UNIVERSITY OF MAURITIUS

MANDIRA HARSHADA COWREEA- 2013080

POLITICAL SCIENCE, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS
MAURITIAN GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS.

DISCUSS THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE MALAISE CREOLE IN MAURITIUS.

‘As one people, as one nation, In peace, justice and liberty;’ are the words that Mauritius lives
by. The National Flag, comprising four different bands- Red, Blue, Yellow and Green, is highly
open to interpretation. Some view it as: Red embodying freedom and independence, Blue
representing the Indian Ocean, Yellow being the light of independence and Green constituting
the agriculture of the country; whilst others claim that the colors are symbolic of various ethnic
groups: Red being Hindus or the Chinese, Blue the Creoles, Yellow the Tamils and Telegus and
Green the Muslims. Are all of them equally politically represented? Do all of them enjoy equal
socio-economic rights ? What about their Civil and Human Rights? How can the ‘Rainbow
Island’, a haven for multiculturalism categorize humans into various groups based on features
like skin color, physical features, genetic heredity or even cultural basis? How can a hub for
acceptance of diversity be racist? How can one community be socially excluded at the expense
of another? A built-up frustration is bound to surface. This is why In February 1999, the life of a
popular Creole (Afro-Mauritian) musician- Joseph Reginald Topize, also known as Kaya, was
killed in police custody. This martyr in the cause of Creole rights and equality led to a wave of
weakened sense of group identity among the Creole community, a phenomenon coined as
Malaise Creole.

This persistence of poverty, social problems and political marginalization amongst Creoles of
mixed, African or malasy descent, is experienced by 29% of the Mauritian population. Through
the lens of ethnographic research, there are three implications to justify this phenomenon. Firstly,
the creoles faced many injustices such as dispossession, physical and psychological violence as
they are associated with the African community- they were seen as low class in the social
hierarchy and thus their identities were fragmented which led to a toll on solidarity as well as
economy on their behalf. Secondly, le Malaise Creole is a social pathology, that is a concept that
results from the absence of a basic pre-existing Creole identity. Thirdly, the African lineage and
hybridity of Creoles has contributed to their self-destructive propensity. Finally, this
phenomenon is said to be a state apparatus employed by Creole Political and socio-cultural
groups, in an attempt to homogenize and mobilize Creoles for political aspirations. (Miles)
(Lallmahomed-Aumeerally)

Mauritian creoles are citizens of Mauritius and of the larger Mauritian diaspora, who trace their
origins back to continental Black Africans who reached the island during the trans-Atlantic slave
trade. This community includes the Metis, European Creoles and African Creoles, who are
usually tagged as creoles regardless of their roots. In the 18th century, creoles were those who
could neither be labeled as Hindus nor Chinese nor Tamils nor whites of either the Franco or
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Anglo Variety but were rather the leftovers of these racial, ethnic segments. ‘Creole’ was mainly
identified through slavery, as travellers of different ethnic groups from Mozambique,
Madagascar to Mascarenes, adapted and modified their languages, cultural habits and way of life
within a parametre. In the beginning of the 19th century, in 1835 precisely, slavery was
abolished and indenture was introduced. This broke the demographic ethnic tendencies of the
island: a colony dominated by enslaved Afro-Malagasy was now composed of a majority of
South Asian people. This shift in population caused the African enslaved people to move to the
peripheries of the island, that is to its borders, coasts and mountains habitable areas. Throughout
the 18th and the 19th century, as enslaved people abandoned the sugar cane estates, Creoles
founded maroon villages along the island’s southern coastlines. These communities were at the
risk of winds and storms brought by cyclones in the 20th century. If one person obtained a cité
house, they had to move more than a dozen times over cyclones. This deprivation to land
ownership, chronic susceptibility to cyclonic winds, and political and economic marginalization
from colonial society reflect a sense of impermanence in Creole collective consciousness: that is
life in Mauritius was always unstable, uncertain, and vulnerable. Despite all of this, cyclonic
events were well animated by the creoles. Whether in songs, poetry, prose, or popular memory,
there's something for everyone. They were, in fact, the main themes of the island’s iconic music-
séga. This musical genre owes its roots to enslaved Africans and till date it is still used as a tool
of the African diaspora and a comparative lens to creoles. ‘A cause sa siklon la’, ‘moi mo ene ti-
kreol’, ‘N’e pas la caz…pas connais kot pou reste’ are popular songs denoting how creoles have
ho house, no there to go. They were seen as low class and this challenged their solidarity. In
February 1999, when the life of the creator of seggae- a mixture of sega and reggae, Kaya, was
taken, a wave of fury took off. This followed rioting and pillaging which took several people’s
lives. It can be perceived as a means of Creoles to publicly articulate their long-lasting frustration
in relation to inequality in Mauritius. Such a social pathology questioned the island’s multi-
ethnic colors and is referred to as: Malaise Creole. (Maurer, 2014) (Rouphail) (Vellen)

Even though, slavery is said to have had a fragmenting effect on the solidarity, identity and
economy, the homogenous perception of Creoles’ experiences, contribute to them feeling
oppressed or not having an identity at all. This community is generally torn between
essentialism and hybridity. Creoledom in Mauritius has always been linked to language and
roots, which only partially overlap. Even though most Indo- Mauritian are fluent in Kreol, their
primary language of reference is Indian, which means that despite living in a society based on
uprooting, migration, and mixing, they retain a rooted self-identity based on ideals of purity,
continuity, and borders. On the other hand, Creoledom, from an essentialist point of view, means
impurity, openness and individualism (Eriksen). When compared to the great civilizational
languages of English, French, Hindu, Urdu, and Mandarin, the Kreol language is considered as
an oral idiom devoid of history and literature, as well as being shallow and limited. The
phenomena, in itself, in the Mauritian context- whether the ethnic group Creoles, the language
Kreol, or persons who have been "creolized”- most of the time represents point of views aligned
with the creolization perspective of culture. A community’s identity is generally derailed from
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its structure, leader and origins. Creoledom lags behind in all of these spheres as they do not
match that of other ethinic groups. Their external stereotyping and internal incoherence subject
them to moral and cultural opportunism. In addition to this, Creoles live by a fatalist mindset
whereby they adopt an attitude which accepts whatever happens as something that was
predetermined or commanded to occur. They cultivate the same line of thought from generation
to generation which in turn viciously prevents them from challenging the status-quo. This
deprives them of a sense of belonging and thus a sense of identity. Consequently, Creoles
hybridity that is their mixed descent and confused sense of self are often forced to primordialise
in the hope to reposition themselves in the cultural hierarchy. This gives them the portrayal of
weak, tainted individuals with fragmented identities. White creoles are considered pure and
refined whilst black creoles are victims, despots and criminals. In this highly ethnicized
environment, it is difficult for Creoles to establish the kind of cohesion required for the group's
social advancement. Creoles' perceived commonalities (as drinkers, gamblers, and big spenders)
are negative, and their marginal social and political position has made it impossible for them to
fight collectively. For instance, Creoles in Karina, Flacq, le malaise creole was seen as the loss of
land, experienced after the abolition of slavery and the experience of racism because of the taint
of slave ancestry and blackness. On another line of thought, residents of River Champ identify
themselves within an ancient Rodriguais identity whereby they reminisce over their homeland
and exchange stories and food about Rodrigues island. Being mostly poor, they need money to
sustain in order to defy the social pressure of being tagged as the poorest of the poor. In this
case, the malaise creole was mainly because creoles were seen as alcoholics, prostitutes, drug
abusers and advocates of domestic violence. Another place where ‘real’ creol live would be
Chamarel and Le morne. On one hand, Le Morne residents believe that acquiring land would
reinforce their identity and on the other, despite the demands of powerful others, Chamarel
shows the diversification of Creole identity through multiple historical narratives. Whether in
Flacq, River Champ, Chamarel or Le Morne, Creoles have fragmented identities and they
become collateral damage when fighting for their own individualities instead of collective rights.
(Boswell, 2006) (Barbara Wake, 2000)

Another implication of malaise creole involves it being used as a concept to homogenize the
creole group and their life experiences. Capitalists are said to have nurtured this construct for
political aspirations. Slavery and fragmented identities contributed to marginalization of creoles
but didn’t economic development give them a way to rectify their positions along the social
ladder? Democratization, industrialization, tourism and soon the blue hub economy went by and
they are still struggling to challenge their position in society? There must be some other variants
standing in their way. The Mauritian Society is one which feeds on meritocracy to give a sense
of validation to its people. The higher educational qualification you possess, the more you are
respected. With the advent of social changes, our economy shifted from a capital intensive one to
a labor intensive one. Whilst the high-end jobs are dominated by communities like Hindus,
Muslims and so on, the low-end ones are occupied mostly by African Creoles- artisan work,
carpentry, plumber, electrician and so on are monopolized by them. Highest school drop-outs,
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teenage pregnancy, synthetic drug consumption and drug dealing rates are of the Creole
community. From birth itself they enter a vicious cycle whereby they are taught the values of the
lower class, nurtured to work jobs at the bottom of the ladder and they fulfill their societal
expectations by barely/or not at all, contributing to the country’s Gross Domestic Product. It
seems as if they refuse to play by the social forces of our capitalist society, but do they really
have a choice? Everyone has to consume to sustain and production has to run in order to keep the
country going. Being in this state of false class consciousness, they fail to meet the requirements
to join the economic and political sphere. This combined with the fact that Mauritians vote along
ethnic lines, fail to represent creole in the parliament. Has Mauritius ever known a Creole Prime
Minister? Why have there been rulers from only one ethnic group so far? Let alone proper Creole
female representation. Why is the Hindu-dominated political party the senior partner in a
coalition to form a government and the General population acts as a junior partner? Even though
electoral designing the electoral boundaries are said to have brought about a rough equal division
of the island’s 20 constituencies between the Hindus and the General Population, inaccuracy in
the figures show that these were drawn to make sure that the Hindus would always gain majority
in the constituencies as a reflection of their numerical superiority. Had it not been for the Best
Loser System which at least ensures minority representation and the first post first past system,
Creoles might have never made it into Politics. (Leo Couacaud, 2020) (Jeffery, 2007)

To conclude, Creoles cannot be oppressed anymore. Why can Hindus go on with their traditional
celebrations like Diwali and pilgrimage during Maha Shivratree, in covid times, but Creoles
can’t celebrate Easter? Why can a Hindu walk on the street without feeling that he’s making
people afraid but a creole can’t because he is tagged as brutal or a rapist and so on? Why aren’t
the colors of our island being respected? Malaise Creole is a phenomenon that has lasted for too
long. Malaise Creole is a phenomenon that has deprived Creoles of too much. Malaise Creoles is
a phenomenon that has stripped Creoles of their human dignity, their human rights. Why does
there have to be a Malaise Creole and not a Malaise Hindu or a Malaise Musulman? We live in a
democratic and multi-ethnic society- it is high time that Creoles know their worth and fight for
their very individuality. It is high time for them to identify themselves. It is high time for
equality, it is high time for peace.

References
Barbara Wake, C. T. (2000). Trouble in Paradise: Ethnic conflict in Mauritius.
Boswell, R. (2006). Le Malaise Creole Ethnicity in Mauritius. Berghahn Books.
Eriksen, T. H. (n.d.). Creolization in Anthropological Theory and in Mauritius. 25.
Jeffery, L. (2007). Le malaise creole: ethnic identity in Mauritius .
Lallmahomed-Aumeerally, N. (n.d.). Minrity Rights and anti-discrimination policy in Mauritius-the
ase of .
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Leo Couacaud, S. S. (2020). The vicious circle that is Mauritian Politics: The Legacy of
Mauritian's Electoral Boundaries. 33.
Maurer, S. (2014). Post-Colonialism: The so-called Malaise Creole in Mauritius. 12.
Miles, W. F. (n.d.). The Creole malaise on Mauritius. 19.
Rouphail, R. M. (n.d.). Disaster in a Plural Society: Cyclones, Decolonization, and modern Afro-
Mauritian Identity. 20.
Vellen, C. (n.d.). Rioting in Mauritius set by jail death singer.