Professional Documents
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UR B A N PO L I C Y BR I E F
Urban Initiative Public Policy Brieng 2004 USC Urban Initiative & the USC Neighborhood Participation Project
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION: USC URBAN INITIATIVE 3470 TROUSDALE PARKWAY, WPH 604 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES, CA 90089-4036 www.usc.edu/urban
We nd that: Democratic legitimacy requires policy reforms to ensure that Council elections are fair and inclusive; Policy relevance necessitates development of avenues for systematic participation in City governance; While it is too early to evaluate their long-term input, we suggest several benchmarks, including the quality of NC activities and impacts, the development of social and political relationships, and the impact of the system on political efficacy and attitudes toward City government.
1Expert analytic assistance was provided by Kyu-Nahm Jun, Nail Oztas, Amy Sheller,
groups, eld observations, and documentary research. The second section relies on surveys of: (1) 51 elected Neighborhood Council Boards, conducted between July and September of 2003 (response rate 66%); (2) 799 Los Angeles city residents conducted in 2002 by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) and USC (Baldassare, M. PPIC Statewide Survey: Special Survey of Los Angeles County, March 2003); (3) 49 purposively sampled City Council staff from all 15 city council districts; and (4) 16 DONE project coordinators evaluating 62 of the 82 Neighborhood Councils certied to date.
Electoral reforms required for legitimacy. Legitimacy of the NC system requires fair and inclusive governing Board elections. Neighborhood Councils self-administer elections with the advice of project coordinators (PCs) from the Department of Neighborhood Empowerment (DONE). While most elections have been non-controversial, elections administration is burdensome, and NCs have suffered from a lack of clear guidance from the City. The PCs rate only 60% of Neighborhood Councils as having conducted a rst election that was professional and fair.
Local conict and sporadic elections controversies could place the long-term legitimacy of the system at risk. For example: Six certied Neighborhood Councils have not yet held elections, despite having been certied for more than seven months. These delays are due at least in part to organi zational difficulties; Local factionalism sometimes leads to accusations of excessive Board inuence or inappropriate electoral procedures;
Charges of electioneering, inappropriate absentee provisions, inadequate outreach, or lack of qualication of voters have characterized contested elections. We recommend that the City Council adopt standards regarding procedural matters such as absentee balloting, outreach, and voting qualications. To protect DONE from charges of favoritism, the City could ensure neutrality by contracting with an independent entity for elections administration, and designating a nal arbiter of elections challenges.
Participatory innovations for relevance. To be relevant, Neighborhood Councils require avenues for meaningful input into City policy. Table 1 summarizes the status of charter provisions intended to empower Neighborhood Councils. The City has made relatively good progress in a couple of areas, most notably on-line information availability and NC involvement in budgeting. There is a need, however, for earlier notication of pending City decisions and an improved system for feedback regarding service delivery. The DONE is now reorganizing its technical assistance and training to occur through an Empowerment
No action
Academy. Consequently, the Congress of Neighborhoods should be reconstituted as a deliberative forum that will engage Councils around citywide issues.
ing City government and their community. We set forth several benchmark measures in these three areas, based on surveys of DONE project coordinators, City Council staff, and NC Board members. Future measuring efforts should also evaluate perceptions of community stakeholders. Neighborhood Council activities. A review of operating expenditures by Neighborhood Councils should inform our understanding of their current activities. Based on expenditures as of February 2004, it would appear that almost half of Neighborhood Council expenditures relate to outreach
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0% Keeps Informed About City Actions Voices Views to Elected Officials Engages City Depts. to Improve Service Delivery Works w ith Other NCs
FIGURE 3:
PERCEPTIONS OF NEIGHBORHOOD COUNCIL IMPACTS
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FIGURE 4:
A BENCHMARK MEASURE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL: BOARD MEMBER COMMUNITY LINKAGES
20.00 Linkages to Other Boards 18.00 City Hall Ties Stakeho lder Ties 16.00 Linkages within Board 14.00
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FIGURE 5: BOARD MEMBER AND RESIDENTIAL ATTITUDES TOWARD THE COMMUNITY AND CITY GOVERNMENT
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Some what to V ery Satisfied with Commun ity CITY O F L A NC BO ARD 84% 79%
and communications, including direct outreach expenditures, printing, and telephone expenses (Figure 1). Another 29% supports administrative activities, and 19% community events.3 Figure 2 suggests that the City employees who work most closely with NCs, DONE project coordinators and City Council staff, rate favorably the activities of most Councils they encounter. Neighborhood Councils receive the lowest ratings in the area of working with other NCs, a nding that reinforces the need for a citywide Congress that engages Councils in local networking around substantive systemic and city policy issues. While most Neighborhood Councils are rated as having a favorable impact on their community (56% of project coordinators, and 73% of City Council staff), most are not perceived to have citywide impact. This is consistent with other published research on Neighborhood Councils, which nds that they tend to be more inuential at the local rather than the citywide level. There are nonetheless several citywide issues upon which Neighborhood Councils exerted inuence, the most recent being their widely acknowledged inuence in the decision by the Citys Department of Water and Power to reduce a proposed 18% rate hike to 11%.
Social capital: networks of relationships. A successful Neighborhood Council system should contribute to the civic culture of the city by creating sustained relationships that build social capital norms of trust and reciprocity. The average Board member surveyed reports 12.25 relationships related to Neighborhood Council involvement, of which 6.71 are with other board members, 2.69 with stakeholders, 2.38 with City Hall, and .47 with other Neighborhood Council Boards (Figure 4). Over time, a measure of success will be the extent to which these ties thicken within the Neighborhood Councils, and connect across the citys communities. Political attitudes of participants. A last set of benchmarks involve the extent to which Neighborhood Councils inuence stakeholder perceptions of their communities and the City, as well as impacts on political efficacy, the extent to which people feel that they can make a difference. Figure 5 suggests that Neighborhood Council participants rank their communities less favorably than do residents in general. They are more satised with City government; around 60% of Board members report that their concerns receive attention from the City government, and one-third
3 It should be noted that this is a preliminary indicator given the small amount of expenditures reported to date, and given the start-up nature of these voluntary councils.
8% 1%
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Question: How much influence do you think people in your neighborhood, working together, can have over local government decisions?
rank City performance as good or excellent. Over time, if the system increases City responsiveness, we would expect to see improvement in these measures. Political efficacy, the extent to which individuals feel that they can inuence political events, is an important constituent of civic culture, and is associated with political activities such as voting and volunteerism. Research on Neighborhood Councils in other cities has found that political efficacy tends to be higher in cities with well-functioning Neighborhood Councils. As Figure 6 shows, 45% of Neighborhood Council Board members express beliefs that people, working together, can have a lot of inuence over political affairs. Only 9% thought that people could have no or a little inuence. We would expect attitudes of political efficacy to improve further if the City becomes more responsive to local concerns, as intended by the charter.