example of a patient with a
specific phobia of elevators.
Epidemiology
Specific phobias are among the most common psychiatric disorders in the general
population, with lifetime prevalence estimates ranging between 9.4% and 12.8%
(Becker et al., 2007; Kessler, Berglund, Demler, Jin, & Walters, 2005; Stinson
et al., 2007). Interestingly, prospective prevalence rates tend to exceed rates collected
retrospectively, with estimates as high as 18.8% (Moffitt et al., 2010). Research
indicates that the prevalence rates of specific fears vary according to phobia type, with
animal and height phobias being the most commonly reported (Becker et al., 2007;
LeBeau et al., 2010; Stinson et al., 2007). Furthermore, subclinical fears that do not
meet full diagnostic criteria for specific phobia are even more common (Antony et al.,
1994; Curtis, Magee, Eaton, Wittchen, & Kessler, 1998).
The initial symptoms of a specific phobia typically emerge in childhood or early
adolescence, with the mean age of onset varying according to phobia type (Stinson
et al., 2007). However, the fear of an object or situation must cause significant distress
for the individual or impairment in his or her life before it can be considered a specific
phobia, and one study found an average lapse of 9 years between the onset of fear and
the point at which the fear was impairing enough to warrant the label phobia (Antony,
Brown, & Barlow, 1997). Notably, situational phobias tend to be more prevalent
among older individuals (Fredrikson, Annas, Fischer, & Wik, 1996) and have a
significantly later age of onset than animal and blood-injection-injury phobias (Depla,
ten Have, van Balkom, & de Graaf, 2008; Lipsitz, Barlow, Mannuzza, Hofmann, &
Fyer, 2002). Without intervention, specific phobias typically persist over time.
Research suggests that there are ethnic and sex differences associated with the
diagnosis of specific phobia. Epidemiological data indicate that specific phobias are
more common among Caucasian than Asian and Hispanic adults (Stinson et al.,
2007), the reasons for which have not yet been determined. Furthermore, specific
phobias of animals and heights, and situational phobias, tend to be more prevalent
among women than men, whereas findings regarding blood-injection-injury phobias
are mixed such that some studies suggest greater prevalence among women (Beesdo,
Specific Phobia 981
Knappe, & Pine, 2009; Bienvenu & Eaton, 1998), whereas others find similar
prevalence rates across genders (Fredrikson et al., 1996). These findings may be
partially explained by men’s tendency to underreport their levels of fear (Pierce &
Kirkpatrick, 1992), as well as findings suggesting that women in Western countries
tend to present for treatment more readily than do men, which may also contribute to
the sex differences found in studies of individuals presenting for treatment in clinical
settings versus those in epidemiological studies (Rowa, McCabe, & Antony, 2006).
When specific phobia is the principal diagnosis, rates of comorbidity with other
Axis I disorders are generally lower than those associated with principal diagnoses of
other anxiety and mood disorders (Brown, Campbell, Lehman, Grisham, & Mancill,
2001). However, it has been found that most individuals with a specific phobia
experience multiple phobias during their lifetime, particularly of the same type (Curtis
et al., 1998; Wittchen, Lecrubier, Beesdo, & Nocon, 2003). Specific phobias also
frequently co-occur with other DSM-IV-TR disorders as an additional diagnosis,
particularly when the principal diagnosis is an anxiety or mood disorder (Brown
et al., 2001; Stinson et al., 2007). Among these disorders, rates of comorbidity
are highest for panic disorder with agoraphobia and bipolar II disorder, respectively
(Stinson et al., 2007). While some research suggests that specific phobias tend to co-
occur less frequently with major depressive disorder (Schatzberg, Samson, Rothschild,
Bond, & Regier, 1998; Stinson et al., 2007), bulimia nervosa (Schwalberg, Barlow,
Alger, & Howard, 1992), and alcohol use disorders (Lehman, Patterson, Brown, &
Barlow, 1998), studies have found that situational and blood-injection-injury phobias
are frequently comorbid with depression and substance use disorders (Becker et al.,
2007; Depla et al., 2008), particularly marijuana use (Bienvenu & Eaton, 1998).
Mowrer’s (1939) two-stage model proposes that the development and maintenance
of specific phobias occur in two sequential stages involving classical conditioning
and operant conditioning, respectively. During the first phase, a neutral stimulus
is paired with an aversive event, thus resulting in the neutral stimulus becoming a
trigger for fear (e.g., being bitten by a dog triggers a fear of dogs). The second
phase of Mowrer’s two-stage model suggests that the avoidance of the feared object
is negatively reinforced as it reduces feelings of fear and distress, thus maintaining the
specific phobia. Although Mowrer’s two-stage model is parsimonious in explaining
the development of specific phobias, it is limited by the fact that (a) not all individuals
with specific phobias can recall an aversive event related to the development of their
specific phobia (e.g., Graham & Gaffan, 1997; Ollendick & King, 1991), and (b)
many individuals who do recall experiencing an aversive event related to a particular
stimulus do not go on to develop a specific phobia (e.g., Poulton & Menzies,
2002a, 2002b).
Accordingly, Rachman (1978) suggested that fear acquisition occurred through
three pathways: one direct and two indirect. The direct pathway involved aversive
classical conditioning, as described by Mowrer’s (1939) model, while the two indirect
pathways included (a) vicarious learning (i.e., learning through observing another
982 Specific Disorders
Exposure, which involves patients gradually facing the feared object or situation, is the
most widely studied treatment for specific phobias and is viewed as the most efficacious
(Choy, Fyer, & Lipsitz, 2007; Wolitzky-Taylor, Horowitz, Powers, & Telch, 2008).
Across studies, exposure has resulted in significantly greater reductions in fear, as
assessed by self-report and behavioral measures, compared to wait-list, placebo, and
non-exposure-based treatments such as relaxation (see Barlow, Moscovitch, & Micco,
2004; Choy et al., 2007; Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2008, for reviews). In their 2008
meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials, Wolitzky-Taylor and colleagues found
that the effect sizes in these studies ranged from medium to large and, in general,
were maintained at follow-up intervals ranging from 6 to 14 months. For instance, the
effect sizes (as measured by Cohen’s d) when comparing exposure to non-exposure-
based treatments and wait-list were 0.51 and 1.15, respectively. In some studies,
it has even been found that the treatment effects have increased posttreatment,
especially if patients continue to engage in regular exposure practices (see Choy et al.,
2007; Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2008). For instance, the effect size for exposure-based
treatments compared to placebo treatments was 0.48 at posttreatment but increased
to 0.80 at follow-up (Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2008).
Although single-session exposure treatments lead to clinically significant improve-
ments in specific phobias (Zlomke & Davis, 2008), there is evidence that multisession
exposure treatments lead to significantly greater improvements, especially at follow-
up (Cohen’s d = 0.35; Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2008). It has been suggested that
individuals who complete a multisession treatment protocol are more likely to
Specific Phobia 983
Assessment
for the diagnosis of anxiety disorders, including specific phobias: the Structured
Clinical Interview for DSM-IV Axis I Disorders (SCID I/P; First, Spitzer, Gibbon, &
Williams, 1996) and the Anxiety Disorders Interview Schedule for DSM-IV (ADIS-IV;
Di Nardo, Brown, & Barlow, 1994). In addition to these semistructured interviews,
there are a number of psychometrically sound self-report questionnaires that patients
can complete to provide more information about their specific fears (see Antony, 2001;
McCabe, Ashbaugh, & Antony, 2010, for comprehensive reviews). Most of these
questionnaires focus on a particular fear (e.g., spiders, dental procedures, dogs, etc.).
It is also important for the clinician to obtain information about the physiological
reactions (e.g., racing heart, sweating, difficulty in breathing), anxiety-provoking
thoughts (e.g., “The other cars are going to hit me,” or “This dog is going to
bite me”), and overt and covert behavioral reactions that patients experience when
anticipating or exposed to the feared stimulus or situation. When assessing behavioral
reactions, in addition to asking about overt avoidance, it is also important to note
any safety behaviors or subtle avoidance strategies (e.g., looking away when receiving
a needle, listening to music while driving, holding on to the railing when on a
balcony, etc.) used by the patient. Given that behavioral exposures are an essential
component of treatment for specific phobias, the clinician should obtain information
about factors that influence levels of fear (e.g., the size of a dog/spider, whether
alone or with someone else while driving, etc.) as this information will assist in the
development of the fear hierarchy (described later). It is also important to assess
any past treatment experiences and their outcomes as well as the suitability of the
patient for cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT). When assessing the outcome of past
treatments, the clinician should make note of any potential obstacles to treatment
(e.g., early termination, inability to complete homework) as well as what was effective
in the past, to obtain a better idea of what may work best for the patient (e.g.,
emphasizing the planning and completion of between-session homework for a patient
with previous difficulties completing homework).
In addition to the information obtained through self-report, it is also useful to
conduct a behavioral assessment. The most commonly used behavioral assessment
for specific phobias is the Behavioral Approach Task (BAT). During this assessment
procedure, the patient is asked to complete a series of tasks that progress from easiest
to hardest and require the patient to approach the feared stimulus or situation. For
instance, for a patient with a fear of spiders, the first task may involve looking at
pictures of spiders while the last task may involve touching a real spider. Patients are
asked to rate the intensity of their fears on a 100-point rating scale. The number
of tasks that patients are able to complete, the length of time they can stay in the
presence of the feared object or situation, as well as their reported level of fear, provide
information about the intensity of the fear.
Depending on the focus of fear, it may also be important for clinicians to assess any
skills deficits related to the feared situation or object. For instance, for an individual
with a fear of driving, it would be important to inquire about driving skills. Similarly,
for an individual with a fear of water, it may be helpful to inquire whether the patient
can swim. The clinician can then work with the patient to determine the importance
of improving relevant skills (e.g., taking a driving course) prior to or during the
completion of behavioral exposures.
Specific Phobia 985
Exposure-Based Strategies
Types of Exposure
a balcony, though research on the use of interoceptive exposure for specific phobias
is limited.
Virtual reality exposure. Virtual reality exposure involves the patient confronting the
feared stimulus, object, or event in a computer-generated, virtual environment. Virtual
reality exposure is especially relevant for confronting situations for which repeated
exposure may not be practical (e.g., fear of flying) or for which the occurrence of
the feared stimulus or event may be unpredictable and uncontrollable (e.g., fear of
storms).
Conducting Exposure
When introducing exposure, it is important that the clinician provide the client with
a rationale for how exposure works. The effectiveness of exposure can be explained
through a behavioral or a cognitive conceptualization. Behaviorally, the clinician can
explain that during exposure the conditioned stimulus (e.g., a dog) is being presented
without the conditioned response (e.g., being bitten by a dog). Thus, repeated
exposure to the conditioned stimulus without the conditioned response decreases the
strength of the association between the conditioned stimulus and the conditioned
response, resulting in decreased fear. A cognitive rationale for exposure might explain
that the process of exposure provides information that disconfirms the patient’s
fearful predictions. As a result, exposure provides patients with new experiences that
are inconsistent with their fearful beliefs.
Development of a fear hierarchy. Once the process and rationale for exposure is
discussed and the patient has consented to engaging in exposure, the clinician and
patient work collaboratively on developing a fear hierarchy. This is a list of typically
between 10 and 15 situations that the individual fears or avoids. Each item can be
ranked on a scale from 0 to 100, reflecting fear and/or avoidance, where 0 indicates
no fear or avoidance and 100 indicates maximum fear or avoidance. The items are then
rank-ordered from lowest fear/avoidance at the bottom to highest fear/avoidance
at the top. The patient and therapist should attempt to generate a variety of items
that range in difficulty from low to high, including a number of items in the middle
to enable a gradual progression toward facing the feared stimulus or situation. It is
important that the items on the fear hierarchy are specific and detailed to enable
the patient and clinician to reliably evaluate the patient’s fear and avoidance of each
hierarchy item.
Planning, monitoring, and evaluating. The details of each exposure (i.e., what the
patient will do, when and where it will be completed, who will be involved) should
be established before the patient undertakes the exposure. As well, any potential
obstacles for completing the exposure should be identified and solutions should be
brainstormed. It is often also a good idea to plan a back-up exposure in case the
patient is not able to complete the original exposure due to logistic constraints (e.g.,
someone who is supposed to be involved in the exposure is not available). During
the exposure, the patient should regularly rate his or her fear using a scale of 0 (no
fear) to 100 (extreme fear). Following the exposure, the patient should evaluate the
outcome. The patient should be encouraged to evaluate the outcome of the practice
based on what he or she did, rather than what he or she felt (it is perfectly normal to
feel anxious during an exposure practice).
Length of exposure. The patient should continue the exposure until one of two things
happens: (a) the patient experiences a significant decrease in fear, or (b) the patient
learns that the feared consequence is unlikely to occur or that the consequence can be
coped with (Craske & Mystkowski, 2006). In general, longer exposures are associated
with better outcomes (Stern & Marks, 1973). For situations that are inherently brief
(e.g., driving over a bridge), the patient should complete the practice repeatedly until
the situation is manageable.
Control and predictability. Ensuring that exposure practices are both predictable and
under the patient’s control will generally lead to better outcomes (Rose, McGlynn, &
Lazarte, 1995). Patients should know what will happen during an exposure practice
and when it will happen. As well, patients should have control over what happens
during the practice, especially in the early stages of treatment. Patients should never
be forced or tricked into doing something they did not agree to do. In some cases,
control and predictability may be difficult to guarantee (e.g., one cannot always
predict how an animal will react or how others will drive on the road). In such
situations, it may be helpful to talk with the patient about possible outcomes and
to brainstorm ways in which the patient can cope with each possible outcome. As
patients progress in treatment, the predictability of exposure can be decreased in a
gradual manner.
Elimination of safety behaviors. Safety behaviors are subtle avoidance strategies that
patients may use to decrease their fear or protect themselves from possible harm when
facing a feared object or situation. Examples include looking away when getting a
needle, driving only when someone else is in the car, and wearing long pants to keep
spiders off one’s legs. It is important to monitor and reduce the use of safety behaviors
over the course of treatment, though the use of these strategies early in treatment
may help patients to approach and stay longer in feared situations, particularly if their
fear is otherwise very high (Rachman, Radomsky, & Shafran, 2008).
Frequency of exposure practices. Exposure should be conducted at least a few times per
week in between treatment sessions. Research has shown that the more frequent the
exposure, the better the therapeutic outcome. For instance, in one study, individuals
988 Specific Disorders
who engaged in daily exposure had a significantly greater reduction of fear compared
to individuals who engaged in weekly exposure, despite completing the same total
number of exposures (Foa, Jameson, Turner, & Payne, 1980). Some studies have also
suggested that different frequencies of exposure have different effects such that massed
exposure (i.e., completing an exposure four times per day) is more effective for short-
term symptom reduction (Foa et al., 1980; Stern & Marks, 1973) whereas spaced
exposure (i.e., completing four exposure practices per week) is best for long-term
treatment outcome (Rowe & Craske, 1998; Tsao & Craske, 2000). It is important to
note, however, that the definition of massed exposure in these studies is not reflective
of real clinical practice, as most clinicians would not ask their patients to complete
the same exposure practice four times per day but would rather encourage patients to
complete exposure practices daily or at least several times per week. Further research is
needed to provide more clarity about the most effective exposure schedule. However,
based on the research to date (e.g., Foa et al., 1980), daily exposure practices are
recommended.
Involving helpers. In many cases, the patient may need to find a helper who can assist
with the completion of exposure between sessions, especially during the early stages
of treatment. The helper can assist with such tasks as locating and collecting the
materials (e.g., pictures of spiders) necessary for exposure, controlling certain aspects
of the exposure (e.g., holding a dog on a leash), as well as modeling exposure for the
patient. When considering involving a helper, it is important that the patient chooses
someone who is likely to be supportive, and who is comfortable with the feared object
or event. At the same time, the helper should be able to tolerate the patient’s distress
and encourage the patient to stay in the situation so that exposure is not terminated
prematurely. If the patient provides consent, it is often helpful to have the helper
observe one or two clinician-administered treatment sessions.
Psychoeducation
Psychoeducation is often included in the behavioral treatment of specific phobias,
particularly early in treatment, and may include discussion regarding (a) the nature of
fear and anxiety (e.g., the survival value of these emotions), (b) the components of fear
and anxiety (e.g., physical sensations, cognitions, behavioral responses), (c) how pho-
bias develop, (d) correction of myths or misconceptions regarding the feared object or
situation, (e) the costs and benefits of engaging in exposure therapy, (f) guidelines for
maximizing the effectiveness of exposure, and (g) strategies for maintaining gains (e.g.,
continuing to engage in occasional exposure practices after treatment has ended).
Cognitive Strategies
Distorted or irrational beliefs, such as an unrealistic fear of danger from a stimulus
or situation, have been shown to play a role in specific phobia (Thorpe & Salkovskis,
Specific Phobia 989
1995). Consequently, a small number of studies have examined the use of cognitive
strategies in the treatment of specific phobia. These strategies involve evaluating the
evidence regarding negative beliefs about feared situations, and modifying biased
thinking through cognitive restructuring. Research has yielded evidence supporting
the use of cognitive strategies for the treatment of claustrophobia, either as a stand-
alone treatment or in conjunction with in vivo exposure (Booth & Rachman, 1992;
Craske, Mohlman, Yi, Glover, & Valeri, 1995; Öst, Alm, Brandberg, & Breitholtz,
2001). Additionally, several studies support the use of cognitive strategies for the
treatment of dental phobia (e.g., de Jongh et al., 1995; Willumsen, Vassend, &
Hoffart, 2001) and flying phobia (Capafons, Sosa, & Vina, 1999). In two investi-
gations, Hunt and colleagues (Hunt et al., 2006; Hunt & Fenton, 2007) examined
the impact of directly modifying fear imagery on fear of snakes and found that the
modification of these images via cognitive strategies led to a significant reduction in
behavioral avoidance of snakes. However, it has been found that cognitive strategies
do not generally add much incremental benefit to in vivo exposure for flying and
animal phobias (Koch, Spates, & Himle, 2004; Van Gerwen, Spinhoven, Diekstra, &
Van Dyck, 2002).
Systematic Desensitization
Systematic desensitization (Wolpe, 1958) is one of the earliest treatments for specific
phobias, and involves combining graduated imaginal exposure with progressive muscle
relaxation (PMR). PMR uses a series of exercises that involve tensing and relaxing
muscle groups in the legs, arms, abdomen, chest, and head in a sequential order, in
an effort to suppress anxiety through deep muscle relaxation. The use of PMR during
imaginal exposure sessions is based on the principle of reciprocal inhibition (Wolpe,
1958), the notion that fear associations can be weakened through the repeated pairing
of mental images of anxiety-provoking stimuli with a response that is incompatible
with anxiety (i.e., relaxation). Although studies have been conducted to examine
the efficacy of systematic desensitization for specific phobias (for a review, see Choy
et al., 2007), it is seldom recommended in current practice. This is largely due
to the fact that there has been little empirical support for the notion that anxiety
can be counterconditioned through the use of systematic desensitization (Marshall,
1975), and the effectiveness of systematic desensitization is largely dependent upon
an individual’s ability to generate vivid and concrete mental images of his or her
feared object or situation (Lazarus, 1964), which is an ability that not everyone has.
Applied Tension
For individuals with blood and needle phobias who have a history of fainting,
exposure treatment should be combined with applied tension (Öst, Fellenius, &
Sterner, 1991). During applied tension, patients learn to tense their muscles while
engaging in exposure to the feared stimuli in order to create a temporary increase in
blood pressure to prevent fainting. Controlled investigations of the efficacy of applied
muscle tension for blood phobia suggest that it is more efficacious than in vivo
990 Specific Disorders
exposure alone (Choy et al., 2007). A more detailed description of this procedure is
provided elsewhere (Antony & Watling, 2006).
This section provides a brief overview of common obstacles that may be encountered
during treatment, and ways to overcome them. For a more comprehensive overview
the reader is directed to Antony and Swinson (2000).
Homework Noncompliance
In general, homework compliance has been found to be related to outcome in
CBT for anxiety disorders. For instance, Edelman and Chambless (1993) found
that greater homework compliance was associated with a greater reduction in fear
and avoidance behaviors in a group of agoraphobic patients. Moreover, Westra,
Dozois, and Marcus (2007) found that the relation between expectancy for change
and early symptom reduction was mediated by homework completion in patients
with anxiety disorders. However, ensuring compliance with homework is often a
challenge in practice. There are a number of factors that may contribute to homework
noncompliance, including a lack of understanding by the patient regarding the
content or relevance of the homework task, ambivalence about overcoming the
problem, high levels of anxiety that prevent homework completion, and competing
demands (e.g., life stresses, overly full schedule). Before one can intervene to improve
compliance, it is essential to determine which factors are interfering with homework
completion in the first place. Depending on the reasons for noncompliance, a number
of approaches have been proposed for increasing homework completion (Antony
& Swinson, 2000), including (a) planning homework collaboratively and practicing
therapist-assisted exposure before trying exposure for homework, (b) implementing
strategies for resolving ambivalence (e.g., motivational interviewing) for clients who
are ambivalent about overcoming their fear (Westra & Dozois, 2008), (c) ensuring
that the level of difficulty of assigned homework is appropriate and manageable, (d)
scheduling telephone contact between sessions to discuss homework practices, and
(e) using problem-solving strategies to manage life stresses or scheduling challenges
that interfere with homework compliance.
Julie was a 35-year-old business professional who had been afraid of riding elevators
all of her life. Although Julie was not able to trace the onset of her fear to a particular
event, she did recall that her mother was afraid of riding elevators as well and would
often tell Julie that elevators were unsafe and likely to get stuck. As a result of her
fear of elevators, Julie always used the stairs, even if it meant climbing 15 flights.
When Julie was looking for a job five years ago, she made sure that all the offices that
she applied to were located on a low floor (e.g., second or third floor) and were in
low-rise buildings (i.e., no more than eight floors). Julie often phoned in sick to work
when her company had meetings with other companies in high-rise buildings because
she knew that she would not be able to get to the meeting. Julie also made sure that
if she was traveling, which she currently did at least four or five times per year for her
work, she stayed at a low-rise hotel or she requested that her room be on one of the
lower floors of the hotel. A number of Julie’s friends lived in high-rise condominiums
and Julie always turned down their invitations to parties or get-togethers because she
was unable to get to their apartments. Most recently, Julie had been offered a position
to work for a business company as a junior manager. However, the office was located
on the 20th floor of a 30-floor building. Julie felt that this was a great opportunity
in her career and she did not want to have to turn it down. However, she knew that
she could not manage working on the 20th floor with her fear of riding elevators.
Therefore, Julie decided to seek treatment.
During the initial session, a thorough clinical assessment was conducted. The
ADIS-IV was administered and full diagnostic criteria were met for a specific phobia
of elevators. Julie also identified more general fears about being in enclosed places
where escape might be difficult, such as tunnels and subways. It was decided, however,
to focus on Julie’s specific fear of elevators as this was her main concern. Julie did
not endorse any other anxiety disorders or depression. During the clinical assessment,
992 Specific Disorders
Julie reported the following physiological reactions when she thought about riding an
elevator: sweating, racing heart, shakiness, dizziness, and nausea. Julie identified the
following thoughts regarding riding elevators: “The elevator is going to break down
and I will not be able to get out,” “If the elevator breaks down I will be stuck in it for
many hours without any food or water,” and “If the elevator breaks down I will panic
and not know what to do.” During the BAT, Julie experienced mild anxiety while
standing in front of the elevator and pressing the button to summon it. She was able
to step into the elevator for 30 seconds while her therapist was in the elevator and held
the door open but reported her anxiety as very high in this situation. She was unable
to stay in the elevator for longer than 30 seconds and was not able to ride it to the next
floor. Following her assessment, Julie received two 120-minute treatment sessions.
Treatment Session 1
Psychoeducation about anxiety was presented, including the cognitive behavioral
model for specific phobias. Julie was also given some psychoeducation about elevators
and their safety. The rationale and procedure for exposure was described and Julie
agreed to engage in exposure during treatment. Julie and her therapist then worked
collaboratively on developing a fear hierarchy that enabled Julie to break down the
task of riding an elevator into various steps that caused mild, moderate, and severe
levels of fear (see Table 41.1).
Julie then worked with her therapist on riding the elevator. Julie rated her fear at
40 out of 100 when she pressed the button and waited for the elevator. When Julie
walked into the elevator while the clinician was holding the door open, she initially
rated her fear at 75. However, after five minutes of standing in the elevator, Julie
rated her fear at 40 and was able to have her therapist close the door and ride down
one floor. Julie initially rated her fear at 85 when riding one floor with her therapist
in the elevator, but after trying it eight more times, her fear had decreased to 55.
With Julie’s consent, her therapist then brought Andrew, Julie’s boyfriend, into
the office to discuss in vivo exposure practice between sessions. Julie’s therapist spoke
with Andrew about the rationale and procedure for exposure practice. Julie and her
therapist then worked on deciding what Julie would work on for homework. Julie
decided that she would continue to practice riding the elevator one floor at a time
with Andrew, and would then proceed to do it alone. Her therapist encouraged Julie
to ride different elevators in various buildings to enhance the generalization of her
learning.
Treatment Session 2
When Julie came in for her next session, she reported that she was successful in
practicing riding the elevator by herself one floor. Julie said that her fear was a 90
when she first rode the elevator by herself one floor but that it had decreased to 40.
Julie and her therapist then worked on increasing the number of floors that Julie
rode the elevator, first with her therapist, and then by herself. By the end of the
second treatment session, Julie was able to ride the elevator nine floors by herself
with minimal discomfort. With the clinician’s encouragement, Julie agreed that over
the next few weeks she would work on riding the elevators in various buildings and
would continue to increase the number of floors that she was able to ride.
Follow-up Visit
A 30-minute follow-up assessment was conducted one month after Julie’s second
visit. Julie said that she had continued to practice riding elevators both with Andrew
and by herself and that she was now able to ride elevators up to the 25th floor with
minimal fear. A final BAT was conducted and Julie was able to ride the elevator by
herself from the first floor to the 20th floor of the hospital with a fear rating of 10.
The ADIS-IV was readministered and Julie’s symptoms no longer met the diagnostic
criteria for a specific phobia of elevators. Julie told the clinician that she had accepted
the position at the new company and was able to ride the elevator up to her office
with minimal anxiety.
Conclusion
In summary, specific phobias are the most common anxiety disorders and there is
an extensive body of research examining their etiology, maintenance, and treatment.
Exposure is the first line of treatment for specific phobias and there is a robust
body of literature illustrating its effectiveness. It is important to note, however, that
there is individual variability in treatment outcome (albeit less than for other anxiety
disorders), and not all patients experience treatment success. There is a need for
994 Specific Disorders
more research that examines predictors of treatment outcome as this will enable us to
further enhance our current treatments and increase our knowledge of how to adapt
treatments to patient and environmental characteristics.
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42
Generalized Anxiety Disorder
Lauren E. Szkodny and Michelle G. Newman
Pennsylvania State University, United States
Therapists and clinical scientists involved in the study, assessment, and treatment of
generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) undoubtedly encounter individuals preoccupied
with intense and pervasive worry and anxiety. Whereas worry is a universal experience,
common in both nonpathological and anxious populations, individuals with GAD
stand apart, as their worry is more pervasive and less controllable, thereby engendering
greater distress and life interference. Typically describing themselves as lifelong
worriers, these individuals perceive their worrisome thinking and associated anxiety as
facets of their personality, enduring traits rather than phenomena prone to fluctuations
that can be monitored, targeted, and effectively changed. In fact, worry may be viewed
as such a central part of life, a primary coping strategy used to avoid perceived threat
and changes in emotional reactivity, that treatment may not even be considered
(Newman, Crits-Christoph, & Szkodny, in press).
GAD has been referred to as the “basic” anxiety disorder (Brown, Barlow, &
Liebowitz, 1994), an appellation that suggests understanding the development and
maintenance of GAD is important for understanding all anxiety disorders. Given
GAD’s course and documented resistance to change, research has centered not
only on elucidating the nature and etiology of this disorder, but also on developing
treatments that improve upon standard versions of cognitive behavioral therapy
(CBT). This has been most critical since worry is a means to avoid anticipated threats,
as opposed to tangible, anxiety-provoking stimuli, and thus is not as easily addressed
with exposure interventions commonly executed in the treatment of other anxiety
disorders (Newman & Borkovec, 2002). The principal objective of this chapter is to
present an overview of CBT for GAD. First, the symptomatology of GAD is discussed,
followed by a presentation of the cognitive behavioral treatment rationale and CBT
techniques. Additionally, empirical evidence supporting the efficacy of CBT for GAD
is reviewed. This chapter also discusses the limitations of CBT methods and presents
a number of integrative techniques that have been incorporated into CBT for GAD.
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.; DSM-5; American
Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013) indicates that excessive and uncontrollable
worry, defined as apprehensive expectation, is the core feature of GAD. To meet
criteria, individuals must experience worry more days than not for at least 6 months
about a number of events or activities. Additionally, their worry and anxiety is
generally associated with at least three of the following six physical symptoms: (a)
restlessness or feeling keyed up or on edge, (b) being easily fatigued, (c) difficulty
concentrating or mind going blank, (d) irritability, (e) muscle tension, and (f) sleep
disturbance characterized by difficulty falling or staying asleep, or restless, unsatisfying
sleep. Finally, their worry and anxiety must (a) not be confined to features of an
Axis I disorder (e.g., worry about having a panic attack [panic disorder] or being
embarrassed in public [social phobia]), (b) cause clinically significant distress or
impairment in important domains of functioning, and (c) not be due to the direct
physiological effects of a substance or a general medical condition.
GAD symptoms have undergone extensive empirical revision since its inception in
the DSM-III (APA, 1980) 3rd edn. as a residual category (Brown et al., 1994). In
the DSM-III-R (APA, 1987) 3rd edn. revised, the pervasiveness and uncontrollability
of worry were emphasized, but the unrealistic nature of worry was dropped from the
definition.
Following an investigation of the reliability and frequency of the endorsement of
the 18 associated features (somatic symptoms) delineated in the DSM-III-R (Marten
et al., 1993), autonomic hyperactivity symptoms (e.g., sweating, dry mouth) were
identified as the least reliable and least frequently endorsed among individuals with
GAD. The six symptoms indicated in the DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) 4th edn. text
review, were identified as the symptoms that significantly discriminated patients with
GAD from individuals diagnosed with other anxiety disorders (Brown, Marten, & Bar-
low, 1995). Members of the GAD work group for the DSM-5 originally proposed to
remove the criterion related to the difficulty of controlling worry given its overlap with
the excessiveness criterion, to reduce GAD’s threshold to 3 months (as opposed to 6
months), to change the number of physical symptoms required from three to one, and
to add a criterion that tapped into situational avoidance, excessive effort toward prepa-
ration, procrastination, and reassurance seeking. However, these proposed revisions
to the GAD diagnostic criteria have not been included in the DSM-5.
Contrary to the notion that GAD is a reflection of a highly functioning diagnostic
group (e.g., the worried well), or that GAD is only impairing as a result of its high
degree of comorbidity with other disorders, the degree of disability in persons with
pure GAD (without comorbidity) is as severe as pure major depressive disorder (MDD)
and other mood disorders (Hoffman, Dukes, & Wittchen, 2008). Also, incapacity
as a result of GAD is analogous to that seen in chronic medical illnesses (Ansseau
et al., 2008; Fifer et al., 1994; Stein, 2001). GAD is also more debilitating than pure
Generalized Anxiety Disorder 1003
alcohol and drug use disorders, nicotine dependence, other anxiety disorders, and
personality disorders even when controlling for sociodemographic factors and all other
co-occurring conditions (Grant et al., 2005). Persons with GAD are among the most
frequent consumers of primary care, specialty clinic, and emergency room services,
incurring significant nonpsychiatric cost (Fogarty, Sharma, Chetty, & Culpepper,
2008; Mehl-Madrona, 2008). GAD is also a major risk factor for coronary heart
disease independent of depression (Barger & Sydeman, 2005; Todaro, Shen, Raffa,
Tilkemeier, & Niaura, 2007). The direct excess yearly cost of GAD has been estimated
to be as high as $20,184 per case (Olfson & Gameroff, 2007). Therefore, untreated
GAD is very costly in terms of distress, disability, lost work productivity, quality of
life, and medical problems (Newman, 2000).
Worry has been defined as “a chain of thoughts and images, negatively affect-
laden and relatively uncontrollable; it represents an attempt to engage in mental
problem-solving on an issue whose outcome is uncertain but contains the possibility
of one or more negative outcomes; consequently, worry relates closely to the fear
process” (Borkovec, Robinson, Pruzinsky, & DePree, 1983, p. 10). Individuals with
GAD are generally apprehensive about the occurrence of negative future outcomes
related to major life issues (e.g., family and interpersonal relationships, finances,
health, occupational and academic pursuits) and minor concerns (e.g., household
repairs or chores) (Borkovec, Ray, & Stober, 1998). Pathological worry comprises
a spiraling chain of cognitive, behavioral, and physiological events (Newman &
Borkovec, 2002) triggered by a perceived stressor, especially one characterized by
ambiguity or uncertainty. To illustrate, in response to an ambiguous comment made
by a romantic partner, an individual with GAD would likely experience an anxious
thought (e.g., “He is angry with me”) and associated physiological response (e.g.,
increased tension, which may interfere with falling asleep), to be followed by another
worrisome thought (e.g., “He is going to break up with me”) and elicited negative
emotion (e.g., anxiety, despair), which might activate more anxious thoughts related
to a core negative belief (e.g., “I’m unlovable and will be alone forever”). This cycle
is often difficult to break as one worry leads to another and so on to the point that
it becomes disabling and is a source of extreme emotional discomfort, so cognitive
behavioral techniques are implemented to teach clients to identify initial anxiety cues
to reduce the intensity of the worry/anxiety spiral (Newman & Borkovec, 2002).
Additionally, individuals with GAD exhibit an information processing bias; they
scan their surrounding environment for potential danger, and negatively interpret
ambiguous or neutral stimuli, thereby detecting threat in them (Mathews, 1990;
Mathews & MacLeod, 1994). In perceiving the world as a dangerous place, their
anticipation of negative outcomes or worst-case scenarios seemingly enhances
their sense of control, such that worry represents mental attempts at avoidance of
threat or preparation for its occurrence if it cannot be avoided (Borkovec et al.,
1998; Borkovec, Alcaine, & Behar, 2004). Nevertheless, worry’s avoidant function
precludes repeated exposure to those stimuli necessary for extinction, thus preserving
anxious meaning associated with the threat (Newman & Llera, 2011). Specifically,
it diminishes initial cardiovascular response to threatening images and reduces the
likelihood of additional affective reactivity subsequent to an anxiety-provoking event
1004 Specific Disorders
or situation (Borkovec & Hu, 1990; Llera & Newman, 2010; Newman & Llera,
2011), which impedes emotional processing of aversive stimuli.
Although worry is associated with increased anxiety and distress, it is maintained by
positive beliefs regarding its functionality. For instance, individuals with GAD have
indicated that worry helps them to determine ways to avoid negative events, prepare
for the occurrence of negative outcomes, problem solve, and retain motivation
(Borkovec & Roemer, 1995). Likewise, worry is inherently reinforcing since the
feared negative outcomes rarely, if ever, occur (Borkovec, Hazlett-Stevens, & Diaz,
1999). Over time, worry, the nonoccurrence of the feared event, and subsequent
reduction in anxiety become inextricably linked, in the absence of intervention.
Therefore, treatment for GAD has involved identification of those factors maintaining
worry, especially since positive perceived benefits of worrisome thinking can interfere
with individuals’ willingness to commit to treatment and engage in interventions
designed to reduce their worry.
GAD is a prevalent and highly comorbid and chronic psychiatric disorder that is
associated with fluctuations in symptom severity and impairment (Wittchen, Lieb,
Pfister, & Schuster, 2000; Yonkers, Warshaw, Massion, & Keller, 1996) that are
not necessarily indicative of recovery (Newman et al., in press). Epidemiological
studies revealed lifetime prevalence of DSM-III-R GAD from 3.6 to 5.1% (Wittchen,
Zhao, Kessler, & Eaton, 1994) and 5.7% for DSM-IV GAD (Kessler et al., 2005).
GAD comorbidity rates are high in both clinical and community samples; major
depressive disorder, followed by panic disorder, social phobia, and dysthymia, are
the four most common comorbid Axis I anxiety and mood disorders, respectively
(Brown & Barlow, 1992; Massion, Warshaw, & Keller, 1993). Additionally, avoidant
and dependent personality disorders have been found to be the two most common
comorbid Axis II diagnoses for GAD (Sanderson & Wetzler, 1991; Sanderson,
Wetzler, Beck, & Betz, 1994). The gravity of this disorder is not only captured by its
extensive comorbidity, but by its course as well. GAD is a chronic illness characterized
by a later onset than other anxiety disorders (Berger et al., 2011; Kessler et al., 2005),
low probability of recovery, and high likelihood of recurrence (Newman et al., in
press). Naturalistic prospective studies of psychiatric and primary care patients found
a 32–58% probability of recovery in GAD over a 2- to 12-year period, and a 45–52%
recurrence in individuals who did not recover (Rodriguez et al., 2006; Yonkers, Dyck,
Warshaw, & Keller, 2000).
The uncontrollability and pervasiveness of worry central to GAD, its degree of comor-
bidity and chronic course, and its associated psychosocial impairment underscore the
need for highly effective GAD treatments. GAD symptoms have been conceptu-
alized as an interaction between the cognitive, affective, imaginal, behavioral, and
somatic responses to perceived future threat (Holmes & Newman, 2006; Newman
& Borkovec, 2002). Thus, CBT packages attempt to target each of those response
Generalized Anxiety Disorder 1005
Psychoeducation. Initial therapy sessions center on teaching clients about the nature
of their worry and anxiety, as well as factors that can contribute to the maintenance of
GAD. An overview of treatment components and rationale is also typically provided.
strategies. Therapist and client may also use them to generate dialogue about the
causal relationships between internal and external cue, symptom, and distress.
Additionally, the therapist may have clients imagine themselves in (or describe past
instances of) stressful, worrisome, or anxiety-provoking situations with the aim of
focusing on their thought processes, behaviors, and emotions. Having clients silently
engage in a period of worry and describe their sequence of cognitive, affective, and
somatic reactions, as their anxiety and worry processes develop, may also facilitate
observation of worry and anxiety. During this exercise, the therapist also monitors
shifts in clients’ verbal and nonverbal behaviors that signal anxiety, and halts clients’
worry episodes to inquire whether they noticed their reaction and can identify the
internal cues that may have triggered the nonverbal behavior (Borkovec, 2006;
Newman & Borkovec, 2002). Between session, clients may also be instructed to
track their worry episodes, including information on initial cues, worry content
including feared outcome, amount of time spent worrying, highest anxiety level,
actual outcome, and how well they coped with the outcome (Newman & Borkovec,
2002). The ultimate goal of self-monitoring is to learn to identify early triggers for
and signs of worry, before such worry becomes too intense to intervene. The sooner
the client intervenes in response to a worry trigger, the more effective the intervention
is theorized to be. If clients wait until their worry has become more intense or until
later in the worry cycle, it is virtually impossible to cut it off successfully. Thus, clients
are asked to objectively observe earlier and earlier shifts in anxiety and associated
internal and external responses, and immediately apply effective coping strategies to
remediate patterns of habitual and maladaptive functioning.
Overall, relaxation techniques are used in the context of therapy for GAD to
enhance clients’ focus on the present moment, eliminate unnecessary bodily tension,
and decrease the frequency of worry episodes. This enables them to incorporate new
information from their environment to facilitate adaptive learning and behavior. The
availability of different relaxation techniques can be especially beneficial for clients who
experience relaxation-induced anxiety (RIA; Heide & Borkovec, 1984). Although
they may experience increased discomfort or a fear of losing control in response to
the enhanced awareness of emotional responding attributed to a specific relaxation
technique, continued relaxation practice helps them overcome this feeling (Heide &
Borkovec, 1983; Newman & Borkovec, 2002). Thus, relaxation training aims to help
clients gain control over their worry and anxiety.
Imaginal rehearsal of coping skills. The treatment of GAD less frequently incorporates
the use of traditional exposure methods often used in targeting phobias since the fear
resides in the mind of the individual with GAD. Conversely, imaginal rehearsal of the
execution of coping skills allows for repeated practice of adaptive coping strategies
and enhanced self-efficacy. Specifically, self-control desensitization (Goldfried, 1971)
makes use of imagery after the induction of a deeply relaxed state through the use of
PMR. Initially, a client creates a hierarchy of worry triggers that are graded from least
to most anxiety-provoking. Then the therapist selects a trigger from the hierarchy
and works with the client to come up with a prototypical scenario wherein the
trigger might occur for him or her. Next the client undergoes progressive muscle
relaxation. Once relaxed, the therapist presents an image that comprises both internal
and external anxiety cues relevant to the client’s daily emotional experience. The
client imagines him- or herself in the scene and signals to the therapist with his or
her finger once anxiety is experienced. The client then applies relaxation techniques
and practices replacing anxiety-provoking thoughts with more adaptive, accurate
perspectives formed during the cognitive therapy portions of therapy (Borkovec,
2006). The client then indicates when there is a decrease in his or her anxiety while
still envisioning the image by lowering his or her finger. Once the client has had the
opportunity to experience successful coping in response to the worrisome scene for
a period of time (about 20 seconds), he or she is instructed to “turn off” the scene
and deepen his or her state of relaxation (about 20 seconds) (Borkovec, 2006). This
technique is repeatedly practiced until the coping strategies become more habitual.
The implementation of self-control desensitization involves both applied relaxation
and coping strategies. By imagining worrisome scenarios and picturing themselves
in a place of enhanced flexibility of responding, clients are in a position more
readily to apply these skills in daily life, thereby enhancing their self-efficacy and
adaptive decision-making ability. Therefore, it is important for clients to monitor
their worry and anxiety consistently and to strengthen their adaptive coping skills
through continued practice.
Individuals with GAD commonly misjudge the likelihood of feared events. Thus,
cognitive therapy is used to address worry and catastrophic thinking and other
cognitive and perceptual inaccuracies through a number of steps: (a) monitoring
and detecting clients’ way of perceiving themselves and the world, (b) identifying
inaccurate and anxiety-provoking thoughts and cognitive errors, (c) challenging
these cognitions through examination of logic and evidence for the accuracy or
inaccuracy of these thoughts, (d) generating alternative, more accurate perspectives
and beliefs, (e) applying more accurate, logical, and adaptive ways of thinking in daily
life when worry and anxiety are detected, and (f) conducting experiments in daily life
to provide support for using more flexible thinking.
Cognitive restructuring is a useful and effective tool in challenging individuals’
worrisome thoughts. Clients first and foremost learn to recognize their thoughts as
hypotheses, rather than facts, and are encouraged to gather and examine confirming
and disconfirming evidence and avoid common errors, such as confusing thought with
action or thought with fact. This is especially important as individuals’ perceptions and
judgments are likely to be distorted by their emotional reactivity. To illustrate, high
anxiety can result in particular biases where individuals overestimate the likelihood of a
risk or threat (i.e., assuming that negative outcomes are more probable than actuality)
or magnify the valence of negative events (i.e., inflating the meaning of an event
or perceiving it as unmanageable), and whereas these biases can serve a protective
function in response to real threat, they can exacerbate worry and anxiety in the
absence of tangible danger. Thus, cognitive restructuring functions as a management
strategy to correct misinformation and misinterpretations of perceived threat. By
focusing on errors in logic and generating different ways to approach a situation,
clients can learn to countermand their negative automatic thoughts and beliefs.
Overall, cognitive therapy and its related techniques enable clients to reinterpret
stimuli in a more accurate, positive light based on the reality of their environment.
One important focus of cognitive restructuring in persons with GAD is their view
that worry helps them (e.g., Borkovec & Roemer, 1995). Such a perspective can be
an initial roadblock to the success of garnering their cooperation in reducing their
worry. Thus, cognitive therapy often includes behavioral experiments wherein clients
can gather evidence for and against the helpfulness or lack thereof of worry and can
ultimately feel comfortable working with therapists to reduce their worry.
Cognitive bias modification. Individuals with GAD exhibit an attention bias toward
threat (Mathews & MacLeod, 1994), which has been experimentally examined
using the probe detection paradigm (see Mogg & Bradley, 2005, for a review).
Accordingly, an attention modification program (AMP) has been implemented to
decrease attention to threat and anxiety (Amir, Beard, Burns, & Bomyea, 2009). This
computer-administered program involves various combinations of probe type, probe
position, and word type (neutral or threat) and aims to shift individuals’ attention bias
toward threat, thereby reducing symptoms of anxiety. In comparison to an attention
control condition, the AMP significantly modified attention bias toward threat and
reduced self-reported anxiety symptoms (Amir et al., 2009).
techniques in treating GAD was evaluated (Newman & Borkovec, 2002). Early clin-
ical trials investigated the treatment of “general anxiety,” a non-DSM category, and
found that combined anxiety management treatments resulted in prolonged symptom
improvement, which sometimes surpassed the effects of individual components
(Newman & Borkovec, 2002). Cognitive therapy interventions were also found
to improve symptoms (Durham & Turvey, 1987; Newman & Borkovec, 2002).
Borkovec and Ruscio (2001) conducted a meta-analysis of 13 controlled clinical
trials examining the efficacy of CBT for GAD, and found highly consistent outcomes.
Importantly, the methodological rigor of the reviewed studies enhances the reliability
and validity of study results. For example, (a) studies selected participants based on
their meeting DSM diagnostic criteria for GAD; (b) most studies incorporated the use
of detailed treatment protocols (n = 9) and conducted adherence checks (n = 8); (c)
some studies assessed nonspecific factors (e.g., the client’s belief in the appropriateness
of the treatment, therapy expectancy) to determine equivalency of conditions (n = 8);
(d) all investigations included follow-up assessments 6 or 12 months posttreatment;
and (e) overall attrition was low in all controlled trials.
This meta-analysis revealed that CBT significantly reduced anxious and depres-
sive symptoms over the course of treatment with an average effect size of 2.48 at
posttreatment and 2.44 at follow-up for anxious symptoms, and 1.13 at posttreat-
ment and 1.22 at follow-up for depression measures, thereby capturing therapeutic
gains in anxious and depressive symptoms. Placebo or alternative psychotherapies
(e.g., nonmanualized psychodynamic psychotherapy, two trials incorporating low
doses of diazepam) resulted in the next highest effect sizes on worry, anxiety, and
depression measures followed by individual CBT components (i.e., behavior therapy
or cognitive therapy), and wait-list/no-treatment conditions. In an examination of
therapeutic efficacy, CBT yielded the greatest reduction of anxious and depressive
symptoms (greatest effect sizes) at posttreatment and follow-up compared to the
other conditions. Between-group comparisons demonstrated that CBT was superior
to wait-list/no-treatment at posttreatment with an average effect size of 1.09 and
0.92 for anxiety and depression measures, respectively. CBT also exhibited greater
efficacy than nonspecific or alternative therapies, with an average effect size for anxiety
and depression measures, respectively, of 0.71 and 0.66 at posttreatment and 0.30
and 0.21 at follow-up; and cognitive or behavioral treatment alone, with an average
effect size of 0.26 for both anxiety and depression measures at posttreatment and
0.54 and 0.45 for anxiety and depression measures, respectively, at follow-up.
sessions, Borkovec et al. (2002) addressed the potential need for additional CBT
sessions to receive maximum benefit by significantly increasing the amount of client
contact time from a previous study (Borkovec & Costello, 1993). However, the rate
of high end-state functioning did not increase, although contact time had doubled.
Another consideration regarded CBT’s lack of focus on critical factors contributing
to the maintenance and development of GAD. Accordingly, treatment for GAD has
been supplemented with additional techniques designed to address aspects of GAD
not commonly targeted in traditional CBT (e.g., interpersonal dysfunction, emotional
processing, emotional dysregulation) in an effort to improve its efficacy.
Emotional contrast exposure therapy. One additional theory about the failure of the
I/EP therapy was put forth by Newman and Llera (2011). These authors theorized
that it is possible that I/EP failed to target the aspect of emotions most feared and
avoided by participants with GAD. Newman and Llera (2011) point to literature
that suggests that rather than enabling emotional avoidance, worry elicits and sustains
negative emotionality as a means to avoid an emotional contrast experience (Brosschot,
Gerin, & Thayer, 2006). Data show that worriers prefer to focus on an unlikely
catastrophic outcome as opposed to being taken off guard or surprised by such an
outcome. Therefore, Newman and Llera proposed that what worriers fear and avoid is
not emotion per se but rather an emotional contrast experience (e.g., a sharp shift in
emotions from feeling fine to suddenly feeling badly). The solution proposed by these
authors is a treatment that exposes participants to the emotional contrast experience
(e.g., relaxation immediately before emotional exposure).
Thus, emotion regulation therapy (ERT) was established to address the emotional
avoidance of individuals with GAD. ERT integrates experiential and psychody-
namic treatment components into a cognitive behavioral framework, and focuses on
cognitive, emotional, and contextual factors contributing to the maintenance of GAD
(Mennin, 2006). ERT aims to help individuals with GAD (a) to understand and
increase acceptance of their emotional experiences, (b) to enhance their ability to
cope effectively with their emotions, (c) to decrease use of worry and other emotional
avoidance strategies, and (d) to incorporate affective information when identifying
needs, making decisions, motivating behavior, and relating to others (Mennin, 2006).
To achieve these therapeutic objectives, treatment currently comprises four phases.
Phase I focuses on psychoeducation about GAD and use of self-monitoring to track
worry and identify functional patterns of worry and emotions. Phase II centers on
enhancing awareness of bodily reactions and developing emotion regulation skills.
Phase III involves application of skills during exposure to emotionally salient con-
tent. Finally, Phase IV focuses on relapse prevention, termination of the therapeutic
relationship, and future goals (Mennin, 2006). Mennin and colleagues are in the
process of conducting a randomized controlled trial to examine the utility of ERT in
individuals with GAD. Results of this study will have implications for the functionality
of this etiological model and innovative treatments for GAD.
Conclusions
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43
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder
Stefan K. Schmertz
Red Sox Foundation and Massachusetts General Hospital, Harvard Medical School,
United States
Diagnostic Criteria
According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.,
text rev.; DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2000), PTSD is
an anxiety disorder that may develop following exposure to, or the witnessing
of, a traumatic event that involves actual or perceived threat to life or physi-
cal integrity. In addition, one’s emotional reaction to this event is characterized
by intense fear, horror, or helplessness. The symptoms of PTSD are parsed into
three categories; those of (a) reexperiencing, (b) avoidance and numbing, and (c)
hyperarousal. The hallmark symptom of PTSD is “reexperiencing” the traumatic
event in at least one of several ways. These include intrusive and disturbing rec-
ollections of the event, nightmares related to the incident, or experiencing intense
psychological distress or strong physiological reactions when exposed to internal or
external reminders of the event. Some may also report a sense that the event is
happening again that may be accompanied by illusions, hallucinations, or dissoci-
ated flashback episodes. In PTSD, reexperiencing the threat of a traumatic incident
often leads to symptoms of hyperarousal such as difficulty sleeping, difficulty con-
centrating, hypervigilance, increased irritability, and being easily startled. One may
then engage in avoidance of any sort of reminders of the traumatic experience,
as well as efforts to suppress thoughts related to the traumatic event. Avoidance
of, or detaching from, distressing internal experience can lead to symptoms of
emotional numbing such as a restricted range of affect (e.g., unable to have lov-
ing feelings), feeling disconnected from others, and a loss of interest in previously
enjoyed activities. The symptoms of PTSD must be persistently experienced for at
least one month, causing significant distress or impairment of functioning (APA,
2000).
At the time of the writing of this chapter the APA is planning the fifth revi-
sion of the DSM. Although a detailed analysis and commentary is beyond the
scope of this chapter, there are some notable proposed changes to the criteria for
PTSD. In the DSM-5 PTSD may no longer be categorized as an anxiety disorder,
but as a “trauma and stressor related disorder.” The requirement for an emo-
tional response of “fear, horror, or helplessness” during the event will be dropped.
New diagnostic criteria specify the requirement for both avoidance and emotional
numbing symptoms. The emotional numbing symptoms have been expanded and
this cluster is to be called “negative alterations in cognitions and mood.” Added
criteria to this cluster include negative cognitions regarding distorted blame of
self and others, as well as pervasive aversive emotional states such as shame and
guilt (Friedman et al., 2011; www.dsm5.org). These changes are based on con-
firmatory factor analytic studies outlining structurally distinct groups of symptoms
arising from independent mechanisms (e.g., Palmieri, Weathers, Difede, & King,
2007). Whereas these changes may have an impact on diagnostic rates (Forbes
et al., 2011), there is no evidence that current conceptualization of treatment
should be altered. In fact, as will be discussed later in this chapter, some of these
additions seem to be borne of issues that are commonly addressed in CBT for
PTSD.
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 1025
Lifetime rates of PTSD in the U.S. population range from around 8 to 14% (Breslau,
1998), and women are twice as likely to develop PTSD as are men (Kessler et al., 1995;
Tolin & Foa, 2006). PTSD is associated with high rates of comorbidity, particularly
mood disorders (61% also meet criteria for a mood disorder), other anxiety disorders
(59%), and substance abuse disorders (46%; Pietrzak, Goldstein, Southwick, & Grant,
2011). The difficulty in treating those with comorbid substance abuse has sparked
the creation of treatments designed to address dual diagnosis patients with PTSD
(see Brady, 2001; McGovern et al., 2009; Najavits, 2002; Najavits, Gallop, & Weiss,
2006). Posttraumatic stress is also associated with increased health problems and a
significant decrease in quality of life (Schnurr & Green, 2004), highlighting the cost
to those who struggle with this disorder.
and (b) the introduction of new information that is incompatible with the previously
encoded erroneous information (Foa et al., 2007). Emotional processing theory thus
provides a framework for the mechanisms behind exposure therapy. Through repeated
confrontation of the feared stimuli (e.g., situations, objects, memories) in which a
feared outcome is not realized, new meanings and associations are generated, allowing
for more realistic interpretations of threat. As anxiety decreases in the presence of
the target stimuli through habituation, alternative physiological responses also are
incorporated into the fear structure via classical conditioning (Foa et al., 2007).
Thus, information that once elicited anxiety no longer does so because of successful
alteration of the fear memory.
There are four elements most commonly associated with effective CBT treatment for
PTSD: (a) psychoeducation, (b) anxiety management skills (e.g., relaxation/breathing
training), (c) cognitive restructuring, and (d) exposure work to facilitate emotional
processing (Gerardi, Ressler, & Rothbaum, 2010). Psychoeducation typically involves
a discussion of common reactions to trauma as well as a model for the development
of PTSD symptoms which can be an important part of normalizing a patient’s
struggles. Discussion of the treatment rationale also engenders hope and may increase
compliance, which has been shown to improve treatment outcome (Foa, Cahill,
& Pontoski, 2004). Stress management skills may include instruction in slowing
down one’s breathing, progressive muscle relaxation, or grounding techniques to
disengage from negative ruminative processes or dissociation. When identified, specific
erroneous cognitions may be brought into the patient’s awareness and challenged with
more balanced statements based on healthy accommodation of his or her traumatic
experiences. For example, one may learn to evaluate a thought such as, “I can never
be safe” as extreme, and incorporate new self-statements such as, “Although the
world can be dangerous, I am generally safe in the environment and activities of my
life.” Exposure to fear and avoidance-inducing trauma-related cues can be done in
several different ways. In imaginal exposure, the memory of the trauma is repeatedly
recounted in a therapeutic environment. In vivo exposure entails confronting feared
yet safe situations in real-world settings. Interoceptive exposure involves confronting
feared bodily symptoms often associated with PTSD, such as an increased heart
rate and shortness of breath. The most commonly delivered exposure-based therapy,
prolonged exposure (PE), combines imaginal and in vivo exposure.
Prolonged Exposure
Based on Foa and Kozak’s (1986) emotional processing theory and Lang’s (1977)
concept of a fear structure outlined above, PE is thought to (a) activate the fear
structure and (b) incorporate new information which is incompatible with the patho-
logical elements of the fear structure, thus disconfirming those elements. Repeated
confrontation of the trauma memory also serves to organize and integrate the expe-
rience. PE is a manualized treatment consisting of nine to twelve 90-minute sessions,
with sessions one and two consisting of information gathering, treatment preparation,
and psychoeducation, and the remaining sessions involving repeated imaginal expo-
sure to the identified trauma along with in vivo exposure homework assignments.
Well-controlled studies in the literature examining the efficacy of PE have found that
60–95% of participants who received PE no longer met criteria for PTSD follow-
ing treatment (Foa, Rothbaum, & Furr, 2003). Schnurr et al. (2007) conducted
a large multisite randomized clinical trial of PE versus present-centered therapy in
the treatment of female veterans and active-duty personnel with chronic PTSD (68%
reported index trauma as military sexual trauma). Those in the PE condition evi-
denced greater reduction in symptoms at posttreatment and at 3-month follow-up
and were less likely to meet the diagnostic criteria for PTSD; however, there were
no significant differences between conditions at 6-month follow-up. Studies have
also found other variants of exposure therapy effective. Bryant, Moulds, Guthrie,
Dang, and Nixon (2003) investigated exposure therapy, the combination of cognitive
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 1029
restructuring (CR) and exposure therapy, and supportive counseling (SC), in the treat-
ment of 58 male and female civilian survivors of trauma with chronic PTSD. Those
in the exposure therapy and the CR/exposure therapy conditions showed greater
improvement than those in the SC condition, with evidence of greater symptom
reduction in the combined condition. Nacasch et al. (2011) compared the efficacy
of exposure therapy and treatment as usual (TAU) consisting of psychodynamic
treatment and/or medication and counseling in the treatment of 30 patients with
chronic PTSD following combat or terror related trauma. PTSD symptom severity
improved significantly (along with state and trait anxiety, posttraumatic cognitions,
and depression) in the exposure therapy group from pre- to posttreatment, and
was unchanged in the TAU group. Powers, Halpern, Ferenschak, Gillihan, and Foa
(2010) performed a meta-analysis of 13 randomized controlled exposure therapy trials
(N = 658) which demonstrated that exposure therapy treatment led to significantly
better outcomes than control conditions on measures of PTSD at posttreatment and
at follow-up.
Group Therapy
Studies on group treatment of PTSD have increased over the past decade, but there
have been few with adequate control conditions. The best-powered randomized study
of group interventions for PTSD (Schnurr et al., 2003) found statistically significant
improvements in both the exposure and present-centered therapy groups; however,
these improvements were small. Despite the lack of research, group psychotherapy
remains a common intervention for combat veterans (Shea, McDevitt-Murphy, Ready,
& Schnurr, 2009). One reason may be that psychoeducational or skill-based group
interventions for PTSD are assumed to be more efficient than delivering similar
treatments individually. It is suggested that, compared with individual therapy, group
interventions for PTSD may serve to decrease isolation and allow for reestablishment
of connection and trust with others (Shea et al., 2009). However, few data directly
compare the efficiency or effectiveness of group to individual psychotherapy for
PTSD.
1032 Specific Disorders
therapy) and not because of any direct actions on the symptoms of PTSD or
other anxiety disorders. In contrast, studies that combined “traditional” psychiatric
medications (i.e., antidepressants, benzodiazepines) with CBT for anxiety disorders
have not shown any benefit from adding medication to CBT (Rothbaum, 2008).
Despite the success of cognitive behavioral treatments for PTSD, research continues to
address the issue of treatment nonresponders. A recent meta-analysis of 26 controlled
treatment outcome studies revealed that over 30% of those who completed treatment
still met criteria for PTSD (Bradley, Greene, Russ, Dutra, & Westen, 2005). Below,
we review some notable emerging interventions.
based on patient, partner, and clinician report, with effect sizes ranging from 1.32 to
1.69. In addition, partners reported clinically significant improvements in relationship
satisfaction. Although patients’ relationship satisfaction was also improved, this change
did not reach statistical significance. Controlled trials are underway to further explore
the efficacy of this intervention (Cukor et al., 2009).
Interpersonal Therapy
Because of the noted disruption of interpersonal relationships often associated with
PTSD, interpersonal interventions have been developed that focus on improved
social functioning as a conduit for change in PTSD symptomatology. Positive social
support following a trauma is indeed associated with improved outcomes and quicker
recovery (Robinaugh et al., 2011). Bleiberg and Markowitz (2005) conducted a
pilot study of such an intervention with 14 subjects with chronic PTSD from various
interpersonal traumas. This intervention focused on increasing trust and addressing
interpersonal conflict, and demonstrated significant improvements in PTSD symptoms
and interpersonal functioning, with 12 of 14 participants no longer meeting criteria for
PTSD following treatment. Several interpersonal interventions have been conducted
in a group context. In a controlled trial, 48 low-income women with chronic
PTSD participated in an interpersonal psychotherapy (IPT) group (Krupnick et al.,
2008). The IPT group produced significantly greater depression and PTSD symptom
reduction than wait-list control. Further controlled trials are needed to determine
if interventions targeting the social aspects of PTSD are sufficient to address PTSD
symptoms, or whether such interventions are better conceptualized as an adjunct
treatment to more established treatments such as exposure therapy (Cukor et al.,
2009).
referred for treatment of PTSD are often treated with both psychotherapy and
pharmacotherapy. Regarding the paradigms for combining medication and CBT, for
the antidepressant medication, if they are combined commencing at the same time,
there is the problem of time to response, generally about 4 weeks, for the medication.
It may make more sense to combine these approaches sequentially, starting first with
one and, if there is an insufficient response, then adding the other, ensuring the
administration of a full enough dose and course to expect a response (e.g., at least
4 weeks for selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors). If the antidepressant is the first
treatment, we recommend having it on board at least 4 weeks before commencing with
psychotherapy. Patients who achieve complete remission from medication might not
require any additional treatment, whereas those with a partial response will probably
benefit when CBT is added to pharmacotherapy. For anxiolytic medications other
than the antidepressants, generally the onset of action is much quicker and therefore
they can be combined with psychotherapy from the onset. However, there is some
evidence that they may impede exposure therapy. For the more novel medication
approaches such as DCS, the drug is not expected to afford any benefits in and
of itself, but only in combination with the exposure therapy, so they should be on
board at the same time. It should be noted, however, that PTSD often presents
with a number of psychiatric comorbidities, including major depression and suicidal
ideation, and appropriate treatment is likely to be dependent on the overall clinical
presentation and psychiatric comorbidity. In any case, we think hope is in order. We
have witnessed the resiliency of the human spirit and we know improvement and
recovery is possible, and these treatments reviewed above can help.
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44
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder
Jonathan S. Abramowitz and Brittain L. Mahaffey
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, United States
Before the 1970s, treatment for OCD consisted largely of psychodynamic psy-
chotherapy derived from psychoanalytic ideas of unconscious motivation. There are
virtually no scientific studies of the effectiveness of this approach, yet the general
consensus of that era—that OCD was an unmanageable condition with a poor
prognosis—demonstrates how little confidence clinicians placed in this form of treat-
ment. What literature is available suggests that the effects of psychodynamic therapies
are neither robust nor durable for OCD (Steketee, 1993). By the last quarter of the
twentieth century, however, the prognostic picture for OCD had improved drastically;
this was due in large part to Victor Meyer (1966) and other behaviorally oriented
clinicians and researchers who conducted laboratory experiments and derived a learn-
ing model and behavioral treatment approach to OCD. With the cognitive revolution
of the 1980s and 1990s, theorists such as Paul Salkovskis (1985) and Jack Rachman
(1997) added to these models by describing the development of obsessional fear as
involving dysfunctional beliefs and appraisals.
also eliminate avoidance and rituals that impede extinction learning: hence exposure
and response prevention.
Meyer (1966) elaborated quite eloquently on this idea from a more cognitive (as
opposed to a strictly learning/conditioning) perspective:
Learning theories take into account the mediation of responses by goal expectancies,
developed from previously reinforcing situations. When these expectations are not fulfilled,
new expectancies may evolve, which, in turn, may mediate new behavior. Thus, if the
obsessional is persuaded or forced to remain in feared situations and prevented from
carrying out the rituals, he may discover that the feared consequences no longer take
place. Such modification of expectations should result in the cessation of ritualistic
behavior. (p. 275)
Essentially, Meyer argued that when a patient with OCD confronts his or her obses-
sional fear, without performing rituals, over-estimates of the probability and costs
of feared outcomes are able to be corrected, leading to the reduction of obsessive
fear and ritualistic behavior. These procedures form the backbone of contemporary
CBT.
In Meyer’s (1966) initial study using what is now commonly referred to as
exposure and response prevention (ERP), his patients deliberately confronted for
2 hours each day obsessional situations and stimuli they usually avoided (e.g.,
floors, bathrooms), while also refraining from compulsive rituals (e.g., no washing
or checking). Most of these individuals demonstrated at least partial improvement at
posttreatment and very few relapsed at follow-up (Meyer, Levy, & Schnurer, 1974).
The interest generated by these initial findings led to additional studies in centers
around the world using more advanced methodology in both inpatient and outpatient
settings. Research conducted in the United Kingdom (Hodgson, Rachman, & Marks,
1972), Holland (Emmelkamp & Kraanen, 1977), Greece (Rabavilas, Boulougouris,
& Stefanis, 1976), and the United States (Foa & Goldstein, 1978) with hundreds
of patients and many therapists affirmed the beneficial effects and generalizability
of exposure-based treatment for OCD. By the end of the 1980s, ERP was widely
considered the psychosocial treatment of choice for obsessions and compulsions
(Steketee, 1993).
Contemporary ERP entails therapist-guided systematic repeated and prolonged
exposure to situations that provoke obsessional fear along with abstinence from
compulsive behaviors. This might occur in the form of repeated actual confrontation
with feared low-risk situations (i.e., in vivo exposure), or in the form of imaginal
confrontation with the feared disastrous consequences of confronting the low-risk
situations (imaginal exposure). For example, an individual who fears turning into a
child molester if he gives his baby boy a bath and washes his penis would practice
doing these activities repeatedly. He would also resist the urge to analyze or dismiss
any thoughts of molesting the child that come to mind. Similarly, someone with
obsessional fears of germs from toilet seats would touch toilet seats and imagine
possibly contracting illnesses from the germs.
Refraining from compulsive rituals (response prevention) is a vital component
of treatment because the performance of such rituals to reduce obsessional anxiety
1046 Specific Disorders
would prematurely discontinue exposure and rob the patient of learning that (a) the
obsessional situation of acceptable risk, and (b) anxiety subsides on its own even if
the ritual is not performed. Thus, successful ERP requires that the patient remain
in the exposure situation without attempting to reduce the distress by withdrawing
from the situation or by performing compulsive rituals or neutralizing strategies. In
the examples above, the first patient would refrain from seeking assurances that he is
not a child molester; the second patient would refrain from washing or cleaning.
At the start of exposure tasks (situational and imaginal), the patient typically
experiences a rapid elevation in subjective anxiety and physiological arousal. In fact,
patients are told that they must engage in the exposure task fully until such experiences
are evoked. During the course of an exposure session, however, the subjective distress
(and associated physiological response) usually subsides, even if the individual remains
exposed to the feared stimulus. Furthermore, extinction occurs more rapidly with
repeated exposure to the same stimulus over subsequent sessions and the obsessional
fear progressively abates (Foa & Kozak, 1986).
reminders (retrieval cues) of the intrusions. Compulsions can strengthen one’s per-
ceived responsibility. That is, the absence of the feared consequence after performing
the compulsion reinforces the belief that the person is responsible for removing the
threat.
As derived from this conceptual model, cognitive therapy for OCD (e.g., Wilhelm
& Steketee, 2006) involves a mix of didactic and Socratic dialogue along with
“experiments” used to deepen the patient’s conviction in his or her new, functional
beliefs and appraisals. Didactic information includes being taught the cognitive model
and that intrusive thoughts are normal experiences which become obsessions only
when appraised as significant in a way that is distressing (e.g., “Thoughts of violence
are equivalent to committing violent acts”). Socratic and experiential techniques are
used to help patients challenge and correct their erroneous beliefs and appraisals, such
as discussions about dysfunctional thinking patterns and behavioral experiments in
which the patient enters and observes situations that exemplify his or her fears, and
then collects information that allows him or her to revise judgments about the degree
of risk associated with obsessions. Although the rationale for behavioral experiments
in cognitive therapy is somewhat different than the rationale for exposure exercises
in ERP, there is procedural overlap, and fundamental differences between the two
techniques may be difficult to discern.
Contemporary CBT for OCD involves a blend of the ERP and cognitive therapy
techniques as described above. We believe that notions of “behavioral” versus “cog-
nitive” therapy represent a false dichotomy: In clinical practice, the largely academic
differences in conceptual emphasis are outweighed by their overlaps, and both make
important contributions to the treatment of OCD for most patients. One format that
is highly successful is a few sessions of assessment, psychoeducation, and treatment
planning, followed by twice-weekly sessions of ERP and cognitive therapy, lasting
about 90 to 120 minutes each, spaced over about 8 weeks (Abramowitz, Foa, &
Franklin, 2003). Generally, the therapist supervises the exposure sessions and assigns
self-exposure practice to be completed by the patient between sessions. Depending
on the patient’s symptom presentation and the practicality of confronting actual
feared situations, treatment sessions might involve varying amounts of situational
and imaginal exposure practice. Cognitive techniques are used informally throughout
treatment to help weaken dysfunctional beliefs and prepare patients for confronting
their fears and resisting compulsive urges (Abramowitz, 2006).
A course of CBT typically begins with the assessment of (a) obsessional thoughts,
ideas, and impulses, (b) stimuli that trigger the obsessions, (c) rituals and avoidance
behavior, and (d) the anticipated harmful consequences of confronting feared situ-
ations without performing rituals (i.e., the cognitive links between obsessions and
compulsions). Psychoeducation is woven into this assessment as the therapist uses
examples from the patient’s repertoire of OCD symptoms to illustrate and teach the
patient how the principles of learning and emotion are involved in the problem (e.g.,
1048 Specific Disorders
Salkovskis, 1996). The patient is also given a clear rationale for how CBT is expected
to be helpful in reducing OCD. This psychoeducational component is an important
step in therapy because it helps to motivate the patient to tolerate the distress and
uncertainty that typically accompanies exposure practice. A helpful rationale includes
information about how ERP involves the provocation and reduction of distress during
prolonged exposure. Information gathered during the assessment sessions is then used
to plan, collaboratively with the patient, the specific exposure exercises that will be
pursued (Abramowitz, 2006).
In addition to explaining and planning a hierarchy of exposure exercises, the edu-
cational stage of ERP also acquaints the patient with response prevention procedures.
The term “response prevention” does not imply that the therapist actively prevents
the patient from performing rituals. Instead, the therapist must help the patient to
resist urges to perform rituals on his or her own. Self-monitoring of rituals is often
used in support of this goal. The patient is taught to keep track of the date, time,
triggers of, and time spent ritualizing using forms designed for this purpose.
Imaginal exposure. In contrast to situational fear cues, which are often concrete,
obsessional thoughts, ideas, and images are intangible, and therefore can be elusive
targets when designing exposure. Although in vivo exposure often evokes obsessional
thoughts, imaginal exposure provides a more systematic way of exposing the patient to
the key fear-evoking elements of his or her obsessions. The recommended methods for
conducting imaginal exposure include (a) using digital voice recorders or audiocassette
tapes (continuous loop tapes work especially well) or (b) written scripts containing
the anxiety-evoking material (Freeston et al., 1997). Both of these media allow the
therapist to prolong the patient’s confrontation with an otherwise covert event and, if
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder 1049
necessary, manipulate the content of the stimulus. The use of a digital voice recorder
or audio tape further ensures that unsupervised (homework) exposure will include
confrontation with the correct stimuli.
Abramowitz (2006) described three types of imaginal exposure that can be used
based on the specifics of the patient’s symptoms. Primary imaginal exposure is essen-
tially situational exposure to unwanted thoughts. It involves directly and repeatedly
confronting spontaneously occurring repugnant thoughts, images, and urges (i.e.,
violent, sexual, or blasphemous obsessions). Secondary imaginal exposure is used
when situational exposure evokes fears of disastrous consequences. In such instances,
imaginal exposure is begun during or after situational exposure, and should involve
visualizing the feared outcomes or focusing on uncertainty associated with the risk
of feared outcomes. Finally, preliminary imaginal exposure entails imagining con-
fronting a feared stimulus as a preliminary step in preparing for situational exposures.
For example, a patient might vividly imagine touching the bathroom floor before
actually engaging in situational exposure to the bathroom floor. This type of exposure
might be used as an intermediate step in preparing the patient to confront a situation
of which he or she is extremely fearful.
labels his or her own slice last. By the exercise’s end, it is generally clear to patients
that the majority of the responsibility for the feared event would not be their own.
For patients with difficulty discriminating between unwanted obsessional thoughts
and actions, the “cognitive continuum” technique involves the patient rating how
immoral he or she perceives him- or herself to be for having the intrusive obsessional
thoughts. Next, the patient rates the morality level of other individuals who have
committed acts of varying degrees of immorality (e.g., a serial rapist, abusive parents).
Then, the patient re-rates him- or herself and reevaluates how immoral he or she is
for simply experiencing intrusive thoughts.
Procedural Variations
A range of methods have been developed for conducting exposure therapy. Most
OCD symptoms may be treated with any of the various methods of implementation;
some approaches, however, are more effective in producing change for specific types
of obsessions and rituals.
In-session versus homework exposure. In some CBT programs, therapy session time is
used for practicing exposure under the supervision of the therapist. In addition to this
“therapist-supervised exposure,” homework exposure—usually involving repeating
the same tasks practiced in session—is assigned for each day between sessions. In
other programs, session time is devoted only to planning and discussing exposure
assignments, which are carried out exclusively as homework assignments (self-directed
exposure). There are advantages of therapy programs using exclusively self-directed
exposure, including reduced therapist time. Self-directed exposure also circumvents
the problem of generalizing the effects of therapy from the treatment session to the
patient’s everyday environment. That is, the therapist’s presence during exposure can
serve as a safety signal and prevent the evocation of anxiety. For example, OCD
patients with compulsive checking rituals may experience fewer obsessional doubts
(e.g., of hitting pedestrians while driving) and urges to check (e.g., the roadside)
when accompanied by the therapist during exposures (e.g., driving through a business
district), as compared to when conducting such exposures on their own (Abramowitz,
2006; Tolin & Hannan, 2005).
On the other hand, confronting extremely frightening stimuli and resisting the
urge to carry out rituals is a demanding task that requires no small degree of courage.
It is to be expected that patients will at some point cut corners to avoid facing the
most frightening aspects of their exposure assignments. They might also prematurely
terminate the exposure if it becomes highly anxiety-provoking rather than remaining in
the situation until habituation occurs. Although these behaviors might not represent a
deliberate attempt to undermine the therapy, they can dilute the integrity of exposure
and lead to attenuated outcome. Thus, it is important that therapist supervision of
exposure occur at least to some degree to ensure the authenticity of exposure.
We suggest using a fading procedure in which the patient first practices and learns
how to conduct exposure correctly under the therapist’s careful supervision. Then,
the therapist gradually fades him- or herself from involvement in these exercises.
The patient learns to decide on exposure tasks, arrange them, and execute them
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder 1051
Full versus partial response prevention. Another common variant of ERP involves the
way in which response prevention is used. While some therapists insist that patients
stop all ritualizing during the entire time that they are in treatment, others use a partial
response prevention approach in which rituals are stopped during exposure sessions
and, perhaps, for a specific period of time afterward. Given the relationship between
response prevention and eventual reduction of the frequency and intensity of OCD
symptoms, it would seem important to encourage patients to target complete ritual
abstinence early on in treatment. At times, however, this goal may be inconsistent
with that of systematic, gradual exposure using a hierarchy. Indeed, patients may have
chance encounters with frightening stimuli which evoke high urges to ritualize, but
which have not yet been practiced in session. A related difficulty is that patients could
become demoralized if they feel overwhelmed, or think that they cannot achieve
complete ritual abstinence immediately. An alternative to full response prevention is
a graded approach in which instructions for stopping rituals parallel the progress up
the exposure hierarchy with the goal being complete ritual abstinence midway into
treatment.
Three potential mechanisms of change have been proposed to account for the
reduction of obsessions and compulsions during ERP. From a learning perspective,
ERP is thought to be effective because it provides an opportunity for the extinction
of conditioned fear responses. That is, repeated and uninterrupted exposure to feared
stimuli produces habituation—an inevitable natural decrease in conditioned fear.
Response prevention fosters habituation by blocking the performance of anxiety-
reducing behaviors (i.e., rituals) which would foil the habituation process. Extinction
of conditioned fear occurs when the obsessional stimulus is repeatedly paired with the
natural reduction of anxiety.
From a cognitive perspective, ERP is thought to correct dysfunctional beliefs that
underlie OCD symptoms, such as overestimates of threat and the importance of
intrusive thoughts, by presenting the patient with information that disconfirms these
beliefs. For example, when a patient confronts feared situations and refrains from
rituals, he or she finds out that feared outcomes such as disease or bad luck are
unlikely to occur. This evidence is processed and incorporated into the patient’s belief
system.
Finally, ERP is thought to help patients gain self-efficacy by demonstrating to them
that they have mastered their fears without having to rely on avoidance or safety
behaviors. The importance of this sense of mastery is an oft-overlooked effect of ERP.
1052 Specific Disorders
Foa and Kozak (1986) have drawn attention to three indicators of change during
exposure-based treatment. First, physiological arousal and subjective fear must be
evoked during exposure. Second, the fear responses gradually diminish during the
exposure session (within-session habituation). Third, the initial fear response at
the beginning of each exposure session declines across sessions (between-sessions
habituation).
Numerous studies of CBT for OCD have been conducted with thousands of patients
and hundreds of therapists in countries around the world. The treatment programs in
these studies have varied with respect to their emphasis on exposure versus cognitive
therapy, but most have included at least some elements of both. Randomized
controlled trials (RCTs) provide the most convincing evidence for the efficacy of
this treatment and consistently show the superiority of CBT over credible control
therapies such as progressive muscle relaxation training (e.g., Fals-Stewart, Marks, &
Shafer, 1993), anxiety management training (Lindsay, Crino, & Andrews, 1997),
and pill placebo (Foa et al., 2005). Studies have also found that CBT can be more
effective than serotonergic antidepressants often used in pharmacotherapy for OCD
(e.g., Foa et al., 2005). Symptom reduction rates across studies (as measured by the
Yale-Brown Obsessive-Compulsive Scale [YBOCS; Goodman et al., 1989a, 1989b])
typically fall in the 50–60% range, with most patients maintaining their gains long-
term and experiencing mild to moderate residual symptoms at follow-up. Thus,
despite clinically significant improvement, patients rarely achieve complete symptom
remission with CBT (Abramowitz, 1998).
Whereas most individuals with OCD exhibit overt compulsive rituals (e.g., washing,
checking), a substantial subset report severe obsessional symptoms in the absence of
observable compulsive behaviors (Abramowitz, Franklin, Schwartz, & Furr, 2003).
Patients with this presentation of OCD (sometimes called “pure obsessional” or
“pure-O”) typically perform mental rituals and other subtle anxiety-reduction strate-
gies to manage obsessional distress, but which might be difficult to distinguish from
obsessions. Accordingly, some experts have considered such patients nonresponsive
to CBT (Jenike, 1993). Freeston et al. (1997), however, developed and tested a
specialized CBT program for this OCD manifestation that involved psychoeducation,
cognitive techniques, and repeated imaginal exposure to descriptions of obsessional
thoughts (via audio recording) and abstinence from mental ritualizing. In a compar-
ison to wait-list, patients receiving this program improved more than 50% from pre-
to posttest, and maintained their gains at 3-month follow-up, while there was no
improvement in the wait-list group.
reducing OCD symptoms (Anderson & Rees, 2007; Cordioli et al., 2003; McLean
et al., 2001). In one study, 12 weeks of group CBT emphasizing exposure therapy
was more effective than group therapy emphasizing cognitive therapy, although
both programs were more effective than wait-list (McLean et al., 2001). In another
investigation, group CBT resulted in significant improvement relative to wait-list,
and patients continued to improve at 3-month follow-up (Cordioli et al., 2003). In
the only study directly comparing individual and group CBT for OCD, Anderson
and Rees (2007) found that 10 weeks of either treatment format was more effective
than wait-list, but there were no differences between treatments. Therapy included
exposure and cognitive therapy techniques, and at posttest and follow-up, symptom
severity ranged from mild to moderate. The strengths of a group approach to CBT
for OCD include the support and cohesion of the group. Potential disadvantages,
however, include the relative lack of attention to each individual’s particular symptom
presentation, particularly given the heterogeneity of OCD.
Effectiveness Studies
Although RCTs have yielded sound evidence for the efficacy of CBT for OCD,
this conclusion is based primarily on studies employing carefully selected patient
samples and highly trained therapists that are not representative of typical clinical
service settings. For example, despite the high frequency with which comorbid
1054 Specific Disorders
conditions exist in patients with OCD, individuals with comorbid disorders (e.g.,
Axis II, major depression) are usually excluded from RCTs. Most therapists also do
not receive regular supervision from experts in the field. Thus, effectiveness studies
are designed to address such methodological concerns and examine the effects of
treatments in more representative patient samples treated in typical clinical settings.
The aim of effectiveness research is to bridge the gaps between research and clinical
practice.
In one such study, Franklin, Abramowitz, Kozak, Levitt, and Foa (2000) examined
outcome for 110 consecutively referred individuals with OCD who received 15
sessions of intensive CBT (daily ERP sessions) on an outpatient fee-for-service basis.
Half of this sample had comorbid Axis I or Axis II diagnoses and patients were only
denied CBT if they were actively psychotic, abusing substances, or suicidal (conditions
under which CBT is contraindicated). On average, these patients underwent a
60% reduction in OCD symptoms from pretest to posttest, and only 10 patients
dropped out of treatment prematurely. Warren and Thomas (2001) replicated these
results in a smaller study (N = 26) conducted within a private practice setting.
They reported a 50% symptom decrease from pre- to posttest. In a multicultural
naturalistic study, Friedman et al. (2003) found that whereas CBT was effective
in reducing OCD and depressive symptoms, many patients reported significant
residual symptoms after therapy. Taken together, the findings from these studies
indicate that CBT for OCD can be transported successfully from highly controlled
research settings to more routine clinical settings that serve representative patient
populations.
Predictors of Response
While exposure-based CBT is effective for most OCD patients who receive this
treatment, about 25–30% drop out of therapy prematurely. Among those who
remain in treatment, about 80% respond well, yet 20% or more do not. Therefore,
about 50% of patients referred with OCD are not significantly improved with CBT,
and it is important to consider this alongside the impressive data for this treatment’s
effectiveness. Next, we turn to a discussion of factors that predict response to CBT,
namely: (a) insight into OCD symptoms, (b) depression, and (c) family expressed
emotion.
Insight
As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, individuals with OCD vary in the
degree to which they are able to recognize their obsessions and compulsions as
senseless and excessive. Foa, Abramowitz, Franklin, and Kozak (1999) found that
the presence of poor insight into the senselessness of obsessional fears was related
to poorer outcome following CBT. Perhaps patients with poor insight have great
difficulty learning and consolidating information that is inconsistent with their OCD
beliefs. Alternatively, because of their extreme fear, these patients might not adhere
to ERP instructions as closely as patients with better insight.
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder 1055
Comorbid Depression
Depression often co-exists with OCD (Ricciardi & McNally, 1995), and whereas
mild to moderate levels of depression do not appear to attenuate response to CBT,
Abramowitz, Franklin, Street, Kozak, and Foa (2000) found that severely depressed
OCD patients (i.e., those with a comorbid diagnosis of major depressive disorder) do
not respond as well. One explanation is that their high emotional reactivity interferes
with the normal pattern of habituation during exposure therapy. Thus, severely
depressed patients do not have the therapeutic experience of feeling comfortable
in the presence of feared stimuli, and therefore fail to learn that obsessive doubts
are unrealistic. Strongly held negative self-referent beliefs might also interfere with
cognitive therapy, and create motivational difficulties which make it difficult for such
patients to work hard at therapeutic exercises.
Expressed Emotion
The way in which family members respond to a loved one with OCD (or any
problem) is called expressed emotion (EE). EE can be conceptualized as emotional
overinvolvement, hostility, and perceived criticism. Chambless and Steketee (2000)
examined EE as a predictor of CBT outcome with OCD and found that hostility
was the most consistent predictor of poor response: When relatives were hostile
to the identified patient, the odds of dropping out of treatment were about six
times greater than when relatives were not hostile. Hostility was also associated with
poorer response in patients who completed treatment. Interestingly, once hostility
was statistically controlled, criticism had a positive effect. This suggests that when
relatives express dissatisfaction with patients’ symptoms, but do not express personal
rejection, criticism may have motivational properties that enhance treatment response.
This underscores the importance of educating family members about OCD and how
to assist therapeutically with CBT exercises during treatment. Our research group has
recently completed a study testing a couples-based CBT program for OCD in which
we trained patients’ partners/spouses to reduce their hostility and engage properly in
treatment (Abramowitz et al., in press; see also section on “Conclusions and Future
Directions”).
Case Example
Background
Kristen was a Caucasian 42-year-old graduate student enrolled in a Master of Business
Administration program at a local university. She had two young children and had
been happily married for 10 years. She presented to our clinic complaining of
frequent “inappropriate” thoughts about animals. Further evaluation revealed that
these thoughts were of a sexual nature and mostly pertained to dogs. She had
no history of substance abuse, sexual or physical abuse, or psychotic illness. She
did, however, report a history of OCD, describing a period in high school during
1056 Specific Disorders
which she was “overly concerned” about germs. These concerns were accompanied
by compulsive behaviors such as excessive hand-washing and sanitization (e.g.,
wiping down surfaces with disinfectant), and avoidance behaviors such as opening
doors with her elbows and not using public restrooms. Although these symptoms
were initially distressing and time-consuming, they abated to subclinical levels in
college.
Assessment
Assessment began with a general clinical interview focusing on the onset and nature
of her symptoms. Kristen reported that her symptoms had begun the previous year,
shortly after her sister got a new Labrador puppy. Kristen was visiting her sister
and playing with the puppy when she first had an intrusive thought about touching
the puppy’s genitals. She was extremely upset by this thought and described it as
“repugnant.” The thoughts soon became more graphic and frequent, and they were
triggered by reminders of her sister and of dogs. By the time she came to our
clinic, she was avoiding anything that would remind her of dogs, including parks,
visiting her sister, and pet stores. The intrusive thoughts had also begun to occur
uncued while she was doing other activities such as watching television or studying.
These thoughts had become so frequent that she was having a great deal of difficulty
studying and her grades were suffering as a consequence. Kristen also reported feeling
guilty that she was not able to focus on her children when she was spending time
with them.
As part of the intake interview, the therapist also conducted a functional assessment
to identify any avoidance or compulsive rituals that Kristen was engaging in to reduce
anxiety related to her intrusions. Other than avoiding certain places and activities,
Kristen denied engaging in compulsive rituals. In fact, she reported that she had
diagnosed herself as having the “pure obsessions” form of OCD. Given that people
with OCD characterized by concerns about immorality or immoral thoughts often
engage in covert mental rituals (Abramowitz et al., 2010), the therapist asked Kristen
about mental rituals, specifically her frequent praying for forgiveness due to her
obsessional thoughts. She also imagined cleansing her body with fire after having
them in an attempt to reduce her distress. When the therapist clarified the precise
reasons that Kristen was avoiding dogs, Kristen revealed that rather than a fear of
dogs per se, she was afraid that interacting with dogs would provoke the unwanted
sexual thoughts.
In addition to the functional assessment, the therapist inquired about Kristen’s
beliefs about the nature and importance of thoughts. Kristen reported that her
intrusive thoughts prompted her to feel that she was a bad person and worry that she
might actually want to act on them. She was also afraid she was more likely to engage
in sexual behaviors with dogs as a consequence of having such thoughts. Kristen
further stated that she wanted to know with one hundred percent certainty that she
did not want to act on these thoughts and that they did not mean anything about her
morally.
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder 1057
Treatment
Kristen was enrolled in our clinic’s twice-weekly CBT program for OCD. The first
two treatment sessions focused on psychoeducation about the nature of OCD and
involved planning for exposure therapy and goal setting.
Session 1. During the first session the therapist normalized the experience of intrusive
thoughts by providing common examples that most people report experiencing (e.g.,
thoughts about screaming in church, or driving one’s car off the road). The therapist
also explained that intrusive thoughts were like “mental noise” and that it is only
when a person ascribes importance to them that they become anxiety-provoking.
Specifically, the therapist helped Kristen to understand how her dysfunctional beliefs
make these otherwise meaningless thoughts seem very frightening and important.
Kristen recognized that her thoughts about dogs had become anxiety-provoking
because of how worried she was that they meant something about her as a
person.
Throughout this session and subsequent interactions with the therapist, Kristen
continued to seek reassurance that having the thoughts did not mean that she was
a bad person. Because reassurance seeking can function to maintain distress in the
long term, the therapist encouraged Kristen to recall their previous conversations and
answer her own questions (i.e., “Based on our previous conversations, what do these
thoughts mean about you as a person?”). The therapist also explained that they would
be using ERP to treat Kristen’s OCD and that they would discuss this further in the
next session.
Session 2. During the treatment planning phase, Kristen stated that she wanted to, “get
rid of the thoughts” and that this would be the only successful outcome of treatment.
It is common for patients with OCD to believe that the only way to reduce their
distress is by eliminating their obsessional thoughts altogether (Abramowitz, 2006).
This is problematic because it encourages thought suppression attempts and increases
frustration with therapy when the therapist asks patients to engage in activities that will
initially increase the frequency of intrusions. Thus, the therapist explained to Kristen
about the problems with thought suppression. Specifically, she illustrated how people
are generally not successful at thought suppression, and that the act of attempting to
suppress a thought implies that the thought is bad or dangerous. She explained that
a more effective strategy for reducing Kristen’s anxiety would be to help her confront
her intrusive thoughts without using mental rituals, escape, or avoidance to reduce
her fear in the short term.
The therapist then explained how ERP is thought to reduce OCD symptoms.
Specifically, she enlisted Kristen’s assistance to develop a model of her own idiosyn-
cratic obsessions and rituals, explaining how the rituals paradoxically increase the
frequency of Kristen’s intrusions by making them seem more threatening and by
serving as reminders of the intrusions. For example, they identified that praying about
the thoughts reminded Kristen of the very thoughts she was trying to dismiss, thus
increasing the frequency of intrusions. The therapist then explained the concept of fear
habituation and how exposure helps people to recognize that the intrusive thoughts
1058 Specific Disorders
themselves are not dangerous and that the anxiety they provoke will naturally subside
if the individual refrains from neutralizing.
Session 3. The third session was dedicated to developing a fear hierarchy that graduated
from situations Kristen felt would provoke only moderate anxiety (e.g., going to her
sister’s house, seeing dogs on television) to those she believed would evoke extreme
anxiety (e.g., allowing herself to have the unwanted sexual thoughts while in the
presence of a dog, being licked by a dog, touching a dog’s stomach). The therapist
explained that Kristen was the “expert” on her own OCD symptoms, and that it would
be important for her to participate actively in identifying scenarios and situations that
would provoke anxiety for her. Collaboratively they generated a list of situations and
assigned each a rating on a Subjective Units of Distress scale (SUDs) from 0 (not at
all anxiety-provoking) to 100 (intensely anxiety-provoking). Using these ratings, they
created an ordered list of exposure activities for Kristen to complete. The therapist
emphasized that they would only move up the hierarchy as Kristen mastered lower
levels.
Sessions 4–10. Given that Kristen’s anxiety was provoked by both thoughts and
environmental stimuli, her hierarchy involved both imaginal and situational exposure
exercises. For example, many of the early exposure exercises involved imaginal
exposure to the thoughts without engaging in mental neutralizing behaviors (e.g.,
prayer). The therapist helped Kristen to write scripts that described her more vivid
dog-related intrusions. These were then read aloud and recorded on a digital voice
recorder for loop play back. Initially in session, and then at home, Kristen listened
to the recordings and allowed the thoughts to come to mind without pushing them
away or using mental rituals. During the in-session exposures, the therapist helped
Kristen monitor herself for subtle avoidance strategies such as letting her mind wander
to other topics. They also used the SUDs ratings to track Kristen’s anxiety before,
during, and after each exposure at 5-minute intervals. The therapist encouraged
Kristen to continue with each exposure practice until her fear had dropped at least
50% from her highest or “peak” fear level.
Once Kristen understood the concept of how to conduct effective exposure
exercises, she was assigned homework practice. For example, after session 5 she was
asked to practice two to three times daily with the audio recording. As Kristen
progressed and her mastery of the concepts of ERP increased, she was encouraged
to design her own exposure exercises at home and to take advantage of natu-
rally occurring exposure opportunities (e.g., seeing a dog in the park while out
jogging).
In addition to continuing in-session exposure exercises throughout therapy, the
therapist also used cognitive therapy strategies such as Socratic questioning techniques
to help Kristen challenge her maladaptive beliefs about the need for certainty. For
example, Kristen struggled with the need for a guarantee that on some level she
did not really want to engage in sexual activities with animals. Her therapist asked
questions to explore the concept of uncertainty and illustrate that uncertainty is
ubiquitous. For example, they discussed the idea that neither Kristen nor the therapist
knew for certain whether they would have a car accident on their way home from the
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder 1059
session; and yet both assumed they would be safe. The point of this exercise was to
show Kristen that she can manage acceptable levels of uncertainty, and in fact does
so on a daily basis. Kristen was encouraged to generalize this to her own experiences
with intrusive thoughts.
Kristen responded favorably to treatment, showing a significant decrease in the
frequency of her intrusions and her level of distress associated with them. By session 8
they began working toward consolidating Kristen’s treatment gains and planning for
treatment termination. Termination planning involved spending time helping Kristen
to summarize what she learned over the course of treatment. For example, she was able
to articulate that she was “certain enough” that she did not wish to engage in sexual
acts with dogs. She could also recognize that accepting some degree of uncertainty was
both necessary and possible. Kristen and the therapist also spent time reviewing the
core principles of ERP and how to design exposure exercises if novel obsessions arose
in the future. The therapist also assisted Kristen in identifying idiosyncratic cues which
might warn of an impending relapse in symptoms. For example, Kristen noted that one
of the early warning signs of her present episode was withdrawing from her husband
sexually. Finally, they discussed circumstances which might mean Kristen would want
to seek further therapy in the future. The therapist encouraged Kristen to recognize
that knowing when to seek further therapy was a strength, rather than a sign of failure.
As illustrated in the case example above, CBT is the most effective short- and
long-term treatment for OCD. These encouraging findings notwithstanding, full
remission is not the standard. Evidence from effectiveness studies also suggests
that this approach is transportable to nonresearch settings, and therefore should
be a “first-line” treatment modality for OCD in all settings. Although response to
treatment is highly variable, we are beginning to uncover factors that may reliably
predict poorer response, such as poor insight into the senselessness of obsessional
fears, severe depression, and family hostility.
Although the research to date has addressed many critical issues in the treatment of
OCD, there are still important topics that require further study. For example, given
how patients’ family members are often involved in OCD symptoms by taking part in
avoidance or rituals, or by providing reassurance, it is important to develop treatments
that help teach family members about OCD and its treatment, and then train them
in how to assist effectively with a loved one’s therapy. Couple-based CBT for OCD
(Abramowitz et al., ) might involve partner-assisted exposure therapy, helping the
couple work to reduce behaviors that function to accommodate or reinforce OCD
symptoms, as well as general couples therapy to enhance communication and reduce
general stress levels.
It is also important to develop and test motivational (“readiness”) programs to
help individuals with a great deal of ambivalence about getting started in treatment
resolve their ambivalence in a way that helps them see that the advantages of reducing
their symptoms outweigh the anxiety-evoking nature of ERP, which is often a
roadblock. Providing access to case histories, or even to former patients who can
1060 Specific Disorders
discuss what treatment is like, might decrease refusal rates and increase treatment
compliance. Finally, providing successful CBT for OCD can be a challenge, and
very few centers offer the training needed to become proficient in these procedures.
Therefore, development of programs for psychology and psychiatry trainees might
improve access to this effective therapy.
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45
Tourette Syndrome and Tic
Disorders
Matthew R. Capriotti, Flint M. Espil,
and Douglas W. Woods
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, United States
Tourette syndrome (TS) has a tumultuous history within the field of psychology.
Early psychoanalytic efforts to treat TS were aimed at resolving the supposed root
psychological conflict causing tics (Kushner, 1999). In the 1970s, biological treat-
ments came into favor, as it was discovered that TS could be successfully managed
with antipsychotics (Shapiro & Shapiro, 1968). This biological conceptualization of
TS became prominent throughout the last quarter of the twentieth century, although
behavioral psychologists continued to develop and test interventions aimed at teach-
ing tic management strategies and minimizing the effects of contextual factors on
the expression of tics. The last two decades have seen a surge of research on these
behavioral interventions (see reviews by Bate, Malouf, Thorsteinsson, & Bhullar,
2011; Cook & Blacher, 2007; Himle, Woods, Piacentini, & Walkup, 2006) and
a unification of biological and behavioral views of TS into a more unitary biobe-
havioral conceptualization of tic disorders (e.g., Conelea & Woods, 2008; Lavoie,
Imbriglo, Stip, & O’Connor, 2011; Piacentini et al., 2010; Wang et al., 2011;
Woods, Piacentini, Himle, & Chang, 2005). At present, cognitive behavioral ther-
apy (CBT) for TS has earned recognition as an efficacious, acceptable, and durable
treatment option. This chapter reviews information about TS and common comorbid
conditions, summarizes the evidence base of CBT strategies that have (and have
not) proven efficacious, and presents information on evidence-based assessment and
treatment tactics.
Comorbidity
Individuals with CTDs often present with other Axis I psychopathology. Attention-
deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD)
have been discussed as the most common comorbidities associated with CTDs. In
a review of a large, international sample of over 6,800 children with CTDs, Freeman
et al. (2000) found that 55% of children also had ADHD. Three large-scale epidemi-
ological studies (Kadesjo & Gillberg, 2000; Khalifa & von Knorring, 2003; Scahill,
Bitsko, Visser, & Blumberg, 2009) found that 64–68% of children also met diagnostic
criteria for ADHD. Two of these studies also investigated the prevalence of OCD
among children with CTDs and found higher rates than in the pediatric population at
large. Kadesjo and Gillberg (2000) found a 38% prevalence rate of OCD in children
with a CTD, and Khalifa and von Knorring (2006) noted a 10% coincidence. The
discrepancy in these figures likely stems from the fact that in the latter study OCD was
diagnosed only when full diagnostic criteria were met, while in the former study an
OCD diagnosis was conferred on the basis of two or more parent-reported compulsive-
type behaviors. Additionally, recent evidence suggests that the prevalence of these two
conditions among individuals with CTDs may be somewhat lower among those who
present for psychological treatment of their tics (26% for ADHD and 19% for OCD;
Specht et al., 2011). Specht et al. (2011) found that social anxiety and generalized
anxiety disorder were also highly prevalent among the pediatric sample (20% and 21%,
respectively). Other studies (e.g., Kadesjo & Gillberg, 2000; Scahill et al., 2009) have
also noted relatively high rates of anxiety and other problems within CTD populations,
1066 Specific Disorders
but have assessed these issues less systematically. Although questions remain as to the
“true” rates of Axis I comorbidities in patients with CTDs, it is clear that clinicians
must be prepared to treat CTDs in the context of ADHD, OCD, and other anxiety
disorders.
Differential Diagnosis
In most cases, a patient with a suspected tic disorder should be evaluated by a neurol-
ogist or psychiatrist trained in movement disorders before CBT is recommended. Tics
can often be confused with other neurological or psychiatric conditions; thus is it is
imperative to obtain an accurate diagnostic profile. Below, we briefly review common
questions regarding the differential diagnosis of tics and other disorders.
Stereotypy versus tics. Stereotypies are rhythmic, repetitive behaviors that can include
movements and vocalizations. Often believed to occur almost exclusively in children
with autism spectrum disorders and other developmental disabilities, stereotypies
have also been noted to occur in typically developing children (Harris, Mahone, &
Singer, 2008; J. M. Miller, Singer, Bridges, & Waranch, 2006). In this latter group
of individuals, the movements may be confused with tics and lead patients to seek
treatment for CTDs. Practitioners can distinguish tics from stereotypies in a number
of ways. First, stereotypies often occur continuously for a period of many seconds
or minutes at a time, whereas tics tend to occur in several seconds or less. Second,
stereotypies are experienced as pleasurable and are rarely preceded by somatosensory
urges (Singer, 2009), whereas tics are most often described as unwanted movements
that “must” be done to alleviate aversive sensations (Leckman et al., 1993). Finally,
stereotypies tend to onset early in development (81% of stereotypies in typically
developing children onset by age 2; Harris et al., 2008), whereas tics typically onset
around ages 5–6 (Leckman et al., 1998). Distinguishing between tics and stereotypies
is important for diagnosis and case conceptualization, but research suggests that
behavioral interventions delivered on an outpatient basis can be effective in treating
stereotypies in typically developing individuals (Miller et al., 2006; Ricketts et al.,
2013).
Tics versus other movement disorders. Psychologists who work with individuals with
tics must also have a working knowledge of other movement disorders that involve
involuntary motor and vocal acts. These include Sydenham’s chorea, myoclonus,
and fasciculations. In general, these movements can be distinguished from tics
by their phenomenology, degree of interference with volitional movements, and
suppressibility. Tics are generally accompanied by some sort of premonitory sensation
or “urge,” are usually “overridden” by intentional movements, and can be suppressed
briefly. In contrast, movements associated with these other neurological conditions
occur without sensory signals or urges, often interfere with voluntary movements, and
cannot be suppressed (Singer, Mink, Gilbert, & Jankovic, 2010). Differentiating tics
from these other types of movements is critical to ensuring good patient outcomes.
Behavioral interventions have not been shown to be effective for treating these
movements, while prognosis is generally quite good if appropriate pharmacotherapy
is received (Singer et al., 2010). Additionally, some disordered movements can be a
signal of other neurological problems (e.g., brain tumors, encephalitis), necessitating
appropriate referral if such movements are present.
To date, research suggests that tics and CTDs involve a dynamic, complex interaction
of biological and environmental influences. Evidence suggests that tics initially arise
from neurobiological dysfunction involving abnormalities in cortico-striatal-thalamo-
cortical circuits involved in motor planning and response selection (Mink & Pleasure,
2003; Wang et al., 2011). In persons with CTDs, multiple studies have found
decreased volume of structures in the basal ganglia, which are involved in selection of
motor acts (Peterson et al., 2003). Such results suggest that dysfunction of the brain’s
first-line mechanisms for inhibiting unwanted motor responses may be impaired in
people with CTDs. Research has also identified neural correlates of compensatory
mechanisms (i.e., voluntary tic suppression). For instance, Baym, Corbett, Wright,
and Bunge (2007) have found that people with CTDs exhibit enhanced “top-down”
control of motor acts, and higher frontal lobe activation during tasks requiring
effortful control.
1068 Specific Disorders
Mechanisms of Change
Various lines of evidence about CTD phenomenology and treatment suggest potential
mechanisms through which clinically significant change might be achieved.
Perhaps the most obvious target for decreasing tic severity is to correct the
neurobiological dysfunction that comprises the fundamental neurobiologic cause of tic
expression. Typically, this has been attempted by prescribing neuroleptic medications
(e.g., risperidone, olanzapine, haloperidol; Harrison, Schneider, & Walkup, 2007).
Neuroleptic pharmacotherapy has proven efficacious in decreasing tic severity (for a
review, see Pringsheim et al., 2012), but often carries substantial side effects that
cause many to discontinue treatment (Silva, Muñoz, Daniel, Barickman, & Friedhoff,
1996).
The behavioral model of CTDs suggests two primary avenues through which CBT
can affect clinical change. The first involves altering social consequences that may be
functioning as reinforcers for ticcing. As discussed above, these factors can include tic-
contingent attention (social positive reinforcement) and tic-contingent escape from
aversive tasks (social negative reinforcement). For instance, a parent might respond
to a child’s loud coughing tic by consoling him or her. Although this arises from the
parent’s understandable desire to support his or her child, it may indeed function as a
Tourette Syndrome and Tic Disorders 1069
reinforcing social consequence for the coughing tic (for a similar case, see Watson &
Sterling, 1998). Alternatively, when a child tics during algebra class, he or she might
be allowed to leave the classroom to “let the tics out.” This situation could serve as
a negative reinforcement loop, in which the child’s ticcing produces escape from an
aversive activity (sitting in algebra class), thereby making the tic more likely to occur
in the future. By identifying and altering these types of patterns in the patient’s daily
life, clinicians can work to minimize inadvertent socially mediated reinforcement of
ticcing.
The second primary environmental mechanism for change in CBT involves altering
internal or “private” events that also establish tics as reinforcing. Ticcing is known
to produce temporary relief from premonitory urges (Bullen & Hemsley, 1983;
Leckman et al., 1993). This process can be described as an automatic negative
reinforcement contingency (Miltenberger, 2005), wherein the urge functions as a
reflexive establishing operation, or a stimulus whose mere presence serves as motivation
for its removal (Michael, 2000). Clinicians may attempt to alter this relationship by
taking steps to decrease the perceived magnitude of the negative reinforcer (i.e.,
the premonitory urge). This can be accomplished directly by providing experiences
where the client experiences these urges for a prolonged period (several minutes)
without ticcing (Verdellen, Hoogduin, & Keijsers, 2007). It may also be possible
to teach coping strategies that lessen the perceived magnitude of the urge, and,
subsequently, the patient’s motivation to perform a tic. In the next section, we discuss
efficacious CBT techniques that have grown out of an integrated neurobehavioral
view of TS.
Habit reversal training. HRT, the longest-standing behavioral treatment for tics,
teaches skills to minimize and manage tics as they occur in daily life. HRT is a
multicomponent treatment package whose primary components include (a) awareness
training, (b) competing response training (CRT), and (c) social support. These
components are applied sequentially to each tic, one at a time, starting with the tic
the patient finds most bothersome.
Awareness training. Awareness training involves teaching the patient to detect tics
and premonitory sensations as they occur in real time. Some patients may be able to do
these things without explicit training. In such cases, awareness training will proceed
quickly but should never be omitted. In other patients, including most pediatric
1070 Specific Disorders
patients, tic detection skills must be built through a more extended awareness training
process. To begin this process, the patient and therapist create a detailed operational
definition of the target tic. Next, the patient practices detecting tics as they occur in
real time during a non-tic-related conversation. After the patient is able to reliably
detect tics and premonitory sensations for the target tic, CRT begins.
Competing response training. In CRT, the patient and therapist work together to select
a physical “exercise” to be used when tics and/or premonitory sensations occur. The
exercise involves engaging in a specific behavior that is physically incompatible with
the tic, relatively inconspicuous, and sustainable for at least one minute. After a
competing response has been selected for the targeted tic, the patient is told to use
this exercise for at least one minute (or until the urge goes away, whichever is longer)
whenever he or she notices the urge or when a tic occurs. The patient practices this
for the remainder of the session, with the therapist providing prompts and positive
feedback in a manner similar to that used during awareness training.
tics had just occurred. In this case, the function-based intervention plan accomplishes
the therapeutic goal of limiting social reinforcement for ticcing, while providing an
alternative “tic-neutral” way for the child to receive attention from his teacher and
the opportunity to express concerns to him or her.
CBIT also includes relaxation training and psychoeducation as part of the treat-
ment program. Relaxation training involves teaching diaphragmatic breathing and
progressive muscle relaxation. Although relaxation has been shown to be ineffective as
a stand-alone treatment for TS (Bergin, Waranch, Brown, Carson, & Singer, 1998),
this component is added, as it is thought to facilitate successful use of compet-
ing response exercises. This idea is based on evidence showing that tic suppression
abilities decrease when individuals experience stress (Conelea, Brandt, & Woods,
2011). Psychoeducation in CBIT involves educating the patient (and parents of pedi-
atric patients) about the nature of TS. During this component, the clinician provides
information about the prevalence, course, common phenomenological characteristics,
and underlying neuropathology. Psychoeducation has demonstrated beneficial effects
for various psychiatric conditions (e.g., Kendall et al., 2008; Miklowitz, George,
Richards, Simoneau, & Suddath, 2003) and provides a logical starting point for
beginning psychological treatment.
Other Interventions
Other cognitive behavioral treatments for TS have been designed and tested, but
evidence supporting their efficacy is less clear (Cook & Blacher, 2007). An exhaustive
discussion of all CBT interventions is beyond the scope of this chapter, but a few
recent examples are worth mentioning. O’Connor’s research group has developed a
treatment package (O’Connor, 2005) that incorporates cognitive therapy techniques
with traditional HRT components. This combination of cognitive therapy plus HRT
has been found to have comparable efficacy to HRT alone (O’Connor, Gareau,
& Borgeat, 1997), suggesting the added components do not substantially enhance
treatment efficacy.
Other researchers have sought to improve HRT’s efficacy by adding components
of acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT), a third-wave behavioral therapy that
aims to change clinically relevant behavior by promoting psychological flexibility in
the way that patients experience aversive cognitions, emotions, and events. An initial
pilot study (Franklin, Best, Wilson, Loew, & Compton, 2011) found that the ACT
plus HRT combination did not produce better results than HRT alone. However, the
aim of changing the way patients with TS respond to premonitory urges and social
consequences of tics remains an intriguing goal for treatment development.
Efficacy of cognitive behavioral therapy. A large body of evidence supports the efficacy
of HRT and its modern variant, CBIT. At least 16 randomized controlled trials and
controlled small-N studies support the efficacy of HRT in decreasing tics (Himle et al.,
2006). In a recent review of HRT for tics, Cook and Blacher (2007) found that HRT
met American Psychological Association Division 12 criteria as a “well-established”
treatment for tics (Chambless & Ollendick, 2001). In addition, a recent meta-analysis
by Bate et al. (2011) found that HRT produces large effects (Cohen’s d = 0.8),
1072 Specific Disorders
that are similar in magnitude to those found in clinical trials of widely prescribed
pharmacotherapies for CTDs (Piacentini et al., 2010).
In addition to the robust support for traditional HRT, two multisite randomized
controlled trials have found positive results for the efficacy of CBIT. In each trial,
participants were randomized to receive eight hour-long, weekly sessions of either
CBIT or psychoeducation and supportive therapy (PST), which was intended as a
control comparison condition to account for the influence of nonspecific factors. Both
trials demonstrated superior treatment outcomes for CBIT compared to the control
condition (Piacentini et al., 2010; Wilhelm et al., 2012). These differences were
highly clinically significant, with between-group effect sizes in the moderate-to-large
range (d = 0.68 in the pediatric trial and d = 0.58 in the adult trial).
ERP has also demonstrated promising efficacy in one small-N design (Hoogduin,
Verdellen, & Cath, 1997) and one randomized controlled trial (Verdellen et al.,
2004). In the randomized controlled trial comparing ERP and HRT with adult and
adolescent patients, a similar response to both interventions was found, although this
finding was somewhat obfuscated by the fact that the ERP treatment involved 24
hours of treatment (twelve 2-hour sessions), while the HRT intervention included
10 hours (ten 1-hour sessions) and lacked a social support component. Nonetheless,
this trial demonstrated that good acute clinical outcomes (within-group effect size:
d = 0.84) can be obtained by utilizing an ERP approach.
Treatment Factors
Active components. Since Azrin and Nunn (1973) first published the HRT protocol,
clinical researchers have sought to identify the “active ingredients” of the 11-
component protocol. In an effort to simplify the protocol, Miltenberger and Fuqua
(1985) compared an abbreviated version, consisting of awareness training, CRT, and
social support components, to a full HRT package, and found the two versions were
equivalent. A subsequent dismantling study of this simplified HRT package found
that each of the three components used by Miltenberger and Fuqua was “active”
in that its inclusion was necessary to generate treatment response in at least one of
the four individuals studied (Woods, Miltenberger, & Lumley, 1996). Given these
findings, subsequent HRT research generally incorporated these three components,
in order to simplify the protocol and make it more accessible to clinicians.
Treatment duration. The “dose” of treatment necessary for CBT to produce clini-
cally significant improvement is not clear. Although earlier studies involved weekly
Tourette Syndrome and Tic Disorders 1073
outpatient sessions for as long as 8 months (e.g., Azrin & Peterson, 1988, 1990),
across several recent trials CBT delivered in eight to ten 1-hour sessions (Piacentini
et al., 2010; Verdellen et al., 2004; Wilhelm et al., 2012) has produced large,
durable symptom decreases. Positive treatment effects have also been noted with as
few as three sessions of HRT (Woods, Twohig, Flessner, & Roloff, 2003). Future
research is needed to analyze parametrically the effects of treatment “dose” on
symptom reduction and durability of gains. Additionally, it is important to establish
whether a short-duration, high-intensity treatment (such as that described in a case
study by Flancbaum, Rockmore, & Franklin, 2011) could reliably produce clinically
significant, long-lasting gains. Given the current state of the evidence, we advise
practitioners to tailor the duration of treatment to the patient’s needs and resources.
In the absence of a sound empirical rationale for extending acute HRT/CBIT
beyond eight sessions, clinicians are advised to use this dose as a heuristic “starting
point” but extend or shorten the protocol based on the needs of the patient. In
the case of ERP, clinicians should expect to administer approximately twelve 2-hour
sessions, as this is the duration found efficacious in the Verdellen et al. (2004)
trial.
Treatment setting and telehealth. Recent studies have also shown that CBT can
effectively reduce tic severity when delivered remotely via videoconferencing tech-
nology (Himle, Olufs, Himle, Tucker, & Woods, 2010). This mode of treatment
delivery may be particularly useful in increasing the availability of CBT for TS,
which is currently lacking in most areas of the United States (Woods, Conelea,
& Himle, 2010). In an initial pilot study, Himle et al. (2010) showed clinically
significant decreases in tic frequency for three children receiving remotely deliv-
ered CBIT. A larger study (Himle et al., 2012) found that this “tele-CBIT”
treatment was as effective as face-to-face CBIT. Overall, telehealth technology
is a viable option for delivering CBT for TS when logistics preclude face-to-
face treatment. Of course, therapists should consider factors such as confiden-
tiality, suicide risk, patient access to reliable videoconferencing equipment, and
licensing issues when considering a telehealth approach (Mathy, Kerr, & Haydin,
2003).
Patient Variables
Age. Behavior therapy has demonstrated efficacy in children, adolescents, and adults
with CTDs. In the CBIT trials (Piacentini et al., 2010; Wilhelm et al., 2012), pediatric
patients responded to CBIT at a higher rate than adults (53% vs. 38%). However, this
may speak to factors other than the specific efficacy of CBIT among these populations,
as children also responded more than adults to the control treatment (psychoeducation
and supportive therapy; 19% versus 7%). Behavior therapy has demonstrated efficacy
in samples including children as young as age 9 (e.g., the pediatric CBIT trial;
Piacentini et al., 2010). ERP has also proven efficacious for children of 9–10 years
of age, but may be less acceptable to pediatric clients (according to Hoogduin
et al., 1997, p. 134, children described ERP sessions as “those awful two hour
sessions”). Although CBT for TS has not been thoroughly investigated in children
1074 Specific Disorders
younger than 9, successful outcomes have been reported with children as young as 4
years old (Watson & Sterling, 1998). Based on these studies, interventions targeting
functional interventions may be particularly crucial in working with these younger
clients.
Comorbidity. Since individuals with CTDs often present with comorbid psychiatric
symptomology, it is important to understand the influences of these factors on
treatment. Several studies have shown successful clinical outcomes for tics in samples
with relatively high levels of comorbidity (Piacentini et al., 2010; Verdellen et al.,
2004; Wilhelm et al., 2003; Wilhelm et al., 2012). However, little is known about
the potential moderating effects of comorbid psychopathology (e.g., ADHD, OCD)
on outcomes for CBT for TS. Given the importance of this question, future research
is needed to identify the efficacy of CBT for tics in subpopulations of children also
affected by comorbid psychiatric conditions. At present, the literature suggests that
the mere presence of these conditions does not contraindicate the use of CBT.
Clinicians are advised to base treatment planning on their assessment of the client’s
readiness for CBT and to prioritize treatment goals according to the patient’s global
clinical presentation.
Clinician Variables
Most published studies of CBT for CTD have employed master’s- or doctoral-level
clinical psychologists as therapists. However, with proper training and supervision
by an experienced practitioner, it may be possible for other health professionals
to implement psychosocial interventions for TS. Currently, our research group is
conducting a study examining the effectiveness of CBIT delivered in neurology clinics
by neurologists and nurses familiar with CTDs, but not with behavioral therapy in
general.
Assessment
about the nature of any sensations, associated distress or impairment, and whether
or not they reduce when a tic occurs. The Premonitory Urge for Tics Scale (PUTS;
Woods et al., 2005) may also be administered to provide a dimensional measure of
premonitory urge severity.
Initial Interview
After a diagnosis of tic disorder has been established, but before starting CBT, the first
session with the patient should involve building rapport, providing psychoeducation,
and obtaining additional information if necessary—especially if the initial assessment
was conducted by someone other than the therapist.
Building rapport and motivation. Patients with CTDs may feel reluctant to discuss
their tics, especially if they have a history of others reacting negatively to their
symptoms (Cutler, Murphy, Gilmour, & Heyman, 2009). Because patient compliance
is crucial in determining clinical benefit, it is important to build rapport with the
patient. To help establish a therapeutic relationship, therapists should introduce
therapy in a way that emphasizes its collaborative nature; that is, that the therapist and
patient are going to work together to help the patient manage tics more effectively.
Therapists should explain to patients that the goal of therapy is to make patients just
as competent as the therapist in treating tics, and to achieve that goal, patients are
going to learn a set of skills they can use for the rest of their lives.
If patients are resistant or have low motivation to engage in treatment, it can be
helpful to generate a list of psychosocial consequences the tics have produced. This
list might include places they avoid, school or work productivity, close relationships,
and other areas often endorsed by individuals with tic disorders (Conelea, Woods,
et al., 2011). For example, a patient with TS may have loud vocal tics that have
prevented him or her from going to restaurants, movie theaters, or even grocery
shopping. Motivational interviewing (Miller & Rollnick, 2002) techniques may also
help therapists motivate clients to engage in treatment who may be resistant or
ambivalent toward working on tics.
History of tic disorder and treatment. A detailed account of onset, tic symptomology,
and course of tics should be obtained in the initial interview. The therapist should
inquire as to when the tics began, and how they were discovered. Given the nature of
tics, patients may currently not be presenting with the same tics they had when first
diagnosed. Therapists should collect information related to severity: which tics are
most severe, and whether there have been any physical complications due to the tics.
While collecting information about tic onset, history, and course, the therapist should
also focus on learning about the client’s interests, hobbies, and personal history. This
information can also be used during conversations while conducting HRT in later
sessions.
Therapists should also obtain a history of prior treatment. Many patients are often
referred to our clinic from neurologists. If patients have not yet seen a neurologist,
we recommend they do so before starting treatment. Therapists should establish
whether patients have seen other health care professionals for their tics in the past
Tourette Syndrome and Tic Disorders 1077
and, if so, whether treatment was effective. Such information can help therapists
determine patients’ level of knowledge, treatment buy-in, and any potential barriers
to treatment. If patients report prior, unsuccessful sessions of CBIT, therapists should
make every effort to determine why those sessions were unsuccessful.
If the patient is currently taking medication for tics, therapists should create a list of
the specific drug, dosage, start date, whether the patient finds the medication helpful,
and whether the patient wishes to continue taking the medication. Therapists should
consult with the prescribing physicians. This can be helpful in coordinating patient
care consistent with the patient’s wishes.
Patients may also present with a history of other problems. Given the high
comorbidity with other conditions, patients may present for treatment with one or
more other disorders. In the initial interview, therapists should determine the presence
of other disorders, establish which is primary, and determine whether appropriate
steps are being taken to alleviate other disorders. If another disorder is the primary
concern, then it may be in the patient’s best interests to have that disorder treated first.
If therapists are not qualified to treat a separate, primary disorder, they should refer
patients to an appropriate specialist. After the primary disorder has been effectively
managed, patients could then return to work on their tic disorder. If patients are
receiving concurrent treatment for another disorder, therapists may treat the tic
disorder providing the other treatment does not interfere (e.g., the client has ample
time to work on both conditions).
and family cannot devote the time and resources to pursue this option, other avenues
should be considered. Pharmacotherapy, on the other hand, involves significantly less
patient effort, but can have significant side effects.
When discussing behavior therapy as an option, therapists should describe the two
primary goals of treatment: (a) to mitigate the effects of tic-exacerbating antecedents
and consequences on tics, and (b) to teach patients skills to manage tics (i.e., com-
peting responses). Therapists should also outline the course of treatment. Therapists
should explain that sessions occur weekly and typically last 60–90 minutes, and that
patients should expect to work on therapy skills for 30–45 minutes a day outside of
treatment time. Parents or guardians of patients should understand that they also play
a key role in treatment and should expect to invest a considerable amount of time as
well.
When discussing medications, a salient issue for most patients involves the side
effects. Because side effects can vary by medication type, it is important for therapists
to have a working understanding of the various drug classes (e.g., alpha agonists,
atypical neuroleptics, SRIs, etc.) and the side effects typically caused by such drugs.
Should patients choose to pursue pharmacotherapy, therapists should be able to make
appropriate referrals.
Session by Session
The following session-by-session description of CBIT is included to demonstrate to
clinicians how behavior therapy for tics may be generally structured.
Session 1. The goals of the first session are to build rapport, provide psychoeducation,
obtain tic history and assess current functioning, introduce the concept of function-
based assessment, create a rewards program, and assign homework. Therapists work
with patients to develop a comprehensive list of all current tics, which are organized
within a tic hierarchy. After identifying all current tics, patients rate how distressing
or impairing each tic is on a scale of 0–10 (where “0” indicates that the tic did not
happen or is nondistressing, and higher numbers indicate more frequent, distressing
tics). These ratings should be updated at the beginning of each session, and the most
bothersome tic in the hierarchy is usually the first tic targeted in treatment. After
creating the hierarchy, therapists introduce the concept of function-based assessment,
and create a reward program to reinforce patients for their efforts in managing tics.
The reward program is typically omitted when working with adults. Between sessions
1 and 2, patients and a designated support person (usually a parent) should monitor
the first tic in the hierarchy during 20-minute blocks two to three times per week.
watching television, playing video games, mealtimes, playing sports, in the car, when
stressed/anxious, and during periods of excitement or anticipation. In each of these
situations, if tics are typically exacerbated, an effort should be made to assess various
social reactions to tics that may be inadvertently reinforcing the behavior. After the
assessment, therapists can develop function-based interventions. These interventions
should attempt to minimize the impact of tic-exacerbating situations on patients. For
example, if a child reports ticcing more while working on homework immediately
after school, parents might allow 15 minutes of free time before the child is expected
to begin working.
Following the functional interventions, therapists should introduce and conduct
HRT. This process involves awareness training, CRT, and social support. During
awareness training, therapists should obtain a detailed description of the target tic,
including any evidence of a premonitory urge, or warning signal that the tic is about
to occur. Next, the therapist and patient should conduct a casual conversation for
a few minutes. During the conversation the patient should acknowledge any time
the tic occurs. The therapist should provide praise for correct detection and prompts
when the tics are exhibited but not recognized by the client.
After the patient becomes proficient at recognizing the occurrence of the tic, a
competing response can be developed. Following treatment guidelines (Woods et al.,
2008), each competing response (CR) should adhere to the following criteria:
After demonstrating the appropriate use of the CR, therapists should have the
client practice the CR. They should converse for a few minutes, and the patient
should practice using the CR as necessary. During this time, therapists should prompt
patients to use the CR if the tic occurs and praise patients for correctly using the
CR. After patients learn to use a CR, a parent or guardian should be trained to help
implement CRs outside of therapy. For adults, a spouse or close friend are common
options. The support person should be someone with whom patients are comfortable
working and already have a strong relationship. The support person should praise
patients for correctly implementing the CR and gently remind patients to use the
CR when necessary. The support person also conducts planned CR practice with the
patient at least three or four times each week, for at least 30 minutes each time.
Sessions 3 and 4. Sessions 3 and 4 are identical to session 2. After patients obtain
a working understanding of functional assessment, intervention, and competing
responses, a new tic is monitored each week and then worked on during the
following session. In session 4, the therapist introduces relaxation training, specifically
diaphragmatic breathing. Patients with TS or chronic vocal tic disorder may have
already learned controlled breathing if it was used as a CR for a vocal tic. Even so, a
review at this stage can be helpful, especially within the larger context of learning to
manage stress and anxiety as antecedents to tics.
1080 Specific Disorders
Conclusion
In this chapter we reviewed the literature on tic disorders and their treatment and
provided a session-by-session overview of CBIT. Although CBT for tic disorders
has gained much more attention in the last decade, more research is needed on the
mechanisms of change in therapy and improvement of treatment outcome. Research
should also focus on extending the efficacy of CBT for tic disorders into populations
with comorbid anxiety disorders and disruptive behavior disorders (e.g., ADHD).
Long-term follow-up data for CBT are also lacking, and should explore factors that
may or may not enhance long-term treatment gains.
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46
Compulsive Hoarding
Sheila Woody
University of British Columbia, Canada
Gail Steketee
Boston University, United States
Hoarding has received considerable media attention in recent years, with reality
television shows devoted to peering into the homes of people who have so much
stuff they cannot use many, if not most or even all, of the rooms. Hoarding is a
fascinating topic for the general public, no doubt in part because everyone must
cope with objects, paper, and mail that come into their environment, and because
it conflicts with North American values of cleanliness and organization evident in
the many magazines and television shows depicting beautiful homes. Accordingly,
residents of hoarded homes are typically stigmatized and many become isolated due
to shame over the state of their home.
Epidemiological studies suggest that hoarding is a surprisingly common condition,
affecting 2–5% of the adult population in Western countries (Iervolino et al., 2009;
Mueller et al., 2009; Samuels et al., 2008). These statistics indicate that most city and
suburban neighborhoods have substantial numbers of individuals living in hoarded
homes (one in every 20–25 people), and that most people know someone who has
a hoarding problem, although they may not be aware of the extent of the problem
as it is commonly hidden from view. These epidemiological studies also suggest that
hoarding occurs in both men and women, perhaps even more frequently among
men, although women tend to volunteer for studies of hoarding and its treatment.
A substantial portion of people who hoard live alone and many are not married or
partnered (Grisham, Frost, Steketee, Kim, & Hood, 2006; Samuels et al., 2008).
The impairment due to hoarding is not simply related to social judgment about
“poor housekeeping” stemming from a misconception of hoarding as a lifestyle choice.
Due to dwellers’ unwillingness to let workers enter the home or their own inability to
access parts of their home, hoarded homes can be neglected, with mounting health
code violations and safety concerns. Of paramount concern is fire safety, which can
be compromised by blocked egress, high fuel load, or combustible materials piled
near heat sources. The most commonly hoarded items are paper and clothing—both
highly combustible. As a result, 60% of fires in hoarded homes spread beyond the
room of origin, compared with just 10% for the general population. Most tragically,
over a 10-year period, hoarded homes accounted for 24% of preventable fire fatalities
in Melbourne, Australia (Lucini, Monk, & Szlatenyi, 2009).
The presence in the home of vulnerable persons such as children or frail elderly
raises special concerns about protection from harm. In high density communities,
neighbors may also be at risk, as fire or pests can spread quickly from one unit to
another. This risk to others can lead to eviction or nonconsensual clean-outs of the
home (Tolin, Frost, Steketee, Gray, & Fitch, 2008), especially for tenants, who have
fewer legal protections than do homeowners regarding the sanctity of their home.
Hoarding is also associated with strained family relationships and social isolation
(Frost, Steketee, Williams, & Warren, 2000; Steketee & Frost, 2003; Tolin, Frost,
Steketee, & Fitch, 2008).
The most obvious feature of compulsive hoarding is clutter that fills some or all of
the rooms of a home to a degree that prevents normal use of the rooms and their
furnishings. Clutter on its own, although it attracts attention and stigma, is not the
hallmark symptom of compulsive hoarding. A home can become extremely cluttered,
for example, when the resident has a condition such as depression or physical
impairment preventing normal daily maintenance. In these cases, clutter develops
because the individual lacks the energy or mobility to put things away, remove
garbage, and organize objects in the home. Compulsive hoarding, in contrast, is
characterized by difficulty parting with things due to emotions and beliefs about
discarding. In many cases, the problem is exacerbated by excessive acquiring and
failure to organize possessions, leading to a cluttered and chaotic environment.
Hoarding has historically been considered a manifestation of obsessive-compulsive
disorder (OCD) or a feature of obsessive-compulsive personality disorder, but hoard-
ing disorder is now under consideration as a distinct diagnostic category for the
DSM-5 (see American Psychiatric Association, 2012). Proposed criteria include: (a)
difficulty discarding or parting with possessions, even those that seem to others to
lack value, (b) failure to discard motivated by strong urges to save items or distress
about letting go of the items, and (c) accumulation of a large number of possessions
that clutter the home to the extent that rooms cannot be used for their intended
purpose. If all living areas are uncluttered, it is only because third parties (e.g., family
members, authorities) intervene. In addition, (d) the symptoms cause clinically sig-
nificant distress or impairment in social, occupational or other functioning, including
maintaining a safe environment for oneself and others.
The proposed criteria include a specifier for the presence of excessive acquisition
(collecting, buying, or stealing of items that are not needed or for which there is no
space). In addition, because the degree of insight among people who hoard has been
identified as problematic (e.g., Tolin, Fitch, Frost, & Steketee, 2010), insight is rated
“good or fair,” “poor,” or “absent,” with corresponding implications for treatment
planning (see below). The accumulation of belongings that are worthless or exceed
available space is not limited to hoarding disorder; alternatives such as organic
syndromes (e.g., Alzheimer’s disease, brain injury) must be ruled out before settling
on a diagnosis (see Pertusa, Frost, Fullana, et al., 2010, for a full discussion of the
Compulsive Hoarding 1089
Assessment
In the absence of adequate measures of hoarding developed during the past decade,
early researchers working in OCD or anxiety clinics utilized the Yale-Brown Obsessive
Compulsive Scale (YBOCS; Goodman et al., 1989) to determine whether hoarding
was present. Although the YBOCS symptom checklist contains two items that assess
the presence or absence of hoarding “obsessions” and hoarding “compulsions,” these
items are not descriptive enough to be useful in clinical or research assessments of
hoarding symptoms. An alternative OCD symptom measure that provides slightly
more information is the 18-item self-report Obsessive Compulsive Inventory-Revised
(OCI-R; Foa et al., 2002) which contains three items that form a subscale for
hoarding. Again, this instrument provides initial evidence of hoarding symptoms
that may merit further assessment, but the OCI-R alone provides too little detail to
determine symptom severity or to help guide treatment planning.
Several key features of compulsive hoarding should be considered in the initial
assessment for treatment planning and for measuring outcomes following treatment.
The three features included in the proposed diagnostic criteria (difficulty discard-
ing, excessive acquiring, and clutter) are obvious primary targets for intervention.
Treatment researchers have used several measures to assess these constructs, the most
common of which are described below.
1090 Specific Disorders
enter group treatment, and depression may interfere with motivation quite apart
from ambivalence about parting with items. These problems can be assessed via
various standard self-report or interview measures. Also important to assess are
cognitive deficits pertinent to attention, organizing, and decision making, the last
being considered a hallmark symptom of hoarding. Concerns about clients’ ability to
maintain attention and available skills for organizing and decision making are likely
to emerge during the treatment process itself. Specialized strategies for addressing
these problems are recommended in Steketee and Frost’s (2007) therapist guide to
treatment of hoarding. We now turn our attention to empirical studies of treatment
interventions for hoarding, beginning with psychosocial treatments before addressing
pharmacotherapy.
Initial efforts to examine the efficacy of cognitive and behavioral therapy (CBT)
for hoarding began with available data from studies treating clients with OCD
and examining the outcomes of those with hoarding symptoms. Several researchers
have retrospectively analyzed data from these studies in an effort to determine
whether particular OCD symptom profiles (subtypes) were associated with differential
outcomes. Hoarding is one profile that has reliably appeared in numerous independent
factor analyses of OCD symptoms (Baer, 1994; Calamari, Wiegartz, & Janeck, 1999;
Leckman et al., 1997; Mataix-Cols, Rauch, Manzo, Jenike, & Baer, 1999). Notably,
these studies recruited OCD patients with hoarding symptoms (typically assessed with
only two items on the YBOCS symptom checklist), rather than people for whom
hoarding was the primary problem.
Mataix-Cols, Marks, Greist, Kobak, and Baer (2002) analyzed data from a multisite
study that compared computer-based versus clinician-directed exposure and response
prevention (ERP) for 153 outpatients with OCD. ERP involved two major strategies:
exposure to fear-provoking stimuli (e.g., contaminants) and elimination of rituals (e.g.,
handwashing). Applied to hoarding, ERP was accomplished by exposing participants
to desired objects without acquiring them and to parting with objects via recycling,
donating, and discarding them. Mataix-Cols et al. reported a much higher rate of
treatment refusal among those with hoarding symptoms, with 27% discontinuing
before finishing the first session in contrast to 12% of participants without hoarding
symptoms. Among 20 patients with hoarding symptoms who completed at least one
session of ERP, only five (25%) responded with at least a 40% reduction in YBOCS
total score. The rate of treatment response was higher for participants with other
symptom dimensions (35– 40%), except sexual/religious obsessions (21%), but this
difference was not statistically significant with this sample size.
Two studies have examined OCD symptom profile dimensions as predictors of CBT
response in more traditional clinic settings (Abramowitz, Franklin, Schwartz, & Furr,
2003; Rufer, Fricke, Moritz, Kloss, & Hand, 2006). These two studies respectively
included 132 and 104 consecutive admissions to OCD specialty treatment centers.
Most patients in both studies also received pharmacological treatments. Although
both studies involved individual therapist-directed ERP, the details of the treatment
1092 Specific Disorders
differed in some respects. The Abramowitz et al. study involved 15 outpatient sessions,
whereas the Rufer et al. study was conducted in an inpatient setting where patients
received CBT 4 days a week (mean duration = 9 weeks) plus participation in group
programs to develop social, stress management, and problem-solving skills. Despite
the protocol differences, results from these two studies were fairly consistent. Patients
with hoarding symptoms had more residual symptoms following treatment, with fewer
than 40% classed as treatment responders. In the Rufer et al. study, 37% of patients
with hoarding symptoms achieved at least 35% reduction in their YBOCS total score
compared with 63% of patients without hoarding symptoms. Using more stringent
criteria for treatment response, Abramowitz et al. reported 31% of hoarding patients
compared to 46–76% of patients with other symptom clusters showed clinically
significant change (Jacobson, Roberts, Berns, & McGlinchey, 1999).
Overall, these studies indicate that classic ERP treatment methods are effective for
a large portion of people with OCD symptoms that do not include hoarding, but
they are not very effective for those with hoarding problems. Unfortunately, these
studies did not have the advantage of our current understanding and assessment of
the symptoms and diagnostic criteria for hoarding, and therefore it is not clear how
many of the participants would have met proposed criteria for hoarding. Nonetheless,
these studies demonstrated that ERP methods did not improve hoarding problems
sufficiently compared to their benefit for OCD. New treatment methods were clearly
needed.
In the wake of findings that ERP was inadequate to ameliorate hoarding symptoms,
Steketee and Frost (2007) developed a multicomponent approach to treating hoarding
that has undergone initial research testing of its efficacy using a variety of delivery
formats. The approach includes elements that are common to CBT approaches to
OCD, such as exposure and practice in reducing, acquiring, and removing clutter,
as well as cognitive strategies to facilitate these activities. In addition, the protocol
includes motivational interviewing methods to improve insight, reduce ambivalence
about making changes, and enhance clients’ involvement in establishing the treatment
goals, as well as cognitive skills training in organizing, decision-making, and problem-
solving skills. Much of the treatment can be conducted in the clinician’s office, but
the protocol also specifies monthly home-based sessions.
Individual Therapy
Tolin, Frost, and Steketee (2007a) conducted the first pre-post open (uncontrolled)
trial of this specialized CBT for compulsive hoarding. Of 14 clients enrolled in
the study, 10 completed 26 individual sessions over the course of 7–12 months.
Seventy-five percent of the sessions were held in the office, with the remaining 25%
(at least once a month) occurring in the client’s home or in places of excessive
acquisition. Tolin et al. reported roughly 25–30% reductions on subscales of the
SI-R, with six of 10 clients meeting Jacobson and Truax (1991) criteria for clinically
Compulsive Hoarding 1093
significant change. Changes on the CIR were statistically significant but not as large;
the effect size calculated via Cohen’s d was 0.8. Importantly, homework compliance
was strongly correlated with treatment gains, but clients generally completed only
25–50% of their between-session goals even with the motivational enhancement
strategies included in the protocol.
Following up on their initial pilot trial, Steketee, Frost, Tolin, Rasmussen, and
Brown (2010) conducted a somewhat larger but still small randomized controlled
trial comparing the specialized CBT for hoarding to a wait period without treatment
at two clinic sites. The wait-list and treatment groups were compared after 12 weeks,
at which point CBT participants continued their treatment for a total of 26 sessions,
while wait-listed participants were reassigned to CBT for 26 sessions. At the 12-week
comparison point, CBT patients showed an average 15% reduction in SI-R scores
(controlled d = 1.0) whereas wait-listed participants showed almost no improvement
(<2% change). Furthermore, at 12 weeks, therapists rated 43.5% of CBT patients
as “much” or “very much” improved, compared to 0% of the wait-list patients.
After the full 26 sessions of treatment for all patients (including those who began
treatment following their participation in the wait-list condition), effect sizes were
large (d > 1.2) for all measures of hoarding symptoms. Notably, the average duration
of the 26-session therapy was 44.8 weeks (range: 28–77) due to challenges with
patient scheduling and motivation.
Two studies have extended this intervention to older adults using case series
designs. In the Turner, Steketee, and Nauth (2010) study, trained community
clinicians provided the treatment. Although only six of 11 clients completed the
treatment, symptom reduction was similar in magnitude to that reported by Tolin
et al. (2007a), with 28% reduction in CIR and 24% improvement in functional use
of the home as measured by the ADL-H scale. Progress was notably uneven both
within and across clients. Ayers, Setherell, Golshan, and Saxena (2011) also tested the
Steketee and Frost (2007) version of CBT in a case series of 12 older adults. In an
effort to promote homework compliance and more rapid change, they scheduled the
first 20 sessions twice weekly and then tapered to once weekly for six final sessions.
Although the overall results showed approximately 20% reductions on two measures
of hoarding severity, only three of the clients were considered treatment responders.
Unfortunately, two of these three relapsed to baseline status during the 6-month
follow-up period, suggesting enhanced or alternative treatments may be necessary for
older adults who have problems with compulsive hoarding.
To date, we are not aware of other clinic settings that have tested this individual CBT
intervention for hoarding, despite its apparent efficacy. Ideally, future research will
also test how well this specialized intervention method compares to ERP treatment
or to group strategies for treating hoarding (which are described next in this chapter).
Group Therapy
Given the amount of therapist time invested in the specialized CBT protocol for
hoarding, cost and feasibility are obvious concerns. Using a group therapy format
for at least a portion of the treatment might help reduce the cost as well as address
issues of social isolation and poor motivation which are characteristic of clients with
1094 Specific Disorders
hoarding problems. Steketee, Frost, Wincze, Greene, and Douglass (2000) described
the first specialized CBT for hoarding which was conducted mainly in a group therapy
format, although this early version of the treatment protocol did not yet contain
strategies for motivation enhancement or detailed cognitive therapy methods found
in the Steketee and Frost (2007) guide. In this initial study, seven clients engaged in
15 sessions of group therapy spaced over 20 weeks (weekly for the first 10 sessions
and every other week for the last five) plus individual home visits between most group
sessions; an eighth client received individual treatment only. Although the treatment
had positive effects, the magnitude of the gains was modest. Average scores on a
YBOCS adapted specifically for hoarding dropped from 22 to 19, but the overall level
of clutter showed little improvement.
In a next step of development of group approaches to CBT for hoarding, Muroff,
Steketee, Rasmussen, et al. (2009) reported pre-post data on a series of five treatment
groups with a total sample of 32 participants who met criteria for primary hoarding
problems. The first four groups involved 16 sessions of standard clinic care that
adapted the Steketee and Frost (2007) protocol for the group format (n = 27). Over
time, the researchers used their experiences to develop a manualized group treatment
protocol which was employed for 20 sessions for the fifth treatment group (n = 5).
The approach involved weekly 2-hour group sessions plus two 1.5-hour individual
home visits. Findings showed large reductions in hoarding symptoms (d = 1.57) and
depression, with the final manualized treatment group achieving better results than
the earlier ones (d = 1.88).
Picking up on the suggestion that a more formalized group CBT treatment protocol
could lead to better outcomes for hoarding clients, researchers at the Institute of
Living in Hartford conducted an open trial in which 16–20 group sessions were
delivered by the clinician without home visits (Gilliam et al., 2011). A modest fee
was charged for each session and home visits were eliminated in an effort to develop
a protocol that would be more feasible for community-based clinical settings. In data
collected with 35 patients, large effect sizes were observed for all subscales of the SI-R
(d ≥ 1.06) as well as social and occupational impairment (d = 1.12) and the ADL scales
(d = 0.82). Limitations of this study included the fact that all outcomes were self-
reported and lacked corroborative information from home visits. In addition, attrition
was a problem as only 67% of participants completed treatment. Nevertheless, these
results indicated that the development of group treatment protocols for hoarding was
progressing in a promising direction.
In a more recent small randomized controlled trial of group treatment, Muroff,
Steketee, Bratiotis, and Ross (2012) found even larger within-participant (i.e., uncon-
trolled pre-post) effect sizes. In this study, 38 participants who met criteria for
hoarding disorder were randomly assigned to receive one of three conditions: (a)
standard group CBT, (b) enhanced group CBT, and (c) bibliotherapy. The standard
group treatment (n = 14) involved 20 weekly 2-hour group sessions with two co-
therapists plus four 90-minute home visits by one of the therapists. The enhanced
format (n = 11) contained these features plus an additional four home visits by a
trained nonclinician home assistant. The bibliotherapy group was asked to read Buried
in Treasures (Tolin, Frost, & Steketee, 2007b) during the 20-week period. Although
the small sample size resulted in underpowered statistical tests, the group treatments
Compulsive Hoarding 1095
resulted in large effect sizes (1.19 ≤ d ≤ 3.36) for all outcome variables. No measure
of bibliotherapy outcomes showed changes of this magnitude (0.18 ≤ d ≤ 0.88).
Although the two group formats did not differ statistically at posttreatment, the home
assistant enhancement appears worthwhile to explore in future studies because the
effect sizes were substantially larger for some variables. For example, the SI-R clutter
subscale pre-post (uncontrolled) effect sizes were 3.03 for the enhanced format and
1.56 for the standard group CBT for hoarding, suggesting that additional home visits
may substantially improve clutter for some participants.
Enhanced Self-Help
The specialized CBT developed to treat compulsive hoarding has continued to
improve outcomes, with steadily increasing effect sizes. Nevertheless, most patients
remain symptomatic in spite of the sometimes lengthy and costly treatments, and
gaining access to a clinician with expertise in this specialized treatment is still extremely
difficult as few are trained in these methods for this complex syndrome. Partly in
response to these problems, Frost, Pekereva-Kochergina, and Maxner (2011) exam-
ined the feasibility and preliminary outcomes of carefully structured nonprofessional
support groups in an open trial. This study used trained undergraduate assistants to
facilitate the groups, which met in a university classroom for 2-hour sessions over 13
weeks. The facilitators had taken a seminar course on hoarding behavior and utilized
Buried in Treasures (Tolin et al., 2007b), a self-help book that served as a sort of
textbook for the group. An experienced psychologist supervised the facilitators and
provided clinical backup.
Results showed that 12 of 28 participants (43%) met criteria for clinically significant
change on the SI-R at the end of the group. Despite the small sample, all measures
of hoarding severity showed statistically significant reductions on self-report and
in-home clinician assessments. Nevertheless, at the conclusion of the groups, more
than half of participants continued to report hoarding symptoms above the clinical
cutoff score of 41 on the SI-R. These results suggest the potential utility of a stepped
care model whereby this type of group could be a cost-effective first step, resulting
in substantial improvements for some participants and potentially a motivation-
enhancing pretreatment step for those who need to make additional gains through
other treatment mechanisms.
Following on the demonstrated utility of self-help CBT for OCD participants
(for a review, see Mataix-Cols & Marks, 2006), Muroff, Steketee, Himle, and Frost
(2010) studied outcomes of an online CBT-based self-help community that has been
operating for more than 10 years. The online community is restricted to people
with self-identified problems with hoarding or cluttering (and explicitly excludes
researchers, professionals, and family members). The community has a maximum
size of 100 participants and a waiting list of another 100 individuals with hoarding,
with turnover ranging from three to 10 people per month. To remain in the group,
members are required to make regular postings about their behavioral goals and
progress toward those goals. Evidence-based resource materials are provided, and
community members and leaders provide CBT-style support in an online chat area.
Muroff et al. (2010) conducted a series of self-report surveys every 3 months to
1096 Specific Disorders
document changes in hoarding symptoms for online community members who had
recently joined the group, as well as for those who had been members for a longer
period, and for those waiting for space to become available to join the group. Findings
indicated modest but significant improvement in active online members’ hoarding
symptoms over a 15-month period, with degree of engagement (i.e., number of
online posts) being a significant predictor of progress on hoarding. Effect sizes (0.35
≤ d ≤ 1.03) were comparable to those observed for the bibliotherapy condition in
the Muroff, Steketee, Bratiotis, and Ross (2012) study and somewhat smaller than
those observed in the Frost et al. (2011) in-person structured support groups.
Accordingly, it is clear that people with clinical hoarding problems benefit from self-
help groups that focus on CBT methods developed to treat hoarding problems. These
methods are derived from those described in Steketee and Frost’s (2007) therapy
manual and have been adapted for use by nonclinicians who have been trained or are
well-practiced in applying these methods. The extent of benefit from these guided
self-help groups ranges from modest to substantial, suggesting that further research
is needed to clarify the critical elements that produce the most change in hoarding
symptoms. It will be of value to determine whether these self-help methods affect
some symptoms more than others with regard to urges to acquire and save objects,
corresponding difficulty parting with possessions, and especially clutter in the home,
which may improve more slowly than other symptoms. To date, the CBT treatment
methods described above have not been combined with medications, as the literature
on effective medications for hoarding has been very limited and not particularly
promising. The research to date on this topic is described in the next section of this
chapter.
Pharmacotherapy
The earliest information on the value of medications for treating hoarding has emerged
in the context of efforts to identify prognostic indicators for OCD clients receiving
treatment. Several researchers have examined the degree to which factor-analytically
derived OCD symptom profiles (“symptom subtypes”) predicted response to phar-
macological treatments. As noted in the discussion of ERP treatment for OCD,
hoarding has emerged as a reliably distinct factor on the YBOCS symptom check-
list (e.g., Bloch, Landeros-Weisenberger, Rosario, Pittenger, & Leckman, 2008).
Retrospective studies of predictors of outcome provide hints about the potential
pharmacological treatment response for compulsive hoarding by examining patients
who participated in treatment studies for OCD.
Several studies indicate OCD patients with hoarding symptoms are less likely
to respond to serotonergic medications (e.g., paroxetine, fluvoxamine, fluoxetine,
citalopram) that have demonstrated effectiveness for OCD more broadly. In an early
study, Black et al. (1998) examined 38 nondepressed OCD patients who received 12
weeks of paroxetine (n = 20), CBT (n = 10), or pill placebo (n = 8). In spite of
the small sample, treatment responders were significantly less likely to have hoarding
symptoms (18% of responders in comparison to 67% of nonresponders). In a much
larger study, Mataix-Cols et al. (1999) analyzed data from 150 nondepressed OCD
Compulsive Hoarding 1097
patients drawn from six medication treatment trials. Ten patients reported hoarding
as their major problem, and 22 reported hoarding as a secondary symptom domain.
Hoarding dimension scores predicted worse outcome of medication treatment (but
not placebo responding).
In the last few years, other large retrospective studies have shown further evidence
that the hoarding symptom cluster of OCD does not respond as well to medication.
Stein’s research group conducted two multinational studies showing that hoarding
and symmetry symptoms (examined together as a single factor) predicted worse
treatment outcomes in response to several types and dosages of selective serotonin
reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs; Stein, Andersen, & Overo, 2007; Stein et al., 2008).
These very large studies (N = 867 patients across the two studies) included ample
numbers of patients with hoarding/symmetry as a primary symptom profile in the
analysis. Matsunaga et al. (2009) reported a similar result (N = 137) whereby patients
who failed to respond to 12 weeks of SSRI therapy were more likely to have hoarding
symptoms than were treatment responders. In the Matsunaga et al. study, symmetry
also emerged as a significant predictor of nonresponse to SSRI therapy, and, in
contrast to other studies reported here, other symptoms of ordering and repeating
also emerged as predictors of worse outcomes. Salomoni et al. (2009) examined 130
patients treated with 6 months of medication and/or behavior therapy. The overall
response rate (≥ 40% improvement in YBOCS score) in this open clinic-based study
was 53%, but only 28% of 18 patients with hoarding obsessions and 17% of 12 patients
with hoarding compulsions showed this level of response. Finally, using a different
design to study hoarding outcomes using retrospective data, Cullen et al. (2007)
analyzed medical history data gathered as part of two family studies of OCD and
reported hoarding symptoms predicted significantly lower odds of response to SSRIs.
On the other hand, some researchers have published evidence suggesting OCD
with hoarding is not predictive of poor response to medication. Some of these
studies are difficult to interpret because of small samples or inadequate description
of symptom profiles. For example, Alonso et al. (2001) described 60 OCD patients
who completed long-term treatment (1–5 years) with SSRIs plus behavior therapy.
Unfortunately, the sample included fewer than five patients with hoarding symptoms,
and only two reported hoarding compulsions as a major symptom. Alarcon, Libb,
and Spitler (1993) reported cleaning, but not hoarding, compulsions predicted poor
response to long-term clomipramine in an open study. Symptom profiles of the 45
OCD patients involved in this study were not presented, so it is not clear whether a
sufficient number of patients with hoarding symptoms were included.
Two larger studies are available. Erzegovesi et al. (2001) analyzed data from
159 nondepressed OCD patients who were randomly assigned to 12 weeks of
pharmacotherapy via SSRIs or clomipramine. Among responders, 8 of 90 (9%) had
hoarding symptoms, whereas 11 of 69 (16%) nonresponders had hoarding symptoms,
which was not a significant difference. Interestingly, only somatic obsessions were
significantly more frequent among the nonresponders. Shetti et al. (2005) reported
similar results in a study of 122 OCD patients who had previously received adequate
trials with at least two serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SRIs). Based on patient interview
and chart review, two psychiatrists independently rated patients as responder or
nonresponder to SRI therapy. Five of 13 (38%) patients with hoarding symptoms
1098 Specific Disorders
the YBOCS, and a substantial number of patients (n = 18) were unable to tolerate
the recommended full dose of medication. Clearly, this study requires replication and
extension to other serotonergic medications, given the promising findings.
Saxena (2011) reported preliminary findings from an open trial for hoarding that
used extended release venlafaxine (Effexor XR), a medication chosen because of its
tolerability for older adults and for nonresponders to SSRIs. Participants met DSM-5
proposed diagnostic criteria for hoarding disorder and were required to score 44 or
above on the SI-R and above threshold on another measure of hoarding. The sample
was more restricted in that only major depression and dysthymia were permitted as
comorbid conditions. Saxena reported preliminary results for 14 patients (12 women,
two men) enrolled to date, of whom only one had dropped out for reasons unrelated
to the medication. Nine of the 13 completers of the 12-week trial showed significant
improvements in hoarding (with an average 31% reduction on the SI-R), as well as on
measures of depression (51% reduction) and general functioning (21% improvement).
Among treatment completers, eight (61%) were classified as responders based on
30% reduction in hoarding symptoms and ratings of “much improved” or more on
the clinical global improvement scale. It appears that venlafaxine may be useful and
well tolerated for treating hoarding, although this sample size is very small and a
controlled trial will be needed to demonstrate clear efficacy over placebo or alternative
medications.
Overall, there are not yet sufficient data to indicate that any particular medication
is effective for treating hoarding symptoms. The retrospective findings from multiple
trials suggest that SRIs have not performed well in treatment for hoarding, although
there are exceptions to these findings. A major concern with these studies is their
recruitment methods through OCD clinics in which those with primary hoarding
problems may not be well represented in the samples. Only two prospective studies
that recruited for hoarding symptoms have been conducted, both by Saxena and
colleagues. While these are promising, the samples are small, and the research
designs are limited for drawing firm conclusions. Thus at this time, there is no
known medication treatment that can be recommended for hoarding symptoms.
Future studies will need to include larger samples recruited for hoarding as the
main problem, with common comorbid conditions allowed in order to adequately
represent this complex syndrome which is rarely found in isolation from other health
and mental health problems. Study of how medications affect the symptoms of
hoarding—acquiring, difficulty parting with objects, clutter, disorganization, and
difficulty making decisions—will be particularly helpful for understanding the specific
impact of medications on these problems.
Treatment Challenges
While the field now has a promising treatment for clinical hoarding problems in
the cognitive and behavioral methods described by Steketee and Frost and tested in
various modalities, perhaps the most serious challenge is achieving recovery from this
debilitating problem. While CBT is highly beneficial, the average treatment gains are
still modest and few treated clients have clutter-free homes. In fact, it seems that the
1100 Specific Disorders
Another complication with hoarding involves the multiple agencies that are some-
times involved in hoarding cases. Due to safety issues such as fire risk or child
protection, hoarding frequently comes to the attention of civil authorities because of
building code or property use violations. Addressing these hoarding-related problems
may require coordination of multiple agencies representing diverse disciplines such
as fire safety, building inspectors, housing providers or landlords, protective services
workers, and public health and mental health workers. Providing treatment within
the context of multiple agency involvement raises ethical challenges that are not faced
by clinicians engaged exclusively in office-based practice, such as managing confi-
dentiality concerns while advocating on a client’s behalf with enforcement officers.
Gibson, Rasmussen, Steketee, Frost, and Tolin (2010) provide a full discussion of
ethical concerns in treating hoarding.
cluttered (and sometimes neglected) home, hoarding places a burden on all members
of the family (Tolin, Frost, Steketee, & Fitch, 2008). Due to their frustration, some
family members engage in a misguided effort to reduce the problem by surreptitiously
removing things they perceive to be worthless; this is experienced as a violation and
betrayal by the person who hoards. Perhaps as a result, many people with hoarding
become isolated from family members and have impoverished social networks. Current
treatments do not address these family issues, although group treatments may help
provide social support that can be an important impetus for achieving and maintaining
treatment gains. Tompkins and Hartl (2009) have developed a compelling protocol
for family members in relation to a loved one’s hoarding, but its efficacy has not yet
been empirically tested.
More than 80 communities in the United States and Canada have formed
community-based task forces to coordinate multiagency interventions for hoard-
ing cases that come to public attention (Bratiotis, Sorrentino Schmalisch, & Steketee,
2011). In some cases, involvement of such agencies provides external pressure that
can increase the client’s motivation to address his or her hoarding behavior. Some of
these agencies can also provide helpful assistance—a well-trained home health aide,
for example, can help a client make substantial progress in sorting through accu-
mulated clutter. On the other hand, ill-conceived interventions from such agencies
can significantly interfere with treatment progress and threaten the client’s emotional
stability. Outcomes for both the individuals and communities involved have not yet
been studied.
Similarly, outcomes have not been studied for people who are not seeking treatment
but who come to agency attention involuntarily, for example, through a complaint to
one of the task force agencies. Such persons generally have much lower insight about
the severity of their problem and are often unwilling to engage with professionals
until the situation has reached a crisis (and sometimes not even then). Innovative
research strategies will be needed to establish interventions, such as harm-reduction
approaches, that would be useful for nonvoluntary cases of hoarding. Such inter-
ventions seem especially appropriate in cases of animal hoarding where the hoarded
animals themselves are also sufferers. Research on this problem is very limited to
date, and it is not yet clear how similar this problem is to object hoarding, or what
treatment approaches are most appropriate (see Steketee et al., 2011). To date, no
formal protocols have been developed or tested. This is obviously a topic in desperate
need of research.
Conclusions
It is clear that good progress has been made on developing specialized CBT methods
for treating hoarding, with somewhat less progress on medications that might prove
helpful. Still, research on hoarding remains in the early phases of development and it
is no surprise that treatment research is underdeveloped. More research is necessary to
learn how to maximize gains for specific hoarding symptoms, especially with regard to
reduction in clutter and to determine which elements of this multicomponent therapy
are most critical for what symptoms. Managing the cost of therapy is a continuing
Compulsive Hoarding 1103
area for future work, with a likely focus on group treatments and affordable in-home
services. Community interventions coordinated through organized task forces seem
a very promising strategy for helping clients who are not seeking treatment through
standard mental health services. Clients and providers can look forward to future
research that will shed light on the most effective and efficient methods for managing
this complex syndrome.
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47
Body Dysmorphic Disorder
Jessica Rasmussen, Aaron J. Blashill,
Jennifer L. Greenberg, and Sabine Wilhelm
Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School, United States
Introduction
and in one sample, 31.2% were completely unable to work within the past month
due to their symptoms (Didie et al., 2008). Partial or complete avoidance of social
situations is common (Phillips, Didie, et al., 2006) and if BDD symptoms are severe,
individuals can become housebound (Phillips, Didie, et al., 2006; Phillips et al.,
1993). Individuals with BDD report lower mental health-related quality of life scores
compared to the general U.S. population and compared to other medical populations
(e.g., patients with diabetes, depression, or myocardial infarction; Phillips, 2000).
Individuals with BDD often report severe or extreme distress due to their appearance
concerns and suicidal ideation and attempts are frequent. In a recent sample, 79.5%
of those with BDD reported having a lifetime history of suicidal ideation and 27.6%
reported a history of a suicide attempt (Phillips & Menard, 2006).
The prevalence of BDD has been reported as 1.7–2.4% in a series of community
samples (Buhlmann et al., 2010; Koran, Abujaoude, Large, & Serpe, 2008; Rief,
Buhlmann, Wilhelm, Borkenhagen, & Brahler, 2006) and has ranged anywhere from
5% (Bohne et al., 2002) to 13% (Biby, 1998) in student samples. Prevalence is even
higher in inpatient psychiatric populations (12–13%; Grant, Kim, & Crow, 2001).
Men and women both suffer from BDD and while one study found that BDD appears
to occur at a slightly higher rate in females (Buhlmann et al., 2010), other studies
have found no significant differences in occurrence rates by gender (Koran et al.,
2008; Rief et al., 2006). However, men and women do differ in their most frequent
areas of concern, with men being more preoccupied by body build, hair thinning,
and genitals, and women being more frequently distressed over their hips, stomach
area, and weight (Phillips & Diaz, 1997). In a sample of 183 individuals with BDD,
average age of onset was 16.5 years (Phillips, Pagano, Menard, & Stout, 2006). In
the same sample, 81.3% of individuals reported having had a continuous course of
the disorder and mean duration was 16.0 years (SD = 12.5; Phillips, Pagano, et al.,
2006).
It has been suggested that BDD be included with other disorders (e.g., obsessive-
compulsive disorder [OCD], trichotillomania) in an obsessive-compulsive spectrum
category in the upcoming DSM-5 (for a review, see Hollander, Kim, Braun, Simeon, &
Zohar, 2009). BDD, along with other disorders in the proposed obsessive-compulsive
spectrum, has been observed to share similarities with OCD in phenomenology (i.e.,
repetitive thoughts and behaviors; for a review, see Chosak et al., 2008; Wilhelm
& Neziroglu, 2002), family history (Bienvenu et al., 2000), and treatment response
(Eddy, Dutra, Bradley, & Westen, 2004; Hollander et al., 1999; Phillips & Hollander,
2008). OCD is also commonly comorbid in individuals with BDD (e.g., about
30%; Gunstad & Phillips, 2003). Despite an observed overlap between BDD and
OCD, the thought content in BDD is focused on appearance-based concerns as
opposed to the typical obsessional thought content seen in OCD (Chosak et al.,
2008).
It has also been proposed that BDD may fit into a broader affective spectrum
disorder category, grouped with major depression and other anxiety disorders, OCD
included (Phillips, McElroy, Hudson, & Pope, 1995; Phillips & Stout, 2006). BDD
patients have an increased rate of comorbid depressive and anxiety disorders including
major depressive disorder (75%) and social phobia (37%; Gunstad & Phillips, 2003).
Relatively high rates of BDD have been found in anxiety disorder samples, particularly
Body Dysmorphic Disorder 1111
in those with a principal diagnosis of social phobia (12%; Wilhelm, Otto, Zucker, &
Pollack, 1997). In addition to high rates of comorbid mood and anxiety disorders,
substance abuse disorders also commonly co-occur with BDD (48.9%; Grant, Menard,
Pagano, Fay, & Phillips, 2005).
Assessment
Pharmacotherapy
Several serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SRIs) have been shown to be effective in the
treatment of BDD, including fluoxetine, clomipramine, fluvoxamine, citaprolam, and
escitaprolam (Hollander et al., 1999; Perugi et al., 1996; Phillips, 2006; Phillips,
Albertini, & Rasmussen, 2002; Phillips, Dwight, & McElroy, 1998; Phillips & Najjar,
2003). A 10-week open label trial of fluvoxamine for 15 individuals with BDD (Perugi
et al., 1996) found 10 of the individuals were much or very much improved on the
1112 Specific Disorders
Clinical Global Impressions Scale and 10 of the 12 patients who completed the study
were responders (Perugi et al., 1996). In another open label trial of 30 BDD patients
treated with fluvoxamine for 16 weeks, 63% of patients were considered responders
(Phillips et al., 1998). Two 12-week open label trials of citalopram (Phillips & Najjar,
2003) and escitalopram (Phillips, 2006), both of which had 15 participants, found
that 73% of individuals responded and quality of life and functioning were significantly
improved.
Two randomized control trials have been conducted thus far, one of which
compared clomipramine to desipramine (Hollander et al., 1999) and another which
examined fluoxetine versus placebo (Phillips et al., 2002). Hollander et al. (1999)
found that in a 16-week randomized double-blind controlled cross-over study of
29 individuals with BDD, clomipramine was significantly more effective for the
reduction of BDD symptoms (65% vs. 35% response rate) and functional disability
than desipramine. The 12-week randomized double-blind, placebo controlled trial of
fluoxetine showed that fluoxetine was significantly more effective than placebo (53%
vs. 18% response rate; Phillips et al., 2002).
It has been clinically observed that BDD requires typically higher doses than are
used for depression (for a review, see Phillips & Hollander, 2008). Response time has
been shown to differ across various SRIs but mean response times for several studies
of fluoxetine and fluvoxamine have been between 6 and 9 weeks (Perugi et al., 1996;
Phillips et al., 2002; Phillips et al., 1998), whereas studies of citalopram (Phillips &
Najjar, 2003) and escitalopram (Phillips, 2006) have reported a mean response time
of 4.6 +/− 2.6 weeks and 4.7 +/− 3.7 weeks, respectively. Improvement with the
use of an SRI for BDD usually translates to lessened preoccupation with perceived
defects, a reduction of ritualistic behaviors, and better psychosocial functioning
(Hollander et al., 1999; Phillips et al., 2002). SRIs have also been shown in several
studies to improve insight concerning BDD appearance related beliefs (Hollander
et al., 1999; Phillips, McElroy, Dwight, Eisen, & Rasmussen, 2001; Phillips et al.,
2002).
Cognitive behavioral models of BDD have been empirically supported and widely
accepted (e.g., Veale, 2004; Wilhelm, Buhlmann, Hayward, Greenberg, & Dimaite,
2010; Wilhelm & Neziroglu, 2002). Neurocognitive and neuroimaging studies, as
well as clinical observations, have shown that individuals with BDD have certain
biological predispositions that contribute to the development and maintenance of
BDD symptoms (Deckersbach et al., 2000; Feusner, Hembacher, Moller, & Moody,
2011; Feusner et al., 2010; Feusner, Townsend, Bystritsky, & Bookheimer, 2007).
Several neuroimaging studies have found that BDD patients have greater activation
in the left hemisphere (i.e., an area responsible for detail based processing) when
viewing pictures of their own and others’ faces (Feusner et al., 2010; Feusner et al.,
2007), as well as other objects (Feusner et al., 2011). In addition, neuropsychological
studies of BDD confirm a favored localized processing approach as opposed to a
global one (Deckersbach et al., 2000). Cognitive behavioral models of BDD theorize
Body Dysmorphic Disorder 1113
that localized visual processing can cause individuals with the disorder to selectively
overattend to appearance details that lead to distortions concerning body image
(Veale, 2004; Wilhelm et al., 2010).
A distorted perception of body image along with selectively focused attention leads
patients with BDD to negatively interpret situations concerning the self and others
(Wilhelm et al., 2010). Several studies have demonstrated that patients with BDD have
heightened selective attention for BDD related perceived threat (Buhlmann, McNally,
Wilhelm, & Florin, 2002), are more likely to negatively interpret ambiguous body-
related and social scenarios (Buhlmann, Wilhelm, et al., 2002), and more often
misidentify pictures of facial expressions as angry or contemptuous (Buhlmann,
Etcoff, & Wilhelm, 2006). Early childhood experiences, cultural influences, and
psychological vulnerabilities are also thought to contribute to the development and
maintenance of negative appearance-related beliefs. Individuals with BDD report
more frequent childhood experiences of being teased (Buhlmann, Cook, Fama, &
Wilhelm, 2007). Cultural backgrounds in which the importance of appearance is
emphasized can also inflate beliefs about the importance of physical attractiveness
(e.g., the United States, where advertising and technology have placed an emphasis
on the “perfect” physical appearance; Neziroglu, Khelmani-Patel, & Veale, 2008;
Wilhelm, Phillips, & Steketee, 2013). Finally, certain psychological vulnerabilities
such as perfectionism (i.e., wanting the “perfect” appearance) and rejection sensitivity
have been proposed to influence negative appearance-related beliefs (Veale, 2004;
Wilhelm et al., 2010).
Patients with BDD frequently have automatic thoughts that other people are
negatively evaluating their appearance (Veale, 2004; Wilhelm et al., 2010). For
example, when walking into a store, a patient with BDD who has concerns about
his skin might think, “Everyone in the store is staring at me and thinking about
how red and ugly my skin is.” Patients may also be more likely to place a greater
level of importance on their appearance and interpret minor appearance concerns as
major personal flaws (e.g., “If my skin is red, I am worthless”), as well as confusing
physical attractiveness with happiness (e.g., “If my skin is too red, I will be alone
and unhappy for the rest of my life”; Wilhelm et al., 2010). In addition to automatic
interpretations of body image, individuals with BDD often hold deeper core beliefs
about the self and others that underlie their distorted perceptions of appearance
(Veale, 2004; Wilhelm, Phillips, Fama, Greenberg, & Steketee, 2011). For example,
a common core belief beneath appearance concerns may be “I am unlovable,”
and patients with BDD may also believe that other people will only like them if
they are perceived as attractive (e.g., “People only like attractive people”; Veale,
2004).
Maladaptive thinking leads to negative emotions in patients with BDD (e.g.,
anxiety, shame, sadness) that they then attempt to neutralize with ritualistic behaviors
(e.g., mirror checking) or avoidance of trigger situations (i.e., going to a party; Veale,
2004; Wilhelm et al., 2010). While avoidance of certain situations and engagement
in ritualistic behaviors may temporarily reduce unwanted emotions, these behaviors
negatively reinforce BDD-related thoughts, feelings, and behaviors in the long term
(Wilhelm et al., 2010).
1114 Specific Disorders
Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) for BDD has the most empirical support for
treatment of the disorder of all available psychosocial interventions (Ipser, Sander,
& Stein, 2009; Williams, Hadjistavropoulos, & Sharpe, 2006). At the core of CBT
for BDD are the identification, evaluation, and restructuring of maladaptive beliefs
surrounding appearance (e.g., “Everyone thinks that my hair is thin and ugly”), as
well as exposure to feared and avoided situations related to the disorder (e.g., going
out in public without wearing a hat; Rosen, Reiter, & Orosan, 1995; Veale et al.,
1996; Wilhelm et al., 2013). While cognitive restructuring and exposure and response
prevention (ERP) compose the core strategies used in CBT for BDD, there are a
number of other techniques that have been previously cited in the literature and
widely used. These techniques include psychoeducation, motivational enhancement,
and mindfulness/perceptual retraining (Rosen et al., 1995; Veale et al., 1996;
Wilhelm et al., 2013). In addition, several treatment modules aimed at addressing
specific concerns in BDD (e.g., skin picking, depression) are available to use flexibly
during the course of treatment (Wilhelm et al., 2013). Finally, a complete course of
treatment usually includes relapse prevention sessions.
Assessment
At the start of treatment, a comprehensive assessment of BDD symptoms should
be conducted (Wilhelm et al., 2013). Patients with BDD are often embarrassed
or ashamed of their body image concerns and are less likely to disclose them
openly. Additionally, some individuals with BDD may have poor insight into their
symptoms, believing that their problems are not psychiatric in nature and best
addressed through medical intervention alone (Wilhelm et al., 2013). Subsequently, a
focused assessment of BDD symptoms allows for a thorough evaluation of thoughts,
feelings, and behaviors related to appearance concerns, while at the same time helping
to build a therapeutic alliance between therapist and patient by beginning to address
specific fears or concerns related to treatment (e.g., talking about BDD symptoms,
psychiatric versus medical intervention; Wilhelm et al., 2013). The therapist can use
the assessment of a patient’s BDD symptoms to individualize therapeutic interventions
(e.g., psychoeducation, building of an individualized CBT model, ERP exercises).
Assessment can also inform future need for motivational interviewing techniques, as
well as modular interventions to address particular concerns (e.g., skin picking, muscle
dysmorphia; Wilhelm et al., 2013).
In the assessment of BDD symptoms, it is also important for the therapist to
differentiate BDD symptoms from other commonly co-occurring disorders (e.g.,
social phobia, OCD, eating disorders; Phillips, Didie, Feusner, & Wilhelm, 2008;
Rosen & Ramirez, 1998). BDD and social phobia share a fear of negative evaluation,
but BDD is focused on concerns about being judged for physical appearance (Phillips
et al., 2008). BDD and OCD are similar in being characterized by repetitive thoughts
and behaviors but the content of these thoughts differs widely (i.e., BDD is focused on
appearance whereas OCD is not; Wilhelm & Neziroglu, 2002). Body image concerns
Body Dysmorphic Disorder 1115
typify both BDD and eating disorders, but research has shown that individuals with
BDD have a more diverse location of appearance dissatisfaction (e.g., nose, teeth, hair),
whereas those with eating disorders tend to be primarily focused on weight/shape
dissatisfaction (Rosen & Ramirez, 1998). In assessing and differentiating BDD
symptoms from other commonly co-occurring disorders, the therapist will ensure a
more accurate targeting of BDD symptoms during treatment (Phillips et al., 2008).
Psychoeducation
The first active treatment step in CBT for BDD is psychoeducation. To begin with,
therapists may provide patients with some initial information on BDD (i.e., typical
symptoms, common ways in which the disorder interferes, prevalence). Therapists
can then instill hope in patients by providing a brief overview of CBT for BDD
(i.e., helping patients to change maladaptive thoughts pertaining to appearance,
while reducing their distress and avoidance behaviors) and evidence-based support
for the treatment (Wilhelm et al., 2013). In explaining common manifestations of
the disorder and the manner in which it is treated, therapists can validate and engage
patients with the treatment process before it has fully begun (Wilhelm et al., 2013).
The other primary component of psychoeducation involves the therapist presenting
patients with the cognitive behavioral model of BDD (e.g., maladaptive thinking
surrounding appearance, selective attention to minor details of appearance, negative
emotions, and ritualistic behaviors/avoidance) and thoroughly explaining each com-
ponent to the patient. The therapist should collaborate with the patient to build
an individualized model based on the patient’s particular BDD symptoms (Veale
et al., 1996; Wilhelm et al., 2013). The creation of the patient’s individualized
cognitive behavioral model can be particularly helpful in providing the patient with
an understanding of the factors that may have contributed to the development of
the disorder (e.g., selective attention to detail, perfectionism, biological predispo-
sition), as well the current maladaptive thinking and behavioral patterns that are
maintaining the symptoms (Veale et al., 1996; Wilhelm et al., 2013). The therapist
and patient will most likely refer back to the model frequently during the course of
treatment as a method of tailoring intervention strategies that are most suitable for
the patient.
On a more general note, therapists can help patients maximize treatment by
establishing general session structure and flow from the outset of the process. Sessions
of CBT for BDD usually consist of a brief mood and symptom check at the beginning
of session followed by a review of homework assigned from the previous session
(Wilhelm et al., 2013). Homework between sessions is typically assigned during the
course of CBT (e.g., monitoring thoughts about appearance, ERP to feared situations
outside of session, reduction of behaviors such as ritualistic grooming) and can be
particularly helpful in assisting the patient with the practice of cognitive behavioral
strategies in a real-world context (e.g., social situations where the patient might be
concerned about his or her appearance being evaluated; Wilhelm et al., 2013). After
completing a homework review, the therapist and patient will collaboratively set the
agenda for a particular session (e.g., exposure where the patient walks into a store
without his or her hat on). The sessions typically end by the therapist and patient
1116 Specific Disorders
deciding on the homework assignment for the week (e.g., to go into three public
spaces without a hat on), as well as giving the patient time to provide feedback to the
therapist on the session and the treatment (Wilhelm et al., 2013).
Motivational Strategies
Motivational strategies, including motivational interviewing techniques (Miller &
Rollnick, 2002), are frequently used during the course of CBT for BDD (Wilhelm
et al., 2010). Individuals with BDD are often relatively fixed in beliefs concerning
their appearance and patients with higher levels of delusionality may be completely
convinced that their appearance-related beliefs are true (e.g., “I am completely certain
that my nose is crooked”; Phillips, 2004). It is a common pitfall of therapists to
attempt to convince patients that their beliefs are incorrect (Phillips et al., 2008). This
strategy frequently ends in arguments and a poor therapeutic alliance that may result
in a lack of collaboration between the patient and therapist (Phillips et al., 2008).
In addition to rigidity of appearance-related beliefs, many patients with BDD are
ambivalent concerning therapeutic change (Wilhelm et al., 2013). For a significant
proportion of individuals with BDD, they may have tried numerous dermatological
or surgical strategies for their concerns (Crerand, Phillips, Menard, & Fay, 2005).
Subsequently, they may be uncertain or less willing to consider that CBT could be an
effective intervention for their distress (Wilhelm et al., 2013).
Motivational strategies for BDD are based on the principles of Miller and Rollnick
(2002) and are adapted to address disorder-specific concerns. Motivational strategies
can start with the therapist assessing possible barriers to change (i.e., lack of insight into
appearance-based concerns, desire for surgical/dermatological interventions; Wilhelm
et al., 2013). This information can be used to anticipate the need for motivational
strategies during the course of treatment. The therapist can also evaluate the extent
to which motivational techniques are needed and at what stage of treatment. For
example, patients who are ambivalent about the treatment process may need more
intensive motivational work at the beginning in order to engage with the treatment,
as compared to other patients who may need motivational strategies at specific time
points (e.g., ERP, homework adherence).
Motivational strategies for BDD emphasize a nonjudgmental, collaborative stance
in which the therapist attempts to guide the patient in exploring his or her willingness
and readiness for change surrounding his or her appearance-based concerns. The
therapist is encouraged to empathize with the patient around his or her body image
related distress as opposed to immediately challenging the validity of his or her
appearance related beliefs (e.g., “Your body image concerns seem to be causing
you a lot of distress; let’s try and work together to see if we can reduce your
distress”; Wilhelm et al., 2013). Another common motivational technique used in
BDD treatment is the use of nonjudgmental Socratic questioning to explore the
pros and cons of change (e.g., “What might be some of the benefits of participating
in CBT for BDD?”; Wilhelm et al., 2013). Similarly, the therapist may guide the
patient in developing a discrepancy between his or her BDD symptoms and his or
her goals and values; for instance, asking the patient to look forward (e.g., “What
would you like your life to be like in 5 years?”) or to look back (e.g., “Compared
Body Dysmorphic Disorder 1117
to what your life was like at the beginning of treatment, what is different now?”).
This can be a particularly helpful technique when attempting to explore maladaptive
appearance-related beliefs into which some patients with BDD may have poor insight.
Instead of just considering the validity of a belief, it can also be helpful to consider the
usefulness of the belief (e.g., “Are your beliefs about your hair preventing you from
doing things that you would like, such as socializing or running errands?”; Wilhelm
et al., 2013).
Cognitive Restructuring
The identification, evaluation, and restructuring of automatic maladaptive
appearance-based thoughts are techniques central to CBT for BDD. Therapists
can begin by introducing patients to common cognitive distortions seen in BDD,
such as “all-or-nothing thinking” (e.g., “I am either a model or monster”) or
‘‘discounting the positive (e.g., “She only complimented my appearance because she
feels sorry for me”; Wilhelm et al., 2013). This is usually followed by encouraging
patients to monitor their automatic appearance-based thoughts both in and outside
of session (e.g., “This scar on my chin makes me hideously ugly”) to identify
cognitive distortions (i.e., all-or-nothing thinking; Rosen et al., 1995; Veale et al.,
1996; Wilhelm et al., 2013). Patients may be aided in their identification of
these types of thoughts by learning to engage in their own Socratic questioning
surrounding situations in which they are experiencing significant distress or which
they are avoiding altogether (e.g., “Why do I feel so distressed about my appearance
when I go out with my friends?” “Is it possible that I am worried everyone will be
staring at the scar on my chin?”).
After the patient becomes comfortable with identifying automatic maladaptive
appearance related thoughts, the therapist can aid the patient in learning to evaluate
and (if indicated) modify these thoughts (e.g., Neziroglu, McKay, Todaro, & Yayura-
Tobias, 1996; Rosen et al., 1995; Veale et al., 1996; Wilhelm et al., 2013). While
it is often helpful to evaluate the validity of a maladaptive thought (“What is the
evidence that everyone is reacting negatively to my skin?”), it can also be beneficial
to examine its usefulness (e.g., “Is it really helpful for me to think that I can only
be happy if my skin changes?”; Wilhelm et al., 2013). The therapist may assist the
patient in examining the pros and cons of holding onto BDD related thoughts (e.g.,
“It may feel as though a potential benefit of holding onto this belief is that it feels as
though it is protecting you from harm [being laughed at], while a downside may be
that it interferes with socializing and going to work”).
around ritual prevention for homework. Various strategies on how to delay (e.g., wait
more time than usual before checking the mirror) or reduce rituals (e.g., only wear a
hat as opposed to hat and sunglasses when out in public) can be reviewed with the
patient, with the goal being eventual elimination of these behaviors (Wilhelm et al.,
2013).
In order to begin exposure-based treatment, the therapist and patient should
collaborate on the creation of a fear and avoidance hierarchy related to appearance-
based concerns (e.g., wearing a swimsuit at the beach, going to a party). The therapist
and patient can work together to identify appearance-related situations that provoke
the least anxiety while progressing up to situations that provoke the utmost anxiety
(Rosen et al., 1995; Wilhelm et al., 2013). The patient should also be encouraged to
use ritual prevention skills when engaging in exposure exercises.
The therapist then guides the patient in systematic completion of ERP based
on the hierarchy. The therapist can encourage the patient to view the exposure
as a “behavioral experiment” during which they evaluate the validity of negative
predictions based on maladaptive thinking (e.g., go to a party and make eye contact
with three people, evaluate whether their body language and eye contact appears
negative). The aim is that the patient will both practice tolerating the associated
distress that he or she feels, without intervening with the use of avoidance or rituals,
while at the same time properly evaluating negative predictions concerning appearance
(Wilhelm et al., 2013).
Mindfulness/Perceptual Retraining
Information processing studies have shown that individuals with BDD visually process
stimuli at a detail oriented level in lieu of the globalized picture (Deckersbach et al.,
2000; Feusner et al., 2010). Clinically, this style of visual processing seems to manifest
Body Dysmorphic Disorder 1119
Modular Interventions
Several modular interventions can be applied as needed throughout CBT for BDD
treatment and include skin picking/hair plucking, muscularity and shape/weight,
cosmetic treatment, and mood management (Wilhelm et al., 2013). Compulsive skin
picking and hair plucking, designed to improve appearance, occurs in up to one-third
of BDD patients (Grant, Menard, & Phillips, 2006; Phillips & Taub, 1995) and
many BDD patients find it to be their most distressing symptom (O’Sullivan, Phillips,
1120 Specific Disorders
Keuthen, & Wilhelm, 1999). This module uses habit reversal training to address
specific skin picking or hair pulling concerns. The muscularity and shape/weight
module is used to individualize treatment for individuals suffering from muscle
dysmorphia, a subtype of BDD in which patients are overly focused on and concerned
with the shape and size of their muscles (H. G. Pope, Gruber, Choi, Olivardia, &
Phillips, 1997; Wilhelm et al., 2013). The module can also be used for patients who
have concerns about their shape/weight in addition to specific body areas of concerns
(Wilhelm et al., 2013). Some patients with BDD seek dermatological or surgical
intervention for their concerns prior to seeking therapy, and despite starting CBT for
BDD may remain unconvinced or ambivalent that CBT is a better treatment option
than medical interventions (Wilhelm et al., 2013). The cosmetic module combines
motivational interviewing and psychoeducation techniques that allow therapists to
provide patients with information on the ineffectiveness of medical interventions
for BDD while at the same time helping the patient to explore the pros and cons
in a nonjudgmental environment (Wilhelm et al., 2013). The mood management
module addresses depressive symptoms which are commonly co-occurring with BDD
and may at times be treatment-interfering (Gunstad & Phillips, 2003; Phillips et al.,
2008). The module combines activity scheduling, as well as cognitive restructuring
techniques for patients with more severe symptoms of depression (Wilhelm et al.,
2013).
Relapse Prevention
Relapse prevention normally occurs in the final sessions of treatment (Wilhelm et al.,
2013). It typically consists of reviewing CBT skills, anticipating obstacles related to
BDD, and envisioning the application of skills to these problems (Wilhelm et al.,
2013). The therapist will often recommend to the patient that he or she sets time aside
weekly (often during the time that he or she came in for session) to review treatment
strategies and set upcoming goals related to BDD treatment. The therapist encourages
the patient to act as “his or her own therapist.” The therapist also suggests that the
patient find other, positive activities that he or she enjoys to fill the time gap left by
the reduction of BDD related symptoms (e.g., various hobbies or spending time with
friends; Wilhelm et al., 2013). Booster sessions can be offered after treatment ends
as a periodic way in which to assess progress, maintain gains, and review cognitive
behavioral skills as needed (Wilhelm et al., 2013).
1995) could reduce symptoms of BDD. Two single-subject, multiple baseline studies
systematically demonstrated the separate use of ERP (Campisi, 1995) and of cog-
nitive therapy (Geremia & Neziroglu, 2001) for BDD. Campisi (1995) conducted
ERP with four individuals with BDD consisting of 7 weeks of 90-minute sessions,
three times a week. Study results showed that ERP was successful in decreasing
obsessions and compulsions related to body image concerns in three out of four
participants, although discomfort with appearance and body dissatisfaction remained.
Geremia and Neziroglu (2001) treated four individuals with BDD in a single-subject
multiple baseline design with cognitive therapy alone (consisting of twice-weekly 75-
minute sessions for 7 weeks) and found a significant reduction in obsessive thoughts
related to body image in three out of four patients, with two of the patients also
showing a significant reduction in BDD-related ritualistic behaviors. In addition,
three out of four patients showed a significant decrease in dissatisfaction with body
parts.
Uncontrolled and controlled treatment outcome studies for BDD in both individual
and group formats followed. An open trial group study using cognitive behavioral
techniques showed a significant reduction in BDD symptoms, as well as symptoms
of depression (Wilhelm, Otto, Lohr, & Deckersbach, 1999). Neziroglu et al. (1996)
conducted an open trial of intensive CBT for BDD and found significant improvement
in BDD symptoms for 12 of 17 patients. Two randomized controlled studies, one of
group CBT for BDD versus a wait-list control (Rosen et al., 1995) and another of
individual CBT versus a wait-list control (Veale et al., 1996), also showed a significant
reduction in BDD symptoms with large treatment effect sizes (d = 2.18, for the
BDDE, and d = 1.81, for the BDD-YBOCS, respectively). McKay et al. (1997)
conducted a standard treatment outcome study using only ERP techniques for 10
participants with BDD. At the end of treatment, a 6-month maintenance program
was instituted for five of the patients, while the other five served as controls. All of
the patients evidenced significant reductions in BDD related symptoms from pre- to
posttreatment, suggesting that ERP alone is effective for BDD.
While these studies have provided empirical evidence in support of CBT for BDD,
they should be interpreted with caution. Inconsistencies across studies including
widely varying session length (anywhere from seven to 30 sessions) and intensity of
session duration (with sessions varying from 1 to 3 hours at a time) could account
for differences in treatment outcome (Wilhelm et al., 2011; Williams et al., 2006).
Additionally, the majority of these treatments lacked a standardized manual with
the exception of Rosen et al.’s (1995) group treatment (which primarily focused on
weight and shape as opposed to other aspects of appearance) and Wilhelm et al.’s
(1999) group treatment study which used a preliminary standardized treatment
manual. More recently, Wilhelm et al. (2011) piloted a newly developed cognitive
behavioral modular treatment manual for BDD in a sample of 12 adults with primary
BDD. Treatment lasted between 18 and 22 weeks. At posttreatment, BDD (d = 3.82)
and related symptoms (depression symptoms as measured by the Beck Depression
Inventory [BDI]; d = 0.82) were significantly improved.
A meta-analysis conducted by Williams et al. (2006) analyzed the efficacy of phar-
macological versus CBT interventions for BDD through the use of randomized con-
trolled trials and case studies. While both pharmacotherapy (Md = +0.92) and CBT
1122 Specific Disorders
(M d = +1.78) were shown to have large effect sizes, CBT was found to have signifi-
cantly greater effect sizes than pharmacotherapy in the treatment of BDD symptoms.
Special Populations
Adolescents
BDD typically onsets in early adolescence (Phillips & Diaz, 1997; Phillips, Didie, et al.,
2006) and has a chronic course without effective treatment (Phillips, Pagano, et al.,
2006). Adolescents with BDD have markedly poor psychosocial functioning and high
levels of morbidity, including high rates of school refusal/dropout and suicidality. The
psychosocial impact of BDD is particularly concerning during adolescence, a critical
period of developmental tasks and transitions characterized by significant physical,
psychological, and social changes (for a review, see Greenberg, Delinsky, Reese,
Buhlmann, & Wilhelm, 2009; Phillips & Rogers, 2011). BDD can interfere with
key tasks of adolescence, such as the development of a stable self-concept, increased
autonomy from parents, developing healthy social and romantic relationships, and
completing school. Thus, early intervention is critical.
Treatment research on adolescents with BDD is limited; however, CBT and
pharmacotherapy appear promising. High dose SRIs were effective for adolescents
with BDD in case reports (Albertini, Phillips, & Guevremont, 1996; Phillips, Atala, &
Albertini, 1995), and in a case series of 33 children and adolescents, 53% (n = 19) of
subjects treated with an SRI demonstrated significant improvement in BDD symptoms
(Albertini & Phillips, 1999). Notably, SRIs do not work for all individuals, and many
youth and their parents are not amenable to taking medication. CBT is the first-line
psychosocial treatment for adults with BDD, and preliminary data from case reports
(Braddock, 1982; Greenberg et al., 2010; Sobanski & Schmidt, 2000) suggest it may
be helpful for adolescents.
CBT for adolescents with BDD is delivered within a developmentally sensitive
framework (for a detailed description, see Greenberg et al., 2010). The clinician
should assess for potential interference in daily life, including home, school, and
social settings. The core treatment involves psychoeducation, cognitive strategies, and
exposure and ritual prevention; however, treatment strategies are influenced by age-
related and individual differences in developmental capacities (e.g., metacognition)
and should be age-appropriate and engaging for adolescents. Parents and schools
will likely be involved in the treatment; however, the extent of family and school
involvement will vary based on the developmental level of the child and his or
her specific treatment goals. After an initial assessment, providing the family with
psychoeducation—meaningful information about BDD and its prevalence—can help
to address feelings of shame, stigma, and embarrassment within the child as well as to
reduce feelings of blame, anger, or shamefulness within the family. For example, many
parents inadvertently reinforce BDD rituals and require guidance on how to reduce
accommodation (e.g., not paying for tanning, not driving to dermatologist visits)
or how to manage school refusal. Younger patients typically warrant more parent
involvement than do older adolescents (Greenberg et al., 2010; Phillips & Rogers,
Body Dysmorphic Disorder 1123
2011). Parents of younger children may provide tangible rewards (e.g., a videogame or
gift card) for homework completion, whereas parents of older adolescents can provide
privileges (e.g., getting the car on the weekend) that also help foster independence.
Individually tailored metaphors and performance-based behavioral experiments are
cognitive strategies that can be used to test the accuracy or utility of cognitive
distortions and may be particularly helpful in addressing the overly rigid and present-
oriented thinking pattern characteristic of adolescence. Age-appropriate language
should be used to develop the ERP hierarchy (i.e., fear thermometer or ladder) as
well as to determine individual exposure tasks and the order in which they will be
attempted.
Motivational issues are common (Greenberg et al., 2010). Adolescents with BDD
are often brought in for treatment by parents, but do not believe their problems
can be fixed by a psychological treatment; many are severely depressed. Thus,
adolescents should be rewarded for session attendance and homework compliance.
Depression and suicidality should be monitored closely and addressed as needed
throughout treatment. By the time adolescents have been brought into treatment,
many have given up hobbies and experienced social (e.g., loss of friends, missed dating
opportunities) and academic losses (e.g., drop in grades, failed classes) due to BDD.
Information about the child’s strengths and interests should be collected early on so
that positive activities and hobbies can be cultivated through the treatment. Moreover,
as BDD can impede the normal trajectory toward self-directed skills and autonomy,
adolescents may struggle with basic problem-solving and social skills. Systematic skills
training (role play and modeling) can address deficits in problem-solving and social
skills throughout the treatment (Greenberg et al., 2010).
Surgery Seeking
Individuals with BDD commonly consider cosmetic surgery as a primary treatment
option. For instance, in one sample of BDD patients, 71% sought out and 64%
received cosmetic interventions (Crerand et al., 2005). Highly similar rates have also
been found in other independent samples of BDD patients (i.e., 76% seeking and
66% receiving cosmetic treatment; Phillips, Grant et al., 2001). Conversely, between
7% (Sarwer, Wadden, Pertschuk, & Whitaker, 1998) and 15% (Ishigooka et al.,
1998) of patients seeking cosmetic surgery meet criteria for BDD. It is of note that
cosmetic interventions rarely lead to a reduction in BDD symptoms, and in some
patients actually result in a worsening of symptomatology. Thus, BDD is viewed as
a contraindication for cosmetic surgery (e.g., Crerand et al., 2005; Phillips, Grant,
et al., 2001).
Given the propensity for patients with BDD to seek cosmetic surgery, in concert
with its contraindication for improved BDD symptomatology, explicit discussion of
this treatment option in therapy may prove effective. As is outlined in the modular
CBT for BDD (Wilhelm et al., 2011), a module on cosmetic treatment should
include psychoeducation on the strong likelihood that cosmetic procedures will not
reduce BDD symptoms, weighing the pros and cons of seeking this treatment, and
understanding that there are far more effective treatments for BDD (i.e., CBT) than
cosmetic procedures. It is important for clinicians to take a nonjudgmental stance,
1124 Specific Disorders
and inform patients that cosmetics surgeries are not inherently “bad,” but rather, they
simply do not seem to be effective in treating BDD.
Muscle Dysmorphia
Muscle dysmorphia (MD) is considered a subtype of BDD, and is currently being
proposed for inclusion in the DSM-5 (Phillips et al., 2010). MD is characterized as
a pathological preoccupation that one’s body is not sufficiently lean and muscular
(H. G. Pope et al., 1997), and tends to disproportionally affect males (Olivardia,
2007). Among men with BDD, roughly 25% meet criteria for MD (C. G. Pope et al.,
2005). Core symptoms of MD include compulsive weightlifting, rigid adherence
to work-out and dietary schedules, use of appearance and performance-enhancing
substances, body and/or mirror checking, and avoidance of situations in which one’s
body is exposed, or endurance of these situations with great distress (Olivardia,
2007). Although there are a number of similarities between MD and other forms
of BDD, the symptomatology outlined above reveals important differences between
the two. For instance, dietary and exercise rigidity and use of anabolic-androgenic
steroids are not typically seen in other forms of BDD. Further, there is emerging
evidence that individuals with MD are more severely ill than those with other forms
of BDD (C. G. Pope et al., 2005). In a retrospective, archival study, C. G. Pope
et al. (2005) compared 49 men with other forms of BDD to 14 men with MD, on
several psychological variables. The MD group reported greater diagnoses of eating
disorders and substance use, as well as a greater number of past suicide attempts, and
worse quality of life, compared to the other BDD group. Given the differences noted
in phenomenology and symptomatology, traditional CBT interventions for BDD
may need modification when working with patients with a MD presentation. For
instance, given the higher levels of substance (including appearance and performance
enhancing substances) abuse, and eating pathology, an integrated CBT for BDD,
eating pathology, and substance use may be needed. However, given the paucity of
research conducted to date on MD, these suggestions remain tenuous and theoretical.
Additional research, sampling clinical populations, is needed to advance the study and
subsequent treatment of MD.
BDD is a debilitating disorder that causes significant distress and considerable impair-
ment in functioning (Phillips, Menard, Fay, & Pagano, 2005). The presence of shame
and embarrassment regarding body image concerns can prevent many individuals from
seeking psychiatric or psychological treatment for their symptoms (Buhlmann, Reese,
Renaud, & Wilhelm, 2008). In addition, low levels of insight can lead many patients
with BDD to seek surgical intervention as a first-line treatment with relatively low
levels of satisfaction (Crerand et al., 2005). The recent development of standardized
assessments and empirically supported psychiatric/psychological treatments for BDD
emphasizes the importance of proper screening and treatment for patients with this
impairing condition.
Body Dysmorphic Disorder 1125
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48
Major Depressive Disorder
Jeffrey R. Vittengl
Truman State University, United States
Robin B. Jarrett
University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, United States
The ideal treatment for major depressive disorder (MDD) would quickly eliminate
depressive symptoms, fully restore psychosocial functioning, and wholly prevent return
of depression for all patients. Further, interventions would exist to reliably prevent
first onsets of depressive episodes. No treatment approaches these ideals currently, but
cognitive therapy (CT) offers considerable progress and lays the foundation for future
research questions, potential improvement in outcomes, and emerging innovation.
In this chapter we summarize research on CT applied to MDD in persons aged 18
years and older. We first review the nature, prevalence, course, and consequences
of MDD. We then distinguish goals, timing, forms, and delivery methods of CT
for depression. We consider what is known, and what is not known, about the
efficacy of CT in reducing depressive symptoms, preventing relapse and recurrence,
and improving psychosocial functioning. We comment on best practice processes to
promote competence in CT and to make decisions when treating depressed patients.
Finally, we consider the increasing need for effectively disseminating CT to depressed
elderly patients given their predictable increase in numbers.
People suffering from MDD show poor psychosocial functioning and increased
mortality. For example, workers with MDD miss an average of 9 days of work per
year due to MDD, plus the equivalent of 18 additional missed days due to reduced
productivity, resulting in 225 million days lost from the U.S. workforce per year
(Kessler et al., 2006). In addition to reduced work performance, persons with MDD
demonstrate impaired role functioning in social and family relationships, even more
so than patients with other chronic medical conditions including congestive heart
failure, diabetes, and hypertension. Similarly, depressed persons’ physical capacity is
reduced comparably to patients with diabetes and arthritis (K. Wells et al., 1989).
Depressed persons show increased mortality from both suicide and “natural” causes
including comorbid heart disease, hypertension, and diabetes (e.g., Angst, Stassen,
Clayton, & Angst, 2002; Cassano & Fava, 2002; Thomson, 2011). Risk of suicide
can be an immediate concern for cognitive therapists since lifetime estimates include
16% of persons with MDD attempting (Chen & Dilsaver, 1996) and 7% completing
(Brådvik, Mattisson, Bogren, & Nettelbladt, 2008) suicide. However, suicide rates
vary greatly by population sampled (e.g., inpatients’ rates are several times higher than
the general population of persons with MDD; Blair-West & Mellsop, 2001; Angst
et al., 2002).
20
HRSD score
15
Response Recovery
(without
10
relapse)
Remission
5
0
0
4
8
12
16
20
24
28
32
36
40
44
48
52
56
60
64
68
72
76
80
84
88
92
96
100
104
Week
A-CT C-CT M-CT
Figure 48.1 Stages of treatment and events in major depressive disorder. HRSD = Hamilton
Rating Scale for Depression. CT = cognitive therapy. A-CT = acute phase CT. C-CT =
continuation phase CT. M-CT = maintenance phase CT. Dotted lines represent relapse and
recurrence events that CT aims to prevent.
1134 Specific Disorders
Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979) are applied during MDEs to reduce depressive
symptom severity by a clinically meaningful amount resulting in an initial treatment
response. A response signals that a treatment may be effective for the presenting
patient. For example, when 17-item Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression (HRSD;
Hamilton, 1960) scores decrease by ≥ 50% of their pretreatment values (e.g., from
20 to 10) and/or reach some absolute threshold (e.g., HRSD ≤ 9), we may infer
that the patient has responded. The term response implies that the acute phase
treatment, rather than extra-treatment processes (e.g., life events or “spontaneous”
changes), caused the reduction in symptoms; however, when treating individual
patients it is typically impossible to demonstrate cause and effect definitely. After
response, remission is defined as more than one (e.g., ≥ 3) continuous weeks of
reduced symptoms when the patient no longer meets criteria for an MDE. Remission
may be qualified as full remission when patients have very low or no remaining
depressive symptoms (e.g., HRSD ≤ 6) or partial remission when residual depressive
symptoms persist (e.g., HRSD 7–9). Acute phase treatments often stop after some
level of response or remission but may be followed by continuation phase treatments.
Continuation phase treatments (e.g., C-CT; Jarrett, 1989, 1992) aim to prevent
relapse and to promote remission and may produce recovery for some. Recovery refers
to several (e.g., ≥ 8) months of reduced symptoms and no MDE. As in remission,
recovery may include residual depressive symptoms that are important predictors of
relapse and recurrence (e.g., Fava, Ruini, & Belaise, 2007). After remission, patients
relapse before recovery, but recur after recovery, if they again meet criteria for an
MDE. Conceptually, relapse refers to return of the prior unresolved MDE whereas
recurrence marks a new MDE. Finally, maintenance phase treatments (e.g., Blackburn
& Moore, 1997; Klein et al., 2004) are applied after recovery to reduce recurrence
and promote persistent recovery.
A substantial literature supports acute phase CT’s efficacy in treating MDD. The
literature includes comparisons of patients from pre- to post-CT, and, more rigorously,
randomized clinical trials comparing CT to inactive (e.g., placebo, wait-list) and active
(e.g., medication, behavior therapy, interpersonal psychotherapy) control conditions
(e.g., Butler, Chapman, Forman, & Beck, 2006; Craighead, Sheets, Brosse, & Ilardi,
2007; Cuijpers et al., 2012). In this section, we consider depressive symptoms and
psychosocial functioning levels at the end of acute phase CT, as well as prevention of
relapse and recurrence of MDD after the end of the acute phase.
On average from pre- to post-CT, MDD patients experience a large average decline
in depressive symptom scores, usually on the order of 1–3 standard deviations. For
example, mean scores on the BDI typically decrease from about 26–30 to 6–12,
mean scores on the HRSD typically decrease from about 18–25 to 5–11, and about
50–70% of patients who complete CT no longer meet criteria for MDD post-CT
(Craighead et al., 2007). A patient’s initial substantial reduction in symptoms (e.g.,
≥ 50% from pretreatment) is often called a response, whereas several weeks of reduced
symptoms mark remission. On the other hand, at least 10–20% of patients start but
do not complete acute phase CT (e.g., DeRubeis et al., 2005; Dimijian et al., 2006;
Jarrett et al., 2001), many of whom likely fare more poorly. Consequently, a somewhat
lower estimate that 50–60% of patients who begin CT will no longer meet criteria for
MDD post-CT may be more informative to patients and therapists deciding whether
or not to begin CT (e.g., DeRubeis et al., 2005; Dimidjian et al., 2006; Hollon
et al., 2005). It is also important to note that the degree and consistency of change in
symptoms varies among CT patients, with the majority experiencing residual (partial
remission; e.g., Fava et al., 2002) and/or fluctuating (unstable remission; e.g., Jarrett
et al., 2001; Jarrett & Thase, 2010) symptoms at the end of CT.
The rate of patients’ symptom decreases in CT is sometimes steady (i.e., linear) but
often nonlinear. In particular, the average symptom curve is roughly log-linear with
1138 Specific Disorders
45
Inventory for depressive symptomatology--self-report (30 items)
40
Beck depressive inventory (21 items)
35 Hamilton rating scale for depression (17 items)
Mean score
30
25
20
15
10
0
Intake W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11 W12 Post
Assessment
Figure 48.2 Mean depressive symptom scores among patients (N = 489) completing acute
phase cognitive therapy for major depressive disorder in two clinical trials (Jarrett et al., 2001;
Jarrett & Thase, 2010). W = week in CT.
larger, quicker decreases in symptoms over the first few CT sessions, and smaller,
slower decreases in symptoms over the last half of CT (e.g., Lutz, Martinovich,
Howard, & Leon, 2002; Vittengl, Clark, Kraft, & Jarrett, 2005). Figure 48.2 shows
average symptom scores on the BDI and HRSD from among patients completing
acute phase CT with proficient therapists in two large trials (Jarrett et al., 2001; Jarrett
& Thase, 2010). The symptom curves in Figure 48.2 allow benchmarking individual
patients’ progress in a “dose–response” model of treatment. It is possible to calculate
whether patients are above, at, or significantly below average at a particular point in
treatment (Hansen, Lambert, & Forman, 2002; Lutz et al., 2002). Some therapists
may conclude that CT is not working well enough if a patient is not meeting or
exceeding expectation based on the average symptom curve or some percent reduction
in change compared to baseline.
However, average symptom curves are much smoother than most individual
patients’ changes. Recent research shows that only a minority of patients in acute
phase CT follow log-linear change patterns, whereas others follow linear (steady
decreases in symptoms throughout CT) and “one-step” (a quick, large drop in
symptoms) patterns, and all three change patterns are associated with roughly similar
acute phase outcomes (e.g., response rate and levels of psychosocial functioning;
Vittengl, Clark, Thase, & Jarrett, 2013). For example, clinicians should consider the
three patients in Figure 48.3 to have made equivalent progress during acute phase CT.
Similarly, symptom levels late in CT for MDD (Vittengl, Clark, Kraft, & Jarrett, 2005;
Vittengl et al., 2013) and other psychotherapies (Percevic, Lambert, & Kordy, 2006)
are not well predicted from symptom levels early in treatment. Consequently, some
patients may miss opportunities for substantial improvement if a 12- to 14-week acute
Major Depressive Disorder 1139
20
15
10
0
Intake W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11 W12 Post
Assessment
Figure 48.3 Three patients with different change trajectories in acute phase cognitive therapy
(CT) in a clinical trial dataset (Jarrett & Thase, 2010). W = week in CT.
as a symmetrical distribution of effect sizes (e.g., Duval & Tweedie, 2000). Post hoc
statistical procedures have been applied to adjust CT’s mean effect size downward
by filling in assumed “missing” studies. Cuijpers et al. (2010) adjusted CT’s effect
size of 0.67 compared to nonactive control down to 0.42 assuming publication
bias.
However, other meta-analysts have cautioned against conclusions of publication
bias because many processes, including treatment effect moderators, instead may be
responsible for observed patterns in published studies’ results (e.g., Egger et al., 1997;
Petticrew, Gilbody, & Sheldon, 1999; Sterne, Egger, & Smith, 2001). For example,
suppose that CT is more effective when provided by expert versus novice therapists,
who from study to study produce effect sizes that vary normally (mean dexpert =
1.0, SD = 0.3; mean dnovice = 0.5, SD = 0.2). If these two populations of studies
are unknowingly pooled in a meta-analysis, their pooled effect size distribution is
positively skewed and might be viewed wrongly as missing low effect size studies due
to publication bias. For example, in a computer simulation of 100 “studies” drawn
randomly from the expert and novice therapist distributions (50 studies from each),
the mean effect size d was 0.78 (SD = 0.35), but the distribution was skewed to
the right (skewness = 0.58) and not normal (Shapiro-Wilk W = 0.96, p < .01). Of
course, studies are not missing and there is no bias because the pooled distribution of
effect sizes is naturally asymmetrical.
With only indirect evidence of publication bias for CT, we suggest that it is
more fruitful to search for moderators of CT’s effects so that we understand for
whom (e.g., MDD subtypes, severity, comorbidity) and under what conditions (e.g.,
protocols, therapist competence, delivery methods) CT works better. In sum, instead
of attempting to estimate the effect size of CT, the field may advance by knowing
the effect sizes of CT (cf. Aguinis, Pierce, Bosco, Dalton, & Dalton, 2011). Thus, we
consider evidence of CT moderators later in this chapter.
2004). For example, in four recent studies measuring both constructs, the mean
pre-/post-CT effect size for improvement in psychosocial functioning (1.0, range
0.8–1.2) was little more than half of the level of improvement in depressive symptoms
(1.8, range 1.3–2.4; Dunn et al., 2012; Hirschfeld et al., 2002; Matsunaga et al.,
2010; Vittengl, Clark, & Jarrett, 2004). Although changes in depressive symptoms
and psychosocial function correlate moderately highly (i.e., patients who improve in
one area tend to improve in the other), the extent and direction of causal relations
is unclear currently (Dunn et al., 2012; Hirschfeld et al., 2002; Vittengl et al.,
2004).
Residual and recurring psychosocial impairment after acute phase treatment are
important risk factors for MDD relapse and recurrence. Perhaps 60–65% of patients
show normative psychosocial functioning after completing acute phase CT, whereas
the remaining 35–40% show significantly impaired functioning (Vittengl et al., 2004).
Impairment in diverse areas of functioning, including interpersonal relationships,
work, and recreation, all predict recurrence of MDD (Rodriguez, Bruce, Pagano,
& Keller, 2005). Among currently euthymic patients with a history of MDD,
moderate psychosocial impairment (vs. very good functioning) may increase the risk
of recurrence by over 300% (Solomon et al., 2004). Further, after acute phase CT,
psychosocial functioning may deteriorate in the month before relapse and recurrence
events (Vittengl, Clark, & Jarrett, 2009a). Much like residual depressive symptoms
(Fava, Ruini, Rafanelli, & Grandi, 2002), we suggest that psychosocial impairment
is an emerging and important therapeutic target in CT for MDD and a potential
psychosocial marker of illness course.
Understanding for whom and under what conditions CT works best informs the
treatment’s theory and application. In considering demographic, clinical, psychoso-
cial, and other variables, it is useful to distinguish predictors from moderators of CT’s
efficacy (e.g., Kraemer, Wilson, Fairburn, & Agras, 2002). Predictors are baseline
variables that indicate which patients tend to fare better or worse, on average, regard-
less of comparison condition (e.g., CT versus pharmacotherapy or nontreatment).
Predictors are main effects in statistical models that do not provide the information
needed to recommend one treatment over another. Moderators, in contrast, are
baseline variables that predict outcomes differently in one condition versus another.
Moderators are interaction effects in statistical models that do provide information
needed to recommend (or to advise against) CT as a treatment for a particular patient.
Although the research literature is at times inconsistent, predictors of poor response
to acute phase CT often include markers of more severe illness and fewer personal
resources, whereas predictors of good outcomes include the opposite. For example,
in an open trial of acute phase CT, Jarrett et al. (2013) reported that patients who
showed more skill in CT, worked for pay, had a history of three or fewer depressive
episodes, had less pretreatment social impairment and evidenced a 50% or greater
reduction in pretreatment HRSD scores at midtreatment were more likely to respond.
On the other hand, chronic depression, more severe depressive symptoms, a longer
current MDE, younger age of onset, family history of mood disorder, personality
pathology, dysfunctional attitudes, being unmarried, older age, and lower intelligence
predicted poor CT outcomes in some studies (Driessen & Hollon, 2010; Hollon et al.,
2005). As predictors, these variables color expectations for a patient’s improvement
in CT (and often other treatments, too) but they do not inform preferences for CT
versus another treatment.
Different than predictors that give a general sense of a patient’s chances of success
in CT, moderators are variables that indicate differential response to acute phase
CT versus a comparison treatment. Moderators are prescriptive because they inform
choices among competing treatments (e.g., “Should this patient be treated with CT or
with medication?”). Unfortunately, replicated moderators are relatively uncommon
in the research literature. Consequently, it is also instructive to note commonly
assumed moderators that are not well supported empirically. As summarized in
recent reviews (Driessen & Hollon, 2010; Hollon et al., 2005), patients likely
to fare better in CT than in pharmacotherapy are often married (vs. unmarried).
Conversely, patients likely to fair more poorly in pharmacotherapy than in CT have
a history of failed trials of pharmacotherapy. On the other hand, CT’s benefits may
be tempered by the presence of personality disorders and high levels of dysfunctional
attitudes but pharmacotherapy’s effects are not. Conventional wisdom holds that
pharmacotherapy should be preferred over CT for depressions that some argue are
more likely “biological”—e.g., severe, melancholic, vegetative—but this pattern is
not strongly supported by the literature. The caveat is that CT may be more effective
1144 Specific Disorders
for severely depressed patients when delivered by expert versus less experienced
cognitive therapists (Driessen & Hollon, 2010; Hollon et al., 2005).
Roughly half of patients with MDD who respond to acute phase CT (and perhaps
three-quarters of responders to acute phase pharmacotherapy) will experience relapse
or recurrence within 2 years without continuation treatment. After response to an
acute phase treatment, continuation phase CT can help prevent relapse and may
prevent recurrence and promote recovery in some adults with MDD (e.g., Vittengl
et al., 2007; Vittengl, Clark, & Jarrett, 2009b). The research literature addresses
several sequences of treatment modalities (e.g., CT vs. pharmacotherapy) across
phases (e.g., acute vs. continuation), and we summarize key examples in the rest of
this section.
Clark, & Jarrett, 2010). Additionally, results are pending from a two-site randomized
clinical trial comparing continuation phase CT to clinical management plus fluoxetine
or matched pill placebo in CT responders at high risk for relapse and recurrence of
MDD (Jarrett & Thase, 2010).
Through our experience in three randomized controlled trials (Jarrett et al., 1999;
Jarrett et al., 2001; Jarrett & Thase, 2010) spanning more than two decades, we
have observed the importance of ongoing consultation and/or supervision in order
to foster both competence and “best practices” within the cognitive model and
for therapists to maintain adherence. We hypothesize that if cognitive therapists
engage in weekly peer supervision, they will produce better and safer outcomes for
1148 Specific Disorders
The current population of older adults (≥ 60 years) has a lower lifetime prevalence
of MDD than the general population (e.g., 11% vs. 17% for U.S. adults; Kessler,
Berglund, et al., 2005). However, currently younger persons are likely to carry
their increased prevalence (and recurrence) of MDD forward as they age, rates of
depression are substantially higher in sub-populations of older adults (e.g., with
medical problems, living in extended-care facilities), and the older population is
growing substantially (e.g., Administration on Aging, 2011; Feliciano, Segal, & Vair,
2011). Consequently, the need for treatment of depression among older adults is also
large and expanding.
Although the literature is smaller in older than in younger adults, research supports
CT’s efficacy in depressed older adults (e.g., Feliciano et al., 2011; Kiosses, Leon,
& Areán, 2011; Mackin & Areán, 2005; Pinquart, Duberstein, & Lyness, 2007;
Wilson, Mottram, & Vassilas, 2008). Meta-analytic estimates include an effect size d
of 0.76 for patients with MDD (or 1.26 including both MDD and other unipolar
disorders; Pinquart et al., 2007) and a mean difference of about 10 HRSD points
(including both MDD and other unipolar disorders; Wilson et al., 2008) favoring
Major Depressive Disorder 1149
CT over no-treatment control groups at the end of acute phase treatment. Similar
to estimates above for younger adult populations, the geriatric effect size of 0.76
yields U3 estimates of 78%, and reliable-change U3 estimates of 32–45% (assuming
measurement reliabilities of .80–.90). That is, roughly 78% of older adults treated
with CT will be nominally better, and 40% reliably better, than the average untreated
control patient.
Data addressing CT’s effects on relapse/recurrence in older adults are limited.
In general, relapse/recurrence of depression may be more common in older than
younger adults (Areán & Ayalon, 2010), highlighting the need for research on
acute and continuation phase CT’s effects (e.g., effects relative to pharmacotherapy;
which patients benefit most). In Pinquart et al.’s (2007) meta-analysis, cognitive
and behavioral therapies’ mean effect size relative to control for unipolar depressive
disorders at an average of 7–8 months of follow-up (0.79) was about 75% as large as
at the immediately postacute phase (1.06), but direct estimates of relapse/recurrence
were not available. More direct relapse/recurrence estimates vary widely from study to
study (e.g., from 11% at 1 year to 100% at 3 months; Koder, Brodaty, & Anstey, 1996)
perhaps due to small samples and the operation of uncertain moderators (e.g., varying
patient populations, cross-sectional versus longitudinal assessment methods). Clearly,
understanding the extent and duration of CT’s benefits will become increasingly
important in an aging population with increased prevalence of depression among
currently-younger cohorts.
Parallel to goals held by researchers and clinicians focusing on other chronic illnesses
(e.g., diabetes, heart disease, cancer), we continue to assert that prevention and
cure (versus reduction of symptoms, and delay of relapse and recurrence) are the
ultimate goals for MDD. CT has pushed treatment of MDD forward and continues
to provoke new research questions and hypotheses; some have been mentioned and
reviewed in this chapter. It will be important to determine the extent to which
findings originating from largely white samples (such as those cited herein) will
generalize to nonwhite samples with differing ethnic and cultural backgrounds (cf.
U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). Other critical unanswered questions include: How
are new onsets of depression best prevented? How and for whom does CT work
best across acute, continuation, and maintenance phases? Which patients do not
need each or all of these phases? Which patients will fare better in CT versus
other available treatments during each phase and to what extent do preferences
affect outcomes? Which form of CT will work best for which patients during
each phase? What are the best platforms of delivery to improve course of illness?
How can emergent technologies be used to effect best practices and behavioral
change, not only in patients’ suffering, but also in the clinicians and health care
systems responsible for treating them? How can we reduce health disparities for
depressed patients and make CT more readily available to those who can benefit?
Which patients can safely stop treatment after acute or continuation phase treatment,
and which patients need continuation and/or maintenance CT to avoid relapse and
1150 Specific Disorders
recurrence and to promote recovery? What sequences of treatments across phases (e.g.,
pharmacotherapy, CT) produce the best outcomes for the most patients (e.g., Fava
& Tomba, 2010)? Continued search for causal mechanisms and replicable sequences
of longitudinal change in symptoms and correlates (e.g., psychosocial functioning),
as well as enhanced connections with neuroscience and basic psychology (e.g., Beck,
2008), may offer advancements in technology and practice to bridge gaps in care
and reduce disparities. We look forward to research-driven advances in identifying
mechanisms of change, the dissemination and practice of CT, as well as new evidence-
based treatments focused on prevention and cure of mood disorders across the lifespan
in patients of all demographics.
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Major Depressive Disorder 1159
Michael E. Thase
Perelman School of Medicine of the University of Pennsylvania and Philadelphia
Veterans Affairs Medical Center, United States
Introduction
Criteria for DD include depressed mood for a period of 2 years and at least two of
the following: (a) poor appetite or overeating, (b) insomnia or hypersomnia, (c) low
energy or fatigue, (d) low self-esteem, (e) poor concentration or difficulty making
decisions, and (f ) feelings of hopelessness.
An additional specifier for dysthymia in the DSM-IV is early (< 21 years) versus
late (> 21 years) onset. Compared with late onset DD, early onset is characterized
by more frequent family histories of mood disorders (Klein et al., 1999), higher rates
of anxiety and other Axis I disorders (Barzega, Maina, Venturello, & Bogetto, 2001;
Devanand et al., 2004; Klein, Taylor, Dickstein, & Harding, 1988) and personality
disorders (Garyfallos et al., 1999).
Although the symptomatic criteria for a diagnosis of DD are similar to those for
an MDE, the symptoms do not have to be as severe or pervasive. Moreover, in
order to meet criteria for an initial diagnosis of DD, the individual cannot meet
symptomatic criteria for an MDE (i.e., depressed mood or anhedonia plus at least
four other qualifying symptoms “most every day” throughout a 2-week period during
the qualifying 2-year time interval). Conversely, the diagnosis of DD cannot be made
when the chronic mild depressive syndrome has developed as a residuum of an MDE.
In the latter case, the episode is described as MDD with incomplete interepisode
recovery.
As the difference between DD and an MDE can involve only a modest shift in the
severity or frequency of only one or two symptoms, it is not surprising that the vast
majority of people with DD experience periods during which they meet criteria for
MDE (Keller et al., 1995; Klein, Shankman, & Rose, 2006). MDD superimposed on
dysthymia has been referred to as “double depression” (Keller & Shapiro, 1982). The
degree of overlap between DD and double depression has led to the suggestion that
the two presentations are better conceptualized as different phases of a single disorder
(Gureje, 2011; Klein, 2008).
Chronic MDD refers to those patients who meet full criteria for major depression
for a period of 2 or more years. Diagnosis of MDD includes either (a) depressed
mood or (b) loss of interest or pleasure in all or almost all activities, plus at least
four other symptoms (e.g., changes in appetite, insomnia or hypersomnia, agitation
or retardation, fatigue, feelings of worthlessness, diminished concentration, suicidal
ideation) totaling at least five. Chronic MDD is thus more severe than DD in that it
requires experiencing more symptoms. Moreover, in chronic MDD, depressed mood
is experienced “most of the day, nearly every day,” while in DD, depressed mood
is experienced “most of the day, for more days than not,” suggesting that chronic
MDD symptoms are more persistent than DD (Klein et al., 2006).
Dysthymia and Chronic Major Depression 1163
Community samples reveal that 12-month rates of DD are in the range of 0.5–2.5%.
Twelve-month prevalence was 2.5% in the National Comorbidity Survey (NCS; Kessler
et al., 1994), 1.5% in the NCS Replication Study (NCS-R; Kessler et al., 2005), and
0.5% in the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions
(NESARC; Blanco et al., 2010). Lifetime prevalence estimates in community samples
range from approximately 1 to 6%. Specifically, lifetime prevalence was 3.1% in the
Epidemiologic Catchment Survey (Weissman, Leaf, Bruce, & Florio, 1988), 6.4% in
the NCS (Kessler et al., 1994), 2.5% in the NCS-R (Kessler et al., 2005), 6.1% in
the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey III (NHANES-III; Riolo,
Nguyen, Greden, & King, 2005), and 0.9% in the NESARC (Blanco et al., 2010).
Interestingly, compared to countries with lower incomes, rates of DD are elevated in
higher income countries (Gureje, 2011). As is the case with MDD, the prevalence of
DD in females is approximately twice as high as in males (Blanco et al., 2010; Kessler
et al., 1994; Weissman et al., 1988).
Based on data gathered from a community sample, Blanco et al. (2010) reported
12-month and lifetime prevalence of chronic MDD at 1.5% and 3.1%, respectively. In
a prospective population-based study that included 92 individuals with first lifetime
onset of MDD, Eaton et al. (2008) reported that while the median episode length was
12 weeks, in 15% of cases individuals did not experience one year free of symptoms
over a 23-year period. Data from two other studies suggest that about 20% of MDD
patients fail to recover within 2 years (Rhebergen et al., 2011; Spijker et al., 2002).
The Collaborative Depression Study (CDS), which included longitudinal follow-up
of more than 400 treatment-seeking individuals diagnosed with MDD, also found
that 20% of the sample did not recover within 2 years (Boland & Keller, 2002);
at 5 years and 10 years, 12% (Keller et al., 1992) and 7% (Mueller et al., 1996),
respectively, had not recovered.
Those studies comparing patients with chronic MDD and dysthymia on a variety of
indices have reported few differences (e.g., Yang & Dunner, 2001). No differences
were found between those with chronic MDD and double depression in either coping
style or social adjustment (McCullough et al., 1994). Studies comparing those with
dysthymia versus double depression have reported no differences in comorbidity
(Pepper et al., 1995), familial psychopathology (Klein et al., 1995), or levels of
1164 Specific Disorders
While few differences have been found among subgroups of chronically depressed
patients, there appear to be substantial differences between individuals who suf-
fer chronic versus episodic forms of depression. Comparisons with nonchronically
depressed individuals reveal that those with chronic depression have higher levels
of anxiety disorders (Gilmer et al., 2005; Holm-Denoma, Berlim, Fleck, & Joiner,
2006; Mondimore et al., 2006), substance abuse (Angst, Gamma, Rossler, Ajdacic, &
Klein, 2009; Mondimore et al., 2006), and Axis II comorbidity (Garyfallos et al.,
1999; Pepper et al., 1995), as well as more intense suicidal ideation (Holm-Denoma
et al., 2006) and greater likelihood of having made a suicide attempt (Gilmer
et al., 2005; Holm-Denoma et al., 2006; Klein, Schwartz, Rose, & Leader, 2000;
Mondimore et al., 2006; Satyanarayana, Enns, Cox, & Sareen, 2009). Compared
with individuals with nonchronic MDD, those with chronic MDD report poorer
physical and social well-being (Gilmer et al., 2005; Holm-Denoma et al., 2006).
Those with chronic depression grow up in homes with greater levels of parental psy-
chopathology than do the episodically depressed (Lizardi & Klein, 2000) and report
significantly higher prevalence of childhood adversity (Lizardi & Klein, 2000; Wiersma
et al., 2009). Psychological factors that have been shown to differentiate chronically
from nonchronically depressed individuals include high levels of rumination, low
extraversion, and high external locus of control (Wiersma et al., 2011).
with nonchronically depressed individuals even after adjusting for age, sex, ethnicity,
cigarette smoking, alcohol intake, and physical disability (Penninx et al., 1998).
While there is a large literature devoted to the study of CBT for acute depression,
and the efficacy of CBT for depression is well established (Hollon & Ponniah, 2010),
fewer studies to date focus on the effectiveness of CBT for chronic presentations of
depression. In the section below, outcome studies for DD and chronic depression are
reviewed (see also Table 49.1).
Dysthymia
Only one study has directly compared the effectiveness of individual CBT to medica-
tion for the treatment of dysthymia. Thirty-one adults diagnosed with dysthymia were
assigned to 16 weeks of CBT or to fluoxetine (Dunner et al., 1996). Both treatments
were effective in reducing depressive symptoms, with no differences between groups,
providing preliminary evidence that CBT may be equally as helpful as medication in
reducing symptoms of dysthymia. However, response rates in both groups were lower
than those characteristic of treatment studies for MDD.
Hellerstein et al. (2001) compared fluoxetine alone to fluoxetine augmented by
16 sessions of group cognitive-interpersonal therapy in 40 patients who had partially
responded to medication treatment alone. Combination treatment was associated with
a somewhat higher percentage of responders (89%) at posttreatment than medication
alone (76%), although the observed difference was not significant. Patients were
followed for an additional 12 weeks after completing treatment, and combination
treatment maintained its advantage (61%) over medication alone (40%), though again
between-group differences were not significant.
In a sample of 97 adult dysthymic patients, Ravindran et al. (1999) investigated the
relative effectiveness of sertraline alone, sertraline augmented by brief group CBT (12
sessions), group CBT plus placebo, and placebo alone. There was some indication
that combined treatment resulted in a higher response rate (71%) than sertraline alone
(55%), though this difference did not reach statistical significance. The authors point
out that their sample size did not afford adequate statistical power to detect smaller
effect sizes. Moreover, given the 2 x 2 design, the study was underpowered in terms
of detecting interactions among the treatment arms. Nonetheless, the two treatments
that included medications resulted in significantly higher response rates compared to
those that did not, and response rates were similar for the CBT plus placebo and
placebo alone groups.
As reviewed above, there are few studies that examine the effectiveness of CBT for
dysthymia, and what research exists is mixed. The results of Dunner et al. (1996),
that individually administered CBT produces equivalent reductions in depression to
those produced by medication, are encouraging, although the absence of a control
group limits the conclusions that may be drawn. The findings of the two studies that
Table 49.1 Studies Examining the Effectiveness of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy and CBASP for Dysthymia and Chronic Depression
Study Treatment No. of Sample Age Diagnosis Setting Outcome Response
conditions sessions/ size and/or
duration remission
rates
Dysthymia
Dunner et al., 1. CBT 16 weeks 31 assi- 18–60 Dysthymia Outpatient Both treatments
1996 2. Fluoxe- gned (DSM- research showed
tine (20 25 com- III-R) clinic significant
mg fixed pleted improvement
dose) in depressive
symptoms; no
differences
between
treatments
Hellerstein 1. Fluoxe- Medication 40 assi- 21–65 DSM-III- Tertiary Combined Response rates:
et al., 2001 tine alone treat- gned R, early care treatment had Posttreatment:
ment for 35 com- onset teaching greater Combination = 89%
approx. pleted hospital reductions in Medication =76%
24 depressive
weeks symptoms at
posttreatment
2. Fluoxe- Medication
tine + 16 alone for Follow-up:
sessions 8 weeks Combination = 61%
group + 16 Medication = 40%
CBT weeks
medica-
tion +
group
CBT
(Continued Overleaf)
Table 49.1 (Continued)
Study Treatment No. of Sample Age Diagnosis Setting Outcome Response
conditions sessions/ size and/or
duration remission
rates
Ravindran 1. Sertraline Group 97 assi- 21–54 Primary Research Medication Response rates:
et al., 1999 alone CBT = 12 gned dys- outpa- significantly Sertraline = 54%
2. Sertraline weekly 94 com- thymia tient more effective Sertraline +
+ group 90- pleted (DSM- clinic than placebo; CBT = 71%
CBT minute III-R or combination Placebo alone = 33%
3. Placebo group DSM-IV treatment no Placebo +
alone sessions criteria) more effective CBT = 33%
4. Placebo + than
group medication
CBT
Chronic depression
CBT studies
Agosti & 1. Imipra- 16 weeks 65 adults 21–60 Early Research Active Response rates;
Ocepek- mine onset outpa- treatments Imipramine = 64%
Welikson, 2. CBT chronic tient were not CBT = 38%
1997 3. IPT depres- clinics significantly IPT = 35%
4. Placebo sion superior to Placebo = 27%
placebo;
approx. 50%
decrease in
depression
severity across
all treatments
Barker et al., 1. Pharma- 15 CBT 25 assi- <65 Chronic Inpatient Both treatments
1987 cotherapy sessions gned years MDD setting effective in
alone over 12 20 com- reducing
2. Pharma- weeks pleted symptoms of
cotherapy depression;
+ CBT combination
treatment no
more effective
than medi
-cation alone
de Jong et al., 1. Inpatient Individual 33 assi- Adults DSM-III Inpatient All treatment Response rates:
1986 CBT + + group gned criteria setting groups CBT + SC = 60%
social 30 com- for improved; CR = 30%
compe- pleted MDD trend for CBT WLC = 10%
tence + dys- + SC and CR
training thymia to be superior
(CBT + to WLC
SC)
2. Inpatient Individual
CR
3. Outpa-
tient
WLC
(Continued Overleaf)
Table 49.1 (Continued)
Study Treatment No. of Sample Age Diagnosis Setting Outcome Response
conditions sessions/ size and/or
duration remission
rates
(Continued Overleaf)
Table 49.1 (Continued)
Study Treatment No. of Sample Age Diagnosis Setting Outcome Response
conditions sessions/ size and/or
duration remission
rates
Notes. BSP = brief supportive psychotherapy, CBASP = cognitive behavioral analysis system of psychotherapy, CBT = cognitive behavior therapy, CR = cognitive
restructuring, IPT = interpersonal therapy, ITT = intent to treat, WLC = wait-list control. Response rates generally defined as a decrease of at least 50% on a
depression symptom measure.
1174 Specific Disorders
evaluated group treatment are equivocal. We note that in the study by Ravindran et al.
(1999), in which results of group CBT were least impressive, the number of sessions
was limited to 12, which was less than those provided by Hellerstein et al. (2001).
Neither of these studies provided clear-cut evidence of benefit associated with CBT.
It is unclear whether group CBT is less helpful in dysthymia than in other forms of
depression, or whether the dose of group treatment was inadequate. Given the mixed
findings, small sample sizes, and sometimes short duration of treatment, there is a
clear need for further studies to investigate the effectiveness of CBT with and without
medication for dysthymic patients.
Norman, and Keitner (1999) found that medication plus inpatient CBT that contin-
ued for 20 weeks postdischarge was more effective than medication alone in reducing
depressive symptoms and improving social functioning. The addition of psychother-
apy also resulted in higher remission rates at 12 months, though the group differences
were not significant.
Evidence suggests that when asked, depressed patients will express preference for
either medication or psychotherapy (Bedi et al., 2000). One study in chronically
depressed patients investigated whether being matched to one’s preferred treatment
might differentially predict outcome. Kocsis, Leon, et al. (2009) found an interactive
effect of preference and treatment group on outcome, such that patients who
were randomized to their preferred treatment—in this case CBASP, medication,
or combined therapy—were significantly more responsive to treatment than those
randomized to a treatment they did not prefer. This result was particularly apparent
among those who expressed a preference for one of the monotherapies. It is important
to note that Leykin et al. (2007), in a cohort of depressed patients not selected for
chronicity and randomized to either medication or CBT (there was no combined
treatment arm), did not find that being matched to one’s preferred treatment was
associated with outcome. It is possible that in a trial that involves combined treatment,
expressing a preference for monotherapy suggests a strong aversion to the alternate
monotherapy. That is, the patient who could receive medication plus psychotherapy,
and expresses a preference for medication only, may be more likely to be averse
to psychotherapy than the patient who simply chooses, between medication and
psychotherapy, one as the preferred treatment. Overall, however, the findings that
chronically depressed patients with histories of child adversity may predict response to
treatment and that treatment preference may also moderate treatment outcome are
promising and merit further investigation.
As the review above suggests, currently available treatments fall short of bringing
to remission a large percentage of patients with chronic presentations of depression.
Several adaptations to traditional CBT treatment are likely necessary to improve
outcomes and remission rates. We offer the following suggestions, which we describe
in further detail below:
were not provided with feedback (Lambert, Harmon, Slade, Whipple, & Hawkins,
2005; Shimokawa, Lambert, & Smart, 2010). Based on these results, and the limited
effectiveness of current treatments for chronic depression, regular monitoring of
symptoms is strongly advised.
Interpersonal Focus
There is considerable empirical research to suggest that chronic depression may
be associated with difficulties in interpersonal problem solving (Davila, Hammen,
Burge, Paley, & Daley, 1995), lack of assertiveness (Constantino et al., 2008;
Youngren & Lewinsohn, 1980), social role impairment (Evans et al., 1996), and
other interpersonal deficits (Leader & Klein, 1996). In addition, there is evidence
that interpersonal difficulties predict episode duration (Brown & Moran, 1994). Many
psychosocial treatments for chronic depression, including IPT and CBASP, include
an explicit focus on interpersonal difficulties, and it is recommended that CBT for
chronic depression include a focus on such deficits. Important targets of treatment
include improving communication and assertiveness, increasing effective interpersonal
problem solving, and improving the quality of relationships.
There are a number of ways to incorporate an interpersonal focus within CBT
treatment. During the assessment, details about the quality and quantity of inter-
personal relationships should be gathered. Patterns in interpersonal communication,
patients’ expectations of the responses of others, and patients’ comfort with assertive
communication should also be assessed. A useful strategy employed in CBASP, the
“Significant Other List” (McCullough, 2003), can be used to develop a better under-
standing of interpersonal patterns in the patient’s life. This strategy involves recording
the important relationships in the patient’s life, examining the ways in which the
relationships have been influential, and exploring the impact of these relationships on
the patient’s belief system.
As treatment progresses, the patient’s interpersonal concerns should be woven
into the case formulation. This includes examining core beliefs about the self and
others as well as focusing on assumptions about relationships (such as how patients
1180 Specific Disorders
Conclusions
Chronic forms of depression are a major public health problem. We reviewed findings
which suggested that while there are few differences among patients with different
forms of chronic depression when compared to those with episodic depression, those
with chronic depression show more extensive medical as well as psychiatric comorbid-
ity, with greater likelihood of suicide attempts and psychiatric hospitalizations, as well
Dysthymia and Chronic Major Depression 1181
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50
Bipolar Disorder
Samantha J. Moshier and Michael W. Otto
Boston University, United States
Clinical Phenomenology
euphoria. The bipolar disorder I subtype refers to individuals who have experienced
a full manic episode, whereas the bipolar II subtype refers to those who have met
criteria for a hypomanic episode and one or more major depressive episodes (but not
a full manic episode). Individuals with cyclothymic disorder experience alternating
periods of high and low moods that are not severe enough to meet criteria for a full
mood episode, but last for over 2 years.
Estimates of the lifetime prevalence of BD fall in the range of 1–3% (Kessler, Chiu,
Demler, & Walters, 2005; Regier et al., 1990). The average age of onset is in the
mid-teenage years, with earlier age of onset predicting a more severe course (Perlis
et al., 2004; Yatham, Kauer-Sant’anna, Bond, Lam, & Torres, 2009). Although the
disorder presents equally among men and women (Kessler et al., 1994), studies have
found that women typically have an earlier age of onset (Suominen et al., 2007),
a higher rate of recurrence, and a lower rate of comorbid substance use disorder
(Suominen et al., 2009).
The course of BD is chronic, with more than 90% of individuals with BD expe-
riencing recurrence during their lifetime (Solomon, Keitner, Miller, & Shea, 1995).
Despite the use of mood-stabilizing medications, data suggest that 40% of patients
relapse within one year, and the majority (73%) relapse within 5 years (Gitlin,
Swendsen, Heller, & Hammen, 1995; Tohen, Waternaux, & Tsuang, 1990). Impor-
tantly, higher levels of residual symptoms at recovery predict recurrence (Perlis et al.,
2006).
BD is dimensional in nature, with many patients experiencing all levels of affective
symptom severity (Judd et al., 2002; Judd et al., 2003). It is estimated that patients
with BD experience affective symptoms approximately 50% of the time (Joffe, Mac-
Queen, Marriott, & Young, 2004; Judd et al., 2002), and that subsyndromal or
minor depressive symptoms are the most frequently experienced affective symptoms
within both BD subtypes. For example, across subtypes, patients are three-and-a-half
times more likely to experience depressive symptoms than manic symptoms (Judd
et al., 2002; Kupka et al., 2007).
Despite the high prevalence of depressive episodes in BD, it should also be noted
that nearly one-third of individuals with BD do not experience a major depressive
episode during their lifetime (see Cuellar, Johnson, & Winters, 2005, for a review).
However, these individuals may be less likely to be seen clinically, given that depressive
symptoms are often a key motivating factor for seeking treatment.
BD has profoundly negative effects on educational and occupational attainment,
social relationships, and even physical health quality. Importantly, these impairments
continue into periods of relative wellness (Fagiolini et al., 2005). One 15-year
longitudinal study found that patients with BD I and II were completely unable to
carry out work role functions for 30% and 20% of the time assessed, respectively
(Judd et al., 2008). Others have repeatedly shown that only a minority of patients
(30–40%) return to premorbid levels of occupational, social, or residential functioning
following the first affective episode (MacQueen, Young, & Joffe, 2001). Functional
recovery is further complicated by the consequences of risky or harmful behavior,
and hospitalization, during acute bipolar episodes. A number of factors are associated
with poorer functional outcomes, including cognitive dysfunction (Green, 2006;
Martinez-Aran et al., 2007), number of past mood episodes (MacQueen et al.,
Bipolar Disorder 1191
2001), and premorbid functional status (O’Connell, Mayo, Flatlow, Cuthbertson, &
O’Brien, 1991; Tohen et al., 1990).
In addition to functional impairment, BD is associated with significant medical
and psychiatric comorbidity. Rates of medical conditions including heart disease,
diabetes, and migraines occur at higher rates greater than chance in patients with
BD (Kupfer, 2005), and greater chronicity and severity of BD is associated with
further increases in medical comorbidity (Magalhães et al., 2011). Anxiety disorder
comorbidity is also common, with lifetime prevalence rates of 51% (Simon et al.,
2004b). Rates of substance use comorbidity are estimated to be 21–45% (Brady,
Castro, Lydiard, Malcolm, & Arana, 1991; Goldberg, Garno, Leon, Kocsis, &
Portera, 1999; Kessler et al., 1997; Regier et al., 1990). These common psychiatric
comorbidities further complicate treatment of BD and are associated with decreased
proportion of days well, increased suicide attempts, poorer functioning, and lower
response to medication (Henry et al., 2003; Otto et al., 2006; Simon et al., 2004b).
More specifically, comorbid substance use disorders are associated with decreased
medication adherence (Goldberg et al., 1999; Keck et al., 1996) and more instances
of hospitalization (Brady et al., 1991; Reich, Davies, & Himmelhoch, 1974).
Environmental and psychosocial factors also influence the course, severity, and
response to treatment in BD. Life events can play a powerful role and appear to
differentially influence depressive as compared to manic symptoms. For instance,
negative life events predict greater occurrence of bipolar depression over time (S. L.
Johnson, 2005) as well as delayed recovery (Ellicott, Hammen, Gitlin, Brown, &
Jameson, 1990; S. L. Johnson & Miller, 1997). On the other hand, goal-attainment
life events, particularly those which disrupt sleep or social rhythms, often precede
hypomanic or manic episodes (Johnson et al., 2000; Malkoff-Schwartz et al., 2000).
Much of this research has assumed that the effect of life events and stressors on BD
is consistent throughout the course of the disorder. However, proponents of Post’s
(1992) kindling hypothesis suggest that psychosocial stressors have greater influence
early in the disorder and that mood episodes may become more autonomous over
time. Studies of the validity of the kindling hypothesis in application to BD have
been lacking in methodological rigor and have so far yielded mixed results (Bender
& Alloy, 2011).
Family attitudes and environment are also strongly associated with BD outcomes.
Miklowitz, Goldstein, Nuechterlein, Snyder, and Mintz (1988) found a five-fold
increase in the likelihood of relapse in patients with families with high levels of
expressed emotion (critical attitudes, hostility, overprotection). Patients’ cognitive
styles may also be important; dysfunctional attitudes and negative interpretive biases
have been found to interact with negative life events to predict increased depressive
symptoms in individuals with BD (Reilly-Harrington, Alloy, Fresco, & Whitehouse,
1999).
Suicide is strongly associated with BD. One 20-year longitudinal study of 7,000
psychiatric patients found that those with BD had the highest rates of completed
suicide (Brown et al., 2000). A separate study found that among a group of 406
patients previously hospitalized for BD, 11% committed suicide over a 40-year period
(Angst, Angst, Gerber-Werder, & Gamma, 2005).
1192 Specific Disorders
Pharmacological Treatment
Mood stabilizers are the standard first-line pharmacotherapy for BD and are rec-
ommended for stabilization following an acute episode as well as for prevention of
episode recurrence. Lithium (Eskalith, Lithobid) has been used to treat BD for over
30 years. Anticonvulsants such as such as divalproex (brand name Depakote) and
lamotrigine (brand name Lamictal), as well as some novel antipsychotics (olanzapine,
risperidone), also demonstrate mood-stabilizing effects.
Complementing mood-stabilizing agents with antidepressants or anxiolytics has
been common clinical practice in the treatment of BD. However, there is growing
evidence that these agents add little clinical benefit. Benzodiazepines are used to
calm acute hypomanic or manic symptoms, or to treat comorbid anxiety, but they
are not likely to speed time to recovery or prevent recurrence (American Psychiatric
Association, 2002; Moller & Nasrallah, 2003; Simon et al., 2004a). Similar lack of
support is present for adjunctive antidepressant treatment (Nemeroff et al., 2001;
Sachs et al., 2007). For example, in STEP-BD, one of the largest randomized
controlled trials (RCTs) of BD to date, adjunctive selective serotonin reuptake
inhibitor treatment failed to outperform placebo when added to a mood-stabilizing
regimen (Sachs et al., 2007). Notably, and described in greater detail later in this
chapter, adjunctive CBT did add benefit to treatment with mood stabilizers (Miklowitz
et al., 2007a). Additionally, a recent meta-analysis of six RCTs (N = 1,034) found
that antidepressant treatment did not differ significantly from placebo (relative risk
= 1.18; p = .06) or standard treatment (relative risk = 1.12; p = .10; Sidor &
MacQueen, 2011).
There has also been concern that antidepressant treatment may increase the risk
of mood switches or recurrence. Although one meta-analysis found no evidence
for increased risk of mood switches (Sidor & MacQueen, 2011), it appears that
antidepressant use following an acute manic or mixed episode may be associated with
risk of recurrence. A study of over 2,000 patients found that one-third continued
antidepressant use in the 12 months following an index episode, and that this group
of patients had 1.43–1.51 times increased odds of being rehospitalized within the
next 12 months (Sussman et al., 2012).
Although it was once thought that psychosocial interventions such as CBT had little
place in the treatment of BD, significant support for their use has developed in the
past two decades. This has occurred for several reasons. Despite significant advances
made in the development of mood-stabilizing medications for BD, clear limitations
exist in their efficacy, as evidenced by high rates of relapse and residual symptoms and
low rates of functional recovery (Judd et al., 2002; Judd et al., 2008; Perlis et al.,
2006). Additionally, a large body of research has documented a host of modifiable
Bipolar Disorder 1193
psychosocial variables, such as cognitive style, family communication patterns, and life
events, that influence illness course and outcome. This knowledge has led to increased
demand for interventions that directly target these variables.
The range of interventions available in CBT for BD can be grouped into three
broad elements: informational, cognitive restructuring, and activity assignments.
Informational Intervention
Informational components are at the foundation of CBT for BD. These include
psychoeducation about the nature of BD, common symptoms, and relapse prevention;
as well as didactic instruction around the CBT model. Enhancing understanding of
the disorder and its symptoms from a biological and stress-vulnerability model can
aid motivation for medication adherence and reduction of other risk factors for
recurrence. In addition, building patients’ knowledge about the self-perpetuating
cycle of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that contribute to depressive symptoms
lays the groundwork for subsequent efforts at cognitive restructuring and behavior
change.
Cognitive Restructuring
According to the cognitive behavioral model, symptoms are maintained by inaccurate
or unhelpful thoughts which influence emotions and behaviors (A. T. Beck, 1979).
Cognitive restructuring strategies are used throughout treatment to address depres-
sogenic automatic thoughts and core beliefs, as well as comorbid conditions such as
anxiety disorders. Additionally, cognitive restructuring can be used to identify and
challenge thoughts that may reduce medication adherence (e.g., “I’m not fun when
I’m taking my medication”).
The aim of cognitive restructuring is to help patients identify maladaptive thoughts
and consider more accurate or useful perspectives. This is encouraged using a number
of strategies such as Socratic questioning, guided discussions, and behavioral exper-
iments in which patients test out a belief. It is essential that cognitive restructuring
is not viewed as a simple exercise in replacing negative thoughts with positive ones.
Instead, it is a process of thorough and collaborative evaluation of existing thoughts
and the guided development of more adaptive, accurate thoughts. This process may
involve framing the automatic thought as a hypothesis and examining the evidence
for its accuracy, or treating a thought as a behavior and evaluating its usefulness.
Activity Assignments
Activity assignments are used to encourage depressed patients to incorporate pleasant
and rewarding activities into their schedule. A first step toward this goal is collaborative
assessment of the patient’s current activities, which can provide a platform for cognitive
restructuring around the relevant beliefs, such as expected level of performance. The
inclusion of regularly scheduled rewarding activities attenuates mood symptoms and
can also be used as a stabilizing tool once recovery is achieved. In addition, activity
1194 Specific Disorders
monitoring serves an early intervention tool; patients can learn to recognize difficulties
in completing activities as a sign of a forthcoming mood episode.
Given the complex nature of BD, the aims of CBT for BD are several, including (a)
increasing medication adherence, (b) early recognition and intervention, (c) alleviating
acute bipolar depression, (d) stress and lifestyle management, and (e) treatment of
comorbid conditions (Otto, Reilly-Harrington, & Sachs, 2003). We will discuss the
empirical support for CBT in relation to each of these targets and describe specific
interventions within each target area in greater detail. We begin with a brief description
of common clinical issues that are important to consider when initiating CBT for BD.
Structure of Treatment
Otto et al. (2009a, 2009b) recently manualized a comprehensive CBT package
which attends to each of the targets described above. Treatment is organized around
the delivery of 30 sessions and is structured to distinguish between four formal
treatment phases: a depression-focused phase, a treatment contract phase, a problem
list phase, and a well-being phase. In most cases, patients initiate treatment during
an acute depressive episode, and, hence, alleviation of these symptoms should be the
primary goal. Therefore, this phase shares many of the components of traditional
cognitive therapy for unipolar depression, including cognitive restructuring and
related behavioral experiments (A. T. Beck, 1979; J. S. Beck, 1995). An additional
emphasis is placed on activity management, explaining the diathesis–stress model and
the importance of medication, as well as on monitoring and recognition of prodromal
symptoms. After amelioration of depressive symptoms, a treatment contract may be
introduced to create a plan for prevention, early recognition, and efficient treatment
of future mood episodes. In the third phase, treatment elements may be applied
flexibly based on a problem list developed in association with the patient. Elements of
treatment may range from problem solving to social skills training to management of
extreme emotions. Finally, the well-being phase encourages patients to incorporate
well-being promotion and relapse prevention strategies into daily life.
memory, and executive function impairment that commonly exists with BD and
depression (Sole et al., 2011; Xu et al., 2012). Each session should conclude with
assignment of homework (or “home practice”) that fits with the material covered in
that session. It is especially important that the therapist reserve time to identify and
problem solve potential barriers to homework completion.
symptoms of mood episodes, patients demonstrated higher and more stable levels of
serum lithium than patients who received standard care.
Given the high cost of nonadherence, management of the patient’s medication
regimen is essential. Time should be devoted to reviewing adherence at the beginning
of each session; this can easily be incorporated into mood charting, described in
more detail later in this chapter. If this assessment reveals difficulties with adherence,
the therapist should assess barriers to adherence, which commonly include side
effects, beliefs about being “dependent” on medications, low social support, absence
of symptoms that indicate the necessity of medication, and conflicts between the
medication-taking schedule and other demands on the patient’s time.
Interventions that educate the patient about the nature of BD and reasons for
regular medication-taking can have positive effects on adherence (e.g., Colom et al.,
2003). These interventions can also help correct erroneous beliefs that contribute
to nonadherence, which commonly include, “I don’t need medication when I feel
well” or, “It’s pointless, the other medications didn’t work.” Cognitive restructuring
and related behavioral experiments can also be used to evaluate the accuracy of these
beliefs.
As with any psychoeducation, care needs to be taken to avoid presenting patients
with a laundry list or lecture of the reasons to continue medication treatment.
Strategies adapted from motivational enhancement therapy (MET) may be useful
here, where treatment recommendations are firmly grounded within the patient’s
stated goals. As such, the therapist should use guided questioning to elicit from the
patient the reasons that continued treatment may be helpful for him or her. What
symptoms does the patient wish to avoid in the future? How has treatment helped
him or her in the past? Therapists should ask patients to describe previous mood
episodes, the life circumstances surrounding them, and the type and effectiveness of
treatment during those times.
Lastly, patients who continually forget or have other time demands interfering with
medication adherence may benefit from behavioral strategies (see Safren et al., 2001).
Linking medication taking with daily events such as teeth-brushing or lunch can make
medication taking as automatic as these other regular habits. Those who travel or
spend most of the day away from home can be encouraged to carry a second supply
of pills in their bag or car. Regular monitoring of medication adherence may identify
barriers and alert the therapist when adherence begins to lapse.
(Continued)
Monitor My Mood for Early Intervention
I know from my own patterns that I should watch out for the following signs:
Depressed thoughts
Depressed symptoms
Depressed behavior
Hypomanic thoughts
Hypomanic symptoms
Hypomanic behaviors
Contact the Following People Should I Ever Have Strong Suicidal Thoughts
Contact my psychiatrist at phone no. ___________________.
Contact my therapist at phone no. _____________________.
Contact my support person at phone no. ________________.
Other action ______________________________________.
Keep Myself Safe Until I Can Be Seen or Go to a Local Emergency Room if I Ever
Fear I May Act on Suicidal Thoughts
If I start to become depressed, I would like my support team to:
Talk to me about my symptoms (who ___________________)
Make plans for a pleasant event (who ___________________)
Note. Extracts from pp. 117–123 of Living with Bipolar Disorder: A Guide for
Individuals and Families by M. W. Otto et al. (2011) by permission of Oxford
University Press, USA.
1200 Specific Disorders
CBT strategies for acute depressive symptoms in BD were developed following the
success of cognitive therapy for unipolar depression. In keeping with Beck’s cognitive
model, treatment protocols for depressive episodes in BD focus on the identification
and challenging of distorted or unhelpful thoughts.
Bipolar Disorder 1201
A number of studies now provide evidence that these strategies reduce depression
symptoms and prolong time until relapse. Scott et al. (2001) found that compared with
a wait-list condition, those who received CBT reported fewer depressive symptoms
at 6-month follow-up. Additionally, those who received CBT demonstrated a 60%
reduction in relapse rates in the following 18 months (compared with the 18 months
prior to treatment). Lam et al. found similar results in both a pilot study (Lam et al.,
2000) and a later randomized trial (Lam et al., 2003) comparing 12–18 individual
sessions of CBT to treatment as usual. Patients who received CBT experienced
significantly lower depression symptoms 4 and 6 months later, compared to controls.
Additionally, rates of relapse in the following 12 months were significantly lower in
the CBT group (44% of CBT patients as compared to 75% of control group patients).
A longitudinal follow-up to this study showed that patients who received CBT
had a lower proportion of days spent in a mood episode in the following 18
months (Lam, Hayward, Watkins, Wright, & Sham, 2005). However, relapse rates
were not significantly different between groups at this time point, suggesting that
booster sessions may be an important element of treatment when focusing on
relapse prevention. Consistent with this, a separate study found that compared with
treatment as usual, 6 months of CT for BD led to reduced depressive symptoms and
dysfunctional attitudes, and a trend toward increased time until relapse, and that these
effects continued but diminished over a 12-month follow-up period (Ball et al., 2006).
Activity Scheduling
Before initiating activity scheduling, patients should first monitor their baseline activity
levels and discuss the effect of their current activities on their mood. Therapists can
then introduce the concept of “buffering activities” as pleasurable activities that serve
1202 Specific Disorders
to break up stressful activities throughout the day. Patients are informed that buffering
activities are even more important during times of low mood because of depression’s
tendency to reduce motivation and pleasure. During a depressive episode, they may
have great difficulty generating any activity that they may find enjoyable or soothing.
Thus, early in treatment, patients are not asked to generate ideas for themselves, but
are asked to select activities they might enjoy from a list.
Therapists should be aware of the motivational difficulties accompanying depres-
sion and should therefore spend time scheduling these activities with patients and
troubleshooting barriers to completion. After incorporation of pleasant activities, the
therapist should also work with the patient to establish regular activities related to
mastery. As the patient proceeds through treatment and increasingly takes responsi-
bility for illness management, he or she is encouraged to schedule and carry out these
activities independently.
Cognitive Restructuring
Now that patients have been introduced to the concept of biased thoughts in
depression, more formal identification of cognitive errors can begin. The thought
record is an important component in organizing the process of cognitive restructuring.
It serves as a reminder of the steps of cognitive restructuring and is the basis of rehearsal
of more adaptive thoughts. Therapists should emphasize that writing out cognitive
errors holds value in that it allows for more objective evaluation of the thought
when compared to simply holding it in one’s mind. As with the introduction of any
new skill, thought records should be practiced in session using an example salient to
the patient. After the patient has gained experience in noticing his or her cognitive
errors, focus turns to evaluating such thoughts and generating alternatives. Patients
are taught a range of strategies for doing so, including considering the evidence that
the thought is true or untrue, and evaluating the usefulness of the thought. If this
process suggests that the negative thought is likely to be accurate, the conversation
should be directed toward coping with the situation effectively.
Although the teaching of cognitive errors and methods by which to challenge
them can be didactic, therapists should take care to make the process of evaluation of
thoughts a collaborative process rather than a lecture or a debate. Socratic questioning
is fundamental to this idea, and J. S. Beck (1995) provides a good discussion of basic
procedures of a Socratic approach to cognitive restructuring. Behavioral experiments
are another powerful strategy for learning because they allow the patient to directly
compare his or her thought with observed outcomes from the specified experiment.
This is often useful for beliefs tied to activity assignments; for example, a common
belief held by depressed patients is, “I can’t accomplish anything while depressed.”
Problem Solving
Patients with BD may be limited in their ability to solve problems effectively due to
the frequent presence of depressive symptoms. Training in problem solving can help
patients to consider a wider array of solutions and to evaluate these systematically
before giving up. Ultimately, enhancement of problem-solving skills may serve to
reduce interpersonal conflict and negative life events. Although problem-solving
training has not been evaluated in isolation as an intervention for patients with BD, it
has been a component of efficacious treatment packages (Deckersbach et al., 2010).
Additionally, this intervention forms the basis of problem-solving therapy, which has
demonstrated efficacy for unipolar depression (Nezu, 1986).
The steps of traditional problem solving are as follows:
Therapists should also attend to cognitive distortions that may be influencing the
patient’s actions. Common beliefs such as, “I won’t have anything to say” can be
examined in behavioral experiments.
Regardless of the strength of patients’ social skills and communication abilities,
many are likely to experience situations or time periods in which they have difficulty
engaging in effective strategies for communication. Therapists can identify these
situations and help patients plan how they will handle them. For example, some
patients may wish to avoid discussions about stressful topics while experiencing mood
symptoms. Others may benefit from identifying the signs that a conversation is
becoming too intense; in these situations, a signal to family members for a “time-out”
may be useful.
Comorbid conditions may not only worsen the course of BD, they may also hinder
treatment. For instance, a patient with comorbid panic disorder with agoraphobia may
have greater difficulty engaging in components of CBT such as behavioral experiments
or activity assignments. Those with comorbid substance use disorders may respond
poorly to treatment due to medication nonadherence (Keck et al., 1996).
There is some evidence to suggest that treatment of a comorbid condition leads to
better outcomes in BD. For instance, STEP-BD patients who experienced sustained
remission from a substance use disorder fared more positively than those with a current
Bipolar Disorder 1205
substance use disorder, especially with regard to role functioning (Weiss et al., 2005).
Additionally, integrated group cognitive behavioral treatment for substance use and
BD has been shown to reduce substance use and decrease risk of mood episode
recurrence in a community setting (Weiss et al., 2009). However, more research on
the impact of treatment of comorbid anxiety is sorely needed. The CBT strategies
described in other chapters within this volume may be of benefit when working with
BD patients with comorbid conditions such as anxiety disorders.
Other psychosocial treatments have also been shown to be efficacious for the
treatment of BD. Family-focused therapy (FFT) includes patients’ spouses or parents
in treatment and focuses on improving communication, support, and understanding
within the family (Miklowitz & Goldstein, 1997). Interpersonal and social rhythm
therapy (IPSRT) emphasizes three goals: stabilizing patients’ routines and sleep–wake
patterns, improving patients’ insight into the bidirectional nature of mood and
interpersonal events, and reducing interpersonal conflicts (Frank, 2007). There is
significant support for both of these interventions (see Miklowitz, 2006, for a review),
and, to date, the research suggests that these treatments are of comparable efficacy.
A large RCT conducted as part of STEP-BD found that adjunctive CBT, IPSRT, and
FFT were each more effective than a three-session psychoeducational intervention.
Patients who received any of the three intensive treatment modalities were 1.58 times
more likely to be well at any month during the study compared to those receiving
the brief psychoeducational treatment. However, no differences were found between
CBT, IPSRT, and FFT in percent recovered or time to recovery (Miklowitz et al.,
2007b).
Although these empirically supported treatments arose from different theoretical
orientations, they share a surprising number of common elements. Each includes (a)
psychoeducation around the nature and course of BD and the lifestyle factors that
influence it (e.g., sleep patterns, life events, medication use), (b) problem-solving
and communication enhancement techniques designed to reduce stress and family
conflict, and (c) emphasis on early detection and intervention for mood episodes
(Otto & Applebaum, 2010). Beyond these core elements, treatment strategies such
as cognitive restructuring interventions, treatment contracting, family sessions, and
sleep management strategies are added.
The empirical literature strongly suggests that CBT is a powerful adjunctive inter-
vention for BD across a variety of treatment outcomes. As the evidence for the
efficacy of CBT for BD has grown, some attention has turned to portability and
cost-effectiveness. Results indicate that the costs of outpatient CBT are offset by
a reduction in inpatient psychiatric care. For instance, in a trial in which patients
receiving CBT did significantly better than those receiving standard treatment, Lam
1206 Specific Disorders
et al. (2005) found that the extra cost of providing CBT was offset by reduced service
utilization elsewhere (most frequently by reduced need for inpatient care). Over the
course of the 30-month study, those receiving cognitive therapy incurred £1,300 less
in service costs than those receiving standard treatment (a nonsignificant difference;
Lam et al., 2005). Bauer et al. (2006) found that direct all-treatment costs for CBT
did not differ significantly from standard care, yet reduced time spent in affective
episodes by over 6 weeks.
There are several promising new directions in cognitive behavioral treatment strate-
gies for BD. Research demonstrating that most patients, even when recovered, do
not return to premorbid levels of psychosocial function has led to an increased
emphasis on intervention strategies that might directly target functioning as a primary
outcome. Deckersbach et al. (2010) completed an open trial of a new cognitive
remediation treatment for employed patients with BD who suffered from residual
mood symptoms. This 14-session intervention focused on techniques to improve
three problem areas: mood monitoring and residual mood symptoms, organization
and time management, and attention and memory. Over the course of treatment,
patients demonstrated significantly reduced Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression
scores (pretreatment mean = 8.65, posttreatment mean = 5.41, p = .001). Addition-
ally, patients demonstrated reductions in total lost work performance (pretreatment
mean days lost = 9.37, posttreatment mean days lost = 7.03, p = .004) and
improvements in psychosocial functioning as measured by the LIFE-RIFT Range of
Impaired Functioning Tool (pretreatment mean = 11.29, posttreatment mean = 9.76,
p = .03) (Deckersbach et al., 2010).
Given that residual symptoms have been shown to be a strong predictor of future
recurrence, others have begun to develop and test interventions geared toward
reduction of residual depressive symptoms. In rumination-focused CBT, behavioral
activation principles are applied specifically to address rumination as an unhelpful
avoidance behavior. Treatment emphasizes functional analysis and coaches patients to
recognize rumination as unhelpful and shift to a more effective strategy or response.
In the first RCT of rumination-focused CBT, Watkins et al. (2011) found that 12
individual treatment sessions reduced residual symptoms (effect size d = 0.94) and
improved remission rates as compared with treatment as usual (62% remitted in the
CBT condition compared with 25% remitted in the treatment as usual condition,
p < .05). Moreover, this treatment was shown to reduce Axis II comorbidity and
trend toward reducing Axis I comorbid symptoms, suggesting that these strategies
may have benefit across diagnostic boundaries.
Mindfulness-based techniques are also being incorporated into treatment of BD.
Two small trials have found that mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT)
reduces residual depressive symptoms and improves well-being, emotion regulation,
and psychosocial functioning (Deckersbach et al., 2011; Miklowitz et al., 2009).
Additionally, MBCT has been found to increase attentional readiness and frontal con-
trol in BD patients in a pilot electroencephalography study (Howells, Ives-Deliperi,
Horn, & Stein, 2012). Notably, traditional mindfulness techniques may need to
be adjusted in consideration of difficulties patients may have with organization and
sustained attention. For instance, Deckersbach et al. (2011) modified the MBCT
Bipolar Disorder 1207
protocol for this group by increasing the number of mindfulness exercises involv-
ing movement (such as yoga) and reducing the duration of sitting or body scan
exercises.
Despite the clear advances in CBT treatment for BD, future work is needed in several
areas. Larger RCTs with active comparison conditions are needed to carry out more
rigorous tests of the efficacy of new innovations in treatment such as mindfulness-
and rumination-focused CBT protocols. There is also a need to clarify the active
ingredients of CBT and other psychosocial treatments for BD to create more efficient,
focused treatments. Studies of this are already underway; for example, one research
group in the United Kingdom is comparing the efficacy of curriculum-based group
psychoeducation and unstructured peer group support in public treatment settings
(Morriss et al., 2011). Zaretsky, Lancee, Miller, Harris, and Parikh (2008) found
that psychoeducation plus an individual course of CBT was associated with fewer
days depressed compared to those who received psychoeducation alone. Additionally,
there is a great need for studies of the effect of treatment of comorbid disorders on the
course and outcome of BD. Also absent from many CBT approaches are interventions
for the anger and irritability that can accompany both phases (manic and depressive)
of the disorder (for example, see Otto et al., 2011). Also, given that comorbid anxiety
is strongly associated with poor outcomes in BD and the well-established efficacy of
CBT for anxiety disorders (Hofmann & Smits, 2008), there is promise that CBT may
be of particular use in this area.
References
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51
Borderline Personality Disorder
Alec L. Miller and Miguelina Germán
Montefiore Medical Center/Albert Einstein College of Medicine, United States
Andrea Fortunato
New School for Social Research, United States
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed., text rev.; DSM-
IV-TR; APA, 2000) defines personality disorders as “an enduring pattern of inner
experience and behavior that differs markedly from the expectations of the individual’s
culture, is pervasive and inflexible, has an onset in adolescence or early adulthood, is
stable over time, and leads to distress or impairment” (p. 685). Unlike the discrete
conditions listed on Axis I, the personality disorders of Axis II have long been
considered intractable, untreatable personality deficits (Widiger & Frances, 1985).
BPD, in particular, is feared by mental health professionals because of the sometimes
Figure 51.1 Intense emotional pain experienced in borderline personality disorder. Printed
with permission from Michael Roth.
emotionally demanding presentation of individuals with BDP and because of the high
rates of self-harm and suicidal behaviors in this population. Nonsuicidal self-injury
(NSSI) and suicide attempts are common (Lieb, Zanarini, Schmahl, Linehan, &
Bohus, 2004) and a full 8–10% of individuals with BPD complete suicide (Lieb
et al., 2004). In mental health settings, prevalence rates have been measured at
10% in outpatient mental health clinics and 15–20% among psychiatric inpatients
(APA, 2000). Fabrega, Ulrich, Pilkonis, and Mezzich (1992) found 68% of BPD
patients met criteria for some Axis I disorder. Symptoms of BPD can include
substance abuse, disordered eating, affective lability, and psychotic experiences. These
symptoms predispose BPD patients toward the co-occurrence at clinical levels of the
corresponding Axis I disorders, especially MDD, dysthymia, and the bipolar disorders
(APA, 2000; Zanarini, Gunderson, & Frankenburg, 1989).
BPD in adolescents presents similarly symptomatically as it does in adults (Miller,
Muehlenkamp, & Jacobson, 2008). There are general factors in childhood and
adolescence that serve as risk factors for mental health problems, and even for
personality disorders more generally, but none that uniquely predicts BPD (Rogosch
& Cicchetti, 2005; Winograd, Cohen, & Chen, 2008). The current and fourth
edition of the DSM lists nine diagnostic criteria, of which five must be present for an
individual to meet the diagnostic threshold. Since no individual criterion is specified
as either necessary or sufficient (i.e., BPD has a polythetic criterion set), there are
151 possible diagnostic combinations. Thus, any two individuals diagnosed with
BPD could potentially overlap on only one criterion, resulting in high levels of
heterogeneity within the diagnostic group. As a result of this heterogeneity, as well
Borderline Personality Disorder 1217
as other problems with the overall categorical nature of the Axis II system (Widiger
& Frances, 1985), there have been many challenges to the validity of the DSM-IV
definition. The challenges will likely result in significant revisions for the DSM-5.
DBT was the first empirically supported treatment designed to treat severe and chronic,
suicidal and self-injurious patients who met diagnostic criteria for BPD. The treatment
combines elements of behavioral science, Zen practice, and a dialectical philosophy.
Since the early efficacy trials (Linehan, Kanter, & Comtois, 1999; see Lieb et al., 2004)
were published, DBT has been found to be an effective treatment for BPD and asso-
ciated problems in multiple RCTs conducted by at least three other research groups
around the world (Bedics, Atkins, Comtois, & Linehan, 2012; McMain et al., 2009;
Verheul et al., 2003). In multiple RCTs (Linehan et al., 2006; Soler et al., 2009), DBT
has been found to be superior to comparison treatments at reducing suicide attempts,
self-injurious behavior, anger, impulsivity, and other behaviors that interfered with
outpatient treatment such as premature dropout and inpatient/emergency room
admissions and days, while simultaneously improving global and social adjustment.
Moreover, DBT has been found to effectively target problems associated with Axis I
disorders such as drug abuse and depression (Lieb et al., 2004). Posttreatment, the
patients who received DBT reported fewer instances of severe behavioral dyscontrol
(the highest priority behavioral target in DBT), were less likely to drop out of treat-
ment, and had improvements in mood and functionality. Given the preponderance
of evidence, DBT has thus earned a designation as a “well established” empirically
supported treatment for BPD by the American Psychological Association, according
to the criteria outlined by Chambless and Hollon (1998), and is recommended as an
efficacious treatment for BPD by the American Psychiatric Association (APA, 2000).
Table 51.1 Linehan’s Reorganization of the Nine DSM-IV Diagnostic Criteria into Five
Areas
Miller, Rathus, and Linehan, 2007) and are only briefly reviewed here. Dialectics,
Zen, behaviorism, and the biosocial theory are the theoretical underpinnings of DBT.
Dialectics
A dialectical philosophy emphasizes an understanding of reality or truth from
multiple perspectives. A dialectical view on the nature of reality posits that: (a)
apparent contradictions can both bear truth; (b) reality is in constant change; and (c)
this change is brought about by finding a synthesis that integrates elements of the
opposing positions into a new “truth.” In this way, dialectics is a way to embrace
conflict rather than try to refute competing ideas with logic. The overarching
dialectic in DBT is acceptance of oneself in the moment and trying to change oneself.
A dialectical philosophy provides a rationale for a treatment structure that integrates
acceptance and validation strategies with procedures to change behavior and suicidal
crises. The fundamental dialectic in DBT is that patients need to change their behavior
while simultaneously accepting themselves as they are now. The therapist facilitates
change by helping the client to embrace the contradictions in multiple viewpoints
rather than attempting to refute them with pure logic. These contradictions arise
both within a session and in everyday life, and to the extent that the therapist can
help the client reconcile opposing contradictions and find a synthesis, the client will
be moving toward greater balance in his or her thoughts, actions, and emotional
reactions. We characterize this as “walking the middle path” between extreme
positions. The dialectical position guides the application of all other DBT strategies.
Zen
A central tenet of Zen is radical acceptance of the moment without change.
To experience the world as it is, patients are asked to develop greater awareness of the
present moment, without filters. The primary tools for this in DBT are mindfulness
skills in which clients are taught to observe and describe the world without judgment,
1220 Specific Disorders
and to notice their experience without getting caught up in it. Zen also describes the
consequences of not seeing reality, or maintaining an attachment to reality being a cer-
tain way. In DBT, an attempt is made to help clients radically accept painful experiences
rather than fighting reality as it is and in turn perpetuating their own suffering.
Behaviorism
DBT is, above all else, a “behavioral” treatment in the classical (or radical) sense
of the term—that is, DBT is based upon the principles of learning theory. With
roots in the basic work of Pavlov (classical conditioning) and Skinner (operant
conditioning), and extensions by modern-day behaviorists such as Bandura (social
learning), practicing DBT requires a consistent focus on basic stimulus–response
patterns, as well as the context in which these behaviors occur, that have garnered
clinical and empirical evidence for more than 100 years. Cognitive interventions
are employed at times as intervention strategies in DBT; however, contingency
management and exposure-based interventions are more typical. The use of learning
theory to conceptualize clients’ problems leads to a focus on defining behaviors and
implementing interventions that can be described precisely, measured, and tracked.
Identification and analysis of controlling variables in DBT gives essential information
about how a therapist can best intervene to help a client to change. This iterative
process of understanding the unfolding links between thoughts, emotions, and
behaviors forms the backbone of DBT.
In the present, dysfunctional behaviors related to strong emotional responses are
often maintained through negative reinforcement. For example, engaging in self-harm
behavior such as cutting may serve to distract from dysphoria or refocus the emotions
of an individual with BPD on a newer, less emotionally evocative stimulus (i.e., pain in
one’s arm due to superficial self-injury). While the behavior may have some negative
results for the individual (bleeding, shame), the emotionally reinforcing properties of
dysfunctional behaviors such as NSSI cannot be minimized.
Biosocial Theory
Linehan’s (1993a) biosocial theory suggests that BPD criterion behaviors stem from
a combination of biological and environmental factors. Specifically, these factors
are emotion dysregulation, which is biological in origin, and invalidating environ-
ments, where inadequate emotion regulation coaching and dysfunctional learning
take place—hence the term biosocial theory (Miller et al., 2007).
Emotion dysregulation. The biosocial theory argues that there is a pervasive dysfunc-
tion in the emotion regulation system that of course is neurobiologically based. There
may be genetic, prenatal, and traumatic childhood events that affect the development
of the brain and nervous system. Borderline behavioral patterns are functionally related
to or are unavoidable consequences of this fundamental dysregulation across emo-
tions, including both positive and negative emotions. Systematic dysregulation is due
to high “emotional vulnerability” coupled with difficulties in modulating emotional
Borderline Personality Disorder 1221
These six dysfunctional behavior patterns are defined as dialectical dilemmas, because
individuals with BPD often attempt to regulate their emotional responses in an
over- or under-regulated manner and tend to swing between the two poles. These
vacillations tend to perpetuate themselves over time and create new problems. Indeed,
they can destroy treatment progress if not addressed skillfully. DBT seeks to move
clients away from these behavioral extremes and toward more balanced, synthesized
behavior. Finding more moderated emotional and behavioral responses to these
dialectical dilemmas are called secondary targets in DBT.
Linehan’s (1993a) standard dialectical dilemmas and corresponding secondary
targets that were developed originally for adults and are also applicable to teens with
BPD are listed in Table 51.2. Rathus and Miller (2000) developed three additional
dialectical dilemmas that are common among adolescents with their families and
treatment providers which are listed in Table 51.3. It is important to note that
each patient is unique and typically engages in a subset of the dialectical dilemmas.
Clinicians should identify which dialectical dilemmas apply to their specific patient
and aim to decrease the patient’s engagement in these dysfunctional behavior patterns
by tailoring the patient’s treatment to the specific targets which correspond to the
patient’s particular dysfunctional pattern. Treatment targets are also listed in Tables
51.2 and 51.3.
Skills training group. DBT assumes that many of the problems experienced by patients
who are chronically suicidal or who engage in NSSI result from a combination of
motivational problems and skills deficits. That is, we assume that these clients have
simply never learned the necessary skills to cope with their painful emotions and
behavior, and our goal is to enhance their motivation to learn new ways to cope with
their emotional pain. For this reason, DBT emphasizes skills-building to facilitate
behavior change and acceptance. In standard DBT, the four skills modules are taught
weekly in 2- or 2.5-hour psychoeducation skills training groups. Each module is
taught for 8 weeks. These skills, for adult BPD patients, are outlined and described
in detail in Linehan’s (1993b) skills training manual. For adolescent BPD patients,
the adolescent and family members attend skills group. A skills training manual
for this population is in press (Rathus & Miller, in press). Groups use a standard
behavior therapy skills-building format and procedures: didactic instructions, modeled
examples, coached rehearsal of new skills, feedback, and homework assignments.
A typical format for a group is to dedicate the first half of the session to a review of
the previous week’s homework and the second half to teaching new skills.
The four DBT skills training modules target the behavioral, emotional, and
cognitive dysregulation of BPD: mindfulness, interpersonal effectiveness, emotion
regulation, and distress tolerance. The first 2 weeks of each new module are spent
on mindfulness and the remaining 6 weeks are spent on the particular module. The
target hierarchy for group therapy differs from that of individual therapy in that the
primary focus is on acquisition of the DBT skills according to the curriculum outlined
in the manual. The only target higher than skills acquisition is therapy-destroying
behavior, which is relatively rare as such behaviors must be egregious (e.g., violence
toward another group member; self-injuring during group therapy).
Therapist consultation team. DBT was developed to treat emotionally distressed clients
at high risk for suicide. With such clients, ruptures in the therapeutic relationship are
common. Thus, peer consultation was included as a key component of the original
1226 Specific Disorders
treatment model to avoid therapist burnout, a common occurrence with this patient
population. Consultation to the therapist has several purposes. Most importantly,
the team must ensure that the clinician remains in the therapeutic relationship and
remains effective throughout the course of a treatment that may well be tumultuous.
Without ongoing supervision and consultation, clinicians working with this client
population can become “stuck” in extreme positions, and increasingly less open to
feedback from others. Therapists may blame themselves or their patients, and may
become emotionally exhausted over time, and thus ineffective.
In an adherent DBT program, the consultation team functions as therapy for the
therapist, in which the members apply DBT principles directly to each other in order
to provide support, maintain morale, and ensure fidelity to the model. The team is
comprised of individual therapists, skills trainers, and pharmacotherapists who meet
once weekly (typically for 1–2 hours). Each therapist who joins the team makes
a commitment to adhere to six agreements that maintain the treatment frame and
promote more effective and productive interactions among team members. These
agreements include: (a) to avoid polarization by taking a dialectical stance; (b) to
maintain a nonjudgmental, phenomenological empathic stance toward oneself, team
members, and clients; (c) to acknowledge fallibility; (d) to observe their own personal
limits and be aware that limits may vary across team members; (e) to agree to consult
to the patient about how to interact with other team members rather than speaking
on another person’s behalf (either the client or another provider); and (f) to agree
that team members do not have to have exactly the same limits, or reactions to clients,
and therefore do not have to be “consistent” with one another at all times.
When therapists violate these agreements (e.g., by adopting a defensive and
judgmental stance toward patients and family members) or otherwise engage in team-
interfering behaviors (e.g., repeatedly missing the team meeting), these actions are
addressed during the team meeting—in much the same way that problematic client
behaviors are targeted in individual sessions. For example, if a therapist attends a con-
sultation team meeting and describes a client as “hateful” or “manipulative,” members
of an adherent DBT team will highlight the problem behavior (i.e., taking a judgmen-
tal, pejorative stance); validate the therapist’s sense of feeling overwhelmed, angry, and
ineffective; help the therapist generate nonjudgmental behavioral descriptors about
the client’s behaviors; and assist the therapist to develop empathic interpretations
of client behavior, perhaps by referring back to the biosocial model and the client’s
idiographic case conceptualization history to highlight the client’s emotional suffering.
The precise structure of the team meeting is not dictated in the treatment manual.
However, the team must have a leader (i.e., a program leader), and each meeting must
be led by a meeting chairperson (which need not be the team leader), who takes the
role of keeping time and collaboratively setting the agenda with other team members.
Meetings typically begin with a participant-led mindfulness exercise which facilitates
therapists’ personal mindfulness practice and enhances focus on the meeting. Unlike
a traditional case review meeting, it is the emotions, cognitions, and behaviors of the
therapist (instead of the patient) that are the primary focus, and members are asked
to describe where they need help in the treatment of the patient. Although patient
updates may occur, they are kept to a minimum.
Borderline Personality Disorder 1227
Therapeutic Relationship
The DBT clinician fosters a therapy relationship that is genuine and in which the
therapist and client have equal status. The relationship is “real” as opposed to role-
bound, and the therapist will make efforts to reduce the power difference between
client and therapist. This stance is reflected most pointedly by the therapist behaving
in a radically genuine manner. It is also explicit at a broad level in the assumptions
about clients and therapists, and it clearly permeates all the DBT strategies. This style
is advocated for all DBT clinicians who interact with the client (e.g., skills trainers,
individual therapists, pharmacotherapists, etc.).
These therapeutic relationships are used to shape adaptive behavior on the part of
the client. This means that clinicians must be acutely aware of how their response
can influence client behavior. This is particularly true in the individual therapy
context, where the relationship can serve as a powerful reinforcer to keep the client
motivated to remain in treatment, to practice skills in daily life, and to work hard
during and between sessions. Indeed, the DBT clinician’s reaction to a client’s in-
session behaviors can be a critical contingency management strategy to shape adaptive
behaviors. The therapist can respond differentially depending on whether an in-
session behavior is adaptive or problematic. For example, the therapist may explicitly
communicate what he or she likes about the patient and be responsive to his or her
requests—especially when requests are skillfully made. Common reinforcing therapist
responses for adaptive client behaviors (e.g., collaborating, spontaneously generating
solutions, or fully participating in a role play) include increasing validation, expressing
more concern or interest, decreasing attempts to control the client, and offering to
extend or shorten the session according to the client’s requests. Conversely, the DBT
clinician may use principles of extinction to withhold a reinforcer for maladaptive
behaviors. For example, Christina would at times repeat, “I don’t know”, or “I can’t
remember” in response to questions. This is not uncommon among clients who have
learned in other contexts that such questions may block additional questions and
stop the assessment. Christina’s therapist successfully extinguished the behavior by
persisting with the questions with responses such as, “Let’s keep trying to figure
it out. What is the last moment you remember that day?” At other times, a DBT
clinician may apply a mild aversive by withdrawing attention or warmth (assuming
that the client finds this desirable) in response to problematic behavior.
Another corollary is that DBT identifies therapist self-disclosure as a strategy that
reflects one aspect of the radically genuine nature of the therapeutic relationship.
The DBT clinician shows a willingness to reveal more information about him- or
herself in the context of the therapy relationship to enable clients to use the relation-
ship as a means to learn about themselves and about relationships more generally.
Therapists follow two general guidelines to ensure that their self-disclosures resem-
ble a nontherapy relationship while also remaining within professional limits. First,
therapists observe their own limits in relation to the amount of self-disclosures.
Second, therapists must disclose information that is in the best interest of the client.
Hence, therapists must remain vigilant of the effect on clients, and modify as needed.
1228 Specific Disorders
Finally, the individual therapist fosters a strong alliance with the client, marked
by a style that is responsive, genuine, and communicates liking. While this is typical
of many therapy approaches, it is unusual when applied to clients or patients with a
diagnosis of BPD, which is often viewed in an extremely negative light.
In individual DBT, the therapist combines strategies in a flexible manner to treat the
primary target behavior that has occurred since the last session and any problematic
behaviors that occur in session. The core strategies in DBT can be broadly classified
as either primarily change-oriented or primarily acceptance-oriented, although both
are woven together in the treatment of any given behavior regardless of the treatment
modality. Described below are the three major classes of strategies used in DBT.
Problem-Solving Strategies
Linehan (1993a, 1993b) includes in her treatment a wide array of standard behavioral
assessment strategies and behavior therapy techniques that are broadly classified
as problem-solving strategies or change-oriented strategies. Identification of the
problem is often difficult. Clients are usually taught early in treatment to view
dysfunctional behaviors, such as self-injury, as signals of a problem that needs to be
solved. The therapist and the client then conduct a thorough behavior analysis of what
led up to these behaviors. The therapist attempts to identify the variables controlling
the behavior by obtaining an exhaustive, detailed, moment-by-moment account of
the antecedents, the behavior, and the consequences through a chain analysis. The
therapist then generates hypotheses based on the biosocial model and behavioral
theories about causal relationships among the links. When in doubt as to which links
are the most important, the biosocial theory suggests attending to the emotions.
Next, alternative response chains (i.e., adaptive solutions) are identified via a solution
analysis. Through this process, the therapist is able to identify what was interfering
with more adaptive behavior, and then suggests change procedures on this basis.
Validation Strategies
The essence of the validation strategies is for the therapist to actively accept the
patient’s experience and communicate this acceptance to the patient. Validation
strategies lead the therapist to search for the inherent validity and functionality of
the patient’s responses. This is in contrast to most cognitive and behavior therapies,
in which a primary focus of treatment is to search for and replace dysfunctional
behaviors. The therapist serves as a contrast to the invalidating environments often
experienced by the patient.
Linehan (1997) has described how validation can be conceptualized in six levels.
The first three levels generally reflect basic therapeutic strategies for building and
maintaining rapport. The second three focus on communicating accurately the
valid and invalid nature of the patient’s behavior and emotional responses. Level 1
Borderline Personality Disorder 1229
Dialectical Strategies
The specific dialectical strategies all share an inherent blend of acceptance and change
strategies that promote progression in therapy sessions. Dialectical strategies include
the use of metaphors and storytelling, entering the paradox, playing devil’s advocate,
extending, and “making lemonade out of lemons.” Below, we provide a fuller
description and examples of some of these techniques.
When telling a story or using a metaphor, for example, the therapist tries to
communicate both an acceptance of the client’s position, and yet present an alternative
that will allow the client to make a move forward.
The strategy of extending is much like a technique employed in the martial art
aikido, when the practitioner accepts and moves with the energy of the opponent’s
attack rather than against it—hence allowing the opponent to be propelled forward
to the point of being knocked off balance. As a therapy technique, the clinician alters
the direction of the session by unexpectedly accepting and extending an attack by
the client. Doing so disarms the client and enables the therapist to change course
without damaging the session or the therapy relationship. The therapist joins with
the client and allows the behavior, and then carries it beyond the point intended by
the client.
Entering the paradox requires the therapist to highlight contradictions as they arise
to help clients tolerate them until they can find a synthesis in the two positions. For
example, when Christina became self-judgmental and viewed herself as “lame” and
“stupid” because she had cried in front of her ex-boyfriend and told him she loved
1230 Specific Disorders
him, her therapist highlighted that being able to express emotion and be vulnerable
was a sign of strength.
Relapse Prevention
In DBT, relapse is conceptualized as a natural part of the change process; hence,
if problem behaviors recur, the therapist would apply the same DBT principles
discussed previously. The stage theory described earlier can incorporate the possibility
that individuals may fall back in to old behaviors. A client who enters treatment in
Stage 2 who has not self-injured for several years may engage in the behavior again in
the face of acute stress. A DBT clinician would rely on the existing case formulation
to develop hypotheses about the function of this behavior. A chain analysis should
always be conducted as a means to assess hypotheses, and also because previous
behaviors may recur in response to entirely new prompting events and be linked with
new controlling variables.
Clinical Case
To illustrate key concepts in DBT, we will refer to our composite client, Christina,
a 16-year-old white female who attends a local high school. Christina was referred
to outpatient treatment following a 2-day visit in the emergency room after she
threatened to jump off a bridge when her boyfriend broke up with her via text
messaging. Her mother, who was with her at the time, reported that she had
to physically restrain her daughter from jumping. She took her daughter to the
psychiatric emergency room, where she was kept for 2 nights before being released
with a referral for outpatient treatment.
Christina has a long history in the mental health system. She had experienced two
psychiatric hospitalizations following suicide attempts that required medical attention
(i.e., overdosing on her mother’s prescription medication) and also a history of panic
attacks, learning disability, and oppositional behavior that complicate her clinical
picture. Christina reports having engaged in NSSI in the form of cutting herself,
chewing on her cheeks until they bled, and occasionally burning herself since the age
of 12 years. She reported having had three outpatient therapists but both she and
her mother reported that outpatient therapy helped “a little” but overall did not help
to make Christina better. At the time of intake, Christina met diagnostic criteria for
a number of DSM-IV diagnoses including bipolar disorder, social anxiety disorder,
panic disorder without agoraphobia, and intermittent explosive disorder, as measured
by the semistructured interview called the Kiddie-Schedule for Affective Disorders
and Schizophrenia (K-SADS), and borderline personality disorder as measured by a
structured clinical interview called the Structured Interview for DSM-IV Personality
(SIDP-IV).
In terms of her family and social history, it appeared that she experienced significant
invalidation from her environments. When she was 9 years old, her parents went
through an acrimonious divorce, and Christina reported that her mother often
confided in her, crying to her about her father’s extramarital affairs, while her father
Borderline Personality Disorder 1231
alternated between showering her with affection and attention or disappearing with
no contact for months at a time. Her father had remarried, had a new daughter, and
had not contacted Christina for 6 months. Her learning disabilities were untreated
and unsolved in school. She apparently had never been able to articulate her emotions
well, and coped either by withdrawing to her room for days at a time, or through
physical aggression. She felt different from her family members. Her mother stated
that she did not understand her daughter, explaining that “all family members had
been through tough times but that Christina was extremely sensitive and needed to
toughen up to get through life.”
Addressing the multiple problems of a client like Christina requires the therapist to
respond flexibly to circumstances that may vary greatly from week to week. Indeed,
in the initial sessions that were focused more on behavioral assessment, Christina
presented quite variably. In one session, she sobbed constantly as she reported
avoidance of social activities, several recent panic attacks, and having cut herself
superficially with a razor on her arms. In the next session, Christina expressed intense
anger at her school counselor and reported she had threatened to kill herself if her
mother made her go to school. Christina, who had already missed 10 straight days of
school and was failing most of her classes, was refusing to go because of her avoidance
of seeing her ex-boyfriend. When the therapist had a collateral session with Christina’s
mother, her mother reported that she thought it was better to keep Christina at
home and calm rather than get into an argument about her school attendance and
admitted she was completing Christina’s homework assignments to help her pass some
classes. Christina also had a number of therapy-interfering behaviors that complicated
treatment delivery, including showing up late, missing some appointments, and not
completing homework assignments. The level of complexity and comorbidity detailed
here, which are typical of this client group, would clearly make it impossible to adhere
to a single, highly structured treatment protocol. Which problem would a therapist
target first? What changes would they need to make when other problem behaviors
function to derail any given singular focus?
In developing DBT, Linehan (1993a) focused on deriving and codifying principles
for treatment rather than one specific protocol. A protocol-based treatment is highly
specified, and may outline specific steps and strategies for each treatment task or
even each session. By comparison, DBT is a treatment frame guided by the biosocial
theory that employs multiple (at times competing) strategies. Reliance on theory and
an unwavering focus on case conceptualization helps the clinician’s efforts toward
“knowing what to do” in a given moment as well as any given session. Treatment
is conducted by prioritizing the problems to be addressed according to the level of
threat that they pose to a reasonable quality of life. That is, the more threatening,
debilitating, and complex problems must be addressed first. This principle helps the
DBT clinician to address the client’s truly urgent needs while not being distracted by
other, less threatening situations that inevitably arise from week to week.
1232 Specific Disorders
Pretreatment Stage. All clients who begin DBT are in Pretreatment, in which the
primary target is building and strengthening commitment to the treatment. In this
stage, the therapist orients the client to the philosophy, structure, length, and assump-
tions about treatment. Clients are asked to give clear verbal consent to participate
in all necessary treatment modes, and to work on the goals of treatment—including
DBT’s hierarchy of behavioral targets—which places eliminating suicidal behavior
and NSSI as the top priority. The therapist must work strategically to gain the client’s
commitment to engage in the treatment by constantly linking the client’s individual
life goals (e.g., developing a romantic relationship; keeping a job) to the reduction
in suicidal behavior (or, more broadly, to the DBT target hierarchy). Because DBT
requires voluntary rather than coerced consent, both the therapist and the client
should have the option of committing to DBT as opposed to another (non-DBT)
treatment or to defer treatment until a later time.
Importantly, the onus is on the therapist to strategically “sell” the treatment and not
only elicit but strengthen commitment. This is also the opportunity for the therapist
to assess and problem solve potential obstacles to therapy that are likely to arise for a
given client. For example, Christina reported a significant history of social anxiety and
described herself as “hyper-sensitive to people not liking me and dumping me.” As
an example, she noted that her anxious feelings and fears of being cheated on while
dating her ex-boyfriend had led her to constantly demand to check his cell phone and
e-mail messages, which, in turn, he found intrusive and overwhelming. He decided
to break up with her and reportedly told several of their mutual friends that she
was “crazy.” Christina experienced such intense embarrassment and shame about her
behavior toward her ex-boyfriend (whom she generally liked and respected) that she
refused to return to school.
A DBT clinician, anticipating the potential for similar problems to arise in therapy,
would bring up this possibility directly: “This treatment is for a year and in that time,
there is the potential for a lot of things to happen, some of which might result in you
feeling ashamed. We need to make sure that shame doesn’t get you dropped from
treatment for missing four individual or group sessions in a row. So let’s think now
about how you might handle this later.” The therapist sets the stage for problem
solving but also works to build commitment by highlighting a chance to break out of
what might be a dysfunctional pattern, and by linking attendance to a goal beyond
skills acquisition and also to the client’s overall goal of reduction of social anxiety. It is
important to note that standard DBT treatment programs have an attendance policy
for each modality of treatment (see Linehan, 1993a, and Miller et al., 2007, for more
details).
Borderline Personality Disorder 1233
Under ideal circumstances, Pretreatment is completed during the first four sessions
(postintake evaluation) for a one-year standard DBT program. Although it can be done
in fewer sessions, particularly in a briefer program, it is a crucial stage of treatment
that can have a major impact on treatment success. In our experience, novice DBT
clinicians may rush through Pretreatment too quickly, missing a unique window of
opportunity to strengthen a superficial commitment or troubleshoot potential therapy-
interfering behaviors. Attentiveness to this stage is especially important for BPD clients
who tend to lack problem-solving skills and may also be a sign of mood-dependent
behavior. The main idea, however, is to remain in Pretreatment targeting commitment
until the client has agreed to the treatment as it has been adapted to their particular
problem behaviors and circumstances.
Christina was clearly most appropriate for Stage 1, in which the overall goal is to
improve behavioral control and develop basic capacities in order to stay connected to,
and ultimately benefit from, treatment. In order of priority, specific behavioral targets
included: (a) suicidal or homicidal or other imminently life-threatening behavior;
(b) therapy-interfering behavior of the therapist or client; (c) behavior that severely
compromises the client’s quality of life; and (d) deficits in behavioral skills needed to
make life changes.
Behavioral analyses of Christina’s suicidal behaviors just prior to the start of
treatment, and those early in treatment, indicated some consistent behavioral patterns.
First, Christina tended to have highly conflictual relationships and to engage in out-
of-control behaviors (e.g., cutting, pushing others, school refusal) emblematic of
Stage 1 within hours of an aversive interpersonal interaction. She reported becoming
flooded with emotions during these conflicts, such that she felt “overwhelmed, empty,
and ashamed.” These interactions occurred with a variety of people including her
boyfriend, family members, friends, and even strangers. In these situations, Christina
often had urges to cut herself, and, when she did so, the self-injurious behavior
decreased her emotional arousal (thus, negatively reinforcing cutting as a mood
regulation strategy).
For example, the therapist may place an emphasis on assessment of emotion and
ask: “So it sounds like cutting your arm reduces your anxiety … at least in the short
term. If we could find other ways to help you manage your emotions since you don’t
like the look of your scars on your arms, would you be interested?”
In Christina’s case, they developed a list of problem behaviors based on the Stage 1
target hierarchy: (a) cutting her arms when distressed; (b) showing up late to therapy
appointments; (c) refusing to attend school due to anticipatory anxiety; and (d) lack
of usage of alternative distress tolerance and emotion regulation strategies to deal
with painful emotions that have fewer negative consequences. The therapist should
consistently link these problem behaviors as obstacles to Christina’s stated goals
for her life (i.e., improving her physical appearance, becoming a model, graduating
high school) to help keep Christina motivated to change. Signs that Christina may
have reached the end of Stage 1 are the cessation of suicidal behaviors, NSSI, and
other major therapy-interfering behaviors in conjunction with an increase in skillful
behavior. At this point, the client and therapist should assess the client’s remaining
problems and consider the next steps given available treatment resources.
1234 Specific Disorders
The case that has been described is quite typical and was chosen to illustrate the
potential for focused, intensively delivered DBT. There are also common difficulties
that DBT clinicians encounter which we highlight in this section.
Inadequate Specificity
Similarly, therapists often allow the client to tell a long narrative with a great deal of
extraneous information. This often happens in response to the clinician asking, “What
happened?” Telling a story is a perfectly understandable behavior for a client, since
Borderline Personality Disorder 1235
this is often how we relay information to significant others in our lives. However, a
chain analysis is not simply a story of what happened in an incident. It is up to the
therapist to orient the client to why and how this is a problem, and to guide the
structuring of the chain so that there is enough time to pinpoint key links.
Conclusion
DBT is the leading evidence-based treatment for clients diagnosed with BPD, and for
those with suicidal, nonsuicidal self-injurious, and other severe behavioral difficulties.
The treatment is principle-driven in order to be maximally flexible while still following
a coherent theory and structure; it is comprehensive and multimodal, and integrative.
It places an emphasis on treating emotions. A great deal of attention is paid to helping
the therapist to remain engaged and motivated and to prevent therapist burnout.
DBT has the most empirical support for the treatment of BPD, yet additional research
is needed to determine which specific modes and strategies of DBT are associated
with improved outcomes.
Borderline Personality Disorder 1237
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52
Suicidality
Erin F. Ward-Ciesielski and Marsha M. Linehan
University of Washington, United States
Few would argue with the fact that suicide is a major public health problem both
nationally and internationally. Efforts at outreach and intervention for those at risk for
suicide in the United States have had no impact on the suicide rate. In fact, since 1955
the rate of suicide in the United States has remained fairly consistent at 10.2 to 12.4
suicides per 100,000 (World Health Organization, 2010). With the most extensive
epidemiological studies indicating that for each completed suicide worldwide there are
anywhere from 10 to 40 suicide attempts (e.g., Centers for Disease Control, 2012),
there is no question that suicidal behaviors are a significant target for improvement.
With all of these data pointing to the persistence of suicidal behavior, it is necessary
that providers develop and evaluate treatments to help the individuals that comprise
these statistics. The work that has been accomplished to date forms the basis of
this chapter. We review the empirical literature related to interventions for suicidal
individuals in which a cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) intervention is compared to
another, non-CBT intervention and then attempt to highlight patterns and similarities
across the reviewed trials. Finally, we provide some recommendations for clinicians in
the hope that we can take note of the potential mechanisms through which CBT has
been shown to affect suicidal behaviors.
In order to provide a comprehensive review and summary of the extant literature
related to interventions targeting suicidal behavior, it is principally important to
discuss a handful of significant weaknesses that impact the interpretation of each
empirical finding. Admittedly, every research arena has its unique challenges and is
charged with finding creative ways to overcome them. The field of suicide intervention
research is no different. In fact, many of the challenges facing suicide intervention
researchers are the same faced by individuals working in the community who provide
mental health services to suicidal patients (e.g., fear of litigation; Pearson, Stanley,
King, & Fisher, 2001). However, there are many challenges that are unique—or
at least more central—in this domain (e.g., the low base rate of suicidal behavior;
see Pearson et al., 2001, for a review) and researchers seeking to implement CBT
interventions with this population have worked diligently to make progress in the
ability to impact suicidal behavior. However, in order to provide a context for
the studies that will be reviewed, it is imperative to begin this discussion by noting the
current weaknesses that continue to impede empirical progress.
The first limitation is the overall shortage of randomized controlled trials (RCTs)
to evaluate the efficacy and effectiveness of available or newly developed interventions
which specifically target suicidal behaviors. In order to be classified as an RCT, par-
ticipants must be randomly assigned to intervention conditions. The importance of
randomization in treatment trials cannot be overemphasized. Without the random-
ization of participants to treatment conditions, it cannot be assumed that changes that
occur during or after the implementation of the intervention are actually the result of
that intervention. Instead, the results obtained can only be thought of as correlation
(Linehan, 1997).
The RCT represents the gold standard for determining the efficacy of treatments
across disciplines, yet in the field of suicide intervention research there are only 47
trials that meet this criterion (Ward-Ciesielski & Linehan, in press). This number is
troublingly small considering that suicide remains in the top 10 causes of death in
the United States (Centers for Disease Control, 2012). This is perhaps even more
noteworthy when we look at the RCTs evaluating CBT interventions for suicidal indi-
viduals, relative to the number of RCTs that use CBT interventions to target other
populations and problem domains. For example, when searching the Cochrane Cen-
tral Register of Controlled Trials (2012) for randomized trials of CBT interventions
in which depression is a keyword, 359 are reported. For trials in which anxiety is a
keyword, 409 are reported. Certainly a percentage of these results would be excluded
following scrutiny to determine whether they were actually RCTs of CBT interven-
tions; however, the same search using suicide as a keyword yields only 32 results. If
we use as a starting place the fact that only 17 RCTs of CBT have been identified
using our criteria, we can estimate that half of the results obtained are irrelevant to the
topic at hand. This leaves nearly 180 depression trials and nearly 205 anxiety trials.
Given the persistence of the problem of suicide, the disparity is difficult to rationalize.
The second limitation, and perhaps the one most responsible for the slow rate
of progress in the field of suicide intervention research, is the lack of operational
definitions for intervention targets. A field cannot collectively work toward common
ends if each research team defines their variables and outcomes of interest indepen-
dently of other previously provided definitions. Unfortunately, such idiosyncrasy is
common throughout this area of research. During the past several decades, the field of
suicide intervention research has seen the use of terms such as nonsuicidal self-injury,
intentional self-harm, suicide attempt, parasuicide, suicidal ideation, and self-injurious
thoughts all to represent components of the larger category of suicidal behavior. Not
only are there many different terms reported by different research teams, but only a
handful of these researchers define the specific way in which they are using any one
of the terms. Thus, we are left with results that are difficult to generalize and, overall,
less meaningful to others in the field. In the 17 RCTs of CBT, the minority of studies
(seven of 17; 41%) include any sort of operational definition of the class of behaviors
Suicidality 1243
they are targeting in their treatments and measuring as an outcome. Further, within
these seven trials, even the definitions themselves are inconsistent. Throughout the
discussion of the research literature on CBT interventions for suicidal individuals,
definitions as provided by the researchers are included as available. Additionally, trials
that do not include operational definitions will be noted.
Owing to the variability of terms used by different research teams, we are very
limited in our ability to compare results from research studies by the terms that
researchers themselves have used. At times it is difficult to determine if one study’s
“suicide attempt” is the same behavior as another study’s “parasuicide” because these
terms have not been defined. In some cases, these two terms may have been meant
to be used interchangeably; however, far more frequently there are differences in
the two ranging from subtle, nuanced variations to downright conflicting definitions.
This leaves us with stilted progress by necessitating replication for the purpose not of
confirming significant results, but in order to clarify what is actually being studied and
impacted by an intervention. Thus, the field of suicide intervention research needs
to choose terms, operationally define them, and then use them consistently across
studies and across research teams. This will allow us to refine definitions if needed,
but also to clarify and generalize the results of each new trial that is conducted.
Following the limitations imposed on a field that does not use a consistent language,
the third limitation is the infrequent use of published assessment instruments that
have demonstrated reliability and validity. Although there are psychometrically sound
measures of suicide attempts and nonsuicidal self-injury, such as the Suicide Attempt
Self-Injury Interview (SASII; Linehan, Comtois, Brown, Heard, & Wagner, 2006)
and the Self-Injurious Thoughts and Behaviors Interview (SITBI; Nock, Holmberg,
Photos, & Michel, 2007) as well as measures of suicidal ideation such as the Scale
for Suicidal Ideation (SSI; Beck, Steer, & Ranieri, 1988) and the Suicidal Behaviors
Questionnaire (SBQ; Addis & Linehan, 1989; Osman et al., 2001), these measures
are rarely used in suicide intervention studies (see Brown, 2001, for a full review).
In fact, less than half of the RCTs of CBT (eight of 17; 47%) targeting suicidal
behaviors measured their primary outcome(s) with an assessment that has adequate
and published psychometric properties.
Instead of using measures such as those mentioned above, many studies develop
idiosyncratic assessments for their specific study (e.g., Hawton et al., 1987), use a
subset of items from measures that have previously been criticized for their clinical
utility (e.g., Bagby, Ryder, Schuller, & Marshall, 2004) and reliability, or simply do not
report which outcome measures they used at all (e.g., Donaldson, Spirito, & Esposito-
Smythers, 2005). Other research teams develop new measures, whether formally or
informally, that have a similar or identical purpose to those already available in the
literature (e.g., using unidentified questionnaires to gather participants’ reports of
their own behaviors; Brown et al., 2005; Hawton et al., 1987; Liberman & Eckman,
1981).
While the rationale for pointing out this limitation is not to advocate that those
measures which have previously been published and have demonstrated reliability
and validity are sufficient to assess any and all domains related to suicidal behaviors,
it is critical to underscore the importance of accurately measuring outcomes with
assessments that we know actually measure what we think they measure. Doing
1244 Specific Disorders
this means that much of the research involving treatment of individuals with co-
occurring disorders and/or at very high risk of imminent suicide has yet to be carried
out. Promisingly, this trend appears to be improving in more recent studies. More
than a decade ago, Linehan (1997) commented on the fact that trials that included
the highest risk individuals had yielded a more consistently significant impact on
decreasing suicidal behaviors. This still appears to be the case and it is encouraging
that those at highest risk are being included more frequently.
As with virtually all other treatments for mental disorders or medical illnesses, no
treatment can completely eliminate the risk of the disorder or illness. The same is true
of suicide. Although some interventions have been shown to reduce specific suicidal
behaviors, no intervention has demonstrated effectiveness at eliminating the risk of
death by suicide. There is, without a doubt, much work to be done in this area. The
most productive and impactful way forward is to persevere in the use of rigorous
research methodologies and significantly to minimize the extent to which each study
leaves behind errors that will need to be remedied by future research endeavors.
There have been 47 RCTs explicitly targeting suicidal behaviors. However,
the remainder of this chapter focuses only on those RCTs that have explicitly selected
participants based on the presence of suicidal behaviors and have examined the
efficacy of a CBT-oriented intervention as the experimental condition. Therefore,
the following review focuses on 17 RCTs.
Suicidal individuals have many well-documented deficits for which CBT interven-
tions appear tailor made. For instance, suicidal populations demonstrate reliable
deficits related to problem-solving abilities, especially interpersonal problem solving
(e.g., Bonner & Rich, 1988; Howat & Davidson, 2002; Linehan, Camper, Chiles,
Strosahl, & Shearin, 1987; Pollock & Williams, 1998; Schotte & Clum, 1982).
Sadowski and Kelley (1993) investigated the role of social problem solving in ado-
lescent suicide attempters as it related to suicide intent and medical lethality of the
method by which suicide was attempted. Of note is the fact that adolescents who
attempted suicide showed more problem-solving deficits than either psychiatric or
normal control participants. Additionally, Schotte and Clum (1982) reported that
poor problem-solving participants under high stress were the highest of all experimen-
tal groups on a measure of suicide intent, indicating that poor problem solving is one
important piece of the puzzle that contributes to suicidality in an individual. Further,
studies of active (a process in which the problem solver takes an active role in the reso-
lution of the problem) and passive problem-solving strategies (which are characterized
by a problem solver who relies on others or the passage of time to resolve a problem
situation) have consistently found that suicidal populations (e.g., suicide attempters)
rely more heavily on passive problem-solving strategies than both normal and psy-
chiatric control groups (Linehan et al., 1987; Pollock & Williams, 2004). Taken
together, this literature highlights the important role that targeted efforts at increasing
problem-solving capabilities may play in reducing the incidence of suicidal behaviors.
1246 Specific Disorders
A second factor that lends itself to intervention using CBT approaches is the
interpersonal nature of many of the risk factors identified in the suicide literature.
Interpersonal stress (e.g., Davila & Daley, 2000; Joiner, Van Orden, Witte, &
Rudd, 2009), social isolation (e.g., Davidson, Wingate, Grant, Judah, & Mills, 2011;
Lamis & Malone, 2011), and social withdrawal (e.g., Stewart, Ross, Watson, James, &
Bowers, 2012) are a few of the many risk factors and warning signs of suicidal behavior
that have been identified and discussed. The extent to which the therapeutic alliance
is a central element of CBT interventions makes them particularly attractive to utilize
with a population oftentimes characterized by their detachment and interpersonal
isolation. Building a strong working relationship and using that rapport as a way to
enhance motivation to continue to do the challenging work involved in staying alive
when you want to die is paramount.
Finally, Salkovskis, Atha, and Storer (1990) provided TAU with and without the
addition of a brief (five-session) cognitive behavioral problem-solving intervention.
Adult participants were admitted to an emergency room following repeated suicide
attempts (undefined) who had taken antidepressants as part of an overdose and who
scored at least a four on Buglass and Horton’s (1974) scale to predict repeated
suicidal behavior. In the CBT intervention condition, some sessions were provided
on an inpatient basis and others were provided in-home. They found that there were
significantly fewer repeated suicide attempts at 6 months in the experimental group
compared to the control condition (0% compared to 37.5%, respectively). Unfortu-
nately, the cumulative number of suicide attempts during the 18-month follow-up
was not significantly different between the groups; however, as is common with these
trials, the sample size used in this study was very small (20 participants in total).
These four trials represent the limited number of treatment development efforts
targeting suicidal populations by providing an inpatient or partial hospitalization
intervention using a CBT framework. Only one of these interventions (Salkovskis
et al., 1990) shows promise as a potential intervention for this population. Salkovskis
and colleagues’ (1990) intervention suggests that it may be possible to provide a
brief intervention with a very high risk population. However, given the previous
discussion of the lack of data supporting hospitalization as a treatment for suicidal
individuals, these results may suggest that interventions that require hospitalization
or day treatment are insufficient to impact suicidal outcomes.
Outpatient Interventions
There are several trials which can be broadly categorized as outpatient interventions
for suicidal individuals. These interventions include various strategies, which typically
include a limited number of sessions (e.g., Brown et al., 2005; Evans et al., 1999).
Unfortunately, albeit somewhat predictably, these trials yield inconsistent findings
related to their effectiveness at treating specific suicidal behaviors.
To date, three trials have evaluated manual-assisted CBT (MACT; Evans et al.,
1999; Tyrer et al., 2003; Weinberg, Gunderson, Hennen, & Cutter, 2006). Each
of these studies, however, has defined its sample, target behaviors, and intervention
slightly differently. To begin, Evans et al. (1999) recruited patients seen after an
episode of deliberate self-harm (parasuicide: “a non-fatal act in which an individual
deliberately causes self-injury or ingests a substance in excess of any prescribed or
generally recognized therapeutic dosage,” in Kreitman, 1977, p. 3) who also had a
previous history of deliberate self-harm in the past year and had a “disturbance” in
the flamboyant personality cluster (antisocial, histrionic, and borderline personality
disorders). Participants were randomly assigned to the MACT condition or TAU. The
MACT condition included between two and six sessions of structured, cognitively
oriented, problem-focused therapy based on a brief manual. Perhaps because the
sample size was so small (34 participants in total), there was no significant difference
between experimental and control conditions in the number of participants who
engaged in a suicidal act during the 4 to 6 months following treatment (56% of
participants in the MACT condition, 71% in the control).
1248 Specific Disorders
of the suicide intervention literature, McLeavey et al. used a very small sample size
and excluded participants at high risk for suicide. This may account for some of
their difficulty in detecting a significant effect of the intervention even though only
10.5% of participants in the problem-solving skills training condition repeated acts of
self-poisoning compared to 25% in the control condition.
Brown et al. (2005) recruited high risk participants who had made a suicide
attempt (“a potentially self-injurious behavior with a nonfatal outcome for which
there is evidence, either explicit or implicit, that the individual intended to kill himself
or herself,” p. 564) in the previous 48 hours. All participants received treatment
as usual in addition to intensive case management. Participants in the experimental
condition were also offered 10 sessions of CBT. This CBT intervention included
specific suicide prevention strategies and skills training to identify thoughts and
suicidal beliefs and to develop adaptive coping behaviors. Sessions were provided on
a weekly, biweekly, or as-needed basis. During the 18-month follow-up, participants
in the experimental condition made significantly fewer suicide attempts than those
in the control condition (24.1% compared to 41.6%, respectively). Unfortunately,
the absence of blind assessment somewhat reduces the certainty that we can place
on these results. It should be noted that it is not clear from the publication how
long participants were engaged in the CBT intervention in order to complete the
10-session protocol.
Utilizing a younger sample, Donaldson et al. (2005) selected adolescents in the
emergency room or inpatient unit following a suicide attempt (“any intentional,
nonfatal self-injury, regardless of medical lethality, if intent to die is indicated,”
p. 114). The experimental condition received skills-based treatment that included
problem-solving training and affect management by way of cognitive and behavioral
strategies (e.g., cognitive modification, relaxation, homework). This intervention was
compared to Brent and Kolko’s (1991) supportive relationship treatment, which
did not include any problem-solving skills training or homework. Receiving skills-
based treatment did not yield a significantly lower frequency of suicide attempts
during the 6-month follow-up when compared to the supportive relationship treat-
ment control (26.7% reattempts in problem-solving training, 12.5% in supportive
control).
Again using an adolescent sample, Wood, Trainor, Rothwell, Moore, and
Harrington (2001) evaluated an intervention for adolescents referred for deliberate
self-harm (DSH; “any intentional self-inflicted injury, irrespective of the apparent
purpose of the act,” p. 1247). The experimental intervention consisted of six acute
group sessions in conjunction with long-term group sessions combining CBT
and psychodynamic group psychotherapy strategies and a median two-and-a-half
individual sessions. They found a significantly lower mean number of acts of DSH
in the experimental when compared to the control condition (means: 0.6 and 1.8,
respectively) in addition to significantly fewer participants engaging in multiple acts
of DSH (6% compared to 32%, respectively). High risk participants (those ruled
too suicidal for ambulatory care) were excluded from the study; however, Wood
et al. did keep assessors blind to the treatment condition to which participants were
assigned. Unfortunately, in an attempt to replicate the findings of Wood et al.,
Hazell et al. (2009) were unsuccessful, which calls into question the effectiveness of
1250 Specific Disorders
this intervention. Hazell et al. (2009) found a greater proportion of participants with
repeated episodes of DSH in the group therapy condition (88.2%) than the control
condition (67.6%).
While there is certainly great diversity in the samples and interventions grouped
together there, all of these interventions have a problem-focused, strategic approach
to treating specific suicidal behaviors. Additionally, many of these studies have
nonsignificant results and appear to have no more influence on subsequent suicidal
behaviors than control conditions. However, there are promising results to highlight.
Brown et al. (2005), Salkovskis et al. (1990), Weinberg et al. (2006), and Wood
et al. (2001) have all found significant intervention effects on subsequent suicidal
behaviors. Even more inspiring is the fact that both Brown et al. and Salkovskis et al.
included high risk individuals in their trials and were able to significantly reduce
suicide attempts beyond the level of the control condition. These studies certainly
deserve consideration for replication and validation, especially considering that neither
trial employed assessors who were blind to the treatment condition of participants.
Further, the other studies may not need to be disregarded completely. Instead, their
nonsignificant findings may be the result of insufficient power or less severe clinical
populations. More investigation would undoubtedly be a valuable addition to the
field.
To date, the intervention with the most empirical support for the reduction of
suicidal behaviors is dialectical behavior therapy (DBT; Linehan, 1993). DBT has four
randomized controlled trials demonstrating its efficacy in treating suicidal behaviors
(Koons et al., 2001; Linehan, Armstrong, Suarez, Allmon, & Heard, 1991; Linehan,
Heard, & Armstrong, 1993; Linehan et al., 2006; Verheul et al., 2003). DBT is a
principle- and protocol-based, manualized treatment that was developed specifically
for suicidal, difficult-to-treat clients. It has since been consistently shown to be an
effective intervention for suicidal and other extreme behaviors. In addition to weekly
individual therapy and phone consultation to patients, DBT includes skills training
in four primary areas of deficit: mindfulness, emotion regulation, distress tolerance,
and interpersonal effectiveness (for more information on DBT, see Chapter 51,
“Borderline Personality Disorder”).
In the first RCT of DBT, Linehan et al. (1991) recruited women meeting criteria
for borderline personality disorder who had a history of parasuicide (“any intentional,
acute self-injurious behavior with or without suicidal intent, including both suicide
attempts and self-mutilative behaviors,” p. 1060) and a recent incident within the
2 months prior to enrollment in the study. These participants were randomized to
receive DBT for one year or treatment as usual (i.e., referral to outpatient treatment).
Participants in the DBT condition had fewer episodes of self-inflicted injury (i.e.,
suicide attempts and self-inflicted injury combined) at the end of the treatment
year (63.6% compared to 95.5%, respectively). Additionally, this difference between
conditions was maintained during another year of posttreatment follow-up (26.3%
compared to 60%).
These compelling results were replicated 15 years later when Linehan et al. (2006)
again recruited borderline women with a history of suicidal behavior (“intentional,
non-fatal, self-injurious acts committed with or without intent to die,” p. 757) in
the 8 weeks prior to referral and at least one other intentional self-injury in the
Suicidality 1251
preceding year. Participants in the experimental condition again received DBT while
those in the control condition received treatment by expert non-behavioral therapists
in the community. The number of participants who attempted suicide was signifi-
cantly lower in the DBT treatment condition than in the control condition (23.1%
compared to 46%, respectively). Further, the DBT condition reduced emergency
room admissions by 53% and inpatient hospital admissions by 73%. This suggests
that DBT reduces suicidal behavior on an outpatient basis without incorporating
hospitalization.
Koons et al. (2001) provided further support for DBT in their randomized
trial with female borderline veterans. They found that participants in the DBT
condition had greater decreases in intentional self-harm (including suicide attempts)
at the follow-up assessment compared to the treatment as usual control condition
(10% compared to 20%, respectively). Finally, Verheul et al. (2003) found that
borderline women who received DBT engaged in significantly fewer self-mutilating
behaviors (undefined) during one year of treatment than participants who were
assigned to clinical management as a control condition (35% compared to 57%,
respectively).
One additional DBT trial has been conducted with a suicidal population. McMain
et al. (2009) compared DBT to general psychiatric management, which included
psychodynamically informed psychotherapy, case management, and medication man-
agement provided by therapists with expertise and interested in treating individuals
with BPD. Participants were adults meeting criteria for BPD who had engaged in
at least one suicidal or self-injurious behavior (undefined) in the last 3 months in
addition to at least one other incidence in the previous 5 years. While both treatments
significantly reduced suicidal and self-injurious behaviors during the one-year treat-
ments, there were no significant differences in suicidal outcomes between the two
conditions.
Taken in concert, these five studies—all of which utilized blind assessment and
used sample sizes adequate to detect effects of the DBT condition—provide the
strongest empirical support for any intervention targeting suicidal behaviors to date,
cognitively or behaviorally oriented or otherwise. While Koons et al. (2001) and
Verheul et al. (2003) did not specifically select participants with a history of suicidal
behavior, women with borderline personality disorder have been selected in these
studies because they represent a group with staggering suicide rates compared to
other populations (e.g., Brodsky, Groves, Oquendo, Mann, & Stanley, 2006; Soloff,
Lis, Kelly, & Cornelius, 1994). As DBT was developed for this difficult population,
it is the most compelling intervention and one that should be implemented with
complex suicidal patients. The inclusion of the highest risk suicidal patients makes
it all the more important that this treatment be considered when severe suicidality
is present. Additionally, its efficacy with suicidal patients who do not meet criteria
for borderline personality disorder should be evaluated. Finally, the nonsignificant
differences between treatment conditions in the trial conducted by McMain et al.
(2009) suggests that there is still room for improvement and additional studies
utilizing larger sample sizes may provide even more support for the use of this
treatment with suicidal populations.
1252 Specific Disorders
As is clear from this brief review of the existing literature concerning RCTs in which
CBT interventions are the experimental condition, in many respects there is still a
long way to go toward finding effective interventions. CBT interventions make the
strongest showing of all interventions that have been evaluated. Given that the results
are mixed when collapsed across all these CBT interventions, it may not be sufficient
to examine these trials individually. Instead, we will attempt to look at the factors
involved in the interventions described above in order to identify the strategies that
appear to be most effective in order to move forward in our efforts to address the
problem of suicide.
While this qualitative analysis provides a starting place to further study and examine
which components of these interventions ought to be continued and expanded upon
and which may be better left out of future intervention endeavors, there are limitations
to taking such an approach. Specifically, the ideas presented here are based on the data
of varied studies using iterations of CBT interventions and are meant to provide one
interpretation of the various significant and nonsignificant findings in the literature.
Thus, the common elements we highlight are simply hypotheses about what may or
may not be important when trying to treat a suicidal population. Owing to the varied
nature of the different interventions we are attempting to synthesize in this review, we
believe our approach is more appropriate for this stage in the development of effective
interventions given the extant literature.
Significant Trials
Of the 17 trials described above, only eight found a significant difference between
the experimental (CBT) intervention and the control condition in outcomes related
to suicide and suicidal behaviors. Of these eight trials, three CBT interventions are
designed to be short-term, individual interventions (i.e., Brown et al., 2005; Salkovskis
et al., 1990; Weinberg et al., 2006), one is an intensive outpatient group intervention
for adolescents (i.e., Wood et al., 2001), and the remaining four are trials evaluating
the effectiveness of one year of DBT (i.e., Koons et al., 2001; Linehan et al., 1991;
Linehan et al., 2006; Verheul et al., 2003).
These eight trials have a number of potentially important elements in common.
First, they are all delivered on an outpatient basis. While two of the nonsignificant
trials described were conducted as inpatient interventions (i.e., Liberman & Eckman,
1981; Patsiokas & Clum, 1985), all of the trials with significant effects on suicidal
behavior were delivered in an outpatient setting. Overall, these two trials of inpatient
interventions raise important questions about the efficacy of hospitalization for
individuals who are suicidal. Without going too far afield, this issue is critically
important since not only is it possible to involuntarily hospitalize individuals in every
state in the United States, but also because there is compelling evidence that prior
inpatient treatment is a factor that heightens risk for suicide both immediately after the
hospitalization and in the long term (Combs & Romm, 2007; Kallert, Glockner, &
Suicidality 1253
Schutzwohl, 2008). Importantly, two additional inpatient trials (van der Sande et al.,
1997; Waterhouse & Platt, 1990) have been conducted to evaluate other, non-CBT
interventions compared to treatment as usual outside the inpatient unit. Both of these
additional trials have also failed to find support for inpatient hospitalization. While it
may be the case that patient characteristics that pre-date hospitalization are responsible
for these high postdischarge rates of suicide, we must also consider the possibility that
hospitalization of suicidal individuals is actually iatrogenic. The problem we are trying
to highlight here is that as the data stand, we cannot say one way or the other. While
it may be the case that heightened risk of suicidality is driving the high rates of suicide
following inpatient hospitalization discharge, we have to consider the alternative (that
hospitalization is actually iatrogenic) and collect the data to answer this important
question.
Second, based on the descriptions provided by the researchers in their publications,
each of the effective interventions emphasizes coping skills acquisition in some way.
In effect, there is an emphasis on learning new, adaptive coping behaviors to replace
suicidal ones. Importantly, most of the interventions specify teaching problem-solving
skills to participants. Whether this is done explicitly, as in Brown et al.’s (2005) time-
limited CBT intervention or Linehan’s (1993) DBT, or in a more indirect way as
in Weinberg et al.’s (2006) MACT intervention (which also utilized a subset of
skills from the DBT skills training curriculum) or Wood et al.’s (2001) adolescent
group treatment, participants receiving the experimental interventions are exposed to
discussions and specific teaching on problem-solving strategies and alternative ways to
cope with interpersonal problems, difficult emotions, or other stressors that may arise.
Further, given the previously discussed problem-solving deficits of suicidal individuals
(e.g., using passive problem-solving strategies; Linehan et al., 1987), the inclusion
of didactic teaching and interactive practice to develop problem-solving skills is not
surprising.
Third, five of the trials (the DBT trials and the adolescent trial) incorporate group
psychotherapy in addition to (or instead of) individual therapy. The primary aim of
these groups in DBT is the acquisition of behavioral skills, including those already
mentioned, to cope more effectively with situations where suicidal behaviors have
previously been utilized. Wood et al. (2001) also used the group format of their
intervention in order to target specific problems in the lives of the adolescent group
members and come up with ways to solve them. While Wood et al. continued with a
long-term psychodynamically oriented group after the acute group problem-solving
program ended, during this acute phase of the intervention, problem solving and other
relevant domains of concern (e.g., depression, peer relationships, family problems,
etc.) were targeted for improvement.
Fourth, most of the trials in which the experimental (i.e., CBT) intervention
outperformed the control condition place particular emphasis on the therapeutic
relationship. In DBT, there is a focus on the therapeutic relationship as an indicator of
what is happening outside therapy in the patient’s life and attachment to the provider
is used as a mechanism to keep the person alive. Similarities between in-session and
out-of-session patterns are highlighted and the therapy relationship is used as a vehicle
for change. The attachment and rapport created in the relationship is also brought in
as a protective factor to keep the person alive. Similarly, Wood et al. (2001) utilized the
1254 Specific Disorders
Nonsignificant Trials
Of the 17 trials outlined here, nine found no difference between their CBT exper-
imental intervention and the control condition. While five trials found significant
reductions in suicidal outcomes (i.e., Donaldson et al., 2005; Liberman & Eckman,
1256 Specific Disorders
1981; McMain et al., 2009; Patsiokas & Clum, 1985; Rudd et al., 1996), these
trials did not find significant differences between conditions. While it is admittedly an
oversimplification of the empirical findings of these trials, for ease of discussion they
will be referred to henceforth as “ineffective” interventions given that each of these
trials did not find a significant difference which would have suggested the effectiveness
of the experimental intervention. As with those trials with significant findings, it is
similarly valuable to examine the common factors across these nine interventions to
determine what elements of CBT-based interventions may be possible to eliminate
from future treatment development endeavors. First, as previously mentioned, two of
the trials utilized inpatient interventions (i.e., Liberman & Eckman, 1981; Patsiokas
& Clum, 1985). Additionally, one trial was provided in a partial or day hospital format
(i.e., Rudd et al., 1996). While the six remaining interventions were provided on an
outpatient basis, perhaps further consideration of the context in which interventions
for suicidal individuals are provided is warranted.
Second, with few exceptions, this subset of interventions is comprised almost entirely
of interventions that are brief in duration. The two most intensive interventions were
the one provided by Liberman and Eckman (1981) in the inpatient unit, comprising
a total of 32 hours of therapy (over an 8-day period) and the one provided by
Rudd et al. (1996) which included 90 hours of treatment (over a 2-week period).
Compared to the one year of treatment provided in each of the five DBT trials
(including both individual therapy and group skills training, averaging approximately
180 hours of treatment in total over a one-year period), these interventions are
much shorter. In fact, most of these interventions have 10 sessions or fewer (i.e.,
Donaldson et al., 2005; Evans et al., 1999; Hawton et al., 1987; McLeavey et al.,
1994; Patsiokas & Clum, 1985; Tyrer et al., 2003). Certainly, three of the effective
trials (i.e., Brown et al., 2005; Salkovskis et al., 1990; Weinberg et al., 2006) also
utilized very brief interventions (i.e., interventions with a very limited number of
sessions); however, it is noteworthy that the proportion of trials that utilized brief
interventions is much larger in this noneffective subset. Perhaps it is possible to see
improvement right away with CBT interventions, but attachment to the provider
may be a more important variable than previously realized for maintained treatment
gains.
While these trends seem to indicate potential factors that differentiate the effective
from the ineffective interventions, there are several factors that obscure the picture.
Perhaps most critically, all of the interventions that were not superior to the control
conditions against which they were evaluated also emphasize teaching problem-solving
and other coping skills. For instance, Evans et al. (1999) and Tyrer et al. (2003) used
bibliotherapy (the same as used by Weinberg et al., 2006), which included chapters
on problem solving and basic strategies for managing emotions. More directly, other
interventions were designed specifically to target problem-solving deficits and emotion
regulation (i.e., Donaldson et al., 2005; Hawton et al., 1987; Liberman & Eckman,
1981; Patsiokas & Clum, 1985; Rudd et al., 1996). The manner in which skills
training was incorporated in the intervention (e.g., in an individual or group setting,
using chapters for self-study, specific steps for effective problem-solving, or discussing
alternative coping strategies in the context of previous suicidal behaviors) varies across
all of these interventions. At this point, it is not possible to determine whether
Suicidality 1257
one method is superior for targeting suicidal behavior given that some methods are
utilized in both significant and nonsignificant trials. However, given the previous
discussion of the potential importance of balancing change (i.e., problem solving)
with acceptance seen in the DBT trials, this may provide additional support for the
inclusion of a more dialectical and principle-driven stance than that seen in some
of the ineffective interventions. Additionally, given the relative effectiveness of the
longer interventions compared to the briefer ones, perhaps it takes longer to learn
problem-solving and other coping skills than it does to teach them. While they can
be presented and taught in a very brief amount of time, patients may not be able to
learn and use them independently with the same speed.
A second obscuring factor is the importance placed on the therapeutic alliance. At
least one of the ineffective interventions explicitly notes the use of the therapeutic
relationship to assist in bringing about change (i.e., Hawton et al., 1987) and, as
previously highlighted, the therapeutic alliance is of relatively universal import in
CBT. This begs the question of why both effective and ineffective interventions
both emphasize this relationship. Again, we can refer back to the way in which
the relationship is used in treatment. In treatments such as DBT, the therapeutic
relationship is a vehicle for change as well as a useful mechanism used to keep the
person alive. However, this is not ubiquitous across CBT interventions. While few
CBT practitioners would deny that the therapeutic alliance is an important element
that improves treatment outcomes and, as such, must be attended to throughout
the therapy process, these therapists may or may not actually use the therapeutic
relationship they have worked to cultivate as both a marker of what kinds of behaviors
or problems are showing up outside the therapy room and as a practice space to
start changing them. Hawton et al. (1987) do, in fact, describe their intervention
as involving attempts to link past experiences to current ones that are occurring in
the therapy session, but this is the only one of these nine ineffective interventions
to note this. Perhaps this is the critical element lacking from the other ineffective
interventions.
Also of note is the fact that DBT providers place special attention on not reinforcing
suicidal behaviors within the therapeutic relationship. For instance, DBT therapists
encourage phone coaching outside of session in order to generalize skills acquisition
to the real world, but this coaching is done strategically to ensure that the client is
not necessarily getting more attention and caring displays from the therapist when he
or she is suicidal, but also at times when suicidality is not elevated. This prevents the
patient from necessarily being suicidal in order to receive additional support from a
caring therapist.
The literature reviewed in this chapter suggests that CBT interventions are at the
forefront of treatment development efforts to manage suicidal behavior in clinical
practice. Interestingly, the nonsignificant trials have provided important information
to guide future research and clinical endeavors just as much as the significant trials
have provided guidance for which empirical and clinical avenues to pursue. Clearly,
1258 Specific Disorders
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53
Antisocial Personality Disorder
Christopher J. Patrick and Lindsay D. Nelson
Florida State University, United States
Historical Overview
Early conceptions. The earliest accounts of the condition that came to be known as
ASPD emphasized extreme behavioral deviance in the context of intact reasoning
and communicative abilities. French physician Philippe Pinel (1801) described cases
of individuals who engaged repeatedly in impulsive acts injurious to themselves
and others despite recognizing at a verbal/conceptual level the irrationality of
such acts. The label Pinel used for this condition was manie sans delire (“insanity
without delirium”). Around the same time in the United States, Benjamin Rush
(1812) documented similar cases, but postulated moral weakness (i.e., incapacity
for guilt or shame in relation to actions and potential consequences) as the root
cause. In his account, Rush highlighted the manipulative, deceitful nature of such
individuals.
Reflecting a perspective similar to Rush’s, British physician J. C. Pritchard (1835)
applied the term “moral insanity” to cases of this type. However, Pritchard applied
this term much more broadly than Rush, for conditions ranging from drug or alco-
hol addiction to sexual deviations to mood disorders, along with conditions that
would be classified today as mental retardation or schizophrenia. The alternative
term “psychopathic” was introduced by German psychiatrist J. L. Koch (1891) to
denote conditions of a chronic nature presumed to have an underlying organic (phys-
ical, brain-based) cause. Like Pritchard, Koch applied this term to a much broader
array of clinical conditions than would be encompassed by current conceptions of
ASPD or psychopathy. Operating from a similar etiologic perspective, Emil Kraepelin
(1915) used the term “psychopathic personalities” for a somewhat narrower range of
conditions including impulse-related problems, sexual deviations, obsessional disor-
ders, and other “degenerative” personalities. The latter category included antisocial
(callous-destructive) and quarrelsome (hostile-alienated) subgroups that would be
classifiable today as APSD.
Reversing the trend toward broad application of the term “psychopathic,” Hervey
Cleckley (1976; original edition, 1941) proposed that the label be reserved for a
specific condition with a distinct set of diagnostic features. Cleckley’s diagnostic
criteria focused on three sets of features: (a) indications of psychological stability
(i.e., good intelligence and social charm, absence of delusions/irrationality, absence
of nervousness, and suicide rarely carried out); (b) tendencies toward emotional
underresponsiveness and superficial/insincere relationships with others (i.e., deceit-
fulness, poverty in affective reactions, self-centeredness and incapacity for love, lack of
reciprocity in social relations, lack of insight); and (c) persistent behavioral deviance in
the form of repeated antisocial acts (often without obvious motives), irresponsibility,
promiscuity, and absence of any clear life plan. According to Cleckley, the overt
presentation of psychological stability in such individuals functioned as a convinc-
ing “mask of sanity,” concealing their affective-interpersonal deficits and behavioral
deviancy.
Antisocial Personality Disorder 1265
Notes. a The DSM-IV criteria for conduct disorder require the occurrence of three or more of these behavioral
symptoms before age 15. Criterion C for antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) is vague as to the number
of child symptoms needing to be met, specifying only “evidence of Conduct Disorder with onset before
age 15 years.” Some approaches to assessing ASPD, for example the Structured Clinical Interview for
DSM-IV Axis II Personality Disorders (SCID-II; First, Gibbon, Spitzer, Williams, & Benjamin, 1997),
interpret “evidence of” as denoting a lower threshold (i.e., occurrence of two child symptoms, as opposed
to three). Adapted from American Psychiatric Association (2000).
Antisocial Personality Disorder 1267
the criteria for ASPD are polythetic. That is, because only a portion of designated
child and adult criteria need to be met, individuals can achieve the diagnosis in
many different ways, subject to fulfilling inclusionary requirements (i.e., age 18 or
older, antisocial behavior not attributable to mania or psychosis). As shown in Table
53.1, the child criteria for ASPD include aggressive and destructive behaviors on one
hand, and deceitfulness/theft and nonaggressive rule breaking on the other. Formal
factor-analytic investigations of the child criteria (e.g., Frick et al., 1991; Tackett,
Krueger, Sawyer, & Graetz, 2003) have established that the aggressive and rule-
breaking symptoms define separate, albeit correlated, factors. Tackett et al. (2003)
reported that these two conduct disorder factors showed discriminative associations
with aggressive behavior syndrome and delinquent behavior syndrome, respectively,
as defined by scores on the Child Behavior Checklist (Achenbach, 1991).
An implication of this work is that there may be distinct variants of child antisocial
deviance with different etiologic underpinnings. Along these lines, Moffitt (1993)
proposed a distinction between adolescence-limited and life-course-persistent sub-
groups of delinquent individuals. The former was distinguished by a later onset and
predominantly nonaggressive forms of deviancy and rule breaking, the latter by early
age of onset, aggressive-destructive as well as nonaggressive delinquent behaviors, and
continuation of child and adolescent deviancy into adulthood. Moffitt postulated that
the early-onset, aggressive subtype of delinquency may have a stronger underlying
neurobiological basis (see also Lynam, 1997).
Tackett, Krueger, Iacono, and McGue (2005) further examined the structure of
conduct disorder symptoms in a male twin sample, permitting an analysis of etiologic
contributions to aggressive versus nonaggressive subfactors. Their results indicated
that these two components of conduct disorder have common as well as distinctive
etiologic underpinnings. Additive genetic influences and nonshared environment (i.e.,
experiences unique to the individual) contributed significantly to both components,
with the proportion of symptom variance attributable to genes somewhat higher for
the aggressive than the nonaggressive component (35% vs. 28%). In addition, a sig-
nificant contribution of shared environment (i.e., influences common to two siblings
growing up in the same household) was found for the nonaggressive component
only. Recently, Kendler, Aggen, and Patrick (2013) extended this work by present-
ing behavioral genetic evidence that (a) aggressive and rule-breaking components of
conduct disorder reflect differing sources of genetic influence, and (b) the shared envi-
ronmental contribution to the rule-breaking component is concentrated in a distinct
subset of symptoms reflecting covert delinquent acts (e.g., stealing, telling lies).
The adult criteria for ASPD include deceitfulness, impulsivity, irresponsibility,
irritability and aggressiveness, reckless disregard for safety of self or others, lack of
remorse, and failure to conform to norms with respect to lawful behaviors. As with
child conduct disorder symptoms, evidence exists for differing etiological influences
underlying aggressive and nonaggressive antisocial behavior patterns in adulthood.
In a study involving adult twins, Kendler, Aggen, and Patrick (2012) reported two
distinct factors emerging from a structural analysis of the adult criteria for ASPD,
one (labeled disinhibition) reflecting tendencies toward impulsivity, irresponsibility,
and deceitfulness, and the other (labeled aggressive-disregard) reflecting irritabil-
ity/aggressiveness and behaviors indicative of recklessness and lack of concern for
1268 Specific Disorders
oneself and others. Paralleling what has been reported for distinct factors of con-
duct disorder (Kendler et al., 2013; Tackett et al, 2005), these authors found that
nonaggressive and aggressive facets of antisociality in adulthood were associated with
differing sources of genetic influence.
Other evidence in the literature also supports the idea that aggressive forms of
adult antisocial behavior have unique neurobiological underpinnings. For example,
published studies have reported consistent evidence for reduced levels of the neu-
rotransmitter serotonin (indexed by concentrations of the serotonin metabolite
5-Hydroxyindoleacetic acid [5-HIAA] in cerebrospinal fluid) in antisocial individ-
uals exhibiting severe episodes of impulsive aggressive behavior (for a review, see
Minzenberg & Siever, 2006). Evidence of reduced brain serotonin has also been
reported in antisocial individuals who engage in impulsive suicidal acts (Linnoila &
Virkkunen, 1992), which have been conceptualized as an alternative, self-directed
expression of impulsive aggressive tendencies (Verona & Patrick, 2000).
Notably, findings demonstrating distinct aggressive and nonaggressive (disin-
hibitory or rule-breaking) components of antisocial behavior in childhood and
adulthood dovetail with findings of recent research on the structure of impulse-related
(externalizing) problems more broadly (Krueger, Markon, Patrick, Benning, &
Kramer, 2007). As discussed in more detail later in this chapter, this work has yielded
evidence of separate disinhibitory and callous-aggression factors (along with a third
substance-addiction factor) underlying this domain of problems. Given these various
converging lines of evidence, it will be valuable in future research to evaluate (through
longitudinal investigations) the temporal stability of these distinct symptomatic
facets of antisocial behavior from childhood to adulthood. For example, it might be
hypothesized that the aggressive facet would exhibit greater stability across time than
the disinhibitory/rule-breaking facet (cf. Moffit, 1993; Tackett et al., 2005).
Antisocial personality disorder in the DSM-5. The fifth edition of the DSM (DSM-5;
APA, 2013), includes an important change to the diagnosis of conduct disorder and
an alternative dimensional approach to characterizing adult personality pathology
that accommodate the foregoing developments along with emerging perspectives
on the distinction between externalizing proneness and psychopathy (see the section
on “Antisocial Personality Disorder and Psychopathy”). The change to the diagnosis
of conduct disorder entails the addition of a “limited prosocial emotions” specifier
to distinguish between variants with and without callous unemotional tendencies (cf.
Frick & Marsee, 2006). Research has demonstrated the callous unemotional variant to
be characterized in particular by proactive aggressive tendencies and disregard for the
feelings and welfare of others. With regard to adult personality disorders, categorical
definitions remain the same as in DSM-IV, but a supplementary dimensional system
now appears in Section III of the DSM-5 (“Emerging Models”). This system includes
an alternative trait-based definition of ASPD that characterizes the disorder in terms
of high levels of traits from two distinct domains: antagonism, reflecting callousness,
hostility, manipulativeness, and deceitfulness; and disinhibition, reflecting impulsivity,
irresponsibility, and risk-taking. The inclusion of antagonism-related traits in this
dimensional characterization of ASPD parallels the demarcation of a distinct variant of
conduct disorder entailing callous-unemotional traits. Additionally, the dimensional
Antisocial Personality Disorder 1269
abuse factor marked by subscales indexing excessive use and problems with alcohol,
marijuana, and other drugs. These findings provide support for the idea that problem
behaviors and affiliated personality traits within this domain are indicators of a shared
underlying factor (externalizing). In addition, consistent with results from structural
analyses of the child and adult symptom criteria for ASPD, this more comprehensive
analysis of constructs within the externalizing domain revealed evidence of distinctive
aggressive and nonaggressive expressions of this general factor.
that appears to tap meanness specifically (Sellbom & Phillips, 2013). The Antisocial
Process Screening Device (Frick & Hare, 2001), designed for use with children
and younger adolescents exhibiting conduct problems, assesses psychopathy in terms
of impulsive-externalizing and callous-unemotional factors that show contrasting
relations with external criterion variables (Frick & Marsee, 2006; Frick, O’Brien,
Wooten, & McBurnett, 1994; Frick & White, 2008); inspired by this work, the
newly released DSM-5 includes a specifier for the diagnosis of conduct disorder that
distinguishes between variants with and without callous-unemotional traits. ASPD
as carried over from DSM-IV to the main Personality Disorders section of DSM-5
emphasizes disinhibition and to a lesser extent meanness (Venables & Patrick, 2012),
with negligible coverage of boldness (Patrick, Venables, & Drislane, 2012). However,
as emphasis on traits related to meanness (i.e., antagonism) in the diagnosis.
Available research findings point to differing causal factors underlying the disinhibi-
tion and meanness components of psychopathy that comprise its points of overlap with
ASPD, and the boldness component that distinguishes psychopathy most from ASPD
(Patrick et al., 2012). As noted in earlier sections, biometric analyses of child and
adult criteria for ASPD point to differing sources of genetic influence for aggressive
and nonaggressive symptom components. Behavior genetic research on the etiologic
bases of the fearless-dominance (akin to boldness) and impulsive-antisociality factors
of the PPI (Blonigen et al., 2005) likewise demonstrates distinct sources of genetic
influence for the two. With regard to brain mechanisms, disinhibition is hypothesized
to reflect dysfunction in anterior brain systems—including the prefrontal cortex and
anterior cingulate cortex—that operate to guide decision making and action and
regulate emotional reactivity. As a result, highly disinhibited individuals operate in
the present moment, failing to moderate their actions and reactions as a function of
past experiences or anticipated future outcomes.
Different neurobiological processes have been hypothesized to contribute to the
meanness (callous-aggression) component of psychopathy, which is represented to
some extent also in ASPD. One of these is a weakness in regions of the brain that
govern fear reactivity (Fowles & Dindo, 2009; Frick & Marsee, 2006), or perhaps
emotional responsiveness more generally (Blair, 2006). As evidence of this, high scores
on the callousness-unemotional factor of the Antisocial Process Screening Device are
associated with low levels of reported anxiety, lack of responsiveness to distressing
stimuli, impaired ability to learn from punishment, and affinity for activities entailing
novelty and risk. Beyond this, it seems likely that impairments in biological systems
underlying caring (nurturance) and affiliative capacity also contribute to the expression
of meanness. For example, disturbances in the function of neuromodulatory hormones
such as oxytocin and vasopressin, which are known to influence a range of social
phenomena including social bonding, altruism, cooperation versus competition, and
recognition of others’ emotional displays (e.g., Domes, Heinrichs, Michel, Berger,
& Herpertz, 2007; Gobrogge, Liu, Jia, & Wang, 2007; Kosfeld, Heinrichs, Zak,
Fischbacher, & Fehr, 2005; Lim et al., 2004), may contribute to the emergence and
maintenance of callous-aggressive tendencies.
The third component of the Triarchic Model, boldness, has been conceptualized as
reflecting the behavioral (phenotypic) expression of an underlying fearless disposition
(genotype; Fowles & Dindo, 2009; Lykken, 1995; Patrick et al., 2009). Boldness
Antisocial Personality Disorder 1275
entails a more straightforward, adaptive expression of low fear than meanness; as just
noted, the expression of fearlessness as meanness may entail co-occurring disturbances
in systems underlying social connectedness and caring. Individual differences in the
functioning of the brain’s defensive motivational system, including the amygdala
and affiliated structures, have been posited to play a role in boldness (Kramer,
Patrick, Krueger, & Gaspari, 2012; Patrick et al., 2009). Consistent with this pers-
pective, individuals high on the fearless-dominance factor of the PPI show reduced
responsiveness to affective visual (including aversive) stimuli (Benning, Patrick, &
Iacono, 2005; Gordon, Baird, & End, 2004). Additionally, experiential factors that
promote a sense of personal efficacy and effective top-down regulatory control of
emotion may also contribute to individual differences in boldness.
Reasoning and rehabilitation therapy. Although many variants of CBT have been
employed with antisocial (particularly offender) populations, arguably the best-known
and most widely used method is the reasoning and rehabilitation (R&R) program,
developed in the 1980s and now used across a range of settings in various countries
(Polaschek, 2011; Robinson & Porporino, 2000). Also referred to as cognitive skills
training, R&R is a structured, multifaceted intervention that focuses on criminogenic
beliefs and thinking patterns and the role they play in maintaining offense behavior.
Because of its focus on behavior patterns as well as affiliated thought processes, R&R
is considered a cognitive behavioral treatment as opposed to a more purely cognitive
intervention (Antonowitz, 2005; Fernandez, Shingler, & Marshall, 2006).
Antisocial Personality Disorder 1277
R&R was developed in response to evidence that offenders exhibit cognitive deficits
relevant to interpersonal problem solving and social interactions, including tendencies
to think concretely, fail to consider the consequences of behavior, and disregard
or misapprehend others’ behavior, thoughts, and feelings (Ross, Fabiano, & Ewles,
1988). The R&R approach contains a number of components designed to address
such problems, including modules directed at social perspective taking, interpersonal
problem solving, and assertiveness (i.e., nonaggressive ways to communicate), along
with training in self-control, critical reasoning, and consideration of values (Robinson
& Porporino, 2000; Ross et al., 1988). Typically administered over multiple 2-hour
sessions involving groups of six to 12 individuals, and requiring extensive training
on the part of therapists (referred to as “trainers” or “coaches”), R&R emphasizes
development of skills in a step-wise manner, through repetition, and from diverse
learning modalities entailing active participation (e.g., role playing, games) to engage
offenders’ attention and accommodate a range of client learning styles. A further
feature of the R&R approach is that it seeks to enhance motivation on the part of
participants by framing the training as an opportunity to develop new skills or ways
of thinking that individuals can choose to use outside the training context (Robinson
& Porporino, 2000).
appear to enhance outcomes (e.g., reduce recidivism) when followed (Andrews et al.,
1990; Lowenkamp, Latessa, & Smith, 2004).
Beyond the RNR model components, researchers have identified other specific
factors that contribute to treatment effectiveness through additional studies of offender
populations. One of these is quality of program implementation (Landenberger &
Lipsey, 2005; Lowenkamp et al., 2004)—which poses distinct challenges given that
most programs for treatment of offenders reviewed by Lowenkamp et al. (2004)
were classified as having “unsatisfactory” adherence to RNR principles. Another
factor that has been increasingly recognized as a moderator of treatment success
consists of provider characteristics that affect therapist–client (or staff–offender)
relationships. Specifically, providers with “firm but fair” or authoritative (as opposed
to authoritarian) styles appear most effective in fostering positive alliances that enhance
treatment outcomes (Skeem et al., 2007; Skeem, Eno Louden, et al., 2009).
Other therapeutic approaches. Other change techniques that have been used with
offenders include psychodynamic therapy and traditional behavior therapies (e.g.,
token economies; Pearson, Lipton, Cleland, & Yee, 2002). In the case of psychody-
namic therapy, evidence for effectiveness is decidedly mixed (Cooke & Philip, 2000),
with some studies reporting worse outcomes for treated versus untreated offenders
(Andrews et al., 1990; Antonowicz & Ross, 1994). Interestingly, strict behavior
modification techniques appear to be less effective than cognitive behavioral interven-
tions for juvenile and adult offenders, according to findings of a meta-analysis of 58
experimental and quasi-experimental studies reported by Landenberger and Lipsey
(2005).
Another common approach in the literature is the therapeutic community, a term
that has been applied both to psychoanalytically oriented treatments for offenders
with serious mental illness used in the United Kingdom and to nonpsychoanalytic
treatments used in the United States for offenders with comorbid substance use
problems. Empirical findings for approaches of these types are less encouraging, with
some prominent studies reporting evidence of adverse effects with certain offender
populations (e.g., studies by Ogloff, Wong, & Greenwood, 1990, and Rice, Harris,
& Cormier, 1992, have demonstrated worse outcomes for psychopathic offenders
undergoing therapeutic community intervention; but see Skeem, Polaschek, Patrick,
& Lilienfeld, 2011, for a critique of these studies).
strategies entail setting concrete behavioral goals relevant to a child’s problem behav-
ior, establishing reinforcement and punishment contingencies in order to gradually
shape behavior in more appropriate directions, and providing for effective ongoing
monitoring of children’s behavior and treatment progress (Abramowitz & O’Leary,
1991). Parent training programs, the best-supported intervention for children with
severe CD, teach parents to run contingency management programs within the
home and emphasize improving the quality of parent–child relationships (Kazdin &
Whitley, 2003). Similar to adult CBT interventions, cognitive behavioral programs
for conduct problems address children’s social-cognitive and social problem-solving
deficits (e.g., through procedures directed at overriding tendencies to attribute hostile
intent in others and strengthening ability to inhibit impulsive responding). Stimulant
medications are well supported for children with comorbid ADHD and are widely
used (Hinshaw, 1991; Hinshaw, Heller, & McHale, 1992).
viewing of threatening stimuli (e.g., Patrick, 1994; Vaidyanathan, Hall, Patrick, &
Bernat, 2011)—an effect believed to be mediated by activation of the amygdala
(Davis, Walker, & Lee, 1997; Lang, Bradley, & Cuthbert, 1990). Relatedly, chil-
dren high in callous-unemotional traits showed diminished amygdala reactivity to
depictions of fear faces (Jones et al., 2009; Marsh et al., 2008).
Pharmacologic or feedback-based procedures could potentially be used to augment
responsiveness in brain regions such as the amygdala that appear underreactive in
psychopathic individuals. Alternatively, variants of attentional retraining, a newer
class of treatment that has proven effective with clinical conditions of differing types
including anxiety disorders (Hakamata et al., 2010), might be developed to enhance
emotional sensitivity in psychopathic individuals. In contrast to individuals with
anxiety, however, psychopathic individuals would be trained to enhance attentional
processing of stimuli indicative of threat to oneself or distress on the part of others
(cf. Patrick, Drislane, & Strickland, 2012).
Conclusion
ASPD as defined in the DSM can be seen as one behavioral expression (facet) of
a broader underlying propensity to problems of impulse control. Among disorders
within the externalizing spectrum, ASPD is characterized in particular by irritabil-
ity and aggressiveness along with impulsiveness and irresponsibility. Psychopathy as
defined by Hare’s (1991) PCL-R intersects with ASPD through its social deviance
(Factor 2) component, which taps the broad externalizing factor of which ASPD is
an indicator. However, in addition to impulsive-externalizing tendencies, the diag-
nostic criteria for psychopathy include affective-interpersonal features that reflect
emotional insensitivity and interpersonal detachment. Available evidence suggests
that this component of psychopathy may reflect different neurobiological mechanisms
(i.e., dysfunction in brain circuits underlying defensive/fear reactivity and affilia-
tion/attachment) from the externalizing component (i.e., impairments in anterior
regulatory circuitry).
Ultimately, to achieve satisfactory levels of effectiveness, therapeutic interventions
for ASPD will need to recognize and contend with the heterogeneity of the disorder.
Multifaceted treatment programs that employ cognitive behavioral techniques and
brain-oriented training procedures (potentially in conjunction with pharmacologic
manipulations) to target specific processing impairments associated with distinct
symptomatic features—including general impulsiveness, callous aggression, addictive
urges, and insouciant narcissism—may in time offer the best hope for dealing with
these challenging and costly disorders (cf. Seto & Quinsey, 2006).
Acknowledgement
Preparation of this chapter was supported by grants MH52384 and MH089727 from
the National Institute of Mental Health.
1286 Specific Disorders
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54
Tobacco Dependence
Daniel S. McGrath
Mount Allison University, Canada
Sherry H. Stewart
Dalhousie University, Canada
Tobacco smoking remains the most prevalent cause of preventable death worldwide
(World Health Organization, 2011). Recent estimates indicate that between 5 and
6 million deaths each year are directly attributable to tobacco, with this number
expected to rise to as many as 8 to 10 million by 2030 (Jha et al., 2006; World
Health Organization, 2011). Approximately one-half to about two-thirds of current
long-term smokers will eventually succumb to tobacco-related disease (Doll, Peto,
Boreham, & Sutherland, 2004). Moreover, tobacco use has been implicated as one
of the leading contributors to numerous cancers (e.g., Botteri et al., 2008; Gandini
et al., 2008; Hymowitz, 2011) as well as a host of chronic illnesses such as coronary
artery disease (Pipe, Papadakis, & Reid, 2010), chronic obstructive pulmonary disease
(COPD; Forey, Thornton, & Lee, 2011), and stroke (Shah & Cole, 2010). In
addition to its direct human toll on smokers, tobacco also places a substantial
economic burden on society in the form of increased health care expenditure and
lost productivity (Lightwood, Collins, Lapsley, & Novotny, 2000), as well as the
health hazards associated with second-hand smoke (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, 2002). Given the considerable harms associated with tobacco use, it is
perhaps unsurprising that 69% of adult smokers report wanting to quit, with over half
(52%) actually attempting to quit in the past year. However, very few smokers (6.2%)
are ultimately successful in achieving tobacco abstinence (Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, 2011).
Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is among the most commonly researched and
adopted forms of psychotherapy. A large body of evidence supports the efficacy of CBT
for a wide range of psychological disorders (Butler, Chapman, Forman, & Beck, 2006)
including substance use disorders (SUDs; O’Connor & Stewart, 2010). The CBT
approach to smoking cessation, specifically, involves changing cognitions surrounding
tobacco use as well as altering behaviors to avoid or manage smoking temptations
Numerous variations of CBT have been developed and applied to smoking cessation.
While the goal of modifying problematic cognitions/behavior may be similar, the
approach used to achieve these results often differs across interventions. We briefly
describe the structure and theoretical underpinnings of some of the more commonly
used CBT interventions for tobacco cessation.
Cognitive Therapies
Cognitive therapy is based on the principle that emotions and behavior are determined
by thoughts, and that feelings and behavior can be changed by restructuring thoughts
(Meichenbaum, 1977). For those who are tobacco dependent, thoughts about
smoking might facilitate the maintenance of smoking behavior. For instance, thought
patterns such as, “I’m not able cope with my urges to smoke,” or, “If I were to
smoke right now, then I would feel less tense,” would contribute to continued use of
tobacco. Various types of cognitions have been identified as potentially contributing
to smoking. However, considerable focus has been given to the influence of smoking
Tobacco Dependence 1301
Behavioral Therapies
Based on the principles of classical and operant conditioning theories, smoking is
triggered by exposure to external or internal cues that have been frequently paired
with smoking in the past (e.g., drinking coffee or alcohol; negative mood states)
(Carter & Tiffany, 1999; Ferguson & Shiffman, 2009), and maintained through
its positive consequences (e.g., social approval by smoking peers; short-term ten-
sion reduction; mood enhancement) (Benowitz, 2008; Epstein, Griffin, & Botvin,
2000). In most behavioral approaches to smoking cessation, prior to the smoking
cessation attempt, clients are taught about the antecedent, behavior, consequences
(ABC) sequence, and are asked to self-monitor their smoking behavior in order
to identify their own unique triggers (or high risk for smoking situations) and
consequences (reinforcers of smoking). This information is used in treatment plan-
ning. For example, if triggers involve anxious emotions for a particular client, he
or she may be taught relaxation strategies. Triggers may at times be avoided,
or the client may be encouraged to engage in exposure and response preven-
tion (ERP) exercises in order to extinguish the urge to smoke in the presence
of the smoking-related cue (Ferguson & Shiffman, 2009; Hammersley, 1992). In
terms of identifying the unique consequences (reinforcers) that may be maintain-
ing smoking in an individual client, this information is useful in finding alternative
reinforcers (healthy alternatives to smoking) that meet these same needs for a given
client.
Mindfulness/Urge Surfing
While mindfulness has its roots in Eastern philosophies and healing practices, in
recent years it has been adopted by CBT practitioners as part of their treatment
package. Mindfulness is a way of relating directly to what is happening in one’s
life by consciously and systematically working with discomfort and stress (urges or
withdrawal, in the case of smoking cessation). The practice of applying mindfulness in
the clinical setting originated with the work of Jon Kabat-Zinn (1984). Mindfulness
was introduced as a clinical tool in the CBT addiction treatment field by the late
Alan Marlatt, who originally coined the term “urge surfing” (Marlatt & Gordon,
1985) to describe a mindfulness-based relapse prevention technique that has since
1302 Specific Disorders
been applied successfully in the smoking cessation area (Bowen & Marlatt, 2009). It
is often introduced to CBT clients following cognitive restructuring as an alternative
to thought challenging. With the urge surfing technique, clients are taught simply to
remain curious about their thoughts and feelings and to continue to experience them
fully in the present moment without judgment. Through the practice of mindful urge
surfing, the client learns that uncomfortable urges and tobacco withdrawal sensations
dissipate naturally “like a wave” if one does not give in to the urge to smoke or try
to escape from the discomfort in some other manner (Bowen, Chawla, & Marlatt,
2011).
Relapse Prevention
Relapse frequently occurs following treatment of an addictive behavior and has been
described as an outcome of behavioral change whereby an individual returns to a
problematic behavior pattern following a lapse (Hsu & Marlatt, 2012). First proposed
by Marlatt and Gordon (1985), relapse prevention (RP) is a CBT-based intervention
designed to help clients avoid relapse by replacing previously learned maladaptive
behavior patterns with positive coping skills. For instance, if the client has learned
to cope with life stressors through tobacco use, the therapist would help the client
identify this pattern and replace this learned behavior with other more effective
strategies for dealing with stress. Clients are prepared for an eventual lapse to smoking
and are taught to view this lapse as a learning experience rather than as a failure,
thereby reducing the likelihood of spiraling into a full-blown relapse. Typically, a
relapse prevention plan is constructed by a client and therapist in a collaborative
effort near the end of treatment. Ultimately, the goal of RP is to enhance the client’s
self-control of their addictive behavior, teach them to identify high-risk situations for
relapse, and provide alternative strategies that minimize the likelihood of relapse (Hsu
& Marlatt, 2012).
Mindfulness/Urge Surfing
Recent years have seen an increase in the number of studies employing extensions
of CBT for the treatment of numerous psychological disorders (Witkiewitz, Steck-
ler, Gavrishova, Jensen, & Wilder, 2012). Mindfulness in particular has become an
increasingly researched CBT-based intervention for substance use (Zgierska et al.,
2009) and has recently been adapted for smoking. Vidrine et al. (2009) exam-
ined associations between baseline degree of mindfulness and demographic variables,
smoking history, dependence, withdrawal severity, and agency among 158 smokers.
It was found that smokers reporting higher baseline levels of mindfulness were less
nicotine dependent, had lower withdrawal severity, and were more likely to believe
they had the ability to quit smoking. The authors suggest that mindfulness-based
interventions may have the potential to impact smoking cessation and prevent relapse
by enhancing smokers’ emotional and behavioral regulation. Indeed, several stud-
ies indicate that mindfulness techniques can successfully increase rates of continued
abstinence when taught to smokers. For example, Davis, Fleming, Bonus, and Baker
(2007) conducted a small pilot study in which 18 smokers were enrolled in a
mindfulness-based intervention over a 6-week period. Of the 18 participants enrolled,
10 were able to remain tobacco abstinent for the duration of the program. Bowen and
Marlatt (2009) investigated the effectiveness of Marlatt’s mindfulness-based “urge
surfing” technique in a sample of 123 undergraduate smokers. Smokers received
either a mindfulness-based intervention or a no-instruction control while partici-
pating in a cue-exposure paradigm. Compared to control, urge surfing participants
did not significantly differ on subjective measures of smoking urges, but did report
smoking significantly fewer cigarettes at a 7-day follow-up. A recent RCT directly
compared a mindfulness-based intervention with the American Lung Association’s
freedom from smoking (FFS) program (a manual-based and online self-help smoking
cessation program) in a group of 88 treatment-seeking smokers (Brewer et al., 2011).
Clients assigned to the mindfulness condition displayed a greater overall reduction
in smoking during treatment and were significantly more likely to have remained
abstinent at the end of treatment (36% vs. 15%) and at a 17-week follow-up (31%
vs. 6%). Finally, Westbrook et al. (2011) recently examined the extent to which
mindfulness-based techniques could influence neural markers of cue-induced craving
in 47 treatment-seeking smokers. Prior to testing, participants were taught to view
smoking and neutral images either with mindful attention or passively. Compared
to passively viewing smoking images, mindful attention resulted in lower subjective
craving to smoke. In addition, mindful attention was associated with reduced neural
Tobacco Dependence 1305
activity in the subgenual anterior cingulate cortex (sgACC), a region of the brain asso-
ciated with craving. This suggests that mindfulness may exert its therapeutic effects on
smoking cessation through reduced activity in brain areas associated with craving. The
sum total of this research suggests that mindfulness-based interventions represent a
promising new approach for increasing smoking cessation rates and reducing craving
following tobacco abstinence.
Relapse Prevention
Marlatt and Gordon’s (1985) RP model is the most extensively researched CBT-
based intervention for smoking cessation. However, evidence from studies examining
the effectiveness of RP for maintaining tobacco abstinence is mixed (Vidrine et al.,
2006). A number of recently published meta-analyses have examined the extent
to which RP programs are successful in preventing relapse to smoking. Hajek,
Stead, West, Jarvis, and Lancaster (2009) meta-analyzed the available evidence on
RP models for smoking in a recent Cochrane Review. For the purposes of their
analyses, they included any behavioral intervention specifically intended to pre-
vent relapse delivered in any format (e.g., group meetings, face-to-face counseling,
written materials). Separate subanalyses were then conducted for studies which
included smokers from the general population who chose to quit on their own
and trials which focused on special populations who were required to quit (i.e.,
pregnant and postpartum ex-smokers, hospital inpatients, and military recruits). The
pooled results of five studies which included smokers from the general popula-
tion who were able to quit unaided (that is, with no formal treatment) indicated
that RP interventions did not significantly decrease relapse to smoking (RR 1.08;
95% CI: 0.98–1.19). The results from five studies which included smokers from
the general population who received formal treatment suggest no benefit for RP
programs in decreasing relapse (RR 1.00; 95% CI: 0.87–1.15). Similarly, results
for pregnant smokers, postpartum ex-smokers, hospital inpatients, and military
recruits indicated no direct benefit of RP programs in preventing relapse. Only
one trial which paired extended RP treatment with varenicline was found to
reduce relapse significantly (RR 1.18; 95% CI: 1.03–1.36). Despite the consis-
tent negative findings, the authors cautioned that most of the experimental designs
included in the review had limited power to detect meaningful differences between
interventions.
Agboola, McNeil, Coleman, and Leonardi Bee (2010) conducted a similar review
and meta-analysis of the literature on RP and smoking cessation. The authors used a
similar strategy to that employed in the Hajek et al. (2009) Cochrane Review; however,
the newer meta-analysis imposed stricter criteria for the comparison of final outcomes.
Specifically, the Hajek et al. review pooled the data at the final follow-up only, whereas
Agboola et al. combined data at similar follow-up time-points only (i.e., short term
[1–3 months post randomization], medium term [6–9 months], and long term
[12–18 months]). Contrary to the findings of Hajek et al., it was found that RP-based
self-help interventions were successful in helping unaided quitters achieve long-term
abstinence (OR 1.52; 95% CI: 1.15–2.01). An increase in short-term abstinence only
1306 Specific Disorders
was found for aided abstainers who took part in group treatment (OR 2.55; 95% CI:
1.58–4.11), but no other medium- or long-term effects of RP were noted.
Finally, Song, Huttunen-Lenz, and Holland (2009) recently conducted a meta-
analysis of psychoeducational interventions for smoking relapse. Their analysis
included a total of 49 trials, 41 of which were partly or wholly based on CBT
approaches of teaching coping skills for RP. It was found that coping skills train-
ing did not increase rates of abstinence for community quitters who were currently
abstinent for less than one week; however, training did help to prevent relapse for
those who stopped smoking for at least one week at baseline (OR 1.52; 95% CI:
1.20–1.93). No significant effects were found for special population groups such as
pregnant or postpartum women, hospitalized patients, forced quitters, those with
mental illness, or drug abusers. These findings indicate that coping skills training
can enhance RP among community smokers who are motivated to quit. Overall, the
literature for RP in smoking cessation is mixed; however, recent evidence indicates
that RP programs may be effective at preventing relapse for at least certain subgroups
of smokers.
group counseling sessions), extended NRT (40 weeks), E-CBT (11 sessions over
40 weeks), and E-CBT plus NRT (11 sessions over 40 weeks with nicotine gum).
Contrary to initial predictions, a nonsignificant trend (p = .06) was found, with
the E-CBT condition reporting higher abstinence rates than the E-CBT plus NRT
condition at most follow-ups (24 weeks: 58% vs. 59%; 52 weeks: 55% vs. 48%; 64
weeks: 55% vs. 51%; 104 weeks: 55% vs. 45%; OR 1.18; 95% CI: 0.99–1.40). The
researchers speculated that the inclusion of NRT with E-CBT may have served to
distract attention away from the skills learned through CBT, with participants then
attributing their continued abstinence to their use of NRT. This is not a unique
finding per se, as a similar pattern has also emerged with combined CBT and
pharmacotherapy for other psychological disorders. For instance, in their review of
treatments for anxiety, Westra and Stewart (1998) reported that combining high
potency benzodiazepines with CBT for the management of anxiety actually leads to
reductions in the long-term benefits of CBT rather than serving as a complement to
psychotherapy.
Significant research focus has also been given to prescription medications available
for smoking cessation such as bupropion and the benefits of combining these
treatments with CBT. A number of recent studies have explored combining CBT
with bupropion for smoking cessation. Schmitz, Stotts, Mooney, DeLaune, and
Moeller (2007) compared individual pharmacotherapy (bupropion vs. placebo),
group psychotherapy (CBT vs. supportive therapy [ST]), and combined options on
tobacco abstinence rates in a sample of women who smoke. A significant interaction
effect was found whereby abstinence rates were higher in the CBT plus bupropion
condition than in the ST plus bupropion condition at end of treatment (44% vs. 18%),
3-month (24% vs. 1%), 6-month (30% vs. 8%), 9-month (23% vs. 5%), and 12-month
(17% vs. 2%) follow-ups. However, the authors suggest that these results should
be interpreted with caution as paired CBT and bupropion was not clearly superior
to placebo plus CBT (end of treatment: ∼14%; 3-month: ∼19%; 6-month: ∼23%;
9-month: ∼13%; and 12-month: ∼12%) nor placebo plus ST (end of treatment:
∼41%; 3-month: ∼40%; 6-month: ∼39%; 9-month: ∼30%; and 12-month: ∼31%).
Levine et al. (2010) also randomly assigned weight-concerned women smokers to
pharmacotherapy (bupropion vs. placebo), group psychotherapy (CBT vs. ST), and
combined options. In this trial, CBT plus bupropion (34%) resulted in significantly
higher 6-month abstinence rates than ST plus bupropion (21%), or CBT plus placebo
(11.5%). However, no significant difference in abstinence rates was found between
CBT plus bupropion and ST plus bupropion at a 12-month follow-up. Lastly, Rovina
et al. (2009) randomly assigned 205 smokers to one of four conditions: bupropion
with brief counseling, bupropion with nonspecific psychological support in groups
(NSGS), bupropion with group CBT, and group CBT only. At a 12-month follow-
up, it was found that abstinence rates were highest in the bupropion with group
CBT condition (34.3%), followed by the bupropion with brief counseling (29.6%),
the bupropion with NSGS (28.1%), and CBT only (19.4%) conditions, respectively.
While results of these studies are mixed, the pairing of CBT with bupropion does
appear to have promise as a more effective treatment of tobacco dependence than
either option alone.
Tobacco Dependence 1309
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55
Alcohol Problems
Nailah O. Harrell
University of Maryland, United States
Paola Pedrelli
Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School, United States
Introduction
and two drinks per day for men. Alcohol use that exceeds these recommendations
is considered excessive and increases risk for alcohol abuse and dependence, as
well as organ-related pathology, among adults in the United States (Li, Hewitt,
& Grant, 2007). Health consequences resulting from excessive alcohol use include
neuropsychiatric, cardiovascular, cancer, and psychological pathology. Moreover,
alcohol misuse is a causal factor in more than 60 major diseases and injuries result-
ing in approximately 2.5 million deaths each year (World Health Organization,
2011).
Even moderate alcohol use increases risks for negative health consequences
(Bagnardi, Blangiardo, La Vecchia, & Corrao, 2001). Recommended alcohol use
guidelines provide necessary public health information and are essential for aiding
in health professionals’ screenings. As evidenced by the DSM-IV criteria, exceeding
daily or weekly recommendations alone is not indicative of an alcohol problem.
Specifically, a variety of negative social, interpersonal, and legal consequences are
associated with excessive drinking behaviors. A definition of problem drinking covers
a range of drinkers from those who experience a few consequences and drink
beyond recommended levels to those defined as alcohol dependent (Cunning-
ham, Kypri, & McCambridge, 2011). For diagnostic purposes, alcohol problems
are characterized by the psychological, behavioral, and physiological impact and
not solely by the amount of alcohol consumed. As such, these are classified as
AUDs.
Diagnostic Considerations
We approach this discussion of AUDs awaiting revisions to the psychiatric diagnostic
standards. The expected publication date for the fifth revision of the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) is May of 2013 and the 11th
revision of the ICD-11 (International Classification of Diseases) is in 2015. Both
are gold standards in the evaluation of AUDs, broadly defined as maladaptive pat-
terns of alcohol use leading to clinically significant impairment or stress. Clinically
significant impairment is evaluated through symptoms endorsed as well as reported
events. AUDs have a heterogeneous presentation; thus, categorization of an alco-
hol problem does not rely solely on an individual’s endorsement of distress or
impairment.
Differences in the ICD and DSM classifications of AUDs have resulted in minor
to significant differences in case identification (First, 2009). The revisions to both
texts represent a collaborative effort by the World Health Organization (WHO) and
the American Psychiatric Association (APA) with the goal of reducing differences
across diagnostic structures. Uniformity in diagnostic criteria supports the reliability
of case identification and the development of internationally utilized evidenced-based
interventions (First, 2009). Although the current diagnostic format will soon be
replaced with the revisions to the DSM and the ICD, review of the current systems
is essential to provide context for the new diagnostic format as well as for the extant
literature surrounding behavioral interventions for AUDs.
Alcohol Problems 1317
Pollock & Martin, 1999). For example, an individual may meet criteria for tolerance
and for the persistent desire or unsuccessful attempts to cut down, which are an
insufficient number of criteria to meet for dependence and meet no criteria for
abuse. In addition, the current diagnostic system lacks a severity qualifier which has
implications in diagnostic nuance and clinical recommendations.
The coordinated revisions to the AUD diagnostic structure in the DSM and ICD shift
from the bi-axial format. One diagnostic code is assigned for AUD with specifiers
for severity and physiological dependence. The change in framework is responsive to
critiques of both texts and provides a consistent international standard. The revised
diagnosis necessitates at least two of the 10 criteria in a 12-month period. The criteria
are comprised of all prior DSM abuse and dependence criteria, with the exception of
the alcohol abuse item pertaining to recurrent substance-related legal problems (e.g.,
arrests for DUI). The craving item formerly found only in the ICD-10 dependence
criteria is also included. A severity index categorizes two to three criteria to a
“moderate” AUD and four or more to a “severe” AUD. Physiological dependence is
evaluated as either present or absent, but is not required for diagnostic confirmation.
Drinking category Blood alcohol level Time period Quantity (no. of standard
(BAC) (frequency) drinks*)
Risky 0.05 — —
Binge (male) 0.08 2 hours >5
Binge (female) — 2 hours >4
Heavy (male) — 1 week >14
Heavy (female) — 1 week >7
Hazardous (male) — 1 week >21 (or 7 drinks, 3 times per week)
Hazardous (female) — 1 week >14 (or 5 drinks, 3 times per week)
Note. *Standard drink = 12 oz. beer, 5 oz. table wine, 1.5 oz. (80 proof) spirits, 8–9 oz. malt liquor.
Adapted from National Institutes of Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (2004).
Alcohol Problems 1319
Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism recognizes several excessive drinking behaviors. Classi-
fications are made by the quantity and frequency of consumption or the blood/alcohol
level reached in a drinking episode. We outline these categories in Table 55.1.
Much of the current research on problem alcohol use has focused on binge
drinking particularly in underaged and college-aged populations. Binge drinking has
been identified as a typical pattern at these developmental periods due, in part, to
the emphasis on social settings which often contextualize normal youth drinking. A
survey of college-aged drinkers found a drinking event with many people intoxicated
and having school friends present predicted binge drinking five or more drinks on
that occasion (Clapp & Shillington, 2001; Courtney & Polich, 2009). Binge drinking
as a pattern of alcohol consumption is associated with alcohol poisoning, uninten-
tional injuries, suicide, hypertension, pancreatitis, sexually transmitted diseases, and
meningitis (Courtney & Polich, 2009). While binge drinking is identified as a sepa-
rate category of drinking behavior, individuals with AUDs can also engage in binge
patterns of use.
While a clear link between binge drinking and diagnostic-level AUDs has yet to be
elucidated, there is evidence that binge drinking increases the risk for alcohol abuse
and alcohol dependence. One study of college students who were frequent heavy
episodic drinkers (defined as five or four drinks respectively for men and women on
three or more occasions in the past 2 weeks) had 19 times greater odds of meeting
criteria for alcohol dependence and 13 times greater odds of being classified with
alcohol abuse compared with non-heavy episodic drinkers (Courtney & Polich, 2009;
Knight et al., 2002).
AUDs frequently co-occur with a number of Axis I disorders. For brevity and because
of the frequency with which these concurrent disorders are presented, we will focus
here on mood and anxiety disorders. The relationships between anxiety, mood, and
AUDs are complex, especially as they pertain to causality. Comorbidity frequently
exacerbates symptoms of both disorders. Data from the National Epidemiologic
Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC), a population-representative
sample assessed for psychiatric disorders, indicated that the prevalence of independent
mood and anxiety disorders within 12 months for any AUD was 18.85% and 17.05%
respectively (Grant et al., 2004). It is noted that mood disorders were composed of
major depression, dysthymia, mania, and hypomania, and anxiety disorders included
panic disorder, social phobia, specific phobia, and generalized anxiety disorder. The
survey also found that 17.3% of respondents with an independent mood or anxiety
disorder also had an AUD. Taken together, the comorbidity of AUDs with anxiety
and mood disorders is significant, with clear implications for treatments targeted
toward intervening on both sets of symptomatology.
Despite the established literature on the comorbidity of AUDs with anxiety and
depressive disorders, commonly held logic has recommended the treatment of these
disorders in isolation, with the AUD given priority. However, long-held views that
1320 Specific Disorders
patients with co-occurring depression and alcohol dependence must achieve absti-
nence from alcohol before treatment of depression can begin (Pettinati & Dundon,
2011) are being challenged. This is aided by a shift in treatment delivery from
primarily inpatient to outpatient, and a growing recognition that interrelationships
between symptoms of both disorders are appropriate for simultaneous targeting
with integrated interventions. Later in this chapter we highlight some examples of
integrated CBT-based interventions for comorbid AUDs with other Axis I conditions.
Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) for AUDs refers to several approaches developed
in the context of frameworks provided primarily by two models: the social learning
theory (SLT) model (Bandura, 1969, 1997) and the relapse prevention (RP) model
(Marlatt & Gordon, 1985). We will first illustrate the theoretical bases of these
two models, and then we will describe several treatment approaches for AUDs that
fall in the CBT interventions framework, and finally illustrate findings from relevant
meta-analyses summarizing evidence for these approaches.
cognitive factors derived from SLT, such as self-efficacy and outcome expectancies,
on relapse. Thus, RP treatment programs combine behavioral skills training with
cognitive interventions, with the goal of preventing and limiting relapse episodes.
RP was developed to provide individuals with coping strategies to prevent a
“slip” or a “lapse” from becoming a full-blown relapse. As such, RP includes an
assessment of risk factors for relapse including triggers or situations followed by
the application of cognitive and behavioral techniques to address them. Moreover,
RP programs determine overt and covert antecedents of relapse and strategies to
address them. Strategies included in RP are skills training, cognitive restructuring,
and lifestyle balance. For example, RP focuses on increasing coping skills and self-
efficacy, and on challenging individuals’ expectation of positive outcome associated
with alcohol use. These techniques address immediate precursors of relapse as well
as positive outcome expectancies associated with alcohol use. Given that RP provides
a set of skills for maintaining sobriety, it is best administered after the individuals
have stopped alcohol use and thus have some period of abstinence. Although the
term relapse prevention initially indicated a specific treatment program (Marlatt &
Gordon, 1985), RP strategies have been progressively incorporated into a variety of
approaches for AUDs and this term has evolved to describe any psychosocial treatment
including the teaching of coping skills and cognitive behavioral strategies to prevent
relapse. Recently, a reformulated cognitive behavioral model of relapse was introduced
from Marlatt’s group to clarify and extend the original model (Hendershot et al.,
2011). The revised model places more emphasis on describing relapse as a dynamic
process where distal and stable factors interact with transient factors to determine the
likelihood of relapse (Hendershot et al., 2011).
Functional Analysis
Although not specific to any one CBT intervention described below, functional
analysis (FA) is a basic assessment and monitoring approach, grounded in basic
reinforcement theory, of a specific behavior that frequently is integrated with CBT-
based treatments for AUDs. FA provides ideographic information regarding the
environmental contexts maintaining a behavior that allow for the identification of
situations and applications of skills that may be most relevant to a specific individual. At
its most fundamental level, FA involves a focus on the antecedents of a behavior (A),
the behavior itself (B), such as alcohol use, and the resultant positive and negative
consequences of that behavior (C). A clinician reviews the function of a specific
behavior with the client, identifying the associated antecedents and consequences that
were relevant for that behavior when it occurred in a given situation. In line with
Alcohol Problems 1323
the SLT and RP models described earlier, more comprehensive FA models suggest
that antecedents may include environmental factors as well as thoughts and feelings,
and consequences can include both positive and negative outcomes of engagement
in a specific behavior. Integrating FA into the following CBT approaches allows for
tailoring the appropriate skills and strategies to the factors that are maintaining an
AUD for a client. A brief example of FA is discussed in the section “Example of a
Cognitive Behavioral Therapy-Based Intervention.”
Cue Exposure
The cue exposure model is based on the associative principle that people, places,
and events consistently preceding alcohol use become associated with the positive
outcomes of consumption and thus alcohol use becomes a conditioned response to
the presence of these cues (Drummond and Glautier, 1994a, 1994b; Gossop et al.,
2002). The association between alcohol cues and cravings can be explained by both
classical conditioning and SLT. Thus, the cue exposure model posits that repeated
exposure to the cues (e.g., sight of alcohol) in association with resisting the craving
for alcohol eventually leads to extinction of conditioned responses. Moreover, cue
exposure approaches may also include coping skills training. Given the variety of
situations where one may have consumed alcohol, cue exposure may include the use
of imagery in which the patient imagines the situations where he or she has previously
consumed alcohol (Havermans, Mulkens, Nederkoorn, & Jansen, 2007; Rohsenow
et al., 2001) and, more recently, computer-simulated environments, through virtual
reality, intended to allow for exposure to a vast array of cues simultaneously (Lee,
Kwon, Choi, & Yang, 2007). Cue exposure therapy may last from six to 12 sessions,
is often conducted in a laboratory setting, and is frequently carried out in conjunction
with other skills training.
CBT-based treatment programs are typically delivered with a similar format and
include components deriving from the models briefly described above. Herein we
illustrate the protocol used in the MATCH (Matching Alcoholism Treatments to
Clients Heterogeneity; Project MATCH Research Group, 1993) study that integrates
CSST and RP techniques as an example of a CBT-based intervention for AUDs
(Kadden et al., 1992). The MATCH study was a large multisite study comparing the
effectiveness of different psychosocial treatments including CBT for AUD.
The CBT-based protocol used in the MATCH study initially provides an illustration
of the CBT model of how alcohol dependence develops, that is followed by an
examination of high-risk situations in which a patient is more likely to drink. To this
end patients are asked to complete a self-monitoring form, guided by the principles of
FA described above, on which they record triggers, thoughts, feelings, behaviors, and
positive and negative consequences they experience associated with these behaviors.
Alcohol Problems 1325
to barriers in explaining their refusal (Epstein, Zhou, Bang, & Botvin, 2007; Scheier,
Botvin, Diaz, & Griffin, 1999). Reviewing scenarios where patients may be offered
alcohol and strategies to refuse it may reduce the likelihood of a relapse. Additional
skills also reviewed include problem solving and anticipating emergency situations
associated with relapse.
The outpatient treatment format provides an ideal opportunity to examine problems
encountered by patients in the real world and to practice the generalizability of skills
reviewed in session to the patients’ reality. During sessions instances of difficulties
from the patients’ lives can be used to illustrate and practice new skills. Situations and
triggers that may have caused cravings or relapses can be examined and strategies to
cope with them can be discussed.
Although a number of reviews and meta-analyses have been conducted on CBT for
AUDs, several challenges present when comparing them. First, given that CBT for
AUDs includes a family of approaches, some reviews have focused only on some
CBT approaches and not on others. Moreover, some meta-analyses examined CBT
treatment for AUDs together with CBT for other substance use disorders, making it
difficult to discern the specific effect of alcohol-focused CBT. Here we present the
most relevant systematic reviews.
Irvin et al. (1996) conducted a meta-analysis of RP treatment for AUDs as well as
for smoking and for other substances. They evaluated 26 published and unpublished
studies on RP and observed a medium effect size for treatment using RP for alcohol
use (r = .27). The effect of CBT treatment for AUDs was also examined, together
with other interventions for AUDs, by the Mesa Grande project, a widely referenced
meta-analysis of treatment for AUDs (Miller & Wilbourne, 2002). The Mesa Grande
meta-analysis reviewed a total of 361 studies, and 46 different treatment modalities
were ranked on the basis of the amount of support from clinical trials weighted
on the basis of their methodological quality. Results indicated that several CBT
approaches such as social skills training, behavioral contracting, and behavioral marital
therapy had the strongest evidence. In particular, social skills training was second
in the amount of evidence supporting its effectiveness for treatment-seeking clinical
populations.
More recently, Magill and Ray (2009) conducted a meta-analytic review of ran-
domized controlled trials of CBT treatments for alcohol problems as well as for
illicit drug use. This meta-analysis did not differentiate among CBT approaches and
collapsed in this category general cognitive behavioral, relapse prevention, and coping
skills training approaches. The authors examined 53 studies, of which 23 had alcohol
use behaviors as the treatment focus. Magill and Ray (2009) observed that CBT
approaches for substance use had a small but significant treatment effect (Hedge’s
g = 0.15; Hedges, 1994) and that the effect of CBT approaches was greater in
studies with a no-treatment comparison condition (g = 0.79). The meta-analysis
also indicated small pooled effect sizes (g = 0.07) for CBT approaches for AUDs
Alcohol Problems 1327
specifically. The difference in effect sizes between Irvin et al.’s (1996) and Magill and
Ray’s (2009) meta-analyses may be due to the fact that in the latter, a number of
different CBT approaches for AUDs were included, whereas the former focused only
on RP approaches for AUDs. To our knowledge, a systematic review of the benefit of
RP versus other CBT approaches for AUDs has not been conducted.
In sum, making a clear determination of the relative effectiveness of various forms of
CBT for AUDs is difficult. However, despite these challenges, there is strong evidence
suggesting that CBT approaches including social skills training and RP components
are effective for AUDs, although the overall clinical magnitude of the effect of CBT
for AUDs remains unclear.
As noted earlier, while historically it has been standard practice to treat co-occurring
disorders sequentially, it has become more common to use combined approaches
for patients with dual diagnoses. However, findings on the superiority of combined
treatment are still mixed and vary across disorders co-occurring with AUDs. The
numerous combined treatment formats available in the community for individuals
with dual diagnoses often correspond to different permutations of CBT, empirically
supported treatment for a specific Axis-I disorder, and standard alcohol treatment and
pharmacotherapy. Some examples of combined psychosocial interventions follow as
an illustration.
Some treatment protocols for patient with co-occurring disorders focus on adding
an empirically supported CBT treatment for a specific disorder to a standard treatment.
A protocol adding an empirically supported CBT treatment for panic disorders to
standard treatment was examined relative to standard alcohol treatment by Bowen,
D’Arcy, Keegan, and Senthilselvan (2000). They observed no additional effect of
adding CBT at 3 months posttreatment on abstinence rates (52% of patients in alcohol
treatment vs. 56.5% of patients who also received CBT for panic). The treatment
protocol consisted of six sessions (12 hours) of group-based panic management
protocol that had been found effective for patients with panic disorders (Craske,
Brown, & Barlow, 1991).
There is also support for an integrated treatment in individuals with dual PTSD
and AUDs. Back, Brady, Sonne, and Verduin (2006) conducted an assessment of
symptom improvement in participants of a randomized, placebo-controlled trial on
the use of sertraline in the treatment of comorbid PTSD and alcohol dependence. The
initial study (Brady et al., 2000) utilized a combined behavioral and pharmacologic
12-week intervention of a weekly manualized CBT for alcohol dependence and a
simultaneous course of either sertraline or placebo. Results were classified as alcohol
treatment responder, PTSD responder only, global responder, or nonresponder.
At the conclusion of 12 weeks of outpatient treatment nearly 50% of participants
evidenced substantial improvement in both PTSD and alcohol-related outcomes
(Back et al., 2006). The results provide support for the simultaneous treatment of
anxiety and AUDs.
1328 Specific Disorders
However, some have also advocated for using an empirically supported treatment
for only one of the co-occurring disorders. In the area of PTSD, Hein, Cohen, Litt,
Miele, and Capstick (2004) compared the effectiveness of “seeking safety,” a CBT-
based treatment looking at PTSD in the context of alcohol use, with relapse prevention
and with community care for women with PTSD and substance use disorders. Results
showed that patients in the seeking safety group and relapse prevention group did
better than the women in the third group at the first follow-up. However, patients in
the relapse prevention group sustained improved substance use outcome at 9-month
follow-up, whereas seeking safety patients did not differ from the community care
group.
With regard to treatment for patients with AUDs and depressive symptoms, the
examination of the effectiveness of CBT as an adjunct to standard treatments for
AUDs has yielded mixed results. R. A. Brown, Evans, Miller, Burgess, and Mueller
(1997) observed that 47% of patients receiving an eight-session CBT for Depression
(CBT-D) protocol were abstinent from alcohol compared to 13% of patients in a
relaxation training control (RTC) condition. However, the same group conducted
a similar randomized controlled study with the aim to replicate earlier findings but
did not observe the same results (R. A. Brown et al., 2011). Specifically, at the
6-month follow-up patients in both groups reported consuming approximately four
drinks per drinking day while at baseline they reported consuming approximately 12
in the RTC condition and 14 in the CBT condition. Thus, patients in the CBT-D
condition and patients in the RTC condition did not differ with regard to their
alcohol use after treatment. In this protocol standard CBT-D corresponded to the
Coping with Depression Course (R. A. Brown & Lewinsohn, 1984) and included
standard CBT for depression strategies such as training in daily mood monitoring,
where patients are asked to track their mood daily, increasing the number of pleasant
activities patients engaged in to improve their mood, and cognitive restructuring,
where cognitive distortions are identified and disputed to lead to healthier and more
helpful thoughts.
S. A. Brown et al. (2006) also developed an integrated protocol for MDD and
substance use disorders that combined two empirically validated interventions: a CBT
manual for depression developed by Muñoz and Ying (2002) and the CBT-based
program from Project MATCH. The Internet cognitive behavioral therapy (ICBT)
protocol included a cognitive restructuring module that aimed to identify and change
distorted thoughts associated with depressive symptoms as well as with high-risk
situations. ICBT also focused on identifying and scheduling pleasant activities that
would improve negative mood and preclude substance use. A final module focused
on people learning communication and assertiveness skills to improve mood as well
as increase self-efficacy in refusing substances. They examined the effectiveness of
ICBT relative to a Twelve-Step Facilitation program and observed that while both
approaches were associated with improvement in depressive symptoms as well as in
substance use outcomes at the end of treatment, patients in ICBT appeared to have a
better and more stable long-term outcome (S. A. Brown et al., 2006).
With regard to protocols combining different empirically supported treatments
for AUDs for patients with other co-occurring disorders, Baker et al. (2010) have
developed a manual that integrates CBT with motivational interviewing (MI), an
Alcohol Problems 1329
intervention that has also been found effective for AUDs (Lundahl & Burke, 2009).
The protocol consists of a 10-week intervention that includes one session of MI and
nine weekly CBT sessions focused on treating both depression and AUDs. In the MI
session, patients receive feedback about their alcohol use and, in collaboration with
the patient, the counselor develops a plan for behavior change with regard to both
depression and alcohol use. Starting from session 2, patients begin monitoring mood
as well as cravings, start scheduling activities, and learn mindful walking. The following
session focuses on cognitive restructuring, coping with impulses, and problem-solving
strategies. The latter sessions review refusal skills, and skills from Marlatt’s RP program
(Marlatt & Gordon, 1985). The program includes also a review of how alcohol and
depression affect each other. Baker et al. (2010) examined the effectiveness of this
integrated program relative to treatments focusing only on alcohol or on depression
and observed that the integrated treatment was associated with better mood and
alcohol use outcome.
In summary, it appears that for some comorbid diagnoses associated with AUDs,
adding CBT may have some immediate benefits over standard care, but it is unclear
whether patients may sustain improvement over time.
for those who have demonstrated periods of abstinence. The overall clinical utility of
this drug has been outlined for limited time periods, such as when trying to assess for
the existence of comorbid psychiatric disorders independent of alcohol dependence
(Heilig & Egli, 2006).
Another medication approved for the treatment of AUDs is naltrexone, a selective
opioid antagonist which reduces the reinforcing effects of alcohol. Naltrexone blocks
opioid receptors leading to less alcohol-induced pleasure, high, and intoxication and,
ultimately, less craving and relapse (Anton et al., 2008). Naltrexone is available in
both oral and injectable form. While it has been shown to decrease the frequency
of drinking and quantity of alcohol consumed during short-term treatment, there
is far less support for its long-term benefit in continued abstinence. For example, a
12-month double-blind, placebo-controlled study compared 627 primarily alcohol
dependent men randomized to one of three treatment conditions: 12 months of
naltrexone, 3 months of naltrexone plus 9 months of placebo, and 12 months of
placebo only. At week 52 there was no significant difference among the three groups
on percentage of drinking days and on the number of drinks on a drinking day
(Krystal, Cramer, Krol, Kirk, & Rosenheck, 2001). A number of research studies
have evaluated the combination of naltrexone with medications that increase these
benefits. We will discuss this further in the last paragraph of this section.
Acamprosate is the most recently approved medication for the treatment of AUDs.
The exact mechanism of action for acamprosate remains unknown although it is
believed to work as a γ -Aminobutyric acid (GABA) and functional glutamate agonist.
Reviews indicate that it reduces short- and long-term (more than 6 months) relapse
rates when combined with psychosocial treatment (Mohan, Shankar, Raut, & Gyawali,
2010). In a recent review of 24 randomized controlled trials, acamprosate reduced
the risk of any drinking after detoxification to 86% of the risk a patient would have
under placebo and increased the number of abstinent days by about three additional
days a month (Rosner et al., 2010).
Some encouraging results have been found in the combination of naltrexone and
acamprosate. Naltrexone reduces the quantity of ingested alcohol by decreasing the
reward effect, while acamprosate increases the likelihood that current abstainers will
remain abstinent (Mohan et al., 2010). Thus there is some evidence suggesting that
a combined use of the two medications encourages short- and long-term abstinence
outcomes.
As an increasing segment of the population has access to the Internet not only
through computers but also through mobile and tablet devices, a burgeoning focus
of alcohol research has been on the role these technologies may have in prevention,
screening, and treatment for AUDs. In a review of technology-assisted therapies for
drug and alcohol abuse and smoking, Newman, Szkodny, Llera, and Przeworski
(2011) categorized computer-assisted screening and therapeutic interventions, rang-
ing from self-administered to therapist-administered, and classified them by differing
amounts of online versus face-to-face therapist contact. Screening tools were gener-
ally self-administered and focused on alcohol abuse and prevention. These screening
tools often utilized a Web-based format to provide personalized feedback about
1332 Specific Disorders
Conclusion
Alcohol problems range from risky episodic drinking behaviors to diagnostic levels of
dependence and affect a large population of individuals. This spectrum of problematic
alcohol use behaviors can also include a myriad of associated diagnoses and behavioral
deficits that exacerbate treatment for the comorbid problems. In considering the most
appropriate interventions for an AUD, formulating a treatment approach requires
appropriate assessment of the function of alcohol use for that individual as well as
Alcohol Problems 1333
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56
Illegal Drug Use
Brian D. Kiluk and Kathleen M. Carroll
Yale School of Medicine
Overview
Cognitive behavioral treatments are among the most well-defined and rigorously
studied psychotherapeutic interventions for substance use disorders. While this chapter
focuses primarily on cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) for illegal drug use, it should
be noted that CBT shares several features with other empirically supported behavioral
approaches. First, it is applicable across a broad range of substance use disorders.
That is, well-controlled trials have supported its efficacy across cocaine, marijuana,
stimulant, and opioid dependent populations. Second, CBT was developed from
well-founded theoretical traditions with established theories and principles of human
behavior. Third, it is highly flexible and can be implemented in a wide range of clinical
modalities and settings. Moreover, it is compatible with a variety of pharmacotherapies
and, in many cases, can foster compliance and enhance the effects of pharmacotherapies
for specific drugs of abuse including methadone, naltrexone, and disulfiram. Finally,
CBT is highly focused and relatively brief/short-term, emphasizing rapid, targeted
change in substance use and related problems. In this manner, it is very compatible
in a health care environment that is increasingly influenced by managed care, best
clinical practice models, and professional accountability (Carroll, 2011a, 2011b).
At the most simple level, CBT for illegal drug use attempts to help individual
patients recognize, avoid, and cope; that is, recognize the situations in which they
are most likely to use drugs, avoid those situations when possible or appropriate, and
cope more effectively with a range of problems and problematic behaviors associated
with substance use. CBT has two critical components and defining features. The
first is a thorough functional analysis of the role illicit drugs play in the individual’s
life. For each instance of substance use the patient experiences during treatment, the
therapist and patient will identify the patient’s thoughts, feelings, and circumstances
before the substance use, as well as the patient’s thoughts, feelings, and circumstances
after the substance use. Early in treatment, the functional analysis plays a critical role
in helping the patient and therapist assess the determinants, or high-risk situations,
that are likely to lead to substance use, as well as in shedding light on some of the
reasons the individual may be using drugs. The second critical component of CBT is
skills training. In CBT, this consists of a highly individualized training program that
helps substance users change old habits associated with their drug use and learn or
relearn more adaptive skills and habits (Carroll, 2011b).
This chapter explores each of these components in more detail, describing specific
techniques and strategies, as well as providing a review of the empirical support for
CBT. It also covers several areas that require special consideration when implementing
CBT for drug use, such as therapist training and competence, and the impact of
impaired cognitive functioning associated with chronic drug use. The chapter ends
with an overview of new developments in the treatment of drug use disorders.
However, first, because an effective treatment begins with a strong theoretical basis,
we will provide a brief overview of the theory underlying CBT for substance use
disorders.
Theoretical Basis
Cognitive behavioral treatments have their roots in classical behavioral theory and the
pioneering work of Pavlov, Watson, Skinner, and Bandura (see reviews by Craske,
2010; Rotgers, 2012). Pavlov’s work on classical conditioning demonstrated that
a previously neutral stimulus could elicit a conditioned response after being paired
repeatedly with an unconditioned stimulus. Furthermore, repeated exposure to the
conditioned stimulus without the unconditioned stimulus would eventually lead to
extinction of the conditioned response. These classical conditioning concepts play an
important role in CBT, and particularly in interventions directed at reducing some
forms of craving for drugs. For instance, the therapist attempts to help the patient
understand and recognize conditioned craving, identify his or her own idiosyncratic
array of conditioned cues for craving, avoid exposure to those cues, and cope effectively
with craving when it does occur without using drugs so that conditioned craving is
reduced and eliminated over time.
Skinner’s work on operant conditioning demonstrated that behaviors that are
positively reinforced are likely to be exhibited more frequently. Behavior therapies
assume that drug use and related behaviors are learned through their association
with the positively reinforcing properties of the drugs themselves as well as their
secondary association with other environmental stimuli. CBT attempts to disrupt
this learned association between drug-related cues or stimuli and drug craving or
use by understanding and changing these behavior patterns. Operant conditioning
concepts are used in several ways in CBT for illegal drug use. First, through a detailed
examination of the antecedents and consequences of drug use, the therapist attempts
to develop an understanding of the reasons the patient may be more likely to use in
a given situation and to understand the role that drugs play in his or her life. This
“functional analysis” of substance use is thus used to identify the high-risk situations
Illegal Drug Use 1341
in which the patient is likely to use drugs and thus to provide the basis for learning
more effective coping behaviors in those situations. Second, the therapist attempts
to help the patient develop meaningful alternate reinforcers to drug use; that is,
other activities and involvements (relationships, work, hobbies) that serve as viable
alternatives to drug use and help the patient remain abstinent. Finally, a detailed
examination of the consequences, both long- and short-term, of his or her drug use,
is used as a strategy to build or reinforce the patient’s resolve to reduce or eliminate
his or her drug use.
CBT conceives substance use disorders as complex, multidetermined problems,
with a number of influences playing a role in the development or perpetuation of
the disorder. These may include family history and genetic factors; the presence of
comorbid psychopathology; personality traits such as sensation seeking or impulsivity;
and a host of environmental factors, including drug availability and lack of counter-
vailing influences and rewards. Though CBT for illegal drug use primarily emphasizes
the reinforcing properties of drugs as central to the acquisition and maintenance of
substance abuse and dependence, these etiological influences are seen as heightening
risk or vulnerability to the development of substance use problems. For example,
some individuals may find drugs unusually highly rewarding secondary to genetic
vulnerability, comorbid depression, a high need for sensation seeking, and model-
ing of family and friends who use substances or environments devoid of alternative
reinforcers.
Cognitive behavioral treatments also reflect the pioneering work of Ellis and Beck
that emphasizes the importance of the person’s thoughts and feelings as determinants
of behavior. CBT evolved in part from dissatisfaction with the extreme positions of
radical behaviorism (e.g., emphasis on overt behaviors) and classical psychoanalysis
(emphasis on unconscious conflicts or representations). CBT emphasizes how the
individual perceives and interprets life events as important determinants of behavior
(Meichenbaum, 1995). A person’s conscious thoughts, feelings, and expectancies
mediate an individual’s response to the environment. CBT for illegal drug use seeks
to help patients become aware of maladaptive cognitions and change them (Carroll,
2011a, 2011b).
Just as CBT for illegal drug use assumes that many individuals essentially “learn”
to become drug users over time, through complex interplays of modeling, classical
conditioning, or operant conditioning, each of these principles is invoked in CBT to
help the patient stop using drugs. For example, modeling is used to help the patient
learn new behaviors (e.g., how to refuse an offer of drugs, how to break off or limit
a relationship with a drug-using associate) by having the patient participate in role
plays with the therapist during the treatment. That is, the patient learns to respond in
new, unfamiliar ways first by watching the therapist model those new strategies and
then by practicing those strategies within the supportive context of the therapy hour
(Carroll, 2011b).
Learning serves as an important metaphor for the treatment process throughout.
CBT therapists tell patients that a goal of the treatment is to help them “unlearn”
old, ineffective behaviors and “learn” new ones. Patients, particularly those who
are demoralized by their failure to change their substance use, or for whom the
consequences of addiction have been severe, are frequently surprised to think about
1342 Specific Disorders
substance use as a type of skill, as something they have learned to do over time:
In effect they have learned a complex set of skills that enabled them to acquire the
money needed to buy drugs and alcohol (which often led to another set of licit or
illicit skills), avoid detection, and so on. Patients who can reframe their self-appraisals
in terms of being “skilled” in this way can often see that they also have the capacity to
learn a new set of skills—this time, though, skills that will help them remain abstinent
(Carroll, 1998).
Specific techniques vary widely with the type of cognitive behavioral treatment used,
and there are a variety of manuals, protocols, and training programs available which
describe the techniques associated with each approach (Carroll, 1998; Kadden et al.,
1992; Marlatt & Donovan, 2005; Parrish, 2009; Sobell & Sobell, 2011). The two
key defining features of CBT for illegal drug use are (a) functional analysis of drug
use, that is, understanding drug use with respect to its antecedents and consequences,
and (b) skills training. CBT includes a range of skills to foster or maintain abstinence.
These typically include strategies for:
• understanding the patterns that maintain drug use and developing strategies
for changing these patterns (this often involves self-monitoring of thoughts and
behaviors that take place before, during, and after high-risk situations or episodes
of drug use);
• fostering the resolution to stop substance use through exploring positive and
negative consequences of continued use (also known as the decisional balance
technique);
• understanding craving, craving cues, and the development of skills for coping
with craving when it occurs (these include a variety of affect regulation strategies:
distraction, talking through a craving, “urge surfing” and so on);
• recognizing and challenging the cognitions that accompany and maintain patterns
of substance use;
• increasing awareness of the consequences of even small decisions (e.g., which
route to take home from work), and the identification of “seemingly irrelevant”
decisions which can culminate in high-risk situations;
• developing problem-solving skills, and practicing application of those skills to
substance-related and more general problems (e.g., managing the various social
and legal problems associated with illegal drug use);
• planning for emergencies and unexpected problems and situations that can lead
to high-risk situations; and
• developing skills for assertively refusing offers of drugs, as well as reducing exposure
to drugs and drug-related cues.
These basic skills are useful in their application to helping patients control and stop
illegal drug use, but it is essential that therapists also point out how these same skills
Illegal Drug Use 1343
can be applied to a range of other problems. For example, a functional analysis can
be used to understand the determinants of a wide range of behavior patterns, skills
used to cope with craving can easily be applied to other aspects of affect control, the
principles used in the sessions on seemingly irrelevant decisions can easily be adapted
to understanding a wide range of behavior chains, and drug refusal skills can easily
be transferred to more effective and assertive responding in a number of situations. It
is essential that when therapists teach coping skills, they emphasize and demonstrate
that the skills can be applied immediately to control substance use, but also can be
used as general strategies that can be useful across a wide range of situations and
problems the patient may encounter in the future.
CBT for illegal drug use is typically highly structured. That is, it is generally
brief (12–24 weeks) and organized closely around well-specified treatment goals.
An articulated agenda exists for each session and the clinical discussion remains
focused around issues directly related to substance use. Progress toward treatment
goals is monitored closely and frequently, with frequent monitoring of drug use
through urine toxicology screens, and the therapist takes an active stance throughout
treatment. In broad spectrum cognitive behavioral approaches, sessions often are
organized roughly in thirds (the 20/20/20 rule), with the first third of the session
devoted to the assessment of the patient’s substance use, general functioning in
the past week, and report of current concerns and problems; the second third
is more didactic and devoted to skills training and practice; and the final third
allows time for therapist and patient to plan for the week ahead and discuss how
new skills will be implemented. The therapeutic relationship is seen as principally
collaborative. Thus, the role of the therapist is one of consultant, educator, and
guide who can lead the patient through a functional analysis of his or her substance
use, aid in identifying and prioritizing target behaviors, and consult in selecting and
implementing strategies to foster the desired behavior changes (Carroll, 1998, 2011a,
2011b).
An overview of topics and session goals in a standard CBT for illegal drug use
(adapted from Carroll, 1998) is provided in Table 56.1. Typically, the early sessions
focus on gathering history, building a therapeutic relationship, introducing the CBT
model, and teaching some of the more fundamental skills to achieve abstinence (e.g.,
functional analysis for identifying triggers, coping with craving, building motivation).
As the patient progresses, later sessions build on these basic skills by addressing more
complex topics, such as problem solving and case management. Additionally, an
aspect of CBT for illegal drug use that is often not present in CBT for nonsubstance
psychiatric disorders is a focus on reducing HIV-risk behaviors. This is an important
topic, regardless of whether the patient is an injection drug user, because many
drug users engage in unsafe sexual practices that increase their risk of HIV and other
sexually transmitted diseases (Scheinmann et al., 2007; Woody et al., 1999).
While structured and didactic, CBT for illegal drug use is also a highly individ-
ualized and flexible treatment. Rather than viewing CBT treatment as cookbook
“psychoeducation,” the therapist carefully matches the content, timing, and nature
of presentation of the material to the individual patient. The therapist attempts to
provide skills training that is highly tailored to the individual’s strengths, weaknesses,
and current level of functioning. For instance, the therapist does not belabor topics
1344 Specific Disorders
Table 56.1 Session Overview of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy for Illegal Drug Use
such as breaking ties with drug suppliers with a patient who is highly motivated and
has been abstinent for several weeks. Similarly, the therapist does not race through
material in an attempt to “cover” all of it in a few weeks; for some patients, it may take
several weeks to master a basic skill (Carroll, 1998, 2011a, 2011b). Along these lines,
therapists should also be careful to use language that is compatible with the patient’s
level of understanding, making frequent attempts to check with patients to be sure
they understand a concept and are comfortable with a specific skill. For example,
while some can readily understand the concept of conditioned craving, others may
Illegal Drug Use 1345
require further explanation through use of concrete examples and more familiar
language. Therefore, therapists should always be aware of patients’ comprehension of
the material, and should feel free to repeat session material as many times and in as
many different ways as needed.
situations. Participants who completed homework had significant increases over time
in their self-reported confidence in handling a variety of high-risk situations, while
scores for the subgroup that did not do homework did not change over time (Carroll
et al., 2005).
Several other studies have highlighted the importance of homework completion in
CBT for drug use. Gonzalez, Schmitz, and DeLaune (2006) examined the effect of
homework compliance on treatment outcome from two randomized trials of CBT
combined with pharmacotherapy for cocaine dependence. They determined that
homework compliance predicted less cocaine use during treatment for those higher
on a readiness to change measure, and it was also associated with better retention
in treatment. Farabee, Rawson, and McCann (2002) evaluated the extent to which
cocaine users reported engaging in a series of specific drug avoidance activities (e.g.,
avoiding drug-using friends and places where cocaine would be available, exercising,
using thought-stopping) after CBT versus alternate treatments (e.g., contingency
management [CM] and a control condition). They found that, by the end of
treatment, participants assigned to CBT reported more frequent engagement in drug-
avoidance activities than participants in the comparison treatments. Furthermore,
the frequency of drug avoidance activities was strongly related to better cocaine use
outcomes over the one-year follow-up. Taken together, these studies suggest that
CBT interventions that foster the patient’s engagement in active behavior change may
play a key role in CBT’s comparative durability (Carroll, 2011a, 2011b).
Empirical Support
CBT has been shown to be effective across a wide range of substance use dis-
orders, including marijuana dependence (Babor, 2004; Copeland, Swift, Roffman,
& Stephens, 2001), cocaine dependence (Carroll et al., 2004; Carroll, Nich, Ball,
McCance-Katz, & Rounsaville, 1998; Rawson et al., 2002), methamphetamine
dependence (Lee & Rawson, 2008), and polysubstance dependence (Pollack et al.,
2002). A recent meta-analysis of 53 controlled trials of CBT for alcohol or illicit drug
use disorders reported a small but statistically significant overall effect size (g = 0.15,
p < .005), with statistical transformations indicating that 58% of patients receiving
CBT fared better than patients in the comparison condition (Magill & Ray, 2009).
CBT for illegal drug use has also been shown to be compatible with a number
of other treatment approaches, including pharmacotherapy (Schmitz et al., 2002;
Schmitz, Stotts, Rhoades, & Grabowski, 2001) and traditional counseling approaches
(Morgenstern, Morgan, McCrady, Keller, & Carroll, 2001) and thus can be imple-
mented in a wide range of settings. These findings are consistent with evidence
supporting the effectiveness of CBT across a number of other psychiatric disorders as
well, including depression, anxiety disorders, and eating disorders.
Our group at Yale has been involved in a programmatic series of studies on the
effectiveness of CBT for illegal drug use, alone and in combination with pharma-
cotherapy, for more than 20 years. As our understanding of CBT has deepened over
time, this series of studies has been marked by progressively larger effect sizes for
Illegal Drug Use 1347
CBT over the comparison or control conditions. For example, in our first random-
ized trial, we conducted a direct comparison of CBT with another active therapy,
interpersonal psychotherapy (IPT), adapted for cocaine users. In that trial, CBT
was not found to have a main effect over IPT, but was found to be significantly
more effective among the more severely dependent cocaine abusers, with 54% of
those receiving CBT achieving abstinence compared to only 9% for IPT (Carroll,
Rounsaville, & Gawin, 1991), suggesting that the higher levels of structure and
emphasis on skills may have been particularly helpful for the more severely impaired
cocaine users.
This finding that CBT was more effective based on the severity of cocaine depen-
dence was also replicated in our next study (Carroll, Rounsaville, Gordon, et al.,
1994). This study examined the combination of psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy
by comparing desipramine versus placebo, and CBT versus supportive clinical man-
agement, which is a supportive psychotherapy control condition. This was the first
study to find that after the treatments were terminated, those that had been assigned
to CBT continued to reduce the frequency of their cocaine use throughout the one-
year follow-up (i.e., the “sleeper effect”) (Carroll, Rounsaville, Nich, et al., 1994).
Evidence of continued improvement associated with CBT in turn led to increasing
interest in mechanisms that might underlie this effect, with skills training and behav-
ioral practice through homework assignments as prime candidates, as described in
more detail in later sections of this chapter.
Thus, in our next study, which was the first to report a significant main effect
for CBT over supportive clinical management and which replicated the “sleeper
effect” for CBT over a one-year follow-up (Carroll, Nich, Ball, et al., 2000), we
evaluated the acquisition of coping skills in CBT and their relationship to outcome
in this population. The main treatment findings indicated that 58% of those receiving
a combination of CBT and disulfiram achieved at least 3 consecutive weeks of
abstinence from cocaine, compared to 30% of those receiving clinical management
plus disulfiram (Carroll et al., 1998). Also in this study, evaluation of a role-
play task for assessing patient coping skills demonstrated the following: (a) coping
skills increase significantly after CBT, (b) patients demonstrated increases in coping
skills that were parallel to those taught in the treatment they had been assigned
(i.e., differential acquisition of specific behavioral and cognitive coping strategies
in CBT with respect to alternate behavioral therapies), and finally, (c) greater
acquisition of CBT-specific behavioral and cognitive coping skills was associated with
significantly less cocaine use over the one-year follow-up (Carroll, Nich, Ball, et al.,
2000).
In one of our most recently completed trials of CBT for illegal drug use (Carroll
et al., 2004), 121 cocaine-dependent individuals were randomized to one of four
conditions: disulfiram (250 mg/day) plus CBT, disulfiram plus IPT, placebo plus
CBT, or placebo plus IPT. Across outcome measures and for the full intention-
to-treat sample (as well as across all subsamples including treatment initiators and
treatment completers), patients assigned to CBT reduced their cocaine use signifi-
cantly more than those assigned to IPT, and patients assigned to disulfiram reduced
their cocaine use significantly more than those assigned to placebo. Effects of CBT
plus placebo were comparable to those of the CBT–disulfiram combination. This
1348 Specific Disorders
was our first trial to identify a significant main effect for CBT over another active
behavioral therapy (IPT). Furthermore, although retention was a significant predictor
of better drug use outcomes, the CBT by time effect remained statistically significant
after controlling for retention. Thus, this series of trials has demonstrated increas-
ingly strong effects for CBT over time and our follow-up studies have consistently
indicated high durability of CBT compared to other approaches (Carroll, 2011a,
2011b).
CM has strong immediate effects but those effects tend to weaken after the contin-
gencies are terminated, while CBT tends to have more modest effects initially but is
comparatively durable, several investigators have evaluated various combinations of
CBT and CM, reasoning that the relative strengths and weaknesses of these may be
offset by combining them. For example, Rawson et al. (2002) compared group CBT,
voucher CM, and a CM/CBT combination in conjunction with standard methadone
maintenance treatment for cocaine-using methadone maintenance patients. During
the acute phase of treatment, the two groups featuring CM had significantly bet-
ter cocaine use outcomes, with 63% of those assigned to CM and 57% assigned to
CM/CBT achieving at least 3 consecutive weeks of abstinence from cocaine compared
to 40% of those assigned to CBT. However, during the follow-up period, a CBT
“sleeper” effect emerged again, where the group assigned to CBT essentially caught
up to the other groups by the 52-week follow-up (i.e., 60% of those assigned to CBT
provided a negative urine sample at this time point, compared to 53% in the CM
group, and 40% in the CBT/CM group). Epstein et al. (2003) conducted a similar
study, again in the context of intensive methadone maintenance, where participants
were offered CM, group CBT, or a combination, in addition to standard individual
counseling. Results were largely parallel to the Rawson study, in that the investigators
reported large initial effects for CM, with a drop-off after the termination of the
contingencies; however, the best one-year outcomes were present for the CM plus
CBT combination.
These effects have also been replicated in treatment studies for other illegal drugs. A
study conducted among a large sample (N = 171) of stimulant-dependent individuals
treated as outpatients produced similar results (Rawson et al., 2006), with CM being
associated with better retention and substance use outcomes during treatment (i.e.,
60% assigned to CM and 69% assigned to CM plus CBT achieved at least 3 consecutive
weeks of abstinence compared to 35% receiving CBT only), but outcomes for all three
groups were comparable at one year. For marijuana-dependent individuals, Budney,
Moore, Rocha, and Higgins (2006) found abstinence-based vouchers (i.e., CM)
were more effective at producing abstinence during the treatment period than CBT
(i.e., 50% of those assigned to CM and 40% assigned to CM plus CBT achieved at
least 6 consecutive weeks of abstinence compared to 17% assigned to CBT only),
whereas the combination of CM and CBT had the greatest effect on abstinence
through a follow-up period (i.e., 37% provided a negative urine sample at 12-month
follow-up compared to 27% assigned to CBT and 17% assigned to CM). Kadden,
Litt, Kabela-Cormier, and Petry (2007) conducted a larger study with 240 marijuana-
dependent participants, and again found that participants in the CM-only condition
had the highest rates of abstinence during the treatment period, but the combination
of CM plus CBT (which included motivational enhancement therapy) produced
the highest rates of abstinence at later follow-up periods. Additionally, our research
group conducted a similar study with marijuana-dependent young adults referred to
treatment by the criminal justice system (Carroll et al., 2006), and found virtually
identical findings to those listed above. Taken together, there is promising evidence
that CM procedures are effective for achieving initial drug abstinence, whereas the
addition of CBT may demonstrate its effect on abstinence following the completion
of treatment.
1350 Specific Disorders
raise questions regarding whether practitioners should feel competent (from an ethical
perspective) to administer an empirically supported treatment on the basis of reading
a manual alone. Finally, the findings suggest that standard strategies used to train
clinicians in clinical trials can be effective for community based-clinicians and may be
pursued as a strategy for future dissemination trials and bridging the gap between
research and practice (Sholomskas et al., 2005).
The last decade has been characterized by exponential growth in the development
of technology-based interventions for psychiatric disorders, and in particular the
creation of computer-delivered versions of CBT. Given the structure and didactic
nature of CBT, it appears to be one of the empirically supported treatments that
is more easily transferrable into a computerized format, which offers the benefits of
standardized delivery and broader access. In conjunction with our considerable efforts
toward disseminating empirically supported treatments to community substance abuse
clinics, we developed a computer-assisted version of CBT for substance use disorders,
called CBT4CBT (computer based training for cognitive behavioral therapy). The
content of CBT4CBT is based closely on our NIDA CBT manual, but is delivered in
seven sessions, or modules, and makes extensive use of the multimedia capabilities of
computers to convey CBT principles and illustrate implementation of new cognitive
and behavioral strategies (Carroll et al., 2008). That is, key CBT concepts are taught
1352 Specific Disorders
the cognitive function of chronic drug users, and if it could be useful as a primer
for a cognitively demanding treatment, such as CBT. Another recently developed
method for targeting the cognitive function of drug users is through pharmacologic
intervention. For instance, galantamine, a reversible and competitive inhibitor of
acetylcholinesterase used clinically for the treatment of Alzheimer’s dementia, has
shown some promising evidence as a potential cognitive enhancer among drug users,
particularly at improving sustained attention (Sofuoglu & Carroll, 2011; Sofuoglu,
Waters, Poling, & Carroll, 2011). Although this line of research is still in its infancy,
pharmacologic interventions could become a useful method for enhancing cognitive
function among drug users, which in turn may reduce the early treatment dropout in
CBT associated with cognitive deficits.
Summary
CBT for illegal drug use is an empirically supported behavioral approach that has
strong theoretical and empirical support in a variety of substance-abusing popula-
tions, and can be combined and integrated effectively with a range of other empirically
supported behavioral therapies (e.g., motivational enhancement, contingency man-
agement) as well as pharmacotherapies. CBT also appears to be particularly durable,
an important feature among treatments for illegal drug use, which is characterized by
frequent patterns of relapse. CBT for illegal drug use is relatively brief, and is highly
structured, but also requires therapist flexibility in order to individualize treatment
strategies/techniques to match patient characteristics. Attempts to disseminate this
empirically supported treatment have produced a range of practical resources (e.g.,
books, videotapes, manuals, training resources and programs) for implementing them
effectively in clinical practice, and data from recent trials evaluating computer-assisted
versions of CBT have been promising. Thus, due to its comparatively strong evidence
base, flexibility, broad applicability across a range of patient types and settings, and
durability, CBT for illegal drug use should be a component of all substance abuse
clinicians’ repertoire.
Acknowledgements
Support was provided by NIDA grants P50 DA09241, U10 DA13038, R37 DA15969
and K05-DA00457.
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Illegal Drug Use 1357
Brian L. Odlaug
University of Copenhagen, Denmark
Christopher Donahue
University of Minnesota, United States
Gambling is a lucrative industry, with over $34 billion in gross gaming revenue
captured by the commercial casino industry of the United States in 2010 (American
Gaming Association, 2012). Although the majority of individuals who gamble report
no significant financial consequences associated with their gaming, an estimated
0.4–5.3% worldwide have a problematic or pathological form of gambling behavior
(Bakken, Götestam, Gråwe, Wenzel, & Øren, 2009; Cunningham-Williams, Cottler,
Compton, & Spitznagel, 1998; Odlaug & Grant, 2010; Petry & Armentano, 1999;
Shaffer, Hall, & Vander Bilt, 1999; Toce-Gerstein, Gerstein, & Volberg, 2009;
Wardle et al., 2007). According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (5th ed.; DSM-5), gambling disorder or “pathological” gambling (PG)
is defined by a repetitive engagement in gambling behavior resulting in significant
financial, occupational, and/or psychosocial dysfunction (American Psychiatric Asso-
ciation, 2013). For these individuals, a multitude of viable and efficacious therapeutic
interventions have been developed. Understanding the clinical characteristics of these
individuals may aid the clinician and researcher in the advancement of existing and
new treatment approaches for this population.
Clinical Characteristics
to that of substance dependence, with high rates in adolescent and young adult
groups, lower rates in older adults, and periods of abstinence and relapse (Grant,
2008).
Individuals with PG suffer significant impairment in their ability to function socially
and in their occupations. Many individuals report intrusive thoughts and urges
related to gambling that interfere with their ability to concentrate at home and
at work (Grant & Kim, 2001). Work-related problems such as absenteeism, poor
performance, and job loss are common (National Opinion Research Center, 1999).
The inability to control behavior that a person does not want to engage in may lead
to feelings of shame and guilt (Grant & Kim, 2001). PG is also frequently associated
with marital problems and diminished intimacy and trust within the family (Grant
& Kim, 2001). PG is also associated with greater health problems (for example,
cardiac problems, liver disease) and increased use of medical services (Morasco et al.,
2006).
Neurocognition
Cognitive distortions are common in PG and are a primary target for cognitive
therapy. A variety of different misperceptions or illusions of control are often
associated with PG, including the “near miss” (the belief that an outcome close to
a win means that a win is imminent), active illusory control (superstitions or lucky
objects will promote winning), passive illusory control (luck is the key factor in
success), and memory biases (remembering wins, forgetting losses) (Clark, 2012;
Myrseth, Brunborg, & Eldem, 2010). These distortions correlate with the gambler’s
tendency to seek immediate reward through risky decision making and have been
physiologically illustrated in several functional brain imaging studies (Balodis et al.,
2012; Chase & Clark, 2010; Potenza et al., 2003).
Neurocognitive assessments testing aspects of executive functioning, including
working memory, response inhibition, attention, visual perception, and cognitive
flexibility, have yielded conflicting results in pathological gamblers (Forbush et al.,
2008; Goudriaan, Oosterlaan, de Beurs, & Van den Brink, 2004). Results of cognitive
testing on inhibitory control, however, suggest dysfunction in the ventromedial
prefrontal cortex, potentially explaining the risky decision-making and loss-chasing
behavior characteristic of PG (Cavedini, Riboldi, Keller, D’Annucci, & Bellodi, 2002;
Clark, 2010; Clark et al., 2008; Odlaug, Chamberlain, Kim, Schreiber, & Grant,
2010).
Gambling 1361
Gender Differences
Not all pathological gamblers display the same clinical presentation, and several
studies have found that significant clinical differences exist between male and female
pathological gamblers. Research indicates that men present with a gambling problem
at a 2:1 male-to-female ratio and being male is actually a risk factor for the development
of a gambling problem (Johansson, Grant, Kim, Odlaug, & Götestam, 2009),
although the type of gambling engaged in generally differs between genders (Grant
& Kim, 2001; National Opinion Research Center, 1999; Odlaug, Marsh, Kim, &
Grant, 2011; Potenza et al., 2001). Males have higher rates of strategic gambling
preferences (e.g., poker, blackjack, sports/track betting) while women have higher
rates of nonstrategic gambling (primarily slot machines) (Odlaug et al., 2011; Potenza,
Maciejewski, & Mazure, 2006; Stevens & Young, 2010). Men are also more likely to
be single and living alone, are more likely to have received treatment for substance
abuse in the past, and have more antisocial personality traits compared to females
with PG who are much more likely to seek treatment for a gambling problem, present
with more depressive symptoms, and have poorer self-esteem (Crisp et al., 2004;
Echeburúa, González-Ortega, de Corral, & Polo-López, 2011; Feigelman, Wallisch,
& Lesieur, 1998; Ingle, Marotta, McMillan, & Wisdom, 2008; Ladd & Petry, 2002;
Weinstock et al., 2011).
not be discounted in a treatment setting (Afifi, Cox, Martens, Sareen, & Enns, 2010;
Bergh & Kühlhorn, 1994; Erickson, Molina, Ladd, Pietrzak, & Petry, 2005; Germain
et al., 2011; Morasco et al., 2006).
Finances
It is not surprising, given that the means of gambling is monetary, that financial
consequences are commonplace among individuals seeking treatment for problem
gambling. Bankruptcy, defaulting on credit cards, mortgage foreclosures, delinquent
bank loans, and medical costs coupled with illegal behaviors to fund gambling
behavior or to repay debt, such as bad checks, embezzlement, and theft, are common
in PG (Blaszczynski & McConaghy, 1989; Grant & Kim, 2001; Grant & Potenza,
2007; Grant, Schreiber, Odlaug, & Kim, 2010; Ledgerwood, Weinstock, Morasco,
& Petry, 2007; Lesieur, 1979; National Opinion Research Center, 1999; Potenza,
Steinberg, McLaughlin, Rounsaville, & O’Malley, 2000).
Comorbidity
Psychiatric comorbidity is the rule, not the exception, in PG (Chou & Afifi, 2011), and
this comorbidity often needs to be addressed either simultaneously or sequentially
when treating PG. PG has been associated with increased rates of co-occurring
substance use disorders (including nicotine dependence), with the highest mean
prevalence for nicotine dependence (60.1%; McGrath & Barrett, 2009) followed by
a substance use disorder (57.5%; Lorains, Cowlishaw, & Thomas, 2011).
Other studies examining the rates of co-occurring psychiatric disorders in
pathological gamblers have reported mood (37.9%), anxiety (37.4%), attention-
deficit/hyperactivity (25%), and impulse control disorders (22.9%) (most commonly
compulsive sexual behavior) (Bakken et al., 2009; Grall-Bronnec et al., 2011; Grant
Gambling 1363
& Kim, 2001; Lorains et al., 2011). Rates of bipolar disorder may be two to three
times higher in pathological gamblers than those without gambling problems (Edens
& Rosenheck, 2011). Generally lacking from these studies, however, is whether the
co-occurring disorder is secondary to the gambling, a trigger for the gambling, or
simply an independent health issue.
Gambling is often associated with significant and chronic physical health conditions
as well (Afifi et al., 2010; Bergh & Kühlhorn, 1994; Erickson et al., 2005; Germain
et al., 2011; Morasco et al., 2006). Higher than average rates of coronary heart disease
(39.8%), arthritis (30.1%), and obesity (32.0%) have been found in individuals with
PG (Desai, Desai, & Potenza, 2007). Consequently, and given the high prevalence
of, and potential for, serious health problems in PG, encouraging the patient to visit
a primary care physician for preventative medical care is important.
Adolescent Gambling
Prevalence studies show gambling’s popularity among adolescents and young adults.
A recent study of over 15,000 eighth-graders found that 33% of boys and 17%
of girls had gambled in the past 3 months (Chaumeton, Ramowski, & Nystrom,
2011). Like their adult counterparts, most youth who gamble do so responsibly. For
a small number, however, gambling becomes excessive and results in a number of
short- and long-term consequences—early school dropout, neglect of peers, poor
1364 Specific Disorders
mental and physical health, delinquency, and legal problems (Yip et al., 2011).
Prevalence research indicates that the rate of problem gambling among adolescents
and young adults (3.4–7.4%) is typically greater than that of older adults (Caillon,
Grall-Bronnec, Bouju, Lagadec, & Vénisse, 2012; Derevensky & Gupta, 2000; Shaffer
& Hall, 1996; Splevins, Mireskandari, Clayton, & Blaszczynski, 2010). Research has
found that traits such as sensation-seeking and high levels of disinhibition have been
associated with the prediction of problem gambling in youth (Gupta, Deverensky,
& Ellenbogen, 2006). Adolescent gambling has also been associated with parental
gambling behavior, susceptibility to peer pressure, conduct problems, binge drinking,
and drug use (Chalmers & Willoughby, 2006; Langhinrishsen-Rohling, Rohde,
Seeley, & Rohling, 2004). There is also speculation that electronic forms of gambling,
such as Internet-based gambling, may be particularly problematic for youth (Potenza
et al., 2011).
Co-occurring problems in adolescent gamblers mirror those found in adults. Ado-
lescent problem gamblers have high rates of depression (Gupta et al., 2006), suicidal
ideation (Gupta & Derevensky, 1998), anxiety (Ste-Marie, Gupta, & Dereven-
sky, 2006), substance abuse (Barnes, Welte, Hoffman, & Tidwell, 2011; Gupta &
Derevensky, 1998), and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (Breyer et al., 2009).
Although there is no empirically validated treatment protocol specifically designed
for youth gamblers, a limited number of treatment studies have reported success in
using approaches known to be helpful for adults with PG. One study examining CBT
(17 sessions) in four male adolescent gamblers reported that three of the adolescents
remained abstinent for 3 to 6 months following treatment (Ladouceur, Boisvert,
& Dumont, 1994). Treatment facilities such as the International Center for Youth
Gambling report using an approach similar to that used for adults—functional assess-
ment, assessing motivation to change, goal setting, working on cognitive distortions,
improving coping skills, and building interpersonal relationships.
Because youth are active online and use the Internet for social networking and
recreation, some researchers are examining Internet-based therapy and guided inter-
ventions. Research has demonstrated that online therapeutic support is perceived to
be acceptable and useful by youth (Monaghan & Wood, 2010). Research has also
demonstrated positive effects for Internet-based interventions for adolescents with
nicotine or alcohol problems (Abroms, Windsor, & Simons-Morton, 2008; Walters,
Miller, & Chiauzzi, 2005; Walters, Wright, & Shegog, 2005), but there is little
empirical evidence supporting their use for gambling-related problems in adolescents.
One examination of an Internet-based service offering individual and group chats
with topics focusing on various gambling-related problems found that the adolescents
who visited the site found the information and help to be valuable (Gainsbury, 2011).
and, although no validated treatments exist specifically for adolescents, CBT and
Internet-based therapeutic support have demonstrated promise in youth gambling
treatment. Like adults, adolescent gambling is associated with high rates of psychiatric
comorbidity. The clinician must screen for this and be vigilant of mood and anxiety
changes throughout the course of therapy.
Despite the significant personal costs associated with PG, prevalence surveys indicate
that only a small proportion of the individuals who are suffering from gambling
disorders seek formal treatment (Cunningham, 2005; Slutske et al., 2009; Suur-
vali, Hodgins, Toneatto, & Cunningham, 2008, 2011). In fact, Suurvali et al.
(2008) found that less than 6% of problem gamblers actually seek formal treatment.
A desire to handle the problem on their own, lack of knowledge about where to
receive treatment, and shame have been identified as factors contributing to a low
percentage of individuals seeking treatment (Suurvali, Cordingley, Hodgins, & Cun-
ningham, 2009). A comparison of past-year prevalence rates of gambling disorders
with lifetime rates suggests a one-third recovery rate (Hodgins, Wynne, & Makarchuk,
1999; Slutske, 2006). Research suggests that the majority of these individuals have
accomplished their recoveries without accessing formal treatment services (Hodgins,
Stea, & Grant, 2011; Hodgins, Wynne, & Makarchuk, 1999), which is consistent with
what is found for other addictive disorders (Sobell, Cunningham, & Sobell, 1996).
In-depth interviews with recovered gamblers reveal that their recovery strategies are
behavior-focused and similar to the strategies of those who have accessed treatment
(for example, involvement in time-consuming activities that are incompatible with
1366 Specific Disorders
Psychotherapy
Cognitive therapy
Sylvain, Ladouceur, CT + relapse 40 enrolled CT: 36% improved on
& Boisvert, 1997 prevention vs. 14, 22 in treatment five gambling severity
wait-list; groups completed variables vs. 6% on
30 sessions with wait-list control
6-month follow-up
Melville, Davis, Group CBT, group + Group #1: CBT with mapping
Matzenbacher, & interactive written 20 enrolled, 13 group decreased PG
Clayborne, 2004 assignments treated symptoms compared
(mapping) vs. Group #2: with control group.
wait-list control; 28 enrolled, 19 Exp. #2 added
two 90-minute treated depression and anxiety
sessions each week (84.2% female) comorbidity, which
for 8 weeks decreased compliance;
maintained at
6-month follow-up
Petry et al., 2006 Manualized CBT in 231 enrolled CBT was more effective
individual 181 completed than Gamblers
counseling vs. CBT Anonymous and
workbook vs. individual counseling
Gamblers more effective than
Anonymous referral; workbook; at 12
8 sessions with months, groups did
1-year follow-up not differ in
abstinence rates
Myrseth, Litlerè, Manualized GCBT vs. 14 enrolled (7 per 85.7% of the treatment
Støylen, & wait-list control; six group) group had significant
Pallesen, 2009 2-hour group (78.6% male) reductions in DSM-IV
meetings with PG criteria; however.
3-month follow-up no differences noted
between GCBT and
wait-list group in
money spent gambling
Table 57.1
Cue exposure
McConaghy, Aversion therapy vs. 20 enrolled Improvement in both
Armstrong, imaginal 20 completed treatment groups over
Blaszczynski, & desensitization 12 months
Allcock, 1983
Grant et al., 2009; Manualized CBT with 68 enrolled Greater gambling severity
Grant, Donahue, IDMI vs. Gamblers 55 completed reduction overall and
Odlaug, & Kim, Anonymous referral; (63.2% female) abstinence rates 1 month
2011 6 sessions with posttreatment were
6-month follow-up higher in IDMI group;
response maintained in
77% of subjects at
6-month follow-up
Hodgins, Currie, & CBT workbook vs. 102 enrolled 74% with motivational
el-Guebaly, 2001 workbook + 85 available at 12 enhancement
motivational months improved (Clinical
enhancement Global Impression)
intervention via vs. 61% with
telephone vs. workbook and 44%
wait-list on wait-list
Carlbring & Smit, Web-based CBT with 66 enrolled Nearly 75% of treatment
2008 telephone support 60 with subjects reported
and online posttreatment data moderate to large
workbook materials improvements
vs. wait-list control; maintained at
6-, 18-, and 36-month follow-up
36-month follow-up
Hodgins, Currie, MI + mailed self-help 314 enrolled Brief MI resulted in
Currie, & Fick, workbook vs. 6-week 267 completed the decreased gambling
2009 wait-list control or 12-month at follow-up;
workbook-only follow-up workbook-only group
control; 6-, 9-, and (55.4% female) just as improved as
12-month follow-up MI group
completed
Oei, Raylu, & Weekly group vs. 102 enrolled Both group and
Casey, 2010 individual CBT with 86% completed individual CBT
MI vs. a wait-list Group and resulted in significant
control for 6 weeks; individual CBT PG improvements,
6-month follow-up conditions maintained at
6-month follow-up
(Continued Overleaf )
1372 Specific Disorders
Cognitive Therapy
47%). In addition, the cognitive therapy studies have not yet determined the optimal
number of sessions needed to reduce gambling symptoms and maintain improvement.
Although a small number of trials have evaluated the efficacy of a purely cognitive
approach, the largest number and the most rigorously designed trials have evaluated
a combined CBT model. The rubric of CBT, however, encompasses a wide range of
therapeutic approaches. Overall, while there is variability in the content and outcomes
of CBT, positive effects have generally been found by different research groups
(Gooding & Tarrier, 2009).
Behavioral models conceptualize disordered gambling as learned patterns of rein-
forcement within a functional framework. Continued gambling behavior stems from a
variable pattern of reinforcement with respect to antecedents (e.g., external gambling
cues, positive or negative emotions), behaviors (e.g., chasing of losses, strategizing to
attain money), and consequences (e.g., financial loss) (Hodgins et al., 2011). CBT
treatments focus on altering one or more components of this functional relationship
in order to modify the learned patterns. Behavioral strategies include reducing avoid-
ance, reducing exposure to high-risk situations, behavioral experiments to challenge
distorted thoughts, and developing skills in various areas (e.g., assertiveness, problem
solving, and relaxation).
A randomized study of CBT in slot-machine-playing pathological gamblers assigned
subjects to one of four groups: (a) individual stimulus control and in vivo exposure
with response prevention, (b) group cognitive restructuring, (c) a combination of (a)
and (b), or (d) a wait-list control (Echeburúa, Baez, & Fernández-Montalvo, 1996).
At 12-month follow-up, rates of abstinence or minimal gambling were higher in the
individual treatment subjects (69%) compared with the cognitive restructuring (38%)
and combined treatment (38%) groups. The same investigators also assessed individual
and group relapse prevention for subjects completing a 6-week individual treatment
program. At 12 months, 86% of those receiving individual relapse prevention and 78%
of those in group relapse prevention had not relapsed, compared with 52% of those
who received no follow-up treatment (Echeburúa, Fernández-Montalvo, & Baez,
2001).
Milton, Crino, Hunt, and Prosser (2002) compared CBT with CBT combined with
interventions designed to improve treatment compliance (the interventions included
positive reinforcement, identifying barriers to change, and applying problem-solving
skills) in 40 subjects receiving eight sessions of manualized individual therapy. Only
35% of the CBT-alone group completed treatment compared with 65% of the CBT
plus interventions group. At 9-month follow-up, there was no difference in outcomes
between treatments, although both produced clinically significant change (Milton
et al., 2002).
Melville, Davis, Matzenbacher, and Clayborne (2004) reported two studies that
used a system targeting three topics (understanding randomness, problem solving,
and relapse prevention) to improve outcome. In the first study, 13 subjects were
assigned to 8 weeks of (a) group CBT, (b) group CBT with the topic-enhanced
1374 Specific Disorders
Cue-Exposure
2-year follow-up period; notably, 77% of the entire follow-up sample were rated as
improved at the 2-year assessment (Hodgins, Currie, el-Guebaly, & Peden, 2004).
Another study conducted by Diskin and Hodgins (2009) compared a single-session
motivational interviewing module plus a self-help workbook with the workbook and
speaking with an interviewer about gambling for 30 minutes. Half of the sample was
randomized to each intervention. At 12-month follow-up, those who received the
motivational interviewing plus the workbook gambled less and spent less money than
the workbook-alone group (Diskin & Hodgins, 2009).
Motivational interviewing has also been compared in individual versus group
settings. Oei, Raylu, and Casey (2010) randomized 102 gamblers to receive 6 weeks
of individual or group CBT with motivational interviewing. At posttreatment and 6-
month follow-up, those completing the individual CBT program had better sustained
outcomes in regard to gambling severity and DSM-IV criteria compared to the group
CBT and wait-list control groups (although group CBT produced significant results
versus the wait-list control group as well) (Oei et al., 2010).
A study using a short-term group CBT (GCBT) model for 14 subjects (78.6% male)
found that 85.7% of the treatment group experienced significant improvements in
DSM-IV PG criteria at posttreatment compared to 42.9% of a wait-list control group
(Myrseth, Litlerè, Støylen, & Pallesen, 2009). The other dependent variable, money
spent gambling over the past week, however, failed to indicate any significant group
differences, with 28.6% of both the GCBT and wait-list control groups experiencing
improvement.
A study using a relapse-prevention bibliotherapy randomized 169 subjects who had
recently quit gambling to receive either a summary booklet that detailed all available
relapse prevention information (single mailing group) (n = 85) or to the same
booklet plus seven additional informational booklets mailed over the next 12 months
(repeated mailing group) (n = 84) (Hodgins, Currie, el-Guebaly, & Diskin, 2007).
At the 12-month assessment, 24% of the repeated mailing group reported using the
strategies regularly to prevent relapse compared with 13% of the single mailing group.
Only 44% of the overall sample, however, reported having not gambled over the 3
months prior to the 12-month assessment.
Two self-directed motivational interventions were compared with a 6-week wait-list
control and a workbook-only control in 314 pathological gamblers. Brief motivational
treatment involved a motivational interview by telephone and a mailed self-help
workbook. Brief motivational booster treatment involved a motivational interview by
telephone, a workbook, and six booster telephone calls over a 9-month period. Both
the brief and the brief booster treatment participants reported less gambling at 6
weeks than those assigned to the control groups. Brief and brief booster treatment
participants gambled significantly less often over the first 6 months of the follow-up
than workbook-only participants. Participants in the brief booster treatment group,
however, showed no greater improvement than brief treatment participants (Hodgins,
Currie, Currie, & Fick, 2009).
A similar combination of motivation interviewing and CBT was adapted to a
Web-based format in Sweden (Carlbring & Smit, 2008) in which a therapist provides
telephone support for individuals using online recovery materials. A wait-list control
was compared with an 8-week Internet-based CBT program with minimal therapist
Gambling 1377
contact via e-mail and weekly telephone calls of less than 15 minutes. The average time
spent on each participant, including phone conversations, e-mail, and administration,
was 4 hours. The Internet-based intervention resulted in favorable changes in PG,
anxiety, depression, and quality of life. Follow-ups in the treatment group at 6, 18,
and 36 months indicated that treatment effects were sustained.
A total of 150 primarily self-recruited patients with current gambling problems
or PG were randomized to four individual sessions of motivational interviewing,
eight sessions of CBT group therapy, or a no-treatment wait-list control. Treatment
showed superiority in some areas over the no-treatment control in the short term,
but no differences were found between motivational interviewing and group CBT
at any point in time. Instead, both interventions produced significant within-group
decreases on most outcome measures up to the 12-month follow-up (Carlbring,
Jonsson, Josephson, & Forsberg, 2010).
A randomized controlled study found that a 10-minute session of behavioral advice,
one session of motivational enhancement therapy, or one session of motivational
enhancement therapy plus three sessions of CBT were all equally effective in reducing
gambling among a sample of 117 college students with either problem or pathological
gambling (Petry, Weinstock, Morasco, & Ledgerwood, 2009). Two small trials have
shown that the addition of motivational interviewing to CBT reduces treatment
attrition and improves outcomes (Diskin & Hodgins, 2009; Wulfert et al., 2006).
Dropout rates from psychosocial treatment are high, so interventions that lead patients
to complete treatment are potentially very valuable.
Family Therapy
Conclusions
These studies show that CBT is beneficial for gambling disorders, but many questions
remain.
Which form of CBT is best, and for whom? There have been no comparison studies
of the different manualized forms of CBT, and so one cannot make recommendations
at this time regarding which approach is most effective. Also, no manualized CBT
treatment has been examined in a confirmatory study by another independent
investigator. The heterogeneity of gambling treatment samples may also complicate
identification of effective treatments.
What is the optimal duration of therapy? Given the success and low cost of brief
interventions, should everyone undergo a brief intervention first and only if they fail
that move on to more intensive therapy?
What specific components should be included in the CBT program? Which com-
ponents are most effective? Do certain people respond differently to different CBT
components? No study has examined whether certain individuals with gambling dis-
orders would benefit differentially from specific CBT treatments. The matching of
different treatment approaches to different subtypes of gambling disorders, based on
neurobiology or genetics, may improve treatment outcomes.
What role does comorbidity play? Although naturalistic follow-up research on
gamblers demonstrates that drug use disorders are associated with lower likeli-
hood of gambling abstinence (Hodgins & el-Guebaly, 2000), some research shows
that gamblers with or without mental health problems respond equally well to
CBT (Champine & Petry, 2010). Other research suggests that comorbidity with
nicotine dependence may result in greater rates of relapse following treatment (Grant
et al., 2011), and that perhaps gamblers who have comorbid schizophrenia may
require more sessions of therapy (i.e., 20 sessions) (Echeburúa, Gómez, & Freixa,
2011).
Should the goal of treatment be abstinence? Offering flexibility (i.e., abstinence,
decreased gambling, more control) to individuals may increase treatment-seeking and
decrease treatment dropout. In a recent study, 89 individuals undergoing 14 sessions
Gambling 1379
of CBT were offered treatment with controlled gambling as the goal (Ladouceur,
Lachance, & Fournier, 2009). The majority (66%) of participants changed their
goal to abstinence during the 12 weeks of treatment. Outcomes, however, did
not differ between those who maintained a goal of controlled gambling compared
to those whose goal was abstinence. The goal of controlled gambling did not
result in a lower rate of dropout compared with studies of abstinence-oriented
treatment.
Although multiple forms of CBT have demonstrated benefits for gambling disor-
ders, the limitations associated with these data preclude making specific treatment
recommendations, on an individual level, with a substantial degree of confidence.
Despite the progress in the development of effective treatments for gambling
disorders, more research is needed to address the remaining questions. Simulta-
neously, there is a growing availability of gambling avenues. Internet gambling,
for example, is providing around-the-clock home access to multiple types of gam-
bling activities for an increasing number of people around the world (Hodgins
et al., 2011). Thus, although significant progress has been made, this evolution
warrants more sophisticated research into gambling disorders and their clinical
treatment.
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