City University of New York (CUNY)

CUNY Academic Works

Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects CUNY Graduate Center

2-2023

Examination of Korean Feminism from the Intersections of

Colonialism, Modernity, and Nationalism in Colonial Korea
(1910–1945)
Yae hee Choi
The Graduate Center, City University of New York

How does access to this work benefit you? Let us know!

More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/5198
Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu

This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY).
Contact: AcademicWorks@cuny.edu
 EXAMINATION OF KOREAN FEMINISM FROM THE INTERSECTIONS OF

COLONIALISM, MODERNITY, AND NATIONALISM IN COLONIAL KOREA (1910-1945)

by

Yae hee Choi

A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York

2023
 © 2023

YAE HEE CHOI

All Rights Reserved

ii
 APPROVAL

Examination of Korean Feminism from the Intersections of Colonialism, Modernity, and

Nationalism in Colonial Korea (1910-1945)

by

Yae hee Choi

This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal

Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts.

Approved: January 2023

Jean Halley

Thesis Advisor

David Humphries

Acting Executive Officer

THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK

iii
 ABSTRACT

Examination of Korean Feminism from the Intersections of Colonialism, Modernity, and

Nationalism in Colonial Korea (1910-1945)

by

Yae hee Choi

Advisor: Jean Halley

This thesis aims to investigate the politics of Korean feminism during the time of

Japanese colonization (1910-1945) from the perspectives of colonialism, modernity, and

nationalism. The study illustrates how Korean women perceived themselves in terms of

individuals, colonial subjects, and Korean nationals during a period of significant societal

changes. It also intends to broaden the boundaries of gender inquiries in colonial Korea, which

often focus on binary constructions of Japanese repression versus national resistance. This study

argues that a nationalist paradigm oversimplifies the intricate dynamics and varied experiences

of colonized subjects, specifically women. The logic of nationalism places all forms of identities

under the concept of the nation, which is portrayed as a unified entity standing in opposition to

colonizers. As a result, women's movements during the colonial period were seen as nationalist

and anti-colonial. However, women were caught in a more complex and nuanced situation, as

they navigated the balance between their traditional roles and the new opportunities for reform

and modernization that came with colonialism and modernity. These opportunities were not

solely political in nature but also included new social mobility, new self-consciousness, and

iv
educational opportunities. However, their efforts to redefine their old identities and create new

ones faced resistance from patriarchal forces within the nationalist movement. Therefore, this

study seeks to deepen our understanding of the ways in which Korean feminists responded to the

conflicting yet reinforcing concepts of colonialism, modernity, and nationalism. Indeed, women's

identities were not uniform but contested, reinvented, negotiated, and restructured during the

colonial period.

v
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to extend my sincerest thanks to my supervisor, Prof. Halley, for her unwavering

support and guidance throughout the writing of this manuscript. Her valuable criticism,

encouragement, insights, and patience have been instrumental in shaping my thesis. Our

discussions have given me a clear direction and motivation to complete my research.

I would like to express my appreciation to all of my classmates in the capstone class (Dunni

Oduyemi, Noah Souder-Russo, Keare Small, and Laura-Lee Williams) for their invaluable

contributions and emotional support during the development of this thesis. Their advice and

support were essential in shaping my research.

Lastly, I would like to thank my parents for their love.

vi
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS ..………………………………………….…………………………..vii

LIST OF FIGURES ..……………………………………….…………………………………..viii

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………….1

CHAPTER II: MODERNITY VERSUS TRADITION………………………………………….19

CHAPTER III: FEMINISM VERSUS NATIONALISM………………………………………..32

CHAPTER IV: CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………51

BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………………..53

vii
 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. “Yŏhagwŏn mojip kwanggo” (“Recruiting New Schoolgirls”) [Photograph].….……..25

Figure 2. “The Founders of Sinyŏja (New Woman)” [Photograph]….…………….…………….…29

Figure 3. [Photograph of the Cover of the First Volume of Sinyŏja (New Woman)]……………30

Figure 4. Sin Y. (1758). A Woman Wearing Jangot (a Long Veil) [Painting]..…………..………..37

Figure 5. “Chŏgori and ch’ima” (“A Blouse and a Skirt”) [Photograph]..………………..……..38

Figure 6. “Kkori p’i nŭn Kongjak” (“Peacock with Its Tail Feathers on Display”) [Cartoon].….39

Figure 7. “Pulgyŏnggi p' unggyŏng” (“A Scene from the Economic Downturn”) [Cartoon] …..40

Figure 8. “Yŏsŏng sŏnjŏn sidaega omyŏn” (“The Rise of Women's Dominance”) [Cartoon]..…41

Figure 9. “Modŏn’gŏrŭi changsigundong” (“New Women's Ornamentation Trend”) [Cartoon]..42

Figure 10. “Manch’u kadu p’unggy ng” (“A Street Scene in the Heart of Autumn”) [Cartoon]..43

Figure 11. “Ch’ŏpchi mŏri Tchok mŏri” (“A Pigtail with and without a Hairpin”) [Painting]…..44

viii
ŏ
 CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION

Japanese colonial rule in Korea (1910-1945) brought mixed experiences for Korean

women. As lower-class citizens, many Korean women faced further marginalization and

exploitation by the foreign oppressors, including the use of many young Korean women as sex

slaves. However, the colonial period also introduced new ideas such as Christian doctrines and

feminist thoughts, which encouraged many Korean women to challenge traditional Confucian

gender roles based on patriarchal hierarchy. The introduction of Western culture and new

ideologies led to an awareness of women's rights, gender equality, and different perspectives on

womanhood. In fact, at the turn of the 20th century, the feminist movement in the United States

was gaining momentum and pushing for a variety of rights including the right to vote, access to

education, and property rights (Freedman, 2002, p. 4). This led to the emergence of the Korean

feminist movement, which advocated for gender equality, freedom, and justice through

publications such as newspapers and magazines. During the colonial period, Korean feminism

emerged in a complex and dynamic context, shaped by various cultural and social influences

such as Confucian patriarchy, Western feminism, collectivism, individualism, and the contrast

between traditional and modern values. These factors collided and interacted in ways that created

a unique and specific form of feminism in Korea.

Despite the intricate and varied experiences of Korean women during the period of

Japanese colonial rule, studies on the experiences of Korean women of this period have mostly

focused on larger factors such as economic, historical, and cultural influences on the perception

of gender. Moreover, the dominant narratives about gender relations during Japanese

colonization are largely based on the nationalist paradigm, which relies on binary thinking, such

1
as Japanese coercion vs national resistance, Japanese exploitation vs national development, and

Japanese cultural hegemony vs traditional values (Shin & Robinson, 1995, p. 12). In this light,

inquiries on gendered identities are filtered through what is considered a proper Koreanness.

However, using nationalism as a sole framework can hide other forms of identities by placing

them under the concept of the nation, which is seen as a unified entity opposing colonizers. Not

only does this approach undermine other collective identities such as class, gender, and status, it

also fails to account for the complex dynamics within which women experienced colonial Korea.

Indeed, Korean women were caught in a complex and nuanced situation, as they

navigated the balance between their traditional roles and the new opportunities for reform and

modernization presented with colonialism and modernity (Park, 2000, p. 134). The nationalist

perspective overlooks the fact that the hegemonic aspect of Japanese colonialism created

opportunities for marginalized groups such as women and peasants to reshape their identities, as

well as resist domination. In fact, while many women’s organizations joined forces with male

nationalists to resist Japanese oppression, they also saw new possibilities for advancement, self-

awareness, and education (Kim & Jung, 1997, p. 47). In contrast to male nationalists who used

the idea of women’s liberation solely as a form of resistance against the colonial state, women

had to redefine and renegotiate their efforts to challenge traditional gender norms and shape their

identities.

The logic of nationalism sees the development of modernity in Korea as a linear

progression, closely tied to the emergence of a strong national identity, resistance against

Japanese domination, and the establishment of a sovereign nation with its own politics and

culture. However, this view fails to acknowledge the reality in which colonialism and modernity

2
were intertwined and embraced in different ways by different Korean groups (Moon, 2013, p.

25). In fact, colonial modernity brought progressive ideas of human rights and gender equity to

Korea. It also offered oppressed groups like women and paekchŏng (peasants) an opportunity to

engage in activism to improve their social status. Ironically, in the competition between the

nation and the colonial state, the old class system in Korea were threatened as all Koreans were

labeled as one derogatory category, chosenjin (People of Joseon). This large repressive

classification of all Koreans by the Japanese transformed women and peasants into a single body

of Koreans alongside the male elites (Moon, 2013, p. 32). As such, while colonial modernity

resulted in the loss of certain privileges for some social groups, it also created opportunities for

upward mobility for others.

Therefore, this study aims to challenge the idea that the experiences of women during

these tumultuous times were in alignment with nationalistic agenda driven by male elites, by

highlighting the complex and varied experiences of women at the intersection of colonialism,

modernity, and nationalism, rather than subsuming them under a unified narrative. To that end,

the concept of gendered subalternity is particularly useful in analyzing the experiences of Korean

women during this period. This concept highlights how the gendered identity of Korean women

was limited to their sexuality, bodies, and labor within the patriarchal framework of tradition. At

the same time, it accounts for their subaltern identities who followed the leadership of male

nationalists in collective resistance against the Japanese occupiers. Therefore, this paper utilizes

subaltern perspectives by moving away from a rigid nationalist framework and by examining the

interconnected frames of colonialism, modernity, and nationalism. This approach will provide a

3
deeper understanding of the politics of Korean feminism and their relationships with Korean men

and Japanese colonizers.

This study also employs a cultural feminist approach to examine the perspectives and

experiences of Korean feminists during the colonial period from 1910 to 1945. Cultural

feminism holds that women and men have essentially different approach to the world around

them and that a proper understanding of women requires the investigation of their participation

in and interaction with cultural products (Alcoff, 1988, pp. 405-436). Among many modern

technologies and institutions introduced by colonialism, print capitalism provided Korean

feminists with new means to resist not only Japanese oppression, but also patriarchal control of

their identities by male nationalists. In fact, the concept of print capitalism did not exist in Joseon

dynasty, a Korean monarchical state that ruled Korea for over five-hundred years (1392-1910)

until Japan’s annexation of Korea in August 1910. However, with the introduction of newspapers

and magazines during the colonial period, people were able to access information about local and

national events in a way that was previously unavailable. Additionally, magazines began to be

targeted towards specific genders, allowing women and girls to not only read but also publish

their thoughts and responses to current discourses. The increased availability of newspapers and

magazines also provided a platform for male and female intellectuals to discuss and debate the

future of their nation and issues related to gender relations (Chŏng, 2013, pp. 24-30). Through an

analysis of the writings of both women and men, this research aims to gain a deeper

understanding of how gender identities were contested, negotiated and reshaped during the

colonial period.

4
 My thesis consists of three parts. In the introduction I review literature to establish the

theoretical framework that supports the complex and nuanced relationship between colonized

women and modernity in a colonial setting. The review provides a theoretical ground that the

relationship between colonial modernity and colonized women is complex and cannot be reduced

to a simple binary of modernity being patriarchal and women being passive players in it. The

review also explores major feminist theories on women’s bodies. The analysis reveals that

women's bodies have long been subject to societal normalization. Feminist theorists have

attempted to overcome these unjust restrictions on women's bodies by advocating for a positive

view of the differences between men and women, emphasizing the unique strengths and

capabilities of the female body. For instance, Judith Butler (1990) rejects the idea that gender

differences and the assumed naturalness of heterosexuality have their origin in biological or

natural differences. Instead, she examines how the illusory connection between biology,

gendered identification, and heterosexuality is created. Feminist theories of embodiment provide

valuable insight into understanding Korean feminism during the colonial period. Not only do

they provide a deeper understanding of how Korean feminists viewed the relationship between

bodies and selves, but they also show that the societal normalization of women's bodies was a

deeply entrenched form of oppression. In the case of Korea, this pattern was further compounded

by the existing patriarchal structure, manifesting in the suppression of women based on their

physical appearance and chastity. Such suppression was implemented by means of double

colonization, as detailed in the final section of the Introduction.

In the second part of this study, I delve into the historical context in which educational

opportunities for Korean women were made available during the early 20th century. This

5
includes analyzing the social, political, and institutional changes brought about by Japanese

colonial administrators and American missionaries that led to these opportunities. I also assert

that the education received by Korean women in the 19th and 20th century was shaped by a

combination of Meiji principles rooted in Confucian patriarchy, and American Presbyterian

ideals of femininity.

The third part of my thesis explores the tension between Korean feminism and

nationalism, as seen in the realm of women's education, fashion, physical appearance, and the

concept of chastity. In my analysis, I use the subaltern perspective and the concept of double

colonization. This refers to the idea that Korean men, who felt emasculated by the Japanese

occupation, stigmatized the Korean women's movement as a hindrance to the collective effort to

liberate the country. By portraying the women's movement as a distraction, Korean men sought

to undermine Korean women's efforts towards gender equality and liberation, portraying their

desire for change, both ideological and physical, as shallow and ill-timed. In this section, I study

Korean feminist literature and cartoons that were published in various magazines and

newspapers during the colonial era.

My thesis ultimately argues that the construction of gender identity for Korean feminists

was a complex process that involved contestation, re-invention, negotiation, and restructuring at

the intersection of colonialism, modernity, and nationalism.

The Intersection of Colonialism, Modernity, and Nationalism

The colonization of Korea by Japan introduced modernity to a country that had resisted

foreign influence for over five hundred years. Colonial modernity refers to the relationship

between colonialism and modernity, where both terms hold equal significance (Shin & Robinson,

6
1995, p. 5). Colonialism and modernity are intertwined and mutually reinforcing, with modernity

being deeply rooted in colonialism and imperialism (Kang, 2002, p. 77). The colonial experience

was not just a hindrance to the development of colonized nations, but a complex context in

which the colonized actively and passively participated in various aspects of the colonial

experience. As such, the introduction of "modern" elements through colonialism put the

colonized subjects at a crossroads between tradition and modern capitalism (Yu, 2003, p. 85). As

capitalism and technology were imposed on colonized nations, the colonized experienced

conflict between tradition and modernity.

Indeed, the rise of modernity in colonized countries differs from that in the West in that

the modernization in the Western Hemisphere occurred naturally through social, political, and

economic evolution, whereas in colonized countries like South Korea, modernization was

imposed through imperial forces such as Japan (Park, 2000, p. 136). From the Western

viewpoints, modernity refers to a phenomenon that emerged in 18th century Western Europe and

later spread to other regions of the world. It is often linked to the Enlightenment, rationalism,

individualism, citizenship, and the emergence of nation-state. However, its forms and impacts

varied greatly as it was adopted and embraced by different cultures and societies, particularly

colonized countries. In fact, the modernization in colonized countries, such as Korea, was

introduced by imperial forces and not through natural social, political, and economic evolution.

This resulted in a non-linear trajectory towards modernity when it came to Korea, as it was often

associated with the colonizer and anti-tradition. Thus, Berman (1983) emphasizes the importance

of studying the colonized nation's path towards modernity without assuming it will mirror that of

Western countries.

7
 It should be noted that many Koreans had mixed feelings towards modernity from its

onset, due to the anti-colonial sentiment present in the country (Park, 2000, p. 137). In the late

nineteenth century, some leading intellectuals advocated for "Modernity first and Liberation

second" as a means to escape Korea's economic and political backwardness. However, the

dominant narrative among intellectuals focused on liberation efforts as Japan strengthened its

control and implemented repressive measures. It was in this context that the Minjok Moonhwa

movement, or People's Cultural Movement, emerged during the colonial period. Led by male

intellectuals, the movement aimed to educate citizens on the importance of liberation and instill

nationalism and anti-colonialism. However, this led to the exclusion of groups such as women

and farmers, who were forced to experience "double exclusion" as a result of political and

cultural hegemony controlled by foreign occupiers and Korean male intellectuals respectively

(Kim & Jung, 1997, p. 59).

The relationship between women and modernity is complex and cannot be reduced to a

simple binary of modernity being patriarchal and women being passive players in it (Felski,

1995). Similarly, the relationship between colonial modernity and colonized women is complex.

In terms of political and cultural hegemony, colonial modernity implies a dominant-subordinate

gender relationship between Korean women and Japanese colonizers, as well as between Korean

women and Korean men. However, when modernity is seen as a departure from tradition, women

may have had positive and reinforcing relationships with it. Therefore, understanding the

experiences of colonial womanhood requires an approach that examines women's nuanced

relationships with the forces of modernization in their everyday lives.

8
 In this regard, Partha Chatterjee (1993) emphasizes the importance of taking a

comprehensive approach when studying colonial women that includes examining their

relationships with nationalism and other male-dominated societal structures prior to colonization.

By understanding the gendered positions of colonized women in relation to colonized men

before foreign invasion, the complex and nuanced gendered relations during the colonial period

can be better understood. To achieve this, Spivak (1988) advocated for "subaltern studies," which

take into account the complex relationships between marginalized groups, such as peasant

farmers and colonial women, and dominant groups, such as colonizers and male nationals. As

such, subalternity offers a unique perspective on the experiences of marginalized groups by

going beyond typical categories like class and gender binary, and instead focuses on the complex

web of identifiers, such as gender, sexuality, class, race, educational level, and regional origin,

and how these groups navigate these varying categories in relation to dominant groups.

A study by Yumi Moon (2013) on the Ilchinhoe (일진회 or Advance in Unity Society)

highlights the complex relationships that marginalized groups experienced under Japanese

colonial rule. Ilchinhoe is often criticized for collaborating with the Japanese during the early

period of Japanese rule, even though the majority of its members were from the Tonghak

movement (동학 or Eastern Learning). Tonghak was originally a religious organization that

evolved into a social movement led by peasant farmers to create an egalitarian and democratic

society in Joseon Korea in the late nineteenth century. While Tonghak is celebrated as the

beginning of a people's movement in Korea, it is not widely known that most Tonghak followers

became the core members of Ilchinhoe after the Japanese annexation of Korea. The reason is that

while Tonghak aligns with nationalism, Ilchinhoe is seen as supporting the Japanese colonizers in

9
the colonizer vs nationalist binary. However, as previously discussed, this approach fails to take

into account the complex and nuanced relationships that marginalized groups were forced to

navigate in colonial Korea. Members of Ilchinhoe chose to work with the Japanese not because

they supported the colonization but because they believed in dismantling the monarchy and class

system that had plagued the country for more than 500 years before the Japanese occupation.

They sought to represent the rights and welfare of commoners by rejecting the existing Korean

political infrastructure. In fact, Ilchinhoe members were situated at the complex intersection of

colonialism, modernity, and nationalism. Moon's study of Ilchinhoe illustrates how the binary

thinking of pro-nation and anti-nation hinders a proper historical examination (pp. 20-44).

Due to the intricate dynamics among different Korean groups during the period of

Japanese colonization, using a subaltern studies perspective that goes beyond nationalism is

essential to gain a more accurate understanding of the experiences of marginalized groups in

colonial Korea. The concept of gendered subalternity as advocated by Spivak (1988) is

particularly useful for understanding the experiences of Korean women during the period of

Japanese rule (1910-1945). It emphasizes how the gendered identity of Korean women was

primarily defined by their sexuality, bodies, and labor within the patriarchal framework of

tradition. At the same time, as subalterns, women also followed the leadership of male

nationalists in their collective resistance against the Japanese occupiers.

Feminist Theories on Women’s Bodies

The way in which the body has been viewed in western philosophy has often been

problematic for feminists. Historically, the body has been seen as separate from the mind, and as

something that can be controlled and directed. However, this has also been linked to the idea that

10
women are more closely associated with their bodies than men are, which has been used to

justify that women are less rational than their counterparts. This idea has also been applied to

colonized and lower-class bodies. To challenge these assumptions, feminists needed to address

and understand the ways in which bodies are constructed and how this affects our understanding

of gender. The perspectives that have been developed in this process have deepened our

understanding of other aspects of our physical existence.

Simone De Beauvoir's book The Second Sex (1949/2010) explores the connection

between the body and self in feminist theory. She and other phenomenologists believe that the

body is not only a physical entity, but also a “lived” experience and a perspective on the world.

She recognizes that other people's perception of our body shapes our sense of self. Beauvoir's

work emphasizes how material and cultural factors shape our embodied selves, and how these

experiences differ for men and women. According to Beauvoir, these differences are not based

on biology, but on the social and cultural constructions of gender, where women are seen as

inferior, hence denied the same opportunities as men. This leads to a lack of agency in shaping

their own bodies and lives. Beauvoir's analysis of the relationship between the body and self in

relation to gender illustrates how the body is not just a physical object, but also shaped by social

and cultural forces.

Beauvoir further argues that while biology provides certain physical differences between

men and women, these differences alone do not determine the roles and experiences of men and

women in society. Rather, the meaning and significance of these biological differences are

shaped by cultural and societal factors. In fact, Beauvoir argues that the physical differences

between men and women “have no significance” (p. 66). More specifically, this means that the

11
way society views and values women's reproductive function is not a result of biology alone, but

rather a result of societal constructs and beliefs. Indeed, Beauvoir emphasizes the importance of

understanding how biology and culture interact in shaping gender roles and experiences.

Also, Beauvoir explains how the female body is perceived and treated differently

throughout different stages of a woman's life. She argues that girls are trained to view and

interact with their bodies differently than boys. This training, which begins in childhood, leads to

a different way of experiencing and inhabiting the body for girls compared to boys. Girls are

encouraged to see themselves as passive and timid, while boys are encouraged to be active and

adventurous (p. 355). This training in bodily habits has a significant impact on the way girls

interact with the world and their ability to claim agency and control over their own bodies.

Again, according to Beauvoir, this is not a result of biology but rather a result of societal and

cultural factors that shape the way girls and women are perceived and treated.

Beauvoir also argues that the perception and understanding of one's own body by a young

girl and later a woman is shaped by internalizing the way it is viewed by others. Beauvoir posits

that through receiving compliments and criticisms, through exposure to images and language, a

young girl learns the associations of words like "pretty" and "ugly." She realizes that being

pleasing to others means being physically attractive, and as a result, she attempts to conform to a

specific ideal by working to improve her appearance, constantly looking at herself in mirrors,

and comparing herself to the ideal images presented by princesses portrayed in stories (p. 304).

Beauvoir's descriptions of the female body as experienced contrast with the positive

portrayals of the female body found in the work of sexual difference theorists such as

Braidotti (1994). These theorists aim to present a positive view of the differences between men

12
and women, by emphasizing the unique strengths and capabilities of the female body. This

approach can be found primarily in radical feminism, especially in the late 1970s and 1980s. In

fact, radical feminists commonly view men as the root cause of women's oppression and even

accuse sympathetic men of being potential oppressors. They also support idea of transforming

women's biological functions of pregnancy and childbirth as a fundamental way to achieve

women's liberation. The term "radical" has two meanings: 1) Unlike liberal feminism, which

points out the flaws of systems, radical feminists criticize the entire system; and 2) Unlike

Marxist feminism, which sees women's oppression as a consequence of class oppression, radical

feminism emphasizes the deep-rootedness of women's oppression. Adopting the principle of

"The personal/private is political," radical feminism analyzes issues such as sexuality, love,

masculinity, and femininity within the domestic sphere, and calls for women to stand united as

one class (Willis, 1984, pp. 91-108).

Expanding on the ideas of Beauvoir, feminists also have pointed out how societal norms

shape how individuals regulate their own bodies and the bodies of others. Through practices such

as exercise, dress, and makeup, both women and men try to reshape their bodies to conform to

dominant societal norms. These practices are not only aimed at creating appropriately gendered

bodies, but also at normalizing other aspects of bodily identity. These practices also enforce the

idea that certain bodies (white, able-bodied, and young) are ideal, and that other bodies must be

altered to conform to this ideal. Since the 1990s, feminist scholars have extensively used the

work of Michel Foucault (1975/1979) to analyze the power relations in disciplinary practices

concerning the body. For example, scholars such as Bartky (1990) and Bordo (1993) apply

Foucault's insights on disciplinary practices to the gendered body, with a particular focus on the

13
female body. They posit that women actively discipline their own bodies not only to avoid social

punishments but also to gain pleasure and acceptance from society.

Judith Butler in her book Gender Trouble (1990) builds on Beauvoir's claim that

individuals become differentiated as women and men, rather than being born as who they are. In

fact, Butler’s theory of gendered subjectivity has had a significant impact on feminist theory. She

rejects the idea that gender differences and the assumed naturalness of heterosexuality have their

origin in biological or natural differences. Instead, she examines how the illusive connection

between biology, gendered identification, and heterosexuality is created. Butler argues that when

a baby is born and identified as a girl or a boy by a midwife, it's not just a statement of fact, but

an act that contributes to creating that fact. Repetition of similar acts creates the illusion of

distinct male and female beings. These gendered performances are actions that individuals and

others perform in accordance with societal ideals that are unattainable. Yet, they still serve as

guidelines for behavior. These dominant ideals reinforce the dominance of certain groups, such

as men and heterosexuals, over others such as women, gay people, trans and gender non-

conforming people, and those with differently-abled bodies. These marginalized groups are often

treated as outcasts and subjected to social punishments. Butler also points out that gendered

performances include an implicit assumption of heterosexuality, but these performances are also

shaped by factors such as class, race, cultural background, and various forms of abilities and

disabilities. The bodily expressions of gendered identity also convey other social identities,

making it impossible to separate gender from these other factors.

Iris Marion Young expanded upon the ideas of Butler by focusing on the everyday

experiences of women's embodiment. Her accounts not only describe the experiences but also

14
reveal how social norms that govern female "bodily comportment" yield an inhibited

intentionality, which refers to a disruption in the natural, unconscious interaction with one's

surroundings as Merleau-Ponty (1945/1962) had pointed out. In her essay "Throwing like a Girl:

A Phenomenology of Feminine Body Comportment Motility and Spatiality” (1980), Young

highlights studies showing that girls and boys have different throwing styles and that women

often fail to use the full physical capabilities of their bodies when attempting physical tasks. She

echoes Beauvoir's descriptions of the female experience, suggesting that the inhibited

intentionality characteristic of female embodiment is caused by the fact that women often

experience their bodies as objects that are looked at and acted upon, rather than as the source of

their abilities: “When the woman enters a task with inhibited intentionality, she projects the

possibilities of that task — thus projects an ‘I can’ — but projects them merely as the

possibilities of ‘someone,' and not truly her possibilities — and thus projects an ‘I cannot’” (p.

147). They often view their body as a burden that must be dragged along and protected

simultaneously. Young posits that these experiences of embodiment are not due to biology, but

rather the circumstances of women in contemporary society. They highlight the ways in which

the lived embodiment of women can hinder their ability to actively engage with the world.

Alcoff (2006) argues that phenomenological perspectives claimed by Beauvoir and

Young need to be understood in the context of “cultural and ethnic specificity” (p. 107). In her

book Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self, Alcoff utilizes a phenomenological

perspective to comprehend identity categories that are rooted in physical bodily features, which

she refers to as visible identities. In fact, she illustrates how physical characteristics like skin

15
color, hair, etc. are invested with meaning and become a part of our immediate perception of

them.

Alcoff also examines the concept of social identity categories, with a particular emphasis

on race and gender identities. Alcoff refers to race and sex as signifiers that are “most definitely

physical, marked on and through the body, lived as a material experience, visible as surface

phenomena and determinant of economic and political status” (p. 102). Alcoff argues that

because of the concrete reality of physical characteristics and our immediate perceptual response,

the meanings associated with these features become internalized instantly and treated as natural.

The fact that these meanings are acquired through repeated experiences is not immediately

obvious to us, as these perceptual practices become routine and hard to change. She notes that

"race and gender consciousness produces habitual bodily mannerisms that feel natural and

become unconscious after long use” (p. 108). Still, she remains hopeful about the potential for

change, although she emphasizes the challenges of even performing these practices. Such

changes necessitate that individuals view their own bodies and the bodies of others differently:

“[p]erceptual practices are dynamic even when congealed into habit, … people are capable of

change” (p. 189).

Feminist theorists of embodiment have made important contributions to how the body is

discussed in philosophical discussions of ethics, history, and gender. They also offer a critical

perspective on gendered embodiment, as well as a general understanding of the relationship

between bodies and selves.

16
Double Colonization

Feminist theories of embodiment offer valuable perspectives for comprehending the

experiences of Korean feminists during the colonial era. These theories reveal how Korean

feminists perceived the connection between the body and identity and how societal expectations

for women's bodies were used as a tool of oppression. In Korea, this oppression was intensified

by the existing patriarchal society, which resulted in the suppression of women based on their

physical appearance and chastity. This suppression was reinforced by the double colonization of

Korea.

According to Choi (1997), Korean men viewed the rise of feminism as a threat to their

already marginalized status and power. They sought to undermine the women's movement by

portraying it as trivial and inappropriate in the face of the nation's struggles against colonization.

In her analysis, Choi examines Yi Sang’s short story, “The Wings” (“Nalgae,” 1936), to reveal

the differences in roles between Korean men and women in society. The story illustrates how the

patriarchal system in Korea during the colonial era doubly oppressed women by placing the

burden of supporting the family on them while also blaming them for encroaching on men's

traditional roles. The narrative, told from the perspective of the husband, effectively silences the

voice of the wife and portrays her as a perpetrator of national and moral betrayal. The wife is

forced to engage in prostitution to support the family, reversing the traditional division of labor

and space between husband and wife. The story highlights the emasculation of Korean men

under colonial rule and their discomfort with the collapse of the patriarchal system. Overall, it

illustrates how the construction of Korean womanhood was influenced by both colonial and

17
neocolonial realities, in which women were doubly oppressed by both foreign colonizers and

their own patriarchal society.

Choi also argues that during the period of double colonization, the idea of women's

chastity was seen as a symbol of national integrity. However, women were often forced to

sacrifice their bodies in order to support their families due to the emasculated status of Korean

men. In the short story "The Wings," the wife is portrayed as a prostitute who goes against

traditional rules of chastity and conjugal trust, leading to the disruption of national integrity and

blood purity. This portrayal ignores the sacrifices that women made to support their families and

the nation. Korean men are seen as doubly colonizing women in order to regain their lost power

and masculinity, while emphasizing the importance of national integrity and "blood purity" in

women. This has led to women being doubly colonized by both foreign powers and their fellow

male citizens. Indeed, the rise of Korean feminism and the New Women Movement was seen as a

threat to national integrity and security by many men. In this inevitable struggle for power and

space, men resorted to the notion of double colonization by pitting women's movement against

the national cause. Major newspapers and literary magazines served as the public forum in which

Korean men undermined the women’s movement as trivial, immature, shallow, and inappropriate

in the face of the nation’s humiliation and suffering by the foreign colonizers. Such a line of

thinking helped amplify the hostile view toward the women’s movement. By making women’s

movement a distraction, if not a hindrance, to the collective efforts to restore the nation’s

trampled dignity, men successfully created the notion that feminism and independence

movement could not co-exist.

18
 CHAPTER II: MODERNITY VERSUS TRADITION

The Late Joseon Dynasty

The Joseon dynasty, which existed from 1392 to 1910, embraced Confucianism as the

foundation of its social and cultural identity for more than five centuries. Confucianism was

deeply ingrained in the nation's consciousness and spirituality (Chung, 2015, p. 19). However,

the patriarchal system promoted by Confucianism relegated women to a secondary status in both

public and private spheres (Chung, 2015, pp. 105-106). Confucian patriarchy upheld the samjong

chino (Three Obediences) principle, which required women to obey their father before marriage,

husband after marriage, and son after their husband's death (Yoo, 2008, pp. 19-20). In essence,

Confucian ideology denied women independence and autonomy. As a result, women in Joseon

were confined to their homes and were expected to bear sons and serve their husbands and their

husbands' families. They were also responsible for all domestic tasks, including ancestor worship

and funeral rituals (Kwon, 2014, pp. 189-190). Society pressured Joseon women to conform to

Confucian ideals and internalize these expectations (Kim, 2008, p. 41).

The Joseon dynasty had four distinct social classes: yangban (upper elite), who were the

upper class in the government's civil and military sectors; chungin, who were mid-level

administrators; sangmin or yangmin (commoners), who were farmers, merchants, and craftsmen,

and ch'onmin (people from lower class). It is important to note that women were not considered

as part of this class system as they were not seen as political or social figures (Yoo, 2008, p.18).

Education was only offered to men of the yangban class during the Joseon dynasty, so the vast

majority of Korean women only received informal training in domestic skills. Reverend George

Gilmore (1868-1923) noted that there was "no part in the educational system" for women in the

19
Joseon dynasty (as cited in Yoo, 2008, p. 38). In fact, under the Confucian belief of namhak

yomaeng (“learned men, ignorant women”), women were not expected to learn anything beyond

Confucian ideals of femininity as outlined in Samgang haengsilto (Illustrated guide to the three

relationships): loyalty, filial piety, and chastity (Yoo, 2008, p. 39).

In the late 19th century, however, new knowledge, technology, and the concepts of

industrialization and modernization greatly impacted various aspects of Korean society,

particularly due to King Kojong's open-door policy and the 1876 Kanghwa Treaty, a trade

agreement imposed by Japan prior to colonization (Chung, 2005, p. 42). The influx of Western

ideas and education had a significant influence on Korea's educational system. In 1881, during a

visit to Japan by Korean reformers to renegotiate the Kanghwa Treaty, they observed

industrialization and modernization, which led them to realize the need to reform the role of

women in domestic and societal spheres. They recognized the value and utility of educating

women for the benefit of the nation, believing that an educated mother would raise her sons with

greater morality and intelligence (Kim, 1980, p. 208).

Many Korean reformers, such as Yi Su-Jŏng, Yun Ch'i-ho, and So Chae-p'il, emphasized

the importance of providing education to Korean girls. Yi Su-Jŏng, one of the first Korean

reformers and a respected authority on agriculture and leader of the Christian movement,

requested through a letter to the American Bible Society that they send female missionaries to

Korea (Yoo, 2008, p. 41). Yun Ch'i-ho (1865-1945) supported women's education in Korea by

highlighting the development of schools for girls in the United States. He observed that there

were more female students than male students at Nashville University, and also took note of the

female students' active involvement in college life during his visits to the United States (Yoo,

20
2008, pp. 41-42). So Chae-p'il, who also advocated for women's education, criticized the Korean

government for not providing equal educational opportunities to girls. In Tongnip sinmun (The

Independence Newspaper) which he founded in 1896, he wrote:

There should be no distinction between the sexes when teaching the children of our

people. It is proper to establish one school for girls whenever one school for boys is

established. However, the government does not educate girls, which means that half of

our national population is abandoned in the state [of ignorance] and left uneducated. How

regretful this is! We grow sad seeing Korean women treated so scornfully. We are

determined to fight men for [the rights of ] women at the same time. (as cited in Yoo,

2008, p. 43)

Other newspapers, such as Hwangsone sinmun and Cheguk simun, also shared similar concerns

(Yoo, 2008, p. 42). Still, those who recognized the importance of women's education

acknowledged that Korea was not yet advanced enough to establish a public education system

for both sexes (Yoo, 2008, p. 44).

During this time, American missionaries invited Koreans to the United States,

particularly to learn about civil rights, gender equality, women's education, and women's rights

which were lacking in Confucian-dominated Korean society. In 1884, Horace Newton Allen

(1852-1932) arrived in Seoul and received permission to open the first royal hospital,

Kwonghyewon, in 1885. His medical successes led to an increase in the number of Presbyterian

missionaries, including female missionaries, in Korea (Yoo, 2008, p. 45). In the same year, Mary

F. Scranton, the first woman missionary sent to Korea by the Woman's Foreign Missionary

Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church (North), established the first school for girls in

21
Korea, named Ewha haktang (Pear Blossom School). The school taught English, as well as

Western and religious literature, to girls between the ages of eight and seventeen. At the start of

the semester, she had only one female student, as at that time, society viewed women's education

as frivolous. Even girls from the yangban (upper elite) class were not allowed to attend until a

queen visited the school and declared women's education essential for modern women. Thirteen

years later, the number of students at Ewha haktang had grown to forty-seven (Bae, 2012, p. 108;

Yoo, 2008, pp. 46-49).

The spread of Christianity in Joseon society led to challenges to Confucian orders,

unequal educational systems, and gender inequalities by peasants, commoners, and women. This

led to social movements such as the Tonghak (Eastern Learning) movement, led by charismatic

Ch'oe Che-u (1824-64), which called for social reform and equality of all people. It is worth

noting that Ch’oe's humanistic ideals played a significant role in shaping Korean womanhood by

emphasizing the following: valuing the role of women in the family, ending the oppression and

restrictions that kept women subordinate and dependent, removing barriers to women's mobility

and development, reforming women's education, and setting women's status as equal to that of

male family members (Yoo, 2008, pp. 36-38). Indeed, the shift in attitudes towards women's

education during the late Joseon dynasty had a significant and long-lasting impact on society. It

allowed a limited number of women to pursue higher education and new professions, and also

led to a shift in the consciousness and self-perception of women, towards a modern Korean

identity.

22
The Japanese Colonial Period

Hyaeweol Choi (2009) argues that Korean womanhood has been shaped by a

combination of three distinct principles: Confucianism from the Joseon dynasty, Japan's Meiji

gender ideology, and the domesticity ideology of American Protestant missionary women in the

late 19th and 20th centuries (p. 3). The Meiji period, which lasted from 1868 to 1912, was a time

of rapid modernization and westernization in Japan. During this period, Japan adopted a gender

ideology known as "Good Wife, Wise Mother" (ryōsai kenbo), which originated from Confucian

teachings in China. This ideology emphasized traditional roles for women, focusing on their

responsibilities as wives and mothers, and placing importance on their moral and domestic

duties. Women were encouraged to receive education in traditional homemaking skills and to

adopt Western customs and manners. This ideology was promoted by the government and

supported by many intellectuals as a means of creating a stable and harmonious family life,

which was seen as crucial for the development of a strong and prosperous nation. As such, it

reinforced traditional gender roles and reinforced patriarchal societal norms, with women being

expected to support men, be good wives, and raise future generations (Koyama, 2013, pp.

60-65).

The Japanese colonial state introduced the Meiji gender ideology to colonial Korea. In

fact, the phrase "Wise Mother and Good Wife” (hyŏnmo yangch’ŏ) first appeared in the 1906

mission statement of Yanggyu Uisuk, a private Korean girls' school established during the

Japanese colonial era. The school aimed to follow the Japanese model of girls’ education by

fostering morality, care for the ill, child care, and home economics. The school's curriculum

23
reflected Confucian ideals under Meiji gender ideology, which emphasized the importance of

being a good wife and wise mother (Choi, 2009, pp. 5-6; Chung, 2015, p.109).

Additionally, the aim of providing modern education to Korean young women in schools

was in response to the colonial state's goal of transforming women into "industrious subjects" as

agents of economic activity (Yoo, 2008, p. 3). The colonial administration did not view Korean

students as subjects deserving of a liberating education, but rather as individuals to be segregated

and trained for specific purposes. Instead of providing a liberal and progressive education in line

with Western models, the colonial authorities implemented a system of separate and unequal

schools, curricula, and policies. The ultimate goal of this segregated education was to instill

loyalty to the Japanese emperor and to create a skilled workforce through vocational training.

This was made clear in the 1911 Educational Ordinance for Korea, which stated that the purpose

of education was to "make loyal and good subjects" in accordance with the Imperial Rescript on

Education (Yoo, 2008, p. 61). In fact, Governor-General Terauchi made it clear in a 1913

meeting with prefecture leaders that the purpose of education for Koreans was not to foster

intellectual growth, but rather to train them with skills suitable for industrialization:

The [intellectual] capacity of the Koreans is not at the level where they can be taught

refined arts and sciences. Therefore we should concentrate on producing able workers

through common education… Vocational knowledge should be taught foremost in

common school education. (Terauchi, 1931, as cited in Pak & Hwang, 2011, p. 381)

Still, it is worth noting that the mere fact that girls were educated at all marked a departure from

traditional Korean Confucianism, which denied educational opportunities for women. Indeed,

24
strict Confucian tenets were sidestepped by Japanese influence in the turbulent times, and girls,

albeit very few, were finally given the opportunity to learn (Choi, 2009. p. 9).

It was in this setting that the principle of domesticity professed by American Protestant

missionaries gained acceptance at the outset of the 20th century in Korea. The American

missionaries helped Korean women to recognize their rights as individuals and civic members of

society. Mary F. Scranton, the first female missionary to Korea and founder of Ewha haktang,

ran an advertisement in the Hwangsong sinmun (see Figure 1), urging parents to send their girls

to the school (Kim, 2013, p. 47; Yoo, 2008, pp. 49-50). The efforts of American missionaries like

Scranton led to the embrace of new educational opportunities by Koreans, which prompted more

missionaries to come to Korea. These efforts produced significant results, as 3,014 students were

taught by 154 teachers in 47 schools across the country in 1915. However, the poor physical

condition of the nation made it difficult for the missionaries to find adequate places to teach

students, often resulting in the use of church basements as classrooms (Yoo, 2008, pp. 50-53).

Figure 1. “Yŏhagwŏn mojip kwanggo" (“Recruiting New Schoolgirls”) [Photograph].

The newspaper advertisement introduced Ewha haktang’s school curricula. (Scranton, 1908, Retrieved from
National Library of Korea)

Nearly forty years after Scranton founded Ewha haktang in 1886, Alice Appenzeller, first

Caucasian born in Korea as a daughter of the Methodist missionary Rev. Henry Appenzeller,

25
reflected on the progress of girls’ education in Korea. In her essay “Chosŏn yŏja kodŭng kyojuk

munje" (“Reflection on the Issue of Higher Education for Women in Korea”), published in

Samch’ŏlli in 1932, Appenzeller remembered the state of women's education in Korea twenty

years ago as “dismal” (as cited in Choi, 2013, p. 62). At that time, people believed that educating

girls was only necessary to help them become good wives, so there was little opposition to

education for women until middle school. After graduation, only a few students wanted to pursue

higher education. The condition of Ewha haktang was also poor, offering limited education.

Appenzeller also noted that over the course of twenty years, the school's authorities, faculty, and

students faced "every conceivable accusation and harsh criticism” (as cited in Choi, 2013, p. 63).

Despite the hardships, she noted the great progress the graduates had made. For example, in

1910, Ewha College graduated 121 students. Many of them went on to work as teachers, while

others became doctors, nurses, or studied abroad for higher degrees. Some also returned home

and became excellent homemakers. They worked in schools, churches, and communities, leading

educational activities instead of staying confined to their homes. Additionally, those who were

highly educated from college had a duty to lead and provide educational opportunities for many

children who were eager for the chance. Alice Appenzeller believed that these progressive

changes would be sustained, and that educated women would continue to take action and make

progress (Choi, 2013, pp. 64-65).

Indeed, during the period of Japanese colonization, Confucian structures that denied

educational opportunities for women were sidestepped by the colonial state and the American

missionaries’ influence. Although the number of girls receiving an education was small, they

were finally given the opportunity to learn (Choi, 2009. p. 9). In this regard, it can be said that

26
during the late 19th and 20th centuries, the concept of womanhood in Korea was formed by a

blend of Confucian patriarchal principles brought by Meiji and American Presbyterian ideas of

femininity.

The Rise of Women’s Voices

During the time of Japanese colonization in Korea, access to education and participation

in public sphere was limited for women. However, despite these challenges, a number of

women's groups and organizations began to form across the country in the early 1900s. The

movement gained momentum after the March First Independence Movement of 1919, which was

the largest protest against the Japanese colonization. This event served as a turning point for

many Korean women, who realized that they were capable of working alongside men in the

pursuit of national independence. There was also an increase in the number of educated and

working women in professional fields. In this way, Korean women began to see the potential for

achieving both national independence and gender equality through social reform. As a result,

many large-scale women's organizations were established in the early 1920s, with goals such as

national independence, education, and enlightenment through Christianity and Western

feminism. It is worth noting that many Korean women were drawn to Christianity due to its

principles of democracy and gender equality (Choi, 2013, p. 196).

Women's organizations were formed in three main categories: the Christian group, the

socialist group, and the liberal feminists group. These groups shared a focus on education,

enlightenment, and Christianity as means to pursue gender equality and liberation. They

commonly identified the patriarchal and feudal societal structures as the root causes of gender

inequality as many Western feminists blamed the social structure for gender inequity. In fact,

27
their perspective was greatly influenced by the introduction of socialism, which provided a

historical and theoretical lens for understanding the origins of gender oppression in Korea. The

groups also called for women's self-awareness and consciousness about the ways in which they

were being repressed both ideologically and physically (Choi, 2013, pp. 196-197).

One notable organization was the Korean Young Women's Christian Association,

established in 1922 and led by Christian women intellectuals. This organization supported equal

education and gender equality and promoted humanism. Christian education had a broad impact

on not only women, but also Koreans in general, as the pursuit of humanism was linked to the

idea of national sovereignty, which was a driving force behind the 1919 Movement (Choi, 2013,

p. 204). The socialist group, represented by organizations such as Kunuhoe (Friends of the Rose

of Sharon) established in 1927, placed a greater emphasis on the societal structures of class and

patriarchy as major causes of gender oppression and inequality. They argued that without

changing these structures, women's social status would remain unchanged. The liberal feminist

group, led by Kim Wŏnju and her colleagues, was established in 1920 and founded the first

feminist magazine in Korea, Sinyŏja (New Woman). This group aimed to critically evaluate old

customs that had suppressed women's humanity for centuries and emphasized women's own self-

awakening in order to achieve physical and mental freedom (Choi, 2013, pp. 196-197).

The liberal feminist group was a leading force among the various women's organizations

that emerged in Korea during the Japanese colonization period. The group was founded by Kim

Wŏnju and her colleagues, including Pak In-dŏk, Sin Chul-yŏ, Kim Hwal-lan, and Na Hyesŏk in

the 1920s (see Figure 2). These women were graduates of Ewha haktang, the first girls’ school

that had become a prestigious all-girls school in Korea, and had also studied abroad in countries

28
like Japan, the United States, and Europe. Their education provided them with a transnational

and transcultural perspective, and they recognized the need for alternative female models and

concepts for Korean women who had accepted and followed Confucian customs without

resistance or recognition (Kim, 2013, pp. 45-47).

Figure 2. “The Founders of Sinyŏja” [Photograph]. (Clockwise from top left) Kim Wôn-ju, Na Hye-sôk, Kim
Hwal-lan, Sin Chul-lyô, and Pak In-dŏk. (as cited in Kim, 2013, p. 45)

The liberal feminist group established the first Korean feminist magazine, Sinyŏja (New

Woman, 1920) with the financial aid from Alice R. Appenzeller, the principal of Ewha haktang

(see Figure 3). The magazine aimed to elevate women's status and provide them with the same

rights and opportunities as women in other countries. Through Sinyŏja, the group publicly spoke

out about their feminist concerns in a society still dominated by Confucian patriarchal constraints

and colonial oppression. They openly challenged traditional gender norms in public forums such

as newspapers and magazines and emphasized the importance of education for Korean women

(Kim, 2013, pp. 45, 51; Choi, 2013, p. 196).

29
 Figure 3. [Photograph of the Cover of the First Volume of Sinyŏja (New Woman)]. The first feminist journal was
published on March 10, 1920. (as cited in Kim, 2013, p. 46)

Before and after the March 1919 independence movement, the members of Sinyŏja

participated in anti-Japanese activities and resistance. Some members were tortured in prison, but

this only strengthened their desire for freedom. Through their journal project, the members of

Sinyŏja gathered together for a common political purpose and built a political network. Sinyŏja

served as a personal account of the inner turmoil and trauma of being a woman under patriarchal

and colonial oppression, and it strived to awaken other Korean women to stand up for their

rights. Notable feminists, Kim Maria Kim and Kim Hwallan, two prominent Christian women,

argued against the patriarchal remnants of the society and encouraged fellow Christians to

participate more actively in the social reform (Choi, 2009, p. 17). In an era when traditional and

modern principles coexisted and sometimes clashed, Sinyŏja provided an important platform for

the goals of Korean feminists (Kim, 2013, p. 59).

Before the publication of Sinyŏja, there were already several women's magazines that

existed such as Women's Guide (Yõja chinam, 1908) and Women's World (Yõjagye, 1917-1921,

1927). However, Sinyŏja was the only one that was successful commercially among these

magazines. It dealt with political, economic, and social issues (Lee, 2011, pp. 95-96). In order to

30
increase its influence, Sinyŏja formed an alliance with the Sinch’ongnyon (New Young Men) and

established Chongt’aphoe (Bluestockings). The goal was to elevate Sinyŏja to the same level as

the intellectual community of women in the West. The majority of Sinch’ongnyon members were

male nationalists who held a transnational and transcultural perspective through their education

in Europe. The alliance with Sinch’ongnyon, which was closely working with leading British

male intellectuals, provided an opportunity for Sinyŏja to gain international recognition. The

group also aimed to be recognized as equal partners in promoting new gender concepts and

identities for both men and women in Korea. Moreover, Sinyŏja wanted to provide a literary

platform for Korean women and looked up to Western literary traditions as ideal models to

emulate (Kim, 2013, p. 50).

Unfortunately, at the time, there were not enough women who were able to write for the

magazine, and the core members of Sinyŏja had to also balance their responsibilities at home as

mothers and wives. Despite this, as more and more Korean women became educated,

modernized, literate, and independent, the demand for the magazine increased, making it the

most popular and widely read Korean women's magazine at the time. However, it should be

noted that only 10.5% of Korean women could read in the 1930s and the Korean feminist press,

including Sinyŏja, was also subject to control by Japanese censorship under colonial press laws

during the era of the "cultural policy” implemented by the colonial state (Bae, 2012, p. 111; Kim,

2013, p. 53-55).

31
 CHAPTER III: FEMINISM VERSUS NATIONALISM

The rise of the Korean women's movement had to contend with the ideological

framework that prioritized the restoration of national independence under the context of double

colonization. The concept of double colonization refers to the social power structure imposed by

the loss of national sovereignty to Japan, which effectively made Korean women second-class

citizens behind Japanese men and Korean male citizens (Choi, 1997, p. 14). In this gender

hierarchy, the responsibility of preserving national purity through avoiding sexual encounters

with foreign men was emphasized for Korean women, while the importance of raising children

to become national leaders who could contribute to freeing the peninsula from foreign powers

was placed on mothers' shoulders (Choi, 1997, p. 17).

In the colonial setting, men's roles and status were effectively dismantled by the

occupying forces. It was at this intersection that the rise of Korean feminism was seen as a

further threat to men's already marginalized space. As a result, the rise of Korean feminism and

the movement were seen as a threat, real and non-negotiable, to the very core of Korean men's

status and power. In this inevitable struggle for power and space, men resorted to the notion of

double colonization by pitting the women's movement against the national cause. Major

newspapers and literary magazines served as the public forum in which Korean men undermined

the women's movement as trivial, immature, shallow, and inappropriate in the face of the nation's

humiliation and suffering under foreign colonizers. This line of thinking helped amplify the

hostile view towards the women's movement. By painting the women's movement as a

distraction, if not a hindrance, to the collective efforts to restore the nation's dignity, men

32
successfully created the notion that feminism and the independence movement could not co-

exist.

Discourse on Women’s Education

The clash between the women's movement and nationalists led by male intellectuals was

evident in their public discussions on women's education. One of the leading feminists, Yuam,

who had studied abroad during Japanese colonial rule, published an essay titled “Miguk yŏja

kodŭng kyojuk—yŏja ŭi hyangsang chŭk kingpin ŭi hyangsang” (“Higher Education for Women

in the United States: Advancement of Women is Equal to Advancement of the Nation”), in a

major literary magazine, Tonggwang, 7 in 1926, to support women's education:

Education is the most important factor for the high stats of women in the United States.

The United States offers women the best educational opportunities and the most

advanced schools for women in the world. Look! Is there any other country that has 115

women’s college and 354 co-ed universities? Is there any other country in the world that

has more than 187,157 female college students (based on statistics from 1920)? American

women have acquired freedom through education. Education has helped them free

themselves from the humiliating status of slaves. Education has also allowed women to

enjoy economic independence and sociopolitical rights. (as cited in Choi, 2013, p. 169)

In her piece, she emphasized that higher education for women was essential for the success of

the feminist movement and the restoration of national honor and strength. She cited American

women as an example of success by highlighting their independence and economic position in a

male-dominated society. According to Yuam, the rise of American women's socioeconomic

independence had contributed to America's growing national strength. She believed that the

33
success of the Korean women's movement depended on women's pursuit of education and that

the rise of women's socioeconomic status would lead to the rise of the nation's strength (Choi,

2013, pp.168-169).

However, Yuam's view was in the minority as most writings attacked the women's

movement as premature and inappropriate. For example, Hŏ Chŏngsuk in his essay “Ul chum

anŭn inkyŏng ŭi yŏjaguk, Puk-Mi insanggi” (“The Country of a Doll that Knows How to Cry:

Observations of North America”), published in Pyŏlgon’gŏn, 10 in 1927, argued that the priority

should be on strengthening the state's economic capabilities and regaining national autonomy:

Laborers in America do not experience that exhaustion and the physical and mental

suffering laborers in Korea fell. American manual laborers can maintain a standard of

living equivalent to what someone in the Korean middle class would enjoy… I am merely

pointing out that they fare better than laborers in Korea because of the different

conditions they are in. Their environment is defined by a state that follows the capitalist

system, and the overall living standards are high. This [favorable ] environment affects

their way of thinking, and they end up glorifying capitalism. They have become

advocates of capitalism, influenced by this environment. I thought they were pathetic,

but, when I think about their situations—leaving their home country under economic

pressure and being employed by capitalist—I get teary with sympathy for them, and at

the same time I cannot help but hate capitalism. (as cited in Choi, 2013, p. 178)

In his essay, Hŏ argued that any agenda that did not focus on the restoration of the nation's

independence was a mark of betrayal. He argued that the pursuit of women's rights, freedom, and

equality should only be sought after the liberation was achieved. Hŏ also dismissed the

34
advancement of American women's rights as superficial, claiming that even though American

women had access to better living conditions and more economic opportunities, their bodies and

consciousness were still shaped and subordinated by men's views. He believed that in order to

truly make a difference in women's lives, women should refrain from pursuing their own agenda

and focus on making unified efforts to restore the nation (Choi, 2013, pp. 176-179).

Other antifeminists also expressed concern about women's education at the high school

and college level, arguing that it focused on irrelevant topics and emphasized outer appearances

over inner substance. They also criticized that what female students learned in school led to

moral confusion and a decline in morality. Hyŏn Sangyun addressed these issues in an article

titled “Chosŏn yŏhaksaeng ege ponae nŭn kŭl” (“A Message to Korean Girl Students”), which

was published in Sin yŏsŏng, 7 in 1933. Hyŏn highlighted the reality of women's lives after

graduation, which were filled with vanity as they were only interested in decorating their bodies

with luxurious items, designing their living spaces with showy furniture, and spending their time

leisurely. Instead of focusing on cultivating their character, morals, virtues and knowledge in

school, they devoted time to make themselves fashionable, stylish or beautiful. This, he argued,

showed that higher education was unnecessary for women. Hy n wrote:

I do not expect anything special from Korean female students. I expect them, first, to

have lofty ideas; second, to devote themselves to the inner qualities of knowledge and

morality; and, third, to cherish and cultivate Korean society. I believe that, once they have

hight-minded ideas and think about the destiny of Korean society, vanity and hedonistic

individualism will naturally dissipate. In the end, When they enter relationship with men,

their standards will be based on ideas rather than appearances, and when they choose

35
ŏ
 their future husbands, they will no longer consider wealth as the sole qualification for an

acceptable partner. (as cited in Choi, 2013, p. 66)

P’albong Sanin also wrote about the declining morality of students in an article entitled “Kŭmil

ŭi yŏsŏng kwa hyŏndae ŭi kyoyuk: mullanhan chung esŏ kŭdŭl ŭi hagi whiayŏ yŏnae rŭl alge

hara, sŏng kyoyuk ŭl yŏhara” (“Contemporary Women and Modern Education: Teaching

Romance and Sex Education to Guide Women in the Midst of Moral Decay”), which was

published in Sinyŏsŏng in 1926:

Women these days are extremely shallow and vulgar. But, even worse, they are arrogant.

Most New Women have received an education, but they haven’t used it to acquire any

worthwhile knowledge. They have not developed their intellectual capacity, and so their

enlightenment proves to be dangerous. Take as an example their idea of romance. They

engage in sexual relationship without considering the ethical implications. In such cases,

are they any different from prostitutes or entertainers? Indeed, just as the women were the

flowers of men during the Chosen dynasty, so the New Women of today are ornaments

and plaything for the men in their lives. (as cited in Choi, 2013, pp. 56-57).

In this essay, P’albong makes unfounded claims that education is responsible for the moral decay

of girls and he unfairly labels New Women as prostitutes or sexual entertainers because they do

not have proper ethics.

Discourse on Women’s Appearance

The views of Korean male nationalists on women's education were primarily opposed to

the acceptance of modernity by women. They also saw the adoption of new fashion trends, such

as short hair and revealing clothing, as immature and vulgar, and criticized women for betraying

36
their national identity by embracing Western and Japanese influences in consistent of their view

on the pursuit of education and gender equality as self-centered and detrimental to the national

interest. By focusing on the physical appearance and clothing of women, they created a

framework that constrained the fight for women's rights and ideological change within the

confines of their bodies. This obsession with fashion and women’s bodies served as an effective

tool for limiting the progress of the women's movement.

During the Japanese colonization, Korean feminists sought to reject societal pressure to

conform and fully embrace modernization by rejecting traditional clothing in favor of Western

styles. They believed that traditional Korean clothing was restrictive in terms of both the body

and movement (see Figure 4).

Figure 4. A Woman Wearing Jangot (a long veil) by Sin Yunbok, 1758.

The jangot (a long veil) was used by women to cover their faces when they went out in order to guard her chastity.
(as cited in Kwon, 2014, p. 191)

However, the adoption of Western styles by women was met with criticism from those

opposed to the feminist movement. They were accused of being superficial, vain, and

materialistic. Moreover, the women's movement was viewed as detrimental to the nation's

interests by male elites in Korea, and those who adopted Western styles were seen as lacking

37
patriotism. For example, in an article entitled “Yuhaeng e nat’anan hyŏndae yŏsŏng” (“Modern

Women Reflected in Vogue”), published in the feminist magazine Yŏsŏng (Women), 2 in 1937,

Yun Sŏngsang argued that true beauty in a woman came from her inner self, rather than her

appearance. Yun also argued that even if a woman wore simple, worn clothes, she would still be

beautiful as long as she sported "unpretentious Korean style" (see Figure 5) by wearing

traditional black skirts with white tops or jackets (as cited in Choi, 2013, p.164).

Figure 5. “Chŏgori and ch’ima” (“A Blouse and a Skirt”). The painting (left) and the photograph of chŏgori and
ch'ima (center and right) illustrate a black skirt and a white blouse that Korean school girls wore as school uniform.
This conventional style represented an “unpretentious” beauty and was seen “uncontaminated” by Western
influences. (Kim, 2018)

In fact, Yun argued that a woman in Korean traditional clothings would look much more

affectionate and dignified because Korean costumes emphasize spiritual purity unlike Western

clothings that reveal a women’s body: “Asian beauty exude[d] much more dignity than these

contemporary styles do” (as cited in Choi, 2013, pp. 164-165). By describing fashion as a part of

human culture, Yun posited that Korean women’s fashion should represent a part of Korean

culture and history accordingly. Thus, modern beauty did not represent a true Korean beauty.

Many antifeminists used cartoons to mock and belittle women's pursuit of new fashion.

For example, a cartoon titled “Kkori p'i nŭn Kongjak” (“Peacock with its Tail Feathers on

Display”), which was published in the Chosŏn ilbo in 1928, satirized a Korean woman in

38
Western clothes (see Figure 6). Here, the woman is depicted taller than her house, indicating that

her living conditions are quite poor, yet she is wearing expensive clothes, Western boots, and a

hat. Her legs, exposed by her short skirt, are overly emphasized, as well as her short hairstyle.

This cartoon portrays the woman as a "New Woman" who desires to break from tradition and

pursue a different lifestyle. From the perspective of double colonization, the poor condition of

her house represents the reality of the nation at that time. In this regard, the New Woman's

adoption of new fashion is deemed inappropriate and shallow as it is seen as a result of the

influence of foreign powers that have taken away the autonomy of her nation. This cartoon

effectively undermines the overall image of New Women and their endeavors by bringing

women's bodies to the center of the public discourse on feminism.

Figure 6. “Kkori p’i nŭn Kongjak” (“Peacock with its Tail Feathers on Display”) [Cartoon].
This cartoon depicts a New Woman, dressed in Western attire, emerging from a hut. The cartoon is meant to mock
women who wear costly clothing beyond their financial means.
(as cited in Choi 2013, p. 83)

In the same vein, another cartoon, “Pulgyŏnggi p' unggyŏng” (“A Scene from the

Economic Downturn”), published in Pyŏlgon' gŏn in 1930 (see Figure 7), ridicules a wife who is

clearly influenced by the women's movement of her time. The cartoon depicts a poor family on

39
the street begging for food. The husband is portrayed as old, tired, and dressed in shabby clothes,

while he is pulling a cart carrying his wife and a newly born baby. The cartoon emphasizes the

husband's sacrifice by depicting the wife as ignorant of reality and obsessed with makeup. Unlike

the husband, the wife is dressed in luxurious clothes and is inattentive to both her husband and

baby, who is precariously hung on the back of the cart. The intention of the cartoon is to ridicule

Korean wives for caring about their beauty at the expense of the family. From the standpoint of

double colonization, the husband is depicted as a victim of the time, while the wife is seen as

ignorant and superficial. In contrast to the husband, who is working hard to feed his family in a

colonial setting where economic opportunities are severely limited for Korean men, the Korean

wife is relishing in the beauty products she purchased with the money her husband brought

home.

Figure 7. “Pulgyŏnggi p' unggyŏng” (“A Scene from the Economic Downturn”) [Cartoon].
The cartoonist portrays a poor family on the street with the husband pulling a cart and begging for food, while the
wife is shown to be unaware of their dire situation and preoccupied with applying makeup.
(as cited in Choi, 2013, p. 87)

Ridiculing women for their interest in new fashion trends was a common theme in many

cartoons. An Sŏk-chu (1901-1950), a cartoonist who first began serializing a genre of satire in

the newspaper Chosŏn ilbo in the 1920s and 1930s, satirized the biased view of women and the

40
commercialization of the body in his cartoon “Yŏsŏng sŏnjŏn sidaega omyŏn” (“The Rise of

Women's Dominance”). It was published in Chosŏn ilbo on January 12, 1930 (see Figure 8).

Figure 8. “Yŏsŏng sŏnjŏn sidaega omyŏn” (“The Rise of Women's Dominance”) [Cartoon].
An Sŏk-chu’s cartoon ridiculed the modern women for accepting vulgar Western values. (Retrieved from Media
Today, http://www.mediatoday.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=139200)

In this cartoon, An (1930) satirically notes that when women’s supremacy comes, women will

use their legs as billboards. The letters written on the legs reads: “I am nervous. You have to

understand this. I am a virgin. As long as you make money or you have a lot, everyone is happy”;

“I can’t pay the rent. Save me”; “I love chocolate, Just one box”; “I want to marry a foreign

student. I am single”; “I am fine with a man who is 70 years old as long as he can build a house

for me or give me a piano.”

An Sŏk-chu ridiculed New Women in another cartoon titled "Modŏn’gŏrŭi

changsigundong” (“New Women's Ornamentation Trend”) (see Figure 9). In the cartoon, which

was published in Chosŏn ilbo on February 5, 1928, the young women are wearing golden

watches and jeweled rings as a sign of being "modern" and "rich" women. An Sŏk-chu mocks the

excessive focus on material possessions among contemporary women by exaggerating the size of

their watches and rings. The repetition of the same fashion trend among the women is being

41
satirized. By standing and holding the handle, they show off their attire and flaunt their

possessions. An's view of modern women was that they lost their individuality and only focused

on being fashionable.

Figure 9. “Modŏn’gŏrŭi changsigundong” ("New Women's Ornamentation Trend”) [Cartoon].

An Sŏk-chu mocks the excessive focus on material possessions among contemporary women by exaggerating the
size of their watches and rings. The repetition of the same fashion trend among the women is being satirized.
(Retrieved from Chosun Ilbo, https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2020/02/17/2020021700262.html)

Moreover, Korean women’s embrace of modernization was ridiculed by cartoonists in

feminist magazines. For instance, the cartoon titled “Manch'u kadu p’unggyŏng" (“A Street

Scene in the Heart of Autumn”), which was published in a feminist journal Yŏsŏng, 2 on

November 1936, ridiculed women’s adoption of materialism (see Figure 10). The cartoon shows

a group of Korean women in Western clothes having a great time window-shopping at a major

department store. The concept of a department store was an imported idea from the West through

Japan, and the cartoon is mocking women for enjoying foreign influences. It is worth noting that

the year 1936 was when the Japanese government implemented a policy of extermination,

seeking to eradicate Korean customs and culture by making it a high crime to use Korean names

42
and practice Korean culture. In this regard, this cartoon can be read as an attempt by Korean

traditionalists to politicize New Women's behaviors as being antagonistic to the national cause.

Figure 10. “Manch’u kadu p’unggy ng” (“A Street Scene in the Heart of Autumn”) [Cartoon].
Department stores had become the center for modern trends and fashion. Each season, the newest fashions were put
on display in department-store windows to attract women consumers. (as cited in Choi, 2013, p. 89)

The public discourse on women's fashion was not limited to clothings. In fact, many

intellectuals discussed whether short hair was good or bad in the forum titled “Yŏja tanbal i ka

manga pul hanga” (“Is Short Hair Good or Bad?”), which was published in the literary magazine

Pyŏlgon' gŏn, 18 in 1929. Kim Hwallan, one of the leading feminists, supported short hair by

arguing that short hair would pave the way for liberation from gender discrimination. Kim

argued that while Korean men cut their hair short and wore Western clothes, they imposed

traditional long hair on Korean women in order to maintain dominance over them. Therefore, if

women had short hair, they would help eliminate this discriminatory practice. Kim also added

that short hair was more hygienic than the old-fashioned hairstyles such as chignons worn at the

back of their heads (see Figure 11). Short hair would also have a positive impact on women's

mental health, as it would free them from the heavy pressure a chignon placed on their head.

43
ŏ
Additionally, short hair would allow women to be more productive as chignons made them spend

too much time brushing their hair daily. Furthermore, Kim added that short hair was "a major

trend in the world" (as cited in Choi, 2013, p. 159).

Figure 11. “Ch’ŏpchi mŏri Tchok mŏri” (“A Pigtail with and without a hairpin”) [Painting].
The noble woman on the left is shown with hair tied back with a hairpin on the top of her head. The woman on the
right is from the lower class and has no hairpin. Regardless of their status, both women pulled their hair tied back,
which was a mark of proper womanhood in Joseon. (Retrieved from National Library of Korea, https://
m.blog.naver.com/PostView.naver?isHttpsRedirect=true&blogId=dibrary1004&logNo=30125538694)

However, the short hairstyle was met with disapproval from male nationalists, who

viewed it as a vulgar attempt to imitate Western trends. Chŏng Chongmyŏng criticized the New

Women who advocated for short hair, claiming that they were causing confusion among average

women and housewives. He argued that most Korean women found the short hairstyle to be

strange and inappropriate. Furthermore, Chŏng argued that cutting their hair would not help the

New Women advance their ideologies and would instead lead to them earning more enemies than

friends by disregarding tradition. Additionally, he disagreed with Kim Hwallan's assertion that

short hair was more economical, stating that maintaining short hair would actually require more

spending at beauty salons, and that short hair required more accessories like hats, hair pins, and

makeup. He argued that long hair was more versatile and economical in terms of styling options.

44
Discourse on Chastity

Consistent with Western feminists who resisted the subjection of women’s bodies to

normalizing practices, Korean feminists sought to redefine and liberate the concept of chastity

and fashion, challenging the traditional societal norms that placed strict constraints on women's

bodies and behaviors. They emphasized the importance of individual choice and agency, and

called for the imposition of chastity on both men and women, rather than just women. For

example, one of the leading feminists, Kim Wŏnju, in her essay “Na ŭi chŏngjogwan” (“My

View on Chastity”), published in the leading newspaper Chosŏn ilbo on January 8, 1927, argued

that the duty of chastity must be imposed on both women and men, not just women because a

woman’s life is equally precious as that of a man:

Traditionally, chastity has been narrowly defined as abstaining from sexual intercourse,

resulting in the objectification of women's bodies. Women who lost their virginity before

marriage were seen as a broken plate made of a precious material. However, chastity

should be applied to both women and men, not just women, because a woman's life is just

as valuable as a man’s. (as cited in Noh, 2004, p. 305, my translation)

For her, chastity only existed in the context of loving someone. She argued that chastity should

be seen as an act of love, rather than a strict adherence to moral or societal laws. She opined that

chastity only has meaning when it exists in the context of loving someone.

Na Hyesŏk, arguably the most pioneering feminist of her time, took the notion of chastity

one step further by arguing that chastity is a matter of the individual and should be respected as

such. In fact, her view on chastity echoed the beliefs held by American feminists in that an

individual is in charge of defining one’s chastity and that chastity is neither an ethical nor legal

45
matter. In her essay “Sin saenghwal e tŭlmyŏnsŏ” (“Embarking on a New Life”), published in

Samch’ ŏlli, 7(1), she wrote:

Virginity does not refer to the outdated practice of being shy in front of the opposite sex.

It is about having a strong control over one's chastity, in other words, it is a woman's

assertion that she has a new spirit and body that are pure and untainted…We, the New

Women and New Men, are trying to bring attention to a new understanding of life which

is vastly different from the traditional institutions, customs, and beliefs. (Na, 1935, pp.

70-81, my translation)

Yu Kwangyŏl echoed Na Hyesŏk’s notion of chastity. One of the few male intellectuals who

supported gender equality, Yu wrote an article titled “Namja chŏngjoron” (“Men’s Chastity”) in

Sin yŏsŏng, 6(3):

It's important to differentiate between men's virginity and chastity. Virginity refers to not

having had sexual intercourse before marriage, while chastity means remaining faithful to

one's spouse after marriage…From a perspective of mutual trust and gender equality, it is

both logical and imperative to expect both men and women to practice chastity. (Yu,

1932, pp. 24-32, my translation)

Yu’s essay was significant in that a male intellectual viewed chastity from the perspective of

gender equality. In fact, Yu points out in his essay that society is very tolerant and even

supportive of a husband taking a concubine or having an affair. However, a wife's chastity is a

major problem that is never forgiven. Yu criticizes this unjust treatment from the standpoint of

gender equality, arguing that if society expects chastity, it should demand it from both genders.

Yu argues that society needs to overcome the old notion of chastity and rethink its new norms.

46
 Paek Ch’ŏl, a male writer, also agreed with Yu by arguing that the idea of chastity was

unjustly applied to women. In his essay, “Sin chŏngjoron” (“A New View on Chastity”),

published in Yŏsŏng, 4(3), Paek describes the conventional notion of chastity unscientific and

superstitious:

Some people believe that when a woman has sexual intercourse with a man, her body and

blood becomes impure or dirty. This is a superstition with no scientific basis. There is no

evidence that sexual activity with a man has any effect on the purity or cleanliness of a

woman's body or blood…Traditionally, in the East, it was believed that a woman should

remain chaste for only one man and not for multiple men. This viewpoint was

contradictory and unjust because it allowed men to remarry, but required women to

maintain chastity for their entire lives…This feudal morality should be recognized and

addressed as a societal issue. (Paek, 1939, pp. 12-15, my translation)

Paek also posited that chastity would exist as long as the couple loved each other, and when their

love ended, chastity would no longer be present in the relationship. This applied to married

couples, widows, and divorcees. When a husband and wife no longer loved each other, they

could dissolve their marriage and seek new partners. However, due to the traditional notion of

chastity shaped by feudal morality, which required that a woman remain chaste for only one man

her entire life, widows and divorcees were prevented from remarrying and forced to live alone

for the rest of their lives. Paek referred to these norms as “evil,” which resulted in many women

sacrificing their lives without love or sexual partners (p. 14). Therefore, Paek argued that a new

notion of chastity must be based on love.

47
 Indeed, many leading feminists, including Na, Kim, Paek, and Yu, sought to redefine

chastity as a matter of individual choice and in the context of gender equality. However, their

opinions were opposed by traditionalists who emphasized women's duty to maintain chastity.

They held that chastity was an essential part of women’s role as mothers, wives, and daughters

and any deviation from this norm was seen as a betrayal of their duty and the nation. For

example, No Ch'ŏnmyŏng, a poet and writer, upheld the traditional belief that women should

maintain their virginity before marriage for the sake of their future partners in the essay titled

“Choltae ro sungyolul chikija” (“Chastity Must be Maintained”):

If someone asks if it is wrong to have sex before marriage, I would say that it is always

wrong…Even if a couple eventually marries, they may become bored with each other or

experience other problems, as demonstrated by examples of impure dating relationships

in the West… Maintaining purity during engagement allows for reflection on a past filled

with positive and pure thoughts. I believe that engaged couples should refrain from

excessive involvement in their relationship for the well-being of both individuals. (No,

1935, pp. 181-182, my translation)

In this essay, No advocated for chastity by arguing that even if a couple was engaged, they

should refrain from having sex until marriage for their own well-being. He cited examples from

the West, where people engaged in impure dating relationships, and argued that maintaining a

pure relationship until marriage could prevent negative outcomes such as losing interest in one

another or experiencing problems that could lead to a breakup.

It is worth noting that many female intellectuals aligned themselves with male

nationalists by endorsing societal norms surrounding chastity. They actually supported Confucian

48
values that emphasized the significance of women's chastity in maintaining the honor and

integrity of the family and nation. Pak Indŏk, a first-generation Korean female writer and

educator, defended the idea of preserving chastity as a standard of morality and tradition, using

the example of the wedding ceremony. She wrote her opinion in her essay “Iji shogun

kkaekkuthan kyoje huimang” (“Hoping for a Sophisticated and Innocent Relationship”), which

was published in Samch’ ŏlli, 7(8):

The wedding ceremony symbolizes that the bride has not engaged in sexual activity

before the ceremony takes place…We should uphold our own moral and cultural

standards. We should strive to maintain the purest and most beautiful relationships guided

by our own conscience. (Pak, 1935, p. 183, my translation)

For Pak, the wedding ceremony signifies the purest and most beautiful relationship, symbolized

by the bride's untouched body. She believed that this was a very beautiful and meaningful

concept for relationships. Therefore, she expressed concern about the feminists’ rejection of

chastity, claiming that their embrace of Western ideas of unrestricted relationships would harm

the purity and beauty of our relationships.

Kim Hae-ji, another first-generation female writer, strongly opposed new perspectives on

chastity. In her essay “Yŏja ŭi chŏngjo” (“Women's Chastity”), she claimed that chastity should

be upheld as a virtue and should never be sacrificed. She wrote "female sexual purity is women's

life itself and must be firmly protected by women” (as cited in Kim, 2013, p. 62). Kim strongly

criticized new women, especially concubines, for their idle lifestyle and conduct, which she

viewed as driven by "materialistic gain and comfort," and which she believed had a corrupting

influence on young women in Korea. Kim also reflected on the hostility of young women in their

49
acceptance of Western consumerism, as demonstrated by their obsessive focus on appearance.

(Kim, 2013, p. 62).

Pak and Kim's differing views on chastity demonstrate the deeply ingrained nature of this

societal norm in Korea, even among women activists. Despite agreeing on many key issues

related to gender equality, such as equal access to education and the right to live free from

violence and discrimination, Pak and Kim diverged from feminist perspectives on chastity. They

warned against blindly adopting Western values, which they believed to be morally degraded.

Overall, the public discourse on chastity was a contentious issue in colonial Korea, with

prominent feminists like Kim Wŏnju and Na Hyesŏk promoting a new, more liberal definition of

chastity, while female activists like Pak Indŏk and Kim Hae-ji along with male traditionalists

upheld the traditional notion of chastity as a virtue that should never be compromised.

50
 CHAPTER IV: CONCLUSION

This study investigates the nascent Korean feminism during the time of Japanese

colonization (1910-1945) from the perspectives of colonialism, modernity, and nationalism. The

significance of this study is that it challenges the idea that the experiences of women during these

tumultuous times are all the same, by highlighting the complex and varied experiences of women

at the intersection of colonialism, modernity, and nationalism, rather than subsuming them under

a unified narrative.

Korean feminism drew inspiration from and shared similarities with Western feminism,

but it also had its own distinct characteristics that were shaped by factors such as Confucian

patriarchy, Western feminism, collectivism, individualism, modernity, and traditional customs,

specific to the time and location of its emergence. Korean feminism arose during Japan’s colonial

rule, which helped import Western ideas into the hidebound country through education to

women. Korean feminists attempted to challenge traditional constraints imposed on women by

reconstructing a new, modified concept of Korean women’s womanhood by defining their body

as their own domain. However, the colonial setting labeled Western ideas and objects as

antagonistic to national dignity. In this setting, the Korean women’s movement was depicted as

inappropriate and shallow by Korean men who felt emasculated by the occupying Japanese

force. In order to undermine the Korean women’s movement, Korean men and antifeminists put

an obsessive focus on the women’s body and ridiculed New Women’s adoption of Western

trends. In a context in which the women’s movement was pitted against the national cause,

relegating women’s thoughts and ideas to the corporeal domain undermined women’s new

ideologies as vulgar and foreign.

51
 Colonialism brought about many new technologies and institutions, including print

capitalism, which gave Korean women new ways to resist not only Japanese domination but also

patriarchal control over their identities by male nationalists. This study examines the writings of

both women and men, primarily in women's print media, to gain a deeper understanding of how

gender identities were challenged, negotiated, and transformed during the colonial period. The

analysis supports that the formation of gender identity for Korean feminists was a complicated

process that entailed contesting, re-inventing, negotiating, and reshaping at the junction of

colonialism, modernity and nationalism.

This thesis acknowledges that the study does not encompass all of the diverse

experiences of all groups of women, as colonial modernity was not uniformly accepted or

rejected by women. In fact, only a small percentage of women (about 10%) were literate at the

time, meaning that the discourses in newspapers and magazines only reflect a small portion of

the entire female population. However, the findings of this study are significant as they reveal the

dynamic and nuanced relationship of Korean feminism in colonial Korea. The study contributes

to an inclusive and pluralistic approach in understanding the complex dynamics imposed on

women during colonial periods, and calls for further research to examine the construction of

diverse Korean women's identities in colonial Korea.

52
 Bibliography

Alcoff, L. M. (2006). Visible identities: Race, gender, and the self. Oxford University Press.

https://doi.org/10.1093/0195137345.001.0001

Alcoff, L. M. (1988). Cultural feminism versus post-structuralism: The identity crisis in feminist

theory. Signs, 13(3), 405–436. https://doi.org/10.1086/494426

Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined communities. Verso.

An, S. (1928). Modŏn’gŏrŭi changsigundong (The emergence of New Women's ornamentation

trend) [Cartoon]. Chosun Ilbo. http://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2020/02/17/

2020021700262.html

An, S. (1930). Yŏsŏng sŏnjŏn sidaega omyŏn (The rise of women's dominance) [Cartoon].

Media Today. http://www.mediatoday.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=139200

Bartky, S. L. (1990). Femininity and domination: Studies in the phenomenology of oppression.

Routledge.

Bae, J. S. (2012). Consumer advertising for Korean women and impacts of early consumer

products under Japanese colonial rule. International Committee for the History of

Technology (ICOHTEC), 18, 104-121.

Berman, M. (1983). All that is solid melts in the air. Verso.

Beauvoir, S. D. (2010). The second sex (C. Borde & S. M. Chevallier, Trans.). Random House.

(Original work published 1949)

Bordo, S. (1993). Unbearable weight: Feminism, western culture and the body. University of

California Press.

53
Braidotti, R. (1994). Nomadic subjects: Embodiment and sexual difference in contemporary

feminist theory. Columbia University Press.

Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble, feminism and the subversion of identity. Routledge.

Chatterjee, P. (1993). The nation and its fragments. Princeton University Press.

Chŏng, J. (2013). Han'guk sinmun yŏksa (The history of Korean newspapers).

K’ŏmyunik’eisyŏnbuksŭ (Cultural Science Press).

Choi, H. (2009). Wise mother, good wife: A transcultural discursive construct in modern Korea.

Duke University Press, 14(1), 1-33.

Choi, H. (2013). New Women in colonial Korea. Routledge.

Choi, C. (1997). Nationalism and construction of gender in Korea. In H. E. Kim & C. Choi

(Eds.), Dangerous women: Gender and Korean nationalism (pp. 9-32). Routledge.

https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203379424

Chung, E. Y. J. (2015). Korean Confucianism: Tradition and modernity. The Academy of Korean

Studies Press.

Chung, Y. (2005). Korea under siege, 1876–1945: Capital formation and economic

transformation. Oxford University Press.

Felski, R. (1995). The gender of modernity. Harvard University Press.

Foucault, M. (1979). Discipline and punish (A. Sheridan, Trans). Vintage. (Original work

published 1975)

Freedman, E. B. (2002). No turning back: The history of feminism and the future of women.

Ballantine Books, 1-13.

Howe, M. J. (1914). Feminism. The New Review, 2, 441-443.

54
Kang, N. (2002). Han’gug ŭi singminji kŭndaesŏng gwa ch’unggyŏg ŭi pŏnyŏk (Colonial

modernization of Korea and interpretation of the shock). Cultural Science, 31, 74-97.

Kim, E. (2008). A study on internalization of the image of Confucian women in Joseon.

Ewha Women University Press.

Kim, J., & Jung, G. (1997). Kŭndae chuch’e wa singminji kyuyul kwŏllyŏk (Modern subject and

colonial disciplinary power). Munhwagwahaksa (Cultural Science Press).

Kim, K. (1980). The last phase of the East Asian world order: Korea, Japan, and the Chinese

Empire, 1860–1882. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kim, N. Y. (2018). [Photograph of chŏgori and ch'ima (A blouse and a skirt) worn by Korean

school girls]. Kyunghyang Shinmun. https://www.khan.co.kr/culture/culture-general/

article/201812191824001

Kim, Y. (2014). In quest of modern womanhood: Sinyŏja, a feminist journal in Colonial

Korea. Korean Studies, 37, 44-78.

Koyama, S. (2013). Ryosai Kenbo: The Educational Ideal of ‘Good Wife, Wise Mother’ in

Modern Japan (S. Filler, Trans.). Brill. (Original work published 2003)

Kwon, S. (2014). Did people divorce in the Joseon period?. In M. D. Shin & E. Park (Eds.),

Everyday life in Joseon-era Korea (pp. 189-196). Brill.

Lee, J. (2011). New Women to new housewives: Changing discourses in Sinyŏsŏng, 1923-34.

U.S.-Japan Women’s Journal, 40, 90-121.

Merleau-Ponty, M. (1962). Phenomenology of perception (C. Smith, Trans.). Routledge.

(Original work published 1945)

55
Moon, Y. (2013). Immoral rights: Korean populist collaborators and the Japanese colonization of

Korea, 1904–1910. The American Historical Review, 118 (1), 20-44. https://doi.org/

10.1093/ahr/118.1.20

Na, H. (1935). Sin saenghwal e tŭlmyŏnsŏ (Embarking on a new life). Samch’ ŏlli, 7(1), 70-81.

No, C. (1935). Choltae ro sungyolul chikija (Chastity must be maintained). Samch’ ŏlli, 7(8),

181-182.

Noh, M. (2004). Kimiryŏp (金一葉) ŭi yŏsŏngsang ŭi koch’al (Kimiryŏp’s reflection on

femininity). Korea Women’s Development Institute, 291-313.

Paek, C. (1939). Sin chŏngjoron (A new view on chastity). Yŏsŏng, 4(3), 12-15.

Pak, I. (1935). Iji shogun kkaekkuthan kyoje huimang (Hoping for a sophisticated and innocent

relationship). Samch’ ŏlli, 7(8), 183.

Pak, S., & Hwang, K. (2011). Assimilation and segregation of imperial subjects: “Educating” the

colonised during the 1910-1945 Japanese colonial rule of Korea. Routledge, 47(3),

377-397.

Park, J. (2000). Cheguk chuŭi sinhwa wa hyŏnsil (Imperialism: Myth and Reality). Seoul

National University Press.

Scranton, M. F. (1908). Yŏhagwŏn mojip kwanggo (Recruiting new schoolgirls) [Photograph].

National Library of Korea. https://nl.go.kr/newspaper/detail.do?content_id=CNTS-

00093833297 &from=%EC%8B%A0%EB%AC%B8%20%EA%B2%80%EC%

83%89

Shin, G., & Robinson, M. (1999). Introduction: Rethinking Colonial Korea. In Shin, G. &

Robinson, M. (Eds.), Colonial modernity in Korea (pp. 1-18). Harvard University Press.

56
Spivak, G. C. (1988). Can the subaltern speak?. In C. Nelson & L. Grossberg (Eds.), Marxism

and the interpretation of culture (pp. 271-313). Macmillan.

Spivak, G. C. (1989). In a word: Interview (with Ellen Rooney), Differences, 1(2), 124–156.

Weiss, G. (1999). Body images: Embodiment as intercorporeality. Routledge.

Willis, E. (1984). Radical feminism and feminist radicalism. Social Text, 9(10), 91–118.

https://doi.org/10.2307/466537

Yoo, T. J. (2008). The politics of gender in colonial Korea. University of California Press.

Young, I. M. (1980). Throwing like a girl: A phenomenology of feminine body comportment,

motility, and spatiality. Human Studies, 3(2), 137–156.

Yu, G. (2003). Han il kŭndae sasang ŭi kyoch’ak (The stalemate of modern thought between

Korea and Japan) (J. Lee, Trans.). Munhwagwahaksa (Cultural Science Press).

(Original work published 2001)

Yu, K. (1932). Namja chŏngjoron (Men’s Chastity). Sin yŏsŏng, 6(3), 24-32.

57