Ababu Minda

An African Indian Community in Hyderabad

Siddi Identity, Its Maintenance and Change

Cuvillier Verlag Göttingen

To Tsion, Hebron and Hermon
 An African Indian Community in Hyderabad

Siddi Identity, Its Maintenance and Change

Dissertation

Zur Erlangung des sozialwissenschaftlichen Doktorgrades

der

Sozialwissenschaftlichen Fakultät

der Georg-August-Universität Göttingen

vorgelegt

von

Ababu Minda Yimene

aus Debre Birhan, Äthiopien

Göttingen 2004
Bibliografische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek
Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen
Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über
http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar.
1. Aufl. - Göttingen : Cuvillier, 2004
Zugl.: Göttingen, Univ., Diss., 2004
ISBN 3-86537-206-6

1. Gutachterin: Prof. Dr. Brigitta Benzing

2. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Ullrich Braukämper

Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 22.04.2004

 CUVILLIER VERLAG, Göttingen 2004

Nonnenstieg 8, 37075 Göttingen
Telefon: 0551-54724-0
Telefax: 0551-54724-21
www.cuvillier.de

Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Ohne ausdrückliche Genehmigung

des Verlages ist es nicht gestattet, das Buch oder Teile
daraus auf fotomechanischem Weg (Fotokopie, Mikrokopie)
zu vervielfältigen.
1. Auflage, 2004
Gedruckt auf säurefreiem Papier

ISBN 3-86537-206-6
 Table of Contents

Table of Contents i
List of Maps v
List of Tables v
List of Figures v
List of Illustrations vii
Acknowledgements ix
Preface xi

1. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
1.1 Profile of the Study Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
1.1.1 Hyderabad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1.2 A Glimpse on the History of Hyderabad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.1.3 Geography and Climate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.2 Objectives and Significance of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10
1.3 Methodologies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13
1.3.1 Participant Observation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
1.3.2 Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13
1.3.3 Group Discussions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
1.3.4 Literature Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14
1.3.5 Biographies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
1.3.6 Oral Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1.3.7 Network Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .15
1.4 Informants and Interpreters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16

2. CONCEPTS OF ETHNICITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
2.1 Ethnic Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2.2 Ethnicity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
2.2.1 Primordialism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .28
2.2.2 Instrumentalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29
2.2.3 Combining Both Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
2.3 Migration and Ethnicity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
2.4 Diaspora and Ethnicity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .35

i
3. CONCEPTS OF SLAVERY AND SERVILE INSTITUTIONS . . . .39
3.1 Slavery in Greek and Roman Antiquity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
3.1.1 Aristotelian View of Slavery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
3.1.2 Stoical View of Slavery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
3.2 Medieval Slavery – The Ottoman Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
3.3 African Slavery – The Case of Ethiopia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
3.4 Modern Slavery – America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
3.5 Cross-Cultural Notions of Slavery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

4. HISTORY OF THE TRADE IN AFRICAN SLAVES TO INDIA . .63

4.1 Indo-African Trade Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .63
4.2 Indo-Ethiopian Trade Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
4.3 Slave Trade Across the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean . . . . . . . .69

5. HISTORY OF INDIANS OF AFRICAN ORIGIN . . . . . . . . . . . . . .79

5.1. The Siddi of Gujarat Past and Present . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . ..85
5.2. The Siddi of Janjira . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .92
5.3. The Present Siddi of Karnataka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .97
5.4. History of the Siddi of Bijapur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
5.5. Renowned Siddi Nobles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
5.6 The Words Habshi and Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
5.6.1 Habshi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
5.6.2 Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

6. AC GUARDS AND THE SIDDI . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129

6.1 African Cavalry Guards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
6.2 The Quarters of AC Guards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
6.3 Christian Siddi of AC Guards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .138

7. SOCIO - CUTURAL IDENTITY OF THE SIDDI . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

7.1 Marital Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .143
7.1.1 Matrimony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .146
7.1.2 ‘Illegitimate’ Romance and Sexuality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .153
7.1.3. Pregnancy and Birth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .155
7.2 Rites of Passage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
7.2.1 Male Circumcision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156

ii
 7.2.2 Bismillah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .157
7.2.3 Hakikah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .158
7.2.4 Hafis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
7.3.Purda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .160
7.4 Economic Situation of the Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
7.5 Sport, Games and Leisure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .170

8. SIDDI ETHNIC IDENTITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .177

8.1 Common Geographic Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .178
8.2 Common History and Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
8.3 Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .182
8.3.1. Religious Practices and Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .183
8.3.2. Durgha and Chile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .183
8.3.3. Amulets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .191
8.3.4. Annual Holidays . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
8.3.5. Identity Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
8.4. Communal Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
8.4.1. African . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .197
8.4.2. Somali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198
8.4.3. Habshi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
8.4.4. Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .199
8.4.5. Negro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
8.4.6. Chaush . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
8.4.7. Arab . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
8.4.8. Bin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
8.5. Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .203
8.6. Communal Territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .205
8.7. Similarities in Somatic Features . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
8.8. Music . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

9. INTRA AND INTERETHNIC RELATIONSHIPS . . . . . . . . . . . . .217

9.1. Intra-Siddi Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .217
9.2. Siddi Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .233
9.3 Relations With Other Siddi Communities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .237
9.4.Relations Between Muslim and Christian Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
9.5.Relations Between Siddi and Non-Siddi Muslims . . . . . . . . . . . 244

iii
 9.6.Relations Between Siddi and Hindus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248

10. IDENTITY MAINTENANCE AND CHANGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255

10.1. Daff Music . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
10.2. Residence – AC Guards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .261
10.3 Costumes and Amulets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
10.4. Intermarriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .264
10.5. Occupational Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .267
10.5.1. Externally Induced Occupational Change ... . . . . . . . . .268
10.5.2. Self-Induced Occupational Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .270
10.6. Change in the Belief System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270

11. SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .275

11.1. Africans’ Immigration in the Orient . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .276
11.2. The Siddi – Serviles and Nobles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277
11.3. The Siddi as a Diaspora Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .282
11.4. The Siddi as an Ethnic Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
11.5. The Siddi as an Ethnic Minority . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .290
11.6. Reflections on Siddi Interactions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 290
11.7. The Future of the Hyderabadi Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .297
11.8. Summary and Recommendation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300

BIBLIOGRAPHY.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305

APPENDIXES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .319
Appendix1. Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319
Appendix 2. Abbreviations and Acronyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .325
Appendix 3. Abstract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
Appendix 4. Zussamenfassung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329

iv
 List of Maps

Map 1: Andhra Pradesh in Southeast India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .7

Map 2: The State of Andhra Pradesh and its districts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Map 3: AC Guards at the center of Hyderabad. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .9
Map 4: East African coast, and Indian Ocean trade winds . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
Map 5: Indian Ocean trading networks: tenth to sixteenth century . . . . . . .78
Map 6: AC Guards and its’ vicinities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

List of Tables

Table 1. Comparison of the two oceanic slave trades . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .60

Table 2. Occidental and Oriental slavery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Table 3: Average prices of slaves in East Africa (19th Century) . . . . . . . . . 74
Table 4: Siddi names of African origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .98
Table 5: Correlations of Portuguese and Siddi names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

List of Figures
Figure 1: Genealogical order of ‘servile blood’ in Abyssinia . . . . . . . . . . 51
Figure 2: Sketch showing a Siddi house (gar) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .138
Figure 3: Degree of Siddiness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .142
Figure 4a: Various Muslim kidki designs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .194
Figure 4b: Various Hindu kidki designs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
Figure 5: Sketch showing kinship terminologies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .224
Figure 6: Sketch showing the Siddi’s endogamy and intermarriage . . . . 227
Figure 7: A Siddi man’s single day network . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Figure 8: The interconnection between Barkus’s predominantly Yemeni
community and AC Guard’s predominantly Siddi community . . . . 238
Figure 9: Chain of interconnections among Yemeni Chaush, Muslim Siddi,
Christian Siddi, Indian Christians, and Hindus . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . .252
Figure 10: Intermarriage and its effect upon the Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266
Figure 11: Multiple consanguinity of two individuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .292
Figure 12a: Sketch showing sociocultural transformations that the
Siddi underwent as soldiers of the State of Hyderabad . . . . . . . . .299
Figure 12b:Social transformations that the Siddi underwent since India’s
Independence have a bearing on their identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299

v
vi
 List of Illustrations

1. A placard of a daff shop at AC Guards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .331

2. A Siddi rickshaw driver . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .331
3. Mehendi decoration of Siddi young girls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332
4. Siddi men playing domino in front of a durgha .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .332
5. A church of the Christian Side Community in AC Guards . . . . . . . . . . .333
6. Siddi residence quarters at Irrum Manzil .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
7a. Kidki designs on a house of a Muslim Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .334
7b. Kidki design on a house of a Muslim Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .334
7c. Kidki design on a house of a Christian Siddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .335
7d. Kidki design on a house of a Hindu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335
8a. A Siddi elder known for his past achievements in sport . . .. . . . . . . .336
8b. A respected Siddi elder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336
9. A daff music performance at Falak Nhuma Palace Hotel . . . . . . . . . . 337
10. A drumming performance to commemorate a deceased Muslim saint 337
11. Corporal strength is important among the Siddi . . . .. . . .. . . . . . . . . 338
12. An elite Siddi hockey team . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .338

(photograph by the author)

vii
viii
 Acknowledgments

I am very grateful to my advisor Prof. Dr. Brigitta Benzing who supported

me to win the DAAD scholarship and made this study a success by assisting
me in several respects. She did everything possible to secure me the
financial assistance of the Dr. Walther Liebehenz Foundation for my field
research in India. She read the dissertation manuscript and provided me
valuable insights without which the program would not have come to its
fruition. I also thank Prof. Dr. Ullrich Braukämper for his continuous
assistance in advising me and providing valuable research materials,
including his own publications.

I thank the Dr. Walther Liebehenz Foundation for granting me financial

assistance for the fieldwork, without which the study would not have been
materialized.

My sincere gratitude goes to my wife Tsion Teklu and my two daughters

Hebron and Hermon Ababu for bearing the hardship of separation during my
studies abroad. I can’t thank enough Tsion for her consistent support and
encouragements throughout my study leave. Tsion, you are really wonderful
and I am indebted to you! I also owe deep gratitude to Ato Abebe Wolde-
Gebriel and his family for supporting my wife and daughters in many ways
during my absence.

I express my thanks to DAAD (Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst /

German Academic Exchange Service) for this scholarship grant. I am also
thankful to Mr. Joachim Pfau and Mrs. Heike Asmuth for assisting me in
times of acute difficulties, in simplifying complex computer related works,
and providing me helpful insights into relevant literature.

Ababu Minda
Göttingen, March 2004

ix
x
 Preface

My knowledge about the Siddi/Habshi communities of India goes back to

1995 when Prof. Dr. Brigitta Benzing, during one of her lectures in Addis
Ababa mentioned the presence of African communities in India who are
known as both Siddi and Habshi. She suggested that any of us could pick up
the topic for a PhD research since very little has been written about it so far.
I was doing my master’s degree at that time. I took notice of the information
and looked for additional literature on the issue. I visited the libraries of the
Institute of Ethiopian Studies, the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa, the Indian
Embassy in Addis Ababa and the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
the British Council in Ethiopia, searching for more information. I collected
and read interesting articles and books until I won the DAAD scholarship
grant in September 2000. Then I came to Germany and intensified my
research in the Institute of Ethnology, Göttingen. I have also consulted
several public libraries in the United States. My reading is supported by the
fieldwork I conducted among the Siddi community of Hyderabad in summer
2002.

The first thing I tried to do when I arrived in India was to get as much
literature on the Siddi communities as possible. However, to my
disappointment, I couldn’t get substantial material, neither in the public nor
in university libraries. I consulted the British Library, American Library,
University of Mumbai and some private bookstores in Bombay. I couldn’t
find anything there pertaining to the African communities of India. The
situation was not any different in Hyderabad. Osmania University, Public
Library of Hyderabad, and book stores like Book Selection and The Book
Point had very little to offer. The Orient Longman Publishing House has a
couple of books on the issue. I have to mention here, however, that both the
Anthropology Department and the Library of Central University of
Hyderabad have yielded some considerably useful materials. Some
newspapers, particularly The Hyderabad Chronicle, have published a
significant number of articles on the Siddi of Hyderabad.

At this point in time I came to realize that much of my study should be based
on first hand information in the field. I booked a hotel at a walking distance
from AC Guards, a quarter of the city where the Siddi reside. I found two
articles in the Internet on the Siddi of AC Guards showing the pictures of
two notable figures of the community. I met these two individuals in person,
Abdullah bin Mahboob and Said bin Hassan, and showed them the articles in
which their photographs are shown, which helped to develop a cordial
relationship with them.

xi
At the beginning of my research I was surprised that many Siddi, contrary to
my expectation, do not physically look like Africans anymore. Many Siddi
do not like to talk in public about their African ancestral connection. Some
of them claim to have Yemeni, Omani, Bahraini or Indian origins and that
they have nothing to do with Africa. The Siddi of Somali origin prefer to call
themselves Somali rather than Africans. They differentiate between a Siddi
of Somali origin and a Siddi whose origin is of another African country.
They consider the latter as ‘blacks’, a category in which they do not see
themselves.

The extreme heat of the summer was one difficulty I encountered during my
research. I was not informed in advance that the scorching heat of the
Deccan region rises up to more than 40°C in summer. This was problematic
because I left the cold weather of Germany and entered into the extreme
summer of the Deccan. The weather was even more problematic for the
research because the interviewees were unable to sit down at a certain place
for hours and discuss under such heat. The summer compels many people of
Hyderabad, including the Siddi, to spend most of their hours at home. It is
difficult to move from place to place unless one has a means of motor
transportation. Shops and businesses are not open before 10:30 am. Most
Siddi men sleep in the afternoon for one to two hours either in their work
place or at home. In the evenings, right after the 7:00 pm prayer time, they
go back home and spend their time with their families. A visitor is not
allowed to see someone in his house lest he/she breaks the religious taboo of
purda1. So, the interviews had to be confined to mornings and late
afternoons. I used the daytime to type my field notes in my laptop.
Sometimes I used to bring my informants to my hotel room and conduct the
interview there. One slight difficulty in so doing was that I was culturally
expected to invite both the informant and the interpreter for lunch in addition
to the money I had to pay them for giving me their time.

The Siddi women, when they go out of their house, wear the burqa2 and the
rehab3. They are allowed to remove these clothes only when they are inside

1
Purda is a ritualistic exclusion of women from the public arena for the sake of ‘the
common good’ of the community. It is an Islamic religious taboo observed in urban areas
of Iran, Pakistan and India which is strictly against any intermingling of the sexes unless
they are either married or non-marriageable affined couples. Therefore, the researcher or
any ‘stranger’ is not welcomed to any Siddi house lest he/she may see or be seen by the
opposite sex of the household for the same fear of breaking this religious taboo - a
situation which any Siddi vehemently condemns.
2
a black cloth worn by Muslim women to cover their body from head to feet to protect
themselves from any would-be male onlooker
3
a covering of the face worn by Muslim women to keep the purda norm
xii
the women’s chamber of their home. This zone of the house, which is known
as zenana, an equivalent of harem, should be free from the site of men, with
the exception of brothers or a husband, to avoid the unwanted eye contact of
the opposite sexes. If someone visits a Siddi family in its home it may not be
possible to avoid eye contact between the sexes. For this reason, I couldn’t
conduct interviews in the informants’ houses except in the cases of old
widows or those few Siddi who do not strictly follow the norm.

The unfriendly terms among religious groups, particularly between Hindus

and Muslims, leave the researcher treading on a thin rope. It is not possible
to work with people of these religions at the same time without breaking one
type of norm or another. It is not unusual that a slight misunderstanding
between Hindus and Muslims erupts into a communal strife. Similarly,
conflicts, such as Hindus versus Christians, and Muslims versus Christians
are prevalent, although not as frequent as the cases of Hindus versus
Muslims. When I saw the extreme avoidance of religious groups against
each other I was reluctant to tell my religious background, because, in doing
so, I could have lost the confidence of my Hindu and Muslim informants. Of
course, I could have won more sympathy and attention among the
Christians. But it would have been of no avail to me as most Siddi are
Muslims. And the research would not have been objective if I hadn’t paid
enough attention to the Hindus’ point of view. So, I decided to appear
neutral by telling them that I don’t belong to any religious group. To my
disadvantage, many Indian Muslims consider an atheist the most ungodly
individual and revile such a person more than a Hindu or a Christian. So, I
had to say that I believe in God/Allah though I do not specifically belong to
any religious institution. That made both my Christian and Muslim
informants more eager to convert me and enlist me to their respective
groups.

I could observe that religion matters a lot in India. Among poor

communities, such as in AC Guards, a person is almost defined by his/her
religion. The first question the locals ask an outsider is what religion he/she
belongs to. And the answer surely affects one’s relationship with the hosts
either benevolently or otherwise. I was pressed by each religious group to
take up their identity markers. The Roman Catholics offered me the
skapiler4 to wear on my neck. The Hindus demanded that I should have
buttu, the red dot that Hindus put at the center of their forehead. They also
told me that they would be comfortable if I greet them putting my palms
together in an upright position against my face, saying Namastie! My
Muslim informants found this totally unacceptable. I had to greet anyone

4
a necklace that has the emblem of Saint Mary on it
xiii
putting only one of my palms at my forehead saying Asalam-Alekum! There
were moments when I interchanged my hand gestures, using the Hindu hand
gesture for Asalam-Alekum and the Muslim hand gesture for Namastie.
These mistakes were, of course, tolerated owing to my ignorance, but were
not forgiven without a notice of care for the next time. I had to study the
religious norms of each group and use them appropriately. This was not an
easy task as I used to meet either a Hindu or a Christian friend ten minutes
after I met a Muslim one. The swift change of norms could not always
succeed without breaching some here and there.

I had to be careful so that a Hindu would not see me while I was talking to
my Muslim friends and vice versa. It was not possible to walk through
Hindu neighborhoods together with my Muslim friends without risking my
relationship with the former. The reverse was also true. In AC Guards, such
extreme avoidance of one religious group by the other is stronger between
Muslims and Hindus. Once, I made a mistake of taking a Muslim friend of
mine for a walk through Hindu neighborhoods. My Muslim friend was new
to the city and didn’t know that we were walking through Hindus’
residential quarter. The Hindus, when they saw my friend’s costume,
thought that both of us were Muslims. Such intrusion of one religious group
into the area of the other could be seen as spying and could lead to
communal strife. On the next day, I had to answer many questions to clarify
the skepticism of the Hindus. I had to assure them that he was no threat to
their safety and that he had no hidden agenda to visit their neighborhood.

Since the eruption of inter-religious conflict between Hindus and Muslims in

Gujarat there was a sense of being unsafe in many areas of India where the
two communities reside side by side. This was especially true in the case of
AC Guards where these communities are separated only by a narrow road.
Each group was blaming the other for all mishaps that befell the victims in
Gujarat’s inter-communal conflict. The volatile situation was worsened
when Pakistan and India started war rhetoric. To my surprise, many Muslims
of Hyderabad, including some Siddi, sympathize with Pakistan and criticize
the political stance of their country towards Kashmir. They feel that their
‘brothers’ in Kashmir suffer human atrocities under the ‘heavy handed’ rule
of the government of India in which Hindus are dominant. During the
military confrontation of India and Pakistan, each religious community of
AC Guards had a differing version of the same story, to the surprise of the
other, because Muslims read Urdu newspapers while Hindus read Telugu
newspapers which print Muslim and Hindu points of view respectively. It
was unfortunate that such escalation of matters between Hindus and
Muslims and between Pakistan and India took place while I was doing the
research there. It was a time when every stranger was watched cautiously
xiv
both by government agents and concerned locals. Had it not been for my
south Indian looks my presence would have raised many eyebrows, specially
among Islamic extremists and Hindu puritans.

It goes without much saying that most of the Hyderabadi Siddi find
themselves within the lowest economic level of the city’s population whose
situation gets worse from year to year. The causes are too many to count.
The current globalizing trend of capitalist economy which resulted in the lay
off of many blue collar workers, the government’s pulling back of subsidy
from food items, the Siddi’s lack of skills for well-paying jobs, the
September 11 syndrome and the subsequent recession of global economy,
the collapse of the Indian IT market, the current Hindus versus Muslims
conflict in Gujarat which impaired much of the nation’s industrial output as
most industries are located in Gujarat, the government’s favoritism towards
Hindus against Muslims in job placements, the beefing up of the national
defense budget against development expenditure and the free fall of tourism
following the war rhetoric between Pakistan and India are a few to mention.

The pitying condition of the Siddi left many of them to look for alms from
the hands of presumed benefactors. It is quite common that one is asked for
some kind of financial or other help when meeting a Siddi. It is generally
assumed that a foreigner, no matter where he comes from, has more money
that an Indian and is expected to generously grant some money. Such an
attitude has a bearing on a researcher who has to spend several months with
them. One finds it hard to decide whether giving money for one’s informants
conflicts with the best doctrine of ethnographic research, or whether it is
culturally modest to keep eyes shut to their pressing needs. And if one has to
extend a hand of generosity, to what extent should that be? The answers to
such questions are not ready made. I have faced such conflicts myself. I
made a mistake (or was it a mistake?) of giving some money to some needy
families. The news spread fast. Everybody assumed that I was there to help
the needy. Then many started to look for me. Some came to my hotel with a
written appeal for help. When I told them that I didn’t have money, they
thought I was partial or was not convinced of their claim. It took me much
effort to convince them that what I said was true, and to put our relationship
on track again. Some were angered by the coming of researchers to their
area just to ask them myriads of questions while paying little attention to
their economic misery. To add to the locals’ disappointment, some
researchers left the area promising to comeback with some kind of help or
another. As time went by and no one still appeared, the locals felt mocked at.
For the Siddi, foreign researchers come with their cameras and ‘ill-
mannered’ questions just to ‘bake their own bread’ out of the formers’
misery.
xv
An interesting aspect of Hindu life is the place that money has in the society.
Money is one of the attributes of many Hindu gods and goddesses. In fact,
there are gods whose only task is to provide financial bliss for the needy
devout until one becomes an acclaimed wealthy individual. Laxmi Devi is
one of such goddesses. Hindus of AC Guards area do their best to get money
from others, not necessarily because they need or deserve it, but also out of
their fondness of money. One may go to the extent of treachery or
compulsion to get money. Such attitude is neither a sign of greed nor
indulgence. It only shows the peculiar place assigned to money among many
Hindu societies. Although this is predominantly so among Hindus rather
than Muslims, the latter are not either far away from such an attitude as they
are influenced in this respect by the former. The researcher cannot remain
unaffected while working among such societies. There were several
instances when I had to pay the double or triple price of a given service.
Every transaction involved bargaining which in many cases escalated to
arguments affecting relationships. Life in Hyderabad is getting more and
more cash oriented. Therefore, many low class Hindus don’t even answer a
question unless paid for it. In the case of my research the demand for money
had to be taken seriously among a group of extremely impoverished Siddi
families. It was unpalatable for some Siddi that a tourist from Germany
doesn’t have money to support a poverty stricken family such as theirs.

In this study, I have concentrated mainly on the Muslim Siddi. I didn’t

exhaustively research the Christian community, which I believe, should be a
study of its own. In a society where religion matters a lot, I think, trying to
establish a cordial relationship with members of two feuding religious
groups at the same time is unwise. So, I have deliberately minimized my
contact with the Christian Siddi for my fieldwork period. An attempt to
research both communities at the same time would also have brought about a
methodological difficulty, since their present generation is more different
than similar. Therefore, the Christian Siddi are not discussed in depth in this
study, except in the case of comparisons of the two communities. Whenever
the word Siddi appears, it refers to the Muslim Indians of African descent. In
the case of Christian Indians of African origin I have used the phrase
‘Christian Siddi’.

xvi
 1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Profile of the Study Area

1.1.1. Hyderabad

Hyderabad, the capital of Andhra Pradesh (see maps pp. 5-7), is the fifth largest
city in India with a population of 4.2 million and an ancient culture and
civilization. Hyderabad is proud of its wealth in varieties of cultures and the
unique position it has in the history of the country. This cosmopolitan city is
also known as the city of minarets due to the presence of several mosques
displaying huge minarets. Art, architecture, culture, groups of people, and
religions form a unique blend in Hyderabad. Over the centuries, this variety
evolved into a great integrated cultural landscape.

Charminar, the four-towered structure standing at the intersection of the four

main streets of the city, has become the symbol of the city, like the Eiffel Tower
of Paris, the Statue of Liberty in New York, or West Minister Abbey in London.
Charminar, according to Lynton and Rajan (1987:3), “had been built in 1589 by
Mohammad-Quli Qutub Shah, the king whose seat was Golconda Fort some
fifteen miles away (from Hyderabad city), to commemorate the spot where he
caught his first glimpse of Bhagmati, the Hindu girl who captured his heart and
in time became his queen”. During the time of Nizam Osman Ali Khan (1911-
1956), Charminar even figured on the then Hyderabad Rupee because such kind
of architecture was unknown in southern India until that time. Many tourists
flock to the city partly to see the tower. Mosques and minarets, forts and palaces
of great beauty exist side by side with colleges and art galleries, public gardens
and administrative buildings, offering thereby “a rare visual variety to please
even the most demanding of visitors. The city is a veritable treasure-trove of
places to be seen by the eager tourist” claims the city’s official tourist guide
booklet.

1
1.1.2. A Glimpse on the History of Hyderabad

Chronicling 400 years of Hyderabad’s history is not easy, especially a history as

rich and diverse as that of Hyderabad. In a country which boasts of several cities
thousands of years old, Hyderabad is a young city. But the state of Andhra
Pradesh itself is ancient, earliest mentioned in Indian epics of Aitreya Bahmana,
a literary work of 2000 BC. Andhra Pradesh is also mentioned in the Puranas,1
the Ramayana and Mahabharatha. The region near Hyderabad has a history that
goes even further back in time. Megalithic circle tombs and stone implements
excavated near Secunderabad are evidence of an earlier civilization.

Golconda, from which Hyderabad sprang, had no recorded history until King
Ganapati, the Kakatiya King, built a fort on the pick of the rocky mountains.
The Kakatiyas became independent of the Chalukyas. Kakatiya King Rudradeva
was succeeded by his daughter Rudramma during whose rule Marco Polo, who
took part in the construction of the old fort of Golconda, visited the Kakatiya
Kingdom and was impressed by her administration. After Pratapa Rudra II
(1296-1325), the Kakatiya dynasty gave way to the Muslim powers in the south.

During the reign of Muhammad Shah III (1463), the thirteenth king of the
Bahmani dynasty which reigned in the Deccan for nearly two hundred years,
troubles arose in the province known as Telengana. Sultan Quli Qutub Shah, of
Turkish origin, was appointed Governor of the Province of Telengana. The Old
Kakatiya fort of Golconda was later added to his charge. Sultan-Quli Qutub-ul-
Muluk became an Amir of the Bahmani Empire under Muhammad Shah IV.
Later, he declared himself independent and established what is known as the
Qutub Shahi dynasty (1518-1687), making Golconda his capital. He replaced the
old Kakatiya mud fort of Golconda with a strong fortress of stone. And many
substantial additions were made during the time of his successors.

In 1589, Mohammad Quli Qutub Shah, the fourth king of the Qutub Shahi
dynasty of Golconda, saw the site near the river Musi that was fresh and green
and selected it as the site for his capital. He called the new city Bhagnagar
because, according to the tradition, it was there where he first saw his love

1
compilation of Hindu myths

2
Bahgmati who later became the queen. Bhagmati was so overwhelmed by
Mohammad Quli’s love for her that she immediately converted to Islam and
assumed the Muslim name, Hyder Mahal. Mohammad Quli, not to be outdone,
renamed his city Hyderabad, or ‘the city of Hyder’. During the Qutub Shahi
dynasty, the city witnessed its golden age of architecture over-shadowing the
fort city of Golconda. Qutub Shahi kings were great builders and lovers of
architecture. Intense construction of mosques, palaces, gardens, hospitals and
many other infrastructures took place. Important monuments built during this
period were Charminar, Char-kaman, Mecca Masjid, Toli Masjid, Golconda
Tombs and several palaces, of which some were razed to the ground by the
invading Moguls at a later stage.

Sultan Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah had no sons. Therefore, Sultan Muhammad
Qutub Shah, his nephew, succeeded him to the throne, after his death in 1611.
After Muhammad Shah’s death in 1625, the Qutub Shahi dynasty declined until
it gave way to the invading Moguls in 1687 when Aurangazeb, the last Emperor
of the Mogul Empire, laid siege and occupied Golconda. The occupation of
Hyderabad state by the Moguls marked the end of a great epoch in the history of
South India. After the end of the Qutub Shahi dynasty, Golconda remained a
district of the Mogul Empire until 1720. During this time, Chin Qilich Khan, one
of the Mogul’s ablest generals, decided he had enough of the political intrigues
of Delhi and began a southward journey to the Deccan with his army. The
Moguls posted him as the Viceroy of the Deccan and gave him the title Nizam-
ul-Mulk (Regulator of the Realm). However, the Viceroy rebelled and fought
against the Mogul Empire. He won the battle and marched victoriously to
Hyderabad, which he reached on January 16, 1725. With the city as his capital,
Nizam-ul-Mulk ruled his vast dominions which were spread over most of the
areas occupied by the Delhi sultanates before him (Ravi 2001: 5).

The then Mogul sovereign, Muhammad Shah, who has succeeded Farrukshiyar
to the throne after the latter’s death in 1719, conferred on the Nizam the title
Asif Jah, and made peace with him. The rule of Asif Jah I, that lasted for a
quarter of a century, once again brought to Hyderabad an area of prosperity and
grandeur similar to what had made it the most popular city in eastern India in the
time of the Qutub Shahi kings. The dynastic rule begun by th first Asif Jah
lasted right up to 1948, when Hyderabad State merged with the Indian Union.

3
Subsequent rulers of the Asif Jahi dynasty (or more popularly known as the
Nizam dynasty) contributed to the growth of Hyderabad economically and
culturally. Electricity, Railways, Roads and Airways were developed. Huge
reservoirs and irrigational projects were constructed. University and colleges
were founded. In general the Nizams were great builders. Public buildings such
as Osmania General Hospital, High Court, Central Library, Assembly Hall,
Jubilee Hall and Public Garden were built. There were ten kings who assumed
the title of Nizam in all, though the second, third and fourth rulers were not
conferred the title Asif Jah by the Mogul sovereigns. Kings of the Nizam
dynasty were said to be among the richest men in the world. They indulged their
fantasies to an extraordinary extent. For instance, the ninth Nizam of Hyderabad,
Mahabub Ali, Asif Jah VI (1869-1911) is reputed to never have repeatedly worn
a dress. It is said that his wardrobe filled an entire wing of the palace and stood
two storeys high. Though the Nizams who came after Asif Jah I still were
wealthy, they were not capable administrators and policy-makers like the first
Nizam. So, they were slowly subordinated by the growing French and British
powers on the peninsula.

The Europeans’ settlements, influence and growth had been kept under strict
control by the Qutub Shahi kings. Despite such controls, however, the
enterprising Europeans began to consolidate their position. They spread
unchecked, acquired vast settlements and built powerful military forces. As a
result, the French and the British were too powerful to contend with when the
kings of the Nizam dynasty came to power. The kings of the Nizam dynasty
tried to play one against the other, but it was they who lost steadily. The French
and British interference in the politics of Hyderabad began after the death of
Asif Jah I. In the inevitable scramble for succession that ensued after the demise
of the first Nizam, Salar Jung, the third of his four sons won. The French, who
had promoted him, demanded a substantial price for their assistance and got it.
They secured many towns from the Nizam which they lost to the British latter
on. The British extended the Madras Presidency to include the areas of present
Andhra Pradesh. The Nizam was gradually reduced to the position of a vassal of
the British, though he was allowed to mint his own coins, formulate his own
laws and settle the judicial disputes of his subjects (Ravi 2001: 6).

4
After independence in 1947, all the princely states were merged into the Indian
Union, thus taking Hyderabad into the national mainstream. At first, the Nizam
held his territory, refusing to join the Indian Union. But he was forced to
surrender his capital a year later, on September 17, 1948, when the Indian Army
was sent in to annex the city. Hyderabad State remained part of the Madras State
until 1953, when the Telugu-speaking areas were separated to form the new
state of Andhra Pradesh, the first Indian state formed on a linguistic basis. The
pace of development steadily accelerated after this, but the older Hyderabad
State changed its shape and extent when it gave body to the new state of Andhra
Pradesh in 1957. With the death of the last Nizam in 1967, all tangible traces of
the feudal state vanished. Rapidly growing industrial estates and a number of
national institutions devoted to scientific research are bringing Hyderabad city
and its environs into the age of technology, particularly into information
techonology. That is why Hyderabad is locally known as Cyberabad.
Modernization and industrial development of the city are joined by the attendant
problems of growth - overcrowding, pollution, noise, and urban discontent.

Unlike most other cities of India, Hyderabad possesses a peculiar culture. This is
mainly due to the fact that it is the meeting place of different peoples of India.
Here one finds all the states represented. Ethnically, it is India in miniature - it is
north for the south and south for the north, whereas it is actually a bridge
between the two. Almost all the religions of India: Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism,
Jainism and Christianity are represented in this city. The main languages spoken
in Hyderabad are Telugu, Urdu, Hindi, Marathi, Kannada, Tamil and English.

1.1.3. Geography and Climate

Telengana, the area covered by the former Hyderabad State, which was
incorporated in Andhra Pradesh, consists of the districts of Adilabad,
Nizamabad, Karminagar, Medak, Warangal, Rangareddi, Nalgonda,
Mahbubnagar and Hyderabad itself (see map 2). Hyderabad is in the centre of
the Telengana region, but away from the centre of Andhra Pradesh. Within the
state, Hyderabad is 271 km northwest of Vijayawada, 637 km southwest of
Visakhapatnam, and 580 km northwest of Tirupati. Perched on the top of the
Deccan plateau nearly 536 m above the sea level, the twin cities (Hyderabad and

5
Secunderabad) spread over 259 km of hills and hillocks, plains and valleys. The
River Musi separates the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad. A
beautiful lake known as Hussein Sagar links both cities. Hyderabad is situated
on the South Central Railway 735 km from Mumbai, 680 km from Chennai,
1588 km from Calcutta and 1679 km from Delhi. Its twin city of Secunderabad
is a major railway junction and a big military containment.

The seasons are the same as in the central Deccan plateau. The city has an
average rainfall of 89 cm during June-September. The climate is moderate
during winter/spring seasons, that is September-February. The two seasons have
really no well-defined differences. The monsoon months, which are very wet,
begin in mid June and last to August. The high-plateau air is moderate in the
post-monsoon months from October-February, when the climate is cooler but
not cold. The minimum temperature in summer is 22°C and in winter, it is
13.8°C. The maximum temperature in summer is 39.4°C and 22°C in winter.
During winter/spring, the temperatures range between 15-30°C. The rest of the
year tends to be hot, with temperatures running over 40°C in May and early June
(Ravi 2001: 7).

6
Map 1: Andhra Pradesh in southeast India

(adopted from www.mapsofindia.com)

7
Map 2: The State of Andhra Pradesh and its districts

(adopted from www.mapsofindia.com)

8
Map 3: AC Guards at the center of Hyderabad

AC GUARDS

(adopted from www.mapsofindia.com)

9
1.2. Objectives and Significance of the Study

One of the objectives of this research is to collect ethnographic case material

about the Hyderabad’s Siddi community. As an ethnographic work, this study
describes the social, cultural, religious, economic and political dimensions of
this African Indian community.

Africans of Orient and Occident have had contrasting experiences in their

engagements with their host societies. As we can learn from historical
documents, a considerable proportion of the Siddi, in spite of their original slave
status, was raised to high-ranking positions. Some even assumed the highest
position of authority in some of the Muslim kingdoms of India. To further
clarify this point the following excerpts from two known scholars of history,
Rahman and Pankhurst respectively, will suffice. “The Shidi (Habshi or Siddi)
was received in the Sindi (Indian) society as a unique creature. This ebony
skinned, thick-lipped man with a head of extremely curly hair was strange to the
Sindis. The feudal lord acquired this creature to amuse himself and adorn his
court with” (Rahman 1976: 4). But “like the Turks who founded dynasties
throughout the Mohammedan world, these Habshis usually began as slaves, and
seem to have shown the same wonderful capacity, as did the Turks, for rising
from slavery to the highest position” (Pankhurst 1972: 53). How did the Siddi,
utilizing their ethnic resources, achieve a better position among their hosts
whereas the same could not be said of Africans in the Western world?

Although slavery has been outlawed and abolished by almost all known
governments since hundreds of years ago, its psychological impact and
infamous social legacies upon posterities of slave populations are still visible.
As a result, there is still a keen interest among researchers in re-studying and re-
analyzing the notion of slavery. This is especially so among anthropologists and
historians of the Western world whose scholarly concern are the black
communities of the Americas and Europe. This has resulted in extensive
research of the Atlantic Slave Trade and of Western slavery. On the other hand,
the topic still suffers from a considerable void because the eastern counterpart of
the Atlantic Slave Trade is yet under-represented in the academic research.
Despite some exceptions, slavery in Oriental societies has figured only
marginally in comparative studies of slavery. In Toledano’s words, “The study

10
of slavery and slave trade has become one of the fastest growing areas of
academic research into the economic and social history of the ‘Third World’ but
the Eastern slave trade has not received its due share of attention” (1998: 155).
My research does its best to narrow the existing gulf, which otherwise may sway
the whole argument and its conclusion in a wrong direction. Toledano’s Slavery
and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle East (1998) and Scarr’s Slaving and
Slavery in the Indian Ocean (1998) are two of the most important works in this
area.

In the case of the Atlantic Slave Trade, the racial dictum of the Bible was used
to justify the slavery of the African people. In the case of the slave traffic across
the Indian Ocean, what was used to serve the same purpose? The comparative
study of the slave trades of the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean has a lot to tell
about the two global religions involved in the trade-in-humans, namely,
Christianity in the case of the Atlantic Slave Trade and Islam and Hinduism in
the case of the Indian Ocean slave trade. This material can be a valuable asset
for researchers who labor in anthropology of religion if they would like to
conduct a comparative study of servile institutions either between a Hindu
society and an Indian Muslim society, or between Islamic kingdoms of the East
and Christian states of the West.

Until very recently, only few studies dealt on Africans living in Asia and the
Indian sub-continent. Unless the African communities living in other parts of the
globe are equally represented in the literature we will not have the full picture of
the African Diaspora. The few substantial works about African Indians that are
worth mentioning here are those of the German ethnologist Helene Basu. Her
PhD dissertation (1995) and several other articles provide considerable
information particularly on the Siddi of Gujarat. Muthana I.M., in his Indo-
Ethiopian Relations for Centuries (1956), has dealt extensively on the historical
interconnections of the two countries and the subsequent immigration of many
Ethiopians to India. Richard Pankhurst has written several study papers since the
1960s on the history of Indians of Ethiopian origin. Other works worth of
consultation include Islam’s Black Slaves (2001) by Ronald Segal and Watson’s
Asian and African Systems of Slavery (1980).

11
With the advance of science and modern technology, and their unabated
globalizing effect even upon those who once were said to be closed societies, the
Siddi cannot remain untouched. They are day by day swamped in the waves of
modernization while continuously loosing their cultural heritage. The Siddi of
yesterday were not the same as the Siddi of today. And today’s Siddi will not
remain the same. So, it is up to us, ethnologists, to record such cultural lore
before it is gone once and for all.

Furthermore, this study aims not only to depict but also to analyze the Siddi
identity. It observes how the Siddi feel about themselves and discusses their
social universe in an attempted ‘emic’ perspective. It shows how the Siddi
identity is kept and cherished by the members, and how and why it is changing
despite the presence of boundaries to safeguard it. The Siddi social world is as
dynamic as any other societies of India. Globalization is continuously knocking
at their doors and has even entered their houses. Based on the findings of the
research it may be able to cautiously forecast the future trend of the Siddi
identity change.

It is also possible to implicitly trace the geographic origin of the Siddi based on
a thorough investigation of their culture and some remains of African languages
which are still in use among the community. I have also tried to clarify some
theoretical misconceptions concerning the notion of ethnicity. Besides, some
misreadings or misinterpretations of local terms that dramatically altered
conceptual conclusions are amended.

Another objective of the study is to show the plight of the African Diaspora in
the Orient. I believe that the ethnologist should, to some extent, voice the
concern of the people he is dealing with to the outside world. This is more so
when one studies a people who underwent the trauma of slavery and were left
alone to the care of no one after they had served their masters in many respects.
I shall attempt to produce a valuable document for the implementation of
development activities or further research in the area. Moreover, it is possible to
see and discuss the socio-cultural impact of the Siddi upon the host society
because “the story of migration is not only about the people who migrate but
also about the lands to which they go and their impacts on those lands” (Sowell
1996: 2).

12
1.3. Methodologies

1.3.1. Participant Observation

“Many research problems simply cannot be addressed adequately by anything except

participant observation” (Bernard 1995: 142). I have lived among the Siddi community of
Hyderabad for a total of 100 days observing and recording daily activities and participating in
rituals. As a participant observer, I have tried to asses how life among the Siddi community is
and appears to be through both ‘emic’ and ‘etic’ point of views.

The presence of a group identity ensures the presence of a boundary line that
demarcates the ‘we’/ ‘they’ dichotomy. I have observed both the nature of the
Siddi identity and its boundary maintaining mechanisms. The evidences I
gathered include religious and cultural norms, taboos that reinforce cast and
ethnic consciousnesses, political manipulation of these sentiments, and the
presence and extent of cultural diffusion across boundaries (e.g., inter-ethnic
marriages, political, religious, and economic affiliations that cross-cut the
various types of groupings).

I have observed the available co-operative and competitive intra-Siddi and inter-
ethnic relationships. I was able to see how the presence or absence of cultural
contacts among the Siddi with their ancestral continent (i.e. Africa) plays a
decisive role in strengthening or weakening their ethnic sentiments. The
interplay of identity maintenance and assimilation were also recognized and
discussed.

1.3.2. Interviews

Detailed personal interviews were held with selected Siddi elders, leaders,
specialists of various kinds, youngsters, women, as well as with academicians
and non-Siddi local people who are directly or indirectly influential to, or
influenced by the group. I was able to identify and establish a good rapport with
key individuals who are well versed in the cultural etiquette of the community
and were willing to provide their expertise. It was difficult conducting
interviews among the women section of the Siddi society since proximity of the
sexes, unless among closely related individuals, is not allowed. I had expected to

13
face such difficulties because such rules are common in many Islamic societies.
However, elderly women are sufficiently represented because the strict purda
norm is relatively relaxed for them.

1.3.3. Group Discussions

Group discussion helped me to observe to what extent a certain religious or

political conviction is widely shared by other members of the community or
whether or not a certain ideological view is only a matter of individual
conviction. It was very helpful in knowing and clarifying individual convictions,
debatable notions and widely held customs.

1.3.4. Literature Review

Literature was consulted in Ethiopia, Germany, the United States and India
related to various issues that my research is dealing about. Literature on the
theory of ethnicity, the slave trade across the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, and
the history and present condition of the Siddi are assessed and worthwhile points
are discussed in the paper. In addition to scientific literature, publications of
government offices, newspaper articles, state archives, correspondence letters,
individuals’ records and photographic materials were consulted. However, I
would like to mention that literature related to the African Diaspora in Asia,
particularly in India, is scanty and this difficulty had a bearing on my research.

1.3.5. Biographies

Short biographies of prominent Siddi are presented so as to show the difference

of social statuses between the past and the present Siddi. Many Siddi, before the
dawn of India’s independence, were able to secure prominent positions for
themselves and exercised a considerable political and economic power because
they had aligned with the Muslim ruling elites of the time. The Siddi had a better
chance of approaching the ruling class than the majority Hindu population who
did not enjoy the favor of their Muslim rulers due to their ‘unacceptable’
religious practices.

14
Since India’s independence, however, the Siddi, like many ‘lower cast’ Hindu,
are relegated to the lowest level of the economic stratum. Today’s Siddi, in
terms of socio-economic and political statuses, are a big contrast to those who
lived centuries ago. One’s observation of today’s Siddi community at
Hyderabad does not offer the general picture of African Indian communities.
Today’s observation must be supplemented by readings of some historical
documents. Therefore, I have included some biographical notes about prominent
Siddi individuals who went down in history leaving behind notable legacies,
both for their generation and today’s India. Siddi Ambar Malik is the most
distinguished Siddi of all times whose achievements are presented in chapter
five in relative detail.

1.3.6. Oral Traditions

A sound ethnographic study should not fail to pay attention to a society’s oral
tradition. Especially in non-literate societies, oral tradition is a huge reservoir of
history and culture from which the present generation of the concerned society
mines its historic past and bases its future. Oral tradition serves as credible and
reliable archive for such societies. Some of the Siddi’s oral descriptions are
narrated so as to show the inner world of the Siddi from their own perspective.

1.3.7. Network Analysis

It is possible to learn a lot about the relationships and interactions of members of

the community by observing and analyzing their day-to-day activities and
networks. The presence or absence of intensive interaction among individuals
and communities shows their attitudes towards each other. There is an intensive
interaction among the Siddi themselves while they rarely come into contact with
their Hindu neighbors. This is not a matter of individual idiosyncrasy but a
pattern of behavior for most members of the community. Although it is a fact
that individuals have their own preferences, prejudice and extremes, the
interaction of a Siddi with members of his/her community or others does not
considerably depend on the individual’s decision. There is almost no Siddi who
is considerably closer to the Hindu than other members of his/her community.
Therefore, a single case story is more or less representative enough to show the
general picture of Siddi networks.

15
1.4. Informants and Interpreters

My two main informants were Hamad bin Abdullah and Ahmed bin Abdullah.
Abdullah bin Mahboob, the famous Siddi of Hyderabad, about whom more will
be said later on, is Hamad’s maternal uncle. Hamad’s father was a soldier and
died in action in Kashmir. Hamad is 32 years old, married and has two children.
He works in the daff party (the traditional Siddi music band) of Abdullah bin
Mahboob. He takes care of the shop, receives orders for a music show, and is in
charge of the organization of performances for the biggest daff party of
Hyderabad. He is known for his drumming skills. Hamad is also a known
hockey player of AC Guards’ best team, AC Guards’ Welfare Association.
Hamad is a modest person who has won the approval of his colleagues for his
acceptable manners and athletic and musical abilities. He is careful to live up to
the ideal standard of the community especially when it comes to religious
matters. And his effort is not without success.

Hamad is very watchful of events and circumstances of his social world. He

keeps note of fortunes and mishaps of the Siddi in their day to day activities. He
also has a caliber of eloquence in speech. In his slow toned speech Hamad easily
brings his point home, one of the qualities that won him the approval of his
community.

My other informant, Ahmed, is not much different from his friend Hamad.
Ahmed owns a teashop which is frequented by most of the Siddi young and old
men. His teashop is located at the heart of AC Guards which is only at walking
distance for all Siddi living there. The Siddi, unlike their fellow Indians who
drink tea with milk, have the habit of drinking black tea which they call
suleymani, or more frequently decoction. Ahmed’s shop is one of the very few
places of Hyderabad where one finds suleymani tea. Therefore, it is customary
for many Siddi to visit Ahmed’s shop at least once a day.

Ahmed is known as a hard working person. He works from dawn to dusk boiling
and selling his tea at a relatively cheaper price than other similar teashops. He is
married and has two sons. I chose Ahmed as my informant because he has the
opportunity to meet and know many Siddi in person when they come to his shop
to drink tea. He also has access to many personal and communal issues of the

16
Siddi as he hears people discussing them in his shop. Ahmed was also an
invaluable asset for me as he was an appropriate person to introduce me to other
Siddi. While talking to Ahmed in his teashop it was easy to meet and make
friends with other Siddi who frequent his shop. The Siddi do not necessarily
come to Ahmed’s shop just for tea but also to discuss some intimate issues of
communal concern with their fellows. For this reason I found Ahmed with his
teashop the right target to get more information about the Siddi. Ahmed’s
availability was also an important factor. If I needed his help it was not difficult
to meet him.

My interpreter, for the first month of my research, was Fatima Juliet, 43 years
old, a devout Roman Catholic. She was a social worker and hence a good help
for ethnological research. She was trained in the basics of social work and
research. She knows the area, the people and their lives very well since she was
involved in communal development efforts of the neighborhoods. She helped
me both as a source of information and as an interpreter from both Urdu and
Telugu to English. Unfortunately, she could not help me anymore because she
was threatened by Muslim zealots who wrongly accused her of trying to
proselytise me. Therefore, I had to find other interpreters. Those were Javeed
Serwar and Amjad Khan. Both are students, in their twenties. They just
graduated in Information Technology when I was doing my research. They live
in the hostel of Rahmania Mosque which is the second biggest mosque of AC
Guards, located just in front of Ahmed’s teashop. Javeed is from Calcutta and
speaks Urdu and English fluently. Amjad is from Karnun, a town located some
100 km south of Hyderabad, and speaks Telugu and English. In addition to their
assistance in interpretation, Javeed and Amjad were of valuable assistance in
informing me whether a certain custom is only a local practice or is also
practiced by their communities back home. This helped me to identify if a
certain custom is only specific to the Siddi or if it is a custom generally
practiced by all or many Islamic societies in India. At the end of my research, I
had to direct my attention to Hindu and Christian neighbors of the Siddi.
However, I did not need an interpreter to talk to the Hindu and Christians of
Veer Neger and Chintal Basti (see map 4 in chapter six), as most Hindus and
Christians can fairly communicate in English.

17
18
 2. CONCEPTS OF ETHNICITY

Records of ‘tribes’ and ethnic groups have been seen in the Middle East as early
as the third millennium B.C. The history of inter-state conflicts in this part of the
world is interwoven with ethnic migrations, invasions, and conflicts as other
groups, like Indo-Europeans, came into contact with native Semitic-speaking
groups. In China, Japan, Korea, and South-east Asia we can discern the outlines
of ethnic states despite considerable internal disunity. The ethnic components of
social life and political order of these societies are less visible due to the
constant intermingling of the people and their cultures. With the renewed
migrations of Indo-European peoples into Europe under the late Roman empire,
ethnically based kingdoms emerged in what is now France, Spain, Italy,
Germany, and England, and later Scandinavia and Hungary that became the
prototypes and frameworks for the medieval kingdoms of those countries
(Hutchinson and Smith 1996: 11).

With the appearance of the modern bureaucratic state and capitalism, ethnic
communities took on a new political importance. The new ideologies of political
nationalism required all the sub-entities of a ‘nation-state’ to build a united and
homogenous culture which resulted in several new conflicts based on ethnic
sentiments.

As we move into the third millennium, the nature and destiny of ethnicity is
uncertain. Some argue that the unavoidable trend of globalization has no
sympathy for ethnic sentiments and the destiny of many ethnic groups in this
‘post-modern’ era is to be swallowed into mega-groupings such as the state and
alliances of states. On the other hand, others argue that with the modern advance
of transport facilities and the constant increase of economic and political turmoil
across the world that paves the way for huge influxes of people from one part of
the world to another, people come in contact with ‘alien’ societies and cultures
leading to the formation of ethnic groups more readily now than before. These
migrant groups form their own ‘sub-national’ entities while residing among
societies whose culture they consider too far away from their own. As a result, it
is believed that ethnicity, in fact, will continue to exist and influence human
interaction even in the ‘post-modern’ era.

19
Many social theorists of the twentieth century held that ethnicity and
nationalism would decrease in importance and eventually vanish as a result of
modernization, industrialization and individualism. On the contrary, ethnicity
and nationalism have grown in political importance in the world, particularly
since World War II. Words like ‘ethnic groups’, ‘ethnicity’ and ‘ethnic conflict’
have become quite common terms in the everyday parlance, and they keep
cropping up in the press, in TV news, in political programs and in casual
conversations. However, many of us have to admit that the meaning of these
terms frequently seems ambiguous and vague.

It is argued that the modern American society, instead of eradicating ethnic

differences, has actually created a new awareness in people, a concern about
roots and origins. Moreover, many Americans continue to use their ethnic
networks actively when looking for jobs or a spouse. Many prefer to live in
neighborhoods dominated by people with the same origins as themselves, and
they continue to regard themselves as ‘Italians’, ‘Poles’, ‘Irish’, ‘Chinese’ etc.,
in addition to being Americans – two generations or more after their ancestors
had left their country of origin. The most important point to be made about the
American ‘melting-pot’ is that it never existed. It rather turned out to be, as
some say, ‘a salad bowel’. The metaphor of the melting pot overlooks the fact
that many remained intact despite enormous pressure from state propelled or
state backed media and a school system to assimilate the ‘other’. Ethnicity, to
use Lovejoy’s (2000: 18) expression, is “more than malleable wax”.

Eriksen (1993: 4) believes that thirty-five of the thirty-seven major armed

conflicts in the world in 1991 were internal conflicts, and most of them – from
Sri Lanka to Northern Ireland – could plausibly be described as ethnic conflicts.
In addition to violent ethnic movements, there are also many important non-
violent ethnic movements, such as the Quebecois’ independence movement in
Canada. Also, it is a recent phenomenon that the Soviet Union has split into a
dozen ethnically based states. In Western Europe the situation seems the
opposite because nation-states seem to be moving towards a closer economic,
political and possibly cultural integration. But, here too, the national and ethnic
identities have become important topics of contemplation and heated debate.
Many people fear that they will loose their ethnic and national identities as a
result of tight European integration.

20
Virtually every modern nation-state is to a greater or lesser extent ethnically
divided. Sometimes ethnicity becomes nationalism and it may at other times
vanish altogether. Ethnicity can, if sufficiently fanned, provide individuals with
most of their social statuses, and their entire cultural identity can be framed in an
ethnic idiom.

Ethnicity has become a major source of social and political conflict in both
developing and developed countries. This contentious and multifaceted subject
merits a comprehensive scholarly coverage. The nature of ethnic communities,
their boundary maintaining mechanisms and theories of ethnicity are extensively
dealt by scholars like Fredrik Barth, Gunnar Haaland, Karl Izikowitz, Karl Eric
Knutsson, Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Jack David Eller, Richard Jenkins and
Abner Cohen, to mention only few of them. These scholars have thoroughly
worked on the nature of ethnic communities and the concepts of ethnicity to
explain what ethnicity is both as a ‘native’ concept and as an analytical concept
of the researcher. They studied what the criteria for ethnicity are, and what kinds
of ethnic relations there are. Questions like: How does a sense of group
membership develop and is maintained, what is it about with collective
identification that makes it so susceptible to being exploited by warlords and
power monger politicians, how can all the energy invested into ethnic politics be
harnessed for the progress of humanity? were and still are the prime issues of
their theoretical debates. Nevertheless, only few of them agree in each other’s
explanation of what constitutes an ethnic group. Some explain an ethnic group
by taking as the criterion the notion of or the belief in shared culture, substance
and/or history while some others take a common descent as the main
differentiating characteristics. Let’s see how they conceptualize an ethnic
community starting from its etymological root.

2.1. Ethnic Group

The word ‘ethnic’ is derived from the Greek ethnos, which in turn is derived
from the word ethnikos, which originally implied heathen or pagan (Eriksen
1993: 5).

When is a group an ethnic group? The answer to this question is “unsatisfying”

and “one of the problems for social scientists”, to use Eller’s (1999: 8, 12)

21
expressions. In the anthropological literature and as used by several current
anthropologists the word ethnie is used to refer to groups of people who are
considered to have a shared identity, a common history, and a traditional cultural
heritage, and to designate a population which is largely biologically self-
perpetuating, shares fundamental cultural values, realized in overt unity in
cultural forms, makes up a field of communication and interaction, and has a
membership which identifies itself, and is identified by others, as constituting a
category distinguishable from other categories of the same order (Barth 1969:
10f).

However, contrary to popular perception and to some researchers’ opinion, like

Telbizova-Sack (1999: 26) who wrote that “Das wesentliche Merkmal einer
Ethnie ist die kulturelle Gemeinsamkeit”, cultural commonality per se does not
entitle a group to be ethnie. For example, the Amhara and Tigre people of
Ethiopia consider themselves to constitute separate ethnic groups due to their
linguistic differences despite the fact that they are not culturally dissimilar. The
various peoples of Somalia are other examples of this sort. Conversely, the
cultural heterogeneity of two social groups does not necessarily make them
distinct ethnic groups either. This phenomenon complicates the discussion
further and prohibits an easy understanding of the issue.

As noted earlier, some anthropologists, in their search for a conventional

definition of an ethnic group, emphasize shared history while others stress the
importance of language and religion. Still others consider the belief in a
common descent as the most important factor in forming ethnic sentiments. Ellis
Cashmore (1992: 6) is one of the theoreticians who, in their observation of what
constitutes an ethnic group, give prime importance to shared history and
tradition while de-emphasizing descent, language and religion. He contends that
for an ethnic group to be recognized as such, some operational definitions
stipulate that it has to be a “self-conscious collection of people united by shared
experience…a group that regards itself as in some sense distinct”. According to
him, two requirements are essential and must be met before a group is said to
have an ethnic identity. They are: long shared history and common cultural
tradition. He considers a common geographical origin or a common descent, a
common language, a common literature peculiar to the group and a common
religion as only subsidiary characteristics of ethnicity. He is not alone in his

22
views. Singer (1962: 423) and Eriksen (1993: 12) too note that an ethnic group
is composed of shared values, beliefs, norms, tastes, consciousness of kind,
shared memories and loyalties, certain structured relationships, and a trend
toward continuity by preferential endogamy. Obviously however, they did not
deny that the practical importance of ideologies encouraging endogamy may
vary from community to community.

Unlike Cashmore and his associates, Anthony Smith (1981: 66) and Gillian
Bottomley (1992: 125f) stress the importance of language and religion in an
ethnic identity formation. They believe that cultural dimensions such as
language and belief system create powerful ties and act as distinguishing
characteristics of ethnic categories; and that a sense of community requires a
myth of a common and unique origin in time and place. Like wise, Cohen (1969:
4) sees an ethnic community as “an informal interest group” whose members are
distinct from members of other groups in that they share a measure of
“compulsory institutions” like kinship and religion, and can communicate
among themselves relatively easily.

For Max Weber, the central aspect of ethnic groups is a belief on descent. He
states (1968, vol.1: 389): “We shall call ‘ethnic groups’ those human groups that
entertain a subjective belief in their common descent because of similarities of
physical types or of customs or both, or because of memories of colonization
and emigration; this belief must be important for the propagation of group
formation, conversely it does not matter whether or not an objective blood
relationship exists”. Since Max Weber, many scholars have put the aura of
descent the central aspect of ethnic groups. They have noted that even people
who are acquired by assimilation take the concept of descent into their micro-
culture as if they have always belonged to the same group. This acquired
identity is then passed from one generation to the next. Similarly, Isajiw (1974:
118), Yinger (1994: 3) and Ronald Cohen (1978: 387) are among those
theoreticians who highlight the myth of common ancestral origin in their
discussion on the nature of ethnic groups. Isajiw observes an ethnic group as “a
group or category of persons who have common ancestral origin”, who have a
shared culture and a sense of peoplehood and Gemeinschaft (Weber’s group
sentiment) type of relations, who are of immigrant background and have either
minority or majority status within a larger society. An ethnic group, believes

23
Yinger, is a segment of a larger society whose members believe and are believed
to “have a common origin and to share important segments of a common
culture” and who, in addition, participate in shared activities in which the
common origin and culture are significant ingredients. In his latter publication
(1995: 709), Anthony Smith appeared more Weberian than before as he gave
more weight to the belief in common descent. Further, he consolidated his
former position presenting, in addition to the sharing of myths of common origin
and descent, cultural patterns and values, historical memories, association with a
particular territory, and a sense of solidarity as a perennial feature of an ethnic
community or ethnie at least among the elites.

Edward Spicer, Yehudi Cohen and Honigmann (1976: 349) believe that cultural
patterns and values, which the latter refers to as “major symbolic devices”, serve
to mark off ethnic boundaries thereby providing a sense of common identity.
These symbolic identity markers that include overt cultural features, like
housing, dress, music, dances, or other discrete elements of life style, as well as
covert sentiments; for example, toward the land occupied by a group; or any
objective differences between one group and others - the omission of certain
ideas, such as occur in dietary taboos, as well as the performance of others - can
serve to mark off group boundaries. They also agree that the intensity with
which a group affiliates with the above mentioned identity symbols varies with
the extent to which members perceive threats to ethnic identity, and that no
organic or necessary relationship exists between the specific symbols signifying
identity.

While most of the anthropological literature presented the sharing of common

culture as the central and most important aspect of ethnic groups, Barth came up
with a strong objection of such a formulation because he believed that it
prevents us from understanding the phenomenon of ethnic groups and their
place in human society and culture. Barth argues that the cultural stuff of an
ethnic group may not in itself provide the best bases for analyzing and
understanding ethnic phenomena and considers it as an implication or result
rather than a primary and definitional characteristic of ethnic group
organization. The critical focus of investigation, he contends, has to be the
ethnic boundary that defines the group, not the cultural stuff that it encloses. It is
his conviction that it is the boundary and not the cultural stuff that canalizes

24
social life by regulating the degree of interaction and isolation between groups.
By boundaries he meant primarily the social boundaries, though they may have
territorial counterparts. Barth (1969: 6) notes:
1. that ethnicity is a matter of social organization above and beyond
questions of empirical cultural differences: it is about “the social
organization of culture difference”;
2. that ethnic identity is a matter of self-ascription and ascription by others
in interaction, not the analyst’s construct on the basis of his or her
construction of a group’s “culture”;
3. that the cultural features of greatest import are boundary-connected: the
diacritica by which membership is signaled and the cultural standards that
actors themselves use to evaluate and judge the actions of ethnic
members, implying that they see themselves as “playing the same game.”

Verdery (1994: 35) stands firm by Barth’s side holding his notion of ethnicity
which is not understood in analysis of culture but only as a form of social
organization. She agrees that the roots of ethnicity are not the cultural stuff but
in fact, of dichotomization, the boundaries separating it from other ethnic
groups. She understands ethnic identifications not in having a certain cultural
inventory but through ascription and self-ascription.

However, Barth is reproached with his extreme emphasis on ethnicity as a form

of social organization characterized by self-ascription and ascription by others.
He “has been criticized for treating ethnic groups as fixed ascriptive categories,
with borders permanently guarded by linguistic and cultural symbols (such as
dress, food, and architecture)” (Hutchinson and Smith 1996: 33). Because, such
analysis has mislead some, including Allan Cohen, to assume every social group
that entertains the concept of ‘we’ / ‘they’ dichotomy as an ethnic group. Barth
himself admits that his analysis of ethnicity can be blunt if applied to all ‘we’/
‘they’ dichotomies. He did not deny either, that a number of scholars have
backslidden from his once highly esteemed and revolutionizing framework of
ethnicity, even though it is still regarded by some as an “intellectually liberating
paradigm shift” (Cohen 1994: 59; Barth 1994: 13). Jenkins (1997: 168) opposes
Barth saying that the cultural stuff too is “undeserving of neglect” because, even
if only in part, it reflects our interaction with others: how those others categorize
and behave towards us, how they label us. Besides, observes Jenkins, our

25
categorization of others and the way we deal with them are also intrinsic to our
cultural repertoire.

Furthermore, in Enduring and Emerging Issues in the Analysis of Ethnicity,

Barth himself acknowledges the failure of Ethnic Groups and Boundaries to
observe adequately the newly emerging issues of ethnicity. Some of such
emerging issues that have become topical points of discussion in recent
scholarly forums of ethnicity are the questions of state, nationality, and the
notion of globalization or trans-nationalism. “Our 1969 analysis gave limited
attention to the effects of state organization”, admits Barth (1994: 19).

Contemporary scholarly thought, without necessarily obliterating Barth’s

paradigm totally, has resorted to revitalize, with some polishing of course, the
once discarded notion of primordial ties of ethnicity. One of those contemporary
thinkers is Roosens who starts from Barth’s work, but contends that he has
neglected the kinship metaphor, which according to Roosens, should be taken as
a central feature of ethnicity. Roosens (1994: 2f) is not comfortable at all with
Barth’s treatment of the boundary concept as the central element in the notion of
ethnicity and argues that, “ Barth’s boundary metaphor is very useful in the
study of ethnicity, but should be supplemented by the kinship metaphor....
However useful the concept of boundary may be, it does not get at the heart of
the matter: boundaries may create identities, but not necessarily ethnic
identities”. In Roosens’ view, Barth has overemphasized the boundary metaphor
as if it were the sine qua non of ethnicity. According to Roosens, ethnic identity
has other sources than just ethnic boundaries, and one of them is the reference to
origin. Ethnic identity is formed not only with respect to boundaries or by self-
attribution of culture traits, but also with respect to genealogical representation.
Roosens contends that what makes an ethnic group specific is the genealogical
dimension, which always refers to the origin and involves a family metaphor or
fictive kinship. “To be sure, ‘origins’ do figure in Barth’s landmark contribution,
but, in our view, this notion has not been elaborated on or given an adequate
place in the model…. The reference to origin is, without being an indispensable
human trait, the primary source of ethnicity which makes a socio-cultural
boundary into an ethnic boundary”. Roosens sees an ethnic identity as “a feeling
of belonging and continuity-in-being (staying the same person(s) through time)

26
resulting from an act of self-ascription by others, to a group of people who claim
both common ancestry and a common cultural tradition” (1994: 84, 86).

Schermerhorn (1996: 6) defines an ethnic group as, “a collectivity within a

larger society having real or putative common ancestry, memories of shared
historical past, and a cultural focus on one or more symbolic elements defined as
the epitome of their peoplehood. Examples of such symbolic elements are:
kinship patterns, physical contiguity (as in localism or sectionalism), religious
affiliation, language or dialect forms, tribal affiliation, nationality, phenotypical
features, or any combination of these. A necessary accompaniment is some
consciousness of kind among members of the group”. Based on Schermerhorn’s
definition, John Hutchinson and Anthony Smith (1996: 6) formulated six main
features that ethnies habitually exhibit. They are:
1. a common proper name, to identify and express the ‘essence’ of the
community;
2. a myth of common ancestry, a myth rather than a fact, a myth that
includes the idea of a common origin in time and place and that gives an
ethnie a sense of fictive kinship;
3. shared historical memories, or better, shared memories of a common past
or pasts, including heroes, events, and their commemoration;
4. one or more elements of common culture, which need not be specified but
normally include religion, customs, or language;
5. a link with a homeland, not necessarily its physical occupation by the
ethnie, only its symbolic attachment to the ancestral land, as with diaspora
peoples;
6. a sense of solidarity on the part of at least some sections of the ethnie’s
population.

Dropping Schermerhorn’s insistence that ethnic groups are only to be construed

as “parts of a larger society” and replacing his long list of symbolic elements by
“elements of common culture”, they arrived at the following definition of an
ethnic group or ethnie. “An ethnic group is a named human population with
myths of common ancestry, shared historical memories, one or more elements of
common culture, a link with a homeland and a sense of solidarity among at least
some of its members”. Based on this definition I consider the Siddi of
Hyderabad to be an ethnic group, which will be discussed in chapter eleven.

27
2.2. Ethnicity

Ethnicity manifests itself in the process of interaction between two individuals

or groups of people who consider themselves in some ‘essential’ and
‘fundamental’ way different from each other. Thus, it is essential that such
groups of people interact and recognize each other as such before they are
assigned to be people of different ethnic groups. In other words, ethnicity is not
the invention of the researcher but an ascription of the members of the two
ethnic communities themselves. Ethnicity occurs when perceived cultural
differences make a socio-economic difference and remains being a relational
and situational kind of social phenomenon. Ethnicity may appear at our
doorsteps any time and vanish in a matter of seconds.. For instance, my
relationship with students at the Institut für Ethnologie has ethnic connotations
and can thus be viewed as an ethnic relationship. But ethnicity is absent when I
am sitting alone in my room. Similarly, for ethnicity to come about, the groups
must have a minimum of contact between them, and they must entertain ideas of
each other as being culturally different. If these conditions are not fulfilled, there
is no ethnicity, for ethnicity is essentially an aspect of a relationship, not a
property of a group. The moment people of different groups come into contact
with each other ethnicity appears. When cultural differences regularly make a
difference in interaction between members of groups, the social relationship has
an ethnic element (Eriksen 1993: 12).

It is commendable to put the current arguments of ethnicity in a comprehendible

frame. There are two competing approaches of analyzing ethnicity, namely, the
primordialist and the instrumentalist2 or the constructivist.

2.2.1. Primordialism

Generally speaking, primordialists, who, according to Eller (1999: 78) take their
inspiration from Shills and Geertz, contend that ethnic identification is based on
‘primordial’ attachments to a group or culture. One ‘primordial’ attachment is

2
Instrumentalism is also known as constructionalism, transactionalism, subjectivism,
situationalism, contextualism and circumstantialism. Primordialism is also sometimes referred
to as objectivism.

28
blood tie. According to this approach, members of an ethnic group are bound
together by their common descent. “Primary blood ties instill immutable
emotional attachments and allegiances. Being ‘given’ and rigid, ethnicity
transcends individual perceptions and changing circumstances” (Smooha 1985:
268). Primordialists such as Clifford Geertz (1996: 42) believe that primordial
ties are natural propensities of mankind that appear in every society at almost all
times from a natural social interaction. Steven Grosby (1996: 51), responding to
Jack Eller and Reed Coughlan’s harsh criticism of the primordial analysis of
ethnicity, presented primordiality, to the surprise of his critics, as the
“inexpungeable tie” of humanity. In short, primordialism is an objectivist theory
of ethnicity which claims that ultimately there is some real, tangible foundation
to ethnic identification. This view considers the cultural morphology of a given
society (the linguistic, religious and racial characteristics) as ‘givens’ or ‘bases’
of ethnicity. Similarly, Aktas (1999: 37), describing primordialsism, wrote,
„Ethnische Gruppen werden durch ’primordiale Bindungen’, die ‚ursprünglich’
und fundamental sind, definiert, die in jeder Gesellschaft von Beginn an,
’natural’, vorhanden sind.... Diese gemeinsamen Bindungen schaffen nicht nur
gemeinsames Interesse und gegenseitige Verplichtungen, sondern stellen eine
Art von naturaler Affinität dar“.

Primordialists are criticized for their failure to account for ethnic change and
dissolution as well as the effects of immigration and intermarriage in the modern
world. The primordialistic presentation of ethnicity is said to be a static and
naturalistic view of ethnicity and is short of explanatory power. “This so-called
‘primordialist’ position has been severely criticized…as aprioristic and
asociological, reducing social phenomena to inherent bonds and thereby
precluding the possibility of explaining collective passions” (Hutchinson and
Smith 1996: 8, 32). Jenkins (1997: 48) notes that crude or extreme
primordialism is essentially a common-sense view which has enormous power
in the world, and may lead to the naturalization of chauvinism and detrimental
ethnic conflicts.

2.2.2. Instrumentalism

On the other hand, instrumentalists who, according to Eller (1999: 78), draw on
a long tradition of thought, from Marxism to Glazer and Moynihan to Barth, as

29
well as from the ongoing field studies of ethnic behavior and ethnic change, hold
the view that ethnicity, as a product of political myths, is created and
manipulated by cultural elites in their pursuit of advantages and power. As
Sokolovskii (1996: 191) puts it, “The cultural forms, values and practices of
ethnic groups become resources for elites in competition for political power and
economic advantage…. Thus, ethnicity is created in the dynamics of elite
competition within the boundaries determined by political and economic
realities”. Likewise, Jack Eller and Reed Coughlan (1994: 47) view ethnicity as
a socially constructed, variable definition of self or other, whose existence and
meaning is continuously negotiated, revised and revitalized. They contend that
ethnic identity can be created “by people who are not related to one another by
descent but who nonetheless lay claim to primordial sentiments and ties and who
are committed to a special style and a set of conventions which they transmit to
their children”.

Instumentalist view of ethnicity, whose proponents are Fredrik Barth (1969: 13)
and his colleagues, is a theory which treats ethnicity as a continuing ascription
which classifies persons in terms of their most general and inclusive identity,
presumptively determined by origin and background. It is also seen as a social
organization maintained by inter-group boundary mechanisms, based not on
possession of a cultural inventory but on manipulation of identities and their
situational character. This view emphasizes the malleability of ethnic ties.

However, the instrumentalist position also has its own weaknesses. As Gary
Cohen (1984: 1037) asks, “If the persistence or strengthening of ethnic identity
derives simply from the pursuit of social or economic interests, why do
individuals articulate an ethnic identity rather than merely a class or interest-
group identity, and why does ethnic identity have a different value content from
other group identities?”. Similarly, John Hutchinson and Anthony Smith (1996:
34) observe that “if the ‘primordialists’ fail to account for ethnic change,
‘instrumentalists’ seem unable to cope with ethnic durability”.

2.2.3. Combining Both Approaches

So, how can we escape from the theoretical debate that we are entangled in?
Which theory should one choose against the other to analyse ethnicity and why?

30
I think both approaches are not necessarily mutually exclusive or dismissive of
each other. It is possible to integrate them into one coherent and comprehensive
whole. The instrumentalist view can be taken as a nucleus of such synthesis.
Manning Nash (1996: 15f), while accepting much of the instrumentalist view,
proposes a set of building-blocks, some borrowed from primordialism, for the
concept of an ethnic group - notably assumed kinship, commensality, and a
common belief, which, together with a common name and reverence for the
past, maintain the group boundary. Likewise, Pierre van den Berghe (1996: 58)
believes that ethnicity “can be manipulated, used, exploited, stressed, fused or
subdivided, but it must correlate with a pre-existing population bound by
preferential endogamy and a common historical experience. Ethnicity is both
primordial and instrumental”.

As I observed among the Siddi, neither of the two approaches could fully
explain the intricacies of their ethnic sentiments and attachments. They could
better explain the notion of ethnicity and the process of its formation if they
were integrated into a whole. The Siddi are by and large Indians whose
ancestors directly came from Africa and consider themselves as such. There are
also some among them whose forefathers came from the Middle East while their
forefathers, in turn, came from Africa hundreds of years ago. These individuals
consider themselves as Middle Easterners since their African connection has
dwindled due to the test of time. However, Africa does have a special place
among them as they realize that their ancestors came from that continent in the
remote past. Some men who are born of mixed Siddi and non-Siddi marriages
claim to be non-Siddi while when they are together with their Siddi friends they
identify themselves with them.

Therefore, the Siddi form an ethnic community of their own based on

primordialist attachments and sentiments although some of their members, like
the theory of instrumentalism asserts, are made to join the group due to their
attachment with the Siddi for several years, or generations, for pragmatic
reasons. Some Siddi have abandoned their Siddiness and joined other groups
because situations allowed and led them to do so. They found their new ethnic
community more essential for their lives than the former one. This is also one
sign of instrumentalism. Neither primordialism nor instrumentalism alone could
effectively explain the ethnic dynamics among the Siddi of Hyderabad. We need

31
to integrate the two approaches for better understanding of ethnic reality among
the Siddi.

2.3. Migration and Ethnicity

Millions of people annually leave their ‘homeland’ to permanently settle in an

‘alien’ social and physical environment, and hence, create a diaspora ethnic
community of their own among their hosts. With the rise of political and
economic instability among various nations and the advance of modern transport
infrastructure, the trend and rate of mass mobility is likely to abound in leaps.
According to the United Nations’ estimation (Barfield 1997: 324; Sowell 1996:
1) about 100 million people presently live outside of the country in which they
were born, 19 million of them refugees, and 30 million poor people continuously
move from rural to urban areas every year, the trend of which seems to continue.
Thus the English of today are not indigenous to England, nor the Malays to
Malaysia, nor the Turks to Turkey, nor the Habasha to Ethiopia. Migration and
conquest put them where they are. Therefore, migration and its subsequent
effects, namely, the formation of diaspora and ethnic communities, are the prime
issues of discussion among many governments, scholars and concerned circles
of host societies.

When a group of people, who share, relatively speaking, a common history and
common cultural tradition, leave their homeland for various reasons of their own
and migrate to a new location, which normally is assumed to be, at least
temporarily, a better one, they come to meet the autochthonous people who
often consider the immigrants as a threat. Their interaction is cautious, often
unfriendly, and loaded with ethnic sentiments. Obviously, the indigenous
population tends to form stereotypes of the migrant or the ‘alien’ ethnic group,
which are frequently accompanied by prejudice and discrimination. Such
prejudice may be vicious and result in physical abuse and exploitation against
which the victims attempt to defend themselves. It is frequently held, in the
academic literature, that derogatory stereotypical views are internalized by the
‘victims’, thereby resulting in an ethnic minority complex. Thus, migration
plays a vital role in the formation of ethnic relations between people who
hitherto had never had the chance to meet or acknowledge each other. The
ethnic identities of migrant societies are preserved by the use of identity symbols

32
and by the opposition that one exerts against pressures emanating from the
surrounding groups.

Numelin writes that, “The motive force of migration is expulsion and attraction,
expulsion resulting almost always from shortage of food and over population”
(Kasdan 1970: 2). Classical research, including that of Numelin’s, presents
migration as an abnormal phenomenon, a “social problem” and even, as a
“pathological social process”. This school of thought, failed to see migration as
a normal social process that was prevalent since prehistoric times. Rather,
migration is presented as a “reluctant” reaction to an unbearable mode of life
and as a resignation of the victim of natural and social calamities. Nowadays,
however, many scholars have shifted from considering migration as a “social
problem” towards an orientation that treats it as a ‘normal’ social process. “We
may indeed see migration as a ‘normal’ way of life for more and more
societies”, agrees Kasdan (1970: 5).

Numelin’s observation fails short of comprehensiveness. It is not always true

that people leave their place of origin only due to shortage of food and
overpopulation. Shortage of modern services and political dissatisfaction are
also prime factors of migration particularly from developing countries to the
West. In fact, these are the main reasons why many African intellectuals either
aspire to or actually emigrate to the Western world, not due to shortage of food
per se. Paradoxically enough, just like overpopulation, under-population too can
cause emigration. Particularly, individuals whose main aspiration is to engage in
mercantile activities emigrate from less populated rural areas to relatively
densely populated towns for the simple reason that they feel they could make
more success in their business there than in their places of origin. The causes of
migration are too many and complex to narrate. Perhaps, one could only
mention the main factors. Besides, not all migrants are “reluctant”. In fact, some
risk their very lives traversing inaccessible routes by land, sea or air in their
attempt to immigrate elsewhere because, as Harris points out, “Like a pilgrim
taking a vow, they have made up their mind to do so before setting out” (1968:
30).

Gade observes migration as “a relatively permanent moving away of a

collectivity, called migrants, from one location in space to another, preceded by

33
decision-making on the part of the migrants on the basis of hierarchically
ordered set of values or valued ends and resulting in changes in the spatial
interaction system of the migrants” (1970: 73). Philpott shares Gade’s view that
migrants have a preplanned aspirations, which the former call “migrant
ideology”, which they like to achieve in their countries of immigration. Philipott
defines “migrant ideology” as “the cognitive model which the migrant holds as
to the nature and goals of his migration” (1970: 11). There are migrants whose
total orientation and commitment is towards the sending society while there are
others, on the other hand, who do their best to be as ‘natives’ as the people of
the land themselves. In practice, however, no migrant group falls into either of
the extreme positions. Despite the presence of a premeditated “ideology” on the
part of some but not all immigrants, it is not always possible to materialize such
preconceived objectives since social realities among host societies may not
allow for such things to happen. Conditions among the host society may
discourage the immigrants to abandon their “ideology”. Especially so, if the
materialization of such objectives is regarded as inappropriate by the host
society immigrants may be forced to alter or postpone or abandon their dreams.
Generally speaking, the materialization of Philipott’s “migrant ideology” is
highly dependent on the realities of the hosting country.

The assumption that migration is always “preceded” by “hierarchically ordered”

aims that migrants want to achieve in their country of destination is
argumentative to say the least. If one looks back in history to the involuntary
emigration of Africans across the seas, one never fails to realize that it was not
possible for them to conceive “hierarchically ordered” ambitions to achieve in
their destinations. First of all, they never had any clue to which particular
country they were being taken and what sort of destiny awaited them. Second,
they could realize that, once they reached wherever their captors took them, they
would not be left to assume any venture they like. Preplanned ambition, as far as
forced emigrants is concerned, seems very unlikely and impractical. Moreover,
Gade did not specify what he means by “location”. Where lies the border line
between one “location” and another? Who defines a difference in location – the
migrant, or the host or the researcher? Is it always true, like Douglas (1970: 27)
claims, that people are said to have emigrated only when their physical mobility
results in crossing of international boundaries or colonial frontiers which by
themselves are not always clear cut demarcations? The answers to such

34
questions are not easy and ready at hand. They need a thorough study by
themselves.

2.4. Diaspora and Ethnicity

The concept of diaspora was initially used by the ancient Greeks to describe
their spreading all over the known-world of the time. For the ancient Greeks,
diaspora signified migration and colonisation. For those who later adopted the
term, particularly, Jews, Armenians and Africans, the concept implied more
painful meanings of forceful removal from and loss of a homeland, and longing
for return (Cohen 1997). As much as the history of migration and settlement for
these and other peoples that have moved across the globe has changed, so did
the concept of diaspora.

Robin Cohen sees a common element in all forms of diasporas. He believes that
diasporas consist of people who live outside their “natal territories”. The “natal
territories” could be imagined or real. He recognizes that their traditional
homelands are reflected deeply in the languages they speak, religions they
adopt, and the cultures they produce. His book breaks down diasporas into
various forms:
1. victim diasporas (mainly Jews and Africans)
2. labor diasporas
3. imperial diasporas
4. trade diasporas
5. ‘homeland’ diasporas
6. cultural diasporas

Each of these categories underlines a particular cause of migration usually

associated with particular groups of people. So, for example, the Africans
through their experience of slavery have been noted to be victims of extremely
aggressive policies of transmigration, or in the case of Indians, they are seen to
be part of labor diasporas because of their involvement with the colonial system
of indentured labor. The author acknowledges that these categories are not

35
mutually exclusive, and at any given moment one diaspora group could fall into
different categories.

The main reason why Cohen categorized Africans under “victim diasporas” is
because his analysis, like many other works on the African Diaspora, is based on
Africans in the Americas and the Western world without little or no
consideration of those in the Orient. It should be pointed out here, once more,
that Africans travelled across the oceans voluntarily long before mass slavery
took place (Harris 1996: 8). Besides, not all Africans in the West could be
classified as “victim diasporas” because many of them, especially in recent
times, migrated on their own free will.

The oriental slavery has little similarity with the forceful migration of Africans
across the Atlantic. Unlike in the case of the Atlantic Slave Trade, where there
was constant rebellion among the slaves to escape from the ships, the slaves in
the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean used to conspire with their traders and wear
better clothes to disguise themselves as common travellers so that British
soldiers would not identify them. Therefore, as far as most Siddi are concerned,
Cohen’s generalizing classification of Africans as “victim diasporas” does not
work (Jalloh and Maizlish 1996: 3). The African Diaspora to the East was born
out of Africans’ voluntary and involuntary migrations.

Some scholars argue that for ethnic groups to be considered as diasporas they
must entertain the idea of a wish to return to their homeland when situations
improve. But I do not agree that this should be a fast and hard rule that applies to
all diaspora groups in history. Not all Jews wanted to return to Palestine. Not all
Africans in the West dream of returning to their ancestral homeland even if
things improve back home. The aspiration to physically repatriate to the
imagined or real homeland should not be bindingly essential to be recognized as
a diaspora community. I think it is important that the concerned people have a
special sentiment or emotional attachment to what they consider as their
homeland which should entitle them to be recognized as diaspora groups.
Besides, like Rastafarians believe, repatriation should not necessarily be
physical. Repatriation could also be spiritual or psychological (Jalloh and
Maizlish 1996: 3), which means that people of a diaspora group try to recreate
their homeland, while living in the land of their dispersal, through culture, art

36
and other expressions of their peculiarity. As Skrbis points out, “a diaspora
population may retain its diaspora status despite the existence of a
‘homeland’…. Clearly, the existence of the diaspora population is not dependent
on the simple fact of deprivation of homeland” (1999: 4).

Therefore, I do consider the Siddi as a part of the global African Diaspora even
though not all of them know which part of Africa they came from or want to
physically repatriate to Africa. Of course, some Siddi went back to Africa and
settled there. A good example of this could be those Siddi whom the British
settled in Freretown, Kenya in 1873 (Harris 1996: 13). Besides, some
Hyderabadi Siddi wish to return to Africa if they could get institutions that help
to materialize their ‘Back to Africa’ aspiration. The Siddi’s historical
relationship and emotional attachment to their ancestral homeland and its culture
makes them interesting in diaspora studies and to consider them as such in this
research.

37
38
 3. CONCEPTS OF SLAVERY AND SERVILE
INSTITUTIONS

Slavery has been a constant feature of human history, appearing in nearly every
part of the world. We can trace it back to the earliest civilizations of
Mesopotamia and Egypt, and we can discover it in more recent societies at
various levels of development (Phillips 1985: 3).

Slavery is one of those ‘mega-topics’ of world history that continuously attracts

both academic and non-academic circles. The complexity of the various servile
institutions which existed across history, challenging full comprehension, has
resulted in a wealth of studies covering many societies around the globe.
However, for a number of reasons, only a limited amount of works has appeared
on slavery in Muslim societies. “This deficiency has impeded the effective
incorporation of slavery in those societies into analytical framework of
comparative slavery” (Toledano 1998: ix). Most of the early accounts of
slaveries practiced by non-European societies were made by travelers and
missionaries who had very little or no training in anthropological know how.
They wrongly assumed the various servile institutions they saw to be more or
less the same as the slavery of the Americas. They failed to analyze the actual
institution of servitude in relation to its own socio-cultural context. Their
characterization of such servile institutions as slavery led others to assume that
all forms of servitude practiced throughout history were as severe as the slavery
of the Americas. However, the truth is far from this. Consequently, what comes
in the mind of the average scholarly person when he/she hears the word
“slavery” is the infamous slavery of the Americas.

The prevalence of slavery among several societies and across history has
resulted in the practice of diversified types of slave holding mechanisms. This
reality makes the understanding of the concept of slavery non-detachable from
the understanding of the social and cultural milieu in which it was practiced. The
diversity of servile relationships that range from serfdom to slavery made the
definition of slavery a central problem of recent anthropological discussions.
The definitions of slavery are as many as the societies in which the institution
has been found. The rights the slave owners have upon their subjects and the

39
duties expected of the slaves vary from society to society, making it impossible
to give a comprehensive definition of the institution. There is no single
definition that can work for all times and all cultures. Any attempt to do so will
only be met by fierce argument. “We should not expect slave systems to be
identical from one society to another” (Garnsey 1996: 6). I agree with Miers and
Kopytoff’s argument (1977: 12, 77) that using the local term of a servile
institution is preferable than the English word “slavery” which often
misrepresents the institution and subsequently misleads the reader to a wrong
conclusion.

Whereas the use of slaves was foremost economic in the New World, in most
historic societies of Africa and the Orient slaves were also used as social and
political resources, as wives, kinsmen, warriors, dependents, trading agents,
bureaucrats, high ranking functionaries, as well as household servants and
laborers on farms and in mines (Harris 1996: 9). Slaves, in some parts of the
world, used to own slaves and property and sell their products. In some cases,
such as in Ottoman Turkey and Mamluk Egypt, a powerful self-perpetuating
palace guard consisting of slaves sometimes controlled the regime. The fact that
many slaves occupied powerful positions contradicts the assumption that they
necessarily constituted a bottom stratum or class. Hence, the very use of the
term slavery to refer to such institutions becomes questionable and even absurd
(Barfield 1997: 426f; Miers and Kopytoff 1977: 77; Manning 1990: 161).

American slavery is closer to continental African slavery plus racism. Slavery

among the Hindu society was continental African slavery, plus cast
stratification, plus racism. In order to understand slavery, we need to sift out the
other intruding variables such as racism, tribalism and cast differentiation which
often crop up together with it. To be able to understand slavery alone we need to
look at, for example, how Europeans enslaved members of ‘their own group’ or
people to whom they attach no racial stigma. In the Indian case too, we need to
observe how a Hindu enslaved another Hindu of the same cast group - although
the case is rare. In general, to understand slavery, we need to observe how one
enslaved a member of ‘his own group’. Otherwise, what we find is always
slavery plus either tribalism, or racism, or segregation based on cast hierarchy.
For example, black slaves under the white slave master did not suffer harshly
from slavery alone but mostly from the accompanying racism. As Manning

40
(1990: 24) pointed out, “Racism is the most pervasive and persistent heritage of
Atlantic slavery”. The difficulty we encounter here is that almost all slave-
holding societies required outsider victims, only a small number of whom ever
came from within. In most slave owning societies, the slave class was mainly
reproduced by taking captives from other societies (Meillassoux 1983: 64).

However, we must be able to provide at least a working definition of slavery. At

first glance, this seems to be quite a simple task; everyone has a definition of
slavery readily at hand. But what does the term really mean? To answer this
question, the basic and general aspects of slavery as practiced across history
must be firmly established. Therefore, we need to observe classical, medieval,
modern and African forms of servile institutions by citing historical examples
for each.

3.1. Slavery in Greek and Roman Antiquity

Although slavery was not present in all “classical” societies, it was obviously
deeply entrenched in Greek and Roman societies. The slave-owning class
extended well down the social scale, and included even slaves. Slave owners
were uniformly committed to the system, which they saw as a fundamental
feature of their society. In both Hellenistic and Roman periods “no one
launched, nor contemplated, a movement for abolition, not even slaves, who
were more interested (especially in the Roman context) in joining their
oppressors than in opposing them as a class” (Garnsey 1996: 237). Slaves in
Greece were mainly ‘urban and artisanal’. Slaves that represent as much as
“one-third of the population in the leading Greek states”, were mostly non-
Greeks captured in war or purchased. In Rome, such urban slave artisans were
of great importance in the economy although they were outnumbered by much
larger rural population of slave agricultural laborers. And similar to the Greek
society, as much as one-third of the entire Roman population were servile
categories (Manning 1990: 27). Sociologists classify slavery in different cultures
as either ‘closed’ or ‘open’, to imply either segregative or assimilative
tendencies respectively. Greece is an instance of the former, while Rome if of
the latter. In Rome, freed slaves and their descendants were allowed, as normal

41
citizens would do, to be conscripted into the army and to vote for their patrons at
election-time (Wiedemann 1987: 27).

Greek philosophy presented two different theoretical approaches to slavery. One

is the Aristotelian view which considers slavery as a ‘natural’ institution and the
attempt to reverse such ‘natural’ order will only lead to anarchy. The other
Greek philosophers who thoroughly discussed on the issue of slavery were the
Stoics. For the Stoics, the only slavery that matters is moral slavery, from which
humanity must be freed through wisdom.

3.1.1. Aristotelian View of Slavery

According to Aristotle, from the hour of their birth some are marked out for
subjection, others for rule. “It is manifest…that…some are free men and others
slaves by nature”. Aristotle contended that, “In every composite thing…there is
always found a ruling and a subject factor, and this characteristic of living things
is present in them as an outcome of the whole of nature…. Authority and
subordination are conditions not only inevitable but also expedient…. And also
the usefulness of slaves diverges little from that of animals; bodily service for
the necessities of life is forthcoming from both, from slaves and domestic
animals alike” (Rackham 1944: 25-27).

Aristotle tried to justify slavery as a legal and ‘natural’ institution, arguing that
certain individuals having intellectual and moral deficiencies, whom he equated
to animals, should be under the authority of somebody else for the proper
functioning of society. As the subordination of body to soul and of desires and
passions to reason is a mark of a rational man, we need to extend the same
‘natural’ relationship of subordination on slaves too by forcing them to be
governed by those who ‘naturally’ are masters. Aristotle viewed society halved
into two irreconcilable rifts, namely, slaves and their masters. According to him,
the slave has nothing in common with his master; he is a living tool, just as a
tool is an inanimate slave. There can therefore be no friendship between a
master and his slave although the latter is always present at the disposal of the
former (Thomson 1953: 30). He was not alone in using the analogy of the
body’s subordination to soul and passion to reason to justify the ‘natural’ order
of slaves subordination to masters. Augustine used the same similitude and

42
added the analogy of mankind’s subordination to God as the best example of
slavery. Moreover he saw slavery as an institution set up in favor of the slave
and not vice versa. “…. Servitude is the interest of such men (slaves), and is
established for their welfare when rightly established…. Why, then, is it that
God commands man, the soul commands the body, the reason commands lust
and the other vicious parts of the soul? By this example it is taught clearly
enough that servitude is the interest of some men, and that service, to God at any
rate, is the interest of all” (Levine 1966: 19-21).

In fact, philosophers argued as to which one was the real slave, the master or the
slave or both. Some argued that “There is only one slave in the house: the
master” (Garnsey 1996: 50f). Because, they opined that keeping a slave could be
cumbersome in difficult times. All the slave has to do is cast his eyes towards
his master’s hands, whereas the master is obliged to hold out his hands to the
slave. The slave, though a slave in body, enjoys freedom of soul and has none of
the worries of his master. For example, at the moment of death there is no need
for the slave to fear on the subject of burial; the burden of that will fall on the
man who, while considered as the master, is actually a slave of his own slave.

3.1.2. Stoical View of Slavery

On the other hand, the Stoics3, who saw themselves as disciples of Socrates,
took over the Socratic mind versus body contrast to recover his teachings. The
Stoics developed the ideas of enslavement to the passions and considered
slavery to exist mainly in a spiritual realm although they “shared the prejudice
that ‘barbarians’ should be enslaved” (Wiedemann 1987: 27). For the Stoics,
people who were at the mercy of their desires and passions were in a state of
slavery. And most were in this state, the wise being very few. Moreover, this
kind of slavery, or moral slavery, was the only kind that mattered. Legal slavery
affected the body, and as such was judged to be an external condition, and of no
significance.

3
Stoicism was a philosophy founded by Zeno about a generation after the death of Aristotle
in 323/2 BC.

43
Philo, a strong adherent of Stoicism, used the analogy of the Biblical story of
Jacob and Esau, to establish his notion of slavery as a Devine order: When Jacob
and Esau were still in the womb of their mother God declared Jacob a ruler and
Esau a slave. Philo contends that God, who knows his own handiwork very well,
decides the characters which Jacob and Esau are to display at a later time even
before He made them full-fledged individuals. When their mother Rebecca, who
was curious to know the fate of her children, inquires God, He tells her in reply,
“Two nations are in thy womb, and two peoples shall be separated from thy
belly, and one people shall be above the other people, and the elder shall serve
the younger” (Genesis 25: 23). Philo argued that, “In God’s judgment that which
is base and irrational is by nature a slave, but that which is of fine character and
endowed with reason and better, is princely and free. And this not only when
either is full-grown in soul, but even their development is still uncertain”
(Rackham 1944: 88-104). There are three parts in this message:
1. Esau was a natural slave.
2. There is a class of natural slaves, of whom Esau can be taken as a
representative.
3. This is the work of God.

Stoicism was flourishing in the time of the early Christian theologians and was
still going strong a century or so later. Philo, the Jew, was a self-conscious Stoic.
Paul, the ex-Jewish Christian, although he did not claim any link to the Stoics,
was parallel in his conceptions of slavery with them. Paul preached that men are
equal in the sight of God; that what mostly matters for an individual is the state
of his soul and his relation to God, and that one’s physical condition and status
in the society, including slavery, is unimportant. The Stoics agree to such a
teaching, that real slavery exists mainly in the spiritual realm.

Paul, in common with the Stoics and Philo, gives priority to moral/spiritual
slavery than legal slavery. Like Stoic philosophers, he is interested in the quality
of master/slave relationships, as one aspect of his campaign to secure peace and
solidarity within the Christian community. Paul, addressing both slaves and
masters, equals them in the sight of God, talks of rewards and punishments in
the next world. His message for slaves is that in serving their masters well they
are serving Christ. His teaching was a call to all men, whatever their social, legal
or ethnic condition, to be ‘good’ slaves of God and not ‘bad’ slaves to sin. Paul

44
wrote (Colossians 3: 22), “Slaves, obey in everything those that are your earthly
masters, not with eye service as men-pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing
the Lord”. He repeated the same admonition (Ephesians 6: 5-8), “Slaves be
obedient to those who are your earthly masters, with fear and trembling, in
singleness of your heart, as to Christ”. He also admonished the church: “Bid
slaves to be submissive to their own masters and to give satisfaction in every
respect, they are not to be refractory”, and “Let all who are under the yoke of
slavery regard their masters as worthy of all honour, so that the name of God
and the teaching may not be defamed” (Titus 2: 9; 1Timothy 6: 1).

Slavery was a fundamental constituent of classical societies and was functioning

among Greek and Roman societies. Slavery was an issue of debate among
scholarly circles and a significant portion of them were contending that it is a
‘natural’ or ‘divine’ order. Nonetheless, Roman and Greek societies have
afforded slaves better chances of self-advancement through manumission and
education. “In Greece and Rome, the dominant slaves were frequently among
the most learned, virtuous, and intelligent members of society. Terence,
Phaedrus, Aesop, and Epitecus were all slaves” (Garnsey 1996: 88). They were
frequently taught all the arts and sciences, in order that they might be more
valuable to their masters. Therefore, there was little obstacle to the emancipation
of such educated men as these and relatively speaking, they could easily be
assimilated to the ruling class.

3.2. Medieval Slavery - The Ottoman Empire4

Throughout the Middle Ages, slavery persisted in the Mediterranean area and in
regions linked with it, performing the same function as in the classical period,
even though it occupied a far less important position than it had in Roman and
Greek times (Wiedemann 1987: 14; Manning 1990: 28). During the thousand
years from the end of the Roman Empire to the beginning of European
expansion in the Atlantic, slavery was a social and physical reality in the
Christian world, and it was reinforced by contact with the highly developed

4
This study considers the milder form of Ottoman slavery. Obviously, not all slaves were
treated humanely. However, Ottoman slavery is still mild when compared with American
slavery.

45
slavery of the Muslims (Philips 1985: 3). Particularly so, as Manning (1990: 29)
discusses, during the crusades – the Mediterranean religious wars from the
eleventh to the fifteenth centuries – Christians and Muslims enslaved each other.

“Slavery in Islam is very different”, says Ronald Segal (2001: 4). Slaves in the
Ottoman Empire were not worse off than other family members, their position in
fact resembling that of adopted children. They served as administrators, soldiers,
domestic servants, musicians, and concubines (Lovejoy 1983: 29; Segal 2001:
38,122f). They were treated in humane way, joined their owners’ families,
enjoyed the owners’ social status, were often educated, and could rise to
positions of high responsibility. “By the standards of western slavery, most of
those slaves who were categorized as slaves by British writers were not slaves at
all” (Toledano 1998: 146-8).

Ottoman slavery was considerably different from slavery in the Americas.

Obviously, it was far milder because slaves were not employed on plantations,
were relatively well treated, were frequently manumitted, and could integrate
into the slave-owning society. The typical Ottoman slavery is known as
kul/harem slavery. Kul is a servile institution whereby people from conquered
lands were trained to be effective soldiers and palace guards serving the Empire.
Harem, on the other hand, is an institution of keeping selected women from
conquered lands to serve the palace as concubines. In Toledano’s (1998: 6)
words, “The term ‘kul/harem slaves’ denotes male military and civilian
officeholders and female members of the elite who were slaves or had slave
origins”. In the Ottoman Empire when someone acquired slaves, he incorporated
them into his following, as their patron, and thereafter, especially once they
became Muslims, referred to them as ‘his people’ along with kin and free
dependents. Masters and slaves were ideally united in opposition to other
groups of masters and slaves and such groups were internally differentiated
mostly by rank. The comparative smallness of Africans in today’s Turkey and
the Muslim world is not an evidence to their original small size but rather of the
openness of Islam to incorporate its slaves into the general population. For
example, “…of Oman’s eight hundred thousand inhabitants around 1840, an
estimated one in three was black” (Segal 2001: 146). But there is no such
concentration of Africans in today’s Oman since they are integrated into the
general society.

46
In Islamic legal terms, slavery grants a person ownership over another person’s
services, which means that the owner has rights to the slave’s labor, property,
and sexuality, and that the slave’s freedom is restricted. But in socio-cultural
terms, slavery sometimes meant high social status or political power when
applied to male slaves in the military and bureaucracy (kuls) and to female
slaves in elite harems. Even ordinary domestic slaves were often better fed,
clothed, and protected than many free men and women. It is important to note
that slavery was an important means of recruitment and socialization into the
elite class. Slavery was one of the mechanisms of incorporation into patronage
networks, and slaves, after several years of service, were often manumitted
although they usually remain in the same household or a related one. Of course,
these means of linking individuals into patronage networks were not always
conducted voluntarily (Toledano 1998: 4, 19; Segal 2001: 35f, 107). For many
Islamic societies, slavery was not the basis of their economy since agricultural
slavery was not widespread in them, as it was in Western societies in Antiquity
and the Middle Ages’. Theirs was predominantly the milder forms of domestic
and elite slavery (Toledano 1998: 157; Lovejoy 1983: 20). Moreover, unlike in
the West, Islamic law encouraged owners to treat their slaves well, and
manumission was considered a pious act, for which the believer could expect
remuneration.

Europeans who did not know the manners and customs of the East thought that
slaves in the Ottoman Empire were like American slaves. Obviously, servile
institutions in the East had their own peculiarities that had no comparison in the
West. “Europeans and Americans had a rather undifferentiated view of slavery,
tending to universalize the condition of plantation slaves in the United States’
south and leave no room for alternative, milder manifestations of slavery”
(Toledano 1998: 15). The misunderstanding of the cultural context of the East
on the part of Europeans led to continuous conflict between the two blocks
which could be characterized as a milder form of ‘clash of civilizations’. “The
Ottoman elite’s refusal to repudiate kul/harem slavery clashed (emphasis mine)
with the European insistence on lumping it together with the other- and far more
painful- types of slavery” (Toledano 1998: 113). The same “clash” was also
“inevitable” between Africa and Europe, in its expanding world vision, turned
from propagating slavery to prosecuting it (Manning 1990: 109).

47
3.3. African Slavery - the Case of Ethiopia

Warfare, which is prevalent in Ethiopian territories since pre-historic times, has

led to the capture and subsequent enslavement of many ethnic groups by the
victors. Slavery was already fundamental to the social, political, and economic
order of Medieval Ethiopia (Lovejoy 1983: 23). A significant proportion of both
men and women slaves were caught from the less powerful peoples who live
bordering the Abyssinian state, particularly around Lake Tana and the Ethio-
Sudanese border. The unfortunate minorities living within or adjacent to the
domains of both countries were at the mercy of anyone; and hence, many could
not escape the servile status forced upon them. Many of the slaves captured were
darker than average Ethiopians and were presented in the literature having
‘Negroid’ appearances. Their distinctive color and features caused stronger
pigmentation and non-Semitic appearance and language to be identified with
servile status. Consequently, the names of two of the ethnic groups on the
frontiers of Abyssinia, the Bareya and the Shanqella, came to be used as generic
terms for slaves (Pankhurst 1976: 2). Particularly the word bareya is frequently
used as a synonym for both ‘Negro’ and slave. It is important to note that
Amharic has only one term for both words ‘Negro’ and slave; that is, bareya.
This indicates that for the Habasha, a ‘Negro’ is or must be a slave.

While slavery has been practiced in this part of Africa prior to the era of
recorded history, it is during the time of Emperor Susenyos that we have a better
account of the Abyssinian servile institution and the trade in human labor. In the
17th Century, the Shanqella and the Bareya were considered to be of a different
species than ordinary humans. Susenyos’s chronicler noted that they were
“salim” (black) and not “qayh” (red) like “sab’a” people (or humans). In the
estimation of the Abyssinians, the ‘Negroes’, as alleged descendants of Ham,
were doomed to slavery and as Henry Salt comments, they “barbarously
considered it a sport to hunt the tribesmen” (Hassen 1990: 11, 32f; Harris 1968:
310).

The racial connotation of slavery (or barinnet) in Ethiopia, which long

afterwards got its parallels in the Americas and elsewhere, was reinforced
through a Biblical dictum as the Ethiopian Empire was ruled by Christians. The
Mosaic Law of Leviticus 25: 44-6 was the basis for legitimizing the enslaving of

48
the ‘heathen’. “Both thy bondmen, and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have,
shall be of the heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye buy bondmen
and bondmaids. Moreover of the children of strangers that do sojourn among
you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they
begat in your land: and they shall be your possession. And ye shall take them as
an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession; they
shall be your bondmen for ever but over your brethren the children of Israel ye
shall not rule over one another with rigor”. Accordingly, the Fetha Negest (or
the Law of Kings, which is the traditional Ethiopian legal code since the 14th
Century) dictates that slavery is only for the ‘heathen’ and not for the people of
the faith. The Fetha Negast, on the basis of the above Mosaic Law, declares that
though “all men share liberty on the basis of natural law…. war and the strength
of horses bring some to the service of others, because the law of war and
victory, makes the vanquished the slaves of the victors” (Pankhurst 1976: 4f).

In Medieval Ethiopia, little effort has been made to convert the non-Christian
ethnic groups or potential slave populations of southern and western Ethiopia to
Christianity. In fact, many people who live in the borders of Abyssinia wanted
to become Christians because this was the only way they could be saved from
slavery, as it was not, at least in principle, allowed for Christians to keep or sell
other people of the same faith as slaves. In Christian Ethiopia, like in Medieval
Europe, it was usual that the baptism of slaves came after they became serviles
(Lipsky 1962: 37; Philips 1985: 101).

The Amhara-Tigre Abyssinians strongly advocate their difference from their

neighboring people whom they subjugated and enslaved. The Semitic origin of
the two groups is hence deliberately articulated in many of the day to day
relationships. This discourse is also an issue of academic debate. Marcus, Levine
and Zitelmann (2001: 163) went even further claiming that the Amhara-Tigre
Abyssinians are partly of Caucasoid origin. While racial sentiment is not
prevailing in modern Ethiopia, it still resurfaces in some parochial circles.
Carleton Coon (1936: 23) met in the U.S. a certain Ethiopian who repeated the
underlying Abyssinian self-representation: “I do not … associate myself with
these blacks. In my country they are our slaves. We are of Semitic origin, and
are not Negroes. But in America all who are not white are unscientifically
considered black, and on that account I have great trouble”. In another occasion

49
he is quoted saying “Although we are not black, …we must identify ourselves
with them. We are all Africans…. We will be their organizers and leaders in
order to maintain our rightful position in the world. I am willing to give up my
status for this end”. The intensity with which Abyssinians kept differentiating
between slaves and freemen can be seen from the several words Amharic has for
people who have a dint of slave ancestry. As Pankhurst (1976: 41f; 1990: 112f)
records them:

1. Warencha welaj (‘welaj foal’, or alternatively ya-bet welaj or ‘house

welaj’): slaves born in their masters’ houses, i.e., a person having half
‘servile blood’,
2. Qenaj: the child of a welaj by free man or woman, i.e., a person of a
quarter of ‘servile blood’,
3. Fenaj: the child of qenaj, i.e., someone of one-eighth slave ancestry,
4. Amalat: the child of fenaj, i.e., a man or woman of one-sixteenth of slave
origin,
5. Asalat: the child of an amalat, i.e., a person of one-thirty-second of slave
descent,
6. Manbete (abbreviation for yaman bet naw i.e., ‘of whose house is he?’:
the child of an asalat, i.e., someone of one-sixty-fourth slave origin. It
signified a person whose condition was still despised,
7. Dareba bete (literally ‘my house is a hut’): the child of manbete, i.e., an
individual of one hundred and twenty-eighth slave descent.

50
Figure 1: Genealogical order of ‘servile blood’ in Abyssinia

a slave

Warencha
Welaj

Qenaj

Fenaj

Amalat

Asalat

Manbete

Dereba
Bete

Key
= a man of ‘servile blood’
= a woman of ‘servile blood’
= a ‘free’ man

Kinship, within Amhara and Tigre society, is possible if and only if the relation
of two people is not outside seven genealogical orders. Thus, one has ‘servile
blood’ if one has any slave relations within one’s genealogy up to the seventh
generation. Accordingly, if one has a slave relation outside the seventh
genealogical order, the slave is not considered his/her kin. It has to be noted that
such classifications remain mostly at an ideological level. In practice however,
slaves constitute a unified category of servitude and the above mentioned
distinctions among them do not have any recognizable importance. For example,
there is no practical distinction between individuals of fenaj and manbete servile
sub-categories.

51
The majority of slaves who were sent to Wollo, Gojjam, Gondar, Massawa, and
the Red Sea, or through Argoba, Alio Amba, and Harar to be exchanged by salt
bars or traded at Berbera and Zeila were Agaw, Falasha (or Beta Israel), Gafat,
Bareya, Oromo, Wollamo, Kambatta, Sidama, Hadya, Beni Shangul, Gurage,
Kaffa, Yem, Enarya, Berta, Dinka, Bongo and from other ethnic groups from
Southern and Southwestern Ethiopia (Shack 1974: 25; Hassan 1990: 125;
Brooks 1996: 181; Beachey 1976: 53; Harris 1968: 305; Lipsky 1962: 43; Segal
2001: 95). In Tigray region the slaves were comprised of three categories: 1,
free-born highland Christians taken prisoners in war or captured thieves; 2,
‘Shanqella’ sized in slave raids; 3, Oromo who were regularly brought to
market. Each of these categories had their own reputation among slave owning
circles. The first group was said to be liars, lazy and spendthrift. ‘Shanqella’
slaves were considered loyal and obedient, while the Oromo were seen as loyal
and affectionate if treated humanely (Pankhurst 1990: 241).

Slaves in Abyssinia were kept as concubines, personal guards and soldiers. They
were currency in commercial transactions, tribute to Arabian kings or local
rulers, or rewards to subordinates. Some were exchanged for horses, mules,
guns, beautiful clothes, and medicines. They were also made to work in
agriculture and in any domestic activities (Miers and Kopytoff 1977:56;
Johannes 1986: 27; Pankhurst 1990: 112; 1976: 22-9).

Slaves in Ethiopia were people who had lost any rights to share in society, and
therefore to have access to food, clothing, and the other necessities of physical
survival. This was because they had been on the defeated side in a war. The
victors could have killed them. They had no grounds to claim their lives. But the
victors had chosen to leave them alive. Consequently, the labor and/or sexuality
of the captives belonged to the individual who had let them live, or to their
community, which generally sold them off to an individual. The fact that they
were saved from death and kept alive was something they owed to their master
who adopted them as his family members. They were expected to feel gratitude
and loyalty towards their master. Their children also inherit this dependence on
the master who rather than killing them, brings them up, feeds, clothes, houses,
and educates them.

52
It has to be understood that many of the servile categories of highland Ethiopia
resembled serfs more than slaves per se even though they are generally referred
to as slaves because they are presented as such in the literature (Inikori 1996:
39). The fact that these servile categories were not earning a wage does not
imply that they were treated like the slaves of the Americas. Africa, by then, was
not a monetary continent and many servile dependent categories including those
at the higher post were paid in kind and not in cash until the twentieth century.
Before the monetary economy developed in sub-Saharan Africa, land was
considered to be the indivisible property of the community. The kings and the
chiefs had ‘human estates’, that is, lands worked by subjugated communities.
Closer examination of the relationship between the masters and their subjugated
communities shows that it was a system of serfdom rather than slavery. Harris
also notes that the Abyssinian servile institution was milder than that of the
Americas. “Slavery in this portion of Africa… bears little analogy to, and is
absolutely light, when contrasted with the appalling horrors, the destitution, and
the misery involved by the European trade…. It is in fact little more than
servitude” (1968, vol. II: 309).

Henry Salt, who visited Abyssinia in 1809, as quoted by Pankhurst (1990: 242),
claims that the Ethiopian slaves he talked to were “very happy”, contented and
preferred their latter mode of living to that which they had led in their native
places. Treated mildly as ordinary servants or as children of the house, they
“bask in the sunshine of their master’s favor”. Their situation was “rather
honorable than disgraceful” and the difference between their state and that of
Western slaves is strikingly apparent. In Ethiopia, a slave, naturalized in the
house of his master, is invariably treated with lenity, usually with indulgence,
and often with favor. Some masters even kept teachers to educate their slaves.
Most of the slaves worked only indoors and required no long voyage to make.
Slaves needed no violent change of habits to undergo as the culture of their
masters was not entirely different from that of their native places. But, on the
contrary, they were frequently adopted, like children, into the family. Moreover,
they were free to go to their families after accomplishing their daily allotted
task. As Harris observed (1968, vol. II: 307-10), during the times of King Sahle
Selassie of Shoa (1813-1847) marriage between free persons and slaves of the
royalty were not uncommon.

53
Slaves for external trade were also treated with similar favor. They were far
from unfortunate as they were treated with attention, stopping frequently on the
road to rest and eat. Most were well dressed. The girls used to wear necklaces
and beads. They went along “without the least constraint, singing and chattering,
and apparently perfectly happy”. Many slaves preferred the exile to posts of
confidence and emolument because slavery in a foreign land may exalt them to
nobility. Their condition was not significantly different from the free population
around them (Pankhurst 1990: 209, 244; Segal 2001: 125).

In Ethiopia, manumission was possible if one of the following seven conditions

was met, which often was realized (Pankhurst 1990: 65):
1. if a servile had served his master’s father and grandparent;
2. if he had been baptized by his master and wanted to become a priest or
monk;
3. if he had been made a soldier by his master;
4. if he had saved his master from death, had fought for him, or had
protected him from mortal peril;
5. if his mother had been freed while he was in her womb;
6. if, after taken prisoner in war, he returned voluntarily to his master, and
7. if his master died without heir.

The following autobiographical narrative of a slave from Enaria shows how the
victim is handed over from one dealer to another in Abyssinia5.

“When twenty years of age, being engaged in tending the flocks of Betta, my father,
an armed band of the Ooma Galla, with whom my tribe had long been in enmity,
swept suddenly down, and took myself with six other youth prisoners, killing four
more who resisted. Having been kept bound hand and foot during five days, I was sold
to the Toomee Galla, one of the nearest tribes, for thirty amoles (about six shillings
and three-pence sterling). The bargain was concluded in the Toome market-place,
which is called Sundaffo, where, in consequence of the dearness of salt, two male
slaves are commonly bought for one dollar; and after nightfall, the Mohammedan
rover, by whom I had been purchased, came and took me away.

5
The slave was an eighteen-year-old Oromo boy called Dilbo, who originally was from
Sabba in Enarya.

54
 “Having been kept bound in his house another week, I was taken two days’ journey
with a large slave caravan, and sold privately to the Nono Galla for a few ells of blue
calico. My companions in captivity were assorted according to their age and size, and
walked in double file, the stout and able-bodied only, whereof I was one, having their
hands tied behind them. In Meegra, the market-place of the Nono, I was, after six
weeks’ confinement, sold by public auction to the Agumcho Galla for forty pieces of
salt (value eight shillings and four-pence). Thence I was taken to the market-place
which is beyond Sequala, on the plain of Hawash, and sold for seventy pieces of salt to
the Soddo Galla, and immediately afterwards to Roque, the great slave mart in the
Yerur district, where I was sold for one hundred amoles,’ being 1 pound sterling.

“From Roque I was driven to Alio Amba, in Shoa, where a Mohammedan subject of
Sahle Selassie purchased me in the market of Abdel Russool for twelve dollars; but
after three months, my master falling into disgrace, the whole of his property was
confiscated, and I became the slave of the Negoos (the King), which I still am,
although permitted to reside with my family, and only called upon to plough, reap, and
carry wood. Exclusive of halts, the journey from my native village occupied fifteen
days. I was tolerably fed, and not maltreated. All the merchants through whose hands I
passed were Mohammedans; and until within a few stages of Alio Amba I was
invariably bound at night, and thus found no opportunity to escape. Prior to my own
enslavement I had been extensively engaged as a kidnapper, and in this capacity had
made party in three great slave hunts into the country of the Doko Negroes beyond
Kaffa; in the course of which four thousand individuals of both sexes were secured”
(Harris 1968: 303f).

3.4. Modern Slavery - America

American slavery was, perhaps, the most closed and cast-like slave system
known. The only form of slavery where there was no any appreciable distinction
between slaves and commodity was perhaps American slavery. Slaves were
legally owned as property and the slave master entertained the idea that slaves in
his domain were not any better that worthy tools. The most prevalent image of
slavery, after the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833, is derived from the American
slavery which is a very particular system of slavery in history. It included the
ownership of human beings as property to be used, bought, and sold, the primary
use of slaves as uncompensated labor, and the placement of slaves in the lowest
social stratum (Watson 1980: 29). European and American slave owners
believed that their right to purchase, hold, or inherit slaves or transfer them as
legal and unquestionable grants, as anyone has on his personal property. “As our

55
trade esteemed Negroe laborers merely a commodity, or chose in merchandise,
so the parliament of the Great Britain has uniformly adhered to the same idea;
and hence the planters…declared their Negroes to be fit objects of purchase and
sale, transferable like any other goods or chattels” (Garnsey 1996: 1) As Miers
and Kopytoff pointed out, “The Anglo-American New World type of slavery,
far from being a norm, was in fact a rather unusual historical creation” (1977: 3,
59).

Garnsey writes, “American slavery was of course racist, based on the alleged
ingrained and permanent inferiority of blacks to whites” (1996: 87f). The author
quotes an American slave master who, when asked if slaves in America could be
educated and manumitted like Roman and Greek slaves were, said, “Not so now
- nor ever it will be in all time to come, with our blacks”. American slaves were
denied to have families of their own, deliberately kept illiterate, and rarely
manumitted. Watson (1980: 7), Toledano (1998: 3f) and Philips (1985: 7) share
Garnsey’s point that as far as American slavery is concerned, a slave was the
property of another, politically and socially at the lowest level of the society,
and a tool for compulsory labor. Slaves were subject to the total control of their
masters and were outsiders with no ties of kinship to the dominant society and
had no legal rights what so ever. They were generally dishonored persons under
permanent, legal and violent domination. As Ronald Segal (1995: 17f) writes,
“They (blacks) were not only property themselves but could procreate it. The
child of a female slave became at its birth the property of her owner”. In the
words of Olaudah Equiano (1995: 133-6), “They were shackled together in
coffles, packed into dark ‘factory’ dungeons, squeezed together between the
decks of stinking ships, separated often from their kinsmen, tribesmen, or even
speakers of the same language, left bewildered about their present and their
future, stripped of all prerogatives of status or rank,...and homogenized by a
dehumanizing system that viewed them as faceless and largely interchangeable”.

The three basic components of American slavery are, one, a slave was the
property of his master. Two, he is totally owned by his master. The slave
owner’s right over his slave-property was total, covering the person as well as
the labor of the slave. Third, the slave was kinless, stripped of his or her old
social identity in the process of capture, sale and uprooting, and denied of new
bonds of kinship through marriage alliance. The American slave has no choice

56
of occupation or employer, no rights to property or marriage, and no control
over the fate of his children. He can be inherited, moved, or sold without regard
to his feelings, and may be ill-treated, sometimes even killed, with impunity.
Furthermore, his descendants inherit his fate with no improvement in their
statuses. By contrast, slaves in Africa could be wives, sons, brothers, or fathers
to the free without great strains on the relationships and they served as soldiers,
commanders, governors of regions, trading agents, and, in the case of women, as
favored wives” (Miers and Kopytoff 1977: 23, 28). Western travelers were often
amazed to find that African traditional ministers were slaves, often with slaves
of their own. Therefore, if one attempts to extend the perspectives of American
slavery, especially to Africa and the Muslim world where ‘rights-in-
persons’(i.e., rights over labor, sexuality, procreation, etc.) is the norm rather
than outright ownership, he/she will end up in a wrong conclusion because
ownership of the service is different from ownership of the servant (Watson
1980: 4; Miers and Kopytoff 1977: 7; Segal 1995: 17).

3.5. Cross-Cultural Notions of Slavery

In the West, slavery was an economic institution where the idea that salves
lacked ‘freedom’ was a key issue in defining their condition. However, outside
the Western world, ‘freedom’ becomes a slippery concept. Notions of free and
unfree labor were ambiguous in societies where markets for compensated labor
did not exist and the kin group normally owned its members’ labor and its fruits.
This was mainly true for many parts of Africa until recently. Therefore, “The
term is really relative” (Lovejoy 1983: 2).

The misunderstanding of the African socio-cultural context led many

researchers to lump up all forms of African servile socioeconomic institutions as
slavery; and free peasants, political clients, servants, quasi-serfs and serfs as
slaves. The servile relationships that were practiced in the Orient and Africa had
hardly anything to do with the horrendous slavery of the Americas. Obviously,
many of the late nineteenth century African servile institutions did not
approximate to slavery, but, not finding an appropriate alternative term, some
researchers, for example Miers and Kopytoff, have reluctantly used both terms
with quotation marks. Others, like Lovejoy (1983: 5), have employed terms such

57
as captives or serfs without offering a convincing explanation for the use of the
terms. However, this is no solution either, because the word serf itself “comes
from the Latin word servus, which in classical times meant slave” (Inikori 1996:
44; Segal 1995: 3).

The main distinction between slaves and serfs, according to Inikori (1996: 46),
was that, whereas the latter were usually self-supporting, growing their own
food, with their own means of production, on allotted plots of land; the former
were, possessing nothing, usually maintained, fed and clothed by their owners;
instead of living in a village as peasants, they lived in or near their owners’
residences, and their owners must be free, under the law and tradition, to sell
them to any buyer. Thus, Inikori’s argument leads us to consider that many of
the African servile categories were rather such of serfs than slaves because they
were allowed “to have their own plots of land, and given more time to work
them. Rather than owe all their produce to the master, some slaves were required
to give a specified quantity of produce to him” (Manning 1990: 145).

Two general defining criteria emerge from the discussions of slavery: one is the
property aspect of slavery and the other is the marginal status of slaves.
Particularly, it is the property aspect that most observers single out when they
distinguish slavery from other forms of servitude, including serfdom and debt
bondage (Lovejoy 1983: 1). Slaves in the Orient and Africa were socially active.
Not few of them were at the center of political and military power whereas most
‘free’ commoners were not. Oriental and African servile people enjoyed
positions of privileges which were not accessible for slaves in Western societies.

In most of the anthropological literature, slavery is presented as the product of

the capture or purchase of human beings who, along with their descendants, are
put to some use or sold or bartered to others. Slaves are often described as
“persons who are held in captivity, and who may be bought or sold” (Manning
1990: 110). The problem with the presentation of slaves as ‘property’ and
‘commodities’ is derived from the mistake of assuming all forms of slavery as
analogous to Western slavery. In other words, it suffers from the shortage of
insight into the cultural contexts of the various societies in which slavery was
practiced and hence, fails short of being cross-cultural. Perhaps the boldest
expression of the equation between slaves and property is found in the work of

58
Tuden (1970: 11f): “We propose defining slavery as the legal institutionalization
of persons as property”. The property and the marginality aspect of slavery can
be best utilized in explaining Western slavery. Miers and Kopytoff agree that
Tuden’s definition of slavery “is not very helpful”. They suggested that “we
must discard Western concepts as we try to understand what it is that Western
observers have, for various reasons, called ‘slavery’ in Africa. The position of
the ‘slave’ must be examined in the context of the society to which he belongs –
comparing his position not to the ‘free’ in the West but to the other members of
his own society” (1977: 11f).

In Africa, slaves passed through a slavery-to-kinship continuum as they were

absorbed into the new kinship groups. Because African slavery was more a
process than a status. It was only a matter of time before the slave was admitted
into the kinship structure of the dominant society. This was due to the fact that
slavery in many parts of Africa was an institution for the incorporation of
outsiders into the dominant society in the same context as marriage and adoption
(Watson 1980: 5). Toledano, speaking of African slavery says, “It is quite
obvious to me that what we are dealing with here is a continuum of various
degree of bondage rather than a dichotomy between slave and free”. Frederick
Cooper also offers a continuum approach to the evaluation of servility and social
status on the Muslim east coast of Africa (1998: 166f).

In contrast, a closed nature of slavery prevailed in American society. It would

have been inconceivable for slaves to be accepted into the kinship groups of
their owners; instead they were maintained as separate ethnic groups that
reproduced themselves either by natural process or by constant recruitment (i.e.
purchase) of new slaves. The barriers that kept slaves from entering the
dominant society were often formidable. Far from being absorbed, these
dependents were kept at arm’s length by virtue of the stigma attached to the
status of slavery. The only way for slaves to change their status was through
manumission, but even this did not entail absorption: it was more a matter of ‘up
and out’ rather than ‘up and in’.

Watson (1980: 8) offers the following set of guidelines for a definition of the
term “slave” that can be applied cross-culturally, irrespective of local variation
and historical era: “Slaves are acquired by purchase or capture, their labor is

59
extracted through coercion and, as long as they remain slaves, they are never
accepted into the kinship group of the master. Slavery is thus the
institutionalization of these relationships between slaves and owners”. Watson
does not deny the fact that slaves, particularly among Muslim societies, were
accepted into the kinship groups of their masters. He believes that the moment
slaves were admitted into the kinship group of their owners, they individually
cease to be slaves anymore, though may still belong to a servile category.

Table 1. Comparison of the Two Oceanic Slave Trades

ATLANTIC OCEAN INDIAN OCEAN

1. Slaves mostly sought were men
2. Christianity was involved
3. Bible was used to justify it
4. Generally force was employed
5. Slaves were tied in the ships
6. Slaves were needed for plantation and
mines
7. The trade was done by Europeans
8. The trade had shorter duration (1440 – 1870)
1. Women were more needed than men6
2. Islam was involved
3. Koran was used to justify it
4. Force was not always employed
5. Slaves were dancing in the ships
6. Slaves were needed for domestic use and
military
7. The trade was mainly done by Asians
8. It took place for millennia

6
Robertson and Klein, 1983:4

60
Table 2. Occidental and Oriental Slavery

OCCIDENTAL SLAVERY ORIENTAL SLAVERY

1. Total ownership of slaves
2. The slave was a ‘tool’
3. Slavery was a status (fixed)
4. The society was closed (segregative)
5. Racist relationship between master and
slave
6. The slave was non-kin to his master
7. Manumission was rare
8. Heavy labor was demanded of slaves
9. Slaves were kept by coercion
10. Slaves of both sexes work
plantations
11. Most slaves were made ashamed of their lot 11. Most slaves were proud of their position
12. Slaves were at the base of society
13. More of slavery than serfdom
14. Eunuchs absent
15. Elite slavery absent
1. The master has ‘rights-in-persons’7
2. Slaves of Islamic societies were human
3. Slavery was a process
4. Islamic societies were open (integrative)
5. Non-racist relationship or little racism
among Islamic societies
6. Slaves were often made kins
7. Slaves were often manumitted
8. Slaves’ task was easier
9. Slaves were willing to serve
on 10. Men were soldiers and women
were domestic servants and concubines
12. Some slaves could enjoy privileges which
were rare for free men
13. More of serfdom than slavery
14. Eunuchs present
15. Elite slavery present

7 We need to be cautious, however, from assuming that the situation of slavery in the
contrasted regions was always as discussed above. There were always exceptions to the norm.
The above comparison should only be taken as an outline of the general situation.

61
62
 4. HISTORY OF THE TRADE IN AFRICAN SLAVES
TO INDIA

Africans have been migrating to Asia and particularly to India for millennia for
many reasons, among which slavery is one. Much has been said in the literature
about the Atlantic Slave Trade and its maleficent legacy on the descendants of
African slaves in the Western world. In comparison to the Atlantic Slave Trade,
which I call the Occidental slave trade, the Indian Ocean slave trade or Oriental
slave trade is underrepresented in scholarly research because most European
and American researchers dealt on what is their immediate concern. Western
slavery (Segal 2001: ix).

Besides, much of the earlier documents pertaining to the Oriental slave trade are
not translated into European languages from the original Turkish, Persian and
Arabic sources. This situation has made vital information hardly accessible to
Western and Western based scholars. The failure of scholars to study thoroughly
the Oriental slave trade and its legacy in those societies and cultures has far and
wide consequences. Today, when we hear of the ‘African Diaspora’, many of us
tend to think solely of Africans living in the Western world. Much of the
substance we have concerning ‘the African Diaspora’ stems from the African
Diaspora in the West. The prevalent literature on the ‘African Diaspora’ can in
no way be a full representation of the actual African Diaspora unless the cases of
all Africans living outside their continent are equally and thoroughly represented
in it.

The Oriental slave trade is an integral part and a direct result of the general trade
relations between the African and Asian continents. Therefore, before entering
into the subject of our main concern, it is essential to see how Africa and India
traded with each other.

4.1. Indo-African Trade Relations

Although being aware of the high probability that trade relations between Africa
and the Indian sub-continent predate recorded history, I shall discuss hereunder
some aspects which left their marks in written records.

63
The ancientness of India’s trade with Africa is accepted both by early and
modern scholars. The nineteenth century explorer J. H. Speke was convinced of
the antiquity of Indian traders’ contacts with Africa, and expressed the view that
the Hindu had traded with the African east coast “prior to the birth of our
Savior” (Speke 1863: 84). It seems that Indian products had always markets in
Africa. India traded with the African east coast in ivory, incense, food items,
slaves and others. The earliest indication of trade between Africa and India is
found in a document that narrates the Egyptian Queen Hapshetsut’s expedition
to the land of Punt, presumably modern Somalia, at about 1495 B.C. The sailors
of the Queen brought back a cargo of cinnamon from there which was probably
originally imported from India (Pankhurst 1972: 3- 4).

The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, a first century travel document, informs that
one of the first places the Indians visited in the African area was the island of
Sokotra at the entrance of the Gulf of Aden. In fourth century B.C., Alexander’s
soldiers “subdued the Indians who were established there, took possession of
Sokotra and removed a colossal idol to which the Indians paid homage”. The
nature and extent of India’s trade with Sokotra and mainland Africa was
documented in the same paper. The document reveals that trade in wheat, rice,
purified butter, sesame oil, cotton cloth, girdles, and honey made of sugar was
already established and that the population of the island consisted of Indians. It
further notes that some of these items were also traded with all of the Red Sea
ports including Adulis, the principal port of the Aksumite Empire (Pankhurst
1972: 5).

Abyssinian traders were also seen, by some travelers, including Ibn Batuta, in
Cambay, Bombay, Goa, Calicut, Malacca, Ceylon and in other coastal areas and
islands of the Indian sub-continent. The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea also
records that Ceylon and other areas of the Indian sub-continent were visited by
merchants from Ethiopia in the first century.

Another evidence of early Afro-Indian trade relations is to be found in the work

of the Greco-Egyptian monk Cosmos Indicopleustes who wrote, as cited by
Pankhurst (1972:10), in the early sixth century that Barbaria, probably Somalia,
had substantial trade with India and Ceylon. The inhabitants of Barbaria used to
bring frankincense from the interior of Africa and export it to the mentioned

64
countries. He also mentioned Ethiopia’s export of ivory to Persia, India, Arabia
and the Roman world.

This trade relation between the East African coast and the Indian sub-continent
was largely possible because of the monsoon or ‘trade winds’. The monsoon
winds blow in the Indian Ocean six months in the summer, from the southward,
and in winter from the northward, subject to a small inflection to the east and
west. Hence, a ship that sails either from India to Africa or vice versa, following
the direction of the ‘trade winds’, will be carried on by the winds without any
impediment and is able to find its destination with relative ease. This seasonal
pattern of monsoon winds largely influenced and facilitated the pattern of cross-
ocean trade that developed between the East African coast and the Islamic world
of western Asia during those early times. Most of the long-distance trade in the
western Indian Ocean was carried in Arab sailing ships known as dhows.

Indian Ocean trade was given a great boost by the spread of Islam in the seventh
and eighth centuries. The shift of the Islamic capital to Baghdad in 750 AD
brought the Persian Gulf more firmly into Indian Ocean trading networks. A
number of Shi’ite refugees from southern Arabia settled along the northern half
of the east African coastline during the eighth century. They intermarried with
the African population and learnt the local language. The increasing presence of
Arabic-speaking peoples on the offshore islands greatly eased trading relations
between the east African coast and other regions of the Muslim world. This part
of the African east coast, where of a considerable trade was going on across the
ocean, is referred by Arab writers of the time as the ‘Land of Zenj’.

As the demand for African ivory, and later gold, increased with the rise of Asian
empires, more Arabs and Gujarati Muslims settled in east African island towns
to direct the local trade to their advantage. These newcomer Muslim settlers, like
their predecessors, developed good relations, often through intermarriage, with
the local African ruling families. In this way they were able to ensure that their
Muslim relatives, the overseas merchants, would be welcomed within the towns.
Those Gujarati merchants, like their Arab counterparts, sought Africa’s ivory,
which was considered by many as being the best in the world. This was because
the African elephant produces larger tusks than the Indian elephant and its ivory
is of finer and softer texture, thus most suitable for carving. The result was that

65
the Gujarati virtually monopolized overseas trade in East Africa, collecting gold,
ivory and slaves, which otherwise used to go to Arab countries and the
Portuguese port of Mozambique, in exchange for clothes and other ‘luxury’
items (Pearson 1976: 12; Lovejoy 1983: 151; Manning 1990: 139; Segal 2001:
102).

By the ninth century there were a number of well-established market towns

along the coast of the ‘Land of Zenj’. Most were situated on the Lamu islands
off the northern Kenyan coast and others further south on Zanzibar, Kilwa and
the Comoro islands (Shillington 1989: 124f). These trading towns, who were
mainly exporters of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods and
luxuries, like: oriental pottery, glassware and Indian silks and cottons, were
increasingly engaged in overseas trading relationships with similar ports along
the countries bordering the eastern shores of the Indian Ocean. Their main
trading partners were Gujarat’s large and small ports – Surat, Bharuch, Cambay,
and Kutch.

Indian trade with the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean coast of Africa continued to
flourish throughout the medieval period. An intense trade was being conducted
at Alexandria, Massawa, Adulis, Dahlak, Sokotra, Mogadishu, Zeila, Berbera,
Kilwa and Zanzibar with Indians until the coming of the Portuguese towards the
end of the 15th century. Das Gupta points to the cordial relationships, in
centuries before the Portuguese assumed supremacy over Indian Ocean trading
networks, between those Arab, African and Indian traders and their “peaceful
sharing of profits” (1979: 408). These commercial links facilitated the trading of
African slaves from East Africa, mainly Zanzibar, to India. Slaves were amongst
the most important purchase from East Africa which Arab traders exchanged for
the cotton of Gujarat. The “peaceful sharing” of profit between Arab, African
and Indian traders that Das Gupta mentions seems to have extended to the slave
trade too.

Zanzibar offered an ideal location for the then flourishing Indian Ocean trade,
functioning as a port for the loading and unloading of Africa’s produce before it
was shipped to India and the Arab world. Zanzibar’s convenience for the
monsoon-winds-trade led to the intensification of the migration of Arab and
Indian merchants, the majority of whom were Gujarati, to the island and to

66
intermarriage with the local population. Some centuries later, the Gujarati
merchants established permanent trading posts in Zanzibar, consolidating their
commercial influence in the Indian Ocean. As a result, Zanzibar became the
main port of arrival for Indian merchandise, acting as a gigantic go-down or
store-house for most East African towns, where both imports and exports were
received and distributed. That was why Steere called Zanzibar, “the great
meeting place of India, Arabia and Africa” while Oscar Baumann called it the
“East African Paris” (Bennett 1978: 187).

In 19th century the presence of a significant Indian population in Zanzibar led

the British to permit the Gujarati language to be taught at school in addition to
English. This move was an indication of the secure position Indians had both in
the commercial and political life of the island. Zanzibar’s linkage to the
flourishing markets of western Indian ports was a fundamental stimulus for the
remarkable economic growth of the island during that century. Gujarati Muslims
and their Omani partners engaged in a network of mercantile activities among
Oman, Zanzibar and Bombay. Thanks to those mercantile Gujarati, India
remained by far the principal trading partner of Zanzibar.

4.2. Indo-Ethiopian Trade Relations

Some time between the tenth and the sixth century BC and earlier, hunters and
traders began crossing the Red Sea from Saba in southwestern Arabia to
northeast Africa, largely in search of ivory for the Persian and Indian trade.
They had learned to take full advantage of their strategic trading position
between the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. They set up small trading
settlements on the Eritrean coast, which rose to be the Aksumite Empire.
Gradually, they took full advantage of the expansion of Red Sea trade following
the Greek colonization of Egypt. Indeed, as Shillington confers, initially it was
traders from Saba and Aksum who carried much of the Greek trade through the
Bab el Mandeb to the ports of the Indian Ocean. The rulers of Aksum were
importing silver, gold, olive oil, wine, clay works and other luxury items from as
far as India and China. Archaeological research in northern Ethiopia has also
substantiated historians’ claim on the presence of long standing trade relations
between Ethiopia and India. The Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology has in
Haolti area, now Eritrea, excavated numbers of clay works that were imported

67
from India. The principal export of Aksum was ivory and captives for sale as
slaves, particularly women for concubines and household servants, to the
Oriental world. These captives, notes Shillington, were taken in warfare from
the highland communities south of Lake Tana (1989: 69, 107).

The extensive trade traffic of the two countries was mainly conducted through
the two principal ports of Abyssinia, namely: Zeila and Massawa. The latter
port, which handled the greater part of the external trade of Abyssinia, seems to
have been visited by Indian vessels for several centuries. Portuguese navigators
have reported that they saw Gujarati ships in Massawa at the time of their arrival
in 1520 (Pankhurst 1972: 29). According to Alvarez, in the sixteenth century,
merchants of “all nations”, including Indians, were trading in various items of
their respective countries which they brought to Mandeley, “a great commercial
town” in Tigray (Shack 1974: 26). Harar also has been a center of commercial
activity as a result of its geographical location and politico-religious importance.
Trade routes linked Harar with the principal markets in the Abyssinian
highlands and with Arab and Indian merchants on the coast, mainly through the
ports of Zeila and Tajura, but also through Dongarit, Berbera, Mogadisho and
Zanzibar.

In Harar, local merchants imported the following Indian and Arabian items:
spices, sugar, antimony, chinaware, needles, pewter, zinc, scissors, knives,
razors, fire-arms, carpets, tobacco, snuff, cotton, silk, and brocaded cloth, beads,
glass, brass, copper, iron and steel, various metal tools including swords, gold,
silver, buttons, mirrors, trinkets, and jewels; through barter exchange, or direct
payment in gold. They shipped out principally rhinoceros’ horn, ivory, civet,
coffee, cereals, honey and wax, spices, salt, hides, mules, slaves, and gold. They
used “Virgin Mary German crown of Maria Theresa, 1780, and strips of raw
hide for sandal soles” as currency (Harris 1968, vol. I: 61f). Purchases from the
Indian sub-continent in 1852 were valued, according to Plowden, at 133,590
Maria Theresa Thalers, as against only 73,065 from Arabia and Egypt. This
indicates that Abyssinia used to trade with India much more than with any other
country. Bunyan Indians dominated the Abyssinian export trade of whom one
was a certain Currum Chand, who often purchased “an entire shipload of goods”
(Pankhurst 1990: 216). In the interior of Ethiopia, the use of Indian products,
like costumes, house utensils, various kinds of perfumes and ointments, spices

68
and jewelry had become a tradition at least among royalty and elites. This has
been observed by foreign travelers and also recorded by royal chroniclers. Some
of these products can still be seen in Ethiopia’s museums and monasteries.

4.3. Slave Trade Across the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean

Africa has been intimately connected with the history of slavery, both as a
continent of slave holding societies and as a major source of slaves for ancient
civilizations, the Islamic world, India, and the Americas. Many agree that the
main source of slavery among the peoples of sub-Saharan Africa were the
prevalent wars among the various peoples of the continent. “The tribe that
mourns to-day the loss of its young men and maidens, is ready on the morrow
with heart and hand to carry on amongst others the work of captivity; and the
victor of one hour may be vanquished in the next” (Harris 1968, vol. I: 388; vol.
II: 322; Lovejoy 1983: 1, 20). Since time immemorial, the war captives of the
continent’s existing inter-group conflicts were made slaves, and were either
retained to work for their masters, or were sold to other parts of the world,
particularly to the Muslim world and India, for the same purpose.

Our earliest information concerning the slave trade on the East African coast
comes from The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, which says that Ras Hafun
(present day Somalia) “produces better sorts of slaves” (Pankhurst 1972: 1). It is
presumed, with relative certainty, that an equal or probably even greater slave
trade than the Atlantic one was conducted in the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean
since the rise of Islam in the seventh century. Besides, whereas the Atlantic
Slave Trade took place roughly from 1440 to1870, the slave trade in the Indian
Ocean probably went on for millennia (Lovejoy 1983: 21; Segal 2001: 61).

The trade in African slaves to India should be seen as a further continuation of

the general trade transaction that was going on between the two continents. As
mentioned earlier, Gujarati merchants used to trade in Africa, selling Indian
commodities and buying in return African raw materials that were required back
home. The most important item sought by Indian traders was African ivory.
These traders had difficulties in transporting the purchased materials from inland
Africa to the coast as much of the African terrain was inaccessible and very
difficult for any mode of transportation. Besides, since African elephants

69
produce huge tusks, transporting the purchased ivory to the coast was a serious
challenge. It was relatively easier to buy slaves who would carry the ivory; and
much profitable to sell both, the carried and the carrier, when arriving at the
coast (Segal 2001: 159).

As the demand for more labor grew in rising Asian empires, the trade in humans
became more lucrative than the trade in ivory or other items. The profit margin
of slave trade increased tenfold in the 19th century. It was much higher than the
trade in any other commodity as it was possible to buy slaves in interior Africa,
in most cases, cheaper than most commodities (Colomb 1968: 96). As the
incessant internal war among neighboring ethnic groups of Africa went on, the
abundant supply of slaves could not be hindered. Both the demand for and
supply of slaves reached its climax when traders supplied war-mongering groups
modern weapons, thereby fuelling the existing inter-ethnic clashes. In this way,
the slave trade not only accompanied the trade in commodities but also
gradually replaced it in many areas. The Indian Ocean slave trade was
“intertwined in the general commercial network” of the region (Toledano 1998:
69).

The profit margin of the slave trade was more in women slaves than in men. In
Muslim India, unlike in the case of the Americas, slaves were mainly needed for
domestic labor and concubinage and not for plantation labor. Therefore, women
slaves had a higher demand than men. Besides, the slave traders used to prefer
women slaves. Because, during the long trek on the African terrain, which in
most cases took several months, women slaves were objects of sexual
entertainment for the slave traders. Women also used to serve the merchants in
preparing their food along the journey. Moreover, women showed less resistance
than men who may try to escape along the way. Therefore it is assumed that,
whereas the ratio of male to female slaves is two to one in the case of the
Atlantic Slave Trade, it is the other way round in the case of the Oriental slave
trade (Segal 1995: 4; 2001: 61).

Arab and European sources clearly show the selling of African slaves from
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Zanzibar, Kilwa, and coastal towns of eastern Africa
to the Arab world and India by Arabs and wealthy Gujarati trading casts, one of
which is known as Bhatia. Muscat, the capital of Oman, was the trans-shipment

70
center of the slave trade transporting slaves from these African coastal towns
and islands to the Arab countries along the coast of the Persian Gulf and India.
Until the second half of the 19th century, ten thousands of Africans numbering
between 10,000 and 20,000, stemming from eastern and central Africa, were
annually dispersed to Asian countries via the Red Sea, Tajura, Berbera, and/or
Zanzibar. A substantial portion of those Africans, who are presently known as
Siddi, arrived in India through the ports of Gujarat and Bombay. The
commercial town Cambay, which was then the major port of the Sultanate of
Delhi, was one of the major ports, like Mundra was in Kutch, through which
Africans reached Indian soil.

As mentioned above, the main need for African slaves in India was for domestic
work and/or concubinage, but also increasingly to use them as infantry for rising
and expanding Muslim kingdoms. India had always been a producer of cheap
labor and there was no need as such for additional African labor. Nonetheless,
despite the abundance of cheap labor in India, many still liked to keep Africans
as domestic servants for sheer display of pomp and wealth (Colomb 1968: 23f,
50-2, 58, 85, 100f; Beachey 1976: 6, 48; Lovejoy 1983: 224; Manning 1990:
139).

The Portuguese also made use of African labor, not only in their motherland. In
the mid-sixteenth century, after the Portuguese had conquered Goa, they
maintained a regiment at Diu, a port on the shore of the peninsula of Saurashtra,
consisting of 600 African soldiers (Harris 1996: 10).

In the 19th century, Zanzibar, whose two-third population consisted of slaves,

claimed that it supplied Asian countries with 50,000 slaves per year. But
Beachey (1976: 49f) and Bennett (1978: 180) believed it to be 15,000, on
average, which generated about $400,000, an amount equal to half of Zanzibar’s
annual income of the period. Their estimates of total slave exports in the
nineteenth century from East African Swahili coasts to Middle Eastern and
Indian destinations were 313,000. Slave exports across the Red Sea and the Gulf
of Aden were 492,000, a substantial number of whom ended up in India
(Toledano 1998: 9). Figures from Ronald Segal, Paul Lovejoy, Raymond
Mauvy, and Ralph Austen are more or less similar. The total export of Africans
since the seventh century ranges between eleven to fourteen million. Raymond

71
Mauvy suggests “a figure of 100,000 for the seventh century; 200,000 for the
eighth; 400,000 for the ninth; 500,000 for each of the next four centuries;
1,000,000 for the fourteenth century; and 2,000,000 for each of the following
five centuries – or, with his estimate of 300,000 for the twentieth century, a total
of 14,000,000” (Segal 2001: 57).

The slave trade based on Zanzibar, Kilwa and Pemba was fed by the slave trade
in the interior of East Africa which was channeled along caravan routes until it
reached the coast. It is highly probable, based on the existing documents, that
not less than 40,000 people were bought and abducted annually from inland
Africa to the coastal towns of eastern Africa. Of these, about 4,000 originated
from the vicinity of the coastal towns themselves, while the remainder came
mostly from the hinterland, extending to Lake Malawi and beyond. “Inland
these routes branched out, spreading fan-like into the farthest reaches of the
eastern Congo, Uganda and the Nyasa area. Along these routes slaves were
drawn eastward from the vast area” (Beachey 1976: 23, 66; Lovejoy 1983: 224).

In Ethiopia, slavery was a direct result of “the unceasing wars” among different
groups, particularly those of southern and western Ethiopia. As a result, slaves
were the most available commodity in “all the markets” of the country. In the
19th century, according to official Turkish figures and European visitors of
Abyssinia, like Pearce, Krapf, Beke, Salt, Rüppell, Degoutin, Ferret and
Galinier, an estimated average of 1,750 slaves were exported through Massawa
every year. Slave exports via Showa to Zayla and Tajura seem somewhat higher,
Harris claimes that no less than 3,000 slaves a year were shipped from the
former port alone. In the 1930s, Combes and Tamisier estimated an annual
export of 2,000 slaves through Matama and Sudan, but the Italian missionary
Massaia puts the figure in 1850 at no less than ten times that number (Abir
1968: 116; Harris 1968, vol. I: 78; Lovejoy 1983: 149; Pankhurst 1990: 244).
The trade was dominated by the Jabarti, the Somali and the Afq’ala8.

Captain Colomb (1968:28) mentions six Oromo slaves who were bought at
Brava (Brawa), Somalia, when the British captured a dhow in 1869 which they
destroyed later. Similarly, British soldiers had found some Oromo slaves in

8
Oromo traditional merchants

72
another anti-slavery expedition. The slaves were sold at Brava to be exported
somewhere to the Arab world. Very likely, the British took them to Aden before
they eventually transferred them to India. Oromo slaves were also seen in Zeila
ready for export by other European travelers (Beachey 1976: 273; Lucereau
1881, vol. I: 4; Manning 1990: 51).

The passage of slaves from southern Ethiopia to Arabia and India through Brava
is tenable. According to Abir (1968: 112), merchants from Brava used to come
to Bale and Sidama, every year at the end of the rainy season in highland
Ethiopia following the river systems of Juba and Wabe Shebelle. Both the
Catholic missionary Leon des Avancheres, who traveled extensively on the
coast of East Africa and in southern Ethiopia in 1858, and the British traveler
and scholar C. P. Beke, who visited Showa and Gojjam in the early 1840s,
claimed that there was a caravan trade route in use between Brava and Kaffa in
southwestern Ethiopia. Based on the information they obtained from a number
of Jabarti and Somali merchants who actively dealt in salt, ivory and slaves of
southern Ethiopia, they concluded that commerce and the trade in slaves not
only existed but also was flourishing between southwestern Ethiopia and the
Indian Ocean. We are explicitly informed that the Kaffa Kingdom and its
environs were major sources of slaves both for internal use and external trade. It
was from Kaffa that sometimes as many as 8,000 slaves a year were exported
via the ports of Massawa, Assab, Beilul, Tajura, Zeila, Berbera, Brava and
Mogadishu (Hassan 1990: 140; Toledano 1998: 7; Segal 2001: 96, 102, 154).

During the 16th century military attacks of Ahmed Gragn against the Ethiopian
Christian Kingdom, Christian war captives were also sold into slavery, though
this time, mainly but not only, to the Arab and the Ottoman world (Lovejoy
1983: 27). Because, the Muslim power of Ethiopia, that almost swept away and
replaced the Christian Empire, was supported and supplied arms by the
Ottomans to whom the former was recruiting and handing over Christian slaves
from the conquered areas.

The Ethiopian slave trade was largely a trade in children, especially girls, the
great majority of them being under twenty years of age, who originated from the
south and south-west of the country, mainly the peoples of Oromiya, Wolaita,
Kambata, Sidamo, Enarya, Hadiya, Beni Shangul, Gurage, Kaffa and Yem.

73
Some were war captives, others were kidnapped and others were bought cheaply
in times of famine. A distinction was made between ‘red slaves’ and ‘black
slaves’, and while the first were mainly for export, the latter were for domestic
use (Hassan 1990: 11; Lipsky 1962: 37, 43; Beachey 1976: 53, 60; O’callaghan
1961: 64, 117; Abir 1968: 115f; Pankhurst 1976: 2, 22-9; Harris 1968, vol. I:
310, 319f; Shack 1974: 25, 102; Philips 1985: 75; Segal 2001: 95).

In coastal towns of East Africa, as elsewhere, prices of slaves varied according

to the physical qualities and presumed skills of the individual slave, but were
also greatly affected by market conditions. The price went up and down
according to the changing circumstances in the source regions, the political
fluctuations that determined the safety of roads, the weather conditions that
raised or lowered mortality during the passage, and the varying impact of state
policies regarding prohibition. Based on various publications (Beachey 1976: 8-
18, 60; Goody 1980:38) I present hereunder the average prices of slaves as used
in the East African coastal markets in the first half of the 19th century. To make
it simpler, slaves of both sexes are presented in respective levels of age
classifications and also based on required corporeal qualities.

Table 3. Average Prices of Slaves in East Africa (19th Century)

CATEGORY MARIA THERESA

THALERS
Old man 6-7
Old woman 8-12
Strong adult man 14-16
Middle aged woman 12-17
Young adult man 17-20
A young boy of age between 10 to14 18-22
A boy between 15 to 20 20-24
A young girl between 10 to13 22-27
A young woman 50-150
Boy eunuch 80-100

In the second half of the 19th century, the British government signed treaties
with several African and Asian countries that lie adjacent the waters, particularly
with those countries whose citizens were involved in the slave trade. (An

74
example of such a treaty is what is known as the Hewelet Treaty signed between
Emperor Yohannes IV of Ethiopia and Major Hewelet on behalf of the British
government.) These countries were compelled to allow Britain to patrol the
waters and to stop and search any passerby ship other than those carrying the
French flag. Britain was permitted to abort any slave trade conducted across the
Red Sea and the Indian Ocean (Segal 2001: 152). If a ship was found guilty of
carrying slaves, it was subject to fire and the slaves were ‘liberated’ and
gathered in Aden, and then concentrated on a certain nearby island, known by
then as Slave Island. The slaves were made to lead a lazy life, before they finally
were transported to and left alone to their destiny in Bombay (Beachey 1976:
59; Colomb 1968: 261; Harris 1996: 13).

We learn from Captain Colomb that these African slaves had taken with them
their drums into the ships when they were sold into slavery abroad and that their
“frantic performances” were going on similar to the way it is seen today among
the Siddi of India (Colomb 1968: 280-2). The same chanting, controlled
breathing and rhythmic bodily movements that led to trance and spirit
possession were seen in most East Africa’s coastal towns, and in the Arab
dhows during the slaves’ journey for sale. Presently, the same situation is seen
during prayer meetings in every Siddi shrine (known as durgha and chilla) of
Gujarat, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh (Watson 1980: 87; Basu 1994: 12).
Whereas slaves in the Atlantic were chained, we have written documents
testifying that the Indian Ocean slaves took their musical instruments with them
and were singing and dancing in the ships.

Harris suggests that Britain needed to create a sentiment of hatred towards the
trade in the mind of the slaves themselves if it wanted to suppress it (1968, vol.
II: 395). The slaves themselves were the main collaborators of the trade. British
soldiers repeatedly found African slaves in the Arab dhows who pretended to be
passengers. Nonetheless, the British intensified their campaign and in May 1841
captured thirteen dhows trading with slaves in the Indian Ocean and released
967 of their captures. And in 1833 the slave trade was formally abolished. They
succeeded in capturing several slave dhows and in ‘freeing’ thousands of slaves.
In order to ‘solve’ the puzzle of what to do next with ‘freed’ slaves, an ‘African
Asylum’ was first established some hundred miles from Bombay by Christian
missionaries later on was taken over by the Bombay government.

75
Many, if not most of the Africans who still are living in India nowadays are
descendants of those slaves whom the British, in their attempt to abolish the
slave trade, ‘freed’ from the captured Arab dhows and huddled together in the
slums of Bombay and Poona without a thought as to what might happen to them
thereafter, or how they might make a living. It is reported that their death toll by
far exceeded their births (Colomb 1968: 102f, 349; Watson 1980: 112). What
Pasty Mitcher, a manumitted slave, told an interviewer in 1937 concerning the
experience of African slaves in America was repeated among African slaves in
India. “They were turned out with nowhere to go and nothing to live on. They
had no experience in looking out for themselves, and nothing to live on... and
nothing to work with, and no land” (Garnsey 1996: 49).

Some writers have argued that in India, after emancipation, the African became
a wage-slave especially if he worked for a European employer. It has even been
asserted that many ‘freed’ slaves preferred their former masters to their new
European employers who demanded harder service and failed to treat them as
fellow human beings. Therefore, the ‘freed’ slaves lived under conditions far
worse in every way than when they were still slaves (O’callaghan 1961: 107;
Colomb 1968: 350; Beachey 1976: 132f). Manumission of slaves without giving
them legal right to access to all benefits that free members of the society enjoy,
particularly land, left former slaves on a limbo, and their situation became worse
than before. That is why the Siddi, of whom some are descendants of African
slaves whom the British ‘freed’ from the Indian Ocean and dumped in the port
towns of western India now lead their cumbersome life as scavengers and fakirs
in the suburbs of India’s cities.

The Siddi of Hyderabad, like other Indian Africans, are descendants of those
Africans who immigrated to the sub-continent either on their own free will or as
slaves. Some of the Siddi descend from Africans who were culturally arabized
as a result of their ancestors’ stay in countries of the Middle East for a
generation or more before immigrating to India. Their history is rather related to
military service than to slavery and they are known as such by their host
societies.

76
Map 4: East African Coast, and Indian Ocean Trade Winds

Source: Shellington (1989: 126)

77
Map 5: Indian Ocean Trading Networks: Tenth to Sixteenth Century

Source: Shellington (1989: 131)

78
 5. HISTORY OF INDIANS OF AFRICAN ORIGIN

It is well known that Africans used to immigrate to India since ancient times.
Although Africans have been crossing the Indian Ocean for millennia, most of
those who make up the Indo-African population in India came in the past five
hundred years. Most were free adventurers, midwives, herbalists, musicians,
sailors, job seekers, merchants and even conquerors. Only few of them were
brought as slaves, as India’s caste society provided ample cheap labor for the
ruling elite. These Africans originated mainly from today’s Tanzania, Somalia,
Kenya, Sudan, Ethiopia, Malawi, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe. But some might
have come from as far as South Africa and Nigeria.

It is estimated that about 250,000 descendants of Africans still live amongst the
Indian people, mainly in Ahmadabad, Hyderabad, Surat, Cutch, Bombay and
around Habshi Kot9. They are a vast and diverse population spread throughout
India with separate histories and unique roles within the Indian strata. Known as
Siddi and Habshi (to mean Abyssinian even though the individual may not be
so), Africans served as administrators, military generals, soldiers, sailors and
clerks. It is hard to speak of the Siddi10 as a singular group as they came from
vastly different parts of Africa and through many periods of history (Segal 2001:
71).

Culturally, most Siddi, even if they maintain some of their ancestral traditions,
are integrated into the vast spectrum of Indian societies. Some Siddi, who
descend from powerful soldiers, administrators, and even rulers, are
indistinguishable from the general population, because their ancestors were
affiliated to higher class Indians and married freely amongst the elite Indian
population. Most of these Africans were employed as soldiers and bodyguards
by the ruling elite of the Indian society, which enabled them to play a decisive
role in Indian political history. Since the Africans had very little contact with
their country of origin, they became naturalized to the Indian soil and culture,
and took active interest in the country’s affairs. Not few of them were raised to

9
According to Harris (1996:9), Habshi Kot is an Ethiopian fort with tombs of African soldiers
and nobles.
10
I prefer to use this name in my research for reasons to be explained later in chapter six.

79
higher positions of authority and became generals, administrators and ministers.
In fact, some rose to the highest authority and set up their own dynasties. Since
India was ruled by Muslim kings for a considerable part of its history, most of
the Africans were converted to Islam and became loyal soldiers and servants of
these rulers. They were found among all status levels of the Indian society
ranging between servitude to royalty. They also enjoyed a prestigious place in
the political history of the country. In the past, they had more to do with the
upper class of the Indian society than with others. As a result of their alignment
with the ruling Muslim society both in their religion and culture, they had better
chances of climbing up the ladder of influence, unlike most Indian autochthons.

Despite this fact, most publications present African Indians predominantly as

either slaves or part of the servile class of the Indian societies. Of course, some
researchers mentioned the privileged and elite positions that African Indians
have enjoyed in India’s history, but it is still very marginal. Historically
however, Africans were more of the ruling class than of the ruled. The fact that
the Siddi say they are descendants of slaves of the Nizam, and of the Maharaja
class does not imply that they were slaves as we know slavery in the sense of
American slavery. Indian slavery has very little to do with the slavery of the
Americas. Africans played a major role in Indian history. Many historians
observed that the ablest of them thrived and secured eminent positions and
occupied important places in various parts of the country. It is evident from
fourteenth century reports that the Siddi were soon prominent in several parts of
India. It is reported that there were about 40,000 soldiers and 12,000 artisans of
African origin in Delhi alone. However, the largest concentration of Africans
was found in the western part of India, particularly in and around port cities
facing Africa (Muthanna 1956: 57, 65).

The first historically recorded Habshi is probably Jamal al-Din Yaqut, a royal
courtier in the kingdom of Delhi, in the north of the sub-continent. Early in
thirteenth century, as Muthanna (1956: 56) and Ahmed (2000: 27) pointed out,
Ilutmish, one of the kings of a Turkish slave dynasty who ruled Delhi for a
considerable time was succeeded by his daughter, Queen Radiya who, in turn
ruled Delhi from 1236 to 1240. Queen Radiya, to the displeasure of her father’s
Turkish nobles, showed exceeding favor for the Habshi courtier Jamal (some say
Jalal) al-Din Yaqut by raising him to a position of governing the Delhi

80
Sultanate. The Persian historian Ferishita (1570-1623) says that “a very great
degree of familiarity was observed to exist between the Abyssinian and the
queen; so much so that when she rode he always lifted her on her horse by
raising her up under the arms” (Briggs 1829: 220). The result of her favors to
Jamal al-Din Yaqut was a growing discontent among the Turks which soon
flared into open rebellion and caused the death of the Abyssinian Jamal al-Din
Yaqut and the Queen’s deposition.

Africans were also found in South India, particularly in the Deccan. Ibn Batuta
writes of a ship owner’s agent at Calicut who, when going ashore, was preceded
by archers and Abyssinians with javelins, swords, drums, trumpets and bungles.
He also makes reference of some fifty Abyssinian men-at-arms he saw on a ship
in the Gulf of Cambay when he travelled in the country in 1333-42. He
comments with some admiration that they were “guarantors of safety on the
Indian Ocean; let there be but one of them on a ship and it will be avoided by the
Indian pirates and idolaters” (Pankhurst 1972: 54). According to Ibn Batuta, the
governor of Alapur, southeast of Gwalior in North India, was an Ethiopian by
the name of Badr. Speaking of his courage, Ibn Batuta writes, “He was
continually making raids on the infidels alone and single-handed, killing and
taking them captive, so that his fame would spread wide and the infidels went in
fear of him. He was tall and corpulent, and used to eat a whole sheep at a meal,
and I was told that after eating he would drink about a pound and half ghee
(clarified butter), following the custom of the Abyssinians in their own country”
(Muthanna 1956: 58).

Africans were involved in many conflicts of the Deccan. The Bahmani ruler
Sultan Firuz (1397-1422) had many Siddi soldiers, personal attendants, and
bodyguards. His brother Ahmed was jealous of his throne and instigated the
Siddi bodyguard to assassinate the king. Ahmed was brought to power by the
Siddi. But, afraid of their continuously growing strength, he replaced prominent
Siddi by Persians. However, he could not totally banish the Siddi from his court.
Therefore, their power and prominence continued to grow in his era. During the
subsequent reign of Ala-ud-Din Ahmed (1436-1458), they used to flank the
throne of the king while playing important political roles at the same time. Like
during the mamluks’ reign of Egypt, some kings were actually prisoners or
puppets of the Siddi soldiers who were supposed to do what the latter wanted. If

81
the kings failed to do what was in the interest of the Siddi, they could be easily
assassinated and replaced by another person from the royal line. For example, in
1461, a Bengali king by the name of Humayan, or better known as “the tyrant”
was assassinated by a Siddi maidservant and was replaced by another ruler.

Several other notable Siddi figures played important role in the politics of the
Deccan. According to Pankhurst (2000: 1), one named Khudavand Khan, served
as governor of Mahur, while another, a eunuch called Dastur Dinar, ruled
Gulbarga. Thus, the Siddi governed two out of four of the Bahamni provinces. A
third Siddi, Mahmud, was keeper of seals, while a fourth, Jauhur, is on record as
executing one of the principal nobles, who had been accused of disloyalty to the
ruler. The most famous of these influential Siddi figures in the political history
of the Deccan was Malik Ambar, who was regent and virtual ruler of
Ahmednagar from 1600 to 1626.

The Siddi had exerted a continuous influence in the politics of Gujarat,

particularly between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries. In about 1376, the
Governor of Gujarat, Shama Dhamagari, is reported to have had about 400 loyal
servants whom he described as the children of Hindu chiefs and Abyssinians.
There were about 5000 Siddi in Ahmedabad and 4000 at Surat when Europeans
visited the area. Shaykh Said al-Habashi was a “cultured and rich warrior who
performed the hajj, maintained a fine library and a public kitchen, and built in
1572/3 a splendid mosque at Ahmednagar named after him” (Ahmed 2000: 29).

A Siddi called Malik Sarwar was appointed governor of Jaunpur; he was

succeeded by his son Mubarek Shah, who struck coins in his name, and was
succeeded in turn by his brother Ibrahim Shah. The latter reigned for almost
forty years, and is remembered as a patron of literature and the arts.

Numerous Africans were politically very prominent in fifteenth century Bengal.

The then Bengali ruler, Sultan Rukn al-Din (1450-1474), reportedly had no less
than 8000 African soldiers, some of whom rose to positions of considerable
importance. These soldiers were particularly influential during the reign of Jalal
al-Din Fath Shah (1481-1487). This caused the modern Indian historian Sir
Jadu-Nath Sarkar, a stern critic of the Africans, to remark: “the Abyssinians …
presented a serious problem … They had captured most of the high positions

82
and now swarmed in the palace and in the city. Power made them arrogant and
like the Turks in the employ of the latter Abbaside Caliphs, they behaved with
the citizens with increasing violence”. The Siddi were so powerful in Bengal
that a group of them, including the chief eunuch, conspired to overthrow the
then ruler Jalal al-Din Fath Shah. Taking advantage of the absence on campaign
of the loyal Siddi commander-in-chief, Amir al-Umra Malik Andil, the Siddi
commander of the palace guards, Sultan Shahzada, assassinated Jalal al-Din.
“From protectors of the dynasty”, Pankhurst wrote, “the Abyssinians became
masters of the kingdom” (Pankhurst 2000: 3) .

A Siddi known as Shahzada assumed power in 1486 under the name of Burbak
Shah. He was, however, later on killed by the Siddi Amir al-Umara who also
enthroned himself as Sayf al-Din Firuz (1487-1490). He was known for his
philanthropic reign, particularly for his generosity to the poor. However, his
reign was short as he was replaced after only three years by an infant king. Real
power, however, fell into the hands of another Siddi, Habash Khan, who was
later on killed by another African whose name was Siddi Badr, better known as
“the mad man”. Badr assassinated the young king, seized the throne under the
name of Shams al-Din Muzaffar Shah, and instituted a reign of terror. His
cruelty, however, provoked strong opposition against him and the African
domination. His well-armed 5000 Africans were besieged for three months, at
the end of which he died.

During the reign of Malik Ambar in the seventeenth century, Habash Khan and
Siddi Ambar served as admirals of Nizam Shahi’s fleet of Ahmadnagar, while
Siddi Bulbul was in command of the Rairi district. C.F. Bekingham asserts that
the Siddi of Khandesh, north of Ahmednagar, have introduced what he describes
as “one of the most characteristic features of the contemporary Ethiopian
policy,” namely, “the imprisonment on a closely guarded mountain of all male
members of the reigning dynasty” (Muthanna 1956: 68). It was presumed that
members of the ruling house in Khandesh were imprisoned in the mountain
fortress of Asirgarh in much the same way as the Ethiopian royalty were
detained on Amba Gishen during the Gondarine period of Ethiopian history.

A British traveller, William Fitch, observed that one of the ablest generals of
Emperor Jahangir (1605-1627) was a Siddi who commanded “some ten

83
thousands of his own cast, all brave soldiers” (Foster 1938: 138). William
Crooke (1915: 5), spoke of “so terrible” and “bloody” Siddi who were able to
“cut down man and horse”. Crooke also saw some Siddi in Goa who were
brought from Mozambique and Mombassa. The Portuguese ran a school for the
Siddi in which the latter were taught to sound trumpets and play other
instruments.

The flow of the Siddi continued during the Mogul period but they no longer held
power in the central court. However, there were provincial governors like Atish
Habshi (around 1651) of Bihar and later of the Deccan; Habash Khan Siddi
Miftah and his son Ahmad Khan attained high ranks under Aurengazab (1658-
1707). Another Siddi, Dilwar Khan, was also governor of the Deccan around
1703. Emperor Aurengazab, yielding to the Siddi’s influence, appointed Siddi
Sambal a Mogul admiral and gave him a big allowance from the revenues of the
town of Surat. He was also given the dignified title of commander of the nine
hundred. Siddi Sambal, before his death, appointed Siddi Yaqut as his successor
and mobilized all the Siddi to give his successor their support and loyal service.
Yaqut was said to be distinguished for his courage, benignity and dignity. He
strove more than ever to collect ships of war, to strengthen his fortress and to
ward off naval offence. Armed and ready night and day, he frequently captured
ships of his Maratha oponents, and behaded the captives. Later on, he and Siddi
Khariyat launched a surprise attack, with scaling ladders, on Danda Rajpuri, in
the course of which its powder magazine caught fire, and the Siddi made
themselves masters of the area. The Siddi were made rich at this time from their
own business and their allowance from Aurengzab, the Mogul Emperor
(Pankhurst, Addis Tribune, 28-04-2000). Orme observes, “Reverence to the
higher family, and to the Mogul’s choice, had given the pre-eminence of
command to Siddi Sambole; but the other captains preserved the distinct
command over their own crews and dependents, and an aristocratic council
determined the general welfare of this singular republic; in which the lowest
orders from their skill and utility, maintained some influence, and proud of their
importance, merited by the alacrity of their service, in so much that they
excelled all the navigators of India, and even rated themselves equal to
Europeans; and indeed the onset of their sword was formidable in boarding, and
on shore” (Pankhurst 2000: 4).

84
5.1. The Siddi of Gujarat Past and Present

The coming of Africans to Gujarat is related to the long established trade of

Gujarat’s port towns like Mandvi in Cutch, Diu in Sahurashtra, Cambay,
Bharuch and Surat with East Africa’s port towns found between Sudan and
Mozambique. Gujarat had been trading with Arabs and Persians in Hadramout
and the Gulf region, where there was already a big concentration of Africans, as
well as with Swahili speaking inhabitants of East African countries (Beachey
1976; Pankhurst 1961; Harris 1996: 9). Particularly during the 13th and 14th
centuries, the Sultanate of Delhi had been recruiting soldiers from the above
mentioned Arab and African countries through the trading coasts of Gujarat
(Bukhari, Express Newsline December 12, 1996). A certain Akbar from Surat
told Basu how his father came from Zanzibar to Gujarat. „Mein Vater war
damals noch ein Knabe. Eines Tages spielte er mit seiner jüngeren Schwester
am Strand von Zanzibar. Plötzlich wurden sie beide von einem Mann gepackt
und auf ein Schiff gebracht. Dort blieben sie viele Tage lang mit anderen Siddi-
Leuten eingesperrt. Dann kamen sie nach Bombay. Die Schwester meines
Vaters starb kurz nach ihrer Ankunft, aber mein Vater kam zu einem sheth
(Arbeitsherrn), einem Händler in Daman“ (1994: 47).

Consequently, as Burton-Page (1971: 16) and Pearson (1976: 151) mention, in

the 1550s, about 5000 African soldiers were stationed in Ahmedabad of whom
some were already in ruling and administrative positions. A Siddi leader
defended the fort of Daman with 4000 Siddi soldiers against Portuguese attacks.
The same Siddi used to recruit more soldiers from incoming Africans in order to
enlarge his troops and compensate losses.

There were other Siddi nobles of the Mogul Empire in Gujarat of whom the
most prominent was Shaykh Sa’id al-Habshi Sultani who built the famous Siddi
Sa’id mosque in Ahmedabad. In 1554, he joined the “great Habshi” captain
Jhujhar Khan who regarded him as his own brother, and after a long and
distinguished military career, rewarded him with valuable fiefdoms. Shaik Said
managed his land efficiently. He acquired great wealth, many slaves, horses and
camels. He collected a fine library. Until Emperor Akbar’s conquest of
Ahmedabad, he “dined daily in the company of many nobles and divines, and
maintained a public kitchen, which distributed food daily to nearly a thousand

85
destitute persons” (Commissariat 1938, I: 502). After he died in 1576 he is best
remembered for the mosque he built in Ahmedabad and named after himself.
This mosque, until presently, is a known tourist attraction of the city.

The Siddi were effective in Indian waters as a seventeenth century observer,

Gantier Schouten writes. He states that all Indian boats coming from the islands
of the East carried Africans armed with shields, swords, muskets and various
kinds of spears (Pankhurst 1972: 110, Ahmed 2000: 28). Indian history records
that the Siddi were known to fight not only by land but also by sea. In the
second half of the seventeenth century, the Siddi of Gujarat were working in
collaboration with the Mogul power to check the expansion of the British in the
western coastal areas. “The Side fleet, which was renowned for its battle at sea,
served the Moguls against the rising Maharatta powers, and could not even be
conquered by the British. However, while the Siddi were fighting the British’s
warships, Emperor Aurengazab signed a peace treaty with the British’s East
India Company offering many concessions which led the Siddi to be allies of the
British. Nonetheless, when the British failed to pay their due to the Side, they
turned into piracy and began to attack cargo ships along the coasts of Gujarat”
(Basu 2001: 10). According to Das Gupta, the Siddi “clan”, in the eighteenth
century, was “literally being pushed into sea… There was no central leadership
in the clan, not much discipline, but only a blind instinct for survival and power
enough to make things unpleasant for the Gujarati merchant who no longer had
a protector” (1979: 260). The tension between the British and the Siddi
continued until 1759 when the British became the admirals of the sea. But the
Siddi also were able to secure some coastal towns as jagir (rights to revenue).

The prestigious title of Jhujhar Khan was successively held by two “Abyssinian”
commanders of Gujarat. The first was Bilal Habshi, who was appointed in 1538,
and was governor of Burhanpur under Mubarak Shah of Khandesh (1537-1566).
He was killed in battle at Surat in 1558 and cremated at Sarkhej. His two sons,
Aziz Khan and Amin Khan were also dignitaries in Gujarat. The second
“Habshi” who held the title of Jhujhar Khan, was Bilal Habshi’s son, Marjan
Sultan Habshi (Pankhurst, Addis Tribune, April 21, 2000). Other prominent
Siddi of this time include Said Safar Salami who became governor of Surat with
the title of Khudavand Khan; Bilal Falah Khan Habshi, vizier to Muhammad
Ulugh Khan, who subsequently became an independent king with the title of

86
Khayrat Khan and died in 1563; and Fulad Khan Sandal who ruled the town of
Jamud until his death in 1570.

Descendants of these Siddi nobles and soldiers are still living in various
geographical pockets of Gujarat. However, their living condition and social
status are very different from that of the early Siddi who were known for their
military and political achievements. In the past, particularly in the 16th century,
the Siddi of Gujarat had more to do with the ruling than the ruled class. Their
today’s descendants, however, are living not any better than at subsistence level.
They are part of the many poverty stricken classes of Indian society with very
little hope for improvement of their condition in the foreseeable future.
Nowadays, like millions of Indians, the Siddi of Gujarat live at hand-to-mouth
level. They believe that they must live as fakirs because that is what Allah has
destined for them. They sit in their shrines waiting for alms, beg in the city’s
market areas or sing while beating their drums during festivities. “Als
Musikanten ziehen sie über die Dörfer oder treten im städtischen Basar auf, sie
tanzen, singen, trommeln oder spielen auf der malunga, einem Saiteninstrument
und Wahrzeichen von Sidi Fakiren, ‘um sich den Magen zu füllen’” (Basu 1994:
81).

The following quotation from the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency (1899:
11) shows that their living situation during the last hundred years has been a sad
story. “Sidi … generally live like other low class Musulmans. They live by
house service and begging. Those who are servants are sober and cleanly. Other
Sidis as a class are fond of intoxicating drugs, quarrelsome, dirty, unthrively and
pleasure loving. ... Except professional players, Sidis are the only Gujarat
Musulmans who are much given to dancing and singing. ... They are Sunnis in
faith but are not religious, few of them knowing the Kuraan or being careful to
say their prayers. Their chief object of worship is Baba Ghor, an Abyssinian
saint and great merchant, whose tomb stands on a hill just above the …
cornelian mines. ... They call the jhunjhuna or rattle the instrument of mamai or
Mother Mishra, and their big drum that of a leading male saint (sic!)…. In
begging they go about in bands of ten to fifteen, beating the drum and singing in
praise of Baba Ghor”.

87
It seems that those Siddi who climbed up the ladder of economic and political
influence are already assimilated to the host society and are now known by that
denomination. On the other hand, after the British took over power in India,
most of the Muslim kingdoms had lost their real power or were reduced to
nothing other than vassals of the British. As a result of the constant deterioration
of Muslim influence in India, the Siddi, who constituted a substantial part of the
soldiery of India’s Muslim kingdoms, lost their means of identification,
assimilation, and ascendance to positions of influence.

As political power slipped out of the hands of the Muslim kings to the British
and gradually to the Hindus, those Africans who were working as domestics,
personal guards, and soldiers recoiled to their African traditional ways of living
by infiltrating into uninhabited jungles of Gujarat. They resorted to hunting and
an agrarian mode of life which relegated their economy at subsistence level.
With the advance of modern capitalism in India and the subsequent claim of
land by huge enterprises and landlords, the Siddi lost their only means of
survival. This situation led most of them to resignation. Bukhari reports
(Express Newsline December 12, 1996) “The Siddis, brought to Gujarat from
Africa as slaves centuries ago, are caught in the web of illiteracy, alcoholism
and poverty. They are fighting hard to survive and retain their identity with little
support from the state government”.

Thousands of Siddi who, according to the legend, first settled in four families,
are found in the deep forests of Sasan. More than 6000 Siddi live in Gujarat of
whom about 4,482 are found in the peninsula known as Saurashtra while about
1200 of them live in central and south Gujarat. Most of the Siddi neighborhoods
are located in Saurashtra, particularly in the districts of Junagadh, Amerili,
Bhavnagar, Una, Verval, Jamnagar, Cutch, Ahmadabad, Mehsana, Ratanpur,
Baroda, Bharuch, Rajpipla, and Surat. Other Siddi neighborhoods are also found
in Zmabar, a village in Gir Forest, which is 90 km from Junagadh. They are
recognised by the State of Gujarat as a primitive tribe. Even though they are able
to keep some of their identity so far, their condition is precarious since they are
constantly faced with the onslaught of modern culture. Normally the Siddi
neighborhoods are small in size. On average, a Siddi neighborhood in towns
consists of no more than 5 to 10 households. Exceptionally, Ahmadabad has 33
households while Surat and Ratanpur have 28 and 20 households respectively.

88
On the hills of Bava Gor are found few more households than in Ratanpur. The
biggest concentration of Siddi in Gujarat, about 161 households, is found in
Jamnagar town, near Gir Forest of Junagadh district (Basu 1994: 75).

These Siddi neighborhoods form chains of villages in both India and Pakistan,
whose inhabitants are consanguineously interrelated. Despite the high
militarization of the border between the two countries, the Siddi living in the
two countries intermarry and frequently change their residences across the
border. The Siddi villages found in those areas are not any different from
Gujarati villages. Only the looks of the inhabitants reveal their African origins.
They have lost most of their African traditions, except their music and songs.
The Siddi of Gujarat are known for their talent in music and dance. They are
also associated with jocks and fun. They are said to be good at mimicking
people’s actions and idiosyncrasies. They speak a dialect of official Gujarati
known as Kathiawadi and which other Muslims call “the language of the fakirs”.
Rahman (1976: 4) makes similar remarks on the Siddi’s inclination to entertain
the nobles through mockery and unusual comments. “The first role of the shidi
(sic!) slave was as an attendant to his master and as a court jester. He would
amuse the master by passing witty remarks at the expense of the aristocrats who
came to pay homage to the lord” (Basu 1994: 47).

The physical feature of the Siddi is often a target of Indians’ derogatory

remarks. Gujarati sayings like ‘Siddi ki muth’ and ‘Siddi ki baal banka’ which
respectively mean ‘as stubborn as a Siddi’ and ‘as crooked as the hair of a
Siddi’, show how the Siddi are mocked at by the society in which they live. In
the 60s, Indian ethnography had concentrated on the physical features of the
Siddi. Bhattacharya (1969: 259) was interested to identify the geographic origin
of the Siddi using anthropometrical methodologies. However, the study was not
materialized because, “The subjects in majority of cases had been extremely
uncooperative, as a result many measurements had to be dropped out during
analysis – as they were found to be unreliable”. Perhaps, their hostility towards
his research and failure to cooperate led him to characterize them as “most lazy
and parasitic laborers”.

Similarly, in the Census of India (1961: 20) the Siddi are presented as indulgent
and sexually profane people. “…Both males and females are generally unchaste.

89
... They change their partners frequently, often both dispensing with and
ignoring the marriage tie and often seeking a sanctification of a union years after
the couple have lived together as man and woman. According to their neighbors,
the Siddis … do not enforce a strict code of discipline in so far as sexual fidelity
is concerned. Also, under the influence of intoxicating liquor to which most of
them are addicted, they often indulge in illegitimate relations. In fact, some
young men belonging to the community admitted that some of them have extra-
marital relations with other women of their community, without the knowledge
of their relatives. This sort of relationship is not considered by them as
something horrifying”.

Although the Gujarat’s Siddi are Muslims, they do not strictly practice their
religion. According to Bahattacharya (1970: 580), most Siddi are unaware of
their religious norms. They do not observe the five daily prayers nor read the
Koran. Some do not even care to fast during Ramadan.

Shrines play important role in the religious expression of the Gujarati Siddi, as
in many other Siddi communities. The most important shrine of the Siddi in
India is the durgha of Bava Gor found in Guajarat. It is dedicated to a Siddi
‘saint’ known as Hazrat Bava Gor Rahmatullah. Hazrat Bava Gor Rahmatullah
was, according to a Siddi legend (Basu 1994: 71-3), an Abyssinian military
commander and successor of Hazrat Bilal Habshi, the “companion” of Prophet
Mohammad. His original name was Siddi Mubarak Nobi. While he was in
Mecca for a hajj, he realized that there was a female demon in India by the name
of Makhan Devi who used to kill people, eat them and anoint her forehead with
their blood. The demon used to light a butter lamp whose light could be seen
from as far as Mecca. Siddi Mubarak Nobi felt that he should go to India and
kill the demon and torch the light of Islam instead of hers. He assembled a big
army of Africans and went to Baghdad looking for the blessing of Khalifa
Ahmad Kabir Rifai. The Khalifa changed Siddi Mubarak Nobi’s name to Hazrat
Bava Gor Rahmatullah. After he reached India, he began looking for the demon.
The demon realized that a big Muslim army came to India to kill her and she
hided herself on the mountains. Bava Gor could shout a war cry and could melt
down the big mountains on which she hided. He could drill water from the
ground with the touch of one of his fingers when he needed it to wash himself
before prayer. When the demon saw that his war cry could melt down the

90
mountains, she was afraid that she would die with one of such cries and thought
to cheat him. Bava Gor, on the other hand, did not want to raise his hand on her
since she was a woman. He proposed her to play chess with him: if she looses,
she would accept Islam and if he looses he would serve her until his death, to
which she agreed. But when they went on and on, his younger brother Bava
Habash thought to go to India and help his brother to fight the demon. He
gathered a big African army and went to India. But when his elder brother saw
him, he told him not to put his hand on her as she was a woman. He told him to
sit down and praise Allah. The game continued with no one winning or loosing.
Their sister Mai Mishra, who was living in Misher (perhaps Egypt), was
concerned about her brothers. She also thought to go to India and help her
brothers. She gathered and brought to India an army of African women under
the command of Mai Kiri, Ai Mai and Mai Sahab. Upon her arrival, she asked
her brothers to let her fight with the demon and kill her, as she was a woman.
Then Mai Mishra took off her wooden shoes and struck the demon on her head,
so she immediately sank into the earth with the mountain on which she sat. The
then Siddi settled in the area until now praising Allah for providing them what
they eat.

Another version of the legend tells that Baba (not Bava) Gor and his brother
Nagar Sab were ascetics. One day, as he was cooking in his kitchen, Baba Gor
noticed something shining like a diamond on the stone of his hearth. This event
made him start a very successful business and he became one of the first
pioneers of the industry of precious stones in Gujarat. His younger brother
explored African, Arabian and other foreign markets while Baba Gor cut the
stones. After his death, the Siddi gave him the honor of a saint.

The Siddi still perform rituals of purification when some ‘spirit possessed’
people come to the shrine in search of healing. The war between the demon and
the children of Bava Gor still continues in the form of ritual purification or
exorcism of ‘demon possessed’ Indians.

The shrine of Bava Gor is the centre of most of the Siddi activities. It is well
known among the Siddi who live all over India. I have met some Siddi in
Hyderabad who had gone to Gujarat and visited this shrine. Some Hyderabadi

91
Siddi sold their property, moved to Gujarat and settled nearby the shrine in
search of its blessings.

5.2. The Siddi of Janjira

The island of Janjira, covering an area of approximately 325 square miles, is

located in Raigad district, nearly forty-five miles south of Bombay. Its coastline
is almost forty-five miles long. According to a census of 1881, its inhabitants
were 763,000 of which only 258 were Siddi (Ali 1995: 157). However, the real
number of Siddi could have been higher, had it not been for their intermarriage
and subsequent assimilation with Turks, Arabs, Persians and Indians (Muthanna
1956: 107).

The fortress of the island, which was built by the Siddi themselves, indicates
their skill and workmanship in architecture. It could effectively guard the island
from any invasion from the seaside. The island has everything required for a
township. It has palaces for the Siddi nobility, quarters for offices, private
houses, magazines, mosques, and water reservoirs. At the entrance of the fort,
the Siddi had erected a huge monument of a tiger tramping on an elephant. The
statue stood to commemorate their decisive defeat of the earlier Hindu
inhabitants11.

The exact date of the Siddi settlement on the island is not clearly known. The
earlier inhabitants of the island were known as the Koli12 who erected wooden
fortifications around it and are said to be living by fishing. There is widespread
legend on how the Siddi settled first on the island. The legend tells that the Siddi
took over the island from the Koli by fraud. A certain Siddi, Perim Khan, and
his other Siddi friends disguised as merchants, brought a shipload of huge boxes
from Surat which, they said, contains silk and wine. They asked Ram Patil, the
chief of the Koli, to land their goods for a little while. Ram Patil allowed it and

11
Paintings of such sort are found in many areas where Muslims either conquered or
dominated earlier Hindu inhabitants. The tiger is a symbol of Muslims, whereas the elephant
is a symbol for the Hindus. I have seen similar paintings on the walls of the Siddi shrines of
Hyderabad. Hindus also hang on the walls of their houses or work places pictures of their
deities riding on tigers to indicate their dominance upon Muslims.
12
The Koli were the Hindu autochtonus inhabitants of the island.

92
they entertained his soldiers with wine until the latter were completely drank.
Then, the Siddi opened the other boxes in which their warriors were hidden. The
Siddi overrun the fort, massacred its inhabitants and took over the island from
the Koli. Then they rebuilt the fortress, using huge granite stones which in
subsequent years made it difficult for others to subdue the Siddi powers of
Janjira. Both the British and Emperor Shivaji of Maharashtra did everything
they could to control the island. They continuously failed until the second half of
the eighteenth century when the Siddi negotiated with the British to share their
control of the island for British supply of necessary items.

Contrarily however, Muslim historians of Hyderabad informed me that Siddi

Yakut, the African military general of the Nizam Shahi Bahri, the first king of
Ahmednagar, captured the fort from the Koli in 1490 and became its ruler.
Historical accounts indicate that the Siddi were ruling the island even during the
British’s rule of India. The most distinguished African rulers of the island were
the “Abyssinians” of the second half of the seventeenth century, namely, Siddi
Khan, his successor Siddi Yakut Khan, and Siddi Ambar, (who should not be
confused with Siddi Ambar Malik, the most distinguished Siddi of all time).
“The Abyssinians were hardy, skilful and daring mariners and the most efficient
fighters at sea among the Muslim races, while their courage and energy,
combined with coolness and power of command, made them enjoy a high
reputation as soldiers and administrators”. The Siddi were constant “nuisance”
to Shivaji since they continuously plundered the Maratha territory, desecrated
Hindu temples, and kidnapped their women. As a statesman of Shivaji (Gokhale
1978: 70f) describes the Siddi as “a disease in the stomach. The Shyamalas
(Siddi or Somalis) were truly the causes of harm to the state. ... On account of
the Shyamalas, the success of the chief enemy was at first great, nay during the
adverse times the Shyamalas conquered several territories and forts. At first the
late revered king … checked the Shyamalas. On that occasion they were
supported by the Tamaras (Moguls) and therefore the Shyamalas remained as a
power” (Ali 1995: 158).

The Siddi of Janjira played a notable role in the struggle between Emperor
Aurengazab and Shivaji (1674-1680). The Siddi then governed no less than
“three of the principal provinces” of Bijapur. One of them was the admiral of
Bijapur fleet, and had under his jurisdiction a “considerable” stretch of coast

93
both north and south of Janjira. Shivaji took the offensive in 1659 when he
attacked Janjira, but failed to capture it. Conflict between Shivaji and the
“Habshis” later grew more violent. The Maratha leader collected forty to fifty
warships to use against the “Habshis” after which there were frequent naval
fights between opposing forces, in which the “Abyssinians were often
victorious” (Pankhurst, Addis Tribune, April 28, 2000).

The Siddi of Janjira, as admirals of the Mogul fleet, were constantly fighting
against the Marathas until the death of Siddi Kasim in 1707. In October 1672,
the fleet of the Siddi, under the leadership of Siddi Yakut, entered Bombay and
ravaged the local inhabitants there. They forced the British to give them houses
in Bombay to spend the winter on the island. The British authorities were in
formal discussions with them. In the mean time, the Siddi entered Bombay
without obtaining the required permission. Moreover, before Siddi Yakut left the
town, his people “with insolence characteristic of the Moors in the service of the
Mughals made a bonfire of several houses which had been allotted to them
during their stay” (Ali 1995: 164).

On the 10th of October 1673, the Siddi fleet commanded by Siddi Sambal
entered again Bombay without permission from the British. They laid waste the
Pen and Nagothana rivers which were very important for the British and the
Maratha king Shivaji. “This action of the Siddis resulted in a scarcity of
provisions and firewood on the island in the Maratha areas and could have led to
desertions, causing the English serious loss of income and revenue, making it
difficult for them to maintain their garrison” (Ali 1995: 164). The Siddi entered
the harbor of Bombay for a third time on 17 February 1680 without asking
permission from the British. Siddi Kasim entered the harbor with his entire fleet
and landed on the south shore of Bombay. Despite his signing of peace treaty
with the British not to attack the island, he burnt towns and villages and sized
thousands of its inhabitants.

Janjira’s Siddi once again overrun the Marathas in the 1680s and occupied many
of the strongholds in the Konkan. Although Emperor Shivaji of the Marathas
was successful against the Adil Shahi, Qutub Shahi and the Mogul, he could not
claim the same credit as far as the Siddi were concerned. Sambhaji, who
succeeded Shivaji as Emperor of the Marathas, tried to burn the Siddi ships. He

94
landed his army in Underi, but it ended in disaster, and most of his men were
killed or taken prisoners. Siddi Kasim sent eighty heads of Sambhaji’s soldiers
in baskets to exhibit them on poles in Mazagaon. It is said that the Siddi of
Janjira, when they marched against the Marathas, used to hoist the British flag
on their island in fear that the Mogul army may invade the fort in their absence.

The Siddi had cordial relationship with the Portuguese, especially after Siddi
Yakut Khan and Siddi Khariyat Khan saved the Portuguese when Sambhaji
attacked them at Chaul. The Siddi, in retaliation for the Portuguese “ravaged
Maratha coast and even passed as far inland as Mahad in Kolaba and carried off
the wife of Dadaji, Sambhaji’s general” (Ali 1995: 171). In response,
Sambhaji’s fleet sailed to attack the Siddi fleet that was anchored at Mazagaon.
Siddi Misri, nephew of Siddi Sambal, who had defected when he lost command
of the Mogul fleet, led the Maratha attack. Kasim commanded the Siddi fleet in
person, and though he had only fifteen vessels to Sambhaji’s thirty, gained a
complete victory. Siddi Misri was mortally wounded, and his own and three
other vessels taken.

Siddi Kasim had been requesting the British to provide him with vessels. On
receiving no reply, he landed on the east of Bombay Island on 14 February of
the same year with twenty thousand men. The next day he captured the fort of
Mazagaon, which the English garrison had deserted “in such foolish haste that
they left behind ten chests containing 1,000 pounds each; four chests of arms,
fourteen cannons and two mortars, some powder, shots and shells” (Ali 1995:
171). The Siddi hoisted his flag in Mazagaon fort, made it his headquarter, and
sent a party to plunder the island.

After the death of Siddi Kasim, with the consent of all, Yakut Khan Siddi Sirul,
also known as Yakut Shaikji, became the ruler of Janjira. Formerly he was the
Qiladar (a military title, equivalent of a colonel) of Padmadurga, about two
miles northwest of Janjira. That is why many historians of the time agree that
“the four maritime powers” of India were “the English, the Portuguese, the
Siddis of Janjira and the Siddi admiral of Surat” (Ali 1995: 173,175).

However, after the death of Siddi Yakut Khan in 1733, dissension broke out
among his officers, each one desiring to succeed the deceased ruler. As a result,

95
their oponents managed to get possession of the towns and some forts except
Danda Rajpuri. Furthermore in 1736, the Siddi power was overcome by Peshwa,
ruler of the local Hindu inhabitants, who forced the former to sign a treaty with
him. The Island was divided into seven districts of which the Siddi could own
only five and a half districts near the coast, while the rest was taken over by
Peshwa’s forces. Realizing that they were highly weakened and needed outside
assistance to regain their former supremacy, the Siddi signed a treaty with the
British which bound each party not to act in any way without the consent of the
other. The forces of both Bombay and Janjira were to be under the command of
the Siddi, while the commander of the navy of Janjira had to be subordinate to
the commander of the British forces. If Bombay was to be attacked, Janjira
would haste to assist the British, and vice versa. The same treaty was also signed
between the British and the Siddi of Danda Rajpuri. It was a big diplomatic
victory for the British, but the Siddi were yet to realize how much they conceded
to the British. The Siddi and the British continued working together on friendly
terms, but the British were consolidating their influence while the Siddi were on
the loosing ground.

In 1761, the Siddi leader asked the British for their economic assistance, as the
poverty of the island was forcing many of its inhabitants to piracy and open
robbery among their own people. The British responded generously respecting
the treaty they signed with the Siddi. But the more the Siddi receive assistance
from the British, the more they concede, their autonomy and the more they
became dependent on the latter.

From 1762 onwards and until the British established their supremacy on the
island in 1831, there was a continuous power struggle among the Siddi
themselves. There was no Siddi charismatic figure who could bring all the
factions together under the umbrella of his leadership. There were many
successions of rulers, each staying only briefly. By the time the British
controlled the island, the Siddi were already weakened by the continuous fight
against each other. And it was high time for a new order of things. The British
established law and order and introduced a modern administration in Janjira.
When the British considered giving power to people other than the Siddi, “The
Siddi sardars, unexpectedly created disturbances, asserting their claim to
participate in the administration” (Ali 1995: 185). Siddi Ahmed Khan, who is

96
said to be the grandfather of some of the present Siddi families, came to power
and brought the administration of the island in line with the other British
administered territories. The British established modern military and police
forces as well as schools. The island used to export agricultural products to
Bombay.

His successor, Siddi Mohammed Khan, was in the palace until 1949; he died in
1972. His successor, who is married to a Bangladeshi woman and lives in Bopal,
knows very little about the history of the island unlike his elder sister, Fatima
Jazdariwall, who lives in Bombay. “Both brother and sister are extremely good-
looking…. They take great pride in their ancestry, especially the valor of the
Siddis, and how it has been embedded in their character by their parents.”
Presently, the deserted fort is under the archaeology department of India. (Ali
1995: 187).

5.3. The Present Siddi of Karnataka

The Siddi of Karnataka had very little influence in Indian history as they have
lived secluded in remote areas of the state. They very rarely intermingled with
the local people. They are of the few Siddi communities which have more or
less kept their African traditions. There is very little information about the
historical past of these communities, as there is no literature available to date
and the people have very little knowledge of their history. Most of the
information I could collect about the Siddi of Karnataka is based on my
interview with Juje Jackie, a Siddi of Karnataka who lives in Bombay. I met him
during my stay in Bombay and he was a valuable source of information about
his community. Besides, his friend Shri Cajetan Francis Siddi had conducted a
thorough research on the Siddi villages of the state. His unpublished material
has valuable information to provide.

The Siddi of Karnataka are mostly living in the North Kanara district and, there
too, their particular concentration is in areas known as Haliyal, Yellapur,
Aukela, Mundgod, Sirai, and Jeido. They have adopted the regional language
wherever they settled. In North Kanara district they speak Kannada, Konkani,
Marathi and Urdu. The Muslim Siddi have Urdu as their mother tongue. The
Christian and Hindu Siddi speak either Marathi or Konkani as mother tongues.

97
Most of the Muslim Siddi follow the Sunni doctrine of Islam. However, they do
not seem much religious minded. Very few of them attend daily and weekly
prayers. They observe some of the Hindu ritual and festivals. They have a few
matrimonial relations with Shiite Muslims as well. Some Siddi worship Baba
Gor, the “Abyssinian saint” whose grave is found in western Rajpipla of Gujarat
State. The worship of this saint is done only by the ‘pure’ Siddi, and not by
those who are mixed with non-Siddi people. Some Muslim Siddi have their own
Mullahs.

The Christians are predominantly Catholics with rare exceptions of Protestants.

In 1977, a new diocese was established to teach among the Siddi villages. The
locals believe that the missionaries and their social workers have contributed to
their welfare and improvement of their living conditions. The Siddi occasionally
visit the churches for a Sunday mass. Some wear crosses and rosaries around
their necks. Wooden crosses are hung on the walls of their houses. They
celebrate Christmas and other important Christian holidays as told by their
church. The Christian Siddi are highly influenced by the Portuguese culture so
that most Siddi names are distorted pronunciations of Portuguese names.
Muslims take on Muslim names, while Hindus take on Hindu names. They also
have some African names which may help to identify which part of Africa they
came from. Some of these names are:

Table 4. Siddi Names of African Origin

Male Female
Gioco Berillo
Kamo Desere
Madebo13 Marako
Oto Kanite
Shagitu14
Turaco
V(w)agano

13
similar to a name Kambata in Ethiopia (Badebo)
14
similar to an Oromo name in Ethiopia

98
Table 5. Correlations of Portuguese and Siddi Names

Portuguese Siddi
Anthonio Anthon
Carmelina Carmu
Diego Diyag
Dumingo Doming
Gilberto Gitto
Joachim Jaku
Juje Duje
Maria Mori
Niclao Nikku
Pascal Pasku
Paulo Paulu
Pedro Pedru
Roberto Rabat
Xaver Shava

There are some mixed names of the three religions. For example, Fakira Santana
(a combination of Muslim and Christian name) among Christians, Bhimsbi (a
combination of Hindu and Muslim name) among Muslims, and Krishna Thomas
(a combination of Hindu and Christian name) among Hindus are found. The
three religious groups are predominantly endogamous. There are, however,
numerous instances where intermarriages among these three religious
communities have taken place.

The Siddi with curly hair whom the others call as “the people of the short hair”
are despised by the local Indians. Non-Siddi locals and even the Siddi who, as a
result of their intermarriage with others, have long and straight hair, do not want
to marry from “the people of the short hair” for fear that their children might get
short and curly hair, not to mention the stigmatised black complexion. The Siddi
women cannot have the widely used hair braids as they have very short hair.
However, for beautification’s sake some of the Siddi women make the artificial
braids tied in the back called as turuba15 to imitate Hindu women who have long
braids.

15
almost similar with the Amharic shuruba

99
The Siddi of Karnataka believe that they came from Goa where they were
brought from Africa by the Portuguese as slaves, navy men, infantry, and
workers at the end of the fifteenth century. But the history of Africans’
immigration to India shows that the Siddi had an earlier contact with coastal
areas of India, including North Kanara in Karnataka, and that they were already
numerous in India in the medieval period. However, undoubtedly, the
Portuguese also have brought some Africans whom they settled wherever they
ventured in India.

Some Siddi of Karnataka are intermarried with the local ‘low-cast’ people and
even with some excommunicated Brahmins. These groups of Siddi have taken
up the customs, beliefs and occupations of their hosts. However, the others are
still farmers, laborers, guards and woodcutters in the forests. Like the ‘low-cast’
Hindus of the area, the Siddi of Karnataka have organized themselves in tribes
which they call “Siddi Sebba”. They have their own village elders known as
patel who arbitrate in times of conflicts, serve as go-betweens in marital
requests. They eat both vegetarian and non-vegetarian food except beef. The
Muslim Siddi do not eat pork.

Marriages are normally arranged with the sister’s daughter, paternal aunt’s
daughter or maternal uncle’s daughter. Generally, monogamy is observed
among the Hindu and Christian Siddi. Polygyny is practiced among the Muslim
Siddi. Inter-religious marriages, as mentioned above, are frequent and tolerated.
In the case of inter-religious marriage, usually, the religion of the patrilineal
family is taken as the religion of the family. The Siddi of all the three
communities practice the dowry system. Children born outside legal wedlock
are well accepted inside the Siddi society. Relatively speaking, Siddi women
have a higher status than their Hindu counterparts. Premarital and extra-marital
relations are prevalent. Among the Hindu Siddi, like among ‘lower cast’ Hindu,
the system of temple girls (girls who serve as temple prostitutes) is practiced.

Music is one of the common cultural traits that survived among them. It has
certain original touches although much of the styles have been changed in India.
During festivals, marriages and harvests, they dance beating their drums in their
own style mostly forming a circle as seen among the Siddi of Gujarat and of
Hyderabad. However, unlike the fakirs of Gujarat, the Siddi of Karnataka do not

100
use their music for begging. Damam16 is their big drum used during night dances
which are frequently held. Often, the Siddi sing and dance throughout the night
beating the drums vigorously. Damam is beaten only on one side whereas the
other side is controlled by the other hand to provide various sounds. My
informant showed me one drum of this type displayed in an Ethiopia Air Lines’
magazine entitled Salamta and said that it is “exactly” the same with the one his
people are using. The drum displayed in the magazine belongs to the Sidama
people of Ethiopia. Jujie Jackie believes that most of the Siddi of Karnataka
originated from Sidama and Hadiya areas of Ethiopia. Gumta17 is another drum
used accompanying singing and dancing. This can be beaten only on one side
and more or less resembles another drum known as tabla. During the dance, the
gumta drums are beaten together with damam drums. The Siddi of Karnataka
also use the widely used drum known as doll. It seems that the origin of this
instrument is India rather than Africa since it is widely used all over India by
Hindus as well as Muslims.

Kuchu-kuchu or rattle is another musical instrument in use among the Siddi of

Karnataka. It is made out of an empty coconut shell filled by round pebbles
collected from a riverside. The shells, which have wooden handles, are colored
and decorated with ribbons. This instrument is also used by the Muslim Siddi
during an ancestor worship ceremony known as kanduri.

There is a shrine known as Siddi Rahman Durgha in a place called Sambrani in

Karnataka. The Siddi, mostly Muslims but also Hindus and Christians, pay
homage to this shrine. Siddi Rahman is said to have been a higher official of the
king of Karnataka. The tomb is built by the side of a huge water tank which is
said to be built by the same Siddi. According to their legend Siddi Rahman was
ordered to organize a huge work force and construct the tank to help the farmers
in time of need. The “able and skilful” Siddi managed to construct the said tank
with much difficulty. At the end of the work, suddenly, water came from
underground and started to fill the tank. The Siddi and the people who were
relaxing with alcoholic drinks after finishing their work were overjoyed and
were dancing and singing. Siddi Rahman wanted to break the news to the king

16
It is not known whether the word is of Indian or of African origin.
17
From the Kannada word gumata which means a round shape.

101
in person and rushed to the palace. He told the king that water gushed forth from
beneath the earth to fill the tank immediately after they had finished the
construction. The king asked intrusively to know how the water came to fill the
tank. The Siddi replied, “the water oozed like milk does from the breast of the
queen”. The king was so upset by the rude comparison the Siddi used that he
ordered his personal guards to burry the ‘culprit’ alive. The ministers of the king
tried to persuade him to reverse his decision, reminding him that Siddi Rahman,
though unmannered, had just completed a very important work for the nation.
However, the king overruled their entreaties and the Siddi was buried alive.
Another account says that Siddi Rahman was assassinated by the king because
he had secret dealings with the king of Bijapur who was at enmity with the
former. It was said that the Siddi had conspired with the king of Bijapur to
assassinate the king and handover power to the former. Whatever the cause of
his death, Siddi Rahman is highly respected and is a revered “saint” among the
Siddi. There is a special annual holiday known as sandal to commemorate his
life and death. The holiday is observed by anointing sandal powder on his tomb.
Sheep are slaughtered, cooked and eaten by the community at the site of the
tomb. Songs and dances are also performed on the occasion.

The Siddi of Karnataka also honor Baba Gor, the Siddi “saint” whose tomb is in
Gujarat. They hang coconut fruits on the roofs of their houses in honor of Baba
Gor. However, the Siddi who are intermarried with Muslims of Indian origin
consider this as sheer idolatry.

The Siddi of Karnataka are still marginalized by the Indian society for several
reasons. Racial prejudice is one of them. Having a black complexion and being
engaged in menial labor, they are associated with the ‘lower cast’ people of
India. Being ‘foreign’ but not as in the same way as Europeans are, they have
become ‘resident aliens’ or ‘inside outsiders’. Ignored both by the government
and Indian society, their situation has not improved since the days of their
servitude. They are not able to stand in unison for their right because they live
widely dispersed in the State and in areas which are inaccessible for any mode
of transport. They are also divided on religious, language and tribal basis, which
makes it difficult for them to think in terms of a single block. Some, including
my informant Jujie Jackie, wish to be repatriated to Africa as they still feel that
India is not their place anymore. The sentiment of Pan-Africanism, of course,

102
without its intricate ideologies, is higher among the Siddi of Karnataka than
among many other Indians of African origin. In fact, some have started matting
their hair, as Rastafarians of the Caribbean and of the West do, to identify
themselves with the global African Diaspora.

Perhaps a ritual of the Siddi, like kanduri, could assist the researcher to identify,
with relative certainty, of which part of Africa the Siddi came from. Even
though, as we certainly know that the Siddi did not come from one village or
district of Africa, it is probable that most could have come from a similar
cultural area. That is why, despite the passage of hundreds of years since they
arrived in the Indian sub-continent, they still practice some African rituals,
though with slight modifications. Here is the kanduri ritual as narrated by my
informant.

This ritual which has strong socio-religious function for the Siddi of Karnataka
is a form of ancestor worship which takes place every ten years. Due to the
influence of local Muslims, sometimes the ritual is also called “urusu” to
identify it with another ritual which is practiced by the local Muslims. For
kanduri celebration it is required that some families come together and make a
vow to celebrate it together. It greatly enhances the allegiance of one family to
the other. At least in principle, families who perform kanduri together will not
be at enmity to each other.

At this ceremony, five pots, five women and five elder men are needed. Other
people of the community and relatives are invited to attend the ritual. The sheep
are sacrificed and their intestines are taken out and kept on a plate. The head-
woman of one of the families takes the first pot on her head and walks around
the sacrificial place. This follows in her being possessed by the benevolent
ancestral spirits. She begins to dance with the pot on her head and the five men
catch her so that she may not fall down. Then the pot is held by five men near
the sacrificial place. At that time the person assigned by the head of the
community comes with a knife and pierces into the intestines lying on the plate.
He goes on dancing and piercing the intestines with his knife, a ritual followed
by the five men too. The person assigned to pierce the intestines first, who is the
main protagonist of the ritual, is expected to prophesy the future, mainly for the
participants, but also for the community. The other five men also are able to see

103
the future which they narrate to those who are present. At last when the five men
are tired of dancing and piercing into the intestine, the sacrificial meat is roasted
in bonfire and eaten together by all who are present. Those Siddi who are of
mixed parentage, known by the ‘pure’ Siddi as “the people of the long hair”, are
not allowed to participate in this ritual. It is mandatory that those who participate
in the ritual are the Siddi with short and curly hair. It is believed that if
individuals other than those who have short and curly hair happen to see this
ritual, they will be blinded by the ancestral spirits.

It seems that this ritual was practiced by at least some of the forefathers of the
Siddi of Karnataka before they came to India. The symbol of five men, five
women and five pots seems an introduction adopted from Hindu rituals where
number five is very important and considered as sacred. It is likely that the spirit
possession and fortune telling accompanied by the dancing and singing are
cultural importations from Africa where they are still being practiced in some
African rural areas.

5.4. History of the Siddi of Bijapur

Another area where the Siddi have been influential in shaping the political
landscape of India is Bijapur. The most renowned Siddi rulers of Bijapur since
the 16th century were Kami Khan, Kishwar Khan, Ikhlas Khan, Dilawar Khan,
Hamid Khan, Daulat Khan (renamed as Khawas Khan), Mohammad Amin
(renamed as Mustafa Khan), Randaula Khan (renamed as Khan-i-Zaman),
Farhad Khan, Siddi Raihan (renamed as Khan-i-Khanan Khan), and Khairiyat
Khan. Some of them were family members. Some have sided with each other,
while on other occasions fought against each other. They all went to history as
able military generals and governors (Ali 1995: 112-130). They all did their best
to annex wide territories to Bijapur kingdom, widen their domain of influence,
and to mould and remould the socio-political landscape of the region in their
own fashion. They overran many Hindu kingdoms and chiefdoms, forcibly
converted the south into Islam and annexed regions to the Mogul Empire.

It was during the reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah (1580-1627) that the Siddi got a
lucrative opportunity to come to the highest layer of influence and subsequently
held supreme authority in the region. Ibrahim Adil Shah succeeded his deceased

104
uncle when he was only nine years old. The widowed queen, Chand Bibi, was
also a force to be reckoned with. The queen tried her best to gain power for
herself. There was constant feud between the supporters of the two authorities.
The Siddi utilized the situation to their own advantage. The military was under
the command of three Siddi generals whose names were Kamil Khan, Ikhlas
Khan and Kishwar Khan. Kamil Khan was assigned to be regent by the king as
the Siddi army under his command was the strongest of the three and also
because the queen favored him. But as he tried to usurp all power for himself by
passing the queen he was replaced by another Siddi, Kishwar Khan. Ikhlas Khan
was unwilling to submit to Kishwar Khan and organized a civil strife which led
to the exile of the latter to Ahmednagar. Then Ikhlas Khan became the
undisputed regent of the Bijapur kingdom. He assassinated all those who could
have shared his power under one or another pretext (Ali 1995: 113).

Ikhlas Khan’s excessive desire to grasp power evoked popular unrest and
solidified his enemies to look for his downfall. A combined power of
Ahmednagar and Golkonda set out to invade him. The invading army was not
allowed to escape unpunished. Dilawar Khan, another Siddi, was assigned to
pursue and punish them. Dilawar Khan and another Siddi Hamid Khan,
however, revolted against Ikhlas Khan and demanded him to share his power
with the former. In the confrontation that followed, Ikhlas Khan was imprisoned
and blinded while power came to the hands of Dilawar Khan.

Dilawar Khan and Hamid Khan worked in unison for the time being. Hamid
Khan was claiming to be chief of the army but Dilawar Khan appointed his own
son. Hamid Khan revolted but was soon overpowered by Dilawar Khan’s forces
and exiled. Dilawar Khan then became the supreme in Bijapur. Dilawar Khan,
“Ruthless though he was in his pursuit of power, from all accounts he was an
able administrator. He strove for order at home and peace with his neighboring
kingdom” (Ali 1995: 114). He sent an expedition to subdue the Nayak people of
Kannada region and made a peace treaty with Ahmednagar and Hyderabad, thus
ending years of rivalry among the kingdoms. In 1558, Dilawar Khan assisted
Ahmednagar to fight against Emperor Akbar, a battle in which he was decisively
defeated and went to exile in Ahmednagar. Later on, he organized his forces and
was able to retake Bijapur fort, but not the entire kingdom. Moreover, Dilawar
Khan and his formidable Siddi forces, before they saw their twilight of power,

105
were able to annex the state of Bidar to the Bijapur kingdom in 1619, an
admirable achievement of their carrier.

After the death of Ibrahim Adil Shah, the eleven year old prince, Mohammad
Adil Shah (1627-1656) came to power. Political division erupted in the court of
Bijapur during that time which ensued the coming to power of another Siddi,
Daulat Khan, who later on assumed the title of Khawas Khan. Khawas Khan
assigned another Siddi, Randaula Khan, as chief of his army. The African
commander Randaula Khan was very instrumental in subduing the Deccan to
the Moguls, though for a brief period.

Khawas Khan began acting independently without giving any heed to the king,
Mohammad Adil Shah. He imprisoned some of the king’s political appointees
without the latter’s knowledge. Therefore, Khawas Khan lost the favor of the
king. At this time, Randaula Khan realized that situations in the court of Bijapur
were in favor of him. He demanded Khawas Khan to hand over to him the
administration of the capital to which Khawas Khan was not ready. This conflict
resulted in the assassination of Khawas Khan by Randaula Khan’s forces and the
coming to power of other Siddi whose names were Mustafa Khan and Malik
Raihna Habshi. Malik Raihna Habshi and his son Hussein both ruled Bijapur
under the title of Ikhlas Khan. Concerning Randaula Khan and his southern
march and the subsequent expansion of Bijapur kingdom, Ali (1995: 118)
writes, “Randaula Khan was asked (by Mohammad Adil Shah), in 1638, to
undertake the expedition to the south. He was honored with the title of Khan-i-
Zaman and appointed commander-in-chief of the army. He was assisted by
another African, Malik Raihan, who was from an equally distinguished military
family. Randaula Khan was the son of the famous African general, Farhad khan,
and nephew of another leading general, Khairiyat Khan. He was viceroy of the
south-west of Bijapur kingdom. The family held South Konkan and Kanara
(i.e.Karwar district) as their fiefs. His charge extended on the west coast from
Ratnagiri town, going southward round the Portuguese territory of Goa….
Randaula Khan marched right up to the woods of Bednur, overrun the whole
area and annexed it to Bijapur…. Randaula continued his triumphant march
towards Bangalore. It took him three days to take the town…. Kemp Gauda (the
chief of Bangalore) was prevailed upon to hand over the port, along with all the
property it contained, to Rustam-i-Zaman. Randaula Khan…now went further

106
south against the ruler of Maysore…. A month’s siege humbled the Raja, who
sent a message saying: ‘Leave this fort to me and I will give you 5 lakh huns
(currency) as indemnity’. His offer was accepted…” Randaula Khan had a big
trade in spices at Rajapur which attracted the British to open a factory there. The
wealth he got from this lucrative trade made him fit to march southwards and
annex more territories which changed the political landscape of the region
permanently.

Another Sddi military commander known as Siddi Raihan who later ruled the
kingdom under the title of first Ikhlas Khan and later as Khan-i-Khanan Khan
effectively concluded the annexation of eastern Karnataka and Mysore to
Bijapur kingdom. Vijaynagar and Malnad were also annexed to Bijapur by one
of the ablest Siddi commander Mustafa Khan. The other two Siddi generals,
Malik Raihan, who was “governor of Solapur”, and Randaula Khan II were the
ones who “turned the fortunes of war in their favor” (Ali 1995: 125).

After the death of Mohammad Adil Shah problem arose again as to who should
succeed the king. The political conflict weakened the kingdom highly as trusted
nobles of the realm deserted to the enemy. Surrounded by neighboring enemies
Bijapur lost its past dominance in the region. Aurengazab thought it was time to
attack Bijapur. He advanced to Bijapur and laid siege to it in 1657. Siddi Marjan
defended the fort most bravely. Unfortunately to the Siddi, his magazine caught
fire and in the explosion he was fatally wounded. “All hopes were now lost, and
after a siege of twenty-seven days the strong fortress of Bidar fell into the hands
of the Mughals on 29 March 1657” (ibid p. 126). The Bijapur kingdom, that
once was a regional power to reckon with by annexing many territories of
southern India was itself annexed to the Mogul Empire. The influence of the
Siddi in the realm faded away, not abruptly but gradually. There were many
other Siddi who played significant roles in the development and advance of
Bijapur.

5.5. Renowned Siddi Nobles

It is difficult to write the history of the great Siddi men because those Siddi who
were in positions of influence were intermarried with other peoples of influence,

107
adopted the culture of the ruling society and their names have been changed to
surnames of the ruling elites. Most of them were identified and had identified
themselves with the ruling class of Turkish, Afghan, Arab, and Persian origin.
As a result of their intermarriage with these ruling class they have lost their
African looks and were often recorded in history as Indians, or Turkish, or
Arabs, or Afghans, or Persians, but rarely as Africans. This makes it difficult to
study the history of the Siddi and of their achievements exhaustively. Only those
who remained in the lowest economic level were able to maintain at least part of
their identity. In most of the researches done on the Siddi people only these
section of the Siddi are presented as Africans while the elites were presented
either as Indians or as the ruling class of Asian origin. This situation has resulted
in gross misrepresentation of the Siddi and their history because while their
misery is over-represented in the literature their achievements are concealed or
minimized.

We have little means of unearthing whether or not one descends from a family
of African origin because the African culture is replaced by the culture of the
host society. Those military commanders who descend from families of African
origin but lived and grew up in the Arab-Persian culture of the elite, thought and
acted as if they belonged to the latter rather than to the former class. The
historical account of the Siddi that we have now is only confined to the Siddi
who had kept the words ‘Siddi’ and ‘Habshi’ as their family names or to those
who were presented by royal chroniclers as people of African roots. I will
mention some nobles of African descent and their historic achievements
hereunder. I have presented their brief description chronologically except the
case of Siddi Malik Ambar about whom I want to say in more detail.

Dastur Dinar (Late 15th Century)

He rose to position of prominence during the times of Sultan Mohammad Shah
III (1463-1482) of Tilangana. “Obviously a man of great ability and talent,
Dastur Dinar held an important and lucrative position as sarlashkar, having been
assigned administrative charge of the territories of Gulbarga, Aland,
Ganjoti,…Warangal.… He was… a renowned man, a factor to recon with” (Ali
1995: 51).

108
Afraid of his growing popularity among the rank and file, the king began to
distance him and put him in a position where he could not exercise his power.
He revolted against the king’s decision and mobilized a big army of mostly
African origin and occupied most of the territories of Tilangana. Dastur Dinar
went a step further in provoking the king by what appears to amount to a vital
ultimatum, “You should give us the ancient and great empire”, he demanded,
adding “and if you wish to have the crown, you should give up the helmet”. The
king declared war but it was “no easy task to liquidate the formidable Dastur
Dinar”. At the end however, he was defeated and was taken prisoner (ibid p. 52).

Saif al-Din Firuz (Late 15th Century)

He served as the army commander of another Siddi king Barbak Shaha under
the title of Amir al-Umara Malik. He killed the Siddi king and assumed the
throne as Saif al-Din Firuz (1487-1490). He is reputed to have ruled justly and
efficiently and to have inspired respect and awe (Ramna 1948: 139).

Shams al-Din Muzaffar Shah (Late 15th Century)

He was an other African king of Bengal (1490-1493). He was a leading noble
whose real name was Siddi Badr. He was nick named as “the madman”. He
sized the throne by murdering the then king and instituted a reign of terror. But
he soon faced a strong opposition from his own constituencies, the African
soldiers. He died after a reign of only three years (Lane-Poole 1903: 164).

Mandal Dilvar Khan (16th Century)

He was an Ethiopian believed to be sold into slavery during the wars of Ahmed
Gragn. He served Sultan Mohammad II of Gujarat who gave him the title of
Ulugh Khan and appointed him captain of his bodyguard in 1553. He was killed
in battle in the same year and was succeeded by another Siddi, Yakhut Sibit
Khan Habshi (Commissariat 1938: 470).

Yaqut Sibit Khan Habshi (16th Century)

Yaqut Sibit Khan Habshi, who was also known as Yaqut Begi Sultani, was
thought to have been taken from Ethiopia during the wars of Ahmed Gragn. He
was an important courtier in Gujarat who was given the title of Ulugh Khan in
which position he succeeded another Siddi, Mandal Dilwar Khan. He

109
commanded a force under Imad-u-Mulk Arslan, and obtained the latter’s rank
when Imad became chief minister to Sultan Ahmad II (1554-1562). The king
had spoken of him as “the first fruit of Abyssinia”. After his death in 1558 his
funeral was attended by Sultan Ahmad II and all his nobles, and he was
succeeded in his title by his son Shams ud-Dawlah Muhammad al Habshi.

Mstjsn (sic!) Sultani Habshi (16th Century)

He was a Siddi who held high positions in Gujarat. He succeeded his father Bilal
Habshi receiving the title of Jhujhar Khan. But, after Akbar’s conquest of
Gujarat, he was executed by being trampled to death by an elephant in the royal
presence in 1573 (Denison-Ross 1910: 28; Commissariat 1938: 471).

Shams ud-Dawlah Mohammad al-Habshi (16th Century)

He was one of the leading African courtiers in Gujarat. He was the son of the
African dignitary, Yaqut Sibit Khan Habshi. He held the titles of Ulugh Khan
and al-Majils al-Ashraf al-Ali. He is remembered as the patron of the Arab
historian of Gujarat Haji ad-Dabir.

Mohammad Ulugh Khan appointed as his vizier another Siddi, Bilal Falah
Khan. He “secured the same devotion as his father had enjoyed from the Habshi
troops in Gujarat and was thus able to take an active part in the confused politics
of the time”. He died in captivity as a prisoner of the Mogul Emperor Akbar. He
was buried at Sarkhej beside the graves of his father Yakut and of his son
Ahmad (Denison-Ross 1910: 28; Commissariat 1938: 471).

Shaik Said al-Habshi Sultani (16th Century)

He was a Siddi who was a person of considerable renown in Gujarat. He was in
the service of Sultan Mohammad III for some time. He was distinguished as a
soldier. After his retirement from a military life, he farmed his estates efficiently
becoming exceedingly rich. He collected a fine library, maintained a public
kitchen which fed almost a thousand persons daily, and built the famous mosque
of Siddi Said at Ahmadabad. He died in 1576.

110
Jamal Khan (16th Century)
He was said to be a “ruthless” military ruler of Ahmednagar. He introduced a
new Islamic sect known as Mahdavi which resulted in many conflicts and
bloodshed in Gujarat. He besieged the fort of Ahmednagar and razed it to the
ground. He wanted to replace the king, Ismail Nizam Shah by a Hussein Nizam
Shah, a prince prisoner by then. The new sect he introduced, Mahdavism, did
more damage to Gujarat than the person who was known for his “thirst for
ruthless revenge”. He was killed on May 7, 1591 (Ali 1995: 58).

Siddi Sambal (17th Century)

One of the most distinguished African personalities of India. He ruled the island
of Janjira for a considerable period. He was an ardent opponent of the Maratha
king Shivaji. He was the first African to be appointed as the admiral of the
Mogul Emperor Aurengazab (Orme 1782: 9-11; Elliot 1877: 289; Gazetteer of
the Bombay Presidency 1899: 437).

Malik Ambar (16th Century)

Perhaps the most distinguished of all Siddi nobles of India was Malik Ambar
about whom I want to discuss in more detail not because he had a better political
power than the others but because of his special achievements and the relative
presence of more literature on his deeds than on the others.

Malik Ambar’s original name was said to be Shambu. He was born in a place
very near to Harar town of eastern Ethiopia in 1520 (some say in 1549). It was
said that he was sold first by his parents to Arab slave traders who took him to
Baghdad where he lived for 15 years. His first employer, Kwaja Baghdad or
Qazi Mir renamed the young Shambu as Ambar and treated him as his own
child. He employed a teacher for Ambar to teach him Arabic lore and literature.
His second employer was Malik Dabir or better known as Changez Khan, who
was an African himself and a minister of Murtaza Nizam Shah of Ahmednagar.
After the death of his master he was employed as a minor rank in the Nizam
Shahi army.

Then he organized an independent army of 1,500 cavalry and infantrymen and

was appointed commander of 150 horses. Ambar Malik once laid siege of the

111
fort of Ahmednagar and was able to display “conspicuous gallantry” by cutting
off the supplies of the Moguls and intercepting their communication. He was
almost able to enter the fort but was soon overpowered by the Moguls as he was
not adequately supported. Then he reorganized his army and “frequently roved
the Mogul frontiers, punished the highwaymen and thieves, raided on every side,
so that the robbers were hard pressed. They eventually agreed to follow him and
thus nearly two or three thousand Bedar (Maratha) and leading men of the
country gathered under his banner” (Ali 1995: 65).

During Ambar’s time the Mogul army was threatening to overrun all of the
Nizam Shahi territory. Malik Ambar thought it is essential to work united with
other regional chiefs to save the territory of the Nizam Shahis’ from the Moguls.
He needed a unifying symbol “to place over his head as master so that the
populace might agree to obey him” (Segal 2001: 74-6). He wrote to Prince Ali,
the grand son of Burhan Nizam Shah, who was in exile by then. The prince
could not trust him. Then Malik Ambar offered him his own daughter for
marriage. After the wedding which was celebrated in Bijapur with great pomp,
the prince was made king with the title of Murtaza Nizam Shah II in 1600.
Malik Ambar became his Wakil-ul-Sultanat or prime minister. In Ali’s words,
“Malik Ambar now possessed the country.” Malik Ambar started ravaging the
territory of the Mogul. He defeated the Mogul commander-in-chief, Bahadur
Gilani, in Telengana. Advancing with “his rapid movements” captured another
Mogul military commander, Ali Mardan Bahadur, who was sent to avenge for
the first commander. “The Mogul garrison was ousted and the provisions passed
into Ambar’s hands”. But this victory lasted only briefly as he lost the territory
for the Mogul again until he “once again raised his head and with a large force
of Habshis and Dakhnis, fell upon the Mogul outposts and drove them out”
(1995: 66f).

He attacked and defeated the Qutub Shahis and demanded them to pay him huge
money which they did. He foiled successive attempts of the Mogul to overpower
him and plundered the spoils of war to enrich his treasures. He went to
Qandahar where he was joined by another Siddi, namely, Farhad Khan Habshi,
and his 30,000 horses. The Mogul army advanced to attack Malik Ambar at
Qandahar. A combined force of the Siddi conducted a fierce battle against the
Moguls which lasted for several days. Malik Ambar was wounded and was

112
carried away from the field by his attendants. He realized that he was
overpowered and signed a peace treaty with the Moguls which was seen by
many historians as a necessary diplomatic skill on the part of Malik Ambar. He
had signed several peace treaties with the Moguls and other neighboring powers
which he broke every time he acquired strength to fight them.

Malik Ambar marched towards the fort of Parenda of the Nizam Shahi kingdom.
Siddi generals of the Nizam Shahis, whose names were Malik Sandal, Farhad
Khan, and Manjhan Khan refused to surrender the fort. Ambar laid siege of the
fort which later on was opened for him to enter and capture it.

In 1607, Ambar felt that he was strong enough to invade the ancient capital of
the Nizam Shahis, Junnar. He captured the town and his rival a certain Raju,
whom he killed at once. He established himself in the city of Khidki, which he
rebuilt and renamed as Aurangabad.

The Mogul Emperor, Akbar died in 1605 and was succeeded by Jahangir who
wanted to annex all of the Nizam Shahi territory to the Mogul Empire. Such a
plan could not be materialized while Ambar Malik was alive. Jahangir hated
Ambar Malik a lot that he did not mention his name without using insulting
terms such as “black-faced”, “wretch” or “cursed fellow.” The new Emperor
sent a strong force to capture Malik Ambar in 1607. Malik Ambar, realizing the
danger, avoided pitched battles. Rather, he ordered his men to use guerrilla
tactics in their customary manner, act as door guarding force, and close the path
of food supplies to the Moguls. It was done. After six months of distress, with
guns, muskets and rockets fired at them every night, the Mogul and of the
Maratha troops were hard pressed and escaped for their lives. He occupied
Jalanpur and sent his men in pursuit of the retreating Moguls (Pankhurst 1972:
111).

Concerning Malik Ambar’s battle at Ahmednagar with the Moguls, Ali (1995:
73) writes, “Here the Moguls found themselves exposed to severe suffering.
Their supply of provisions having been exhausted, it could not be replenished
from local sources. Famine conditions prevailed in the army, taking a heavy toll
of men, horses and beasts of burden. On the other hand, the Dakhnis (the army
of Ambar) were ever fresh and keen to fight…. Ambar now took advantage of

113
the opportunity presented to him. He attacked and captured the fort of
Ahmednagar, compelling the Mogul commandant to evacuate it, as all hope of
aid had vanished.” The Moguls sent a three contingent army in 1612 to crush
Malik Ambar commanded by Man Singh who was defeated and driven back to
Gujarat. Man Singh retreated to Murhanpur leaving all the territory of Berar in
the hands of Malik Ambar. He regained most of the territory he lost to the
Moguls in an earlier battle. In 1616, some of his trusted men conspired to
assassinate him. Their attempt was foiled as he survived the wound they
inflicted upon him. But, he lost some of his own Siddi commanders, like, Adam
Khan and Yaqub Khan, who defected to his enemy, Shah Nawaz Khan. He
appointed the Siddi to lead his army and marched against Malik Ambar. Malik
Ambar appeared with “his squadron of youths, ten thousand Habshis, of the age
of 17 or 18, mounted on Persian horses, charged from the front of Ambar”. He
lost the war to the Moguls and was forced to sign once again a peace treaty
which he broke again at a later time. This time, Malik Ambar realized that he
would not be successful if he tries to fight the Moguls single-handed. He needed
to lend the hand of Bijapur’s king Ibrahim Adi Shah II. Malik Ambar wrote him:
“It is my design to fight the Mogul troops so long as life remains in this body.
May I through your Majesty’s daily increasing fortunes succeed in expelling the
Moguls from the Deccan”. Second, he requested the king to give him the fort of
Qandahar. Third, he proposed to bring the two states together. Ibrahim Adil
Shah II responded to the proposal quickly. Ambar’s son, Fath Khan, married the
daughter of one of the king’s nobles in a great pomp that lasted for forty days.
The king provided him with about 14,000 cavalry army with which he took the
fort of Antur from the hands of the Mughals and put the entire garrison to the
sword.

The first wife of Murtaza Nizam Shah II, who was of Persian origin, insulted
Ambar’s daughter whom he handed over to the king in marriage that she is a
slave girl and her father is only a rebel. Malik Ambar retaliated by assassinating
the king and proclaiming Burhan Nizam Shah II king in 1619.

This political episode of Ahmednagar fired back hugely on Malik Ambar

himself. Some of his generals, including the Siddi, defected in favor of the
Moguls. In fact they declared war against him and were successful to take over
his capital. He was defeated but not completely crushed. He surrendered his fort

114
and signed a peace treaty to wait until political situations change in his favor.
Later on, he succeeded in convincing Golkonda and Bijapur to assist him who
responded by sending their huge army. Even though he was faced by a “galaxy”
of army, he was successful to get back what he lost in the fight against his own
rebels.

After his successful defeat of the Moguls he turned his face against his own
allies and took some territories from both Bijapur and Golkonda. Enraged by his
actions, both the Adil Shahis and the Qutub Shahis, collaborated with the
Mughals to demolish him and sent a huge army of confederates against him
under Ikhlas Khan Habshi, Farhand Khan, Khairat Khan, Yaqub Khan, Sharza
Khan, Randaulah Khan, “all tried African generals”. In Fazun-I-Astarabadi’s
Fatuhat-i-Adil Shahi (pp. 290a,b; 291a), as quoted by Ali (1995: 80f), it is noted
that, “Ambar seeing himself surrounded by the tempest of calamity, left the road
with a few soldiers. By letting out the water of the lake of Bhatwadi, he barred
the path before the Mogul army and though his own men were fewer, his heart
remained confident in reliance upon God”. But when Ambar’s regular army
(Guard Corps of Abyssinian Youth) “fell on the Bijapuri troops, the entire allied
army broke ranks and fled… The Habshis like ‘Black Death’ made furious
onslaughts”. Ambar pursued them to the Mogul frontiers, slaying those who
faced him, imprisoning the Imperial generals and plundering their property.
Malik Ambar, swollen with greatness by his victory and by his plunder,
strangulated the Mogul supremacy in the Deccan.

As far as Malik Ambar’s relation with the Portuguese is concerned, we know

that the latter requested an alliance between the two, as confirmed by a letter of
Philip IV, King of Spain to Ayres de Saldhana, the Portuguese viceroy at Goa.
“The circumstances of relations between Akbar and his eldest son (sic!), as
related by you, are the most suitable for the welfare of the state…” Pissurlenar
(1938: 103).

Ambar’s policy towards the Portuguese was two directional. He needed the help
of the Portuguese to discourage the Moguls’ interest in the Deccan. As the same
time, it was his conviction that no foreign power should entrench itself on Indian
soil. He maintained a strong naval force backed by ground forces to watch the
activities of the Portuguese and give quick results when needed. He had many

115
Portuguese in his service of whom two were Jasper Gomes, his personal
interpreter, and Mansur Khan, one of the commanders in his army. Malik Ambar
was generous enough to give the Portuguese half the land revenue of Chaul.
However, the Portuguese abused the privilege they got by exacting high taxes
from the peasants. Malik Ambar, not only “forced them to return the excess
revenue” but also attacked their strongholds at Salsette, Bassein and Agashi, laid
siege the fort of Manora and occupied port of Dabhol. “All the Portuguese
possessions were threatened by the forces of Malik Ambar, and the entire
Portuguese trade came to a stand still” (Ali 1995: 93-5).

Ambar’s Land Reform, Defence Organization and Administration

In 1612, Malik Ambar introduced far-reaching reforms in revenue and military
administration which was adopted by other Indian kingdoms of the Deccan at a
later stage. He minimized the bureaucratic channels of the earlier system, by
getting rid of superintendents and accountants who managed to exploit the
situation to amass wealth for themselves at the expense of agriculture
productivity. He thought to establish a more equitable and direct relationship
between his government and the farmer. He assigned the village headman to be
responsible for the collection of revenue based on the quality of the land which
he divided into excellent, good, and bad. Irrigated and unirrigated land had
different measurements for the paying the revenue. The revenue was based on
the crop yielding power of the land and not by the size of each holding. This
method gave a new impetus to agriculture by bringing many waste and under-
utilized lands under cultivation because wastelands could be distributed among
the poor who could cultivate them for low rates of payment. In his reign, the
Siddi were given land in lieu of their military of services with no taxation levied
on them.

According to Radhey Shyam, as quoted by Ali (1995: 84f), Malik Ambar, who
was characterised as an “enterprising and sagacious Abyssinian”, instead of
making the state to be the sole landowner “sought to strengthen the government
by giving the people a definite interest in the soil they tilled…. In fact these
excellent measure served two objects of Malik Ambar: first, they satisfied the
people and thus strengthened the government; and secondly, they led to the
cultivation of lands which might otherwise have been neglected and must have
certainly deprived the government a share of revenues”.

116
Malik Ambar built a city which he named Fateh Nagar (victory city), later on
renamed Aurangabad, to commemorate his victory in 1601 over the Mogul
forces. The city is known for its strong fortifications. Its main fort is known as
Ambar Kot. Bhadkal Darwaza, or the Victory Gate, of his city is one of the most
remarkable gateways built in the Deccan. He built and developed several
localities which encompassed their own palaces, bazaars, mosques, public baths
and cisterns. Nawakhanda Palace, built in 1616, is the most famous of all the
palaces he built. Although he was a devout Muslim, he did not hesitate to build
temples and churches. He used massive black rocky cubes in his construction.
That is why his mosques are known as Kali Masjid (black mosques) as
compared to most mosques that are white. Another unique technological
achievement of Malik Ambar was the provision of water for public utility
through an underground aqueduct system which is still a major water supply of
the city. Many had doubts whether he could finish the extensive network of the
rock-cut canal systems known as Bahar-e-Ambari (or Ambar's river) in his life
time.

As long as Malik Ambar lived the Moguls could not conquer the Deccan. “He
was the ablest man of the period, distinguished alike in the strategic conduct of a
campaign, in the tactics of battle, during time of peace in the administration of a
kingdom.” A poet of his time wrote of him equating him with Bilal Hazra
Habshi as, “In the service of the Prophet of God there was one Bilal, after a
thousand years came another, Malik Ambar” (Ali 1995: 97f).

Although the strength of Malik Ambar’s army is not certainly known it is

estimated about 10,000 cavalry around 1609 which he enlarged to between
60,000 and 80,000 in 1624. In Malik Ambar’s time, artillery and forts were the
basis of offence and defence. Infantry was indispensable to access the otherwise
impregnable terrain. Elephants were essential both in fight and in the
transportation of cannons and goods. Aurangabad, the city which Malik Ambar
founded, was a centre of production of war materials. He had a naval army at
Janjira which he entrusted to another African, Siddi Yakut Khan. But if there
was anyone responsible for military arrangements, organization, equipment,
offensive and defensive policy, strategy and plans and forts and fortifications, it
was Malik Ambar himself, whose authority remained unrestrained (Tamaskar
1978: 140). Besides, his efficient spies were reporting him every bit of his

117
enemies’ movements, and their strong and weak points. Most of Malik Ambar’s
success against the Moguls was possible because of his guerrilla tactic which
enabled him to raid the latter’s territory and retire to his camp with no or very
little loss of his men and materials. According to Tamaskar (1978: 143), “The
success (of Malik Ambar) was mainly due to Malik Ambar’s superior tactics of
long and patient manoeuvring for contriving an inescapable trap in which the
Mogul and the Bijapuri forces were caught. For about a quarter of century he
waged a restless struggle against the Moguls, Bijapuris, Portuguese and the
English. For this he kept his infantry, cavalry, artillery and navy on a war
footing”. His ability to mobilize the support of the Deccan powers in his favor
when he faced a strong army, and to make them fight against each other thereby
stifling their threatening growth played significantly for his continuous success.
The kings of Maratha kingdom, Shahji and his son Shivaji, who “laid the
foundation of Maratha greatness” learnt guerrilla warfare from Malik Ambar.
Guerrilla warfare, which in India is known as bargi-giri, is said to be introduced
in India by “Ethiopian” soldiers who were fighting for one kingdom or another.
His enemies admitted that, “Ambar, whether as a commander or as a strategist,
was without an equal in the military art. He kept the bad characters of that
country (the Deccan) in perfect order, and to the end of his days lived in honor”
(Haig 1907: 43).

It is reasonably true that the government of Malik Ambar was one-man rule. He
kept control over every minute detail of administration. An order could not be
effective if it did not have his seal. In his determination to clear out the Mogul
forces from the state which he created and revived, Malik Ambar was successful
to be supreme ruler and authority in his jurisdiction while reducing the king to
his own vassal and the nobles to individuals who carry out his orders in their
respective departments. However, this autocracy was not without difficulty. It
caused the rebellion of his associates and generals who believed that they had
every reason to claim or share power. It was his generosity towards his subjects
and skill in manipulating each situation in his favor that enabled him to stay in
power until the end. His rule, though autocratic, was benevolent in effect and
promoted the interests, welfare and well being of the ruled. Van dan Broecke, a
European traveller of the time who was given a passport, guard of escort, and a
shawl of gold by Malik Ambar writes, “The Malik maintains good law and
administration in his country. He punished criminals and thieves very severely

118
so that you can safely travel with gold through his territory without being
molested. If anyone gets drunk, he promptly has molten lead poured down his
throat. Nobody, on pain of death, offers strong drink for sale or even travels with
it through the country….” (Tamaskar 1978: 147-8, 94).

He died on 14 May 1626 at the age of eighty. His first son, Fath Khan,
succeeded him as a regent of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. He was buried in
Khuldabad at his durgha, which was erected by him in his lifetime. He and his
wife Bibi Karima had two sons and four daughters. She is buried in a tomb of
Pathan architecture which is still seen today next to his durgha. The eleventh
descendants of Malik Ambar are still found in Ambarpur, 51 km from
Ahmednagar.

5.6. The Words Habshi and Siddi

Indians of African origin are generally known in India as either Siddi or Habshi.
Although some of these communities are known more as Habshi than as Siddi or
vice versa, these names are used in Hyderabad almost alternatively. However,
the word Siddi is used more frequently than Habshi both by themselves and by
outsiders.

5.6.1. Habshi

Since Indians of African origin identify themselves with the word Habshi and
are identified as such, it is essential to discuss the origin of the word and why
they are recognized by it. Let’s see how the name Habshi and its derivatives are
presented in the literature before discussing its usage and importance as a
communal name for the Siddi. The meaning of the word Habshi and what it
refers to is disputed in academic circles. There is no one meaning that can
equally satisfy all circles of thought. However, I would like to mention the
prevailing debate around this word in the academic literature for the sake of
clarifying the reasons why the Siddi identify themselves with this name and are
identified as such by others.

119
There are several confusions in the literature arising from the different meanings
attached to the word Abyssinia. ‘Abyssinia’, ‘Habesha’, ‘Habasha’, ‘Habesh’,
‘Habash’, ‘Habashat’, ‘Ahabish’, ‘Ahbash’, ‘Habush’, ‘Hbsh’, ‘Habshi’ and
other similar formations have been used by many groups of people in the past to
indicate different meanings, depending on who was using the words. ‘Habasha’
and its other variants have been used to name various geographical pockets that
are located in the vast territory extending from the southern Arabian Peninsula
to the southern tip of the African continent and the groups of people inhabiting
these areas.

It seems that some Southern Arabian tribes were referred to as “Habashat”, and
that the term “Abyssinians” is derived from “Habash”. The Turks took over the
same word and used it in a broader sense than the Arabs. For the Turks
“Habesh” or “Habeshistan” refers to Abyssinia whereas “Habeshi” refers to the
inahbitants of Habesh and/or means “mixed blood”. Europeans, first the
Portuguese and later others, adopted the word and used it in a narrower sense
than the former two. Thus in literature, when one quotes the other, as often the
case is Europeans quoting Arab or Turkish sources, confusions arise as a result
of differing opinions on what the term ‘Habasha’ stands for. According to the
Encyclopedia of Islam, the word ‘Habashat’ and its derivatives are used by the
ancient Arabs to refer to two different geographic locations. One covers a
narrower northern region while the second usage is broader and more southern.
In its narrower and northern sense the word refers to the Aksumite Empire and a
South Arabian tribe with which it is associated. In its wider and more southern
application, it refers particularly to modern-day Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa and
even to sub-Saharan Africa in general. Sometimes it is used to refer to people of
mixed Arab and African parentage. In its ancient usage ‘Habashat’ referred to
the occupation of various peoples in the Horn of Africa, that is, incense
collection (Arabic habasha ‘to gather’). It “signified no more than ‘incense
collectors’ and was applicable to all the peoples of the incense regions of the
Somali coast and Abyssinia proper” (Encylopedia of Islam 1971: 2-4, 9).

After the Arabs it was the Ottoman Turks who used the word intensively.
However, their usage is slightly different from the former ones. For the
Ottomans the word ‘Habasha’ was more a geopolitical denotation than a
reference to a certain group of people. It implied the Red Sea coastal areas

120
which the Ottomans zealously wanted to protect from Portuguese influence and
occupation. It referred to “a province covering the African coastlands of the Red
Sea south of Egypt as far as the Gulf of Aden, and including also the sandak of
Djidda; the principal sandaks were Ibrim, Sawakin, Arkiko, Massawa, Zayla and
Djidda, so that its area correspond approximately to the coastal districts of the
present-day Sudan, Ethiopia, French Somaliland (Djibouti) and Zayla district of
the Somali Republic” (ibid p. 11).

Generally speaking, in European literature ‘Habasha’, or more appropriately,

Abyssinia refers specifically to “northwestern Ethiopia, the land of the Habashat
(name for a southern Arabian tribe whose members migrated there and the
source of the name Abyssinia)” (Lipsky (1962: 6). The racial caricature of a
‘Habasha’ is presented in European literature as “exotic…slim, well-formed
body, regular features, velvety eyes, hair long and straight, or somewhat curly,
and almost blue black or approaching to black in color…” (Baptiste 1998: 88)

William Shack (1974: 24) says that Abyssinia is derived from the Arabic
‘Habasha’, “to collect” or “to gather” signifying the mixture of people in
Abyssinia. Shack believes that Abyssinians are the highland Ethiopian peoples,
properly speaking, the Amhara and the Tigre. “In the strict sense, the name
‘Abyssinia,’ which seems to have made its first appearance in a European source
in the thirteenth century, is only applicable to the old Aksumite Empire, the
present population of Amhara and Tigrigna tribes being descendants of the
Habashat founders of the ancient kingdom”.

Contrary to Shack, who believes ‘Habasha’ refers to a collection of people, the

Encyclopaedia of Islam states that ‘Habasha’ refers to the occupation of the
people, that is, incense collection, from which they got their name. There are
others who claim that the word ‘Habasha’ (or Habshi) comes from Khebsi which
appears in the hieroglyphs of Ancient Egypt to describe the people of Punt or
present day Somalia and Ethiopia. “Habshi, then, seems to be connected to
Khabsi; and its etymology may be Ancient Egyptian and not Arabic” (Baptiste
1998: 89). Similarly, Wifred H. Scoff, as quoted by Batiste (ibid p. 89), states
that the word Hbsti was used by Ancient Egyptians to describe “one of the
peoples of Punt ... with the trade in incense…. Its associations are with people of
‘the divine land’ of the Upper Nile; with incense-gathering, and with a

121
commerce in this commodity (and presumably others) with peoples of the
Ethiopian-Horn of Africa-South Arabia zone”.

Based on the above and other similar descriptions of the word ‘Habasha’, or its
equivalents, we can deduce four variants of its meaning: one, which refers to the
occupation of a people group, that is, incense collection; second, referring to a
collection of various groups of people; third, a people of mixed descent; and
fourth a geographic location. We can find the following types of geographical
locations as possible references of the term:
1. the southern part of the Arabian peninsula including Yemen, present-day
Eritrea, and the northern part of Ethiopia
2. northeast Africa south of Egypt: that is, northeast of the Sudan, Eritrea,
and northern and central Ethiopia
3. the domain of the Aksumite Empire, excluding the eastern coasts of the
Red Sea: that is, roughly, southern Eritrea, and northern Ethiopia
4. modern Ethiopia and Eritrea
5. Red Sea coastal areas ranging from southern Egypt to the Horn of Africa
including Somalia
6. Sub-Saharan Africa.

In all of these possible references, the common denominator is that most parts of
Eritrea and northern Ethiopia are always included. Thus, Abyssinia can be
understood as a territory where the highland kingdom of Ethiopia and Eritrea is
seen as the nucleus and, depending on by whom or when the word was used,
may extend to include a wide territory of Africa.

Another complication of the meaning of the word results from the different
implied meanings of ‘Abyssinia’ and ‘Habasha’. These words, though they are
generally used to imply the same thing, at times, indicate two meanings which
are not necessarily the same. Whereas ‘Abyssinia’ mostly refers to a geographic
location, ‘Habasha’ refers to a group of people. But whether, in the historic past,
all groups of people living in the territory known as ‘Abyssinia’ were considered
to be ‘Habasha’ is open for debate. The literature presentation of ‘Habasha’, in
rare cases, has also included earlier inhabitants of South Yemen and southern
Saudi Arabia. But these territories are not implied in the term ‘Abyssinia’.

122
If we agree that ‘Abyssinia’ refers to a geographic location of northern Ethiopia
and most of Eritrea, then the question of which group of people are included in
the word ‘Habasha’ is not easy to settle. In recent times ‘Abyssinia’ is
considered to be a synonym for Ethiopia. And various groups of people of
Ethiopia have identified themselves with it although there are still Ethiopians
who do not consider themselves to be Abyssinians. We face a problem here
because whereas Abyssinia, in former times, meant the territory that fell under
the domain of the Ethiopian Christian Kingdom, without any mention to the
ethnic composition of its inhabitants, ‘Habasha’ has been mostly confined to
imply only Amhara-Tigre Abyssinians in European literature and in academic
parlance.

In more recent times there is a tendency to confine the word Abyssinia to the
Amhara-Tigre population of Ethiopia and Eritrean highlanders. This is
particularly reflected among Ethiopian and Eritrean Diaspora communities.
Captain Columb (1968: 273), quoting Burton, says that the Oromo are “low
class Abyssinians”. Likewise, Adolf Jensen in his work entitled Im Lande des
Gada. Wanderungen zwischen Volkstrümmern Südabessiniens considered the
Oromo as Abyssinians (Braukämper 2001: 161). It is true that many Oromo do
identify themselves with Abyssinia whereas the same could not be said of the
Diaspora Oromo. A recent contributor to the visitors’ book of the “Oromo
Support Group” homepage in the Internet reveals some Oromos’ reservation in
identifying themselves as such. “Thank God I am not Habash. Habash is a name
that is derived from the Arabic language meaning “bastards”. I am ilma (i.e., in
the Oromo language “son of”) Oromo and I know my heritage. This is one great
value we all Oromos share. We do not claim so bastardness of Habashas (sic!)!
100% Oromo and proud of my African origin” (Zitelmann 2001: 175).

‘Habshi’ is used in India as a generic term to refer to Africans in general.

Indians of African origin, irrespective of which part of Africa they came from,
are known as ‘Habshi’. Any black African is a ‘Habshi’ whether he/she is
Indian, American, Australian, or European in his/her nationality (Baptiste 1998:
88). If ‘Habasha’, in academic parlance, refers to Amhara-Tigre Abyssinians,
the Siddi of AC Guards have very little to do with Amhara and Tigre people.
They have more to do with southern and western Ethiopia, Tanzania, Somalia,
and other Eastern and Central African countries.

123
It seems that the Siddi got this name from their masters while they in turn got it
from Arab scholars who used the word in its generic term to mean black people
in general. Segal (2001: 71) says, “The term Habashi or Habshi – from the
Arabic word for Ethiopian – came to be applied to other Africans as well, and
referred not only to the freed but to their descendants”. Similarly, Pankhurst
(1961: 409) noted that ‘Habshi’ was used in India as a “generic term” for slaves
coming from the Horn of Africa “or even from the whole of East Africa”.
Burton-Page (1971: 14) strengthened Pankhurst’s opinion saying that the word
‘Habshi’ is used in India “for those African communities whose ancestors came
from the Horn of Africa, although some doubtless sprang from the neighboring
Muslim countries. The majority, at least in the earlier periods, may well have
been Abyssinians, but certainly the name was applied indiscriminately to all
Africans. In the days of the Portuguese slave-trade with India many of such
‘Habshis’ were in fact of the Nilotic and Bantu races”. Similarly, Alpers (1967:
34) writes, “During this century Habshi were being introduced anew in India at
Hyderabad, where they were employed in the Nizam’s military, although over
time many of the special African troop that was formed were probably not from
Ethiopia”.

As I said earlier, these people could have been from Abyssinia but they were not
necessarily Amhara and Tigre by origin. This is because, whereas Abyssinia
historically referred to northern Ethiopia, irrespective of one’s ethnic
background, ‘Habasha’, in European literature, refers to Amhara and Tigre
peoples. Therefore, the misunderstanding arises from the wrong assumption that
a person of Abyssinian origin is necessarily a ‘Habasha’. The truth is that most,
if not all, of the salves sold within and from Abyssinia were Nilotic people
living around Lake Tana and the Ethio-Sudan border. Historically, these peoples
did not identify themselves as ‘Habasha’. Therefore, the category ‘Habshi’
cannot be taken as a referent of any particular ethnic identity nor even a regional
origin but rather as a general denotation of Indians of African origin. I prefer to
use Siddi than ‘Habshi’ in my research because the latter may complicate the
whole argument even further. One may be tempted to think that the Indians of
African origin living in Hyderabad originally were the Amhara and Tigre
peoples of Ethiopia. Therefore, I felt obliged to avoid such unnecessary
misnomer in the discussion.

124
5.6.2. Siddi

It is essential to familiarize the word Siddi and its various formations like ‘Sidi’,
‘Siddi’, ‘Syddy’, ‘Sidde’, ‘Siddee’, ‘Siddhee’, ‘Seedi’, ‘Sedy’, and ‘Sheedi’
before discussing the culture and identity of the people named by these words.
Tracing the etymology of ‘Siddi’ (or its Pakistani variant ‘Sheedi’) is a difficult
task that researchers of the African Diaspora in India face. Feroz Ahmed as
quoted by Baptiste (1998: 88) says that “Sheddi is believed to be the
mispronunciation by the African slaves of the Arabic word ‘Sayedi’, meaning
master. It then got attached to them as a group label. Instead of being honorific,
it actually represents mockery of the black slaves”. There are others, however,
who search for the etymological root of the word Siddi in Urdu, Marathi,
Sanskrit, and the Tibetan languages. In Hinduism and Jainism Siddhi is “a
collective name for supernatural or magical powers acquired by mediation or
other practices”. It also refers to “ a perfected, bodiless being, freed from the
cycle of rebirths…. One versed in the mysteries”.

I do not agree that the above, far-fetched claims have anything to do with the
etymological root of the word Siddi. The available literature claims that the
name Siddi is attributed to Indians of African origin by their Arab traders and
masters which later was adopted by the Indian host society and the Siddi
themselves. And we are told that Siddi comes from the Arabic (or Urdu) word
which means ‘master’. If the above claims are to be believed then we are
entertaining the idea that the Arab slave dealers and masters were addressing
their African slaves as ‘master’. It is difficult to believe that Arabs would have
called their slaves ‘my master’. Or else, if the word Siddi comes from the Arabic
word ‘master’ and the Siddi were known as such to imply the same, then one
has to drop the idea that Africans were slaves in India, as most of the literature
claims, and accept that they were masters and lords of their host society.
However, the reality is that Africans were found in all socio-economic levels of
Indian society. They were kings, military generals, rich philanthropists,
government advisors, known statesmen, slaves, beggars, and fakirs. They were
found in all levels of the Indian social hierarchy. Therefore, any blanket naming
cannot represent all Indians of African origin.

125
Still others argue that the word Siddi is a mispronunciation of sayyid, the name
of Mohammad’s tribe (Basu 1994: 28). They claim that the Siddi call
themselves so because they believe they descended from the prophet through his
daughter Fatima and his son-in-law Ali. However, the Siddi of Hyderabad and
of Karnataka that I talked to do not claim descent from the tribe of the Prophet
Mohammad. They acknowledge that Africa is their ancestral homeland.
However, they identify themselves and are identified by others as Siddi.
Besides, it is not only Muslim Indians of African origin who identify themselves
with this name but also Christians of African origin who were brought to India
by the Portuguese and who have nothing to do with Arab slave traders. Had
Indians of African origin got this name from Arab slave traders, Christian
Indians of African origin who are still living in the forests of Karnataka would
have no reason to call themselves Siddi. I believe the reason why most
researchers thought the word Siddi came from the Arabic word sayyid is, first,
because of the words’ similarities and, second, because it is thought that almost
all Indians of African origin were brought to India by Arab slave traders. It is
thought that Arabs gave Indians of African origin the name Siddi as they
brought them from Africa. However, it is possible to find similarities of the
word Siddi, or any other word for that matter, in many languages of the world
without necessarily having any etymological connection, as the examples of
Hinduism and Jainism mentioned above indicate. It is also possible that some
Siddi, in search of a reasonable clarification for why they are called so, or to
create a fictitious descent from Mohammad and his tribe, might have thought
their name comes from the Arabic word sayyid.

In my interview with some of the Karnataka Siddi, I heard that they believe in
their origin from Sidamo province of Ethiopia and that they were known as
Siddi even before they came to India. It is more probable that the word is
originally a name of an ethnic group in southern Ethiopia from which many
were sold into slavery mainly by local traders. Siddi (or Sidi, or Side) is a sub-
ethnic group among the Sidama (Alaba and Kabena) peoples of Ethiopia. “Wie
bereits aufgezeigt wurde, gingen die side auf Leute jener frühen Wanderwelle
zurück, die aus dem Raum zwischen der westlichen Chercher-Kette und der
Landschaft Shirka zur Zeit des amir Nur in das Gurage-Land gelangten und in
den Kriegen gegen die Amhara unter Sarsa Dengel und Susenyos weitgehened
versprengt wurden“ (Braukämper 1980: 179). The Siddi (or Side), according to

126
Braukämper (1980: 179f; 2002: 64, 179), are a sub-group of the Alaba people
who, according to their tradition, descend from a legendary Muslim forefather
known as Side. The Alaba people divide themselves into three groups. The
Ull’Alaba, who were the first to leave their original place between Shirka and
Gadab and settled in the region east of Kambata where a remnant of them is still
found. The late Alaba settlers were the Side and Hasan Alaba, of whom the
former enjoyed considerable status among the whole Alaba. Could it be that the
name of the sub-ethnic group of the Alaba, that is the Side, was adopted by the
people with whom they came in contact (mainly Arabs and Indians), to refer to
all people of African origin who came to India willingly and unwillingly? It
needs further research.

As Abir (1968: 115) and Hassan (1990: 11) clearly indicate the slaves exported
from Ethiopia were mainly of Sidama origin from the south and Oromo from the
south western provinces of Ethiopia. It seems likely that it was those Side (or
Siddi) groups of Alaba (or Sidama) people who were significantly sold abroad
into slavery. Presumably, the slaves exported from southern Ethiopia were more
in number than those exported from other neighboring areas which led to the
broadening of the term to encompass all Indians of African origin. It is
reasonable to say that a substantial number of the Siddi of Hyderabad could be
traced to the Swahili-speaking areas of Eastern Africa rather than to Ethiopia.
There are linguistic indications that show Indians of African origin were
predominantly Swahili speaking people. A thorough investigation of their
culture, history, and linguistic remnants guides to trace their origin to Zanzibar
and the neighboring Swahili-speaking countries. Based on linguistic records,
Burton-Page (1971: 535) lists twenty-two African “tribes” for the ethnic origin
of African-Indians. “Nineteen of these can be identified with tribes in the
present Tanzania. The remaining three have not been identified, but have Bantu
names which cannot be connected with Ethiopia”.

127
128
 6. AC GUARDS AND THE SIDDI

6.1. African Cavalry Guards

Driving on the main highway that cuts across the city of Hyderabad, one reaches
one of the main business areas of the city called Mehdipatnam. Between
Mehdipatnam and Lakdi ka Pul, another busy square, there are a newly
constructed fly-over highway and a reasonably big hospital called Mahaveer
Hospital. Less than 100 metres away from the Masab Tank fly-over and behind
Mahaveer Hospital is located the old military barrack of the Nizam of
Hyderabad State, which is known as AC Guards. The name AC Guards stands
for the African Cavalry Guards of Hyderabad State stationed there since the
times of Nizam Mahboob Ali Khan. Although the precise date is not known for
certain, the barrack is believed to have been constructed more than 100 years
ago. The old houses still retain the roofs made of brick tiles indicting European,
more precisely British, workmanship. The original appearance of the quarters
has changed because most houses were renewed several times. Some of the
present houses were stables of the army’s horses. Moreover, the entire
surrounding, which was a forest then, has entirely changed due to the advance of
the city’s expansion. The quarters of AC Guards were permanently given to the
African soldiers of the Nizam free of charge.

Historical records of the African Cavalry Guards are scanty. Some of the
available information in the literature are based on personal speculations and not
on sound research. The Siddi themselves know little about the history of the
army of which they were part. One needs to depend mostly on the oral accounts
of the people themselves to learn about the coming of Africans to Hyderabad.
However, their oral descriptions seem relatively trustworthy as they are
validated by the scanty documentary information available. Besides, the oral
accounts I collected from different individuals are similar at least on the main
issues. Mr. Mohammood bin Farzullah, a Siddi of Zanzibar origin, who claims
to be 110 years old, is a respected elder of the Siddi of AC Guards. He is one of
the few considered knowledgeable of the history of the Siddi and of their
military cantonment. He narrates their history as follows:

129
 “My father was working on a certain British ship while he was in Zanzibar. He was
very young – not yet married. One day, their ship came to Bombay for business. My
father and some of his friends decided to stay in Bombay rather than going back home
because they found life much better here than in Zanzibar.

“At that time, Mahboob Ali Khan, the ninth Nizam and the fourth Asif Jah (1869-
1911), went to Bombay with his Hindu official whose title was Maharaja. Mahboob
Ali Khan saw some of the Africans in Bombay. After he came back to Hyderabad he
sent back his Maharaja to bring some of the Africans so that they would be his
bodyguards. Then the Maharaja brought 12 Africans. But the Nizam was discontent
with the small number of the Africans and ordered him to bring more. Then the
Maharaja brought an additional 300 of them, of whom my father was one.

“They were made to settle in a place known as Goshamel specially prepared for them.
It was very close to the Nizam’s palace. That was about 150 years ago. The Africans
were trained to be the Nizam’s bodyguards and that was what they were doing until
1948. Later on, the present cantonment was established and the Africans resettled
here. I was born in AC Guards, the new settlement.

“Our forefathers did not bring women with them. So, they had to marry from the local
people. They could not talk to their wives properly. They used to communicate with
signs and the few Urdu words they had picked up since their arrival in India. They
knew only some essential words and phrases, like, ‘give me food’, or ‘come’, or ‘how
are you’. The Africans could not communicate among themselves either, because, they
were from various African countries and language groups. That is why they could not
pass their culture to us properly. When we buried our fathers we buried their cultures
with them. And we became Indians”.

Mrs. Sharifa Bi, an elderly Siddi woman, gave me a slightly different account of
the arrival of the Siddi. She believes that the Raja of Wanaparthy, a district ruler
under the Nizam of Hyderabad, brought 52 men and 27 women from Africa and
gave them to the Nizam who made them his bodyguards. Hamad bin Abdullah,
one of my informants, said that “the Raja of Wanaparthy brought some 20
Africans and gave them to the Nizam. The Nizam asked the Africans to go to
their country and bring more Africans. They went to South Africa (South Africa
means here Africa in general) and brought 300 of them. They were from
different parts of Africa. But since they lived together, they all were known as
either Siddi or Habshi. They were tall, handsome and strong men. That was why
they were presented to the Nizam who made them his bodyguards.” Mr. Feroz

130
bin Abdullah, another elder of the community, gave me another slightly
different account of the Siddi’s immigration in India.

“The Raja of Wanaparthy, who was ruling the Mahboobneger district of Hyderabad
State, had about 25 African bodyguards. They were known as the African Body
Guards (ABG). Some people told the Nizam that the Raja and Sultan Newab Jung
have African bodyguards of their own. They also asked the Nizam why he did not
have any while his junior officials had their own African bodyguards. The Nizam
asked the Raja about the issue. The Raja said, ‘Yes your highness, I have African
bodyguards whom I brought up as my own children’. Realizing the Nizam’s interest in
the Africans, the Raja presented as a gift his own bodyguards to the Nizam, including
his own private land on which today’s AC Guards is built as their place of settlement.
They became the Nizam’s bodyguards.

“Moreover, the Nizam asked Sultan Newab Jung to go to Africa and bring more
Africans for him. The Sultan went to South Africa ( South Africa means here Africa in
general) and brought 275 Africans from two places known as Zanzibar and Zeila
Mak’tal. That was some 300 years ago. All were Muslims except five of them who
were Christians. My paternal great grandfather was among those Muslim Africans
who came at that time. His name was Iser bin Baqeeth. The Nizam received the Siddi
at Bombay and asked them what they wanted. They said they wanted only houses,
which were provided. Later on, they joined the Nizam’s bodyguards and were given
the quarters of AC Guards.

“I do not believe that there were women who accompanied the first immigrants. If
there were women who came together with our forefathers, today’s Hyderabad would
have been full of Africans. We could also have kept our African culture and language.
Our hair would have been straight and not curly. Of course, there were some women
who later on came from the Raja’s place and joined them. But they were very few and
were born in India, being descendants of Africans who had been in the country for a
long time before our forefathers arrived. The women were already Indians both in
culture and appearance.

“The Siddi’s main assignment was to surround the Nizam, especially during the
annual celebration of his coronation day known as Salgira. All the officials of his
kingdom used to bring tributes to the Nizam on his Salgira day. It was the duty of the
Siddi to receive the gifts and put them in the royal treasury. On that day it was a
custom for the Nizam to present gifts to his Siddi bodyguards.

“Later on the Siddi were trained in marshal arts and became a unit of the Nizam’s
army and their unit was renamed as African Cavalry Guards. The size of the African
Cavalry Guards was fixed. They were only 300, no more no less. They were recruited

131
 after much scrutiny because physical strength was in high demand. That was why only
Africans could join the unit. They were trained for six months in horse riding, trotting,
galloping and jumping. They were also trained to tame and massage the wild horses
which the British used to bring from Australia. The horses had to adapt to wearing
shoes and it was the Siddi’s duty to make the horseshoes. The members of this unit
were known as sepoy or line-boys. When one from the unit dies or is unable to
continue, his son who should be above 16 years of age is given the chance to join the
unit and support the family. The line-boys were paid, in addition to several kilos of
rice, 8 Rupees a month for six months and 14 Rupees after that. Harry Francis and his
son Ronald Francis were notable Christian Siddi among the early sepoy”.

Similarly, Uwe Hesse (2000: 36) writes, “Ein Hindu Herrscher, Vanapathi
Maharaja, sei es gewesen, der selbst in Afrika gereist wäre und dort geforscht
und studiert hätte. Der habe Afrikaner als Leibwächter angeworben und nach
Indien gebracht. Das müsse sich vor 130 bis 140 Jahren ereignet haben. Einen
Teil der seinerzeit 313 Afrikaner habe er dem Nizam, dem Fürsten von
Hyderabad, geschenkt. Der wiederum habe seinen afrikanischen Leibgardisten
ein eigenes Stadtviertel, den ‚Sidi ri Sala’ gegeben, die ‚Siedlung der
Schwarzen’, die heute als, ‚AC Guards’ das Stadtviertel der früheren
afrikanischen Reiterei bezeichnet“.

The coming of Africans to Hyderabad has partly to do with the State’s political
and economic relation with countries of the Middle East. For example, Maculla,
which is situated on the seaboard midway between Aden and Muscat, had strong
trade relations with Hyderabad State. This is mainly because of the significant
presence of mercantile Gujaraties working in Maccula and many wealthy Arabs
of Maculla in Hyderabad. Maculla had a “considerable” African population
working at its docks. Many of this “large number” of Africans who were
working in Maccula’s docks immigrated to Bombay. In 1869, a British official
reported that many African women slaves and men disguised as women posed as
wives and daughters of the dealers in order to pass by the Bombay customs. (Ali
1995: 193; Harris 1996: 101-2). Similarly, residents of Hyderabad confirmed
that a number of Africans were imported into the city as domestics and that
many Arabs returned from pilgrimage to Mecca, which was the centre of this
slave trade, with one or two Africans who posed as members of the family.
However, these eyewitnesses do not agree that the Siddi were slaves in

132
Hyderabad or that they were brought from Arabia against their will. After their
arrival in Hyderabad the Africans would leave their masters and work for other
people of their choice. They were satisfied family members of their masters (Ali
1995: 194). The Siddi were already culturally arabized and considered
themselves as Arabs. That is why, nowadays, many Siddi of AC Guards still
trace their origin to Maculla and other Arab ports. In addition, there were some
Siddi who immigrated or were imported to Hyderabad directly from East
African countries. The Siddi were gradually employed in the armed forces of the
Hyderabad State.

To summarize, it was the Raja of Wanaparthy who first collected and resettled a
community of Africans in his domain. Wanaparthy, located in Mahboobneger,
which is some 100 kilometres south of Hyderabad city, was a district of
Hyderabad State and was ruled by a dynasty of Rajas who were subjects of the
Nizam. Raja Rameshwar Rao I of Wanaparthy had the desire to raise a
disciplined army of African personnel. He gathered the Africans available in the
region, imported some from East African ports and organized them into two
regiments. One was known as the African Bodyguard, and the other, a cavalry
one, as Wanaparthy Lancers, which later on was renamed as Goloconda
Lancers. A cantonment at Makhtal in Mahboobneger district was established for
them. During a conflict between the Raja and the forces of the Nizam, the
British intervened and helped them to sign a peace treaty in which the Raja
surrendered his army to the Nizam while being assigned to the office of the
Inspector General of the Nizam’s armed forces. The Nizam also acknowledged
the Raja’s autonomy. After the death of the Raja the African Cavalry and the
African Bodyguards were merged and came to be known as the African Cavalry
Guards. The Makhtal cantonment was abolished and the establishment was
transferred to Lakdi ka Pul or Kharitabad area where it is found presently. The
Hyderabad Chronicle (February 14, 2001) reports that, “The Raja was looking
for an appropriate gift for the Nizam, and he got about 300 well-built African
men to gift (sic!) him, as they made for hardworking, enduring and loyal
soldiers. Soon, there was more recruitment from the countries of East Africa.
With the passage of time and the pressures of the British colonialists, the Siddhis
were absorbed into the regular army of the Nizam. But the money for their
upkeep and welfare came from the personal purse of the ruler. This could be one

133
of the reasons why the Siddhis were left out from being absorbed into the Indian
Army. With no work and due to lack of funds, they were soon left to fend for
themselves. Even today, elders like Abdul Fateh bin Mahboob, have no other
source of income, which makes their plight pathetic”.

Not all Siddi agree that there were some women among the early African
immigrants to Hyderabad. The fact that some Siddi men could have brought
their wives with them was very contentious when I raised the issue to a group of
Siddi men and women. The men did not believe that there were women
immigrants while the women opined contrarily. Although some Siddi elders
may not agree, it is very likely that there were at least a small number of women
who came from Africa. For example, most of the Siddi of Karnataka and Gujarat
are not intermarried with the host society. Endogamy was possible because there
were African women immigrants. The African community of Hyderabad could
not have been much different from the other African communities of India.
There are credible indications that there were at least some women immigrants
in Hyderabad too. Some Siddi of Hyderabad are still African in their somatic
features, which indicates that they were endogamous at least in those early days.
Mohammad bin Farzullah, the eldest Siddi, said that the early Siddi immigrants
of Hyderabad preferred to marry Africans rather than Indians. He said that
women of black color with “woollen” hair were more esteemed than fair-colored
ones with straight hair.

6.2. The Quarters of AC Guards

AC Guards constitutes ten rows of houses each row having twenty houses, ten of
which face one direction, the other ten facing the opposite. The total number of
the houses is two hundred. However, the total number of the households exceeds
two hundred because some houses are shared by two or three households of
closer relations. Besides, some Siddi households reside outside the quarters,
mainly in the surrounding neighborhoods known as Chintal Basti, Veer Neger,
Dhobi Ghat, Mr. Shyam Rao Neger, and Lakdi ka Pul. Due to the continuous
modernization of the city and the subsequent rise of house-rent in the area, the
Siddi were forced to look for houses in these neighborhoods. They live in rented
private houses because their parents’ houses were not big enough to

134
accommodate them after marriage. However, the Siddi feel still belonging to AC
Guards where a part of their family continues to reside.

Except as in the case of the few rich Siddi, the average house of AC Guards,
which is known as gar, has no more than 30 to 40 square metres of surface area.
I take the example of the house of Mrs. Sharifa Bi to illustrate the various
sections that constitute a Siddi house of AC Guards. Her 36-square- metre house
is divided into five small rooms of various sizes. The front room, which is called
dalan, is three metres long and three metres wide. It is used for dining, chatting,
and sleeping. Two rooms of equal size are attached on both sides of the dalan.
Each is a metre and half long and three metres wide. The one on the left is called
modi kana and is used to store grains, rice and other food items. The one on the
right is called kuri and is used to put clothes, shoes and household utensils.
Inside the dalan, there are two open gates that go to two different rooms known
as gar (house) and which are used as bedrooms. They are called gar because it
seems they are more important than the other sections of the house. The most
valued property of the family is kept in one of these rooms where the parents
sleep. A kitchen and a bathroom, which are next to each other, are attached at
the left end of the house. Thus, the entire house forms a small L-shape. Both the
kitchen and the bathroom are six square metres together. The kitchen is known
as bawerchi kana (food cooking place) and is equal in size to the bathroom
which is called hamam. In one of the bedrooms, which is six square metres
wide, the son of Mrs. Sharifa Bi sleeps with his wife and his baby boy. In the
other bedroom and the dalan, a total area of fifteen square metres, ten people
sleep. This is very difficult especially during the summer months when the
temperature reaches forty degrees. Some are forced to sleep outside the house
due to the summer’s extreme heat and the shortage of space in the house. One
of the bedrooms has several holes in its roof and is not usable during the rainy
season, worsening the problem of overcrowding. Most of the house’s area is
already occupied by furniture and household utensils. People are forced to
accommodate themselves in the rest of the place. Every five to ten households
have a communal pipe called houz or sam from which they fetch water. Mrs.
Sherifa Bi, however, has her own separate houz. Some families do not have
electricity. This creates much problem during the summer when they need the
electric fan in the house to cool them down. Most houses, unlike that of Mrs.
Sharifa Bi’s, do not have a compound. For those that have a compound of their

135
own, the front yard is called angen and the backyard is called pitch wada. The
city administration has demolished some Siddi houses because the current plan
of the city does not accommodate them any more. Those Siddi who have lost
their houses entirely are living under plastic coverings. They have sued the city
administration and are hoping for their cases to be resolved.

The Siddi have little furniture in their houses. The main furniture which one
finds almost in every Siddi house is a wooden or metal wardrobe in which
valuables are kept. This wardrobe is what a bride brings to her new home in the
form of dahes (a dowry given in kind). Most Siddi have metal beds which are
cheaper than the ones made of wood. Household utensils include clay pots of
various types for cooking and water storage. A stone mill is essential for
grinding. Two or three metal barrels that are used for storing water are found in
most houses. Each household has several mats on which family members sleep
and guests sit. Clothes are often hung on the wall or put on the bed. In most
houses the Koran and other religious books are displayed on brick shelves
known as tabdan that are fixed on the walls.

136
Map 6: AC Guards and its’ vicinities (sketch by the author)

Kharitabad Lakdi ka Pool Bazar Ghat

Lakdi ka
pool
Nilofer
Kharitabad RAJ BAUAN ROAD Road
Nampally

Thummala
Basti
Road Nilofer Hospital

Road Road
C
H AC GUARDS MAIN ROAD
I
N V

T E

A E L AC GUARDS JNTU
L R A Lane Mahaveer
N N Marg
Chintal B E E

Basti A G AC GUARDS
S E Bazar Ghat

T R M
I a
R s
M o Veer Neger a
A A b Shanti Neger
I D t
Prem N MR. SHYAM RAO NEGER a Shanti
Neger Dhobi Ghat n Neger
R k
Prem O Saifa Bad PG Science Road
Neger A R
D o
Road No. 12 BANJARA HILLS a Milliampally
st st
Road No. Banjara Hills 1st 1 Lancer 1 Lancer d
12 Lancer

137
Figure 2: It shows the average Siddi house (gar). Numbers corrspond to the room
descriptions below. (The arrows show where doors are placed.)

1. The compound: The front side is called angen whereas the back yard is
called pitch wada.
2. gar
3. modi kana
4. dalan
5. kuri
6. hamam
7. bawerch kana
8. houz or sam

6.3. Christian Siddi of AC Guards

According to one estimate, the present Siddi of Hyderabad number more than
3000, of whom only about 150 individuals or 20 households are Christians while
others are Sunni Muslims (Ali 1995: 199). The only church of the area is known
as the Shrine of Our Lady of Health. It was built in 1903/04 by the Christian
Africans of the Nizam army who, according to a recent bulletin of the church,
were in the 3rd Battalion of the infantry. I was told that the Christian Siddi and

138
the Muslim Siddi helped each other in the construction of both the above-
mentioned church and the Bilal Habshi Mosque which is named after the
Abyssinian assistant of the Prophet Mohammad. A new octagonal church was
built attached to the original one. The foundation stone of the newly built church
was laid by the Nizam of Hyderabad, Mr. Osman Ali Khan Fateh Jung on 27-
12-1954 and was inaugurated five years later on 8-2-1959 by the same Nizam.

Some Muslim Siddi come to the church either to ask for help from the parish
priest or when they feel like it. At least one Muslim Siddi boy sings in the
church’s choir. The boy visits mosques and Muslim shrines known as durgha at
the same time. However, many Muslim Siddi do not know that there are
Christian Siddi in AC Guards. There are some intermarriages between the
Christian Siddi and the Muslim Siddi communities. It seems that more Christian
Siddi women have married Muslim Siddi men and joined their husband’s
religion than vice versa. There are also some Christian Siddi men who married
wives from the Muslim Siddi and are living together maintaining their
respective religions. In the past, Christian Siddi married more from their Muslim
constituencies than from Christians of Indian origin. However, the trend seems
changing now because young Christians of African descent associate themselves
with Christians of Indian origin more than with the Muslim Siddi. Young
Christians of both African and Indian origin are moderately influenced by
European ways of life which they got from European missionaries. English is
spoken together with Hindi as a mother tongue. In fact, some find it easier to
speak in English than in other Indian languages. Christians of both African and
Indian origin have got a common ground of life style. As a result, young
Christians of African origin are gradually detaching themselves from the Siddi
community and assimilating to India’s Christian community through
relationships of various kinds including intermarriage.

The Christian Siddi live in AC Guards dispersed among the Muslim Siddi.
Christians and Muslims of African origin invite each other during holidays. The
Christians invite the daff party (a traditional music band of the Muslim Siddi)
when they have an occasion of festivity though they do not participate in the
dance. A Christian Siddi known as Mr. David, who studied some Latin, told me
that he has Muslim Siddi friends with whom he goes in pilgrimage to Muslim
durgha shrines. The religious syncretism of both groups shows their constant

139
intermingling. Although the Christians do not frequent durgha like the Muslim
Siddi, they have made their own durgha inside their church. When the famous
priest of the church, Father Xavier Rock, died in 1974, they buried him inside
the sanctuary of the church rather than in a cemetery as other Christians would
do. Today, this African Christian community still prays towards the grave of this
Malaysian priest whom it considers a saint, thus, forming a small Christian
durgha of its own. This tradition is adopted from the Muslim Siddi with whom
they are closely in touch.

Christians of Indian origin have also adopted several forms of religious

syncretism from their Hindu neighbors and relatives which the Christian Siddi
copied. For example, the Christians of both Indian and African origin worship
the statue of Saint Mary that stood inside the church, as Hindus would do to the
goddess of wealth known as Laxmi Devi. They offer coconut fruits, flower
garlands and sandals to her statue exactly the way Hindus worship their goddess.
The name of Mary itself, Divia (literally goddess), is similar to the name of the
goddess of wealth.

There are many Indians of mixed ‘racial’ parentage in AC Guards. During the
British occupation of India, a number of British soldiers and laborers took wives
from the local people. Descendants of these intermarriages, which are still found
all over India, are known as Anglo-Indians. Some British officials and soldiers
also married wives from the African community living there. Besides, some
African women had children from British men outside legally binding
marriages. Their descendants are also known as ‘Anglo-Indians’. A few of these
‘Anglo-Indians’, who should actually be known as Anglo-Africans, still reside
in AC Guards’ neighborhoods. These people keep distance from the Siddi
because they do not want to be considered as part of them. Neither do they
consider themselves as local Indians. They feel and behave as Europeans. They
are also considered by their neighbors as Indians of British descent. In fact,
some of these people told me that they are fully Europeans and do not have any
Indian forefathers. Some of their women told me they are born of British and
Portuguese parents and should not be called Anglo-Indians. However, their
African descent is physically visible. Anthropologists from the Central
University of Hyderabad who have conducted a survey of the area also agree
that they are not of Indian and British, but of African and British descent. The

140
‘Anglo-Indians’ of AC Guards are in some ways different from their Siddi
neighbors because they are influenced by European ways of life. Especially so,
in their dietary habits, they are liberal enough to eat Western dishes including
pork while living in a society where dietary norm are traditional and strict. They
wear European dresses, which is rare, especially among the women of
Hyderabad. They speak good English with a British accent. All of them are
Christians. They give due concern to education. Some claim that their relatives
live in London whom they have visited. An elderly lady, who claims Irish
descent, said she was in England three times. Another woman also told me that
she visited England. But after a close scrutiny I learnt that she meant Jamaica.
As far as the woman was concerned, there is no difference between England and
Jamaica, a country where English is spoken as a national language. Mrs.
Mildred Cotter claimed that her father, William Cotter, fought in both World
Wars and was awarded medals of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) and of
the Order of British India (OBI). She wants to go to England and settle there if
she gets institutions or individuals to sponsor her.

Once, I was present in a Catholic church, where both the Christian Siddi and
these ‘Anglo-Indians’ regularly attend the mass. The priest was teaching on the
need of evangelism. He gave examples of the many “courageous” European
missionaries who went to Africa. He said, “Anyone who goes to Africa knows
that after a couple of years he will be no more. Africa is infested with diseases,
malaria and cannibalism. Malaria kills nine out of ten missionaries in Africa. Its
climate is inhospitable. Despite such fatal threats many missionaries went to
Africa for the sake of the Gospel and sacrificed their lives”. The result of such
an inappropriate description of Africa in the hearing of Indians of African origin
is obvious. They conceal their African identity and claim to be someone else.
Some of them do not want to discuss issues related to their identity and
ancestors. While living in a society where one is evaluated by his/her descent, it
is unlikely for Indians of African origin not to suffer from public prejudice.
Thus, understandably, they claim to be Europeans instead. These people are few
of those Siddi who drifted away from their African community and culture and
claim to be British, Portuguese, Bahraini, Yemeni, Omani, Saudi Arabians,
Iraqi, or Indians.

141
This ambivalence of identity on the part of Christians of African origin leaves
them on the borderline of Siddi identity. No group identity can have a clear
demarcation between the insider and the outsider. There is always a gray area. If
the Siddi identity needs to be rated, one puts the Muslim Siddi first, then come
Christians of African origin, and last come ‘Anglo-Indians’. However, I abstain
from calling the ‘Anglo-Indians’ Siddi, because, for an ethnic group to be as
such, it should ascribe itself to that ethnic group and should also be ascribed by
others as being so. In the case of ‘Anglo-Indians’ none of them describes
himself/herself as a Siddi. Besides, no Siddi considers them as part of his/her
community. On the other hand, I did not want to cut them out altogether from
the discussion because they have African roots and are considered by some
researchers as Siddi. (The following diagram shows the ‘degree of Siddiness’ of
the three communities of African origin. Those African-Indians that fall in the
darker region are more Siddi than those who fall in the lighter-shaded region.)

Figure 3: degree of Siddiness

A B C

A = Muslims of African Origin (Siddi)

B= Christians of African Origin (Partially Siddi)
C= ‘Anglo-Indians’ (Rarely Siddi)

It is not known for certain whether the early African settlers were already
Muslims and Christians before they reached India. Those whose forefathers
came from Somalia and Zanzibar claim that they were already Muslims before
they came to India. On the other hand, some Siddi told me that their forefathers
used to worship “tribal deities” until they came to India and were converted to
Islam or Christianity by their masters and European missionaries. Although one
cannot say with utmost certainty, it could be possible that at least some indeed
came already as Muslims, especially those who came from Somalia and
Zanzibar.

142
 7. SOCIO - CULTURAL IDENTITY OF THE SIDDI

7.1. Marital Life

When a son or a daughter is considered ready for marriage the parents ask their
relatives and neighbors to suggest a suitable spouse. When they get a suggestion
they contact the parents of the would-be spouse regarding their intentions. If the
parents of the would-be spouses decide to go further, they fix a date to let the
boy’s parents see the girl in person at her parents’ house. She is not informed
about the purpose of the visit as it may damage her self-esteem if the parents of
the would-be husband do not approve of her looks or manners. If the parents of
the would-be bridegroom are happy with the girl after talking to her, they ask
her parents to give them some pictures of her which they would show to their
son and then return. These pictures help the boy to decide whether he might like
to marry the girl or not. In the past, it was not possible for a boy to know
anything about his would-be wife. This tradition is still kept among rural Siddi
communities. In some cases the man is allowed to see his proposed wife and
vice versa through a mirror only on the wedding day before they sign the
marriage contract or before the kazi approves it. In the past, and in some cases
still today, the married couple only see each other at the matrimonial bed just
before the marriage is consummated. However, since many men complain of
dissatisfaction with their first marriage they go for a second wife of their own
choice without divorcing the first one. This has resulted in discord in many
families. As a result, parents have relaxed the cultural rule and allow their sons
to at least see pictures of their would-be wives and to give their opinion on the
matter. Although the son is allowed, in principle, to give his final word there is
no single instance of a son rejecting a girl of his parents’ choice, which would
have been a great offence to the parents. This is one of the ways in which
children express their respect and reverence to their parents and the society.

Brothers and sisters normally marry following the sequence of their age. Young
boys are not supposed to marry before their elder brothers do. The same rule
works for sisters as well. A girl can marry before her elder brother marries but a
young man should not marry before his elder sister does. I have seen parents
rejecting and postponing a marriage proposal for their young daughters because

143
the elder sisters were not yet married. There are cases of tension between sisters
when a marriage proposal comes for the younger one before the elder is married.
The younger one, for whom a marriage proposal has come, considers her elder
sister to be standing in her way, and the elder one becomes jealous of her
younger sister’s chance. If a younger sister marries first it is believed that her
sister’s self image may be affected negatively. Moreover, the idea that the
community may consider her unattractive and unlovable is more worrying.
There are also boys who postpone their wedding until their elder brothers, who
probably have no job, find one and marry.

It is very important that a girl marries at her ‘marriageable age’, that is normally
between 15 and 21. If she exceeds the preferred age limit, it is possible that
people will consider her unattractive and may decline proposing for her. Both
the girl and her parents are worried if no suitable proposals come at her
‘acceptable age’. If no proposals are coming in due time, her chances to become
a second, third or even fourth wife of an elderly man are high, which is difficult
for both the girl and her parents to accept. The problem is aggravated if her
parents do not have enough money to pay the dowry. Parents are unwilling to let
their son marry a girl whose parents do not meet the financial requirements they
set. I have seen parents of a certain lady frequently asking, almost begging a
young man to marry their 32-year-old daughter. I was told that her sisters did
not talk to her anymore because they felt she was hindering their marriages as
well. Similarly, a young girl once asked me to convince my interpreter to marry
her. She was no more than 17 but she and her mother were already worried as
there were no proposals coming.

Unquestionably, a girl is expected to be a virgin until marriage. According to my

informants, there were no incidents of a girl being found to be otherwise. On the
other hand, it is not necessary that a boy should not have had premarital sexual
experience although it is generally appreciated if he has not. Most Siddi believe
that an educated woman does not make a good wife. This is part of the reason
why girls do not aspire to go more than primary education. My informant told
me that he would not have married his wife if she was educated. And he would
not have allowed her to work even if she was educated. He is convinced that an
economically independent woman can not be a good wife. Nowadays however,

144
some women are forced to work because of the extreme poverty of their families
or because of the husbands’ failure to secure jobs.

Some Siddi men believe that they can marry seven wives as long as they are
able to sustain the family. Practically however, only one Siddi actually has five
wives. Most husbands have either one or two wives. In cases of plural
marriages, most Siddi men are usually more attracted to their most recent wife
than to the first one. This preferential treatment of wives makes life more
difficult for the first wife. The reasons why most husband prefer the wife of the
recent marriage are many. First, the man’s first wife was his parents’ choice
while the recent one was most probably his own choice. Second, the recent one
is normally younger than the first wife. Third, the first wife may have two or
more children by the time the last one is married, and has little time to care for
herself and hence may not appear as attractive or charming as the recent one.
Fourth, the recently married wife is also more confident of herself and of her
relationship with her husband than the first wife because, she knows that her
husband married her by his own choice, unlike his first wife who was married to
him because his parents decided so. The recently married wife feels that she is
the most loved one which in turn may enhance her relationship with her
husband.

In polygynous families the wives live far from each other so as to be able to
effectively avoid one another. The half-brothers and half-sisters of such a
marriage visit each other though this also depends on the consent of the
stepmothers. But in some cases the wives live together in the same house. For
example, three wives of Abdullah bin Murjhan live in the same house while two
others live somewhere else.

Most Siddi do not think of limiting the number of their children. Such an
attempt is considered as an intervention in divine matters. If a married couple
does not have children it is highly possible that the husband will marry a second
and even a third wife just to have children, and in doing so, ensure Allah’s
blessing to the family. This actually happens irrespective of the family’s
financial position. But the younger Siddi are gradually yielding to modern
practices of contraception. This sudden change of attitude is mostly caused by
the fear of having more daughters than sons. Almost all Siddi parents, both

145
fathers and mothers, prefer to have sons rather than daughters, as it is financially
difficult to marry off daughters while sons can become sources of income for
their parents when they marry.

If a husband dies his wife can marry his elder brother or another closer relative
of the deceased but not his younger brother. If one’s wife dies he can marry her
younger sister or another closer relative but not her elder sister.

Divorce is very rare among the Siddi of AC Guards. If there is misunderstanding

between a husband and a wife the parents and close relatives of the former try to
resolve the problem. But if one insists on a divorce he/she goes to a chief kazi
and informs him of his/her decision. The kazi tries his best to save the marriage
but if divorce is a must, it takes place in the presence of both of them. They are
supposed to return a significant portion of the gifts they received from each
other, including the dowry and the material assets. In case of divorce the wife
takes the daughters while the husband takes the sons unless they are infants who
need their mother’s care.

The marriage months for Muslim Siddi are between July and October. But if one
must marry outside this culturally specified time he can do so, except in the first
twelve days of the month of Muharam.

7.1.1. Matrimony

In order to show the rituals of a Siddi wedding I take the wedding of Harun bin
Ahmed and his wife Samya Fatima as an example. A young lady who is a cousin
of Harun was living next door to the house of Samya’s parents. One day,
Samya’s mother told her that she was looking for a young man to marry her
daughter. Harun’s cousin told the lady that she had a cousin who could be a
suitable husband. She also spoke about this to Harun’s uncle, who had brought
him up since the death of Harun’s father. Then the parents met and discussed the
issue. The parents saw each other’s child and fixed the marriage date. Harun told
me he was convinced that his mother would get him a good wife18.

18
I asked Harun what a good wife is. He said a good wife is someone who does all the
housework and respects her in-laws.

146
The sanchaq and mehendi, which is a day when the hands of both the
bridegroom and the bride are anointed by henna, normally takes place a day
before the nikka. On the day of sanchaq and mehendi, Harun went to the house
of his future wife to present her and her parents with gifts. It was 8:00 in the
evening. The gifts were a gold necklace, four saris, a blouse, a handkerchief,
ponytails, hair clips, a coconut shell, sugar candy, dried dates, sandals, 1 kg rice,
sandal paste and powder for the face, some modern cosmetics, gunget (a head
covering of a bride), mehendi and henna for ointment, and betel leaves with
areca nuts for chewing. He also took a flower garland known as sehra for the
bride. Before the sehra was taken to the house of the bride’s parents, Harun’s
sister touched the foreheads of the elderly people with it and tied it on Harun’s
forehead for a while. Later on the sehra was given to the bride so that she would
wear it on the day of the nikka. The touching of the foreheads of the elderly
people with the sehra before tying it on the heads of the bridegroom and the
bride imbues it with the blessings of the elders and channel these to the bridal
couple by proxy.

The bridegroom was anointed with henna and so was the bride. His sister-in-law
washed his mouth sticking her fingers into his mouth using powder known as
missy. Some women were singing while others took out money from their
pockets and moved it around it on the head of the bridegroom before giving it
away to the singers. The rotating of the money on the head of the bridegroom is
believed to protect him from evil. The elders took betel leaves and touched the
feet, knees, shoulders and head of the bridegroom with them and put the leaves
back in front of his feet. This was also to bless the bridegroom and wish him all
the best. I was told that this ritual was completely African and there is no such
practice in the neighborhood except among the Siddi.

Harun’s face was completely covered by the bunch of flower garlands which his
relatives and close friends brought him. The more flower garlands a bridegroom
wears the higher his social status is among his community and vice versa.
Harun, accompanied by his friends, took all the flower garlands and the other
presents by taxi to the house of Samya’s parents. Four people received them at
the main entrance stretching a blanket so that Harun and his friends passed
under it.

147
Samya’s parents and close relatives were sitting cross-legged on the floor while
singing wedding songs. Samya’s family members anointed Harun and his
friends with sandalwood powder. Harun presented the gifts to Samya’s mother
who scrutinized each article to test its genuineness and worth. Some people gave
money to the singing ladies which the latter would share among themselves. The
expressionless Samya was made to wear one of the sari Harun brought her.
Samya’s sister washed Samiya’s mouth with missy powder sticking her fingers
inside the latter’s mouth and applied various types of powder to her face. She
also fed sweets and dates into her mouth because a bride is not supposed to eat
with her own hands. Samya was sitting in a separate tent from where Harun and
his friends were sitting because a bride and a groom should not see each other
before the nikka. Samya’s sister took a piece of cloth and sewed a small bag in
which she put two Rupees. She tied the bag on the bride’s left arm which would
be removed after the nikka and the money given to a certain durgha. Relatives,
friends and neighbors applied yellowish powder known as haldi on Samya’s
face and hands. They also took hold of the betel leaves lying in front of her with
both hands and crossed their hands to bless her by touching her feet, knees,
shoulders and head with them. They passed the leaves around her head twice or
three times before putting them back in front of her.

Samya was taken back to her inner chamber at 2:00 am in the morning and
Harun and his friends went back to his parents’ house accompanied by some
people from the bride’s. A blanket was stretched for them at the main gate of the
house to let the crowd pass under it like it was done at the house of the bride’s
parents. The ritual that was done at the bride’s house was repeated. People
blessed the bridegroom again touching his feet, knees, shoulders and head using
betel leaves with their crossed hands. There were women who sang Indian folk
songs for which many people gave them money. The sister of Abdullah bin
Mahboob was beating the big drum known as doll. The people of the bride were
served sweets and tea like Harun and his people were at the house of Samya’s
parents. The sister of the bride put a big flower garland on Harun’s neck, a
smaller garland known as sehra on his forehead, and another one known as
kangan on his right arm. She also anointed him with a face-brightening
yellowish powder known as haldi. Then she fed him some sugar with a spoon as
a gesture of wishing him sweet life. She blessed him with betel leaves and tied a
small bag of cloth that contained two Rupees on his left arm. The money inside

148
the bag would be given to a durgha of his choice after the wedding. Then there
was a game-like ritual performed between the bridegroom and his would-be
sister-in-law. Two people stretched a curtain-like cloth between the two so that
they should not see each other. A strip of cloth was tied over their eyes so that
neither could see what the other was doing. Harun hid one of his hands and she
had to find it. It took her quite some time before he let her find it. Then she
anointed the smallest finger of his right hand with henna. She wrapped his finger
with aluminium foil and held it while she asked him to give her 100 Rupees,
which he did. The wrapping of his finger with the aluminium foil was a sign of
purda ritual whereby women and men are excluded from each other. It is
considered immoral and adulterous for individuals of opposite sexes to hold
each others’ hands unless they are unmarriageable family members. Then the
people of the bride went back to their homes. This was the end of the sanchaq
and mehendi.

On the next day was the nikka ceremony. Early in the morning, Harun wore a
well-embroidered cap, a long coat and a crown made of shiny paper known as
topy, sherwani, and taj respectively. He was anointed with a Chinese-made
powder known as harash to brighten his otherwise dark face. He had to carry a
knife the whole day to protect him from the evil eye. He wore a specially made
garland known as badi which runs both on his back and front. His sehra, another
form of garland, was also bigger and more decorated with shiny papers than
what he wore for the sanchaq and mehendi. The elders took the sehra and
touched the wall of the house three times in the direction of Mecca to receive the
blessings from there. They also touched the forehead of each elderly person with
it before they let Harun wear it. The Siddi men suddenly started playing the daff
drums and dancing what they call Arab dance while women sang Indian folk
songs. Elderly people moved their hands twice or three times around his head as
a sign of blessing him. Harun sat next to his mother completely covered with a
heap of flowers.

It was time for Harun to go to the wedding hall where the nikka was to be held.
Only his elder brother accompanied him to the hall while most of the family
members stayed home to prepare food for the guests to come. His brother
carried Harun from the house to the taxi as he was not supposed to walk on his
wedding day. The parade from the house to the wedding hall is called barat. The

149
wedding hall and the taxi were decorated with flowers and shiny papers. Harun
arrived at the wedding hall at 8:00pm. He sat cross-legged on the floor together
with his brother and close friends. The bride was sitting the same way in the
women’s chamber. The kazi wrote the vow and witnessed when Harun and the
bride’s father exchanged the wedding gifts. Harun gave the bride 5000 Rupees
and the bride was asked how much she would give him. She agreed to give the
same amount of Rupees. The kazi wrote the amount of the gifts. The bride was
still in her chamber when the kazi asked her if she would agree to marry the
man. He asked her the same question three times to which she replied every time
“yes”. Both the bridegroom and the bride signed the certificate of marriage. The
kazi and close relatives of both the bride and the bridegroom did the same,
following the couple. The kazi let Harun and the father of the bride shake hands
and asked the former to promise the latter that he would take care of the bride in
all circumstances. Finally, he announced the marriage after he prayed and read
some verses of the Koran. It was time for the people to congratulate Harun by
hugging and kissing him on the shoulders. Harun still had the knife in his hand
which was a bit awkward when he hugged the people congratulating him, -
about two hundred of them.

The parents of the bride gave a banquet in the wedding hall. Men and women ate
in separate chambers as the custom dictates. The bride ate in her chamber with
her women relatives and close friends. Then her family members led the bride
into the hall where the bride and the bridegroom could see each other for the
first time through a mirror. She stood behind him while a lady held a mirror to
let them see each other. The bride was shy about seeing his face but the
bridegroom took a good look at her. This ritual of seeing one’s partner for the
first time is called juwla. In addition, Hamad’s cousin brought some pictures of
the bride and showed them to him. He showed his approval and satisfaction by
nodding. They did not show his picture to the bride as they did not deem it
necessary. After the nikka ceremony was finished the bride put off her clothes
and wore what the bridegroom bought her.

Then it was time for the parents of the bride to show both the dowry and the
dahes. The dowry is a financial gift of the parents of the bride to the bridegroom
while the dahes refers to the materials that a bride is expected to bring to her
new home. Samiya’s parents gave Harun an additional 5000 Rupees of dowry.

150
They also bought them several household items including a wardrobe, a bed, a
chest of drawers, and clothes and jewelry for their daughter. However, Harun
claimed that he did not receive any dowry. He believes that 5000 Rupees could
not be counted as a dowry, as it was too small. The newly married couple
received the blessings of the elders and went out to the taxi. Harun had to carry
the bride to the taxi because she was not supposed to walk on her wedding day.
He took her to his parents’ house where she was to live thereafter.

It was time for the suhag raat, the consummation of the marriage. The friends of
the bride took her to the bridal room where the bed was covered with bedcovers
of various colors. Both the bed and the floor were sprinkled with flowers of
various colors, mostly roses. The bride sat covered with a beautifully decorated
gown while waiting for the arrival of the groom. The shy groom was pushed
inside the room by his friends. Then he unveiled the bride and gave a good look
at her face for the first time while the bride was bowing down in shyness. Such
shyness is expected of her as looking directly at the face of a man does not show
good manners in a woman. In some cases brides do not look at their husbands
until two or three days after the marriage due to culturally imposed shyness.
Such culturally imposed tension between a married couple gradually subsides
and life goes on to normalcy.

On the next day, the married couple invited their parents, neighbors and close
friends for a dinner party known as walima. Walima is an invitation of the
married couple to their relatives and friends. It is important that this dinner
invitation takes place after the suhag raat. Through walima the couple announce
that every thing went well during the suhag raat and that they are happy for it.
Walima is a subtle way of informing the parents of the bride that their daughter
was found a virgin as was expected of her. Through walima the groom thanks
the parents of the bride and shows that he has no complaints whatsoever.
Through walima the parents of the bride demonstrate to the invited people that
they and their daughter did not disappoint the groom and his family. Many Siddi
were present for the dinner party even though some of them were not invited at
all. The couple were casually but nicely dressed. She wore one of the sari Harun
bought her. Her hands were beautifully decorated with henna. His hands were
also slightly decorated with the same material. Harun was sitting cross-legged
on the floor of the men’s chamber while Samiya was in the women’s section.

151
Harun’s mother was sitting beside Samiya. I was told that they would address
each other as daughter and mother hereafter. The guests kissed Harun’s
shoulder and gave him flower garlands. The food served was vegetable briyani
(rice with vegetables), dahi ka chakni (white curd), mirchi ka salen (chili curry),
and double ka mitha (very sweet cake for dessert). Both the bridegroom and the
bride were spoon fed by their friends.

Harun stood to have pictures taken with the invited people who were all
Muslims. Samiya was not part of this as women are not allowed to have pictures
taken openly. Some Siddi men wore his garlands for pictures. Harun came and
sat next to his wife after the walima and the photograph session was over. Her
face was covered so that no one could see her. Some elderly people came where
the couple sat to bless them by moving their hands around and breaking their
finger joints over the couple’s heads. The couple received these blessings
bowing their heads down. Some people took out money, revolved it a couple of
times or more on the heads of the couple and put it under their feet. The bride’s
sister gave her a watch while Harun’s two sisters gave the bride a gold ring and
a necklace of beads. Samiya wept when her parents departed, as the custom
demands, even if a bride does not feel like doing so. Then the Siddi danced what
they call Arab dance. Most of the songs were of typical African songs, the
meaning of which nobody knows. There were also some Indian popular songs.
Both married and young women danced. Those who were dancing forced others
to join them. Harun joined them but Samiya did not. A bride is expected to stay
calm on her bridal days. This was the end of the wedding.

One of the most difficult aspects of marriage among the Siddi is the inability of
most parents to pay the dowry19 requested for their daughters’ marriages. The
bride’s parents were expected to give the groom a minimum of 5000 Rupees in
addition to the dahes which is a gift in kind. The Siddi’s dowry could be
regarded as small if compared to the tens and hundreds of thousands of Rupees
that a well-to-do Hindu family pays for a dowry. However, a substantial number
of the Siddi are not able to pay this amount of money. As a result, some families
have real trouble to marry off their daughters. Some parents go to the length of

19
The Siddi practice the dowry system like their fellow Indians though they are not as strict
as the latter.

152
begging the proposing parents to take their daughters without paying the
estimated amount. The psychological tension that such a situation creates upon
the minds of young girls of poor families is not easy. There were some girls who
openly told me their frustration.

Some parents manage to marry off their daughters after promising the parents of
the groom that they would pay the dowry some time later. After the marriage
has been settled, the parents of the woman either may not want or are unable to
pay the promised dowry. This has resulted in many conflicts between the
married couple and their parents. If parents fail to pay the promised dowry, their
son-in-law harasses them by sending a warning that he will either divorce their
daughter or marry a second wife to compensate his financial loses. This situation
makes life difficult for the married woman. She goes on blaming her parents and
her lot. There are husbands who neglected their wives and children because of
the inability of parents of the wife to pay the promised dowry. Some children are
left to work for themselves at a very young age. The situation is more
problematic if the parents of the lady have more daughters to marry off. Unless
they pay the first dowry no one will marry their daughters who are still at home.
If the problem gets too bad, relatives participate to collect the estimated amount
and marry off the girls. But this leaves a bad mark on the family’s reputation
among the community.

7.1.2. ‘Illegitimate’ Romance and Sexuality

Romantic affairs occur among Siddi men and women which are not approved by
the cultural tradition. The strict observance of Islam, which allows no loophole
for the wayward to live otherwise, has created an underworld of moral
looseness. Like in many societies, the ideal and the actual Siddi norms of life are
entirely different. On the ideal level, the Siddi are strict and zealous Muslims
when it comes to sexual intimacies and relationships. One does not dare to talk
about sexual matters even with his/her closest friends. This is the area in which
every Siddi appears to abide by the utmost Islamic strictness. However, the
reality is not always in accordance with their ideals. Some Siddi men broke their
reserve and told me their private stories which they did not share even with their
best friends.

153
Sexual relations outside marriage are common among the Siddi though the
society is as strict as it can be. A certain young Siddi, whom I call Hussein, told
me that he had a romantic affair with the wife of his own closest friend, whom I
call Fatima. Though the husband was suspicious of his wife’s occasional strange
behavior he could not make any story out of it. Hussein sits some twenty metres
in front of Fatima’s house and waits until her husband, who is his own friend,
leaves for work. Then Fatima sends out all of her children and gives a sign to
Hussein to come into the house. In this way they loved each other for about ten
years. Hussein told me that he and Fatima love each other seriously. Fatima also
helps Hussein when he faces financial difficulties.

Hussein is still single though he is a decade older than his marriageable age. All
his friends including his younger brothers are married. Some of his friends make
fun of him in public saying that he is either a eunuch or an impotent. It is still
not clear why he did not marry. He claims that the reason why he is still single is
because his first love was married to a person living in Saudi Arabia and he has
not been able to love anyone else since she left, except Fatima. However, there
were indications that he has homosexual and psedophilic tendencies like some
Siddi men who are accused of the same thing. His employer told me that he is a
homosexual though he is married and has three children. He has a separate
house where he and Hussein gather a group of homosexual men every Thursday
evening claiming that they practice music. Hussein often kisses his brother’s
child on the mouth. Once, the child complained to his grandmother that his lips
swell as a result of the painful kisses he received from his uncle.

Another Siddi, whom I call here Ibrahim, also told me about his secret romance
with the wife of his Christian neighbor, whom I call Rebecca. Ibrahim is married
and has four children. His neighbors are Christians and have the same numbers
of children. Ibrahim says that his neighbor has neglected taking care of his wife
as a result of his excessive drinking. She felt abandoned. Ibrahim told me that he
has no love for his own wife. He said that he married his wife not because he
loved her but just to honor his parents who chose her for him. Ibrahim visits
Rebecca at her home when her husband goes to work and her children to school.
He is also accused of sexually abusing young girls and visiting commercial sex
workers which he did not deny.

154
Some men are working in Saudi Arabia, leaving behind their wives and children.
They visit their families once a year. In the meantime their wives become
involved in secret romances with other men of the community. In some cases the
hidden romance is a direct breach of the community’s incest taboo.

Divorce is rare among the Siddi. Although, in principle, it is possible to get a

divorce it is embarrassing to go to a kazi and ask him to allow a divorce. If a
relationship is not smooth between a husband and a wife it is possible that the
husband will abandon his wife without necessarily giving her the certificate of
divorce. There are some women in AC Guards whose husbands have either
abandoned them or made life unbearable for them so that they run away to their
parents. When a wife is abandoned by her husband she does not have the official
right to marry another man. She is still considered the wife of the man who has
already left her and married another one. While he is free to marry again, he
zealously watches that she does not have any secret affair with anybody, let
alone marriage. She must live with her parents or close relatives and be confined
to domestic affairs. She is not allowed to roam around the neighborhood except
together with close family members. If such a woman has children she is
economically at the mercy of her husband because she is not allowed to work
and finance herself.

7.1.3. Pregnancy and Birth

A pregnant woman is sent to her parents two months before the expected
delivery. She is not given any special attention except relief from heavy works.
After she gives birth she is given a soup of milk mixed with nuts known as
harira. Two or three days after the delivery she leaves the hospital and goes to
her parents’ house where she stays for more than forty days. A feast known as
chetti is given to relations and neighbors between the sixth and the twelfth day
after her delivery. However, it is better if the feast is given on the sixth day. If
the child is a boy the parents give each invited family a cake known as ladu. But
if it is a girl they distribute to each family a smaller size cake known as batasta.

155
7.2. Rites of Passage

There are several rites of passage from which no Siddi can exclude
himself/herself. Others are matters of individual choice, depending on the
religious and traditional strictness of the family and the individual. The
following initiation ceremonies are some of the most noteworthy ones.

7.2.1. Male Circumcision

Both Muslim and Christian Siddi men must be circumcised normally between
the ages of three to twelve. In the past, circumcision was done by barbers inside
the parents’ house. Nowadays most families have it done in hospitals. This right
of passage is known as katna. Elderly relatives, neighbors and friends are invited
during katna to witness the circumcision of a boy. When Zuber was
circumcised, the only circumcision I witnessed, he was made to sit on a clay pot
that was put upside down. Four people held the boy firmly, each holding either a
hand or a leg. The barber took out two sticks that look like Chinese chopsticks.
He pulled out the sheath of the penis and held it fast at its tip using the two
sticks. Then he cut the sheath from its bottom and applied ash on the sore to stop
it from bleeding. He moved the skin of the penis to and fro to protect the sheath
from coarseness. He broke an egg and inserted the penis inside it for about an
hour to cool the pain down. After the circumcision, he was made to wear a
decorated lunghi known as fathai especially made for such occasion and which
should not be taken off for the next forty days. On the fortieth day relatives and
friends would be invited for a feast known as chilla20. The feast depends on the
income of the parents. Normally, a goat is slaughtered and mutton briyani
(mutton with rice), dehi ki chekni (curd) double ka mitha (sweet), kurbani ka
mitha (a type of cake), fruit ka mitha (fruit salad) and various types of dishes
made of rice known as merehi ka salan, murgi ki briyani, and kurdu ki kir are
prepared. Chilla is mainly a women’s feast. But some closely related men could
be invited for dinner. The women make a bowl made of wheat flour in which
they keep a candle and powder as eyeliner. The guests take out some money and
give it to the child after rotating it on his head twice or thrice. Then they anoint

20
Chilla comes from the Urdu word challis which means forty.

156
their eyelashes with the powder. In the evening, the hijra21, a community of
transvestites, come to dance. The hijra are believed to be effective both when
they bless and curse. People are afraid of their curses. Therefore, they are given
a good deal of money and rice compared to other beggars. After the feast the
boy changes his clothes and starts wearing normal clothes. This marks the end of
the period of the boy’s initiation. There is no female circumcision among the
Siddi.

7.2.2. Bismillah

Siddi children are sent to mosques to study the Koran before they join modern
schools. Most Muslims learn how to read and write Koranic verses before they
read and write anything else. Among the Siddi it is expected of a child that
he/she says “bismillahi irrahman irrahim” before reading and, in some cases,
before writing anything. The first time that a Siddi child learns to utter
“bismillahi irrahman irrahim” is known as the child’s bismillah day. In case of a
male child, though not necessarily for everyone, the day is celebrated with
feasting and dancing. However, the celebration is not on the same day that the
child uttered the words. After the child sais “bismillahi irrahman irrahim”, a
convenient day is selected and preparations are made to feast with relations,
friends and neighbors. Bismillah feast has nothing to do with the mosques. The
child is neither taken there nor are clerics required for the occasion. The whole
event is a family issue and is celebrated in the house.

I observed the celebration of Ibrahim’s bismillah. Ibrahim, who was six years
old, was a grandson of Mrs. Sharifa Bi whose family I was closely attached to.
His bismillah was celebrated together with his younger sister’s second birthday.
The whole ceremony was arranged like a wedding. The clothes and the flower
garlands that the children wore, their henna-decorated hands, the journey from
their parents’ house to their grandparents’ house, the daff drums and
accompanying dances remind one of a typical Siddi wedding ceremony. They
had to be carried by their father from the house to the horse and later back to the
house, as happens during a wedding.

21
There is a hijra community in Hyderabad city. Some also come from Bombay and
elsewhere as travelling long distance is part of their culture.

157
Inside the compound of their grandparents’ house a tent of three sections locally
known as dera was pitched. The sections were for men, women, and children as
each group must eat separately. The tent was rented for 1000 Rupees ($ 20 U.S.
dollars) which is not a small amount of money compared to the income of the
family. Two pots of fifty and seventy litres capacity, which are known as
begona and degu respectively, were used to cook the rice for the feast. A sheep
was slaughtered and it was the men’s duty to cook the food while elderly women
cleaned the compound and wash the dishes. The dinner started at 7:00pm and
people ate in their own chambers. Some gave the children money revolving it on
the latter’s’ head. The photograph cession marked the end of the ceremony.
There were some Seyedi and Pathan Muslims for whom the bismillah feast is
totally unknown. They told me that they had never heard of such festivals and
never had one for themselves. They told me that the festival must be specific
only to the Siddi.

7.2.3. Hakikah

Hakikah is more common than bismillah among the Siddi. This is a day when
parents give alms known as zakat in the name of their child. Hakikah takes place
irrespective of the children’s gender. Zakat is one of the five pillars of Islamic
faith with which the devout express their faith in and to Allah. This day is also
celebrated in festivity. The extent of the celebration varies according to one’s
devotion and income. If parents can not afford to give a feast they slaughter a
goat and the meat is cut into seven equal portions to be shared among close
relations. Or it can be cut into three bigger portions: one portion is given to
neighbors, another to poor people, and the other is taken home. Additional meat
is bought to cook a meal and invite relations if the family can afford it. No one
needs to go to a mosque for the occasion because it is only a family event.
Normally, a daff party is summoned to sing and dance. Hakikah is a ceremony
whereby parents express their happiness and thankfulness to Allah to have the
child and in which parents formally welcome their child. If parents do not give
this feast in the name of their child it is assumed that the parents did not wish the
birth of the child. The child receives gifts from his parents and others on this
occasion. This ceremony is also common among non-Siddi Muslims of the
neighborhood. In fact, I have attended a ceremony of a Yemenite family whose

158
child was born in the U.S.. The feast was done in the absence of the child, when
his parents came to Hyderabad to visit their relations.

I was told that the hakikah can take place any time before marriage. Parents can
decide when to have it depending on the availability of money for the feast.
Salam bin Said, a Siddi of Irrum Manzil area, said his three daughters are 17, 15
and 14 years old and yet they did not have their hakikah yet. He said he will do
it sometime in the future. But it snow seems unlikely he will do it at all, because
he was in serious shortage of money to get his daughters married.

7.2.4. Hafis

A hafis is a person who is assumed to recite the whole Koran by heart and teach
others without any reading. Such people are highly respected among Muslim
societies and so among the Siddi. It is believed that there were several of them
during the times of the Prophet Mohammad. But their importance declined after
the Koran became available in a written form. Nowadays there is much talk
about a young Tanzanian boy who is believed to be a hafis from birth. They
believe that he knew the whole Koran when he was born although his parents
were Christians. It is said that his parents converted to Islam after they saw the
“miracle” of their child. The boy is no older than eight years. In fact, the Siddi
say he is only five. The boy travels around the whole of Tanzania escorted by a
huge armed police and military personnel to teach Islam by reciting Koranic
verses from memory. Recently, he visited Libya and Saudi Arabia, invited by
the leader and the king of the respective countries. Young teachers of Islam
brought video films of the teachings of this young boy and showed it to the
Siddi community, thinking that it would encourage their faith due to the African
connection. They were not mistaken. The Siddi believed that a new Siddi
prophet has come forth to restore “the old glory of Islam”. They felt encouraged
in themselves because they believed that Allah this time chose a Siddi to declare
the teachings of Islam. I saw the film together with other Siddi who were
watching it with much enthusiasm and emotion. In the film, the boy was
travelling from one Tanzanian city to another teaching tens of thousands of
people crowded into stadiums, and converting many to Islam. When people
convert to Islam they are brought forth to him, and he blesses them by laying his
hands on their heads. Simultaneously, each convert receives a new Muslim

159
name which “Allah gives him/her” through the mouth of the child hafis. The
emotion of the Siddi when they watch the film is comparable to the emotion of
the crowed who attended the actual meeting. There was much shouting, sobbing,
falling to the ground, and shaking of the body.

The Siddi wish their children to master the whole Koran by heart. Young Siddi
spend most of their childhood in mosques reciting the Koran although such
initiation has not yet succeed in producing a Siddi hafis from AC Guards.
However, I was shown a certain boy whom they said is a hafis. Non-Siddi
Muslims did not share the opinion. In general, Siddi boys spend a lot of their
energy and early lives in religious schools to become Siddi hafis.

7.3. Purda

The institutional separation of the genders among Islamic societies, unless they
are married or close relatives, is known as purda. This is mostly done by
excluding women from the public arena and compelling them to cover their
entire body by a black gown known as burqa, whenever they come out of their
domestic domain. Once a girl reaches puberty she is required to wear the burqa.
In some cases women also wear a face covering known as rehab and black
gloves to cover the hands. The violation of wearing the burqa is a serious public
offence that could result in severe corporal punishment. Men are not allowed to
see, talk to, or touch any nubile woman with whom they are not closely related.
Women, on the other hand, are not allowed to go out of their houses unless they
are accompanied by a male or an elderly family member. If Siddi parents can
not afford to send their daughters to private Islamic schools where wearing the
burqa is strictly observed, the girl is made to quit school. That is part of the
reason why the level of education among Siddi women is still very low, even by
Indian standards.

In general, the Siddi visit each other at their houses very rarely. This is to avoid
the danger of the guest’s possible eye-contact with the hosting opposite sex. If
one has to visit another at his/her house, first, he/she has to be a close relative of
the host. Second, if it is a man, he sits inside the men’s chamber which is
separated from the women’s by a curtain. Besides, he is expected not to look in
the direction of the women’s chamber, or at best, should sit facing the opposite

160
direction. Third, women should not appear in the men’s chamber until the guest
leaves. Serving the guest is done either by the husband himself or his sons.
Individuals of opposite sexes do not visit each other unless, of course, they are
non-marriageable family members. The same rule holds true for a woman guest
as well. She enters the house and passes through the main room to the women’s
chamber, which is mainly the kitchen or the bedroom. She is supposed to wear
the burqa when she enters the house and when she leaves. It is immoral for men
to show up in this section of the house while the guest is there. Normally, if one
wants to meet another, he/she goes to the house, stands at the gate and calls the
person who comes out to meet and talk with him/her. If both the visitor and the
host are men they can sit outside the house and talk. Especially in the summer,
one can see guests and hosts talking outside the house until late in the night. But
the same is not possible for women unless they are very old. Men can also make
appointments to talk to each other in the local teashops. Even close friends avoid
visiting each other in their houses once they are married for fear of eye-contact
with the opposite sex.

A curtain covers the main entrance of each house in AC Guards so that nobody
can see through when the door is open. This is to discourage the passer-by from
looking inside the house which might result in eye-contact with the opposite sex.
Windows are designed very close to the ceiling in such a way that they let air
and light through but do not allow people to see inside the house from outside.

Women apply much make up to their eyes, feet and hands possibly because
these are the only spots they could show to people. They also wear bangles of
various colors on their hands and feet, which are nicely decorated by henna.
They leave the tip of their long hair uncovered to show its length and beauty to
the would-be proposing parents.

Purda is strictly followed during public gatherings and feasts. When there is a
feast in which both men and women are invited, the sexes sit in separate
chambers and are not allowed to see each other. Usually, the separate chambers
of men and women are divided by canvas coverings or curtains. Even among
children, who normally eat in the same chamber, girls and boys eat at separate
tables so that they learn the purda rules from their early childhood. Adolescent
boys try their best to sit very close to the holes in the canvas so that they can see

161
girls through them. Once, I had an appointment with a certain Siddi family and I
took my interpreter with me. When we reached the house we found the door
open. I walked ahead of him and was about to enter the house, but he swiftly
stopped me and closed the door. Then he started knocking on the door. I asked
him why he closed the door which was already open and started to knock. He
told me that women could be sitting in the house and we must give them some
time to hide themselves lest we see each other. It is unbecoming of a young man
to violate the purda rule. Similarly, when I go to a certain house with a member
of the household, the person tells me to wait outside for a while and goes inside
the house to inform the women to hide themselves. It is only after the women
conceal themselves that I am allowed to enter the house. The purda22 rule is
expected to work for the stranger as it works for the ‘native’. When I tried to
take pictures of women I was prohibited several times to do so, directly violates
the purda rule. This was specially a problem during weddings where I was not
allowed photograph the bride and the wedding rituals in her home. It was not
possible to take pictures of women who were doing some activities of
importance except the very few pictures I got by chance. It was also not possible
to talk to women, to hear their opinions on some important issues. First, access
to women was difficult. Second, it was not possible to talk to a woman directly
and expect a response from her. When I asked a young woman a certain
question, either her husband or her brother or an elderly woman of the family
responded on her behalf. Since the women were completely covered during the
interview I could not see their facial expression from which I could have learnt
something about the issue under discussion. When I asked the names of family
members some Siddi men were not willing to tell the names of their female
family members because talking about the identity of a woman is considered
sensual and immoral.

I came to realize the extent of strictness of the Siddi on purda matters when one
day I was caught in the rain while walking in AC Guards. It started raining hard
while I was doing a house census. As usual, the men were out to work and only
women were at home. Many women saw me caught in the rain but they were
unable to invite me into their houses because it would have caused serious

22
The purda rule has made a lot of difficulties for me when I was doing my field research. I
broke the cultural taboo every now and then unknowingly.

162
damage to their reputation and relationship with their husbands and the
community at large. I had to stay outside and get soaked.

7.4. Economic Situation of the Siddi

The present Siddi are found at the lowest economic stratum of Indian society,
except those Siddi whose family members work in the Middle East. Historically
however, the Siddi were better off compared to many autochthonous Indians.
Before the Police Action, India was divided into several princely states and
Muslims who were of Persian, or Arab or Turkish or Afghan descent ruled most
of these kingdoms. The Siddi were the infantry, cavalry, and the naval armies of
those kings upon whom their rule depended. The Siddi were close to the
authorities, not only by their service but also by virtue of their common religion,
which meant a lot in those days. Though most Siddi were at the lowest level of
the states’ bureaucracy they were indeed above the bulk of Indian society, who
were nothing but subjects of the conquerors. The conquerors themselves were as
alien as the Siddi. Many Hindus saw both groups as one and the same. In the
past, the Siddi were better off in terms of both finance and status if compared to
several Hindu societies. They had their own domestic subjects who were directly
employed and paid by the State. Some of the Hindus who settled around AC
Guards were dhobi (people who make a living by washing clothes) whom the
government brought from as far as Rajastan to wash the clothes of its African
soldiers, clean their houses and their horses’ stables, and to fetch water for the
horses of the African cavalry. These people are still living behind AC Guards in
a place called Dhobi Ghat. They make their living by washing the clothes of the
neighborhood’s residents.

However, the present situation of the Siddi is sad, to say the least. Since the
Police Action of 1949-51, the army of the Nizam and all princely states have
been dissolved and power was taken over by the Indian Union Army after the
Nizam consented to surrender the State to the Union Army. The African Cavalry
of the Nizam’s army was also banned from military activities. The soldiers were
given a pension and made to retire. For the first time, the Siddi had to earn their
needs by themselves, a situation for which they were ill prepared. The Siddi
remained impoverished and unimproved through time while the living standards
of many Indian societies grew steadily. The early Siddi did not realize that

163
education was an important tool for the betterment life in the modern era. They
thought their children could live by daff music only. Therefore, they are still
poor while their Hindu neighbors lead a reasonably better life. The main factor
of their poverty is their lack of education and marketable skills, other than
marital arts for which there is very little demand. Young girls are not
encouraged to go to school because they know they will be forced to quit school
once they reach puberty. Even if they are allowed to pursue their education, they
know they will not be allowed to work once they are married. Moreover, those
who attended modern education joined schools whose medium of instruction is
Urdu language. The Siddi are both historically and emotionally attached to their
old vernacular, Urdu. Therefore, they are not ready to replace it in the schools
with English, which is thought to be too secular and alien. For the majority of
the Hindu population, Urdu is the language of India’s invaders and conquerors,
whose function in the official arena they would like to inhibit. Understandably,
it is hardly possible for a graduate of Urdu medium school to get a job.
However, the picture of the Christian Siddi is different from their Muslim
fellows. The Christian Siddi have smaller families and send their children to
English medium schools, irrespective of their sexes. Their women also work
outside the home without any restriction, enabling the family to earn sufficient
income.

As a result, Hindus have gradually taken over the dominant economic position
Muslims had in the past. On the other hand, Muslims feel that they are
deliberately and systematically excluded from the country’s economic
advantages by the Hindu majority government. The Siddi also do not blame
themselves for their economic depravity. They believe that they, as a part of
India’s general Muslim community, have been pushed out by Hindus from
sharing the economic benefits of their country. The following six categories
show the government’s allocation of job and education placements in order to
equitably share them among the vast and continuously growing Indian
population. In a country where resources are meagre, it is difficult to share them
equally among multitudes who desperately need them. Such sharing of
opportunities, like the one given below, is not without criticisms.

164
 1. General: 5% (This is an open category that every Indian is allowed to
participate in, irrespective of social class. Eligibility for these
opportunities depends on a person’s achievements.)
2. Scheduled Tribes23: 15% (People groups who still live in remote areas and
whose life is said to be at a survival level. Scheduled Tribes are out of
India’s cast classification system.)
3. Scheduled Casts: 35% (Low-level cast groups who live by low-income
services)
4. Backward Classes: 25% (People groups who were given very little
attention by previous governments though they live in and around cities)
5. Minorities: 5% (Minority religious groups, mainly Christians and
Muslims)
6. Others: 15%

The Siddi believe the above-mentioned strategy is devised by the Hindu

majority government to systematically prevent Muslims from getting their due
share of the country’s economy. The Siddi say that they are unfairly made to
share the 5% seats of minority groups together with Christians though they
(Muslims) constitute a considerable number of the Indian population. The Siddi
complain that Christians take most of the 5% minority seats that both groups are
made to share because Christians are more educated and competitive than
Muslims due to European missionaries’ activities among them. Besides,
Christians are found in all the other categories and can benefit from them as
well, whereas the Siddi need either to be the best competitors to win the 5%
seats of the general category, which they are not, or share minority seats
together with many other minority groups. The Siddi realize that they are on the
losing side. They feel that they should have been given the privileges given to
‘scheduled tribes and casts’ and ‘backward classes’. However, the government
sees the situation otherwise. The government believes that Muslims have been
ruling the country for centuries in the past and there is no reason that they
should be considered as underprivileged classes. Muslims are believed to have
amassed wealth during their time of rule since all benefits and opportunities of

23
The question of the meanings of commonly used phrases, like, “scheduled tribes, scheduled
casts, backward classes, and minorities” or who is so labelled and why are not definitively
settled.

165
the county were in their hands. But most Muslims did not send their children to
secular schools by then because they did not consider modern education vital.
This is more so among the Siddi who followed the lifestyles of their masters. As
a result, their children were not academically ready for modern life by the time
power slipped out of their hands.

Globalisation has aggravated their economic misery. The IMF and the World
Bank, through their policies of privatisation and structural adjustment have
exerted an unbearable pressure on the Indian government to lay off many
workers and to refrain from subsidizing domestic products. This has directly
affected the poor section of Indian society, including the Siddi. India’s huge
state-owned enterprises were sold to multinational companies which resulted in
huge layoffs of the work force, including the Siddi. Until recently, India’s
cottage industries used to employ a huge number of people. The continuous
modernization of these small-scale industries has led to the use of heavy
machinery instead of human labor. This again resulted in a considerable layoffs
of which the Siddi were part.

The city of Hyderabad is known for its fast growth in computer technology,
which has enabled it to win the name Cyberabad. Hyderabad sends young IT
engineers to many countries every year. Companies have computerized their
services, which has led them to reduce their manpower. In addition, the
terrorists’ attack on the United States on September 11, 2001 and the subsequent
global economic slowdown has hit the Indian IT industry hard. India’s IT
engineers were the new powerhouses of the nation’s economic transaction that
generate several new job sectors. Since the collapse of India’s IT industry, these
engineers, who could have given jobs both to the elite and the non-literate,
including the Siddi, are sitting idle in cafes and restaurants of the nation’s big
cities.

Since the Muslim versus Hindu conflict of Gujarat, the seat of most of India’s
industries, the entire nation’s economy was radically altered. Several companies
came to a halt, at least for a period of time, which led to the loss of jobs not only
in Gujarat but also across the country. It was the wage laborers, including the
Siddi, who were mostly affected. Besides, the continuous conflict and hatred

166
between Muslims and Hindus in Hyderabad left the former unable to apply for
jobs whose employers are Hindus.

Many Siddi own small shops of various articles, groceries, pun (chewable
tobacco) shops, teashops, small restaurants, butcheries and bakeries. Some are
taxi drivers, barbers, grave diggers (a job which they are ashamed to talk about),
plumbers, electricians, private cooks, hairdresers and mehendi designers
(decorating women’s hands with henna), and a few are beggars. During
sankranti24 day Siddi men produce and sell kites for both Muslims and Hindus.
They make good money for the present. A considerable number of them own or
are employed by the Siddi music bands known as daff party. Some are amateur
photographers and video cameramen. One family owns a high school while
another has an Internet cafe. A few are employed in government positions as
military and police personnel, office clerks, nurses, and drivers. Some are
employed in private enterprises as guards, massages, and messengers. A few
young men who have skills in cricket or hockey are permanently employed by
the nation’s bank, railway, post office, and other departments to play on their
sport teams.

Their economic position is more aggravated by their culture which is not suited
to modern life and its demands. Unlike their Hindu counterparts, Siddi women,
who are more than half of the total population, are rarely allowed to work
outside the house. They could have substantially contributed to the ailing
income of Siddi households. Since Hindu women are well-educated and are
allowed to work, they share the available vacancies and have become a
competent labor force. By contrast, if a Siddi wife is obliged to work due to her
husband’s inability to secure a job, the family is bound to discord. She is
considered to be a wife of a man who is unable to feed her. The husband feels
that he has fallen below society’s expectations. This psychological trauma leads
the couple to discord.

In addition, early marriages, which lead to the procurement of several children

affect the Siddi economy negatively. The Siddi have bigger family size than

24
Sankranti is a ceremony of kite flying which takes place in the month of January to
celebrate the harvest season.

167
Hindus because they believe that the procurement of children is a divine
blessing. Consequently, most families do not attempt to practice family
planning. An attempt to limit the size of one’s family is considered an
intervention in divine matters. As a result, a Siddi father has more mouths to
feed from his meagre income than the average Hindu father. For example,
Abdullah bin Murjhan, who has twenty-eight children and five wives, does not
have a permanent job other than the daff party (traditional music band of the
Siddi) he owns. He is expected to feed at least 34 mouths, including his own.
Similarly, Mujahidin Mamu, who is better known as Bill Clinton, has three
wives and several children but no job to sustain his family. Mr. Bill Clinton has
never bothered to work because his father did not want him to. His father
promised to provide whatever his son and his family needed, for which reason
he earned the name Bill Clinton. (People gave him this name because they
thought he leads a luxurious life due to his father’s financial assistance.)
Unfortunately, his father died. The unfortunate Bill Clinton was not prepared for
any job as he has no education or skills. Therefore, his family is in great distress
to the extent that his wives are forced to look for jobs! Ashamed of seeing either
his wives or children, Bill Clinton decided not to go home. He lives inside one
of the mosques of AC Guards.

One of the reasons why the Siddi do not practice family planning is because, as
parts of the Musilm community, they want to increase their size so that they will
have enough power-base to share power with Hindus equitably. The Siddi very
much resent that the kings whom they served with at most dedication handed
over power to Hindus whom they consider responsible for their present
degradation. Therefore, they want to reverse the political drama by procuring
several children until their position in India changes from a minority to a
majority. The official size of Muslims in India is 20% of the entire population.
But the Siddi do not agree with this figure. They believe that this statistic shows
the deliberate attempt of the Hindu majority government to belittle the size and
influence of Muslims. They believe they are double the size of the government’s
figure.

In traditional India occupations are assigned based on cast memberships.

Different casts have different jobs and one’s job speaks of the cast group he
belongs to. Although much of India has changed tremendously in recent times,

168
the Siddi and many other communities are still traditional in several respects.
Some Siddi could carry out the small available jobs inside the community, like
selling vegetables on a rickshaw. But they are afraid that engaging in such kinds
of work may discredit them among the community; and outsiders may consider
them to be members of cast groups that engage in such kinds of activities.

The following is a letter sent to me by a Siddi woman whose husband died. For
the sake of anonymity, I call her Zeineba here. Her daughter was married but her
husband abandoned her and married other three wives. The young girl, a mother
of two boys, decided to commit suicide. But her mother, Mrs. Zeineba,
intervened and saved her life, promising to help her bring up the children. But
she herself has no job or means of income to provide for the children’s needs.
Therefore, she sent me this letter of request for help. It was written in English
and I wrote it down here exactly the way it originally was, except my usage of
pseudonyms.

To:
Sir,
I am Mrs. Zeineba Begum wife of late Mr. Hassan My daughter is divorcee. It is very
difficult for me to run the house. I am unable to pay the fees for my grandchildren who are
studying in Rock Memorial School class I and II. So, Sir, I kindly request you to grant me my
request. Till now I did not buy nor the book neither paid the fees. Please sir help me in my
need. May God bless you Sir.
Thanking you.
Yours faithfully

The pressure that dowry exerts on the Siddi’s economy is not easy. A Siddi
father who has many daughters gives out all or most of his savings, if he has
any, to his sons-in-law in the form of a dowry when his daughters marry. If the
father dies or is unable to work for some reasons the family ends up in real
tragedy. I know of a family who makes a living by begging due to the death of
the family head. I have also seen an old lady of 82 who sold her house to pay for
the dowries of her six married daughters because her sons-in-law insisted her so.

Many Siddi are unwilling to look for jobs outside Hyderabad, even though they
know they could get jobs if they go somewhere else. They prefer their present
condition to living far away from where their ancestors lived and died. AC

169
Guards is part of the Siddi’s history and heritage and leaving it is not possible
without much emotional distress. They are afraid that, in doing so, they may be
cut away from their roots.

7.5. Sport, Games and Leisure

The African community of India is known for its skill in sports. The Siddi of
Hyderabad are not any different in this regard. They are seriously concerned
about physical prowess and athletic skills. The Times of India News Service
(June 18, 2001) describes the significant place sport has had among AC Guards’
Siddi community. “Popularly known as Siddis, these one time warriors represent
Black Power in Hyderabad. The AC Guards’ personnel, endowed with a natural
athletic physique and tremendous stamina, attracted the attention of their
Commanding Officer Col Amir Ahmed, a great hockey enthusiast and player.
With the sincere patronage of the Nizam, Col Amir Ahmed acquired a piece of
land at Masab Tank to enable the AC Guards’ personnel to practice. He
employed KD Abdul Gafoor, one of the best hockey coaches available at the
time to build a strong team. Gradually, the game picked up momentum and very
soon every youngster took to the sport. They used to steal curved pieces of wood
from the local timber depots and improvised them as hockey sticks. And as job
prospects in the Nizam’s army were on offer, there was no looking back for the
‘Siddis’. Many players of repute such as Mohamed bin Mubarak, Faziullah,
Syed bin Ahmed (nicknamed Jamedor), Rolland Francis and Abdullah bin
Yakoob who played for Hyderabad State and also worked as coach for Osmania
University, shot into fame. They donned State colors and a few of them –
Mohammed bin Hasan, popularly as Mohammed Senior – and Mohammed
Junior made it to the international arena. The Andhra Pradesh Police joined the
bandwagon and recruited some of the players. Mohammed Senior, a left-half
represented the army and Hyderabad State from 1950-’64 and led the State team
twice during that period. He attended the Indian camp twice and the pre-
Olympic camp for the Rome Olympics. His junior partner-in-crime played for
Mohun Bagan and Mohammedan sporting Club in Calcutta. Mohammed Jr. led
the State team to Belgium and France and later went on to become the State
coach in the ’84 Nationals. Appearance can be sometimes deceptive if one takes
the 52-year-old Abdullah bin Mahboob, better known as Abbu. He now weighs
more than 200kg, a good 100kg more than what he had weighed in his day.

170
Recalls former state player and coach, Narender Pal Singh: ‘I remember Abbu
mia very well. Despite his weight, he was extremely fast and used to catch his
rivals on the wrong foot.’ Today, there are a number of Siddi hockey players
representing many institutions in the city, Osman bin Abdullah being the best
possible example, but that insatiable desire to excel on the field is somehow
missing.”

Almost every Siddi man is engaged in some kind of sporting activity at least
sometime in his lifetime. Women do not take part in sporting activities except
during their childhood. Among the many sports of the Siddi hockey, cricket,
wrestling and boxing are the most loved ones. The Siddi also are fond of playing
dominos, cards, and local games known as gili-dandul, chikur bitta, and gileri-
mufeli. Gili-dandul and gileri-mufeli are mainly played by young Siddi boys and
girls respectively, while chikur bitta is played by both sexes. Gili-dandul is
played using two sticks, one smaller and the other bigger one. The smaller stick,
which is called gili (about 16cms in length), is sharpened on both ends. The
other stick which is known as dandul (about 50 cms in length) is used to kick the
gili. Only two boys can play the game at a time. Each boy needs a dandul and a
gili to play the game. One player splinters the gili by beating it at its sharpened
end using a dandul. When the gili splinters high he beats it again using the
dandul to send it as far as he can. Then the second boy is expected to do the
same and win more territory starting from where the gili lies. The one who gains
more territory wins the match. Chikur bitta or chikur billa25 is mostly played by
young girls. They play chikur bitta using one of their feet to kick a small stone
across lines drawn on the ground. The one who plays longer without stepping on
the lines and letting the stone lie on the lines wins the game. Gilieri-mufeli is
also played by young girls. Two girls are needed to play this game. They need to
make a circle of a metre and half in diameter on the ground. One stands inside
the circle holding a stone while the other stands behind her. The first girl shouts
gileri! And the one at the back responds saying mufeli! After they shouted three
times the first girl throws the stone backwards and the second girl tries to catch
the stone before it falls on the ground. If she fails to catch the stone she is
expected to kick it back to the circle while hopping on one foot. If the second

25
It is a game similar to what is known as segno-maksegno in Ethiopia.

171
girl catches the stone or kicks it back into the circle, she takes the place of the
first girl. In this way the two girls play the game interchangeably.

One can say that football is not familiar to the Muslim Siddi while it is quiet
common among the Christian Siddi. The church has a football playing ground
inside its compound where young Christian Siddi play together with their non-
Siddi Christian friends.

In the past, as the name African Cavalry Guards indicates, the Siddi were trained
by the British in horse racing and other skills pertaining to equestrianism.
However, these skills are gone together with the abolition of the Nizam dynasty.
The Siddi are no longer engaged in any kind of equestrian activity since they
were banned from the military after the country’s independence. Nowadays, the
former stable of the Nizam’s cavalry army, where the Siddi were stationed, has
become a private horse-riding club which has nothing to do with the Siddi.
Though many Siddi are engaged at least in one kind of sporting activity, they
have lost the ambition of their predecessors to excel in the field. Sport has
become simply a tradition to follow. Some three or four decades ago the Siddi
represented the Andhra Pradesh State in national hockey tournaments. In fact,
some represented their country in international tournaments. Nowadays, the
Siddi of Hyderabad have lost the will to triumph in national contests. There are
Indians of African descent playing in India’s national hockey and cricket teams
but no one among them is from Hyderabad. Every morning at 6:00 am and every
evening at 6:00 pm the Siddi practice on their own hockey field, which is called
Bilal Habshi Hockey Ground. Hindus do not go to this field for fear of
provoking conflict. The Siddi of AC Guards have at least four teams of their
own.

1. AC Guards’ Welfare Association (This team is among the State’s top level or
first league teams which are ranked as A1. Mostly, players from bank, the
police, the railway and the post office play in the first league. The Siddi
hockey team is strong enough to be numbered among them.)
2. Mohammedans Sporting (This is a sporting club that is only for Muslims. It
has several teams across the country. It has a branch office in AC Guards and
a hockey team composed solely of the Siddi.)

172
3. AC Guards XI (This is a second league team whose players are under the age
of 16.)
4. Rising Star (This is also the same as AC Guards XI.)

The strongest team of the Siddi of Hyderabad is AC Guards’ Welfare

Association. This team participated in the State’s tournament when I was doing
my field research. I watched a couple of their matches. The Siddi won both
matches 9-4 and 6-2. Their performance was promising and it seemed likely that
they would qualify for the final match. The team is owned and financed by
Kaleed Abdullah who is believed to be a Siddi of Ethiopian origin.

The Siddi are also fond of wrestling and boxing. When young Siddi come to
visit me they want to watch wrestling and boxing matches on television. Once,
there was a match between the American Mike Tyson and the British Lennox
Lewis, which was transmitted live at 5:00 in the morning. A young Siddi
knocked at my hotel room and woke me up. He asked me if he could watch the
match in my room. He had come walking from his house just to watch the
match. As a devoted fan of Mike Tyson, he was disappointed when Tyson
quickly lost the match to Lennox Lewis. He also showed me the several
newspaper articles on boxing and wrestling which he had collected for several
years. Though he does not read English, he was happy to collect newspaper
articles about Mohammad Ali, Mike Tyson, Evander Holifield, Lennox Lewis
and other African-American boxers. Mohammad Ali and his daughter Ayisha
Ali of United States are highly respected because they are Muslim boxers and
are considered Siddi. This is especially so among the elderly Siddi generation,
who grew up watching Mohammad Ali’s fights.

In the past, the Siddi used to give a lot of attention to fighting contests.
Mohammad bin Farzullah, who claims to be 110 years old, and his deceased
friends used to be the icons of AC Guards’ fighting tradition. Nowadays, due to
the decline of interest in the sport among Indians, the Siddi are unable to keep
their tradition intact. Besides, the Siddi’s traditional wrestling, their sword-fight
known as tulvar, and their dances on flames of fire are prohibited by the
government since they are extremely dangerous and even fatal. Some did, in
fact, suffer permanent physical injury as a result of their daring sporting
activities. Abdullah bin Mahboob is best known for the tulvar game.

173
The average Siddi is physically strong and well built. Though they look like
Indians in their complexion and hair, they are different in their physical stature.
Their dietary habits might have contributed to their well-developed physiques.
The Siddi, unlike Hindus and many Muslims of Indian origin, are fond of eating
meat. Eating itself is highly encouraged. Some Siddi men proudly speak of their
ability to eat an amount of food that normally three Indians would find difficult
to finish.

The Siddi have a gym of their own known as risala habush which I was told
means “blacks of Abyssinia”. It has two rooms but no equipment other than four
iron posts and one weight which was made by the Siddi themselves using
cement. The posts are used for various kinds of sporting activities. The front
room is about 35 square metres wide and the inner room is only 12 square
metres. The inner room, which lacks ventilation and light, is filled with loamy
soil half a meter deep. There is a hoe inside the room that is used to make the
soil soft before a contest takes place. They also sprinkle water on the soil to
soften it. The soil is meant to keep the wrestlers from injuries during fighting
contests. Nowadays, the gym is mostly locked because very few go there. I
know only of Javeed and his five brothers who constantly visit this gym while
most others go to modern gyms. It seems the youngsters have lost the motivation
to pursue the sporting tradition. Part of the reason could also be that there are no
equipments to work with and meager financial prospects.

Since many Siddi are unemployed they have ample leisure during the day. “Pass
time” is the English catch phrase they use to refer to their leisure. When I ask
young boys what they are doing they reply “pass time”, meaning they are not
engaged in anything serious. Several hours of the day are spent chewing a local
tobacco known as pun. Most Siddi men and women are addicted to pun
chewing. There are two varieties of pun: one is simply known as pun whereas
the other is called mitha pun (or sweet pun). The first one, which is favored by
most Siddi, has ingredients locally known as zerda, chunna, and katta. Zerda is
a type of tobacco and chunna is a mouth-refreshing plant. Katta could be a
variety of kat species but it is different from the kat I know in Ethiopia. The
second type, or mitha pun, has ingredients known as harewa, kobra, soff,
bergum, ileichi, supiari (also known as charia) in it. The ingredients include
various types of mouth-refreshing spices and sweets. The ingredients are rolled

174
into a leaf of a local plant. The pun is chewed like kat. The Siddi say that pun
relaxes one’s mood especially if taken after lunch or dinner. After chewing pun
they go to Ahmed’s teashop and engage in long discussions, mainly about
religion and politics.

Young men play dominos and cards almost every day. Usually, the games
involve money and may end up in quarrels. Even those who claim Arab origin
join the Siddi in these games leaving behind their alleged differences. There are
two specific locations in AC Guards where the Siddi play dominos and cards,
which are secluded from view. It seems that they are not free to play these
games openly because gambling is prohibited among many Islamic societies,
including theirs. They felt ashamed when I saw them playing and some stopped
playing.

Film watching is very regular among many Siddi and some occasionally go to
the cinemas. Especially women and children, spend a substantial portion of the
day watching at least a couple of Indian films on television. Interestingly,
Christian Siddi watch English channels, Hindus watch Telugu channels and
Muslim Siddi watch Urdu channels, thereby showing their different interests and
identifications.

During the summer, many people spend the daytime hours sleeping outside
under the shade of a house or a tree, if they did not have some kind of work. In
the evening, family members and friends sit outside the house and spend hours
chatting, drinking suleymani tea, smoking cigarettes, and chewing pun at the
same time. Girls spend not a little time decorating their hands and feet with
henna. Family members go to Lumbini Park, named after the birthplace of Lord
Buddha, and relax until late at night, chatting in the mist of Hussein Sagar Lake.
Some Siddi have made it their habit to visit the local liqour houses where
women ferment and sell coconut wine. Few Siddi women bring the liqours home
to drink. These Siddi claim that their ancestors drank coconut wine when they
were in Africa and that they want to continue the tradition. However, these
liqour houses are banned by the government because their local beverages are
not hygienically well attested.

175
Jokes are other means of spending free time. The Siddi are generally known for
humor although some non-Siddi Muslims consider that Siddi jokes obscene.
Most of the joking is about peoples’ contra-norm behaviors. The person who
cracks the most “obscene” joke is considered the funniest. Even elderly people
join the youngsters when it comes to joking. The alleged dirtiness of a certain
man was often the reason for laughter. They said he washed only once in every
three months. If it is true, given the heat of India’s summer, this could really be
unacceptable. As a result of the many jokes on his alleged dirtiness, people
stopped eating in his small teashop. Afraid of his business’s decline, the man
repeatedly invited me to eat for free in his restaurant. It seems that he wanted to
show his critics that, contrary to their insult, even tourists would like to eat in his
restaurant. Another target of sarcasm is a certain black lady whose both parents
are of African origin, with no ‘racial’ mixture with Indians or others. Therefore,
she has a darker complexion than most Siddi and her hair is woolly like those of
black Africans. Young boys sarcastically call her by the name of Aishwarya Rai.
Aishwarya Rai is India’s beauty queen and a famous actress who recently won
the Miss. World beauty pageant. By calling her by the name of India’s beauty
queen the boys were mocking at her looks.

176
 8. SIDDI ETHNIC IDENTITY

The preceding chapter describes the socio-cultural identity of the Siddi. The
socio-cultural identity of a people is concerned with the study of their culture
and norms of life without comparing or contrasting it with those of other similar
or different people groups. It is a description of the ways of life of a given
people per se. In contrast, the ethnic identity of a people implies the presence of
another people group with which their identity is compared, contrasted, or both.
The study of ethnic identity mainly deals with the study of the ‘we’/’they’
dichotomization of people groups, their identity symbols, and the boundary
maintaining mechanisms that are used by the people to differentiate and distance
themselves from culturally labelled ‘others’. Such culturally created ‘we’/’they’
dichotomization of people groups should be studied both from the ‘etic’ and
‘emic’ points of view.

A community of people is said to be an ethnic group when the people consider

themselves as such and are also considered so by others. This implies the
presence of some other people groups from which the former differentiates itself
and is differentiated by. The study of ethnic identity is possible because,
obviously, no society lives in complete isolation from others. Therefore, the
study of a certain community should involve, first, the treatment of the socio-
cultural aspects of that community independently, and without comparing and
contrasting it with the traditions of another community or communities. Second,
the community should also be seen from the perspective of others’ ways of life,
which brings us to the study of the ethnic identity of a given people. In this
study, the socio-cultural identity of the Siddi is discussed in the preceding
chapter. This chapter is devoted to discussing their ethnic identity. I have
selected some cultural elements which the Siddi believe they have in common
and are markers of their ethnic identity. These elements26 of culture are also
used as boundary markers to differentiate themselves from other groups of
people.

26
These cultural elements are not the only identity markers of the Siddi but by and large they
are the most noteworthy.

177
8.1. Common Geographic Origin

The immigrant Siddi came from various African countries and at different
intervals of time. Some interrupted their journey in other countries and even
stayed many years there before they arrived in India. Some came to India from
Somalia and Zanzibar via Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Bahrain, Oman, Iraq, and
Pakistan. They lived in those countries for a considerable time working mainly
in port cities. They and their children spoke Arabic and naturalized themselves
to the culture and the country of their transit, which led to the wrong assumption
that they were originally from those countries. Moreover, since their arrival in
India the Siddi have lived and worked with other Arab immigrants to such an
extent that they were considered as landsmen and assimilated by the latter. The
following dialogue, which I had with my informant, shows the ambivalence of
Siddi identity.
Researcher: Are you Siddi?
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you African?
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Indian?27
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Bin?28
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Somali?
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Habshi?29
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Arab?
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Negro?30
27
If I ask the Siddi whether they feel they are Indians or Africans some say they are Indians
while others say they are Africans.
28
Bin, which means “son of”, is used in Siddi naming, like Mohammad bin Hussein. This is
one of the things that they have in common with their Arab colleagues. The Siddi are proud to
introduce themselves as bin which means “I am Arab, or at least, Arab-like”.
29
This refers to a Siddi of African origin and not necessarily to a Siddi of Ethiopian origin.

178
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Yemeni?
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Black?
Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Chaush?31
Informant: Yes.

Very few Siddi know for certain which part of Africa their forefathers came
from. But those Siddi whose origin is Somaila know precisely not only which
country their ancestors came from but to which specific clan they belonged. Mr
Abdullah, a Siddi of Somali origin of Haberyenus clan, narrated his descent as
Abdullah bin Mohammad bin Hassan bin Farah bin Ismail bin Abdullah bin
Osman bin Shire bin Shirdon bin Abane bin Burare. Another Somali, who
belongs to the Sayed Garhagis clan, said he was Omar bin Ali bin Hassan bin
Qothah bin Fahiye bin Guled bin Mah bin Belle bin Ugadyan bin All bin Musse
bin Ismail bin Are.
Mr. Mohamood bin Farzullah knows that his father came from Zanzibar. It is
easier for him to know his origin because it was his father who was the
immigrant, unlike others whose family have been in India for three to seven
generations. Mr. Feroz bin Abdullah, another Siddi of Zanzibari origin, told me
that his father used to greet with his friends with:
Jambo Sana (one greets his colleague)
Khaber ghani, or Khaber ingema (the other responds)

Some of my friends told me that sometimes they sit together and fantasize about
Africa. They talk to each other about how much better their lives would have
been if their ancestors had not made the “wrong” decision of immigrating to
India. They feel that their lives would have been better in Africa because they

30
This word is not at all derogatory among the Siddi. They are proud to call themselves
Negroes as they are proud to call themselves Arabs. It is widely used in India by the Siddi
themselves and others.
31
Chaush is a name given to the Yemeni communities living in Hyderabad. They are proud to
call themselves Chaush. I was told that the word is used to denote mercenary soldiers, some
of whom belonged to the Yemeni community. The Siddi like to be regarded as Chaush, like
their Yemeni neighbors.

179
would not have been strangers there. Some Siddi whose physical features reveal
their African ancestral connection wish to emigrate to Africa if they can find
sponsors to help them. However, most Siddi do not entertain such a dream. In
fact, most are content with being Indians, despite their many problems. Though
the sense of ambivalence, a feeling of belonging neither here nor there,
characterizes Siddi life, the African element is still preserved in some respects.
In physical appearance, social customs or individual idiosyncrasies, the African
heritage becomes apparent. That is why the Siddi still consider themselves and
are considered by others as an African community, although some do attempt to
drift away and develop other identities.

8.2. Common History and Tradition

The Siddi of Hyderabad are further bonded by common history and traditions.
The experiences they and their forefathers have had since they left their country
of origin have been similar if not the same. In addition, the historical incidents
they encountered in India and their individual experiences have been more or
less the same. First, there was the ‘push factor’ in their countries of origin,
which led them to leave home and search better life in a ‘strange’ culture and
society. Some were victims of slavery, drought, famine, war, poverty, and
similar environmental or social problems. Situations in the home countries were
disagreeable for some of the emigrants, forcing them to look for a better life
elsewhere. Probably, the situation was similar to what is happening in many
African countries nowadays. It is still the case in Africa today that many aspire
to leave that continent in search of a better life abroad. Second, like many targets
of immigration, India had its own ‘pull factors’ to attract the under-privileged
and the dissatisfied section of various nations. India was far better in terms of
modernization and improvement of living standards compared to many war-torn
and famine-stricken areas of Africa. The Orient, and India in particular, was a
dream land for East African immigrants, where they were welcomed and given a
better chance of life. Medieval India, as far as East African emigrants were
concerned, could be compared to the Western world of the present time. Both
the physical and the social climate were hospitable for the African emigrants of
that time. Likewise, before the discovery and development of oil in their region,
some countries of the Middle East saw a huge outflow of their population
elsewhere in search of a ‘decent’ life. Both the physical and the social conditions

180
of these countries were not hospitable as the population increased in these
regions. The heat of the summer was almost unbearable. Various clans were
fighting against each other. Religious fanaticism and the resulting discord were
fatal for many adherents of certain sects. India embraced these discontent Arabs
and Africans and gave them a future by conscripting them in the armies of its
Muslim kingdoms.

When the various states of India were kingdoms ruled by Muslim kings of
Persian culture, the majority Hindu subjects considered their kings and the
aristocratic class as foreign conquerors. This resulted in several revolts here and
there, which the rulers had difficulty to subdue. They could not fully trust their
own army, which was conscripted from the Hindu majority population. As a
result, they deemed it necessary to build an elite force of Muslim immigrants
which would always be faithful to the ruling class. This situation opened an
interesting chapter in the history of the lives of many African and Arab
immigrants. It became a custom among the royalty and the aristocracy of India
to own personal bodyguards and a small elite army constituted solely of
Africans. It was believed that Africans were trustworthy, brave, strong and able
soldiers. Gradually, these widely dispersed bodyguards and soldiers were
gathered together and made to form a single army. This was particularly so in
the case of the Siddi of AC Guards.

However, the immigrant Siddi and their subsequent generations did not have an
easy life in India. They could not speak the local language which further
distanced them from the society. There was racial discrimination especially by
the Hindu society. This racial discrimination further strengthened the Siddi’s
solidarity with each other. For example, when the host society failed to provide
wives for the Siddi it led to an intensive intermarriage among the Africans
themselves which solidified their identity and bridged their assumed cultural
differences. This also resulted in the loss of their individual languages, as a need
emerged for an alternative communal language with which all could
communicate.

Since they were first stationed at AC Guards as the Nizam’s soldiers, the Siddi
have had their own unique military history, of which they are proud.
Succeeding generations are still happy to talk about their forefathers past

181
military achievements. However, since the dismantlement of the Nizam’s army,
the Siddi of Hyderabad have experienced disillusionment, economic deprivation,
political discontent and inter-communal strife which has led to an identity crisis
and further emigration to other countries. Since the Police Action many Siddi
have left India mostly to countries of the Middle East to look for jobs while
keeping their Indian connection at the same time. Their families are in India
whom they visit once every year.

8.3. Religion

The importance of religion in the Siddi world cannot be exaggerated. For the
‘orthodox’ Siddi the world is either Islam or anti-Islam. The first question that a
foreigner is asked is, “Are you a Muslim?” Though the Siddi have their own
underworld of rebellion from the established norms of Islamic life, one can
confidently say that Islamic orthodoxy still has its grip on the community at
large. Islam has cemented the communal feeling of the Siddi. In today’s India,
where Muslims feel economically squeezed by Hindus, the cohesive role that
religion plays is significant. The mosques, the various religious holidays, rituals,
symbols, and the shrines of AC Guards dedicated to the Siddi saints further
consolidate the feeling of commonality among them. The Siddi of Hyderabad
follow the Sunni order of Islam but are considerably influenced by Sufism. A
knowledge of Arabic and performance of the hajji is the aspiration of many
Siddi men. The mosques of AC Guards provide free Arabic classes for the
children and young girls of the community. Some elderly women teach Arabic
and Koran classes to other women and children in their homes.

However, the neighboring Hindus consider the Islamic religion responsible for
many of the social problems that the country is facing nowadays. They associate
Islam with fanaticism and, especially since September 11, 2001, with terror.
Most Hindus distance themselves from the Siddi and do not even dare to go to
AC Guards. This situation leads the Siddi to recoil further into their own ethnic
and Islamic identity. Hindus and anything pertaining to them are a total taboo
for the ‘puritan’ Siddi and vice versa. The notion of ‘pollution’ when religious
boundaries are crossed over is still strong and exerts enormous pressure upon the
adherents of the respective religions to stay away from the people of the other

182
religion. This in turn enhances the feeling of commonality and solidarity among
the respective members of each religion, making religion a vital hallmark of
their identity. Once I was invited to a Hindu wedding. I showed the invitation
card to a Muslim friend of mine. The card was painted with a yellow powder
known as buttu as the custom demands. He first thought I was invited by a
Muslim family because he simply could not imagine that I could accept a Hindu
invitation. Then he saw the buttu on the card which indicated that the hosts were
Hindus. He was angry at me for letting him touch an object that belonged to
Hindus. He also insisted that I should forget the invitation and refrain from
going there.

8.3.1 Religious Practices and Symbols

We have historical accounts indicating that most of the early Siddi were devout
Muslims. It was the first Siddi settlers of AC Guards who built the biggest
mosque of the community, known as Bilal Habshi Mosque. Five other mosques
have been built in AC Guards since then. On Fridays most Siddi go to Bilal
Habshi and Rahmania mosques, the two bigger mosques of the area. The elderly
Siddi observe the dietary rules of fasting on Fridays until namas prayers are over
at 2:00pm. However, young Siddi are not known for their religious strictness.
They are often accused of religious leniency, alcoholism, homosexuality,
adultery, sexual indulgence, gluttony, idolatry, notoriety, laziness, untidiness,
begging, and immorality by local Muslims. According to the state-owned
newspaper Express Newsline (December 12, 1996), “The Siddi, brought from
Africa centuries ago, are in the web of illiteracy, alcoholism and poverty”.

8.3.2. Durgha and Chille

There are thirteen shrines in AC Guards, three of which are known as durgha
and the remaining ten as chille (sing. Chilla. It is also rarely referred as chenda.)
A durgha is a small house wherein lies a tomb of a deceased saint. A chilla, on
the other hand, is a memorial place erected on behalf of a deceased saint known
as Rosia Azam Dastagir. The three durgha are for the saints known as Sayed
Sadat Buni Hassam, Abdullah bin Yakub (a Siddi saint), and Jullaudin Baba.

183
The durgha of Sayed Sadat Buni Hassam was built in 1980, while the others
were built earlier.

Saints in whose name a durgha is built are confirmed in their sainthood by the
community. If the people believe that a certain man was pious enough in serving
and teaching the community in both spiritual and practical matters, they build
him a durgha when he dies to acknowledge his sainthood. The molvi, officials of
the mosque, do not interfere in the decision of the people. It is only the
community that has the final say as to whether someone is a saint or not. If a
man is made a saint, he is not buried in a graveyard but within the
neighborhood, sometimes inside, in front of, or very close to a mosque. A house
is constructed for the saint, with the grave at the centre of it, and is used as a
shrine. The size and quality of the shrine depends both on the income of the
community and on the degree of the man’s sainthood.

Inside the durgha, the grave is covered by a well-embroidered green and red
velvet cloth known as glof. Verses of the Koran are sewn onto it using very thin
threads. The covering cloth is replaced by a new one every year on the
anniversary of either the saint’s birth or death, a festival known as garvi. On this
day, a huge crowd of devotees gathers in front of the durgha, while some men
enter the shrine to replace the old glof by a new one. The men carry out the
properly folded old glof, which members of the community bought, and march
around the neighborhood in procession. Young men lead the procession, dancing
and beating the daff drums, while a crowd of women follows behind singing.
This procession is believed to extend the blessings of the saint to each and every
corner of AC Guards. After the procession, the old glof is given to poorer
durgha that can not afford to buy a new one themselves. Some of the rituals
observed inside a durgha are taken over from religious practices of the
neighboring Hindus. The Siddi, like Hindus in a mandir (a Hindu temple), offer
the shrine of the deceased saint incense, sandals, flowers, and various types of
fruits of which the most important is coconut. Christian Siddi who visit the
shrines also do the same.

The hereditary caretaker of the durgha institution is known as a sajada. A

sajada is neither nominated by the mosque nor has any office in the mosque
because the two are separate institutions. He is not paid but receives assistance

184
from the community. He needs to have his own extra means of income. He
keeps the key of the durgha, cleans the shrine, burns incense in it occasionally
and prays for the safety of the community. On Fridays and Thursdays the sajada
must be present either inside or near the durgha to assist people coming for
dua32 prayers. The people normally bring flowers, sweets, incense and some rice
when they visit a durgha. The flowers are spread on the grave and the floor of
the shrine. Some give gold and silver jewelry if their wishes are fulfilled through
the help of the saint. Women make an oath to cook food and feed the poor in
front of the shrine if their prayers are answered. The sajada’s main task is to
pray on the offerings that people bring. He gives back most of it to them keeping
a part of it for his personal use. The sweets, incense, and rice on which the
sajada has prayed are believed to have a medicinal effect. In addition, the
sajada blesses the people by touching them on the face and hitting them on the
back using a bundle of ostrich feathers. The bundle of ostrich feathers is
believed to be holy and a sign of purity.

The grave is located at the centre of the durgha and people sit cross-legged
around it for prayer. Unlike in mosques, people do not need to face towards
Mecca when they pray in a durgha. Women are allowed to pray in a durgha
although they can not come very close to the grave. In fact, most of the people
who pray in the durgha are women. A durgha has almost become for women
what a mosque is for men. The durgha keeps a washing basin inside it though
ritual washing is not mandatory, unlike in mosques. Some Siddi do not wash
when they pray inside the shrine. There is no regular prayer time for a durgha,
although most people come on Fridays and Thursdays. Nowadays, most Siddi
visit other durgha instead of praying in their own. As a result, the durgha of AC
Guards remains closed and uncared for. In fact, some Siddi have made the
durgha of Sayed Sadat Buni Hassam a gambling spot. There are a number of
people playing cards and domino in front of the shrine almost every day. At
times, fighting erupts there because money is involved in the games. The sajada
has no power to discourage them from doing this. Non-Siddi Muslims consider
this an indication of the religious laxity of the Siddi.

32
Dua, which is an informal prayer, is different from the regular prayer held in mosques
known as namas.

185
I should mention here that not all Siddi visit and believe in durgha. Some Siddi
really detest even the very discussion about durgha and chille. They strongly
argue that such things are no better than idolatry. Once, I asked a group of Siddi
if they go to these shrines for prayers. Some of them said they do. Others
ridiculed them saying that the rituals of durgha and chille are no better than
paganism. They said that these shrines are new introductions to Islam by the
Jews who do their best to pollute and defame the true teachings of Islam. Some
say that there is not a single durgha or chilla in Saudi Arabia, where ‘true’ Islam
is practiced. Those who visit the shrines argued differently. According them, in
fact, the biggest durgha of the world is found in Saudi Arabia itself. They are
referring to the grave of the Prophet Mohammad where many Muslims of the
world go in pilgrimage. They contended that the very idea of durgha started in
Saudi Arabia during the early years of Islam and is a divinely set Islamic
teaching to which all Muslims should adhere.

Some Siddi make a solemn vow to pay homage to Ujala Shah Durgha when they
get their requests. This durgha is situated at Saida Bad, which is about 40
kilometres from AC Guards. Sheh Hussein Abdullah went to this shrine to pay
tribute to the saint that helped him to get a son. He took with him a company of
about 80 people, of which only five were men including myself. About sixty of
us sat in a small truck crammed together in more than 40-degree heat. The
celebration is known as manat, which literally means ‘faith’. Sheh Hussein’s
wife had repeatedly given birth to daughters, though both wanted to have a son.
When they realized that their wish was failing, they prayed to Ujala Shah to help
them have a son. They made an oath to go to the shrine of the saint and to give a
feast if their wish was fulfilled. Fortunately, his wife gave birth to a baby boy.
The boy, who was named Sheh Ramzani Hussein, was only six months old
when the pilgrimage took place.

The shrine is owned by the mosque situated next to it. Unlike with most other
shrines, the clerics performing the services in this shrine are appointed by the
mosque. This is probably because the shrine has become a good source of
income to the otherwise impoverished mosque. The shrine has twenty-two
rooms of which half were pilgrims’ kitchens and the other half resting rooms.
The eleven resting rooms face the eleven kitchens. There is manually piped well
water in front of the rooms for washing and cooking.

186
The manat event cost the parents of the child a total of 5000 Rupees ($ 100 U.S.
dollars). They had to give a feast for more than 80 people gathered there. The
dishes they prepared were dalcha (yellow stew), tandoori roti (roasted bread),
plain rice, khorma (beef stew), chappati, chicken stew, double ka mitha (sweet
cake), and sewai ka mitha (sour cake). The roti, chappati, and mutton were and
should be prepared by men, while women prepared the curry. All the people,
including children, participated in fetching water, washing the utensils, cleaning
the compound, slaughtering chickens, collecting firewood, and cooking the
food.

The shaving of the baby’s hair, which was his first shaving, was done inside the
shrine by a local barber. Many young girls attended the hair shaving ceremony.
There were about five other similar ceremonies taking place inside the shrine.
The boy wore a new cloth bought for the occasion.

Some women knelt or bowed face down for prayer or read the Koran in the
shrine. Women were not admitted to the inner chamber of the shrine, but men
were allowed inside to kiss the grave. Women presented symbolical gifts of
flowers, sweets, and cakes known as bundia. Shumim, my interpreter, was stood
aloof, disgusted by the whole drama of ‘idolatry’. In his indignation he assured
me that all the people would go to hell. Unlike in AC Guards’ durgha, whose
cleric is a sajada, a sheik led the prayers and accepted the offerings. He then
blessed the people by caressing their faces and beating their backs lightly using
a bundle of ostrich feathers. Everyone huddled together not to miss the
blessings. After the ceremony, young girls gathered around an altar made of
bricks which is a metre and half long and a metre wide. Lamps were lit inside
the altar, which was located in the shrine’s compound next to the graveyard. The
girls took the ashes from the candles and anointed their eyelashes with it.

Then it was time to eat. The people formed four different groups who had to eat
separately from one another. There were the men’s group, the older women’s
group, the group of young ladies and girls, and the children’s group. Each group
squatted on mats of various colors, forming two lines that faced each other. Sheh
Hussein Abdullah, the host, had to eat at the end as the custom requires. Finally,
people gave gifts of money and clothes to the baby boy. The parents kept a
bowel made of wheat dough on which a candle was lit. Next to the candle, a

187
dark powder was kept for people to anoint their eyelashes with. Those who gave
money to the baby rotated it on his head a couple of times or more and put it in
front of him. Then they anointed their eyes with the dark powder. There was
some food kept inside the shrine so that both the sheik and the spirit of the saint
would bless it. Such blessed food is called fatiha. A lady brought the fatiha and
put a little in everyone’s mouth just before they were to leave. This marked the
end of the manat ceremony.

The other shrine to which the Siddi of Hyderabad perform pilgrimages is the
durgha of Habib Idrus, who is believed to be a Yemeni saint. The shrine is
located at Charminar which is the heart of the city’s market area, about 12
kilometres far from AC Guards. I attended this saint’s 202nd birthday ceremony,
which was held on June 25, 2002. It was commemorated with great pomp and
extravaganza. Two daff music groups gave free service to the shrine as they do
every year. On this occasion, the Siddi were beating their drums both inside the
shrine and on the road during the procession with all of their energy to express
their religiosity and devotion to the saint. The sherri baja and a modern band
were added to the tumult.

The procession was led by four horse-mounted boys, each carrying a green flag
on which verses from the Koran were sewn. Next were four camel-mounted
boys, each carrying a similar green flag. In the next row were six men carrying
pots of fire in which incense was burned. Following them, eight velvet cloths
known as glof were carried by eight men. The cloths were used to cover the
grave of the saint and other minor saints’ graves found in the shrine. Following
the procession of glof were a modern band, a sherri baja, and the two daff music
groups in the second, third and fourth rows respectively. Behind them were a
group of ascetics who lash and bleed themselves using various thongs of iron.
Habeeb Mutjaba, the great-grandson of the saint was led the next procession,
amidst much tumult and police patrolling. There was a gap of some fifteen
metres between this group and the great grandson of the saint, who was
swarmed about with a throng of Muslim clerics and Hindu ascetics. He wore
several flower garlands which people gave him on the procession. Two people
were continuously fanning his face though the weather was not hot. He walked
proudly, looking at the people of the city standing on their terraces and verandas
who came out to see him. Some people circled him holding each others’ hands

188
to protect him from the jubilant mob who were falling in front of him to kiss his
feet or touch his robe. It is believed that the spirit of the deceased saint was
passed onto his son Habeeb Ahmed and then onto his grandson Habeeb Jafar
and now onto his great-grandson Habeeb Mutjaba. Behind Habeeb Mutjaba
followed a black Indian-made car known as “Ambassador”. Two of Habeeb
Mutjaba’s children were sitting inside. The car was decorated with flowers and
shiny papers. Following the car were women covered with burqa. The
procession of going to Charminar and coming back to the shrine took six hours.
The whole ceremony came to an end after changing the durgha’s old glof with
new ones.

Another important durgha that has a lot to do with the Siddi is Siddi Ambar
Durgha. Siddi Ambar was a famous African military general who lived during
the time of Nizam Mahboob Ali Pasha (Ali 1995: 197). One of the city’s busy
areas, which is known as Ambarpet, and a big market area called Siddi Ambar
Bazaar, are named after this general. The durgha is located at Ambarpet. The
Siddi visit the durgha only occasionally since it is far from AC Guards. But it is
important for the Siddi visit it on holidays. The shrine is one of the biggest in the
city and is frequented by tourists. It is situated on a 2000 square metres wide
plot of land. Its foundation is three metres higher than the ground. There are
several stairways leading to the shrine. Inside the shrine there are false windows
on which some Koran verses and other religious literature is displayed. A green
flag was hoisted inside the shrine and about twenty candles were lit to give the
room more light during the day. There are also circular openings in the walls to
let air and light through. The shrine has an additional two rooms which are used
by the sajada to prepare himself before he leads the prayers, and to keep some
of the durgha’s property. The shrine is surrounded by strongly built stone walls.
There are two main gates leading to the compound. The grave of Siddi Ambar is
situated at the centre of the shrine covered by a well-decorated glof and
surrounded by an iron fence. Many decorations made of shiny papers and Arabic
scripts, probably extracts from the Koran, were hung above the grave. There
were six girls sitting around the grave who were praying and reading religious
literature. Mr. Mohammad bin Hassan, a Siddi who opposes the religious
practices of such shrines, was disgusted to see the Koran displayed there. He
asked the girls why they visited such “idolatrous” places. He told them that
worshiping in such shrines is an ominous sin in Islam and that they should never

189
have come to the durgha. The girls did nothing other than listen to what he said,
bowing their heads down. Inside the compound there were about a hundred
people either sitting and talking to each other or meditating and praying. Outside
the compound of the shrine, Hindu women sell fruits, flowers and incense used
for offerings. Those who come to the shrine for prayer are mostly Muslims but
there are also some Hindus and Christians.

A chilla is a banyan tree on which a green flag is tied to commemorate a Muslim

saint known as Rosiya Azam Dastagir. Some chille are protected by a fence. It is
a religious institution around which there is no activity taking place, at least in
AC Guards. It seems that not much is expected of a chilla other than giving hope
of protection to the community by its mere presence. The chilla institution has
no priest or organized clergy to take care of it or perform its rituals, if it has any.
It is a memorial site made by the community, or an individual, or a group, who
felt like having it there. People can go there and pray if they need to. But I have
never seen anyone, either in AC Guards or elsewhere in the city, praying
towards or paying tribute to a chilla.

Each of the chille of AC Guards has a big banyan tree that may show the age of
the shrine. Two tigers are painted facing each other at the fences of the shrines.
‘Allah Wa-Akber!’ (Glory to God) is written on the fences in Arabic and Urdu
scripts. Besides this, the number 786 is written on them both in European and
Urdu numerals. I was told that 786 stands for the motto ‘Allah Wa-Akber!’
(Some say the number stands for Bismillahi Irrahman Irrahim.) because the
Arabic letters which are used to write the phrase total 786 when added
together33. Paintings of a mosque, a star and the crescent, two swords crossing
each other, and the Kaaba are painted on chille. Hamad said that the swords are
symbols of the actual swords that the saint was carrying when he was alive and
the tigers were painted because Allah loves tigers. Hamad was not sure of the
validity of his claims. Obviously, few Siddi know the implications of the
symbols. Perhaps, the motifs were taken from the Saudi Arabian flag, which is
also considered the flag of Islam. Clay pots are seen in front of the chille which
were supposed to hold water for those coming to pray. Nowadays, there is no
water inside them as there is no one coming for prayer. Metal money boxes are

33
Arabic letters are also used as numbers.

190
erected at the gates of the fences so that those who want to give money for the
chille can leave it there. Some Siddi have private chille inside their houses, a
religious practice adopted from Hindus who have a tradition of erecting shrines
inside their houses, offices, and shops.

8.3.3. Amulets

The Siddi wear various types of amulets, four of which are known as tavis,
azmir, jadu dona, and chan. Tavis is said to be one or several Koranic verses
written on a piece of scroll or paper and covered with an animal skin. It is worn
on one’s neck or arm and is believed to protect the person from sicknesses.
Azmir, on the other hand, is believed to be sinister. It protects the individual
from evil and may also attack the bearer’s enemy. Azmir is prepared both by
Hindu ascetics and some Islamic sects. Some durgha make money by selling
azmir to their Muslim, Hindu and Christian customers. Azmir is made in the
name of a certain Muslim saint, often a Sufi. Most of AC Guards’ azmir are
made in the name of Khaja Gariben Newas, a saint from Rajastan. An Azmir is
transferable from one generation to another. When a father dies it is passed to
the eldest son or a close male relative of the family. I have seen an azmir worn
by three consecutive generations. However, the wearing of an azmir is more
frowned upon and feared than approved of. Whenever I asked people if the
amulet they wear is an azmir, they strongly denied it. They said it was sinful to
wear an azmir. Although azmir is not approved among the more ‘puritan’
circles, many Siddi wear it anyway. Mostly, it is worn by youngsters and
children. Similarly, Jadu dona, an amulet worn by people who have property, is
believed to have both defensive and offensive power for the bearer. It is thought
to protect one’s wealth by attacking anyone who tries to rob it. Chan, which is
worn by boys, should be presented to them either by their sisters or female
cousins as a sign of good wishes. In order for a chan to be effective, it should be
given to the boy on Tisra day, that is, on the third day after the full moon.
Whenever the boy takes his chan off to bathe, either his sister or any young girl
of the family puts it back on his neck.

191
8.3.4. Annual Holidays

Ramzan (or Ramadan) and Bakrit are the two holidays mentioned when the
Siddi are asked to name their annual holidays. The first one is the fasting month,
whereas Bakrit is a feast of animal slaughtering at the end of Ramzan. Poorer
families slaughter a goat and share it among seven families. Bakrit is a day of
family reunion. Especially in-laws visit each other and exchange good wishes.
The Siddi also celebrate the Hindu festival of kite flying known as Sankranti,
despite their hatred of Hindu’s religious practices. It seems that the Siddi took
over this tradition from their masters, who were liberal enough to participate in
Hindu holidays. On this day, Hindus, the Siddi and some of the Yemeni
community go to Hussein Sagar Lake, taking with them their kites and display
interesting kite flying performances. However, this day often ends up in fights
between Hindus and the Siddi because the ropes of the kites may wind around
each other in the sky and one may bring down the other’s kite, which is a bad
omen. If a Hindu kite gets tangled with a Siddi kite causing the latter’s fall, the
incident may anger the Siddi who will not hesitate to punish the ‘culprit’
physically. Such individual clashes may erupt into communal strife that does not
calm down before much damage has been done.

8.3.5. Identity Symbols

The Siddi of AC Guards have many symbols through which they express their
identity. These symbols of identity are so significant that almost every family
exhibits them. Living in a society which is deeply divided by religion and
several cast classifications, it is important that each person declares which
religion and cast he/she belongs to. Through these symbols, the Siddi show not
only that they are either Muslims or Christians but also that they are African-
Indians.

The green flag that Muslims hang on top of their houses is seen in AC Guards’
mosques and shrines. Though the Siddi do not hang the flag in their houses it is
important that it is displayed in religious areas and during social ceremonies and
festivities.

192
The number 786 is inscribed on the windows and gates of Siddi houses and cars.
Students write it on their exercise books. Although ‘orthodox’ Muslims of the
area consider this to be non-Islamic, it is widespread among the Siddi. In
contrast, Christians display a cross made of palm leaves in the windows of their
houses. Hindus inscribe various religious symbols on their property, of which
the main ones are oam, puja, trinshul, and shankam. If a Siddi rents or buys a
Hindu house, or vice versa, on whose window the religious symbols of the
owner are inscribed the first thing that the new owner does is destroy these
symbols by any means possible. Similarly, the Siddi display various kinds of
Islamic art on their windows to show their identity. These unique window
designs, which are known as kidki, are gradually fading away because the Siddi
are not in a position to construct new houses and other Muslims have not taken
up the styles. Figure 4a and 4b show the respective kidki designs of the Siddi
and Hindus.

Another important identity symbol is hairstyle. Siddi barbers have haircut styles
known as Military, Roman, Hippie, Hamita, Scissor Cutting, and Punch. In the
past, Siddi boys used to prefer Military style haircut, in which the hair is cut
very short. This is probably because of their military tradition which they would
like to keep up and show to others. However, the new generation seems to be
going far from such traditions and prefers to wear the Hamita style. Hamita
Patcha is a popular Indian film actor and his hairstyle has a strong influence
upon young Indians which the Siddi have adopted. This change in hairstyle is
one indication of the young generation’s gradual detachment from its ancestral
identity and its adoption of Indian values and manners.

193
Figure 4a: Various Muslim kidki designs depicted on windows to show the religious and
ethnic identity of the household

194
195
Figure 4b: Various Hindu kidki designs depicted on windows to show the religious and ethnic
identity of the household

196
8.4. Communal Names

The Siddi of Hyderabad have several communal names by which they are
identified and identify themselves. Some are more frequently and widely used
than others. Some names encompass wider people groups than others. Terms
like African, Somali, Habshi, Siddi, Negro, Chaush, Arab, and Bin are
interchangeably used in AC Guards with slight differences of implications and
emphasis.

8.4.1. African

Both the Muslim and Christians of African origin are called Africans. In rare
cases this may include AC Guards’ ‘Anglo-Indians’. However, those Muslim
Siddi who would like to identify themselves with the Arab world and its Islamic
tradition are uncomfortable with this label, even though they do not deny their
ancestral connection to Africa if persuaded to talk about it. I asked many Siddi
whether they feel they are Indians or Africans. When they are confronted with
such a question the answer depends on who else is present at that moment. If my
interpreter was an Indian, which was often the case, most Siddi said they were
Indian. But when I asked them in private the answers were different. Especially
those Siddi who still physically look like Africans do not deny their ancestral
connection to that continent.

A Siddi friend of mine told me that once he and his sister were travelling by
train. There were two young Indians sitting beside them. One of the Indians said
to the other, assuming that the Siddi were foreigners and did not understand
Hindi, “Look at these niggers! Don’t they look like chimpanzees? Look at their
hair? And look at their noses! He must be a monkey!” The other said, “Stop it!
He may hear you.” The Siddi heard everything. When the train stopped the Siddi
severely beat the Indian. Moreover, whenever the Siddi go to a market they are
requested to pay more than the actual price because they are thought to be
foreigners. Once I went to a certain publishing house to buy a book together
with my Siddi informant. The publisher thought the Siddi was a foreigner and
talked to him in English. Then he asked him which country he came from. My
informant was disappointed to be considered a foreigner and found it awkward
to explain his Indian identity. Many Siddi encounter such awkward situations

197
almost every day, to their disappointment. When Indians fail to treat the Siddi
like other Indians, the latter begin to reconsider their African identity. There are
some Siddi who proudly told me that they are still Africans and not Indians.
Uwe Hesse (2000: 36) says, “Die Bewohner der AC Guards seien sich ihrer
anderen Herkunft bewußt und stolz darauf”. Although the possibility of
organizing a notable pan-African circle among the various Siddi communities is
remote, the nostalgic sentiment towards Africa is visible at least among those
Siddi who physically look like sub-Saharan Africans. On the other hand, the
same situation is partly responsible for their desire to intermarry with Indians
and get rid of their foreign looks because their non-Indian looks made their lives
awkward.

8.4.2. Somali

The name ‘Somali’ has a dual meaning in AC Guards. On the one hand, the
name implies an individual whose forefathers came from Somalia. Some Siddi
of Somali origin told me that they prefer to be called Somalis than Siddi. It is
noteworthy that young Somali students who went to Hyderabad in the 1990s in
search of better education keep in touch with the Siddi of Somali origin.
Secondly, in its broad context ‘Somali’ also refers to a black person. Therefore,
every Muslim of African origin and some Christians of African origin are
Somalis. I was also referred to as a Somali in the sense of the second usage. The
new Somali immigrants (or ‘Somali proper’) have a reputation of notoriety in
Hyderabad. They are seen as an aggressive and quarrelsome people. It is this
alleged notoriety that the Siddi like about the ‘Somali proper’ because such a
character is a virtue and not a vice among the Siddi. They feel they have
something in common in this regard because the Siddi themselves are accused of
this by their Hindu neighbors. The ‘Somali proper’ are similar to southern
Indians in their physical appearance. Especially the women have straight hair
and straight noses, if not aquiline noses, making them look like more Indians
than Africans. The Siddi, who suffer from racial prejudice due to their woolly
hair and flat noses would like to reverse the situation by associating themselves
with the ‘Somali proper’ because the latter do not fit into the above ‘racial’
caricature. However, the elder Siddi, who do not want to be identified with the
alleged culture of notoriety, prefer to keep themselves away from the new
Somalis. That is why the term Somali, though widely used among the Siddi,

198
does not include each and every Siddi. But ‘Somali’ is still one of the communal
labels with which at least a portion of the Siddi community identities itself.

8.4.3. Habshi

The word ‘Habshi’ is used by the Siddi themselves and others almost
interchangeably with the name Siddi. But some would rather be addressed as
‘Habshi’ than Siddi. In Hyderabad, the name ‘Habshi’ is neither respectful nor
defamatory. But it seems that some African-Indians find the name ‘Habshi’
more modest than Siddi. However, the Siddi of Gujarat feel the opposite. This
communal label helps the community by amalgamating the already-existing
ethnic sentiment which makes it an important issue of discussion in the area of
Siddi ethnic identity. In Hyderabad, one big quarter of the city is known as
Habshi Guda, that is, Habshi’s place.

8.4.4. Siddi

African Indians of Hyderabad share this communal name with other similar
communities living elsewhere in India and Pakistan. It binds the African Indian
community of Hyderabad together and creates a feeling of commonality and
belonging with other African Indians living elsewhere in the country. Uwe
Hesse (2000:35) wrote about Abdullah bin Mahboob, a famous character of the
Siddi, “Schon sein Namenssuffix ‘Sidi’ hat darauf hingedeutet, und ein Blick in
das bereits alternde Gesicht bestätigt seine Identität: Die ursprünglichen
Vorfahren Bin Mehboobs Können keine Kinder Indiens gewesen sein, sondern
waren vor langer Zeit aus dem Osten Afrikas hierher gekommen bzw. hierher
gebracht werden“. However, not every individual of these communities calls
himself/herself a Siddi. Some are unhappy when they are addressed so. The
name Siddi indicates a sense of being a stranger. For the Hindu, Siddi sounds
Islamic which they have every reason not to be comfortable with, considering
the religious rift between the two Indian societies. Some Muslim Siddi of
Hyderabad believe that a Siddi is a Muslim person of African origin and do not
agree that a Christian black African can also be a Siddi. In contrast, elderly
Muslim Siddi believe there are Christian Siddi as well. Some Christians of
African origin also admit that they are Siddi.

199
The name Siddi had better reputation in the past than now. During the times of
the Nizam many Siddi were in higher government offices and privileged
positions. Consequently, their name was equated with their status. Moreover,
many notable, historical Indian personalities were Siddi and they used the word
Siddi as a part of their names. Two examples are Siddi Ambar Malik, an
Ethiopian military general whose achievements are mentioned in chapter four,
and Siddi Malik Kafur another military general who annexed many parts of
India to the Empire of the Kilij Dynasty during the times of Alaudin Kilij. A big
market area of Hyderabad city is known as Siddi Ambar Bazar, named after a
famous Siddi political figure of the Nizam. Segal (2001: 76) wrote “In the mid-
nineteenth century, Siddi ‘Anbar was steward – in practice, first secretary or
personal assistant – to the Vizier of Hyderabad. He received such recompense or
exploited his position to such effect that he came to own a sizeable slice of real
estate in the centre of Hyderabad City, an achievement commemorated in the
Siddi ‘Anbar Bazar (sic!) there”. Another place, Ambar Pet, that is Ambar’s
House, is named after the same person. Siddipet (literally, house of the Siddi) is
another market area that is located between Hyderabad and Bidar (Ali 1995:
197f).

8.4.5. Negro

The Siddi of Hyderabad are comfortable calling themselves Negroes and are
addressed as such both in private and in public. The word Negro is not at all
derogatory in Hyderabad. Although not frequently in use, both from the ‘emic’
and the ‘etic’ point of views, the word Negro serves as one of their communal
identity markers like the other names of the Siddi. Negro implies, in addition to
dark complexion, physical prowess and bravery. Mr. Mohamood bin Farzullah
once told me that the face of a Negro always shines because he is always
smiling. It is true that most do not know its meaning or do not care to know. My
informant said that Negro is a word of African origin which their forefathers
used and whose meaning is lost nowadays. During my field research in
Hyderabad, it was common for certain Indians to approach me and ask if I
wanted to talk to Negroes. Once, they brought a Siddi young man and said, “Do
you want Negroes? Here is a Negro! Do you want to talk to him? You can ask
him what you want.” When I asked the Siddi if he was a Negro, he agreed
without any reservation or embarrassment.

200
8.4.6. Chaush

Chaush (rarely spelt as Chaoush) is mainly used to describe the Yemeni

community, once soldiers of the Nizam of Hyderabad. I was told that this name
is given to Arab mercenary soldiers in general. Hyderabad was historically
linked to the Arab states of the Gulf region. As a result, there was a strong
presence of Arab population in Hyderabad who were known as Chaush. They
were many in number that they attempted to usurp power from the Nizam by
coercion and threat. Ali (1995: 193-6), quoting a Foreign Department article of
1863, notes, “We see a large number of Negroes…there was a considerable
importation of slaves especially from Galla and Abyssinia…. From Makalla
came the Arabs (so-called Chaoushes) who formed the Nizam’s bodyguard and
the Arab regiments; they remained a distinct group in Hyderabad culture”.
Maculla and Hadramaut had a large African population many of whom
immigrated to Bombay in search of jobs. These Africans were culturally Arabs
and considered themselves as Chaush, a name adopted by their descendants as
well. These individuals identified themselves with the Arabs and conspired with
them when the latter attempted to seize power from the Nizam. The British had
to restrict the movement of Africans in Hyderabad because Africans “consort
with Arabs, follow the same purpose, are practically the same” (Lynton and
Rajan 1987: 63, 193)

Once I asked Mr. Feroz bin Abdullah if he was a Siddi. He said he was. But his
children said he was Chaush. Mr. Feroz bin Abdullah refused to accept this
claim. He said Chaush are the Yemeni community and he was an African. But
his children were very disappointed by his refusal to be identified as Chaush.
Had I interviewed them they would have told me that they were Chaush. Within
a single family some identify themselves as Siddi whereas others claim to be
Chaush. African Indians who live among the Yemeni community of Barkus say
that they are Chaush rather than Siddi.

8.4.7. Arab

This is not much different from the name Chaush. Though the Siddi are Africans
in their roots and physical appearance, one can say with moderate certainty that
they are also Arabs in their cultural orientations. There is a conscious attempt on

201
the part of the Siddi to take on Arab culture and be recognised as such. For
many Siddi, the terms Arab and Siddi are more or less synonyms though the
former is more respectable than the latter. Particularly, those Siddi who have
lived in the Middle East prefer to be addressed as Arabs because they feel it is
more godly and respectable than their other names. Even among the ‘real’ Arabs
the Siddi claim they are also Arabs. I asked one Siddi gentleman why he
claimed to be a Yemeni Arab while he looks like an African. He said that there
are two kinds of Yemenis, the highlanders and the lowlanders. He said that
while the highlanders have fairer complexions, the lowlanders are dark-skinned
Arabs, and that his forefathers were Yemeni lowlanders.

Many factors militate against identification with African identity. Africa is a

constant target of defamation and mockery in the Indian media and public
opinion. As a result, some do not openly admit Africa is their ancestral
homeland. In their search for an acceptable identity they discovered that
identification with Arabs and their culture is a better alternative. In attempting to
rediscover their lost identity, the Siddi have found an identity of their own
formulation. The name ‘Arab’ restores a sense of pride which otherwise they are
loosing. An ethnic community does not survive for long when the group’s pride
is constantly threatened. A community identifies itself with an identity of its
own fabrication as long as it enhances survival and restores confidence. That is
exactly what the Siddi have done in claiming to be Arabs.

8.4.8. Bin

‘Bin’ , which literally means ‘son of’, is used by some Arabic societies in their
names, like the familiar example, Osama bin Laden. The inclusion of ‘bin’ in
one’s name is only for Muslim Siddi whose fathers are also Siddi. Christian
Siddi and Muslim African Indians whose fathers are not Siddi do not use ‘bin’ in
their names. Women are not included in such a naming. The inclusion of ‘bin’ in
one’s name expresses one’s identity. The Siddi feel good about such a name
because it brings them closer to the Arabs with whom they want to associate
themselves. Not all Siddi, however, agree that the usage of ‘bin’ in their names
is right. Mr. Mohammad bin Hussein told me that the Siddi should not use ‘bin’
in their names because they are Africans and have nothing to do with Arabs.
Nevertheless, the use of ‘bin’ is widespread spread among them. Some could not

202
believe me when I told them that I do not have ‘bin’ in my name. They started
inserting ‘bin’ in my name when speaking to me because it was somehow
awkward for them to address me without.

8.5. Language

The Siddi call the language they speak Urdu. “The word ‘urdu’ is Persian for
‘camp’ (by derivation from the same Turkish word which gave us the English
‘horde’) and refers to the fact that its development began in the Mogul camps, as
the invading army and the Hindi-speaking local people began the process of
fraternization” (Lynton and Rajan 1987: 54). After peace was declared between
the conquerors and the local people, a third major strain was added by Arab
scholars and clerics. As a result, literary Urdu has a high proportion of Persian
and Arabic while the colloquial is more heavily loaded with Hindi and other
Indian languages. Uwe Hesse (2000:35) writes that the Siddi speak “wie auch
die anderen Muslime, zunächst nicht die Landessprache des Bundeslandes
Andhra Pradesh, sondern das nordindisch-islamische Urdu, das dem dominanten
Hindi, der wesentlichen Amtssprache des Unionsstaates, sehr ähnlich ist und
auch hier, unter den Muslimen des Deccan gesprochen wird”.

Hindus see the language as a local dialect of the Hindi language. The Siddi do
not at all agree with this claim. For them their language is Urdu. Once, I saw
some Siddi and Hindus chatting and asked them what language they were
communicating in. Interestingly, the Siddi said they were speaking Urdu while
the Hindus said they were speaking Hindi. The Siddi do not speak other Indian
languages and whenever they talk with Hindus it has to be with this language
which the Siddi consider Urdu and the Hindus understand as Hindi. The Hindus
say Urdu died long ago and no Indian can speak it now. The Siddi maintain that
it is still alive and more in use than Hindi. The reason for this difference of
opinion is mainly political. For Hindus, Urdu was the language of their
conquerors and of Pakistan, their ‘arch enemy’. Therefore, they prefer that it be
shoved aside from public use except in the realm of academic research.
However, the Siddi have a different view of the language. They see it as a sweet
sounding, very expressive, and highly poetic language. The Siddi believe that
Urdu should have been the national language of India rather than Hindi because
it would have allowed the Indian people to communicate with the people of their

203
neighboring countries as well. The Siddi believe that Urdu is also the national
language of Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Indonesia even though it is only in
Pakistan that Urdu is actually a national language. For Hindus, taking Urdu as
the national language of India would amount to a cultural victory of Pakistan
over India and hence is close to an impossibility. Muslims, including the Siddi,
still keep Urdu as a medium of instruction in their schools while Hindus use
English in their schools. The Muslims are very zealous about their language and
do everything they can not to yield to the pressures of Hindi, though indications
of the latter’s influence have begun to be seen. The Hindus are so proud of their
language that it is unlikely they will yield to the demands of Muslims.

If seen from a linguistic perspective it is possible to say that the language of the
Siddi is a local variant of Hindi, though in its written form it still uses Urdu
characters. In fact, the dialectal difference between official Hindi and the variety
which the Siddi of Hyderabad speak is so small that there is mutual
intelligibility between them. However, since politics and ethnic pride are
involved in the discussion, the Siddi still claim they are speaking Urdu and not
Hindi whereas their Hindu neighbors call it Hindi. Urdu reminds the Siddi of the
old times when they were co-rulers of India together with their masters. It
reminds them of the heyday of Islam and Persian literature in Hyderabad. In
addition, it is the national language of Pakistan, to whom they have a
sentimental attachment. Urdu consoles the Siddi, from whom political power
was taken, by showing them that ‘their’ culture is still alive and well in India. In
the same parlance, Hindi shows the Hindu that they, and not the Muslims, are in
control of power. The place that Urdu has in the socio-cultural realm of the
Siddi is enormous. For the Siddi of Hyderabad, Urdu is politics, religion,
tradition, military power, identity, and pride of India’s Islamic civilization. The
Siddi are further bound together by their cherished language Urdu which gives
them value and pride in themselves. Urdu creates a sense of solidarity, not only
among the Siddi themselves, but also with other Muslims with whom they feel
they have a lot in common. It is an identity marker of the Siddi, indicating that
they have had more to do with the Persian conquerors of India than with the
conquered autochthons.

204
8.6. Communal Territory

The Siddi have an emotional attachment to the area they are residing in
presently. AC Guards has been their place of residence for more than three
generations. It reminds them of their historic past as soldiers of Hyderabad State,
which they are proud of. The idea of living in a military barrack evokes in them
a sense of their ancestors’ military tradition which some have still kept by
working in the army and the police department. It is not emotionally easy for the
Siddi of Hyderabad to leave AC Guards and make a living elsewhere. Despite
their high unemployment rate and poverty many of them still prefer to stick to
their ancestral residence rather than go far away from their ‘roots’ in search of a
better life. Even those who are working in Arab countries and have taken on the
citizenship of those countries still come back to AC Guards, where the rest of
their family is still residing.

Until very recently Siddi men used to share their parents’ house when they
married instead of looking for other houses of their own. Now some are forced
to settle in near by neighborhoods known as Irrum Manzil and Chintal Basti
while keeping their contact with their ‘roots’. The Siddi, both Muslims and
Christians, and the Yemeni Arabs are united in sharing the same communal
territory. They all have a special attachment for AC Guards, not only because
they have lived in it for many years, but also because it was a free grant from the
Nizam for whom their forefathers fought and died. Those Siddi whose houses
were demolished by the government still reside in plastic shelters in AC Guards.
The government would like to move them to somewhere else, taking their area
for modern buildings. But the Siddi find it difficult to leave AC Guards, which
for them is more than a residential area. It is part of their identity.

8.7. Similarities in Somatic Features

Generally speaking, the Siddi differ in their somatic features from the
neighboring Hindus. Except those Siddi who are the offsprings of intermarriage
with the local Indians, thereby inheriting Indian features, the rest of the Siddi are
generally similar to black Africans in their anthropometrical features. These
African somatic features are praised by the older generation. Mr. Mohamood bin

205
Farzullah told me that the face of a Siddi, unlike these Indians’(he pointed to
Javeed, my Indian interpreter) is always shining. He added, “Look at it for
yourself. A Siddi is always smiling when you meet him. His face is always
bright. It is not so among Indians”. He also said that he can stick a sandal in his
hair and the sandal does not fall even when he runs or jumps. He pointed to
Javeed again and said, “Look at his hair. He can not do this”.

The Siddi are proud of their reputation for physical strength. A Siddi woman
once told me that her grandfather could hold twelve horses by their bridles with
one of his hands and the horses could not move. She also related to me that
once, her grandfather and many other Indians were travelling to a distant land
and they had to walk on a wooden bridge. When her grandfather started walking
on it, the bridge could not carry him and collapsed. It was getting dark and
people had to cross over. So he held the edge of the cliff firmly with both of his
hands and lay down across the narrow gorge, thereby turning himself into a
bridge to walk on. Then all the Indians walked over him carrying their bags of
rice. Finally, he crossed the gorge himself. She did not say how he was able to
cross! The woman claimed this story was quite familiar among Indians and is
still talked about. During the time of the last Nizam of Hyderabad, a certain
Siddi woman by the name of Khatija Bi, “a hefty old African woman who had
spent her life guarding the zenana (harem) gate… and challenging every
approaching male” was known for her physical strength and ferocity. She even
dared to beat the children of the royalty and aristocracy. There was also another
Siddi man by the name of Mabrouk Siddi, who was “reputed to be a veritable
Hercules and able to break a horseshoe with his bare hands” (Lynton and Rajan
1987: 145, 150, 257).

According to my informants, a Siddi is identified by his dark and shiny face, flat
nose, big lips, woolly hair, glowing eyes, dark nails, stout body, and charisma.
For the older Siddi generation these all are merits, whereas it is not necessarily
so for the younger generation who want to assimilate into the Indian society.
Though the physical appearance of the Siddi has changed a lot through
continuous intermarriage, their difference from the local Indians is by and large
traceable. The African somatic characteristics have done their share in creating
feelings of commonality and belonging among the community, which in turn
helps to keep the community intact until today. The Siddi’s physical appearance

206
is an identity marker by which the distinctness of the Siddi is recognized both by
themselves and others.

8.8. Music

Music is an integral part of Siddi life. The Siddi use music to express their
cultural heritage, communal solidarity, history, political outlook and their day-
to-day emotional encounters. A Siddi learns how to play the traditional
instruments of the community from his early childhood. It is through music that
the Siddi are able to transmit much of their African identity to their children.
Different Siddi communities have different styles of music, depending on which
African country they came from. The traditional music of Hyderabad’s Siddi is
known as daff or marfa. It is not known what the words mean, either in Urdu or
in Telugu. During a daff (or marfa) performance the Siddi feel and appear more
Africans and less Indians. The appearance of the drums, the dancing styles, the
beat and the clothes they wear are of African origin. Their curly hair, dark
complexion and somatic strength play a part in making it look African. In
general, the Siddi of Hyderabad recoil to their historic identity and re-Africanise
themselves in a ‘foreign’ land through their traditional music. By the same
token, daff helps the Siddi to keep their distance from the host society and to
avoid unwanted intermingling. It is an identity-maintaining mechanism. There
are occasions when the Siddi like to be recognized as a distinct group and not as
common Indian people. Such desire for recognition is avoided only when it
elicites contempt. When the Siddi want to be recognized as a unique people by
their hosts, the daff serves this purpose best. The daff shows not only what the
Siddi are but also what they are not.

In addition, the daff is used to enhance their group solidarity. The Siddi come
together and feel more united than ever when they play their traditional music. It
is not a matter of an individual’s skill. The daff is what they are and have as a
people. It is an expression of group identity and has a strong unifying sentiment.
The daff is a musical saga of the people’s long history of migration, struggle and
survival. Even those Siddi communities that live geographically far apart from
each other are glued together through their music.

207
The daff is also an instrument of the Siddi’s spiritual expression. The Siddi
present an offering of music to their deceased saints. I have observed several
times the Siddi appeasing and invoking benevolent spirits using their music.
During annual festivals, the Siddi take their musical instruments to certain
shrines and offer their musical talents to the spirits of their deceased saints.

Some Siddi have drums in their houses and use them to entertain themselves and
their guests. Children use these drums to teach themselves the tradition of their
ancestors as there is no formal instruction given to them. They watch when
adults perform and train themselves until they master it. One must be able to
play at least the bindi, the smallest drum of the daff music. One also needs to
know the Siddi dance known as Arab dance.

Most importantly, the daff party is an economic activity. Many Siddi make their
entire living by playing the daff music. There are Siddi who have no marketable
skills other than beating the daff drums or dancing to the beats. This does not
necessarily mean that all Siddi would stop playing the daff if they had other
means of income. Some would still continue playing the daff simply because the
tradition of their ancestors needs to be preserved.

The daff musical groups are always ready to play whenever they are summoned
by a customer as long as they are paid for it. Local people, mostly Muslims,
invite the Siddi to play the daff when they have social and religious occasions.
Most often, the daff is invited for weddings. In Hyderabad and probably in the
whole of India, Muslim weddings are only between June and October, while
Hindus’ weddings are between April and June. This fact makes the daff market
seasonal. The Siddi also play the daff when they win a game or a tournament. I
have seen Siddi children dancing in circles, beating the drums and breaking long
florescent lamps on their heads after winning a decisive hockey game.

Historically, the daff had a more prestigious place than it has today. This was
because, during the times of the Nizam, the royalty of India used to invite the
African drummers when they hosted social festivities. Especially during the
annual celebrations of the kings’ birth and coronation days, the African Cavalry
Guards would be summoned to play the daff and dance before royalty and
dignitaries. Therefore, historically, the daff was linked to kings and palace

208
affairs. It was not possible for commoners to host a daff party in those days
because the Africans themselves were subjects of the king and their service was
only to the king and his associates. Since India’s Independence, the Siddi were
officially invited by the government to perform during the annual celebrations of
India’s Independence Day (15th August) and the Republic Day (26th January). I
have seen a picture of the Siddi together with Mr. Jewaharlal Nehru, the first
prime minister of India, which was shot in 1951 in New Delhi after a daff
performance. Some years ago the government of India took some Siddi
drummers to Nigeria for a daff performance during an African-Asian cultural
exchange programme hosted by that country.

There are at least five music groups in AC Guards known as daff parties. Each
daff party consists of members ranging from ten to fifteen. A daff party is
owned by an older person who has developed the required musical talents and
who owns the musical instruments. The owner must be able to organize and
mobilize a group of men who are willing to work under him, although he may
not necessarily take part in the performances. He needs to have a permanent
office where contracts are signed and the musical instruments and traditional
uniforms of the band are kept. Usually such offices are located on main roads
and an advertisement board is posted in front of them. The main task of the
owner of a daff party is to attract as many customers as possible. He receives
customers, makes negotiations and receives the payments. Other members of the
daff party are only employees who are paid a certain amount of money for each
performance. Most of the income goes into the owner’s pocket. Some daff
members feel that the owners enrich themselves using the performers’ labor.
The most successful daff party of AC Guards is owned by Mr. Abdullah bin
Mahboob. His four children and his close and distant cousins, including my
informant Hamad bin Abdullah, are members of his music group. Hamad is in
charge of keeping the office and organizing and leading the performances, for
which he is paid more than the other members. Members of this daff group wear
white shirts and gray striped lunghi. The second musical group is owned by
Abdullah bin Mahboob’s cousin, Mr. Abdullah bin Murjhan. He is also an
elderly member of the African community. Members (or employees) of this
group are also close relatives of the owner as it is usually the case. The other
daff parties are organised and owned by individuals who once worked for the
above-mentioned two daff parties for several years. They left their masters and

209
established their own groups when they felt they could run a daff party of their
own, a situation that ensued discord, jealousy, and hatred among them. In some
cases it has led to mutual exclusion of one by the other because all groups are
competing for the same dwindling market.

Sheh34 Abdullah Hussein, a person who claims to be an Indian and is accepted

by others as such, owns another daff party. If Mr. Hussein is Indian as he claims
to be, it indicates that Indians are gradually learning the African traditional
music and taking it as their profession. Mr. Hussein is married to Mr. Abdullah
bin Mahboob’s cousin and was working under him to acquire the required
drumming skills. Later, he left the Arabi Daff Party of Abdullah bin Mahboob
and started his own daff (marfa) group known as Chota-Abu Marfa group.
Consequently, there is open hatred and avoidance not only between the leaders
of the two groups but also between their followers because they compete for the
same tight market. Backbiting between the two is quite common. People of the
Arabi Daff Party see Chota-Abu’s daff as amateurish and call it an ‘eyeglass’
daff. This is because that Mr. Hussein sometimes wears an eyeglass, an unusual
thing among the Siddi of AC Guards. Similarly, the daff party of Mr. Abdullah
bin Mahboob is also ridiculed by the Hindus of the Veer Neger area. They
mockingly call his daff the abuk-chipuk music band. This is a mocking name
coined by neighboring Hindus using the name of the daff owner, Mr. Abdullah,
Abu in short, and the sound of the daff drums.

Though Mr. Hussein is mocked at and in most cases avoided by his competitors,
he is doing relatively well in his business. He told me that whereas the Arabi
Daff Party charges customers 2000 Rs ($40 dollars) he charges only 1000Rs
($20 dollars) for each wedding performance. As a result, he receives more
requests than the Arabi Daff Party group. Some of his members are local Indians
and most are Siddi. Normally, individual players earn 70-150 Rs (about $1.5-3
dollars) per each performance excluding gifts from the audience, which are rare.
Those who play doll and kiliya are paid an additional 50Rs (about $1 dollar).
The person who plays the drum known as doll is paid better because it is heavy
to carry and requires more skill. The Marfa, on the other hand, is easy and is

34
The Siddi do not agree that he belongs to the ancient Arab descent group of Sheh and say
that his name is only his own sheer fabrication. They said he is no more than Abu Hussein.

210
played only on one side. Those who play the marfa and tappi are paid the same.
In the case of Arabi Daff Party, Hamad is paid 50 Rs (about $1 dollar) extra
because he keeps the office and receives orders from customers. The rest of the
money goes to the owner of the daff.

Mr. Hussein was invited to perform in several other cities within and outside the
state of Andhra Pradesh. The pay is better when the group is invited to perform
in another city and is still better when they are invited to another state. This
indicates that there are considerable groups of people living elsewhere in India
who are familiar with the Siddi music. Though the daff is declining at home it is
also broadening its influence elsewhere. Mr. Hussein believes that the gradual
decline of the daff market is caused by its “dull” presentation. He said that the
music groups know nothing other than beating the three different beats known as
sewari, bamb sheklah and yabu baka-yabu sala. There is no action
accompanying the musical performance. The dance is a routine kind of
movement which does not appeal to the modern Indian onlooker. For this
reason, he claimed to include magic shows in his music performances so as to
attract the curiosity of the customer. Mr. Hussein paints his face black and wears
Siddi clothes during his performances so that no one knows that he is an Indian.
The Siddi found his statements ludicrous because they consider him as black as
any Siddi, and needing no painting to be darker.

It needs to be mentioned that daff party is exclusively the affair of men. There
are no women who either participate in or own such musical groups. Women are
allowed to organize their own music groups only temporarily, to sing and dance
at Siddi weddings and collect money from those who are generous enough to
give them. However, not all Siddi men play the daff. Some Siddi like to watch
others perform but do not have the slightest skill themselves. For instance, no
Christian Siddi plays the daff although they invite the group to perform during
their occasions of festivity. In fact, some Siddi do not want to associate
themselves with the daff people. I know of a young Siddi who was not willing
even to watch others performing the daff. He told me that the daff is “nothing
but noise pollution”. He said that those Siddi who play in the daff clubs are
rowdy, drunkards, dirty, homosexuals and lazy. He insisted that I should not
have any contact with such people lest my reputation in AC Guards declines.
Other Siddi also admonished me for spending my time with the daff people.

211
Siddi Musical Instruments
1. Doll: This is a big drum made of wood and an ox’s skin. It is beaten on both
sides. The doll is also used by the Siddi of Gujarat, Karnataka and others. Mr.
Hussein used his palm and fingers to show me how big a doll is. According
to his measurement, a doll is as wide as a hand span and six fingers (about 30
cm), while a marfa is only one hand span (about 22 cm) in diameter.
35
2. Daff : The word daff is used to refer to a medium size drum which is a bit
smaller than a doll.
3. Tasha: This is a smaller-sized drum but still bigger than a marfa. It is made
of wood and an ox’s skin.
36
4. Marfa : This refers to a small Siddi drum which is made of a medium-sized
metal bowl and a goat’s skin. The drum is struck only on one of its sides.
5. Bindi: This refers to the smallest Siddi drum, and is made of a small metal
bowl and an ox’s skin. It is used only on one of its sides.
6. Tappi: This is a wooden instrument used to clap hands. The Siddi of AC
Guards do not have this instrument at present. However, it was in use in the
recent past.
7. Lack’di: This is a bamboo stick used to beat the drums. Lack’di literally
means wood or stick.
8. Muzmar: This is a flute-like instrument. No Siddi plays this instrument in AC
Guards at present. The last person who could play the instrument, a blind
man, died very recently without teaching the skill to anyone. The Siddi let
me hear tape-recorded daff music in which the muzmar is played.
9. Kiliya: This is actually a brass vessel mainly used for fetching and storing
water. During daff performances the kiliya is used either as a shaker or is
beaten like the drums using lack’di. It is also used to collect money from the
audience during daff performances. People who would like to give money for
the musicians take out their money, rotate it on the head of the musician once
or twice, and put it inside the kiliya. Almost all daff performances have a
kiliya. The kiliya is tied by a rope and is hung on the neck against the chest.
10. Tambura: This is a two-string instrument which has ceased to exist among
the Siddi of Hyderabad. Many Siddi heard about the tambura but haven’t

35
Daff, in addition to being the name of one of the drums, is also used to refer to the Siddi
traditional music band.
36
Marfa, like daff, is also used to refer to the Siddi traditional music band.

212
 actually seen one. Hamad told me that he saw a picture of the instrument for
the first time when some Americans came and showed it to him. It seems that
the instrument was once in use among the Siddi of Hyderabad. That is why
the Americans were able to picture it.
11. Sitar: This is a six-string instrument. Probably, sitar may have got its name
from the Urdu word sita which means six. The sitar is not available among
the Siddi of Hyderabad nowadays.
12. Sherri baja: This again refers to two different things. One, it refers to a big
brass drum which has recently started to be used by the Siddi. Two, sherri
baja is also used to refer to a semi-modern band that uses brass drums for its
performance.

The Siddi of Hyderabad have a special style of music specifically meant for
religious occasions. Whenever there is a spiritual festival or a holiday they sing
a slower rhythm song called damal. The Siddi of Hyderabad feel they are closer
to Allah whenever they sing or hear damal songs. In the past, the Siddi used to
play damal whenever they receive Prince Mukhram Jah, son of Osman Ali
Khan, the last Nizam of Hyderabad. Damal songs are the Siddi offerings
presented in praising Allah and his saints. In addition to its slow rhythm, damal
is also different from daff because it is accompanied by songs. Damal is serious
music in comparison to daff. Some Siddi told me that they should abstain from
food while performing damal though, in practice, this may not be strictly
observed. Damal, though it is slower in rhythm, has the three beat varieties of
daff known as bamb sheklah (or shengla), sewari, and yabu baka-yabu sala.
Bamb sheklah is the slowest of all the three while sewari is the fastest. Damal
has two other beats which no young Siddi knows. The songs of damal are in a
language that is unknown to the singers themselves. The Siddi have learned the
songs by heart and sing them today exactly the way their forefathers did, or
perhaps with very little change. Neither do they know from which African
country the songs originated. Although they feel spiritually uplifted when they
sing them, they do not understand the meaning of the words. Some believe the
songs are in the form of question and answer, whereby one leads and others
follow. The leader sings either the first word or the first two words of the song
while the rest of the singers follow him by singing the next phrases of the line.
Many of the songs are forgotten nowadays. Only a few people remember at least
part of them. Two of the songs are as follow. The first one was from a Siddi of

213
Somali origin. He said that he and his father never participated in the songs
because the songs were not of the Arabic culture but of black Africa, which he
did not want to associate himself with. He told me that he used to hear the songs
from the Siddi when he was a child. The second song is from Hamad bin
Abdullah who is an active member of the Arabi Daff Party. The songs seem to
be in the Swahili language. This indicates that some of the first Siddi settlers
came from Zanzibar or from neighboring-Swahili speaking areas.

1. kulala yem toto

kulala way
shekrem tembo (or shembo)
toto kulala way

2. olala yemgo shakram shembo (or tembo)

alilaya gom lambiyasa musalmara
yaburaka abusala oleya oleba simba
yahabole wahambole simbo tamtam tole
yabaya bamsalanga

The Siddi music known as savali, or better known as havali, has become a
historical memory. A Siddi friend of mine let me hear a tape recording of havali
music. He claimed that the singers were the Siddi elders. However, today’s
Siddi generation does not know how to play this music. Nowadays, havali is
associated more with the Yemeni community than with the Siddi. I doubt
whether the word havali is originally derived from the word Swahili as Ali
(1995) claims. It seems to me that the two words have nothing to do with each
other except for the similarity in sound.

Likewise, their Arab dance has no similarity at all with what is described in
historic records. If the literature presents the real picture of daff music as was
practiced in the past, one can confidently say that the present daff is not similar
to the historic daff. The present daff practice is discussed in chapter ten. Ali
(1995: 199f) describes how daff used to be in Hyderabad in the 60s and 70s:
“The Siddis were frequently called upon to sing and dance for weddings and
other unofficial activities. The dance called zubu was their principal show. Zubu
means cutting the animal into pieces. The dancers tie the dead animal upside

214
down to the centre of a tripod of bamboo poles. The members of the ensemble
dance around the tripod till the dead animal is sufficiently hacked. This
ferocious dance gave way to a non-violent one which has become popular in and
around Hyderabad. It is performed by bare-chested Siddis wearing colored
lungis tied in pale (sic!) with broad belts and with peacock feathers tucked into
their headgear. They moved around a pole. Three of the thirty-member groups
play drums called ‘dhols’ and three others play string instruments. Tambure, one
of this string instrument varieties, is regarded as divine. Before picking up this
instrument the dancers take a bath, perform Fatah (reading from the Quran), and
put flowers on the instrument. The dances have generally a thrilling opening
with the members rushing on the stage firing guns in rhythm. During their exit
they brandish swords and other weapons like spears and daggers. They dance
around a pole held by a person to the deafening rhythm provided by the drums.
At times a song of Savali (Swahili) accompanies the dance.” However, none of
the Siddi that I talked to agreed that such was the presentation of the daff music
thirty years ago. Some of the present elders of the community used to dance in
the daff groups of those times. But when I told them how the daff was described
in the literature they told me that it is the writer’s fabrication. In my own
research I have never come across anything similar to Mr. Ali’s description.
However, his presentation is highly similar to the dances of the Siddi of Gujarat.
The “zubu” dance has nothing to do with the meaning he alleged, that is,
“cutting the animal into pieces”. It seems he misunderstood “zulu”37 for “zubu”.
The fact that the dance is called “Zulu” and not “zubu” is shown in a newspaper
article Siddis Get no More Than a Sporting Glance (Express Newsline,
December 12, 1996) as “They call some of their dances Zulu dances”. This may
indicate the origin of the forefathers of at least some of the Gujarati Siddi.

The role of Siddi music in maintaining the ethnic identity of the community
cannot be overestimated. The daff has become the emblem of the community in
broadcasting their unique identity in India. Although the daff is nowadays
practiced by the Siddi mainly as an economic venture, it is also cherished as
their traditional lore. And despite the continuous change of its style it seems to
stay as one of the main features of the Siddi identity in the foreseeable future.

37
Zulu is the name of a nationality found in South Africa.

215
216
 9. INTRA - AND INTERETHNIC RELATIONSHIPS

In this chapter, the co-operative and conflicting relations existing among the
Siddi of AC Guards, and their relationship with other Siddi communities and
with their non-Siddi neighbors are described. Despite the Siddi’s co-existence
with the neighboring Hindu and Christian communities, their relationship was
not always amicable. There are feuds, clashes, and backlashes that keep the
various communities of the area on continuous alert. Like in Gujarat and
elsewhere, where Hindus and Muslims are living side-by-side, civil unrest may
erupt abruptly and reach catastrophic level in AC Guards too. Sometimes both
communities live in besiege of each other. It is not possible to discuss every past
happening here. But some important issues are raised and highlighted to show
the social environment in which the Siddi of AC Guards live.

9.1. Intra-Siddi Relationships

The intra-ethnic affinity and the sense of belonging especially among the elderly
Siddi cannot be overstated. The Siddi have several ways in which they express
their commonality, some of which have already been discussed in the preceding
chapters. Some of these points will be raised again here from a different angle
since they have a lot to do with the main discussion of this chapter.

Family has a very important place in the life of the Siddi. It is difficult, if not
totally impossible, for an individual to do anything without the approval of the
family. Grandparents, parents, elder brothers and sisters, and close relations
have a strong influence on the direction that a person follows. Marriage, travel,
whether one should work or not, or what kind of job one should have, ought to
be discussed and consented by family members. If an individual acts in direct
violation of the family’s consent he/she, at least in principle, is liable to total
excommunication not only by the family but also by the community at large.
When a person is thought to be nubile or ready for marriage, parents look for a
suitable spouse for him/her. Normally, the most important aspect of marriage is
the possible relationship of the parents of the groom and that of the bride which
would be created from the marital bond of their children. Boys and girls are
expected to marry the person whom their parents choose, even though they do

217
not know or love the would-be spouses assigned to them. In doing so, they
express their respect for their parents.

Children are expected to respect their elder brothers and sisters. A deferential
approach is expected of youngsters in all dealings with their elders. Usually,
youngsters do not even look at their elders directly in the face. Once brothers
reach adolescence their relationship becomes colder and more formal, often
deferential. A young man is not expected to talk with his elder brother as he
does with his friend. Often, the younger one does his best to avoid his elder
brother. If the elder brother is married he can ask his younger brothers to work
for him and the latter are expected to obey. Elder brothers may act like fathers
towards their younger brothers and sisters. If they feel their younger brothers or
sisters should be punished corporally they do so without any inhibition. No
younger brother is allowed to speak with his/her elder brothers on equal terms.
Any liberal approach towards one’s elder brothers and sisters is severely
reproached by the family and the community. I have seen elder brothers
repeatedly beating their younger ones and the latter receiving the punishment
without any sign of resistance. Some boys were even afraid to cry or run away
when their elder brothers beat them. I have seen a young boy receiving the
punishment sitting down until the elder brother was satisfied and let him go.
Similarly, attitudes towards elder cousins and other close relations is highly
deferential. In most cases youngsters are uneasy talking in the presence of their
elder relations. Youngsters are expected to show their respect by bowing down
instead of looking straight in elders’ faces, and by talking in a very low tone.
Contrarily, young children have a relaxed and easy relationship with their
grandparents. Children spend a good deal of their time with their grandparents,
and in some cases more than they spend with their parents. In fact, some are
adopted by their grandparents and are known as their own children.

If a young girl is of marriageable age she can not walk alone outside the
neighborhood. Either her brothers or other close family members must
accompany her. If a girl is found to have a romantic relationship with someone
whom the family has no knowledge of she is defaming not only the family but
also all of her relatives. Elder brothers are expected to be watchful of their
younger sisters until they are handed over to someone in marriage. If someone

218
trespasses the norm and is found to be having an affair with a girl, her brothers
feel they are disrespected. Their reaction is mostly violent.

The relationship of a Siddi husband to his wife may be unusual in many

societies. A wife cannot call her husband by name since doing so is considered
disrespecting him. Many wives have never addressed their husbands by name. A
wife approaches her husband and says what she wants without necessarily
calling him by name. If they have children she calls him as father of so and so.
This is one of the ways a wife shows her respect to her husband. A husband too
does not address his wife by her name. He just talks to her unless he is forced by
circumstances to call her by name. When I ask some men what the name of their
wives were they had to think for a while before answering. Some gave me two
different names when I asked them twice at different times. Lately, I was told
that asking the name of someone’s wife is a taboo. If men talk about their wives
they say “my wife”, “your wife”, and “our wives” without necessarily
mentioning their names. Husbands know very little about their wives. This is
probably because they talk very little to each other. In the first place, unless she
is a second wife whom the husband married by his own choice, they had never
seen each other before their wedding. One knows nothing about the other’s
feelings and desires before marriage. After marriage, a wife is expected to
respect her husband and never discusses anything with him unless he initiates it.
Very rarely does a husband wants to discuss something with his wife. Therefore,
many husbands do not know what their wives like to eat, to wear, or to do. I
asked one of my informants, what his wife likes to eat. He said, “How can I
know what my wife likes to eat? As along as I am in my home she must cook
what I like to eat and not what she likes. She can cook and eat what she wants
when I am not there. I do not know what she likes to eat”.

As far as names of people are concerned I faced unusual situations. When I ask a
Siddi what the name of the person he was talking to the other day, quite often,
he either says he does not know or he forgot. Also, when I asked somebody the
name of his/her grandfather or in-laws or any other relation, I was often told that
he/she did not know. Sometimes one told me a certain name of a person and still
another told me a different name of the same person. When I asked my
informant the name of his cousin, he mentioned one name at one time and still
another at another time. Likewise, many fathers do not know how many children

219
they have or what the names of their children are or how old they are or whether
they go to school or not. When I ask fathers to tell me the names of their
children according to their birth order, those who have many children forget at
least a quarter of them. Fathers tend to forget mainly their daughters.

Many Siddi men are not seriously concerned with taking care of their children.
They believe that childcare is not their business. I have heard this opinion even
from those who received modern education. They repeatedly told me that no one
other than Allah is able to feed the smallest creature let alone another person.
The Siddi strongly believe that it is Allah’s business to feed the children or kill
them. Only Allah can do what he will in the lives of people and no one can
change that. Therefore, it is a fact that many Siddi children are unattended,
famished and sick. Very few Siddi fathers spend time with their children.
Children are expected to stay at home with their mothers. As a result, many
Siddi children know little about their fathers. Siddi children are very close and
tender to their mothers but do not have the same relationship with their fathers. I
have seen Javeed, my friend, kissing his mother every now and then. But he
never talks to his father, first, as a sign of respect and second, he and his father
do not feel comfortable with each other. When I took a picture of the family
Javeed told me that it was his first picture with his father. However, he has
several pictures with his mother. His relationship with his mother is so intimate
that they even go to cinemas and restaurants together. The same could not
happen with his father.

Parents and relatives of a married woman visit her in her house very rarely. But
if they do, her husband needs to be informed in advance unless it is very difficult
to do so. If parents visit their married daughter they stay with her only briefly
and go back on the same day. They do not expect to dine with her husband.
Normally, they are served tea and sweets. If she visits her parents it must be
only with the consent of her husband. It is an accepted fact that a husband or his
parents could physically punish the wife when she makes ‘serious’ mistakes.

The Siddi have an extended family structure. Children are no more important
family members than first cousins. Kinship is so strong among the Siddi that
they have several words to express relationships. Some of them are mentioned
below.

220
1. Aba = father
2. Ammy = mother
3. Beta = son
4. Beti= daughter
5. Bhai = brother
6. Bhabi = wife of a brother
7. Bhain =sister
8. Behoni = husband of a sister
9. Dada = paternal grandfather
10. Dadi= paternal grandmother
11. Nana= maternal grandfather
12. Nani = maternal grandmother
13. Mamu= mother’s brother
14. Mami = wife of mother’s brother
15. Mumera Bhai = son of mother’s brother
16. Mumera Bhain = daughter of mother’s brother
17. Kala = mother’s sister
18. Kalu = husband of mother’s sister
19. Khalera Bhai = son of mother’s sister
20. Khalera Bhain = daughter of mother’s sister
21. Pupu = father’s sister
22. Pupa = husband of father’s sister
23. Pupera Bhai = son of father’s sister
24. Puperi Bhain = daughter of father’s sister
25. Chicha = father’s brother
26. Chachi = wife of father’s brother
27. Chichera Bhai = son of father’s brother
28. Chichera Bhain = daughter of father’s brother
29. Bivi = wife
30. Mia = husband
31. Sali = wife’s sister
32. Sadu = husband of wife’s sister
33. Sali Beta = son of wife’s sister
34. Sali Beti = daughter of wife’s sister
35. Sala = wife’s brother
36. Sales = wife of wife’s brother

221
37. Sala Beta = son of wife’s brother
38. Sala Beti = daughter of wife’s brother
39. Dever = younger brother of a husband
40. Devrani = wife of younger brother of a husband
41. Bhashur = elder brother of a husband
42. Jithani = wife of elder brother of a husband
43. Dever ka Beta = son of a younger brother of a husband
44. Dever ka Beti = daughter of a younger brother of a husband
45. Bhashur ka Beta = son of an elder brother of a husband
46. Bhashur ka Beti = daughter of an elder brother of a husband
47. Nanand = husband’s sister
48. Nandori = husband of husband’s sister
49. Nanand Beta = son of husband’s sister
50. Nanand Beti = daughter of husband’s sister
51. Potra = son’s son (and son of sister’s son)
52. Potri = daughter of a son (and daughter of sister’s son)
53. Potra Bhau = wife of son’s son
54. Potra Damad = husband of son’s daughter
55. Newasa = daughter’s son (and son of sister’s daughter)
56. Newasi = daughter’s daughter (and daughter of sister’s daughter)
57. Newasi Bhau = wife of daughter’s son
58. Newasa Damad = husband of daughter’s daughter
59. Bhanja = sister’s son
60. Bhanji = sister’s daughter
61. Bhanji Bhau = wife of sister’s son
62. Bhanja Damad = husband of sister’s daughter
63. Bhatija = brother’s son
64. Bhatiji = brother’s daughter
65. Bhatija Bhau = wife of brother’s son
66. Bhatija Potra = son of brother’s son (and son of brother’s daughter)
67. Bhatija Potri = daughter of brother’s son (and daughter of brother’s
daughter)
68. Bhatija Damad = husband of brother’s daughter
69. Sas = mother of a husband or a wife
70. Kala Sas = sister of mother of a wife or a husband
71. Mamu Susra = brother of mother of a wife or a husband

222
72. Susra = father of a husband
73. Bhau = wife of a son
74. Damat = husband of a daughter

223
Figure 5: A sketch showing the kinship terminologies listed on page 172-173. The numbers on
the sketch correspond to the role numbers given to the list of kinship terminologies.

9 10 11 12

26 25 22 21 1 2 13 14 17 18

28 27 23 24 19 20
15 16
6 5 ego 29 7 8

73 3 4 74

68 64 65 63

66 67 54 52 51 53 59 61 60 62

67 66 57 55 56 58 56 55

52 51

69 70 71

36 35 32 31 29

38 37 33 34

Let me use an example of the family of Mrs. Rabiya Bi who is about 78 years
old to show how a Siddi family is very large and extended. She was married to
Mr. Faraj bin Issa bin Faraj when she was only 13. Her husband’s grandfather,
Mr. Faraj, was an immigrant from Africa more than 150 years ago. Mrs. Rabiya
Bi’s father, Mr. Bilal bin Mabrook is also said to be an immigrant from Africa.

224
Mrs. Rabiya Bi has three sons and three daughters. They are, in the order that
she told me, as follow38:
A. First generation (Children of Mrs. Rabiya Bi)

1. R’osiya Sultana
2. Ayisha Sultana
39
3. Sofia Sultana
40
4. Yesuf bin Ali
41
5. Issa bin Faraj
6. Bilal bin Faraj

B. Second generation (Grandchildren of Mrs. Rabiya Bi)

Rosiya Sultana is married to Sheh Kelil Ahmed and has two sons and two
daughters. They are:
1. Sheh Jemil Ahmad. He is married to Muni Begum and they have a son and a
daughter whose names are Rehan Ahmed and Rehim Unisa respectively.
2. Sheh Said Irfan Ahmad (he is only 12 years old.)
3. Zarina Begum who is married to Allah Bak’ash. They have no children
4. Asifa Sultana who is only 10 years old

Ayisha Sultana is married to Mohammad Akber Khan. They have three

daughters and two sons who are respectively as follow:
1. Shahnaaz Sultana who is married to Mohammad Janghi. They have three
daughters whose names are Shirin Sultana (5 years old), Naushin Sultana (3
years old), and Ambrin Sultana (1 ½ years old).
2. Shahin Sultana (16 years old)
3. Nasrin Sultana (14 years old)

38
She told me the names of her daughters first and then her sons’ irrespective of their age.
Most Siddi fathers would tell the names of their sons first even if their daughters are older
than the sons.
39
She died 10 years ago.
40
Mr. Yesuf was adopted by his mother’s brother, Mr. Ali bin Abdullah, who died some years
ago. Mr. Ali did not have his own son and that was why he adopted his sister’s son.
41
Giving two names alternatively for several generations is common among the Siddi. For
instance, in this case, Issa bin Faraj bin Issa bin Faraj.

225
4. Mohammad Rose Khan (21 years old and single)
5. Mohammad Abbas Khan (18 years old and single)

Sofia Sultana, who died 10 years ago due to heart failure, was married to Zafar
bin Ali whom I was told is an Arab, a Siddi and a Habshi all at the same time.
His father, Dr. Ali bin Sat, was a veterinary doctor who is believed to have been
an immigrant from Africa. Mrs. Sofiya Sultana and her husband have four
daughters whose names are:
1. Fauziah Sultana (She is 21 years old, single and a nurse by profession.)
2. Naziah Sultana ( She is19 years old and a health assistant.)
3. Atiya Sultana (She is14 years old and a seventh grade student.)
4. Asfiya Sultana (She is 10 years old. Her family members say that she is a
typical African because she is known in the family for her ferocity and
fighting.)

Mrs. Rabiya Bi’s first son, Yesuf bin Ali is married to Shahida Begum, who is
not a Siddi, and has three daughters and two sons who are respectively:
1. Farhin Sultana (19 years old)
2. Shahin Sultana (16 years old)
3. Nasrin Sultana (13 years old)
42
4. Haji bin Ali (15 years old.)
43
5. Agar bin Ali (12 years old.)

Issa bin Faraj is married to Salima Begum and has two sons whose names are.
1. Faraj bin Issa (3 years old)
2. Ali bin Abdullah (1 ½ years old

Bilal bin Faraj is only 21 years old and is not married yet.

42
Ali is the name of his father’s maternal uncle.
43
Ali is the name of his father’s maternal uncle.

226
Figure 6: A sketch showing the Siddi’s endogamy and intermarriage with the local people.
Note that the Siddi’s intermarriage results in the loss of members of their community.

3
1 3

2
Key
1. A Siddi woman is married to a Sheh and all her descendants became Sheh.
When one of her sons, who is a Sheh, married a Siddi woman their children
remained Sheh after the identity of their fathers.
2. A Siddi woman is married to a Khan. All of their descendants are Khan,
irrespective of their gender.
3. Endogamy among the Siddi results in the procreation of members of the
community.
4. A Siddi man married a non-Siddi woman. Their sons became Siddi following
the identity of their father while the daughters kept their mother’s identity.
Family members of such intermarriages belong to two or more ethnic groups
while living together in a single household.

The Siddi of AC Guards, Barkus, Chintal Basti and Irrum Manzil or those living
separately in various locations of Hyderabad city are consanguineously
interrelated. Though they mention various countries as their places of origin no
one denies that he/she is related to the other Siddi. The Siddi of Hyderabad say
that every Siddi is a cousin of the other. It is not possible to claim the origin of a
family from a single African country because their generations have been
intermarrying with each other. The old saying, “Blood is thicker than water”
holds true among the Siddi. Their continuous intra-marriages and the resulting

227
consanguinity have resulted in a strong sense of ethnic belonging among
themselves. One is related to another through several lines of consanguinity at
the same time (see figure 11). This phenomenon of ‘poly-consanguinity’ has
blended this relatively small community to form a unique block of blood ties.

The Siddi are also interrelated as business clientele of each other. As I said
elsewhere many Siddi are engaged in various small-scale business activities.
They own small groceries, restaurants, teashops, barber shops, butcher shops,
bakeries, tailors, pun shops, utensils rental shops, mills, and daff shops. For a
Siddi business person the people who ensure the continuity of his/her trade are
members of his/her own community. For the clients also, it is the Siddi business
persons who provide them the required items and services, avoiding
‘unnecessary’ intermingling with ‘others’. This economic interdependency
among members of the community enhances the already existing intra-ethnic
relationships. In AC Guards, each person is not only the cousin but also the
client of the other. It is to the advantage of all that one takes the other seriously
and behaves towards him/her modestly. This fact is more true in the case of the
daff musical groups. Many other music groups have popped up that could
effectively win the market to their advantage leaving the daff economy battered.
As a result, the daff is forced to seek its survival in the pockets of the Siddi
themselves. The Siddi also need the daff because, first, it is the dominant means
of expressing their tradition and culture. Secondly, it is the only affordable
music band for their religious ceremonies and weddings. Third, it is also
important because some of their children participate in the dance and make a
living for themselves. The daff groups have further intertwined the Siddi
community in a web of service dealers and customers.

Hockey and cricket teams are also a means of expressing commonality. The
presence of such teams, constituting exclusively the Siddi, strengthens the
already existing communal feeling. One could be a cousin, a business patron,
and a team-mate of another all at the same time. The rest of the Siddi are also
very supportive fans of their sport teams. I have seen how the community
receives their teams when they come back after winning a tournament. The
warm reception of the players in AC Guards is chaotic and tumultuous to say the
least. It is like the traditional reception for war heroes. For the Siddi, sport is not
only a matter of winning tournaments but also a matter of cultural heritage. It is

228
a question of anchoring to the roots of Siddiness. They seem to entertain an
ideology of the Siddi belonging to sport more than sport belonging to them.
Such sporting activities serve to create the ‘heroes’ of the community. And there
are many of them in AC Guards. The ‘heroes’ serve as the expression of the
community’s ‘true’ identity to outsiders. Their fathers are also considered as
fathers of ‘heroes’, their sisters as sisters of ‘heroes’, their brothers as brothers
of ‘heroes’ and so on, thereby creating an additional deferential mode of
relationship in local arena. As role models, they represent a pathway for the
younger generation to follow.

The fact that the Siddi live on a small plot of land, as compared to their size, has
created a compact neighborhood whose interaction is intensive and constant. AC
Guards is not more than 150 metres in width and 300 metres in length covering
a total area of 45,000 square metres. Only sixty percent of this area is covered
by residential houses while the rest are shops and paved roads. The residential
quarters of the Siddi are so small and compact that neighbors are able to talk to
each other while sitting in their own houses. Women frequently meet each other
when they fetch water from communal water taps, while it is customary for men
to chat in front of their houses in the evenings. The geographical proximity of
Siddi houses to one another, and consequently, the intensive interaction among
neighbors has resulted in an easy and joking relationship among members of the
community. The likelihood of meeting the same person several times throughout
the day is high.

The Siddi also express their sense of belonging to each other when a Siddi is
attacked by a non-Siddi. This is especially so if the ‘culprit’ is a Hindu, in which
case the whole Siddi community goes out to unleash violence against any Hindu
in their vicinity - not necessarily the accused. An outside threat often binds the
community together, raising the sentiment of brotherhood higher.

Their cherished annual and occasional religious festivities are another means of
intensifying interactions. Some holidays and rituals are exclusively matters of
the Siddi. The celebrations of one’s Bismillah could be cited here as an example.
During religious ceremonies of this sort, members share responsibilities equally
and engage in them with a strong sense of commitment which cements their
sense of communal belonging.

229
However, it is not possible to say that Siddi relationships have always been
harmonious. There are competitive individuals and groups in the community.
There is a possibility that constant competition will lead to conflict. There are
individual and group conflicts although the scale is by far outweighed by the
harmonious co-existence. In recent times, there have been a handful of
individuals who have made their way up the economic ladder, forming a class of
their own. Some are businessmen who trade both inside and outside the country,
while a few others are government officials. This small section of the Siddi has
distanced itself from the community. Some, who are accused of pride and
destructive behavior by concerned Siddi, do not regard themselves as belonging
to the community anymore. For example, Khaleed bin Abdullah, who is the
administrator of his father’s Moulana Azad High School, is accused of charging
Siddi students more than what is due. The Siddi feel that their children should be
admitted to the school free of charge. This has resulted in severe distrust
between the family of Abdullah bin Almas, who is the owner of the school, and
parents of Siddi students. They are also accused of employing non-Siddi
personnel in the school while the Siddi sit jobless. Mr. Abdullah, however, said
that, “The Siddi are a lazy and good-for-nothing people. I do not want my family
to mix with them lest they learn the ways of the Siddi.” This small rich section
of the Siddi not only distanced itself from the rest of the community but also its
members strengthened their interaction among themselves thereby forming a
quasi sub-community. They declined from offering their children in marriage to
the economically disadvantaged Siddi. They also sent their children abroad in
order to inculcate them with a completely different identity from that of their
family members and friends. This is not easily accepted by the rest of the
community which has succeeded in making the richer section of the Siddi live in
constant fear of abrupt retaliatory measures.

The most frequent conflict in AC Guards pertains to religious conservatism and

liberalism. Some Siddi are ‘puritans’ in their religious outlooks while some are
known for their liberal and even secular ways of living. This has resulted in a
constant mistrust and avoidance of one group by the other. The accumulated
discontent of the conservative circle with regard to the behavior of liberal
individuals manifests itself when an individual from the latter circle seeks a
matrimonial relation with one from the former. In this case, there could be an
outright rejection of the proposal which may not be acceptable by the other

230
group, leading to conflicts that last for years. Similarly, there are cases of
‘puritans’ influencing members of the community not to buy from the shops of
the alleged liberals. Such ‘boycotts’ have strongly damaged the businesses of the
alleged wrongdoers. However, these individuals went on with their daring
‘liberalism’ in an attempt to enrage or retaliate the ‘puritans’. The result was not
pleasing as it unleashed intra-communal carnage. However, this was a rare
incident and does not characterize the intra-ethnic relationship of the Siddi,
which is generally harmonious.

Those Siddi who are assimilated into the general Muslim society have differing,
and at times opposing, interests from the average Siddi. The former do not want
to see anything non-Islamic performed in their name including the traditional
Siddi music and dance. They do not want to appear any different from the rest of
the Muslim community with whom they associate themselves. On the other
hand, most Siddi would like to maintain their distinctiveness, particularly when
it comes to their daff music. These Siddi often criticise the former for failing to
uphold the tradition of their forefathers and of the community. And when their
own fellows mock at their cherished tradition the ideological conflict evolves
into a physical one.

Another type of conflict is seen between the young and the old of Siddi society.
Although, generally speaking, the young Siddi venerate their elders, there is a
visible crack between the two sections of the society. The old often criticise the
young for failing to take over the tradition of their predecessors especially when
it comes to sport. The young generation still participates in various sporting
activities but excellence in the games has gone with the past generation. The
young are dismayed by their parents’ misunderstanding of the realities of
modern times and failure to send them to modern schools in due time. The
elders, on the other hand, argue that it is the young people who are responsible
for their own misery because they have abandoned the sporting tradition of their
ancestors.

The strict observation of the Islamic code of conduct has relegated women to the
base of Siddi society. In AC Guards, women are not detachable from domestic
affairs. It seems that most Siddi women are resigned to accepting their lot. But it
is not possible to say that the men and women of AC Guards live without any

231
discord whatsoever. Women disobey when they are forced to quit school,
prevented from working, forced to wear the burqa at an early age, or when their
husbands fail to support the family financially. Women express their
dissatisfaction on the strictness of the community’s moral laws in several ways.
Young girls run away to distant cities either to live as commercial sex workers
or to marry a loved one whom parents did not approve. Married women also
express their dissatisfaction of the system by involving in secret love affairs
despite the strictness of the system. Women’s rebellion is met strictly with
corporal punishment by the responsible family, although this has not improved
the continuously growing disobedience of women. The conflict between the
genders seems to remain in AC Guards for long time to come.

The level of literacy among the Siddi is very low even by Indian standards. Most
have never been to any form of school. The elder generation in particular, do not
read or write any of the Indian languages. However, there are a handful of young
Siddi who have been to modern schools and colleges. This is especially so
among the Christian Siddi, who have acquired a considerable level of education
due to the effort of Christian missionaries. This ‘elite’ class of the Siddi has
almost done away with the traditional practices of the community. It has
understandably distanced itself from the ways of the Siddi. The ‘elite’ section of
the community criticise the rest for being excessive traditionalists and too
backward while they themselves are criticised for abandoning the ways of the
ancients. The influence that this ‘elite’ section has on the younger generation is
strong. The young generation is in conflict as to whether to attach itself to the
old ways or to the ways of the educated. Though there is no great hatred
between the ‘elite’ and the rest of the community, a crack is already visible.

The traditional music groups known as daff party are in competition against
each other because they depend on the same dwindling market as their sole
means of survival. Especially between the older daff groups and the newly
established ones there is a certain level of mistrust, jealousy, and hatred. The
owners of the old daff groups felt betrayed when those who learned their skills
while working under them broke away, established their own daff groups and
took a share of the market. The new daff groups also do every thing possible to
‘kill’ the business of their competitors by luring away their musicians, promising
them better pay. Some have reduced the price of performances and introduced

232
new innovations into the music like magic shows and sports to make the
performance more attractive and thereby win customers. This makes the owners
of the old daff groups very angry because they consider themselves more as
custodians of the traditions of the ancients and of the community than as
businessmen. When the young daff groups introduce new innovations into the
music the older groups feel that the tradition of the forefathers is abused. They
do not want daff to be either improved or appear as a fanfare. It is a sacred
practice and should be transferred to posterity as it is. Nevertheless, the way the
Siddi perform it today has very little similarity with the way their predecessors
did it in the past. Although all realize this fact, the older daff groups do not want
to introduce new additions into the music on purpose, nor are they happy when
others play ‘strange’ music in the name of daff. This by itself is a source of open
conflict in AC Guards.

9.2. Siddi Networks

Perhaps it would be interesting to see how the Siddi spend their days, and to
analyse their interpersonal relationships so as to understand their
interdependence and feeling for each other. I take as an example the case of a
young Siddi whom I give the pseudonym Mahmood. Mahmood woke up today
at 4:00 in the morning and greeted his parents saying “Asalam Alekum!” He left
home at 4:30 in the morning for fajir prayer at Bilal Habshi Mosque where he
met the Siddi imam of the mosque and greeted him. He told me that he greets
the imam first, even though he does not know the imam’s name, whenever he
goes to the mosque. He met Baqeed bin Abdullah, Feruz bin Jumma, Ahmed bin
Feroz, Said Ibrahim, Mohammad bin Farzullah, Ali bin Ayas and his own father
inside the mosque and shook hands with all of them. All are Siddi. All are “bin”
except Said Ibrahim and Mohamood’s father44.

44
The last two were born of non-Siddi fathers and therefore they do not have “bin” in their
names. If asked to name their identity they would have said they were not Siddi. But
Mohamood considers them to be Siddi when they are together as a group. Some Indians of
African origin may claim they are not Siddi when asked as individuals but when they are in a
group of Siddi they too become Siddi.

233
Mohamood then went to AC Guards’ kabristan (a cemetery of the community
where about 400 Siddi are buried) to perform a dua45 prayer for and towards his
deceased relations. He did not talk to anyone on his way from the mosque to the
cemetery lest the prayer becomes ineffective. There are two graves that he
always visits and prays to. These are the graves of his mother’s younger sister
(his kala) and his mother’s father (his nana). He prayed for about twenty
minutes to and for the entire Siddi buried there, kneeling down beside the two
graves and laying his hands on them. He cried tears, remembering how the two
were helpful to him and his family. Then he rubbed his tears off his face and
went home. He gave a last look back at the cemetery and prayed, “Oh, Allah
give them Paradise! Do not punish them in Hell! Forgive them forever, oh
Allah!”

On his way home he passed through a business area where most shops are
occupied by non-Siddi Muslims, but he did not talk to anyone. He greeted his
mother at home, wore his lunghi, the traditional Siddi dress, and went to sleep.
Then his younger sister and brother woke him up and asked him to buy them
biscuits as they always do. This time he did not have money to give them as he
had lost his job because of his deteriorating health. He took a cold shower,
dressed properly and left home because he had an important appointment with
his “girlfriend” Hamina, who is actually the wife of his best friend. Mohamood
does not think that his girlfriend and her husband are Siddi although they are
descendants of a Siddi family, as he is46. Mohamood and his girlfriend had a
secret appointment because it is a serious offence if they are found out together
without the permission of her husband. She wanted to help him borrow money
from Hindu moneylenders she is acquainted with. Although Mohamood and
Hamina live close by each other, they agreed to meet at the bus station so that no
one would see them together. She was properly covered with a burqa and naqab
(or rakel). She took her son with her to divert possible suspicion from onlookers.
The bus was late and they were forced to take a taxi to Erra Gada where the
Hindu family resides. They knew the taxi driver was a Muslim because of the

45
The Dua is different from the formal prayer held in mosques, which is known as the namas.
The Dua is an informal prayer of an individual or a group of people that takes place anywhere
at anytime.
46
He believes that only those African descendants who still have their physical African
appearance, that is, black skin, flat nose and woolly hair who should be known as Siddi.

234
number 786 posted on the taxi. Mohamood had to pay 30 Rupees (less than half
a dollar) for the taxi from his meagre income.

They met the Hindu lady, a certain Mrs. Shamlal, who was once a friend of
Hamina. The lady’s husband deals with men customers while she deals with
women customers. This time Mohamood and Hamina had to talk to her because
it was Hamina who knows the lady personally. They asked Mrs. Shamlal to lend
Mohamood 5000 Rupees (less than $100 dollars) which he promised to return in
due time. The lady asked Mohamood if he had a job, or property, or if he was
married, to which he answered no. The lady declined lending the money, saying
that there was no guarantee that he would pay it back. Hamina tried hard to
convince the lady to change her mind by telling her that he is going to marry and
is seriously in need of money. No matter how much Hamina tried to assure her
that he would pay the money back, the lady refused the loan as there was no
collateral to guarantee its repayment. It was not easy for Mohamood to go to a
Hindu house and beg for money and fail to secure his request. He felt bitter
towards everything and everybody. He wanted to cry but did not want to show
his emotions in the presence of his girlfriend who had endangered herself to help
him out of his misery. They took a taxi whose driver was again a Muslim. They
came as far as Chintal Basti, a neighborhood of AC Guards, and got out there so
that no one would see them together.

Then Mohamood decided not to go home although it was already lunchtime. He

felt ashamed to eat in his parents’ house without contributing anything to the
household’s income. He was depressed and sat on the roadside for more than an
hour, in spite of the extreme heat of the summer. He met his friend Khadir and
went to Ahmed’s teashop where they discussed a lot about their future, drinking
suleymani tea. Both are considered old to remain single and both have lost their
jobs due to health-related problems. Politics was tense in the country as India
and Pakistan were almost on the verge of a full-scale war and both were fearing
a nuclear onslaught. The front pages of Indian newspapers were full of politics
and war issues. But this was not interesting for Mohamood and Khadir. They
told me that they did not care if India was at war or at peace if their situation did
not change. Khadir said they themselves are at war with their own lives. After
some time Mohamood realized that Ahmed was not happy that they were sitting
in his teashop just to talk. Mohamood left the shop and sat by the roadside in the

235
scorching sun. He told me that many Siddi passed by without greeting him as
they were afraid that he might ask them for money. He went home briefly and
talked to himself, looking at himself in the mirror. He asked himself, “What are
you? What is your life? And what is your future?” He looked at the sky and told
Allah that he was waiting for his help. At 3:00 Mohamood went to AC Guards
to meet his ‘doctor’, Mohamod Asif, who is 24 years old and a friend of Hajji
bin Jabar, another Siddi friend of Mohamood. The ‘doctor’ himself is not Siddi
but most of his friends are. Mohamood greeted the Siddi friends of the ‘doctor’
sitting in the clinic. He was afraid that his previous operation would not allow
him to have sexual intercourse when he gets married in two months time. The
‘doctor’ told Mohamood, to his relief, that the operation would not prohibit him
from sexual intercourse. He spent about two hours in the clinic talking to his
Siddi friends who were in the clinic. Then both Mohamood and his friend
Khadir went to Ahmed’s teashop again. There were both Siddi and non-Siddi
Muslims drinking suleymani tea in the shop. They talked about Mohamood’s
forthcoming wedding until they left to look for their non-Siddi Muslim friend
Tahir.

It is possible to see that most of Mohamood’s network is with the Siddi while he
has a considerable interaction with non-Siddi Muslim residents of the area as
well. His contact with either Hindu or Christians, be it Siddi or non-Siddi, is
minimal and accidental. It is also interesting to see that some of his
acquaintances are considered non-Siddi as individuals but are considered Siddi
when they mix with other Siddi individuals. These are some of the many Siddi
who often oscillate between either keeping or abandoning their Siddi identity.
The Siddi also communicate with the deceased members of their community.

Hindu and Christian residents of the area generally do not intrude into the Siddi
quarter unless compelled by circumstances or the invitation comes from the
other party. Under normal cicumstances, relations between the Siddi and their
Hindu and non-Siddi Christian neighbors do not go beyond seeing each other. If
the Siddi and Hindus have to physically meet and talk to each other the initiative
mostly comes from the former. Like the above example, the nature of their
interaction is that the Siddi want economic assistance from the latter, which may
not always succeed. One can also see that most of the Siddi discussions and
worries are related to their financial problems and their consequences. This

236
single day in Mohamood’s experience serves as a small window through which
one can see the inside of the Siddi’s world.

Figure 7: A Siddi man’s single day network

Siddi and non-

Siddi Muslims
in a mosque

deceased
Siddi saints in
Siddi and a cemetery
Arab friends
in a tea shop

Mohamood
Siddi and
Non-Siddi
Muslim
friends in a
A Hindu clinic
money
lender

A non-Siddi
Muslim taxi
driver

9.3. Relations With Other Siddi Communities

The Siddi of AC Guards, Chintal Basti, and Irrum Manzil consider themselves
to be a single unit and not separate communities. This is partly due to the
geographical proximity of the areas. They are separated from each other only by
narrow roads. Moreover, the areas of Chintal Basti and Irrum Manzil were also
known as AC Guards in the past. There is also constant contact and an amicable
relationship between the Siddi residents of these neighborhoods, which they
hardly consider as separate communities. In fact, each family residing in one of
these neighborhoods has some of its members residing in the other
neighborhoods too. Some polygynous men have wives in each of the
neighborhoods. When they are asked the location of their residence they say
they live in AC Guards even if one of the wives lives in one of the other
neighborhoods.

237
Barkus (also called Salala) is another community in Hyderabad where Africans
and Arabs live side-by-side. During the time of the last two Nizam of
Hyderabad, Barkus47 was a military barrack from which it got its name. Most of
the residents are Yemeni Arabs but there are a few Siddi among them. The size
of the Siddi community in Barkus is comparable to the size of the Yemeni
community in AC Guards. The Siddi in Barkus claim they are Yemeni Arabs.
There is considerable similarity between this community and the Siddi of AC
Guards. Both communities were soldiers of the Nizam. Both live in military
barracks freely given to them by the Nizam government. They are
predominantly Muslims. Their literacy and economic level is low even by Indian
standards. Both communities are descendants of immigrants of African and
Arab origin. Both are known as communities of Chaush. Their day-to-day lives
are also more or less the same. Some Siddi of AC Guards have relatives in
Barkus and vice versa. The Yemeni in AC Guards are related to and
intermarried with their fellow Yemenis in Barkus, while the Africans in Barkus
are related likewise to the Africans in AC Guards. There are also African and
Arab intermarriages in both communities. This interconnection has resulted in
constant contact and a cordial interaction between the two communities.
Especially when there are festive occasions, the Siddi of AC Guards are invited
to Barkus to perform their ‘Arab dance’. The following chain of interaction
characterises the interrelationship of the two communities.

Figure 8: The interconnection between Barkus’s predominantly Yemeni community and AC

Guard’s predominantly Siddi community. The size of the circles indicates the respective size
of the communities.

ACG
Barkus Arabs
Arabs
ACG
Barkus Siddi
Siddi

47
Barkus comes from the English word “barrack”.

238
Although the two communities recognize their differences they feel they have
important things in common. Their common history and religion are crucial
aspects of their sense of belonging. I would like to present a case story here to
show how Africans and Arabs live together in Barkus, thus showing the
interconnection between AC Guards and Barkus communities.

When I arrived at Barkus I met a certain Yemeni-Indian whose name is Hussein.

He is one of the many Arabs working in countries of the Middle East. Hussein
works in Saudi Arabia and speaks good English. Hussein arranged a discussion
for me with some of the members of the community. They were Osman bin
Sayeed Baosman, Hussein bin Ali bin Berak, Habbeb Hussein Al Yedroos, and
Mohammad bin Abdullah Sharabi. The first is a pharmacist and runs his uncles
pharmacy. The second is a playwright who claimed to have written several
stories for Indian films. He speaks a good deal of English and was helping me
by interpreting during our discussions. Despite his claim to be a Yemeni, my
assistants were convinced that he is an African because of his physical features.
The third person makes a living by writing letters in the Arabic language mainly
for members of the community, because the present Arab generation of Barkus
do not speak Arabic. He came from Yemen to India when he was 18 years old to
meet his mother, who was already living in India, married to one of the Yemeni
soldiers of the Nizam government. Since then he has settled in India. The last
person mentioned above, Mr. Mohammad bin Abdullah Sharbi, whom I was told
is an African, makes a living by fortune telling. He also has a pension from the
government because he is an ex-soldier of the Nizam government. Mr.
Mohammad, who did not want to be recognized as an African, said he was a
sepoy48 in the army of the Nizam. Then he went to Saudi Arabia and Abu Dhabi
where he worked for ten and four years respectively. It was there that he learnt
Arabic which he has now mostly forgotten. In the past he was living in AC
Guards together with the Siddi before he left Hyderabad for those countries. It
seems he was so influenced by the Arab culture during his stay in those
countries that he found himself to be more Arab than African when he came
back. Therefore, he settled in Barkus when he came back rather than in AC
Guards, although some of his relatives still live in the latter. The Arabs of
Barkus welcomed him as one of their own. The feeling of commonality was

48
Sepoy is the lowest military rank of a soldier serving under the British.

239
strong because he lived in Saudi Arabia and spoke Arabic for some years. He
was also a soldier of the Nizam just like them.

They told me that the Yemeni soldiers were brought by the Yemeni Wazir of
Mahboob Ali Pasha whose name is Abdullah bin Aulaqi49. The Arabs believe,
like the Siddi, that they were brought to India because of their military skills.
They said that they had a good life then but nowadays they believe India has
failed to be a home for Muslims in general. They feel they are being deliberately
excluded by the Hindu majority government from every benefit of the country
because of their religion. This is the story one hears repeatedly in AC Guards
too. Experiences and reactions to problems are similar in both communities.
Some families have managed to send their children to countries of the Middle
East hoping that they will get jobs there and improve their ailing economy. This
story serves as a small example of the intermingling of Africans and Arabs in
India and the intensive interaction between the African-Indian communities of
AC Guards and of Barkus. Indians of African and Arab origin are intermarried
and live together as good neighbors in Barkus as in AC Guards. The Siddi in
Barkus and the Yemenis in AC Guards are the factors for constant relationship
of the two communities.

Occasionally, there is contact between the Siddi of Gujarat and of Hyderabad.

Once Mr. Mohammad bin Hassan, one of my informants, introduced me to a
certain Siddi by the name of Bilal bin Abdulqair in Amderpet. Mr. Bilal, now
68, is an ex-police officer like Mr. Mohammad and both are close friends. Mr.
Bilal said that his grandfather, whose name is Salam bin Abdulqair, came from
Aden and his grandmother, whose name he does not know came from Basra.
Mr. Bilal said that his father was not as black as the other Siddi and that his
grandfather could be originally from Ethiopia. Mr. Bilal’s father, Mr. Abdulqair
bin Salam, was a soldier in the Nizam’s army. After the Police Action, Mr.
Abdulaqair left for Gujarat and settled there. He is one of the few Siddi who sold
their property and left AC Guards to Guajarat in search of jobs and better living
conditions. After some time Mr. Bilal went to Gujarat to visit his father. When
he arrived there he was told his father had moved to Ratanpur where he met him

49
Some said he was not the Wazir of Mahboob Ali Pahsa but rather of his son, Osman Ali
Khan.

240
among the local Siddi. Mr. Bilal also paid homage to the shrines of Bava Gor,
Bava Habash, Siddi Muftah, and Mai Mishra which are built to the memory of
African ‘saints’. These shrines are famous among the Siddi of Gujarat and serve
as centres of pilgrimage and tribute. Mr. Bilal came to know many Siddi in
Ahmedabad with whom he is still in contact.

Similarly, there is constant contact between the Siddi community of Karim

Neger and of AC Guards. Once, while I was interviewing an ex-serviceman
whose name is Feroz bin Abdullah at his house, a group of Siddi arrived from
another city to visit him. They were part of his extended family who live in the
district of Karim Neger, Tahika area, particularly at Jaktyal together with about
150 other Siddi. It seems that most of the Siddi residing in Karim Neger were
originally from AC Guards. I was told they resettled there because of the
scarcity of jobs in Hyderabad. Members of both communities invite and visit
each other during weddings and holidays. There is also intermarriage between
the two communities which resulted in a constant flow of people from one
community to the other.

9.4. Relations Between Muslim and Christian Siddi

Generally speaking, relations between the Muslim and Christian Siddi of

Hyderabad are cordial. Intensive intermarriage, a compact neighborhood, and a
sharing of common geographic origin, history, culture, and experiences have
helped the two sections of the Siddi community not only to just mix, but also to
build a certain amalgam. Even though they confess different religions, many
Christians do visit Muslim shrines, thereby strengthening their bond with them.
Some Muslim Siddi also visit the local church of the Siddi. They also help each
other in times of need, particularly during weddings and funerals. I was told that
not a few Muslim Siddi had borrowed money from a Christian Siddi known as
Mr. David Paekiaraj, which they could not pay back. But their relationship is not
hampered in any way. There is considerable consanguinity among Christian and
Muslim Siddi families resulting from their intermarriage. There are Siddi
families whose members confess both religions. A person’s sister could be a
Muslim and his/her brother a Christian, while the individual him/herself wavers
between the two religions. If a Christian Siddi has to marry outside his/her

241
religion, he/she marries a Muslim Siddi rather than a Hindu, because the latter is
considered too distant and alien. During holidays, Christian and Muslim Siddi
invite and send gifts to each other while this very rarely happens with Hindus.
This shows how a belief in ‘common geographic origin’ crosscuts the Siddi’s
religious differences to create a sense of belonging. The fact that the Christian
Siddi live dispersed amidst the Muslim Siddi of AC Guards instead of being
concentrated in a specific area of their own has led to constant intermingling
between members of the two religions. Sometimes the relationship of a certain
Christian family is more intense with its Muslim neighbors than with other
Christians who live farther away. As a result, there are Islamic syncretistic
elements in the religious rituals of the Christian Siddi.

Schools serve as facilitators of interaction and cordiality between Siddi children

of the two religions. The Roman Catholic church offers free instruction to
children of poor families including the Muslim Siddi. However, because the
Christian schools are gender mixed and girls are not allowed to wear the burqa,
Muslims are forced to take their daughters out of these schools once they reach
puberty. Therefore, the interaction between Christian and Muslim girls is
minimal and almost nil, once the latter reach puberty. If members of the two
religions ends up in intermarriage, this is often between a Muslim young man
and a Christian girl rather than the other way round. In most cases, the latter is
gradually forced to join the religion of her husband.

However, this cordial relationship of the Christian and Muslim Siddi is marred
by occasional strife and clashes. I was informed that during the Gulf War and
also during the United State’s invasion of Afghanistan, there were conflicts in
AC Guards between Muslims and Christians in which the Siddi allied
themselves with their respective religious groups. The reason was that many
Muslims of Hyderabad regarded the war as a new form of Crusade which
needed to be challenged by a Jihad. They felt that their ‘brothers and sisters’ in
Iraq and Afghanistan were being invaded by a Christian army and that they had
to show their sympathy by retaliating on their Christian neighbors. When the
Siddi ransacked the church to which the Christian Siddi belong and desecrated
its holy statues, conflict between the two Siddi communities broke out which
left a painful memory in their relationship. Many Christian Siddi still remember
the incident and hold grudge against the Muslim Siddi. Besides, not all Christian

242
Siddi have amicable relationship with their Muslim Siddi neighbors. Especially,
if the Muslims are ‘puritans’ with regard to their religion, they may find the
practices of their Christian neighbors to be unacceptable and conflict may arise
between them. The conflict between Mrs. Sharifa Bi and Mrs. Ropa Tona, a
Muslim and a Christian Siddi respectively, could be cited as an example. The
latter makes a living by brewing local alcoholic drinks and selling them secretly.
Such a practice is prohibited by the government, and the family has been
reprimanded for doing so a couple of times. The practice was not also acceptable
to Mrs. Sharifa Bi, who considered it sinful. Ironically, it was the Muslim Siddi
men, including the husband of Mrs. Sharifa Bi, who were the customers of Mrs.
Ropa Tona. This fact further inflamed their relationship. However, the Christian
Siddi family could not abandon the business because it was their only means of
livelihood. As a result, their relationship was often strained.

There have been conflicts between the two communities as a result of

unapproved marriages (better known as ‘love marriages’ as opposed to arranged
marriages). Let me cite one case here again using pseudonyms. Anita was a
young woman of 18 from a respected Christian Siddi family. She went to Father
Rock Memorial High School, which is owned and run by the Siddi’s church.
Mustafa, a Muslim Siddi, used to go to the same school until he completed high
school. Mustafa, 23, owns a shop, and as a result had an acceptable economic
position for marriage. He and Anita fell in love with each other. He assured her
that he would let her continue her religion if she married him. However, his
parents were already making secret arrangements for him to marry a Muslim girl
of Irrum Manzil. Suddenly he informed his mother about his secret love with
Anita. Anita also met Mustafa’s mother and told her that she would marry him
as long as she was allowed to remain a Christian. Mustafa’s parents consented
and the two got married. Anita was afraid to face her relatives and friends, who
felt betrayed by her decision to marry a Muslim. After the marriage, Mustafa
broke his promises and forced her to quit going to any church. He also
demanded that she wear the burqa like any Muslim woman. After Anita gave
birth to a baby boy, Mustafa married the Muslim girl that his parents chose for
him. This broke Anita’s heart. Then he asked her to convert to Islam which she
refused to do. Mustafa and his family started to mistreat her. Anita wanted a
divorce, but her husband refused to divorce her. The situation was unacceptable,
not only to her but also to her relatives and the rest of the Christian community.

243
Anita’s parents, who felt twice betrayed by their own people, took the case to
court. To their dismay, the court did nothing in their favor. During my field
research Anita was still living with Mustafa’s family against her will and the
conflict between the two families and all of their relations was not still resolved.

Economically speaking, the Christian Siddi are well established compared to the
Muslim Siddi due to their better educational background. They generally have
smaller families. Their children, including daughters, are sent to school in due
time. Women are not prohibited from pursuing higher education and taking up a
career. In fact, they are encouraged. This liberalism towards women has paid
off. The fact that the Christian Siddi enjoy an economic advantage has led some
of them to distance themselves from the Siddi community which is resented by
the latter. Particularly, the ‘Anglo-Indians’ do not want to appear to have
anything to do with the Muslim Siddi. It seems they have successfully
convinced the Siddi and their Indian neighbors that they belong to Europe and
not to either India or Africa. This gradual but real crack between the Siddi
community across religious lines may continue, changing and affecting the
fabric of the community further.

I would like to add here that conflict between Muslim and Christian Siddi is
only an occasional episode and does not characterize their day-to-day
interactions. It has also not either altered their sense of commonality at the
deeper level. They still live together, intermarrying, interacting and helping each
other in times of need. But their future is more divergent than convergent. This
is because young Muslim Siddi are assimilating into the general Muslim society,
while the young Christian Siddi are identifying themselves with the rest of
India’s Christian population. Both may continue becoming more Indian and less
Siddi, assimilating into their respective religious communities.

9.5. Relations Between Siddi and Non-Siddi Muslims

As mentioned earlier, there are many Indians of Arab origin residing in AC

Guards. Compared to the Siddi, the Arabs were recent settlers. By the time they
arrived in Hyderabad, the African Cavalry Guards was already in place. The
presence of a small Arab contingent in the army of the Nizam and their
subsequent settlement in AC Guards together with the Siddi has enabled them to

244
develop a common tradition and experience in India. The African Cavalry
Guards used to constitute a fixed number of 300 soldiers. When some members
retired or died in action they were replaced by newly recruited sepoys. The
Arabs were admitted into the cavalry unit in place of deceased or retired
Africans. In their long history of military service they developed a strong
commonality based on their common religion, experience, and place of
residence, which led to intermarriage and a degree of assimilation. Part of the
reason the Arabs wanted to intermarry with the Siddi was that many Indians
were unwilling to hand over their daughters to Arabs. This was because after the
Police Action, some Arabs who had married Indian girls returned to their
country of origin for good, leaving their wives and children behind. Arabs thus
lost the trust of the local Indians who declined to give their daughters to them in
marriage. Their only chance was to marry the Siddi girls, which would not have
been possible if they did not also offer their own daughters in return. This
intermarriage continued and resulted in a strong interconnection and sense of
belonging between the Arabs and the Siddi. Their neighborhood, which resulted
from sharing a common residential territory, has also strengthened their
interdependence. ‘Neighborhood’ in AC Guards does not mean the residence of
two self-sufficient households in close proximity. Rather, different households
are highly interdependent on each other, to the extent that one hardly goes on in
life without the help of the other. They share common water pipes, electricity,
furniture, household utensils, food, kitchens, toilets, and even clothes. The Siddi
and Arabs often are overlapping families bound by intermarriage and
interdependent neighborhoods. As a result, not a few Siddi consider the words
Arab and African synonymous. The Siddi’s intermarriage with the Arabs has
substantially changed their complexion, which in turn has facilitated their
intermarriage with the rest of India’s Muslim population. For higher-cast
Indians, the Siddi’s brown complexion was more acceptable than the dark hue of
a Tamil from South India. As a result, they were able to intermarry with Pathan
and Khan women, who are highly preferred by Indian men for their fair
complexions.

The assumed threat from Hindus is also one of the main factors that unite the
Siddi and other Muslims to form a power block to be reckoned with. This
assumed common threat has made them, to some extent, forget their internal
differences and led them to unify by highlighting their common political and

245
religious grounds. The deep chagrin of Muslims against Hyderabad’s kings for
their ‘unwise’ handing over of power to India’s Union Army in which Hindus
were ‘over-represented’ is still fresh today. The Siddi and their Arab neighbors,
who are nostalgic of the times of the Nizam government, say they would do just
anything to get back the power they ‘willingly’ surrendered. They believe India
is no longer a home for Muslims unless Islamic rule is reinstated. It is this
communal feeling of disenchantment with the political order of the day that
brings them together as a big family.

Those Siddi who performed hajj and consequently occupy a higher clerical
position in the mosques of AC Guards, two examples of whom are Siddi Chicha
and Mohamood bin Farzullah, have acquired much esteem not only among the
Siddi but also among the local Muslims in general. These people need not
identify themselves with Arabs in order to be taken seriously by their fellows.
Their personal achievements have rendered them the required prestige.
Especially Siddi Chicha, who is currently the imam of Bilal Habshi Mosque of
AC Guards, is invited by other mosques to lead the two important Friday prayers
known as fajir and idul muminin. Also, Arabs and Muslims of Indian origin are
invited to Bilal Habshi Mosque to do the same.

The Muslims of Hyderabad show their allegiance not only to each other but also
to Muslims of neighboring countries, particularly to Pakistanis. Whenever India
and Pakistan have a cricket match most of the city’s businesses remain closed
for fear of sporadic communal conflicts leading to plundering. This has
happened several times in and around AC Guards. If Pakistan wins the game the
Muslims go out celebrating while the Hindus, who are angry at the performance
of their country’s team, go out attacking mosques and Muslim residential areas.
And if Pakistan loses, the Muslims retaliate against the local Hindus. Often,
such conflicts evolve into cycles of violence.

The Arabs and the Siddi realize that they are ethnically different from each
other. The Siddi would like to narrow or cancel their differences by highlighting
their similarities. Some Arab ‘puritans’, who accuse the Siddi of religious laxity,
like to keep their distance from them while the latter keep coming closer.
However, the Siddi are not the only ‘culprits’ in this regard because the alleged
immorality and drunkenness includes many other Muslims. The Arabs and

246
Muslims of Indian origin are not as ‘puritan’ as they claim to be as far as these
culturally ‘unacceptable’ practices are concerned. The difference lies in the fact
that whereas the non-Siddi Muslims conceal their ‘unacceptable’ behavior, the
Siddi practice them openly. For example, if individuals of the latter group want
to drink alcoholic drinks they do it at night hidden from public view. In contrast,
Siddi who are involved in drunkenness do not care if any one sees them, as if
they did not have any prestige to lose. They are often seen drunk during the day.
This has kept many Muslims, who care for public opinion, away from the Siddi.
In fact, my Yemeni friends have repeatedly told me not to mix with the Siddi
whom they characterized as ‘lazy’. They told me that they had advised the Siddi
several times to go to other cities and work. But the Siddi, according to the
Yemeni Arabs, enjoy sitting idle and talking ‘nonsense’ the whole day. A certain
Abdullah, who is a Yemeni Arab, told me that he would never mix with the
Siddi, as they are totally unacceptable for him. But, contrary to his claim, I have
seen him drinking suleymani tea in a Siddi teashop and playing domna (domino)
with them. This ambivalent attitude towards the Siddi could show that some
Yemeni would prefer to dissociate themselves from the Siddi although it may
not be so easy from a practical standpoint.

The other reason for the difference between the Siddi and other Muslims is their
economic disparity. Arabs and Muslims of Indian origin are still better than the
Siddi as a community, although they too feel they are impoverished because of
the alleged maladministration of India’s successive governments. When the
Nizam army was dismantled during the Police Action many Arabs started
businesses which still keep them prosperous in India. Muslims of Indian origin
also went back to their area of origin and took land for farming while not
detaching themselves from the city completely. The Siddi could not go back to
Africa and settle there because they had lost their language and could not claim
any location in Africa as their place of origin. Neither could they claim land in
India’s countryside because they had no familial connections there. This has led
for their economic downturn. The fact that the Siddi are not on the same
economic plane with their fellow Arabs is seen in their non-horizontal economic
relationship with them. The Siddi, as a community, sit below the Arabs in a
hierarchical relationship with them despite the presence of rich Siddi individuals
among them. As far as the Siddi are concerned, this hierarchy is rather impelled

247
than consented. The awkward position of the Siddi further coarsens the
otherwise friendly relations between the two communities.

9.6. Relations Between Siddi and Hindus

The relations of the Siddi to their Hindu neighbors is strained at best and
inimical at worst. Not a few Siddi consider contact with Hindus as total
pollution that must to be avoided by any means possible. Many Hindus also
entertain the same feeling towards the Siddi. One can with relative certainty say
that they have effectively excluded each other. The Hindus of Veer Neger and
the Siddi of AC Guards are separated by a narrow road which they call the “Line
of Control”. This expression is taken from the governments’ usage of the phrase
for the border between Indian Controlled Kashmir and Pakistan Controlled
Kashmir. This long border, which is the most militarised zone in the region, is
known as the “Line of Control” by both governments. The Siddi of AC Guards
and the Hindus of Veer Neger have taken this expression to describe the small
road separating the two residential areas. The Hindu of Veer Neger and the Siddi
of AC Guards consider their relationship similar to that of the highly polarized
relationship between India and Pakistan, Hindus representing India and the Siddi
representing Pakistan. The relationship of the two communities is tense and
often loaded with politico-religious rhetoric. Not infrequently, small
misunderstanding arise between individuals of the two communities which end
up inflaming communal strife and ruining costly property. Members of both
communities feel uncomfortable if they have to cross the road and enter the
‘other’s’ territory. My Hindu friends told me that if one of them is seen roaming
around in AC Guards a couple of times, he is provoking a heavy handed
measure. However, the reason the Siddi do not go to the Hindus’ residential area
is not because they are afraid of them but because they find the Hindus’ way of
life and practices diabolical, something that must be avoided at any cost. They
want to maintain their spiritual ‘purity’ by avoiding any contact with the Hindu
‘kafir’ and their ‘demonic’ practices. When I first went to Veer Neger (Hindu’s
quarter), some people stopped me and interrogated me to learn why I was there.
Especially those who saw me with some Muslim friends were very distrustful of
my presence. It is only after they learnt that I am not a Muslim that they let me
into their neighborhoods.

248
In 1991, when the Hindus of Gujarat destroyed the Mosque that had replaced the
16th century Ayodia Temple, Muslims from Barkus and the Siddi from AC
Guards retaliated by ransacking the Hindu temples of Veer Neger and
desecrating their sacred statues. Once I saw the youngest son of Abdullah bin
Mahboob, who was a bit drunk, beating a young Hindu man. The slim Hindu
was no match for his stout assailant. The Hindu, bleeding from both ear and
mouth, was begging him and the other onlookers to let him go. He was shouting
“bhai (brother)! bhai! bhai!” seeking help from the onlookers. But no one
wanted to intervene in an issue which they considered none of their business.
They also warned me not to intervene. The Siddi went on beating the Hindu
until the latter was rescued by the accidental arrival of the Siddi’s elder brother.

Relatively speaking, Muslims and Christians of Indian origin have friendly

relationships with Hindus. Once I met Siriniwas, Chandhra Khan, Praveen (all
Hindus), Kharim (a Muslim of Indian origin), Santos and Anthony (Christians of
Indian origin) chatting in Hanumann mandir (a Hindu temple). Both the
Muslims and the Christians had tied daram50 on their hands like their Hindu
friends. They believe the Siddi are Pakistani agents. This perception is further
strengthened by the fact that some Siddi have lived and worked in Pakistan. My
Hindu informants told me that a month ago the police caught two ISS
(Pakistan’s security service) agents who came to India on a mission of terror,
hiding in AC Guards. Karim told me that he is also afraid to go to AC Guards,
like his Hindu friends, because the Siddi may attack him for entering their
territory. These allegations, though unsubstantiated, indicate the existing
mistrust between the two communities.

Hindus put their religious symbols on their houses, furniture, household utensils,
cars and on many of their property. These symbols, which are known as sanku,
kal chekra, oam, trinshul, muggu, tippuru mugu, chunni, mamida kulu, banti
kulu, daram, tulsi chetta and buttu are both dreaded and hated by the Siddi. If a
Siddi rents a house that has one of these Hindu religious symbols the first thing
he/she does is destroy it or seal it off with concrete. The sight of these symbols
is intolerable for the Siddi as it is for Hindus to see Muslims’ religious symbols.
On the other hand, the Hindus particularly like to display their symbols almost

50
an orange thread which Hindus tie on their hands to protect them from evil

249
everywhere on their property partly because they realize this angers their
Muslim neighbors. Muslims’ religious symbols include a picture of the Kaaba,
the number 786, a green flag, and various designs of Islamic art which they
display in their windows.

Once, I was invited to a Hindu wedding. The Hindus wanted to put a buttu
symbol on my forehead. Their interest was not to make me one of them but to
make sure that I did not belong to the ‘other’. This would have damaged my
smooth relationship with the Siddi and I had to decline from accepting the offer.
If one wants to win the confidence of one of the communities one needs to
appear to avoid the other. One day, while I was walking with my Hindu
informants I met my Siddi friend Javeed and greeted him. The Hindus were
highly surprised to see me greeting someone whom they said was a member of
the doun (India’s mafia organization). They warned me to sever my relationship
with him and his family members. Later on, my Siddi friend also warned me not
to have anything to do with Hindus whose beliefs and practices he considered
demonic.

Despite their geographical proximity Hindus of Veer Neger and the Siddi of AC
Guards live in different social worlds which are far apart from each other. I
sensed that one community knew very little about the other. One of my
informants admitted to me that he knew very little about the Siddi and AC
Guards, although he had lived in Veer Neger for more than twenty years. This is
because he never ventured near AC Guards and had little interest in knowing
about the Siddi. Therefore, information about the other group is highly
prejudiced and loaded with the politico-religious perceptions of the informant.
One of my Hindu informants told me that India’s problems are Muslims
(particularly referring to the Muslims of AC Guards). He said, “Each Muslim
man is obliged to marry three wives. It is compulsory. He must have about five
children from each wife. Women are not allowed to work. The father has to feed
all. If he is unable to do so his children must quit school and go to work. This
creates a cycle of poverty. Muslims do not accept our advice to consider family
planning. They say Allah has commanded them to have as many children as
possible. If we insist them they come to our neighborhoods carrying swords,
knives, and sticks to cause trouble. Muslims are responsible for India’s misery”.

250
Ironically, despite their mistrust and huge politico-religious rifts, the Siddi and
Hindus of Hyderabad have lived together for several decades. Therefore, their
relationship is not only one of conflict but also of co-existence and tolerance.
The co-existence is mainly possible because of the absence of recognisable
interaction between them. Avoidance of the other is their policy for ensuring co-
existence. However, there are small-scale interactions and admixtures that are
worthy of consideration. One of the areas of interaction is Father Rock
Memorial School, which is owned by the church of the Christian Siddi and
which Christian Muslim and Hindu children attend. These children learn, play
and grow together, which helps them to learn more about each other. They are
inculcated with a similar ideology because they all learn Christian values and
principles. This may enhance their future co-existence and mutual understanding
as was never the case in the times of their parents.

Religious institutions play cohesive as well as divisive roles. Some Hindus are
liberal enough to venerate Muslim durghas. This religious interaction may lead
to mutual acceptance of each other, at least sometimes. It is not to be taken for
granted that Hindus and Siddi feel they are a community of believers, although it
is only the case as long as they are inside the durgha.

The role of the Christian Siddi in serving as a bridge between the Muslim Siddi
and Hindus is vital. Christian Siddi have good relations with Christians of Indian
origin. Sometimes their differences are not recognizable because the Christian
Siddi identify themselves with their fellow Christians in several respects. Some
of these Christians of Indian origin are recent converts part of whose family are
still Hindus. Christian Siddi, in their interaction with Christians of Indian origin,
come to know the latter’s Hindu family members. The relationship of Christian
Siddi to the Hindus of Veer Neger and Chintal Basti is modest although not
considerable. As a result of this chain of interaction there are amicable
friendships between some Christian Siddi and Hindus. These Christian Siddi
also have family members who are Muslims. Therefore, Muslim Siddi could
come into contact with Hindus through their Christian Siddi family members.
The ex-servicemen of Yemeni origin, who are often known as Chaush, come in
contact with Hindus through the Muslim Siddi, adding another ring to the chain
of relationships. The following diagram shows this chain of relationships.

251
Figure 9: Chain of interconnections among Yemeni Chaush, Muslim Siddi, Christian Siddi,
Indian Christians, and Hindus.

Yemeni Muslim Christian Indian Hindus

Chaush Siddi Siddi Christians

I saw a Muslim Siddi known as Bill Clinton tying a daram on his hand, which
was unacceptable to his community. Nevertheless, Bill Clinton did not hesitate
to do so, presumably to provoke his fellow Siddi men. His family members and
friends did not want him to tie on the daram, but knowing his “violent behavior”
they were afraid of confronting him. They told me to cut the thread and throw it
away because he respects me and would not refuse me to do that. He did indeed
allow me to cut the thread from his hand. Bill Clinton’s family members and
friends were happy to see his hands without the daram. But it was only for a
short while, because I saw him with another daram a couple of days later. Some
Muslim durgha also have started selling daram to finance themselves like Hindu
temples do. This is because some Hindus also go to these durgha and the clerics
know they can make money if they sell daram. Gradually, Muslim and Christian
durgha goers have also joined the Hindus in buying and wearing daram.
Economic necessity is diluting religious polarization. However, daram wearing
is still frowned upon by many Muslim and Christian Siddi.

Religious syncretism among the Siddi testifies to the long-standing relationship

between Muslims, Christians and Hindus, despite their seemingly unbridgeable
differences. Muslim and Christian Siddi, like their Hindu neighbors, offer
coconut fruit, flowers, sweets, and tamarind powder to deceased saints
especially before the beginning of any major undertaking. Worship among
Christians also shows some signs of Hindu syncretism.

Another good example of co-existence and interaction between Muslim Siddi

and Hindus is a certain Hindu by the name of D.Y. Kalash Prasad. He is from
Asit Neger, in the Mehdipatnam area, five kilometres from AC Guards. He
makes a living by selling vegetables on a rickshaw inside the AC Guards’
neighborhood. Vegetables are sold in every neighborhood by a special Hindu

252
cast who are traditionally engaged in the business. The Siddi are not willing to
sell vegetables in their own neighborhoods, since they consider such a work as
menial and below them. Though there was a demand for vegetables in AC
Guards, there was no one to supply them until Mr. Prasad saw the opportunity
for his business. Mr. Prasad is doing business among the Siddi comfortably
because he is the sole distributor and has no rival, because the Siddi would never
engage in this business, and the neighboring Hindus would not dare to do it in
AC Guards. Therefore, he has ensured himself success without roaming around
the whole city as members of his cast do to sell their vegetables. He concentrates
on a small locality with no other competitor. It seems it has paid off. He has had
to establish smooth and friendly relations with the Siddi if he wanted to continue
in the business. He needed to make friends out of traditional ‘enemies’ for the
sake of financial gain and spends the whole day in AC Guards chatting with his
Siddi friends while doing his business at the same time. He frequents Ahmed’s
tea shop to drink suleymani tea to identify himself with his sole customers, an
unusual thing for a Hindu man. For the Siddi, his presence is essential as long as
he does not cause any threat to the community. His service is needed by the
community because if he was not there, the Siddi needed to go to market areas
to get vegetables. His presence saves time and energy. He is also important
because his prices are lower than that of the market. It is also comforting for the
Siddi that he is as poor as them. This creates at least a loose sense of
commonality between him and the Siddi, which helps them to interact easily.
Although this friendly interaction is still minimal it may indicate the beginning
of a gradual tilt towards a better relationship in the future, at least between some
sections of the Hindus and the Siddi.

253
254
 10. IDENTITY MAINTENANCE AND CHANGE

All societies are dynamic - and so are the Siddi although the pace of change is
not as dramatic as in modern societies. The Siddi are evolving to catch up with
modern demands and trends willingly and unwillingly. There are conflicts of
interest between old values and new trends. When ‘modernists’ discourage old
values, ‘conservatives’ could face difficulties. And there are always ambivalent
groups oscillating between the old and the new values, unable to come up with a
firm conclusion as to how to behave in a given situation. Some cultural
elements, on the other hand, have been struggling hard against the tides of
change and proved themselves to remain intact until now. Siddi identity has
been as maintained as it has been changing. In this chapter I will discuss to what
extent the Siddi’s ethnic identity is maintained and changing, and the factors
responsible for the changes.

10.1. Daff Music

As shown in chapter eight, the daff is the main cultural element of the Siddi in
which their ethnic identity is enshrined. It is the Siddi’s means of linkage to their
ancestral past and heritage. It is a sacrifice offered to deities and their associates
during religious holidays and festivities held at Siddi shrines. Historically, the
daff was linked to the royalty and aristocracy. During the times of the Nizam of
Hyderabad the Siddi used to be summoned by the palace to perform their
traditional music during national holidays, annual commemorations of the kings’
coronations, and other important events for which they were generously
rewarded.

The daff has survived for hundreds of years because it still enjoys a considerable
respect among a recognizable portion of the community despite difficult
challenges it faced during modern times. Many Siddi feel they are custodians of
their tradition, and responsible for handing it over to the young generation. The
daff owes its existence mainly to these zealots who take it as their responsibility
to safeguard the continuity of the tradition of their ancestors. Nowadays,
however, the daff is facing several challenges that may affect the whole practice
and force it either to modify itself in some ways or change altogether.

255
Modernization is the main cause of its change. Modernization and globalisation
engulf even those societies that once were termed as peripheral. The Siddi of
Hyderabad are no exception to such phenomena. Modernization has created
people with ‘modern’ desires. The youth of AC Guards has very little sentiment
for traditional practices such as daff music. What was considered to be the best
music that one could think of three generations ago does not have the same
elated position among the present generation. When peoples’ taste changed, the
daff has failed to evolve and catch the ‘beat of the time’. In this time of techno
music, the daff has become too traditional and too far away from the current
taste of music, especially of the youngsters, which affects its market negatively.
Once, kings and princes of India were eager to attentively listen to it. Nowadays,
not many commoners have the enthusiasm to watch it.

Since the Siddi’s dismissal from the army, the music became the Siddi’s main or
even sole economic venture. Many Siddi do not have marketable skills or
professions due to their low level of education. Besides, even those who are
moderately educated can not secure jobs due to the stiff competition they face
from the surplus of India’s qualified personnel. Therefore, the daff became the
only means of survival for many Siddi. The Hyderabad Chronicle (February 14,
2001) mentions that the Siddi live “by marketing their musical heritage. ...
Wearing traditional headgear, long kurta and lunghi, the band is a treat to listen
and watch. From routine wedding parties to the five star hotels, Abbu Bhai’s
band is in demand, as it is a rarity. And why not, as they say, ‘Black is
Beautiful’. The proof of which can be found in AC Guards”. However, due to
the rise of education among the new generation it is unlikely that the daff will
continue as the sole means of income for the Siddi. Uwe Hesse writes in this
regard, “Heute sucht die Jugend nach anderen Arbeitstellen, um ihr Auskommen
zu sichern” (2000: 36). Moreover, due to the price increase of commodities,
many Siddi are unable to live by a single job, a situation which leads some to
consider daff as a part time profession.

In the past, the rhythm of the daff, I was told, was slower than today. The Siddi
feel that the daff beats have become gradually more speedy and loud which they
consider as an improvement. This implies that the original beats of the daff,
which may have sounded typically ‘African’ are lost and what we have today is

256
only a modern version of certain originals. This makes the attempt to locate the
origin of daff in Africa difficult.

The other factor responsible for the decline of the daff market is the modern
trend of Islamic radicalism. There is a new fervor to live up to the ‘standard of
the Koran’ particularly among young Muslims. These young ‘puritans’ believe
and teach that secular music, including the daff, is sensual and demonic so that
the Muslim community should keep away from. They blame secular music for
promoting immoral life. As a result, the new generation is becoming critical of
daff music. Many young Muslims of Hyderabad do their best to avoid what they
consider as contrary to Islamic norms and principles especially during their
weddings. If the younger Muslim generation of India becomes more ‘pious’ than
its predecessors and continues to see daff as secular and non-Islamic, the Siddi
will be severely affected as most of their performances are at Muslim weddings.
The more the young generation resorts to ‘radical Islamism’, the lesser their
appreciation for daff performances. And the more Islamic adherents march
against secularism, the lesser the daff is able to survive as an economic venture.
I witnessed a situation showing the current trend among young Islamic activists
and devotees concerning the daff music. The daff group of Mr. Hussein was paid
a 300 Rs ($6 dollars) down payment for a performance on a wedding occasion.
On the wedding day, Mr. Hussein took his group to the marriage hall but an
hour before the beginning of wedding, the bridegroom, a devout Muslim, was
told that the daff music group had been invited. He strongly opposed the
invitation of the daff group which he thought is deemed to cause Allah’s
judgment. His parents were unflinching. He told them that he would not marry
the woman unless the contract with the daff music group was cancelled. There
upon, it was cancelled indeed.

The huge politico-religious rift between Hindus and Muslims is another factor
that affects the daff negatively. In the past, Hindus used to invite the Siddi to
play the daff during weddings and other minor social occasions. However, the
picture is different nowadays. At present, the relationship of the two religious
communities of AC Guards seems inimical. As a result, the Siddi have lost their
markets among their Hindu neighbors.

257
There are semi-modern music bands who are known as sherri baja, literally,
brass drums. The brass drums of the sherri baja groups provide a better and
louder sound than the daff drums which are made of animal-hides. Besides, the
sherri baja groups have more varieties of beats than the daff groups, enabling
them to win more popularity and market. The daff groups are painfully realizing
that the sherri baja are no easy competitors. Although members of the daff and
the sherri baja talk to each other on friendly terms, it appears that each group
loves the absence of the other. Once, a sherri baja group and a daff party group
were invited to perform at a five star hotel located inside the Falak Nhuma
Palace of the last Nizam. The government of Andhra Pradesh was hosting an
African American diplomat in the hotel and asked him if he would like to watch
a music performance by African Indians. He was very pleased to see a
community of African Indians and their musical performances. The Arabi Daff
Party of Abdullah bin Mahboob was invited and I accompanied them. The Arabi
Daff Party and the sherri baja group were in open competition during the show,
one attempting to outsmart the other. It was the daff party group which
performed first. They did their best to make it appealing and look African. When
it was the sherri baja’s turn, however, it was obvious that the daff party was the
looser. The daff party people themselves realized that the performance of the
sherri baja was far better than theirs. Members of the Arabi Daff Party group
were watching the performance of their counterpart in a compound feeling of
disgust and amazement. The Siddi tried to outdo their competitors during the
second round. However, they were told it was enough because the American
diplomat was not interested in watching them anymore.

The Siddi have realized that the very occupation which their forefathers held for
centuries with much enthusiasm and zeal is now struggling for its survival.
There are some Siddi who drifted away from the tradition that they once were
proud of and joined the sherri baja. During my fieldwork, a sherri baja
consisting exclusively of Siddi was established. Moreover, the daff party of
Abdullah bin Murjhan bought one brass drum which is displayed in the music
shop together with the other traditional Siddi drums. Could the daff evolve into a
sherri baja and gradually to a modern band due to the pressure it faces? Time
will tell.

258
Moreover, there are several modern bands which attempt to replace the daff
party. Classical Hindu music bands of Andhra Pradesh State known as Tamil
Baja, Shuba Vella and Nadosaram also compete with the daff, each snatching
away a certain portion of the market. These modern bands are well organized
in terms of instruments and skills. In addition to their appealing uniforms, they
have flutes, saxophones, trumpets and various types of modern drums. The
modern band is preferred particularly among the rich and wherever appearance
is preferred to essence, because they offer additional services of fire and light
works to make one’s wedding an impressive occasion. The modern band is
taking the lion’s share of the market partly because it plays Indian popular
songs, unlike the daff groups which rarely sing. The modern band charges 3500
Rs ($73 dollars) for a performance that consists of twelve people who play only
bass (i.e., only drums and flutes). It charges 4500 Rs ($94 dollars) if an electric
organ is added to the former. If more musicians are required, it costs 1000 Rs
($22 dollars) extra per head. Unlike the daff party people, members of the
modern band have a regular training session and are permanently employed
irrespective of the presence or absence of demand. This makes the musicians
more committed to their profession in comparison to the daff party whose
members are loosely organised.

Once, I accompanied the Arabi Daff Party to a place called Amber Pet where
they were invited to perform a wedding occasion. A modern band from
Secunderabad known as Sikh Band was also invited. When we arrived, the latter
band was already performing. The music of the band was appealing and I
wanted to watch the performance. But the daff people could not let me enter the
wedding house. Because they were afraid I might take a picture of the band
which could have given an unwanted signal that the performance was
interesting. The daff people were not willing to let anything happen that may
indicate that their competitors’ performance was appealing. The Sikh Band, in
between its performance, gave the Arabi Daff Party about fifteen minutes to
perform its show. The daff people lined up in two rows, each row facing the
other as they always do. One row carried marfa drums while the other carried
doll drums and two kiliya. They were twelve of them and only four people wore
lunghi, the traditional Siddi dress. They beat the drums while walking in a circle.
Two of them danced the Siddi traditional dance known as Arab dance. The
drummers played all the three beats they know of - bamb sheklah, sewari, and

259
yabu baka-yabu sala in about fifteen minutes. They worked hard to outsmart the
band while members of the modern band watched the performance in a smile of
ridicule. The presence of my video camera encouraged each drummer to
perform well since all of them competed to appear the best in the camera. After
fifteen minutes, either they themselves, or the band owners, or the hosts did not
have the enthusiasm to let the performance continue, so it was abruptly over.
The daff people slipped out of the compound after receiving their pay. It was a
painful moment of realization that they are gradually loosing the market. I tried
to console them by telling them that I liked their performance. They could not
believe me because it was obvious that the public applause weighed much in
favor of the modern band.

Traditional skills of daff are not properly handed over to the younger generation.
And the decline of the skill has contributed to the gradual decline of its market.
There are some musical instruments that were operational during past
generations but are totally absent now. Muzmar and sitar, two instruments
widely used in India, are totally unknown among the present Siddi generation of
Hyderabad even though they were used by the Siddi in the past. Similarly, the
last player of their traditional flute died recently without teaching the skill to
anyone. Most of the songs are forgotten. Nowadays, the drums are very rarely
accompanied by songs.

The continuous split of the daff parties itself affects the quality of the
performance. When quality declines the pay also goes down and creates a
conducive situation for the sherri baja and the modern bands to dominate the
market. Besides, the newly formed daff groups continuously reduce prices to
win the rarely available market. Some Siddi have the opinion that the split is
caused by the surplus of invitations the daff is receiving. When a daff group
receives more than one invitation at a time, it has to decline from accepting
some of the offers because it cannot perform on two or more weddings at a time.
This situation tempted some drummers to abandon their employers and form
their own daff group. But the increase of the demand for the show does not
necessarily mean the increase of the pay making it almost impossible for the
Siddi to live by daff alone in recent years.

260
The aspiration of the Muslim Siddi to assimilate to India’s Arab population is
not possible without abandoning ancestral traditions including the daff music. If
the desire to assimilate continues among the coming Siddi generations as well,
which is very likely, the daff may be considered as a hindrance and shunned
away. Nevertheless, this still does not ensure its extinction because there are still
some who cherish it as their tradition. But there are several indications of its
change into something that it was not in the past. Therefore, it is possible to say
that the daff is both maintained and changing.

10.2. Residence – AC Guards

One of the main factors that safeguard the continuity of Siddi ethnic identity is
the common residence area – AC Guards. As long as the Siddi live together in
theses compact residential quarters, their group will always be enhanced by their
intensive interactions. In today’s Hyderabad, house rent has become so
expensive that it claims almost half of the salary of a middle class worker. It is
possible that, under normal circumstances, the Siddi will continue residing in
AC Guards in the foreseeable future. As long as the Siddi stay in AC Guards
they do not pay any house rent. The economic advantage AC Guards provides
ensures the continuity of the Siddi’s residence in the quarters. This economic
advantage is also supplemented by the practical advantage which AC Guards
offers, because it is located at one of the main quarters of the city where the
infrastructure is relatively sound. It makes life easier because the markets,
hospitals, police station, schools and other facilities are located close by.
Moreover, the Siddi have an emotional attachment to AC Guards and find it
difficult to move to other residential areas for fear that they will be cut off from
their ancestral traditions. For the Siddi, AC Guards is not merely a residential
area, but also a mark of their identity. It is an indication that they and their
forefathers were soldiers who bravely fought in the many wars prevalent in
India.

The Siddi, like most Islamic societies, follow the patrilocal way of residence.
This has ensured the Siddi’s residence in AC Guards for succeeding generations.
However, the natural growth of the Siddi community itself compels some male
members to look for houses elsewhere. AC Guards has become demographically

261
saturated in recent times. It is practically not possible for newly married men to
reside with their parents anymore. This situation has resulted in the formation of
extensions of Siddi communities in Chintal Basti and Irrum Manzil
neighborhoods.

Those Siddi who are moderately educated relocate willingly to other areas when
they get better jobs. But they are still few in number to cause any observable
change in the community as a whole. Especially, the Christian Siddi are not as
enthusiastic as the Muslim Siddi about AC Guards and they can relocate with no
much ado about it as long as they get better working and living conditions
elsewhere. When the Siddi’s economic situation continuously deteriorated to the
extent of endangering their livelihood, some sold their houses and relocated to
suburbs to finance their immediate needs. I have known an old lady who sold
her only house in order to pay for the dowries of her six daughters who were
married to non-Siddi Muslims. Some have also sold their houses and moved to
Gujarat in search of jobs when economic demands made life unbearable for
them in AC Guards. AC Guards, because of its convenient location for business,
has become attractive for young entrepreneurs offering good prices to secure
any of these lucrative houses. The new settlers have changed the houses into
business shops.

The governments’ intervention to change AC Guards’ appearance is another

factor affecting the Siddi community, and subsequently, their identity. The city
administration considers some of AC Guards’ houses inappropriate and would
like to dismantle them. There are some houses already destroyed, which resulted
in a serious row between the Siddi and the administration. There is fear among
the Siddi that there might be a bigger plan to include more houses in the
demolishing. If the administration follows its plans and replaces AC Guards
with modern houses and non-Siddi residents, the Siddi will be forced to detach
themselves from their historic location. And if the Siddi are to resettle in
different locations, their future generations may not be able to interact
intensively as they do now. This situation indicates that a change of residential
location may result in a change of identity.

The intermarriage of Siddi with non-Siddi peoples results in the gradual change
of AC Guards’ population. When Siddi men bring non-Siddi wives to AC

262
Guards, the population of the community changes gradually. In addition, not all
of their children resulting from such intermarriages are considered Siddi because
identity among the Siddi passes from fathers to sons and from mothers to
daughters (see figure 10).

10.3. Costumes and Amulets

Muslim Siddi men of AC Guards occasionally wear their traditional costume

known as lunghi. While only few people wear it regularly, others join them
during prayers, domino games, daff performances, social and religious
festivities, and in the summer season. As long as daff remains as an important
mark of their identity, it is likely that lunghi also will continue to accompany it.
However, if the daff has to change to meet modern tastes, the tradition of
wearing lunghi could also change to meet the same modern demands. The
change of the traditional Siddi music will have a knockoff effect on their
traditional dress.

The wearing of amulets is widespread in AC Guards. The Siddi wear various

types of amulets whose main purpose is to protect the bearer and his/her
property from evil. Some are believed to have medicinal functions. Still some
are transferred from generation to generation thereby binding the present
generation with its ancestral past. Some Siddi shrines have begun selling
amulets in the name of certain Muslim saints. However, due to modern
education, the young generation may not believe in the medicinal effectiveness
of amulets as the past generation used to do. Modern education will likely
change the concepts of disease and medicine among the new Siddi generation,
thereby affecting the future role of amulets. Some Siddi may shun away from
wearing amulets for fear of their Arab friends’ ridicule who consider the practice
idolatrous. On the other hand, the wearing of tavis amulets which are made of
Koran verses is generally accepted although there are still some who do not
approve of them either. Kaja bin Moseen, a Siddi who owns a daff party, told
me that his silver-made amulet had been worn by his ancestors in the past and he
will make sure that his children and grandchildren will continue wearing it after
him. The Christian Siddi have totally abandoned wearing lunghi and amulets.
They have replaced the amulets with crosses and rosaries. Their exposition to

263
modern education and effective Christianisation has led them to abandon
practices that are considered non-Christian and traditional. Lunghi as a dress is
traditional and Islamic to them, and so they do not want to be associated with it.
However, the traditional costumes of the Siddi and their amulets will likely
resist the pressure to change sooner. Although many Siddi may shun away from
wearing them, there will still be some Siddi who would like to keep the
tradition.

10.4. Intermarriage

There is a high rate of intermarriage between the Siddi and non-Siddi residents
of AC Guards’ neighborhoods. This is mainly so because many Siddi would like
to assimilate to the general society to avoid being treated as strangers. My Siddi
friends have told me that they are offended when Indians treat them as
foreigners because of their darker complexion. Therefore, there is a deliberate
attempt to change the physical looks of their posterity through intermarriage.
Some young Siddi men whom I talked to are not willing at all to marry a Siddi
girl of darker complexion because of the prevalent color prejudice. As long as
racial discrimination persists, it will be a driving force for many Siddi to further
intermarry with the Yemeni Arabs and other ‘low class’ Indians. Presently,
many Siddi are somatically indistinguishable from the general Indian or Arab
population as a result of years of continuous intermarriage.

While the Muslim Siddi do their best to intermarry with India’s Arab, Pathan
and Khan people groups, the Christian Siddi, on the other hand, are assimilating
to the general Christian population of India. Since the Christian and Muslim
Siddi are integrating into different societies, they are moving in opposite
directions of assimilation. This has a direct effect on the future demography of
the Siddi and the relationship between the Christian and Muslim Siddi
populations. The relationship between the Siddi who assimilate to Pathan and
Khan people and the Christian Siddi who assimilate to Christians of Indian
origin will no more be like people of the same ethnic group. A significant part of
the first group are sympathisers with Pakistan while the second ones join pro-
Hindustan nationalists. These Siddi, who once considered themselves as the
same people group, are now moving in divergent directions. This trend may
result in the polarisation of their relationship because they are entangled in the

264
current politico-religious rift between Muslims on the one hand, and Hindus or
pro-Hindustan adherents on the other.

Intermarriage with non-Siddi people reduces the Siddi population tremendously.

Because, when a Pathan or a Khan man marries a Siddi woman their children
belong to the father’s ethnic group irrespective of their sex. They will be either
Pathan or Khan depending on the identity of their father. Therefore, a Siddi
woman who marries a non- Siddi will never have a Siddi child. A Siddi man
who marries either a Pathan or a Khan woman could have Siddi sons but not
Siddi daughters, since the latter take their mother’s identity. In intermarriages
with non-Siddi people only a Siddi man has the ability to have a Siddi child. As
a result, the Siddi’s intermarriage with Pathan and Khan people will make them
loose their population. The Siddi loose their women population through
intermarriage without gaining anything in return. Had it not been for the
presence of intra-communal marriages among the Siddi, they would have
become a community of men after one generation. The feeling of belonging
within a family of a Siddi husband and a non-Siddi wife is not as strong as in a
Siddi family of intra-marriage. Because, in the case of such intermarriages,
whereas the sons feel and act as Siddi, their sisters shun away from the practices
of their brothers because they “do not belong to the group”. The family
constitutes of a people of two ethnic groups whose sense of belonging is loose
and malleable. The family of Mrs. Rabiya Bi which is discussed in chapter nine
could be taken as an example to show how intermarriage causes population
decrease. Out of 24 grandchildren of Mrs. Rabiya Bi only 7 are considered to
belong to the Siddi. This was because her daughters and sons are married to
Sheh and Khan people, and as a result, most of their children became non-Siddi
( see Figure 6 in page 174).

265
Figure 10: Intermarriage and its effect upon the Siddi

Key
A Siddi man
A Siddi woman
A non-Siddi man
A non-Siddi woman

The above figure shows the numerical decline of the Siddi community in
succeeding generations caused by their intermarriage with non-Siddi groups.
And if the intermarriage continues in the second generation and the Siddi
husband fails to have a son, there will be no Siddi in the third generation. Due to
the strict patrilineality which excludes female descendants from the perpetuation
of the descent group, and the preferential rule of endogamy, which cannot
always be followed in the given social context, the Siddi will gradually reduce in
number.

The attitude of Indians towards their Arab population has a considerable effect
either on the continuation or change of Siddi identity. If Indians go on failing to
provide their Arab community with wives, the latter will supply themselves with
wives from the readily available Siddi women. This situation facilitates further
integration of Arab and Siddi communities because Siddi men are also provided
with Arab wives in return. The anti-intermarriage stance Indians have towards
Arabs has brought the immigrant communities to consolidate their relationships,
which resulted in the formation of an Afro-Arab community of India. The
necessity of securing a wife for each man has already changed the texture of the
two communities by converging them into a single community. This blend is
also enhanced by the alleged politico-economic threat they face from their
common counterpart, the Hindus. Many Muslims do not see their future in India

266
unless they unite and stand in common to reverse their “plight”. Many Indian
Muslims reinforce their commonalities despite ethnic differences.

However, intra-Siddi marriage will persist despite the tendency towards

intermarriage. Those Siddi parents who are unable to pay the dowry to marry off
their daughters to Indians or Arabs find it relatively easier to find a husband for
them among their ‘own’ people, as Siddi men do not demand a high amount of
dowry. If some Siddi women are not married as first wives they will be taken as
second and third wives by their ‘own’ people just to ensure that every woman
gets married.

The sad image that Africa has in Indian media and public opinion is another
factor for some Siddi’s desire to avoid anything pertaining African and
assimilate to the Indian society. Not all Siddi are proud of themselves as
Africans. Besides, identifying themselves as Africans provides no practical
advantage. They do not speak any of the African languages, nor do they know
which part of Africa their ancestors came from. The Hyderabad Chronicle
(February 14, 2001) states, “None of the Africans here, known as Siddhis,
remember from where their ancestors might have come. Tanzania, Kenya and
Ethiopia are some of the names they have heard over the years”. It would be
practically difficult for the Siddi to identify themselves with any single African
country and its culture. The absence of a single African region of origin and
culture to identify with led some Siddi to accept Arab or Indian societies as their
pictures of identification. Although there are some Somali students who
occasionally meet with the Siddi of Somali origin, there is very little actual
connection between the Siddi and Africa which is partly responsible for the
gradual fading away of African culture among the Siddi. Such contact could
have helped to revive the African culture which presently is almost replaced by
Indian and Arab cultures. This process of change towards either Indian or Arab
culture seems to continue.

10.5. Occupational Change

Due to externally and internally induced changes, many Siddi have abandoned
their traditional occupations. They have started occupations which India’s
tradition considers to belong to a specific cast group only. Their change of

267
occupation has a considerable impact upon their self-perception and also on the
way others understand them. Although the reasons causing the Siddi to change
their occupation are many, only those that have impacted the community on a
recognizable scale are discussed below. The first factor for their occupation
change, which I consider as an external cause, are national and international
historical interventions. The second factor for their occupational change is self-
induced. The Siddi lost the enthusiasm that their predecessors had for their
traditional occupations. Both factors are closely related.

10.5.1. Externally Induced Occupational Change

Military service, the Siddi’s traditional occupation, also determined their status
in India’s pre-modern cast stratified society. In Hinduism, soldiery is an
occupation of a higher cast group. Kshatriya, a military cast, is second in rank
only to the Brahmins. Therefore, the attitude of Indians towards military
personnel has been one of respect. The Siddi, known for their military skills,
‘physical prowess’and ‘faithful’ service, were custodians of the Muslim
dynasties in the entire Deccan. This had earned them respect and privilege both
among the royalty and the commoners. Though they were strangers to the
language and culture of the society, their privileged status enabled them to live
and interact with the society confidently. Besides, it gave the African-Indian
community a common purpose in life which led to intensive interaction and
intermarriage among them. This mutual interaction has enabled them to build a
common identity of African Indians despite their own ethnic differences. The
fact that all Siddi were employed in the same military unit, with no hierarchical
rank among them, enabled them to have a form of egalitarian rather than
deferential interaction among each other. However, as mentioned earlier, after
the dismantlement of their military unit and their subsequent dismissal from the
army their way of life has completely changed. These respected soldiers of the
Nizam lost their significance after India’s Independence. There has been a sense
of disillusionment and loss of purpose in life that still resurface till today. The
government that they lived, fought and died for was no more there. They did not
have any support from anywhere. They could not go back to their country of
origin because there was no single country in Africa nor a cultural group with
which they identify themselves. They became jobless and lost their sense of
purpose in life. Most were not ready for that kind of change. They were not

268
accepted into the new Indian army mainly because of their low literacy level.
Even if they were conscripted into the army, they would have felt they are
serving the ‘enemy’, because of their unresolved resentment on the
government’s failure to comply with their interests. Gradually, each had to look
for his/her own means of survival. Some sold their belongings and moved to
other places. Others started menial and low paying jobs which created an
economic disparity among the members of the community, thus contributing to
its significant transformation.

The terrorists’ attack on New York and Washingto DC on September 11, 2001
and the subsequent global economic recession has caused an observable change
in the life of the Siddi. Prior to these events many Siddi were able to secure at
least the lowest paying jobs of the many Information Technology related
companies of Hyderabad. The city hosts several national and international
companies of Information Techonologies which gave chances for the
downtrodden to work as guards, drivers, gardeners, and cleaners. The Siddi had
their share in those placements. Since the recession following September 11,
however, these international companies either pulled out their Indian extensions
or minimized their activities. Some went bankrupt and had to close down. They
left a big number of laid off workers behind among which the Siddi were some.
These laid-off Siddi could not get other employments in Hyderabad as the entire
activity of the city which was based on IT technology was stifled. These
circumstances forced them to employ themselves by doing small businesses, like
grave digging and fishery, which normally are done by specific cast groups.
These Siddi do not talk about their work because such jobs are “below their
dignity” and are afraid of public disregard. Whenever they are asked about their
job, they would tell that they are jobless. They work outside their neighborhood
where nobody from their family member and community sees them. The
psychological trauma that they face when they are forced to do such jobs is not
easy. Moreover, the ever-increasing globalisation and the interdependence of
countries’ economies have far and wide effects upon ethnic minorities and their
identities. Such occupational changes resulting from the above mentioned
pressures will gradually result in the change of their ethnic identity.

269
10.5.2. Self-Induced Occupational Change

It is hardly possible to speak of the Siddi without mentioning their talents in

sports. There are several hockey and cricket teams in AC Guards that are
exclusively constituted of Siddi. According to The Hyderabad Chronicle
(February 14, 2001), “AC Guards has the largest concentration of hockey
players in the city. There are at least 200 of them, and almost all the houses here
boast of at least one hockey player. What is striking about them is that many of
them either play for State or for the country”. Hockey, cricket, wrestling, and
boxing are still the main sporting activities of the Siddi as they used to be during
the past generation, though the enthusiasm has declined. The interest in
wrestling and boxing has also gradually declined, as Indians are not enthusiastic
about these sports. The amount of discipline and energy that one needs to be a
good boxer or wrestler makes it uninteresting if compared to the reward it brings
in today’s India. Some of the traditional sports of the Siddi are prohibited by the
government and are not seen in AC Guards anymore. But the elder generation is
not happy at all by the way the present generation handles the sporting tradition
of ancestors. Elders are not satisfied with the presence of many but non-
promising sport teams in AC Guards. They complain that their predecessors’
burning desire for excellence is not available among the present generation. In
the past, the Siddi used to represent India in international hockey and cricket
matches and often led the nation into victory, as mentioned in Express Newsline
(December 12, 1996). There are Siddi players in India’s present time hockey and
cricket teams, but they are not from AC Guards. Abdullah bin Almas, a senior
resident of AC Guards informed The Hyderabad Chronicle (February 14, 2001)
that, “Hockey too is loosing its charm as there is no patronage from the
government”.

10.6. Change in the Belief System

A lot has changed in the belief system of the Siddi since their forefathers arrived
in India. Some arrived with their traditional beliefs and were converted to Islam
or Christianity in India. Since their settlement in AC Guards, they abandoned
some religious practices and adopted others. The same trend of change is
continuing depending on their social environment.

270
The durgha and chille shrines of AC Guards are facing severe criticisms from
the Yemeni Arabs. They are considered as places of pagan rituals which have
nothing to do with Islam. The influence that the Arab community exerts upon
the majority of the Muslim Siddi is heavy considering the latter’s desire to
assimilate. Some Siddi have already started to openly criticise durgha and chille
institutions and their rituals. The trend to shun away from traditional Siddi
shrines and their rituals is highly reinforced by the radical Islamic teaching that
has recently started. The Islamic Research Foundation (IRF), a radical Islamic
association based in Bombay but also with an influential presence in Hyderabad,
has caught the attention of the youth. The fundamental teaching of this
association highlights the importance of basing one’s faith solely on the Koran
and the Hadith51. Religious practices that are not mentioned in either of these
canonical manuscripts are highly discouraged. The effort of such radical Islamic
schools to re-indoctrinate and refurbish the belief and religious practices of the
youth seems to exhibit widely felt consequences. These radical teachings
abrogate the traditional practices of the Siddi at least among the young
generation. If young Siddi continue attending this school it will have a
significant effect on religious practices of the Siddi at least among the forth
coming generations.

On the other hand, lower cast Hindus and Christians have started visiting Siddi
shrines while radical Islamic groups teach young Siddi to leave this tradition. It
is a premature conclusion to say that the Siddi will totally get rid of durgha and
chille institutions. But the constituency of these institutions changes, as non-
Siddi join and young Siddi leave at the back door. The rituals of the shrines are
also changing through syncretistic introductions which these latecomers bring
with them. The present practices of daram selling, or coconut, sandal, and
flower offerings presented to deceased saints, are cultural infiltrations brought
by Hindu devotees.

Ancestor worship has been and still is practiced in AC Guards. The kabristan
(cemetery) of the Siddi is another religious site which many Siddi frequent. The
Siddi believe that their ancestors continue to live after death in a different

51
According to the Siddi, ‘Authentic’ interpretations of the Koran and of the life of
Mohammad

271
dimension. Their direct influence upon the matters of the community is always
anticipated and felt. Deceased Siddi ancestors are addressed like par dada
(paternal great grandfather that has wings), par dadi (paternal great grandmother
that has wings), par nana (maternal grandfather that has wings), and par nani
(maternal grandmother that has wings). The adjective par (literally wing)
indicates that the deceased person has attained a spiritual dimension that enables
him/her to influence the everyday activities of the community. Their presence is
felt in the surrounding as they hover around the community at particular times of
the day. But this belief too is not without criticism from radical Islamic teachers
whose influence upon the young Siddi is strong.

Two tigers facing each other are painted on the inside walls of the Muslim
Siddi’s shrines whose meanings, according to my informant, no Siddi knows.
His only assumption is that, “Allah likes tigers because they are the best
animals. Aren’t they?” The cow is a very important religious symbol of Hindus.
The Siddi are afraid that Hindus may provoke divine indignation by their
“idolatrous” cow worship. However, the Siddi themselves face severe criticisms
from their Arab neighbors for utilizing totemic symbols which for the latter are
nothing but animistic rituals. There is a significant decline among the Siddi in
durgha and chille attendance inside AC Guards partly because totems are
displayed in AC Guards’ durgha and chille. Instead, the Siddi visit other shrines
located outside the neighborhood, which are frequented by non-Siddi Muslims
as well.

The mixing up of children of all religious and ethnic backgrounds at the

Catholic school of AC Guards is serving as a neutralizing factor against the
polarizing indoctrination they receive in their own religious and ethnic enclaves.
All of them are taught Christian ethic values at this school. Despite their
religious differences, many of the pupils have become friends. Some of them
insist that their parents should allow them to visit each other at their homes. As a
result of years of integration in the schools one is able to know the religious
territory of the ‘other’ and see the world from a wider angle than parents do. For
example, as a result of such encounter, the artistic expression of one’s religion
has been adopted by the other. Hindus welcome their deities by drawing various
kinds of sketches and flowers known as tipuru muggu using lime powder on the
ground in front of the main entrance of the house. These sketches are considered

272
idolatrous especially by the Muslim Siddi. However, some Christian Siddi girls
are gradually learning the skills and are drawing the sketches in front of their
doors if their parents are liberal enough to allow it. While the motifs of Hindu
tipuru muggu are flowers, Christian girls have employed their own motif, that is,
the cross. The presence of these flower sketches in front of one’s house indicates
that the owners are Hindus whereas their absence implies that the owners are
either Muslims or Christians. The latter religious communities may start
adopting these arts, of course with their own modifications.

The Siddi’s religious art known as kidki is another area where their cultural
identity is changing. (See the kidki designs in pages 166-168.) Due to the
constant growth of the Siddi population, AC Guards is unable to accommodate
some of its young generation. Hence they are forced to look for residence
elsewhere, mostly in the nearby neighborhoods. Young married Siddi acquire
these houses by renting them from either private owners or the city’s
administration. These newly acquired residence houses, unlike those in the
quarters of AC Guards, do not have kidki designs. The Siddi cannot construct
those designs in the walls, as the houses do not belong to them. Therefore, a new
Siddi generation is living in houses that are artistically different from their
predecessors’ houses. This is leading to a gradual decline on the preservation of
this unique art and its significance as a means of identity expression.

To sum up, the ethnic identity of the Siddi of AC Guards has been steadily
changing since their arrival in India and their subsequent settlement in AC
Guards as soldiers of the Nizam government. In fact, due to national and global
events that militate against their traditions, they forced to change even faster
than they could catch up with. Current trends indicate that their future will be
much different from their life today. Many Siddi, who now consider themselves
as African-Indians, may not do so some years later as a result of their adoption
of either Indian or Arab or Indo-Pakistan identities. It is possible that they will
identify with other ethnic communities after assimilating to such people through
intermarriage and cultural integration. Therefore, this phenomenon is better
recorded before and while it takes place.

273
274
 11. SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSION

In this chapter, the theoretical notions of this study shall be synthesized, with
facts gathered through fieldwork among the Siddi of Hyderabad and from the
available literature. Theoretical concepts of migration, diaspora, slavery and
ethnicity are very crucial to the understanding of the Siddi’s social reality. These
notions should be raised here again and discussed in the light of the historical
and actual realities of the Siddi of Hyderabad. As mentioned earlier, literature
concerning the Oriental African Diaspora is scarce. As a result, theories on
African emigration, diaspora, slavery and ethnicity were formulated
predominantly based on researches conducted on the Occidental African
Diaspora and hence fail to depict the realities of its Oriental counterpart. Many
social scientists have made generalizations of these concepts probably without
paying due attention to whether or not such theories would apply far and wide in
similar ways. The scarcity of academic documents on African Indians has led
many theoreticians to see the global African presence as a single unit exhibiting
more or less the same characteristics. But this is far from the reality. The
experience of African Indians with their host societies is considerably different
from that of their fellow Africans in the Western world. Likewise, Africans
living in the West and their posterity have had their own unique experiences
which African Indians do not share. The historical experiences of Oriental and
Occidental Africans are more contrasting than comparable. Moreover, even
within the community of the Oriental African Diaspora itself, there are
considerable differences which can be differentiated and classified both spatially
and chronologically. People of African origin and their posterity living in
Turkey, Indonesia and the Arab world do not have the same experience as the
Siddi of India. Similarly, the present Siddi of India are considerably different
from their predecessors in terms of social privileges and statuses. African
Indians, unlike most Hindus, were closer to the ruling elite in the past centuries,
whereas the same cannot be said of today’s Siddi communities. It is obvious that
theoretical generalizations concerning the global African community cannot be
maintained for the very fact that Africans have had different experiences in
times past and present as they have been living among different socio-cultural
contexts outside the African continent. The parlance of colonial academia that
presents the African Diaspora merely as a servile class is neither palatable nor
tenable if applied to the Oriental African Diaspora. Sociological theories cannot

275
be dogmatic nor can they be permanently canonized. They have to be
reexamined in the light of new fieldwork accounts. Therefore, theories as
mentioned above, namely, African emigration, diaspora, slavery, and ethnicity,
should be further discussed, reevaluated and re-theorized.

11.1. Africans’ Immigration in the Orient

It is essential to raise, once again, the issue of Africans’ immigration in the

Orient. It is the failure to understand the nature of this particular immigration
that has led many scholars to lump up the African diaspora as a ‘victim
diaspora’. Therefore, the ‘established’ conceptualization and formulation of
theories concerning the African diaspora is highly tilted towards the African
dispersal in the West while it tends to neglect the peculiar realities in the East.

Africans in the Western world, especially prior to the twentieth century, could
generally be understood as involuntary immigrants. It is well known that
Africans have been handcuffed and forcefully taken to the Western hemisphere
and were made to work for the slave master under extreme physical and social
conditions. The realities concerning Africans’ emigration across the Red Sea
and the Indian Ocean, however, are different from the Atlantic counterpart. As
shown in chapter four, the Africans were singing and dancing in the Arab dhows
in which they were traveling until they reached a climax of trance or spirit
possession. They took along their musical instruments. This could not have been
possible in the case of Africans’ journey across the Atlantic. Many African
slaves were concealing their identity and collaborating with the Arab traders by
disguising themselves as merchants or travelers when the British soldiers
searched the dhows to ‘enfranchise’ them. Many Africans preferred their
servitude in the Orient to their ‘freedom’ under the British because the latter
used to transport the ‘freed’ Africans to remote islands of the Indian Ocean and
abandon them to survive by their own means. In fact, the so called ‘freed’
Africans underwent more sufferings than what they could have faced as a servile
class in India. Some British naval officers of the time reported that the British
government needed to create a sense of hatred towards slavery in the minds of
the African slaves themselves if it wanted to abolish the trade in humans. The
fact is that Oriental slave trade and servile institutions were not the same as the

276
Atlantic slave trade or Western slavery. They were two different realities - a fact
that many politicians and scholars seem to have failed to understand.

Many people of the Orient could not understand at all why Europeans
considered servile institutions of the East, for example kul/harem52institution,
inhuman. However, this is not to state that Africans who were taken to the
Oriental world never suffered. African immigrants in the Orient had their own
sufferings. But, in contrast to the Africans’ involuntary emigration across the
Atlantic, the difficulties were mild and their treatment humane. Some Africans,
in their immigration to the East, suffered when their owner failed short of
supplying needs such as food, proper clothing, and medicaments. But such
sufferings, unlike in the case of the Atlantic slave trade, were not deliberately
inflicted but were only caused by the owners lack of the resources. It was not
infrequent that the owner himself suffered together with his subjects. There were
also some harsh treatments induced by their owners which the Africans had to
bear up. But this was, relatively speaking, rather the exception than the norm.
There were no recorded revolts on the part of the Africans while traveling across
the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, whereas there were such attempts repeatedly
in the case of the Atlantic slave trade.

Many Africans reached the Indian soil happy, enthusiastic, ambitious and
curious, albeit with some fear. On the other hand, Africans crossed the Atlantic
Ocean disenchanted, scared and hopeless. The two well known oceanic
emigrations of Africans, namely, the one towards the East and the other towards
the West, were as different as their directions were. To be more modest, they
were more different than similar.

11.2. The Siddi - Serviles and Nobles

In most of the available literature the Siddi are presented as descendants of

African slaves like African Americans. The arguments presented in many of
these publications fail short of presenting valid substantial information for those
claims. On the contrary, the history of the Siddi had more to do with the ruling
elites of India than with the majority Hindu subjects. This is especially true of

52
Classical servile institution practiced in early and mediveal Turkey

277
the Hyderabadi Siddi. However, this does not mean that Africans have never
lived in servitude of India’s aristocracy. It is simply to mean that this servitude
was not at all comparable to slavery as we know it in the West.

Africans were mainly required to serve as soldiers in the Muslim kingdoms of

India. Muslims were always demographic minorities in India as compared to
Hindus and they needed to recruit more personnel to consolidate their grip on
power. The snatching and ensuing annexation of extra territories from rival
kingdoms was a common military adventurism of medieval India. Therefore, it
was natural that these Islamic kingdoms needed a Muslim, or a potential convert
soldiery class to beef up their army. The Africans were best suited for such
assignments presumably for their assumed ability to endure extreme weather
conditions and other hardships. It was also a common belief among Africans
themselves that they were born brave warriors, which they had to prove by
engaging in daring military adventures. The outcome of such a belief was
rewarding both for the rulers and for African Indians themselves, because they
did engage in succession of military adventurisms which often chanced to prove
their bravery. As a result, a considerable number of African military chiefs
climbed up the ladder of influence. It is not rarely that they took up arms to
establish their own supremacy upon the host societies and succeeded in doing
so. Some have subjugated the Indian population and reigned as kings. Few of
them were even able to establish their own African dynasty that stayed in power
for generations. There are many Siddi who are recorded in Indian history as
notable kings, administrators, military generals, rich philanthropists, saints,
businesspersons and gurus. However, most were lay soldiers, personal
bodyguards and servants of the ruling class, but not part of the common people.
This institution of servitude has to be understood in its own context. Servitude to
the aristocracy was not the same as being a servant in a commoner’s house.
Rather, the servile individuals themselves had their own subjects to serve their
interests, the latter being often lower cast Hindus. In AC Guards, there were
dhobi who were brought by the Maharaja from Rajastan to fetch water for
members the African Cavalry Guards, wash their clothes, clean their houses, and
take care of their horses and stables. In the past, the Siddis of Hyderabad
enjoyed more privileges and prestige than the average autochthon subjects did.
To be a servant of the Nizam and the Maharaja was a prestigious position that
one envied to have. In that context, the Siddi, unlike the case today, had more to

278
do with the upper than the lower stratum of the Indian society. They were
servants to the aristocrats but masters to their own Indian subjects. Even the
nobles had their own supreme to whom they were servants. The nobles were
servants or vice versa depending on the point of reference. The Siddi felt falling
from grace and nowadays talk of a lost golden era in the past. By their own
admission, their present condition has become a sad contrast to their past.

However, it should be known that most of these rulers are often known in
history as Indians and not as Africans due to their intermarriages with the host
society. The Siddi, in their upwards move towards a position of influence, had
already adopted Indian culture including Indian ethnic names of those with
whom they were intermarried, like Pathan and Khan53. Therefore, there is very
little chance of knowing that those people were indeed of African descent. We
are fortunate enough to have a scanty information about some of them, because
some individuals used the names of their ethnic communities as initials of their
personal names.

The current living standard of the Siddi of Hyderabad is so grim that its sad
description cannot be exaggerated. There are several factors that militate against
their traditional survival strategies. The main ones are illiteracy and polygynous
marriages that result in the procreation of more children than the parents can
support. Since the Siddi’s official discharge from the Indian army, they had no
alternative to rely on, except their pension. The Siddi elders were not ready for
the change India was about to go through by the time they were reduced from
being actors of their own destiny to observers of events. It was not revealed to
them that their children will not be able to cope up with modern demands of life
without modern education. They had wrongly assumed their children could
make a sound living by performing their traditional music during weddings and
other social festivities. Siddi children were obliged to attend religious
instructions at mosque schools, but were not assisted to pursue secular
education, as the community considered the latter more damaging than useful
for the children’s moral upbringing. Young Siddi know a lot about the Koran but
very little about science. Their religious training was not helpful to secure jobs
later in life. By the time Siddi parents realized that education is not only

53
names of India’s two Muslim ethnic communities

279
essential, but also a must for their children, poverty had already engulfed them.
Therefore, while Hindus and Christians filled the few available vacancies, the
Siddi and many other Indian Muslims remained behind wanting. Nowadays,
even though there are government schools in which Siddi children could join
free of charge, many parents cannot allow them to do so because they are
depending on the income their children generate. The father, the only individual
who is supposed to work and feed all, is often unable to provide for all the needs
of the family, since he is often an unskilled laborer. The children are compelled
to sell their labor cheaply at a very young age so as to feed their extended
family. This has resulted in the prevalence and perpetuation of a vicious circle of
utter poverty.

The Siddi families who send their children to schools do so only to schools
whose medium of instruction is the local Urdu. Schools whose medium of
instruction is English are more expensive and unaffordable for low income class
people such as the Siddi. Besides, these schools are thought to be more alien and
secular than those whose medium of instruction is Urdu. In contrast, Siddi
children of Christian families are sent to better schools because their parents are
financially able and mentally free to do so. Christian Siddi, because of the
continuous assistance they get from the Catholic church, are well educated and
speak English as well as Urdu. This has helped them to secure better
government jobs. In addition, Christians enjoy reserved seats in all opportunities
including admission to higher forms of learning or job vacancies because they
are classified by the government as backward classes54 which enables them to
get opportunities relatively easily. These opportunities are not available for
Muslims because they are considered to have already utilized every available
opportunity for hundreds of years in the past when they ruled in the country.
This situation could be true for many but not necessarily for all Muslims, let
alone for the Siddi.

Christian Siddi have a smaller family size as compared to the Muslim Siddi.
Moreover, women are free, in fact, and encouraged to aspire to have their own

54
In India many ethnic groups are classified by the government as scheduled tribes, backward
classes, scheduled casts etc in order to regulate the share of opportunities in accordance to
nationally consented norms.

280
occupations, which in turn enables them to send their children to good schools
with less difficulty. Besides, the Catholic church owns a school and a college
which offers free scholarship to children of Christian families. This opportunity
helps the Christian Siddi to aspire to better positions in life, which they often
secure. This has resulted in an economic disparity between the Muslim and the
Christian Siddi families. Therefore, Muslim and Christian Siddi children are
developing different attitudes to life as a result of their differences in living
standards and level of literacy. Christian Siddi appear to be more open and
‘Western’ while the experiences of Muslim Siddi are confined to local matters.
Their world-views are more different than similar. The difference of experience
and attitude in life is leading young Siddi of the two religions to keep distance
from each other. In fact, some young Christian Siddi feel awkward and
unbecoming to their reputation to associate themselves with the Muslim Siddi.
Christians are gradually detaching themselves from the Siddi community and
identifying themselves more and more with local Christian Indians. This could
be part of the reason why there is no Christian Siddi in Hyderabad who plays the
daff music.

The failure of music and sport in providing the economic necessities of the Siddi
is another factor for their actual difficulties of life. Presumably, these activities
will be maintained as ancestral traditions rather than as economic ventures,
however, with significant change in their content.

Some young Siddi are able to emigrate to Arab countries and engage in various
small scale jobs to assist their families back home financially. These families are
relatively better off than the Siddi majority. Consequently, many Siddi who still
remain in AC Guards dream to go to Arab countries so as to be able to support
their families or establish an own family which otherwise seems hardly
realizable. Those Siddi who physically look like Africans feel they are racially
discriminated and contemplate on repatriation to their ancestral ‘homeland’ as a
possible solution to their economic misery.

Few Siddi who are engaged in various business activities are successful and
exceptionally rich. But their interaction with their ethnic community is minimal,
a situation understood by many low class Siddi as arrogance. The rich Siddi
‘hover around’ the neighborhood without establishing a concrete relationship

281
with members of their own ethnic community. As a result, most Siddi are not
happy with these individuals.

11.3. The Siddi as a Diaspora Community

The concept of diaspora is a fluid concept that is still under heated debate among
scholars. There is also a new trend of interest in several fields of social sciences
to study and re-theorize the concept in the light of new realities of globalization
and modern advance of technologies such as fast systems of transportation and
electronic communications. The concept of distance and sense of separation
from one’s ‘homeland’ and people is highly challenged due to the introduction
of these technologies. These new realities have affected the nature and sentiment
of diaspora groups thereby requesting for a more dynamic approach on their
conceptualization.

One argument holds the view that ‘exiled’ communities must entertain the idea
of future return to a ‘homeland’ in order to be considered as diaspora groups.
This line of reasoning emerges from the assumption that the word diaspora was
originally used for the Jews whose constant aspiration was to return to Palestine.
Thus, it was natural to assume that a diaspora community, in order to be
reckoned as such, must aspire to return to its own ‘homeland’ as Jews did.
However, the word diaspora was also used, most probably before it was used to
describe the dispersion of the Jews, to refer to the dispersion of ancient Greeks
into the then known world as colonizers. There was very little aspiration to
return to a ‘homeland’ among those Greeks. The Jews’ aspiration to return to
their homeland was materialized because, first, they were able to retain their
language and culture. Second, the great powers of the world and the UN have
assisted them to materialize their aspirations. Third, in terms of political and
economic safety, it was more profiting for them to return to or own a
‘homeland’. If the same reality could have existed for African Indians, some, if
not all, might have returned to where they feel at home. After all, ‘homeland’
has become a state of mind especially among modern diasporas. Repatriation
can also be spiritual or psychological and not necessarily a physical return of the
dispersed to a geographical ‘homeland’. A diaspora group could recreates its
actual or imagined ‘homeland’ through culture, art and other ways of
expressions while living in the country of its dispersion.

282
It should be mentioned here that a considerable number of African Indians has
ceased to identify itself or be identified with Africa anymore. They have been
assimilated to the general Indian population because the socio-cultural reality in
India was favorable to do so unlike the case is in the Western world. These
groups have become physically and culturally indistinguishable from the host
societies in which they live and consider themselves Indians. They must be
distinguished from the community of African Indians who still live in many
pockets of India considering themselves more as Africans than Indians and who
are treated as such by the locals. The latter, albeit infrequently and
spontaneously, keep in touch and have a sense of solidarity with Africans
coming to their cities either as businesspersons or students. They also identify
themselves with African Americans and express their solidarity by keeping their
(or Rastafarian) hair and other styles. Particularly in Hyderabad, young Siddi
men are fond of African American sportsmen and film stars. While Mohammad
Ali is famous among the elderly Siddi, Mike Tyson is equally idolized among
the younger Siddi generation. The sense of detachment from one’s ‘homeland’
and an emotional sentiment towards Africa is alive among many Siddi of
Hyderabad as it is among many Americans of African descent. In the light of
these facts, they are considered to be part of the global African diaspora.
Moreover, they should not be classified as a ‘victim diaspora’ as Robin Cohen
(1997) claims. They have their own peculiar experiences which the Occidental
African diaspora does not share.

11.4. The Siddi as an Ethnic Community

Many scholars have speculated that ethnicity would loose its influence on
people’s mode of thinking and interaction as a result of modernization and
globalization. Nevertheless, ethnicity is still alive and well functioning even in
technologically advanced countries. Many people of developed nations would
still like to be recognized by their ethnic backgrounds. Even in the United States
many Americans still identify themselves as Poles, Italians, Germans, Chinese
or Africans. Especially, when it comes to securing a job or looking for a spouse
people resort to their ethnic linkages. The ‘melting- pot’ paradigm of the United
States has shifted into ‘a salad bowel’ in which various people groups are mixed
while keeping their distinctiveness. Interestingly enough, despite a number of
governments’ huge effort to assimilate the ‘others’, most still remained ethnic.

283
Ethnicity has fashioned a number of violent as well as peaceful popular
movements of the world. Many conflicts that claimed the lives of several
thousands of people all over the world could simply be described as ethnic
conflicts. Ethnicity is all over around us - in our TV, newspapers and parliament
debates. That is why many scholars devoted their time in studying the nature of
ethnic groups and of ethnicity. Some of the known scholars who have
significantly contributed to the discussion are mentioned in chapter two. I would
like to raise the arguments of the three main scholars of modern time - Max
Weber, Fredrick Barth and Anthony Smith.

Ethnologists and scholars of ethnicity of Max Weber’s time were influenced by

his contribution. His legacy was almost ‘canonized’ during his days and is still
considered as an authority in some ‘Weberian’ circles. Max Weber (1968: Vol.
1: 389) considered any human group that entertains “a subjective belief in their
common descent”, because of similar physical features or customs or both, to be
an ethnic group. He agrees that it does not matter whether or not the people have
actually a blood relationship. Max Weber and his contemporaries have made the
concept of descent the central aspect of ethnicity. There are still contemporary
scholars who hold this same view. Fredrick Barth, however, came up with a
completely new approach to ethnicity a year after Weber published his own. He
argued to shift the center of attention from the “cultural stuff” to the ethnic
boundary that defines the group or to the interaction among ethnic groups. His
work was and still is considered by many as an “intellectually liberating
paradigm shift” (Cohen 1994: 59). Let me use Barth’s (1969: 10) celebrated
legacy as a prism to see the Hyderabadi Siddi through.

i, The Siddi of Hyderabad are, generally speaking, a biologically self-

perpetuating community by encouraging endogamy. Until very recently, they
have discouraged exogamy, albeit, neither extremely nor always successfully.
ii, They share fundamental cultural values that manifest themselves in overt
solidarity and cultural forms as mentioned mainly in chapters seven, eight and
nine.
iii, The community exercises an intact communication and interaction, at times,
to the exclusion of others.
iv, They ascribe themselves to the Siddi or Habshi, or a community of African
Indians, and are treated as such by their autochthonous neighbors.

284
Thus, based on both Weber’s and Barth’s characterization of an ethnic group,
the Siddi constitute an ethnic group of their own although the compactness of
the community and the intensity of their ethnic sentiment are not as strong as in
the past.

Anthony Smith and John Hutchinson came up with a better description of an

ethnic group which is more comprehensive than forwarded by their predecessors
and contemporaries. Their definition is adopted in this research as a better
approach to study the Siddi community of Hyderabad. According to them, an
ethnic community or ethnie (1996: 6):

1. is a named human population.

The African Indian community of Hyderabad has its own specific name with
which members of the community identify themselves and by which they are
differentiated from their neighbors. They are neither Tamils, nor Maharatis, nor
Deccanis as their neighbors are. They are predominantly known as Siddi. This
name indicates that their forefathers came from Africa and settled in India. The
name speaks of their unique history and experience in India which is not shared
by their neighbors.

2. It shares a myth of common ancestry.

The Siddi of Hyderabad believe that all Siddi residing in AC Guards are either
close or distant cousins to each other. Even though they do not entertain the idea
of descending from a single ancestral father, they acknowledge their existing
interrelationship through kinship. It is a fact that members of the community
have been intermarrying with each other for hundreds of years since their arrival
in India. They believe that they descend from a group of ancestors whose
posterity intermarried and formed a single block of affinity.

3. It shares historical memories.

This is more true of African Indians than of many indigenous Indians of their
neighborhood. The Siddi share a communal history of immigration, life amidst
‘alien’ people and culture, servitude, military achievements, a degree of racial
discrimination and marginality, a sense of dependency, lack of political and
economic influence, and a degree of attachment to a faraway continent and its
people. These historical memories which members of the community share

285
create a sense of belonging to each other and play a significant role in cementing
the already existing solidarity among them. Their experiences as military
vanguards of the Nizam empire and of the Deccan is fresh and alive in their
memories. Monuments that stood in memory of prominent Siddi military chiefs
and streets and city quarters named after them remind the new Siddi generation
the achievements of their forefathers in shaping the political landscape of the
Deccan and, together with other Siddi communities living elsewhere, of India.
No less fresh is their recent memory of subjugation to the utmost economic
misery, even by Indian standards, which they allege is caused by a deliberate
infliction of the Hindu majority government against them.

4. It has one or more elements of common culture.

Elements of their common culture are discussed in detail, mainly in chapters
seven and eight. Their unique musical and dancing styles, matrimonial rituals,
initiation ceremonies, sporting activities, religious practices, and identity
symbols express their peculiarities from their neighboring communities. These
cultural elements are not only zealously cherished, at least by a considerable size
of the Siddi community, but also characterize the community’s cultural
difference from the surrounding neighborhoods. It is due to their strong cultural
heritage that the Siddi are able to maintain their community in spite of heavy
pressures from established institutions to assimilate them to the general Indian
population. Residence in compact neighborhood for several decades has helped
the Siddi to safeguard and maintain their cultural identity.

5. It links itself with an imagined or real homeland.

African Indians have an emotional attachment with the African continent and its
people even though it is often suppressed. However, this long subdued nostalgia
resurfaces and is discussed when occasions allow it to come out. Some wonder
what their life would have been if their ancestors had remained in Africa. Some
dream of a possible repatriation to their imagined ‘homeland’. In fact, some did
return back to Kenya and Tanzania where they assumed various occupations
ranging from mercantile activities to religious missions. I would like to admit
here that those Siddi whose forefathers came from countries of the Middle East,
where they stopped over and lived for most of their lives before embarking upon
another adventurous journey to India, have only a very remote attachment to
Africa. Nonetheless, they too realize that their remote ancestral ‘homeland’ is

286
not the Middle East but Africa. These groups do not admit that they have any
emotional attachment to Africa when they are asked in public. Because, for
reasons discussed in previous chapters, they are more Arabs than Africans
culturally. But still, the same people occasionally admit that Africa has a special
place in their hearts when asked in private.

6. It has a sense of solidarity among at least some of its members.

The Siddi of Hyderabad are compactly interrelated in a web of consanguinity
and other relationships. Their excessively crowded residence has resulted in a
network of constant relationships and intricate interdependencies. Besides, the
felt threat from their neighboring Hindus compels them to keep their solidarity
intact. A threat against a single Siddi is considered as a threat against the whole
community. It is frequently reported by neighboring Hindus and admitted by the
Siddi themselves that if a certain Siddi is threatened or attacked by a Hindu,
even though the issue is purely personal, the whole community loosens itself on
a mission of backlash and rampage against the former which ends up in severe
violence and bloodshed. The solidarity of the Siddi community is also exhibited
in a more constructive manner specially in times of weddings, festive occasions,
and somber moments. They not only celebrate their happy moments and agonize
together in times of distress but also share the financial and other obligations
required for such occasions.

The elderly among the Siddi consider all young Siddi as their own classificatory
children. The same feeling is equally entertained by the youth towards the
elderly. If parents are unable to pay the required dowry for their marriageable
daughters the community takes it up its responsibility to do so. Despite the
communities poverty, the weak and the elderly are taken care of by communal
hands. Obviously, the more they feel vulnerable the more their sense of
solidarity is enhanced.

As discussed in chapter two, scholars of ethnicity are divided into two schools of
thought when it comes to explaining the genesis and dynamics of ethnicity.
Some see ethnicity as an identification based on primordial attachments, of
which blood tie is one. They are known as, among many other names,
primordialists. This ‘objectivist’ view entertains the idea that ethnicity is out
there as real and tangible phenomenon and remains static irrespective of the

287
whims of members of the ethnic group. Obviously, this outlook is criticized by
its opponents for rigidity, shortage of explanatory power, and encouraging
ethnic chauvinism and conflicts. On the other hand, instrumentalists, or
‘subjectivists’, as they are occasionally referred to, hold the view that ethnicity
is created by cultural elites when they see a tangible profit out of it. It can also
be manipulated, negotiated, and revised depending on the whims of the
dominant section of society to further their own interests. This approach
highlights the malleability of ethnicity. However, this approach is also criticized
for its emphasis on economic and political advantages as supreme causes of the
invention of ethnicity. It is criticized for failing to explain why individuals stick
to their ethnic affiliations even when class or interest-group identity promises
more advantage than the former. It is criticized for failing short of explaining the
causes of ethnic durability.

When the above two approaches are applied to the Siddi of Hyderabad, neither
of them could alone explain the nature of their ethnic identity and its dynamics.
Undoubtedly, both approaches are not necessarily exclusive to each other. They
can be integrated in such a way that they are used as building blocks to form a
whole new approach that provides a better understanding of ethnicity. To put it
in a nut shell, as Pierre van den Berghe points out, “Ethnicity is both primordial
and instrumental” (1996: 58).

It is a fact that the Siddi do have and feel primordial attachments although some
are only very remotely related to each other. It would have been very difficult to
create such an ethnic identity had it not been for the presence of a certain level
of primordial sentiments no matter how remote they could be. The
communalities they express in their physical features, generations of
intermarriage, and occasionally, through the usages of fragments of a long
forgotten communal language exhibit the essentiality of primordial attachments
to the prevalence and solidification of the Siddi ethnic identity. When some
young Siddi attempt to identify themselves with the indigenous Indian society
their physical feature betrays that they belong to another group and not to the
one they aspire to join. The reservation of today’s Indian society to fully
integrate these aspirants leads to the recoil of the latter towards their ancestral
community. Such observable features are not easy to avoid and, sometimes, are
not dependent on the interest of the individual or the community.

288
Barth’s instrumentalist approach of ethnicity is also applicable to the Siddi of
Hyderabad. There are those Siddi who left their community and joined people of
Yemeni or Pakistani origin as a result of continuous intermarriage and long
years of cultural identification with peoples of those communities. Although
these individuals have been considered and considered themselves as Siddi in
times past, they have altered their allegiance and are accepted as full fledged
members of the community they recently joined. Some are accepted into
neighboring communities although very gradually. That is why we have
individuals who, although their physical appearance and consanguinal
relationships reveal their African origin, claim Oman, Yemen, Saudi Arabia,
Iraq and Pakistan as their ancestral ‘homeland’.

As indicated in chapter ten, when a Siddi man marries a non-Siddi woman their
sons become Siddi while the daughters retain the mother’s identity. This results
in the formation of allegiance to two different ethnic groups within a family.
Likewise, when a Siddi woman marries a non-Siddi man all their children retain
their fathers identity while the wife is still considered a Siddi. As a result, there
are families in AC Guards and elsewhere in Hyderabad whose members belong
to two, at times more, ethnic identities. If a husband marries more than one wife
as is often the case among Muslim societies, and his wives are from various
ethnic groups other than his own, the family may be constituted of more than
two different ethnic groups. In AC Guards, we have Pathan women who have
Siddi sons, Siddi men who have Khan and Pathan daughters, and Yemeni men
who have Arab children from Siddi wives. This ethnic flexibility is in
contraposition with the concept of ethnicity having static primordial
attachments. However, this is not to deny altogether the prevalence of a certain
degree of primordial sentiments among the Siddi community. The reality is that
the Siddi ethnic identity displays both primordialism and instrumentalism. The
reason behind for the survival of the Siddi ethnic identity in India is on account
of its primordial veins. Paradoxically enough, its survival and co-existence with
the neighboring ethnic communities has been possible for its malleability in
allowing selective assimilation.

The lesson we draw from the case of the Siddi ethnic identity is that neither of
the two approaches alone is comprehensive enough to explain the complexity of
ethnic survival and change. Rather, both approaches are only two sides of a coin

289
in which one does not stand without the other. They could effectively explain
the genesis, dynamics and survival of ethnic identity if integrated into forming a
whole new approach – ‘primordial-instrumentalism’. The dynamics of Siddi
ethnic identity shows that ethnicity is both primordial and instrumental.

11.5. The Siddi as an Ethnic Minority

Ethnic minority does not show only the numerical aspect of a given community.
It has aspects of a people group’s inability to exercise economic and political
influence. Minorities are often subject to politically or otherwise motivated
marginalization of the prevailing sections of the society. They are deliberately
excluded from most economic benefits and other privileges. However, it is not
always true that minorities suffer at the hands of dominant sections of the
society. There are minority groups which are content with their own
achievements and roles even though they do not share the spoils they deserve.
Such groups co-exist with the dominant section of the society often with a
feeling of unfairly unequal, but mutual interdependence. The problem arises
when one considers the presence or success of the other as a threat to one’s own
well being.

The Siddi of Hyderabad are an ethnic minority by all standards. Nowadays, the
Siddi are unable to enjoy a modest living standard let alone to exercise a
recognizable influence among the Indian societies as they did in the past.
Despite their services to India’s princely states and contribution in forging the
political history of the country, the Siddi are now left alone and even forgotten
by those who carve the country’s policies. They feel they are the underdogs of
modern India. They allege that they are deliberately and systematically relegated
to the sad state in which they are found. The Siddi of Hyderabad feel that - and
indeed are - a minority community.

11.6. Reflections on Siddi Interactions

One of the main factors responsible for the survival and dynamics of the Siddi
identity through time is the members’ intensive interaction among themselves
and with members of other communities. Once again, it is essential to see how

290
the Siddi relate to each other and interact with or avoid others to understand the
dynamics of their identity.

The Siddi’s interaction among themselves is multi-faceted. First, there is an

intensive interaction within the Muslim Siddi which constitute the majority of
AC Guards’ population. The Muslim Siddi are an intricately interrelated and
intensively interacting section of the whole Siddi community. They are
extensively intermarried which resulted in the formation of a web of kinship
relations. One is related to the other through double or triple kinship lines. To
give a simple example, a certain Ahmed is Hussein’s maternal uncle, a husband
of his paternal aunt, and his father in-law at the same time. Such multi-faceted
kinships (see figure 11 in page 224) have resulted in the formation of a uniquely
solidified community which functions as a big extended family. Muslim Siddi
men interact everyday in mosques when they meet during prayer hours.
Representatives of Siddi households relate to each other in the mosques as
members of a single family bound by higher order creeds. Important communal
issues are discussed and resolved in mosques. One does his best to keep
agreements and vows made there. The mosques are communal grounds where
one renews his allegiance to his fellow Siddi and the community at large. Ritual
observations conducted during annual holidays, initiation ceremonies and other
public festive occasions bring the Muslim Siddi together, renew their communal
spirit, and cement their identity.

There is interaction between Siddi residents of AC Guards and those who reside
in Chintal Basti, Veer Neger and Irrum Manzil. These neighborhoods are
extensions of AC Guards resulting from a natural growth in size. The Siddi of
Chintal Basti, Veer Neger and Irrum Manzil name AC Guards as their area of
residence when they are asked their area of residence. Siddi residents of these
neighborhoods visit AC Guards at least a couple of times a week since part of
their family reside there. Polygynous men who have wives in AC Guards and
other Siddi neighborhoods live alternating their residences frequently.

There is occasional interaction between the Siddi and those individuals who
once were residents of Siddi neighborhoods but later on joined the Yemeni
community of Barkus due to intermarriage, long years of residence in the
community, or residence in Yemen which ended up in cultural assimilation.

291
Cultural similarities of the two communities allow their members mutual
identification and easier integration. Both communities adhere, at least in
principle, to strict observance of Islam. People of the two communities are
known as bin, chaush, and Arabs. They are descendants of foreign immigrants
and of ex-military personnel whose residences are military barracks. Both feel
they are sidelined by the Hindu majority government from economic and
political privileges of the land. When it comes to political views, both
communities sympathize with Pakistan and the people of Kashmir rather than
with India. They are also seen by many Hindus as potential threats to the
political stability of the country. Many members of these communities feel they
are uninvited guests in India. These and other communalities between the two
communities converge them to create a sense of belonging to each other.

Figure 11: Multiple consanguinity of two individuals

Key
= Ahmed (black)
= Hussein (gray)

Second, there is a considerable level of interaction between the Muslim and

Christian Siddi despite their adherence to different religious world-views.
Occasionally, the cord of ethnicity that binds the two becomes stronger than the
knife of religion that separates them. The Christian Siddi live dispersed among

292
the quarters of the Muslim Siddi. There are also a number of intermarriages
between them while the partners maintain their respective religions. Thus, the
two religions are co-existing within a single family. Ethnicity, neighborhood and
intermarriage have done their best to enable the Siddi of both religions co-exist
in relative tolerance. Of course, their relationship was not always harmonious.
There were times in which the Muslim Siddi considered Christianity a threat to
their neighborhood. Occasionally, Muslim Siddi have rampaged and desecrated
Christian religious icons in their zeal to ‘safeguard’ their Islamic identity.
Generally speaking however, they are more tolerant than antagonistic towards
each other. That is why they managed to live together for several decades.

Third, the Siddi do not live in total isolation from their Hindu neighbors. There
is a degree of interaction between individuals of the two communities, even
though cautious and often mechanical. Their relation is not cordial but a fact of
life which is marred by historical feuds and conflicts. Threats and counter
threats are often heard. Many Siddi and Hindus do their best to avoid walking
through one another’s neighborhoods. The only observable tolerance they have
is in the area of business. There are some occupations which are solely owned
by lower cast Hindus and their services required by the Siddi. In this case, both
communities need each other for their mutual existence. In such conditions,
religious norms are loosened to allow smoother interaction. In most cases, it is
the visitor of the ‘other’s’ territory that makes religious concessions by
loosening the standard of ‘purity’ and ‘impurity’ so as not to stand on the toe of
the other. The Siddi and Hindu communities of AC Guards’ neighborhoods,
though ‘inimical’, yet co-exist. These interactions result in both the maintenance
and change of the Siddi identity.

Their beliefs, communal residence, occupations, sports, music, costumes, and

intermarriage are the prime factors that make Siddi ethnic identity both static
and dynamic at the same time. Despite the pressure for the strict observance of
the Islamic code of ethics from religious leaders and elders of the community,
the belief system could not escape yielding to the unavoidable fact of change.
With change compromise comes and vice versa. Therefore, the ideal and the
actual of Siddi religious life are not always the same. There is a new resurgence
of ‘Islamic radicalism’ that spreads especially among the young generation
which is intolerant of traditional African practices that have been accommodated

293
since centuries ago. Many youngsters of this section oppose the ritual practices
of chille and durgha institutions equating them to ancestor worship and ‘tribal’
religion. Some, who declined from paying homage to Siddi religious and social
creeds are involved in ‘anarchic’ activities such as ‘illicit’ sexual practices,
alcoholism and gangsterism. Nevertheless, ethnologically speaking, these are
agents of change in their own way.

Residence in a compact neighborhood has helped the Siddi to effectively keep

their cultural heritage till now. The fact that one lives under the other’s constant
observation and scrutiny, and subsequently, in fear of ridicule and judgment for
an unacceptable behavior gives an effective policing mechanism. Communal
residence enables a society to transfer its cultural lore, norms and dogmas to
posterity relatively easily. The younger generation learns the values of its
society without much effort as alternative cultural norms are not in a position to
dictate their terms under such circumstances. The cultural package comes ready
made to succeeding generations as they normally interact with the preceding
one. Compact neighborhood facilitates intensive interaction, sense of belonging
and an easier flow of material and moral culture across generations. AC Guards
plays a significant role in this regard. Residence in an ex-military barrack itself
reminds of the youth the ‘heroic’ deeds of their forefathers, while at the same
time it instigates a sense of militancy to protect their ethnic ‘pride’.

Nonetheless, AC Guards is also liable to the demands of change. Nowadays,

some Siddi are unable to cope up with the continuously growing standard of life
in Hyderabad and are forced to sell their AC Guards’ quarters and move
elsewhere in search of easier livelihood. The sold quarters are owned by Muslim
businesspersons coming from other areas and cities who changed the residential
quarters to business shops. The presence of these new comers changes the
demographic picture of the area as well as the historical appearance of the
quarters. Any modification to the existing feature of AC Guards is a change in
the identity of the Siddi. Some Siddi change their residence because they want to
change their traditional occupation and take up another one which may not be
easy to do while residing in AC Guards. India’s traditional cast stratified society
allocates various occupations to specific cast groups to the extent that members
of one cast group could not think of venturing into ‘others’’ occupations.
Gradually, the Siddi are realizing that some caterings in which low class Hindus

294
are engaged in are financially more rewarding that their own traditional
occupation. Thus, if a Siddi aspires to assume an occupation which is
traditionally held by low class Hindus, he/she would find it difficult to continue
residing in AC Guards. The only alternative is to sell one’s quarter and move
elsewhere where he/she is not known.

Internally and externally induced factors of change are cornering the Siddi to
modify their traditional identity according to the demands of modern times.
Especially, those children whose either of the parents is Indian would like to
detach themselves from their African tradition and identify themselves with
India and its culture, thereby indicating a trend in the change of the Siddi ethnic
identity. The new generation is trained more the Indian way and less inculcated
by the ways of the Siddi.

The traditional occupation of the Siddi, that is, singing and dancing on festive
occasions is loosing its market at a faster rate than they are ready to admit.
Modern Hindu bands are also competing for and sharing of the already
dwindling market. Obviously, many have learnt the hard way that they are not
able to survive let alone provide their families’ needs with the earnings they get
through music alone. Daff music, which plays a prominent role in the lives of
the Siddi by anchoring them to the seabed of their African roots and ethnic
identity, is loosing its foothold as new occupations are infiltrating in and around
AC Guards. The daff music will likely be as Indian as it is African by giving in
to the demands of changing times and allowing many Indian musical genre to
infiltrate its ‘territory’. The main factor for daff’’s change is its failure to provide
sustainable economic fortune for the community. The decline of its market
requires to question its importance and leads to its modification so as to meet the
demand of ‘modern’ taste. Young Siddi have begun engaging in occupations
other than daff music, simply because they do not see an economically
promising future in it. The stiff competition their music faces from Hindus’
modern bands is a real challenge. Change is already taking place within AC
Guards’ daff bands so as to appear as modern as Hindus’ bands. Modern brass
drums are introduced replacing the traditional African drums. The dance is
changing from African type, in which one’s hip or bottom shakes more than the
rest of the body, to typical Indian dances in which the movement of hands and
fingers is prominently displayed.

295
Another area of identity maintenance and change is in the area of traditional
Siddi sporting activities. AC Guards has been noted to be a place with the
biggest concentration of professional hockey and cricket players in the country.
Almost every Siddi household professes to own at least one professional cricket
or hockey player. It seems that the enthusiasm for these two sports is still alive
among the young generation. However, that insatiable desire to excel in the field
is running down due to the absence of adequate funding. Besides, there were
strong wrestlers and boxers who won reputation in their city and the state.
However, these sports could not reward the Siddi since there is no widespread
enthusiasm for such sports in modern India. With the lack of funds and
individuals to promote the sport, on top of the economic misery of the
community, this cultural legacy of the Siddi is gradually fading away. Some of
the Siddi’s traditional sporting activities are banned by the government because
they are dangerous and even fatal. Therefore, while some of the traditional Siddi
sporting activities are still maintained and passed intact to the young generation,
some are obliged to phase out. The continuation of some of these traditional
practices and the sidelining of others taking place in parallel is both a cause and
an indication of the on-going Siddi identity maintenance and change.

Identity maintenance and change are co-existing in parallel with respect to

traditional costumes as well. At present, only few Siddi men wear their
traditional costume known as lunghi. Some prefer to wear it only during daff
music performances. Those who wear the lunghi are highly used to it that they
find it more comfortable than other dresses. However, like many of the Siddi
traditions, it also seems to loose ground among the young Siddi. Nowadays,
more and more Siddi wear the lunghi at home rather than at public occasions.
Although the Siddi’s traditional costumes, ornaments, and various kinds of
amulets are still worn by some individuals, their acceptance by the majority
Siddi and sustenance in the future does not seem very promising. However,
there are individuals who continue wearing the amulets and make sure that it is
well passed on to their posterity as a sign of keeping in touch with the souls of
the deceased ancestors.

The Siddi’s intermarriage with local Indians and other immigrant communities
is another main factor for the continuing change of Siddi identity. This
relationship results in the infiltration of ‘foreign’ cultural practices into the

296
community which, as time passes, are adopted as one’s ‘own’ existing mores
and practices. Had it not been for the preference of endogamous marriages that
help to maintain the cultural values of the community, the continuous exchange
of personnel with other ethnic communities would have threatened the very
survival of the Siddi as an ethnic community. The perpetuation of the African
somatic features and subsequently of their ethnic identity is ensured by the
prevalence of endogamy. At the same time, controlled exogamy leaves a loop
hole for those who wish to assimilate to the general Indian population. Hence,
both tendencies of identity maintenance and change are intertwined in
fashioning the present and future of the Siddi of Hyderabad.

11.7. The Future of the Hyderabadi Siddi

The future of the Siddi ethnic identity tends more towards change than
maintenance. Most of the African cultural elements are already lost. There are
every reasons to believe the same trend of change will continue. Of course,
identity is not a melting wax of which we should expect its obliteration in the
foreseeable future. There are always some diehard social actors who do their
best for the survival of their traditions. As mentioned earlier, compact
communal neighborhood is one means of ensuring and checking that each and
every individual abides by the established norms of the community. As long as
the Siddi continue residing together in AC Guards, they will find it easier to
remind each other of the traditions of their forefathers. There are some Siddi
parents who insist their children to maintain the tradition of the community by
continuing to play the daff drums.

One needs also to keep watch on cultural renaissance. There are cultures who
witnessed a period of reconstruction or, so to say, resurrection. For example,
professor Amy Cathlin Jairazbhoy, an ethnomusicologist at the University of
California and her husband, UCLA ethnomusicologist Nazir Ali Jairazbhoy,
have recorded the songs of Gujarati Siddi on CD. They are promoting its revival
by popularizing it internationally. Such externally induced factors may bring
about an unexpected renaissance of a ‘dying’ culture.

However, the Siddi are bound to change in many areas of their lives. This is
mainly because their traditional way of life has become ‘incompatible’ to the

297
expectations and demands of modern life. Dynamism is the order of the day. No
society, however it may be considered ‘closed’ remains isolated from changing
circumstances. The Siddi are no exception to this fact. It is more probable that
those young Siddi who have emigrated to Middle Eastern countries in search of
jobs will identify themselves as Arabs than Africans. However, identification
with Africa and its people will still continue among those Siddi who physically
look like Africans. As a result of their persistent endogamous relationships,
these sections of the community are not able to identify themselves as anything
other than Africans even if they want to. This situation indicates that members
of the Siddi community are moving in divergent directions. Some identify
themselves with India, some with Europe, others with Middle Eastern countries
and still others with Africa. The only spot where these diverging sections of the
community converge is when they come to their residence quarter- AC Guards-
which ties them to the traditions of their African ancestors. A sense of
commonality and solidarity is always renewed and strengthened in AC Guards.

Schools and religious institutions play very important roles in integrating

peoples of different ethnic groups. They loosen ‘inviolable’ cultural shells to
allow diffusion or exchange of cultural elements among members of various
communities. It is a fact that young Siddi children are growing up in an
environment different from in which their parents did. They do not have the
same orientations and experiences of life with their parents. Subsequently, they
cannot be expected to react to given situations in similar way to their parents.
This is what is implied as an identity change in this research.

It is relatively credible to assume that today’s Siddi will appear in recent future
more Indian than they are at the present. The tide of change is compelling them
to assimilate to the general Indian populace in every aspects of life. It seems that
the younger generation has realized, more than the elders of the community do,
that it is practically advantageous to identify themselves as common place
Indians than otherwise. The younger generation is more pragmatic than
sentimental, unlike its predecessors. Young Siddi have painfully realized that
being more of Indians and less of Africans is the way to go ahead. It seems more
likely that they will continue identifying themselves as Indians than otherwise
probably because the other option is too difficult to materialize or benefit from
unless they emigrate to these countries.

298
Figure 12 a: Figure showing the sociocultural transformations that African immigrants
underwent in India as they were made soldiers of Hyderabad State. Various ethnic
communities merged to form a single ethnic community – known as Siddi

Various African ethnic

communities

Sociocultural processes
Africans underwent
through several historical
episodes as they served
as soldiers of the Nizam.

Siddi Through time various

ethnic communities
merged to form a single
ethnic community.

Figure 12b: Social transformation that the Siddi underwent since India’s independence have
a bearing on their identity.

Siddi
The Siddi underwent through many
socio-cultural transformations since
their army unit was dissolved and
power was taken over by the Indian
Sociocultural processes
Union Army. These sociopolitical
changes led to a significant change
Siddi
in their communal identity.

Muslim
Siddi
Chri The Siddi are divided
into various sub-
sections or joined
Arabs Patha
other ethnic
Anglo communities
Indians
Khan

299
11.8. Summary and Recommendations

It is a historical fact that millions of Africans willingly emigrated or have been

taken by force to the Asian continent since time immemorial. It is estimated that
between eleven to fourteen million Africans emigrated to the Orient since the
rise of Islam alone. These Africans, most of whom were from eastern but also
from other parts of Africa, were dispersed among many Asian countries. The
majority the descendants of those African immigrants is already assimilated to
the respective host societies while a few have still, more or less, retained their
ethnic identities and survived as African communities. India is one of the
countries into which Africans immigrated in large numbers. India has been
attractive to many African merchants of whom many decided to settle and
engage in various mercantile and other small scale activities. Predominantly
between the 12th and the 19th century, many Africans were brought to India by
Arab and Indian merchants where they had to serve as soldiers for the then
Hindu and Muslim kingdoms. The Africans who settled in India, known as Siddi
or Habshi, are still residing in various geographical pockets of India. The main
concentrations of African communities are found in the states of Gujarat,
Karnataka, Maharshtra and Andhra Pradesh. Minor concentrations are also
found elsewhere in many cities and rural areas of the Deccan.

The Siddi of Hyderabad have peculiarities that are worth of investigation. One
such peculiarity is their residence quarter which is an ex-military barrack
complex. Most of the researches conducted about the Siddi of India misrepresent
realities by depicting the people predominantly as descendants of slaves. The
Siddi, historically seen, were mostly soldiers serving India’s princely states. The
Siddi’s residence in AC Guards’ military barrack in which they and their
predecessors were once stationed in as soldiers is a testimony to this fact. It
should also be ascertained that there were Siddi who were serving as personal
guards of individuals of influence and affluence. However, these positions were
rather prestigious placements that a commoner would eye in envy. Besides, not
few of them had climbed up the position of influence as a result of their military
skills and adventures. Most of the Siddi kings, nobles, military generals,
regional chiefs, administrators, and wealthy philanthropists used to identify
themselves with the ruling class of the times mainly as a result of their
intermarriage with them. Therefore, we have very little information concerning

300
the Siddi upper class because they were recorded in history as local Indians or
people of Arab and Persian ancestries. It is my wish that this humble research on
the Siddi of Hyderabad contributes its share to reconsider the angle from which
African Indians have been presented in the academic literature.

The remaining Siddi communities that we have now in various locations of India
are descendants of lay soldiers and those who were engaged in small scale
caterings. These communities, as a result of the many political and socio-
cultural transformations that the country underwent, are now extremely
impoverished to the extent that they are merely able to survive. These, one
might say destitute, communities are unable to move in accordance with the
needs and demands of changing times. It is upon these surviving communities
that the available researches are conducted. Regrettably, the present realities of
these communities are hastily generalized and used as conclusive grounds to
imply that the Africans who immigrated in India were mainly slave populations.

Since the independence and unification of the various princely states of India,
the Siddi of Hyderabad are relieved of their military assignments with pensions
and gifts of free residence houses. Since then, India has seen a huge shift in
balance of power in which the minority Muslim ruling elites are replaced by the
majority Hindus and their rule. This huge shift of political power resulted in the
shift of the economic balance as well. In the past, mainly Muslims had the
chance to enjoy surplus financial and material wealth. Nowadays, however,
these positions of influence and affluence are very gradually claimed by Hindus.
Obviously, most of those Muslims whose parents acquired substantial wealth in
the past still stick to the same position of wealth and power. However, the reality
is different for the majority of India’s Muslims. Most Muslims, especially those
whose ancestors came from elsewhere such as Yemen, Iraq, Turkey, and Africa
lead a difficult life and feel their future is grim. One of such underprivileged
ethnic communities is the Siddi of Hyderabad. By the time they willingly
surrendered their arms for the sake of India’s unity they were unprepared for the
socio-economic change that was to take place in the country. The Siddi ex-
soldiers, like their fellows from Arab countries, for example, the Yemeni ex-
soldiers stationed at Barkus, had neither wealth nor literacy by the time they
retired from the army at their early ages. The pension was not enough to sustain
their growing family size. Besides, the value of the Indian Rupee fell at an

301
alarming rate while commodity price shore up at the same time. Subsequent to
India’s rapid advance towards modernization, the changing circumstances of life
procured a huge section of social ‘misfits’ out of the unwary Siddi and the likes
of them. In modern India, education is pivotal for a sound share of opportunities
in life. The Siddi community of Hyderabad is one among India’s non-literate
societies that stood on the loosing economic ground.

This reality has exerted a huge pressure on the ethnic identity of the Siddi. They
have slowly and painfully realized that they need to undergo through cultural
change in accordance to the needs and demands of modernization. They have
realized that their community cannot live in isolation from or remain unaffected
by the surrounding circumstances of change. It is here that we see the struggle
between identity maintenance and change. The forces of tradition are doing their
best to hold on to old values while the new is adamant to change. It is interesting
to see that both the values of cultural survival and of change are going hand in
hand although the tide pushes more forcefully to the latter.

The study of Africans’ emigration to the Orient, in comparison to that of to the

West, has been underrepresented in academic research and debate.
Consequently, what is often presented as a study of African Diaspora is
predominantly based on Africans’ experiences in the Western world which is
significantly different from the situation in the East. I believe that it is high time
that the Oriental counterpart of the Occidental African Diaspora be given
adequate place in academic investigation so that we can see the picture from a
wider angle. I have hereby attempted to share my observation about the African
Indian community of Hyderabad. It is encouraging to see that there is a growing
desire among a number of academic institutions of Europe and America to
revise this academic under-representation. It would be more interesting if
African social scientists or young Siddi scholars themselves endeavor to study
these communities so that we could have a more insider view of African Indians
which might come up with a different account of their history and present
circumstances.

This study is by no means a comprehensive research of the Siddi of Hyderabad.

There are many more things to see than what has been presented here. I consider
it a success if this paper is considered as a first step towards an extensive

302
research on the Siddi community of Hyderabad and of India. It is my earnest
wish to see women social anthropologists probe into the circumstances of Siddi
women. Due to the fact that men are not allowed to enter into the ‘domain’ of
women for the fear of trespassing purda norms, it was not possible to includ
women in this research as widely as men were. As it is common among many
Islamic societies, a man talking to a woman in person, unless they are married
couples or close family members, is considered among the Siddi to act contrary
to both divine and human moral laws. Therefore, I have to admit that my
research is slanted more to the realities surrounding men and paid little attention
to the women section of the community. As long as women Siddi are not equally
represented in such studies, we are not able to conclusively speak about the full
picture of the Siddi community. This is one area of investigation that is lacking
and which I recommend for further research.

In addition to the Siddi of Hyderabad, there are other communities of African

Indians, particularly in Karnataka, Goa, Bombay and elsewhere in the Deccan
about whom very little is known. These communities are transforming rapidly
without the scholar’s observation of these processes of change. It is high time
that the ethnologist be curious enough to pay attention to such communities
before we loose too much of their traditions and cultural lore. One needs to
understand that these various African Indian communities are very different
from each other even though they do have similarities. A study on a certain
Siddi community tells very little about another Siddi community. Because, the
Siddi, while living amidst different societies and cultural contexts of India, have
gone through different experiences and have developed differing modes of
adaptation. Therefore, I would suggest that social anthropologists and other
social scientists should timely and duly account these peculiarities before it is
too late to do so.

This research is confined to the areas of ethnic identity of the Siddi and realities
surrounding this theoretical concept. The historical legacy of Siddi nobles,
military adventurers, saints, gurus, and craftsmen that left a socio-cultural
impact in today’s India are not adequately researched. It is due time to see more
and more publications coming out in this direction so that the merit of a ‘dying’
culture is passed on to posterity.

303
304
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abir, Mordechai
1968 “Caravan Trade and History in the Northern Parts of East Africa.” In:
PAIDEUMA. Vol.14. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH
Ahmad, Aziz
1964 Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment. Oxford: Clarendon
Press 1969 An Intellectual History of Islam in India. Edinburgh:
University Press
Ahmad, Imtaz
1978 Caste and Social Stratification Among Muslims in India. Delhi: Manohar
Ahmed, Hussein
2000 “From Slaves to Elites: the Ethiopian Muslim Diaspora in Arabia and
Muslim India.” In: Journal for Islamic Studies. Vol. 20. South Africa
Aktas, Kazim
1999 Ethnizität und Nationalismus. Frankfurt: IKO-Verlag für Interkulturelle
Kommunikation
Ali Khan, Ayoob
2001 “Black Pearls of the City of Nizams” In: The Hayderabad Chronicle.
(February 14)
Ali, Shantis Sadiq
1995 The African Dispersal in the Deccan. New Delhi: Orient Longman
Alpers, E
1967 The East African Slave Trade. Nairobi: East African Publishing House
Bade, J. Klaus
2000 “Migration.” In: Deutschland, Zeitschrift für Politik, Kultur, Wirtschaft
und Wissenschaft. D7999 F Nr. 6/2000 Dezember/Januar D1Banks,
Marcus
1969 Ethnicity: Anthropological Constructions. London: Rutledge
Baptiste, Fitzroy A.
1998 “African Presence in India.” In: Africa Quarterly. Vol. 38. Nr. 1. New
Delhi: Indian Council for Cultural Relations
Barfield, Thomas (ed.)
1997 The Dictionary of Anthropology. Oxford. Blackwell

305
Barth, Fredrik
1969 “Introduction.” In: Fredrik Barth (ed.) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries.
The Social Organization of Culture Difference. Oslo: Scandinavian
University Press
1994 “Enduring and Emerging Issues in the Analysis of Ethnicity.” In: Hans
Vermeulen & Cora Govers (eds.) The Anthropology of Ethnicity: ‘Beyond
Ethnic Groups and Boundaries.’ Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis
Basu, Helene
1992 “Sidi.” In: Paul Hockings (ed.) Encyclopaedia of World Cultures. Vol. III,
South Asia. Boston: Gk. Hall & Co.
1993 “The Sidi and the Cult of Bava Gor in Gujarat.” Journal of the Indian
Anthropological Society 28: 289-300
1994a “Die Heilige und das Weibliche. Geschlechter-Konstruktionen im Indo-
Muslimschen Sufismus.“ Zeitschrift für Ethnologie. 119: 215-227
1994b „Heiligengräber und muslimische Bestattungs-Rituale im Westlichen
Indien.“ Mitteilungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie,
Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Bd.15: 53-60
1995 Habshi- Sklaven, Sidi Fakire, Muslimische Heiligenverehrung im
Westlichen Indien. Berlin: Das Arabische Buch
1996 „Muslimsche Lachkultur im Gujarat/ Indien.“ In: Georg Elwert, Jurgen
Jensen & Ivan R. Kortt (eds.) Kulturen und Innovationen: Festschrift für
Wolfgang Rudolf. Berlin: Duncker & Humbolt
1998 “Hierarchy and Emotion: Love, Joy and Sorrow in a Cult of Black Saints
in Gujarat, India.” In: Pnina Werbner & Helene Basu (eds.) Embodying
Charisma, Modernity, Locality and the Performance of Emotion at Sufi
Shrines. London: Rutledge
2000 “Theatre of Memory: Performances of Ritual Kinship of the African
Diaspora in Sind/ Pakistan.” In: Aparna Rao & Monica Boeck (eds.)
Culture, Creation and Procreation in South Asia. Oxford: Berghahn
2001 “Slave, Soldier, Trader, Fakir: Fragments of African Histories in Gujarat.”
In: Richard Pankhurst (ed.) The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean:
London: Red Sea Press
Beachey, R.W.
1976 The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa. London: Rex Rollings
Bennett, R. Norman
1978 A History of the Arab State of Zanzibar. London: Methuen & Co. Ltd

306
Bernard, Harvey Rassel
1995 “Research Methods in Anthropology.” 2nd edition. In: Qualitative and
Quantitative Approaches. London: Alta Mira Press
Bahattacharya, D.K.
1969 “Anthropometry of a Negro Population in India: Siddis of Gujarat.” In:
The Journal of the Anthropological Society of Nippon. Vol. 77 No. 5/6:
767-768
1970 “Indians of African Origin.” In: Cahiers d’Etude Africaines. Vol.
10,40 :579-582
Blom, Jan-Petter
1969 “Ethnic and Cultural Differentiation.” In: Fredrik Barth (ed.) Ethnic
Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference.
pp. 75-85. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press
Bottomeley, Gillean
1992 “Migration and the politics of Culture.” In: From Another Place.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Braukämper, Ulrich
1977 Islamic Principalities in Southeast Ethiopia Between the Thirteenth and
Sixteenth Centuries: Part 2. Vol. II. Nr. 2. Michigan: Michigan State
University
1980 Geschichte der Hadiya Süd-Äthiopiens. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag
GmbH
2001 „Der Beitrag der deutschen Ethnologie zur Äthiopien-Forschung.“ In:
Piotr O. Scholz (ed.) Bibliotheca nubica et aethiopica. Wiesbaden:
Warszawa
2002 Islamic History and Culture in Southern Ethiopia. Münster: LIT
VERLAG
Brazil, Jana Evans, and Anita Mannur (eds.)
2003 Theorizing Diaspora. Malden: Blackwell Publishing Ltd
Breton, R. and, Wsevold Isajiw W.
1990 Ethnic Identity and Equality. Toronto: University of Toronto Press
Briggs, J.
1829 History of the Mohamedan Power in India Till the Year AD 1612. London
Brooks, F. Miguel (ed)
1996 Kebra Nagast (The Glory of Kings). New Jersey: Red Sea Press

307
Bukhari, Sibte Husain
1996 “Siddis Get No More Than a Sporting Glance.” In: Express Newsline
(December 12)
Burton-Page, Richard F.
1971a “Habshi.” In: Encyclopedia of Islam. 2nd Edition
1971b “Sidi.” In: Encyclopedia of Islam. 2nd Edition.
Cashmore, Ellis (ed.)
1984 “Ethnicity.” In: Dictionary of Race and Ethnic Relations. London:
Rutledge
1992 “The Rastafarians.” In: Minority Rights Group International Report.
London
Census of India
1961a “Siddi: A Negroid Tribe of Gujarat.” In: Ethnographic Series Gujarat
Vol. V, Part IV-B, No.1
1961b “Jambur.” In: Ethnographic Series Gujarat. Vol. V, Part IV No. 10
Chatterjee, Sunit Kumar
1968 India and Ethiopia From the Seventh Century B.C. Calcutta: Asiatic
Society
Cohen, Abner
1969 Customs and Politics in Urban Africa: A Study of Migrants in Yuruba
Towns. Berkley: University of California Press
1994 “Boundaries of Conschiousness, Conschiousness of Boundaries. Critical
Questions for Anthropology.” In: Hans Vermeulen and Cora Govers
(eds.)The Anthropology of Ethnicity: ‘Beyond Ethnic Groups and
Boundaries.’ Amsterdam: Het Sphinhuis
Cohen, Gary B.
1984 “Ethnic Persistence and Change: Concepts and Models for Historical
Research.” In: Social Science Quarterly 65
Cohen, Robin
1997 Global Diasporas: An Introduction. London: UCL Press
Cohen, Ronald
1978 Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology. Illinois: Annual Review
Inc.
Columb, R.N. (Captain)
1968 Slave-Catching in The Indian Ocean. A Record of Naval Experiences.
London: Dawson of Pall Mall

308
Commissariat, H.M.
1938 “History of Gujarat.” In: The Cambridge History of India. Cambridge
Coon, S. Clarenton
1936 Measuring Ethiopia and Flight into Arabia. London: Little Brown and
Company
Crooke, William
1915 A New Account of East Indies and Persia Being Nine Years Travels 1672-
1681. London
Das Gupta, Ashin
1979 Indian Merchants and the Decline of Surat 1700-1750. Wiesbaden: Franz
Steiner Verlag
Davidson, Basil
1992 The Black Man’s Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State. New
York: Times Books
Davis, David B.
1984 Slavery and Human Progress. New York: Oxford University Press
David, Richard
1992 “Black Ethnicity: A Case for Conceptual and Methodological Clarity”. In:
The Western Journal of Black studies. Vol. 16: 3. Pp.147-151
Denison-Ross, E.
1910 An Arabic History of Gujarat. Vol.1. London
Douglas, A. William
1970 “Peasant Emigrants: Reactors or Actors.” In: Migration and Anthropology
Eidheim, Harald
1969 “When Ethnic Identity is a Social Stigma.” In: Fredrick Barth (ed.) Ethnic
Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference.
pp. 39-57. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press
Eller, Jack David
1999 From Culture to Ethnicity to Conflict. Michigan: The University of
Michigan Press
Eller, Jack David, and Reed Coughlan
1994 “The Poverty of Primordialism”. In: Ethnicity. Oxford: Oxford University
Press
Elliot, H.M.
1877 The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians. London

309
The Encyclopaedia of Islam
2000 P.J. Bearman, TH. Blanquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P.
Heinrichs (eds.) Vol. X. New Edition. Koninklijke Brill: Leiden
Equiano, Olaudah
1995 The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano. Boston
Eriksen, Thomas Hylland
1988 Communicating Cultural Difference and Identity. Ethnicity and
Nationalism in Mauritius. Occasional Papers in Social Anthropology. 16.
Oslo
1993 Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives. London: Pluto
1996 “The Epistemological Status of the Concept of Ethnicity.” In:
Anthropological Notebooks. Slovenia: Ljubljana
Fardon, Richard
1987 “‘African Ethno Genesis’: Limits to the Comparability of Ethnic
Phenomena.” In: Ladislav Holy (ed.) Comparative Anthropology. pp.,
168-188.Oxford: Blackwell
Friedman, Jonathan
1990 “Being in the World: Globalisation and Localization.” In: Mike
Featherstone (ed.) Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalisation and
Modernity. pp.311-328. London: SAGE
Gade, Ole
1970 Geographic Research and Human Spatial Interaction Theory: A Review of
Pertinent Studies in Migration and Anthropology (Unpublished)
Garnsey, Peter
1996 Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press
Gazeteer of the Bombay Presidency
1899 Vol. 2. No. 89. Bombay
Geertz, Clifford
1996 “Primordial Ties.” In: John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith (eds.)
Ethnicity. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Gokhale, Kamal
1978 Chattapati Sambhaji. Pune
Grosby, Steven
1996 “The Inexpungeable Tie of Primordiality.” In: John Hutchinson and
Anthony D. Smith (eds.) Ethnicity. Oxford: Oxford University Press

310
Haaland, Gunnar
1969 “Economic Determinants in Ethnic Process.” In: Fredrik Barth (ed.)
Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Sociological Organization of Culture
Difference. pp. 58-74. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press
Haig, T.W. (Major)
1907 Historic Landmarks of the Deccan. Allahabad
Hans Vermeulen, and Cora Govers (eds.)
2000 “Introduction.” In: The Anthropology of Ethnicity. ‘Beyond Ethnic Groups
and Boundaries’. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis
Harris, E. Joseph
1996 “The Dynamics of the Global African Diaspora.” In: Alusine Jalloh and
Stephen E. Maizlish (eds.) The African Diaspora. Arlington: Texas A &
M University Press
1971 The African presence in Asia. Arlington: Texas A & M University Press
Harris, W. Cornwallis (Major)
1968 Highlands of Aethiopia. Vols. I-III. London: Gregg International
Publishers Limited
Hassan, Mohammed
1990 The Oromo of Ethiopia, A History 1570-1860. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press
Hesse, Uwe
2000 Afrikaner in Indien. In: Südasien
Hine, Darlene Clark, and Jacqueline McLeod (eds.)
1999 “Slavery and Freedom in the Atlantic World: Reflections on the
Diasporan Framework.” In: Crossing Boundaries: Comparative History of
Black People in Diaspora. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press
Honigmann, J.John
1976 The Development of Anthropological Ideas. Illinois: The Dorsey Press
Horowitz, Donald
1985 Ethnic Groups in Conflict. Berkley: University of California Press
Hutchinson, John, and Anthony D. Smith (eds.)
1996 “Introduction”. In: Ethnicity. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Indian Government’s Committee on Untouchability
1969 Report 1965. New Delhi: Manager of Publications

311
Inikori, E. Joseph
1996 “Slavery in Africa and the Transatlantic Slave Trade.” In: Alusine Jalloh
and Stephen E.Maizlish (eds.) The African Diaspora. Arlington: Texas A
& M University Press
Isajiw, Wsevold W.
1974 “Definitions of Ethnicity.” In: Ethnicity. New York: Academic Press
1990 “Ethnic Identity Retention.” In: Ethnic Identity and Equality. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press
Jalloh, Alusine, and Stephen E. Maizlish (eds.)
1996 “Introduction.” In: The African Diaspora. Arlington: Texas A&M
University Press
Jenkins, Richard
1997 Rethinking Ethnicity. London: SAGE Publications Ltd
Johannes, Emery Van Donzel
1986 A Yemenite Embassy to Ethiopia 1647-1649 (Al-Haymi’s Sirat al-
Habasha). Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag
Jose, Kananaikil
1984 Constitutional Provisions for the Scheduled Castes. New Delhi: Indian
Social Institute
Kasdan, Leonard
1970 “Introduction: Proceedings of the 1970 Annual Spring Meeting of the
American Ethnological Society.” In: Migration and Anthropology. The
University of Washington Press
Kashi, Vidyapith
1955 The Sheduled Castes in Eastern Uttar Pradesh: A Sample Survey.
Lucknow: Harijan Welfare Department
Knutsson, Karl Eric
1969 “Dichotomization and integration.” In: Fredrik Barth (ed.) Ethnic Groups
and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. pp. 86-
100.Oslo: Scandinavian University Press
Levine, T. Philip (ed.)
1966 The City of God. Vol.4. New York: Harvard University Press
Lewis, B., V. L. Menage, Ch. Pellat, and J.Schacht (eds.)
1971 “Habashat.” In: Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 3. London: Luzac & Co.
Lipsky, A. George
1962 ETHIOPIA, its People, its Society, its Culture. New Haven: Haraf Press

312
The Lost Africans of India. In: BBC News (27 November, 2000). At
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/south_asia/newsid.
Lovejoy, Paul E.
1983 Transformations in Slavery. A History of Slavery in Africa. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press
2000 “Identifying Enslaved Africans in the African Diaspora.” In: Identity in
the Shadow of Slavery. New York: Wellington House
Lucereau, M.
1881 Anti-Slavery Reporter. Vol. 1. No. 4. London
Lynton, Harriet Ronken, and Mohini Rajan
1987 The days of the Beloved. New Delhi: Orient Longman
Manning, Patrick
1990 Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slave Trades.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Meillassoux, Claude
1983 “Female Slavery.” In : Robertson, Claire C. and Martin A. Klein (eds.)
Women and Slavery in Africa. Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin
Press
Miers, Suzanne, and Igor Kopytoff (eds.)
1977 “African ‘Slavery’ as an Institution of Marginality.” In: Slavery in Africa.
London: The University of Wisconsin Press
Mujeeb, Mohammad
1967 The Indian Muslims. London: George Allen and Unwin
Muthanna, I.M.
1956 Indo-Ethiopian Relations for Centuries. Addis Ababa: Artistic Printing
Press
Nash, Manning
1996 “The Core Elements of Ethnicity.” In: Ethnicity. Oxford: Oxford
University Press
O’Callaghan, Sean
1961 The Slave Trade. London: Anthony Blond Ltd
Orme, R.
1782 Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire. London
Pankhurst, Richard
2000 “History of the Ethiopian Diaspora, in India – Habshis in the 17th & 18th
Century India.” In: Addis Tribune. (April 28) Addis Ababa

313
1961 An Introduction to the Economic History of Ethiopia. Addis Ababa: Addis
Ababa University
1972 The History of Ethiopia’s Relations with India Prior to the Nineteenth
Century. Paper presented to the Fourth International Conference of
Ethiopian Studies. Rome
1976 The History of Bareya, Shanqella and Other Ethiopian Slaves From the
Borderlands of the Sudan. A paper submitted to the Conference on
Ethiopian Feudalism held by the Research and Publications Department of
the Institute of Ethiopian Studies of Addis Ababa University and the
Historical Society of Ethiopia. Addis Ababa
1990 “The Northern and Central Highlands from Early Medieval Times to the
Rise of Emperor Tewodros II.” In: A Social History of Ethiopia. Addis
Ababa: Addis Ababa University
2000 History of Ethiopian Diaspora in India. Part II. In: Addis Tribune. (April
07) Addis Ababa
Pearson, Michael
1976 Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat: The Response to the Portuguese in the
16th Century. Berkley: University of California Press
Philipott, Stuart B.
1970 “The Implications of Migration for Sending Societies: Some Theoretical
Considerations.” In: Migration and Anthropology. The University of
Washington Press
Phillips, D. Williams (Jr.)
1985 Slavery from Roman Times to the early Transatlantic Trade. Oxford:
Manchester University Press
Pipes, Daniel
1981 Slave Soldiers and Islam: The Genesis of a Military System. London: New
Haven
Pissurlenar, P.
1938 “The Extinction of the Nizam Shahis.” In: Sardesai Commemoration.
Bombay
Ramna, Dacca
1948 The History of Bengal. Vol. 2. New Delhi
Rackham, T. H. (ed.)
1944 Legum Allegoria. New York: Harvard University Press
1944 Politics. New York: Harvard university Press

314
The Random House Dictionary of the English Language (1967)
Rahman, S. Haseeb-ur
1976 The Shidis of Sind. A Pilot Study. Islamabd: National Institute of Folk
Heritage
Ramna, Dacca
1948 The History of Bengal Vol. 2. New Delhi
Ravi, S (ed.)
2001 A Road Guide to Hyderabad. Chennai: TTK Healthcare Limited
Robertson, Claire C., and Martin A. Klein (eds.)
1983 “Women’s Importance in African Slave Systems.” In: Women and Slavery
in Africa. Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press
Roosens, Eugene
1994 “The Primordial Nature of Origins in Migrant Ethnicity.” In: Hans
Vermeulen & Cora Govers (eds.) The Anthropology of Ethnicity: ‘Beyond
Ethnic Groups and Boundaries’. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis
Ross, Robert
1985 “Slavery” In: Adam Kuper and Jessica Kuper (eds.) The Social Science
Encyclopaedia. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul
Scarr, Deryck
1998 Slaving and Slavery in the Indian Ocean. New York: St. Martin’s Press,
Inc.
Segal, Ronald
1995 The Black Diaspora. London: Faber and Faber
2001 Islam’s Black Slaves. New York: Ferrar, Straus and Giroux
Schermerhorn, Richard
1996 “Ethnicity and Minority Groups.” In: Ethnicity. Oxford: Oxford
University Press
Shack, A.William
1974 The Central Ethiopians: Amhara, Tigrina and Related Peoples. London:
International African Institute
Shillington, Kevin
1989 History of Africa. New York: St. Martin’s Press
Simoons, J. Frederick
1960 Northwest Ethiopia, Peoples and Economy. Wisconsin: The University of
Wisconsin Press

315
Singer, L.
1962 “Ethnogenesis and Negro Americans Today.” In: Social Research. New
York: Academic Press
Skrbis, Zlatko
1999 Long-distance Nationalism. Diasporas, Homelands and Identities.
Brookfield: Ashgate Publishing Ltd
Smith, Anthony
1981a The Ethnic Revival. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
1981b “Core Values and Cultural Identity.” In: the Journal of Ethnic and Racial
Studies Vol. IV. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
1995 Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era. Cambridge: Polity
Smooha, Sammy
1985 “Ethnic Groups.” In: Adam Kuper and Jessica Kuper (eds.) The Social
Science Encyclopaedia. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul
Snowden, Frank
1970 Blacks in Antiquity: Ethiopians in the Greco-Roman Experience.
Massachusetts: Belknap Press
Sokolovskii, Sergey, and Valery Tishkov
1996 “Ethnicity.” In: Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology.
London. Routledge
Sowell, Thomas
1996 Migrations and Cultures. New York: Basic Books
Speke, J.H.
1863 Journal of the Discovery of the Nile. Edinburgh (Unpublished)
Tamaskar, B.G.
1978 The Life and Work of Malik Ambar. New Delhi
Telbiyova-Sack, Jordanka
1999 Identitätsmuster der Pomaken Bulgariens. Marburg/Lahn: Biblion Verlag
Thomas, Hugh
1997 The Slave Trade. New York: Touchstone
Thomson, T. J. (ed.)
1953 Nichomachean Ethics. Harmondsworth: Penguin Classics
Toledano, R. Ehud
1998 Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle East. Seattle: University of
Washington Press

316
Tuden, Arthur
1970 “Slavery and Stratification Among the Ila of Central Africa.” In: Arthur
Tuden and Leonard Plotnicov (eds.) Social Stratification in Africa. New
York: Free Press
Van Den Berghe, Pierre
1996 “Does Race Matter?” In: Ethnicity. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Veeraswamy, Pradeep
2001 “Siddis are Hyderabad’s African Connection.” In: The Times of India
News Service (June 18)
Verdery, Katherine
1994 “Ethnicity, nationalism, and state-making. Ethnic groups and boundaries:
past and future.” In: Hann Vermeulen & Cora Govers (eds.) The
Anthropology of Ethnicity: ‘Beyond Ethnic Groups and Boundaries’.
Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis
Vincet, Wilford
1807 The Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients in Indian Ocean. London.
(Manuscript)
Watson, L. James (ed.)
1980 “Slavery as an Institution, Open and Closed Systems.” In: Asian and
African Systems of Slavery. Oxford: Basil Blackwell
Weber, Max
1968 Roth G. & Wittich C. (eds.) Economy and Society. Vol. I. New York:
Bedminister Press
Willis, John Ralph (ed.)
1985 Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa. London: Frank Cass
Wiedemann, T.E.J.
1987 Slavery. Greece and Rome New Surveys in the Classics. No. 19. Oxford:
Clarendon Press
Yinger, Milton
1994 Ethnicity: Source of Strength? Source of Conflict? Albany: State
University of New York Press
Zitelmann, Thomas
2001 “Anthropology and Empire in Post-Italian Ethiopia. Makonnen Desta and
the Imagination of an Ethiopian ‘we-race’”. In: PAIDEUMA. Frankfurt:
Frobenius-Institut

317
318
 APENDIXES
Appendix 1.
Glossary

Afq’ala: Oromo slave traders

Angen (Hindi origin): the front yard of a Siddi house
Asalam-alekum (Arabic): Muslims’ way of greeting (Peace be unto you.)
Asif Jah: a title bestowed to some of the kings of Hyderabad State by the Mogul
emperors
Azmir: a type of amulet used by the Siddi
Badi: special flower garland for a bridegroom
Bakrit: feast of animal slaughtering at the end of Muslims’ fasting days
Bamb sheklah: musical rhythm of the Siddi
Banti kulu (Hindi origin): a religious symbol of Hindus
Barat: parade of a bride and a bridegroom to a place where the marriage takes
place
Bargi-giri (Hindi origin): guerrilla warfare
Batasta: medium size cake given on a thanksgiving (chetti) day held for a
newly born girl
Bawerchi kana (Hindi origin): Siddi kitchen
Bergum: a type of herb chewed together with a local tobacco known as mitha
pun
Bindi (Hindi origin): a small drum of the Siddi
Bismillah (Arabic): a feast given to celebrate the day a child says bismillahi
irrahman irrahim for the first time
Bissmilahi irrahman irrahim (Arabic): in the Name of Allah the
compassionate and the merciful
Burqa: a black gown which Muslim women wear to cover themselves
Buttu (Hindi origin): red dotting which Hindus show on their forehead
Chalukya (Hindi origin): name of a dynasty of the State of Hyderabad (6th
century)
Chan (Hindi origin): a type of amulet used mainly by Muslim Siddi
Chetti (Hindi origin): thanksgiving feast organized by parents in the name of
their newly born child between the sixth to the twelfth days of birth
Chikur-bitta (billa) (Hindi origin): a game played by young children

319
Chilla (plural Chille) (Persian origin): a memorial shrine erected for a saint
known as Rosiya Azam Dastagir. It also refers to a thanksgiving feast
given on the fortieth day of a child’s birth
Chunni: a religious symbol of Hindus
Daff (party): a traditional Siddi music band. Also a type of Siddi drum
Dahes: marriage price paid in kind by the parents of the bride to the groom
Dalan: front room of a Siddi house
Damal (African origin): religious music of the Siddi
Damam (African origin): a type of drum (also a type of Siddi music)
Daram (Persian origin): an orange thread which Hindus tie on their wrist. It is
believed to protect the bearer from evil
Dhobi (Hindi origin): name of a cast group in India which makes a living by
washing clothes
Divia (Hindi origin): (lit. goddess) a name used to refer to Saint Mary
Doll: a bigger size drum made of wood and oxen hide
Domna: domino
Doun: India’s ‘mafia’ organization
Dua (Arabic origin): informal prayer by Muslims held anywhere to meet various
needs and to curse one’s offenders
Durgha: tomb of a Muslim “saint” used as a place of worship
Fajir (Arabic): One of the main Friday prayers of Muslims held in a mosque
Fathai: decorated lunghi (traditional dress of Siddi men) worn by Siddi boys for
forty days following their circumcision
Fatiha: holy (blessed) food
Galla (African): a word used in the literature to refer to the Oromo people of
Ethiopia (nowadays derogatory)
Gar: (lit. house) It is also used to refer to a bedroom of a Siddi house
Garvi: annual commemoration of a saint’s birth or death
Gileri-mufeli (Hindi origin): a game played by young children
Gili-dandul (Hindi origin) : a game played by young children
Glof: covering clothe of a saint’s tomb
Gumta (Hindi origin): a type of drum among the Kannada speaking Siddi of
Karnataka
Gunget: head covering of a bride
Habshi (Arabic origin): communal name used to refer to African Indians (It
means Abyssinian)

320
Hakikah: thanksgiving feast given by the Siddi in the name of a newly born
child
Haldi: yellowish powder used to anoint the face of a bride
Hamam: Siddi bathroom
Haram (Arabic origin): anything that evokes divine wrath
Harash: powder used to anoint the face of a bridegroom
Harewa: a type of herb chewed together with local tobacco known as mitha
pun
Harira (Arabic origin): a type of soup usually given to a woman after she
delivers a child
Havali (or Savali): traditional religious songs of the Siddi
Hbsti: a word used by ancient Egyptians to refer to one of the peoples of Punt
Hijra (Arabic origin): a community of eunuchs and individuals of sexual
impotency and abnormalities
Houz (sam): communal water pipe of the Siddi
Idul Muminin (Arabic) : an important Friday prayer to be held in a mosque
Ileichi: a type of herb chewed together with local tobacco known as mitha pun
Jadu dona (Hindi origin) : a type of amulet
Jagir: right to revenue
Jama (Arabic origin): an important Friday prayer to be held in a mosque
Jehanam (Arabic): hell
Juwla (Persian origin): the ritual of seeing one’s marriage partner for the first
time
Kabrisatan (Arabic origin): cemetery
Kafir (Arabic): a word used by Muslims to refer to an ‘unbeliever’ or a non-
Muslim
Kakatya (Hindi origin) : name of a dynasty of the State of Hyderabad (from 11th
to 12th centuries)
Kanduri (Hindi origin): (some say Urusu): ancestor worship ceremony among
the Karnataka Siddi
Kangan: flower garland which a bridegroom ties on his arms
Katna (Arabic and Persian origin): male circumcision
Kazi (Arabic origin): a Muslim religious cleric
Khaju nuts: a type of nuts used in cooking harira soup
Khebsi: a word used in Egyptian Heliographies to refer to the people of Punt
Kidki (Persian origin): window designs that express the owner’s religion and

321
 identity
Kiliya: brass pot used as a drum and to collect money during daff performances
Kobra: a type of herb chewed together with local tobacco known as mitha pun
Kshatriya (Hindi): a name of a military cast among Hindu societies
Kuchu-kuchu: a shaker made of coconut shell filled with round pebbles and
used as a musical instrument
Kul/harem: servile institution of the Ottoman Empire
Kuri: a room in a Siddi house that is used to put clothes, shoes and other house
utensils
Kurta: traditional dress of the Siddi, an overcoat
Ladu: a big cake given by the Siddi to thank Allah for giving them a baby boy
on his thanksgiving (chetti) day
Laxmi devi (Hindi): Hindus’ goddess of wealth
Lunghi: Siddi men’s traditional dress
Mamida kulu (Hindi): a religious symbol of Hindus
Manat (Persian origin): (lit. faith) feast to be held as a fulfillment of a vow
when ones wishes are met
Mandir (Hindi origin): a Hindu temple
Marfa: medium size drum (It also refers to Siddi music band.)
Missy: powder used to wash the mouth of a bride and a groom on their wedding
Mitha pun: a local chewable sweet-tobacco
Modi kana (Hindi origin) : a room in a Siddi house that is used to store food
Molvi: clerics of a mosque
Muggu (Hindi origin): religious symbol of Hindus painted in front of their
houses using lime powder
Muharam (Arabic origin): the first month of Arabic calendar
Muzein (Arabic origin): assistant, companion
Namas: a formal and regular prayer to be held in a mosque
Namastie (Hindi): Hindus’ way of greeting
Nikka (Arabic): marriage ceremony of Muslims
Nizam (Persian): name of a dynasty of the State of Hyderabad (from 15th to 17th
century)
Nizam-ul-Muluk (Persian) : (lit. regulator of the realm) title bestowed to the
kings of Hyderabad State by the Mogul emperors
Oam (Hindi origin): a religious symbol of Hindus
Par (Hindi): wing

322
Pitch wada: the backyard of a Siddi house
Puja (Hindi): a religious symbol of Hindus
Pun: a local chewable tobacco
Purda: Islamic institution of mutual avoidance of the sexes to observe
sexual‘purity’
Qutub Shahi: name of a dynasty of the State of Hyderabad (from 16th to 17th
century)
Ramzan (also Ramadan) (Arabic origin): the fasting month of Muslims
Rehab (or naqab): head covering of a Muslim woman
Risala habush (dangal khan): traditional gym of the Siddi
Sajada (Persian origin): hereditary caretaker of a durgha
Sanchaq and Mehendi: the eve of a wedding on which the bride and the groom
are anointed with henna
Sankranti (Hindi): Hindu festival of kite flying which the Siddi also celebrate
Sanku (Hindi): a religious symbol of Hindus
Sayyid (Arabic) : the name of Prophet Mohammad’s clan
Sehra: flower garland of a bride
Sepoy (English): the lowest military rank of a soldier in the Nizam’s cavalry
unit
Sewari: musical rhythm of the Siddi
Shankam (Hindi origin): a religious symbol of Hindus
Sherri baja: semi-modern music band that uses brass drums (also a drum made
of brass)
Sherwani (Persian origin): a long overcoat worn by a bridegroom on his
wedding
Sitar (Persian origin): a six stringed musical instrument
Skapiler: figure of Saint Mary engraved on a piece of brass which Catholics tie
on their necks
Soft: a type of herb chewed together with local tobacco known as mitha pun
Suhag raat: consummation of a marriage
Suleymani: black tea which the Siddi are fond of
Supriari: a type of herb chewed together with local tobacco known as mitha
pun
Tabdan: stone shelves erected in a Siddi house to put books
Tabla: a type of drum among the Kannada speaking Siddi of Karnataka
Taj (Hindi origin): a crown made of shiny papers and worn by a bridegroom

323
Tappi: wooden musical instrument used to clap with
Tavis: a type of amulet
Tippuru muggu (Hindi origin): religious symbol of Hindus (flower designs
made by Hindus on the ground in front of their houses using lime powder)
Tisra (Arabic): the third day after the full moon
Topy: cap worn by a bridegroom on the day of his wedding
Trinshul (Hindi): a religious symbol of Hindus
Tulsi chetta (Persian origin): a religious symbol of Hindus
Tulvar: traditional sword fighting game of the Siddi
Turuba (Arabic origin): women’s hairstyle in which the hair is divided into
three and is braided together
Walima: invitation given by married couple to their parents, relations and
friends on thenext day of their wedding
Wazir (Arabic origin): high government official or a representative of a king
equivalent to a prime minister
Yabu baka – yabu sala: musical rhythm of the Siddi
Zakat (Arabic origin): alms giving
Zenana (Persian origin): harem, a women’s ward protected from men

324
Appendix 2.
Abbreviations and Acronyms

AC Guards: African Cavalry Guards

BJP: (Bharatiya Janata Party) the ruling party in India
IRF: Islamic Research Foundation
IT: Information technology
OBE: Order of the British Empire
OBI: Order of British India

325
326
Appendix 3.
Abstract

The study of Siddi identity compels one to observe the history of Indo-African
trade relations which initiated and facilitated the mass migration of people
across the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Contacts between India and Africa
have taken place since prehistoric times, they grew substantially since the rise of
Islam in the seventh century, and leaped to its climax during the middle ages and
continued until the second half of the twentieth century. As a result, as many
Indians settled in East Africa for various reasons, many Africans also have gone
and settled in India engaging in various occupations. These African immigrants,
locally known as Siddi or Habshi, are now living in various geographical
pockets of India, forming their own ethnic enclaves amidst their host society.
The main Siddi communities in India are located in Gujarat, Hyderabad,
Karnataka, in the Bombay region and along the western coast, including Goa. I
did a field research among the Siddi of Hyderabad, the result of which is this
study.

The Siddi of Hyderabad consider themselves as a distinct group of people and

are ascribed as such by their hosts, which implies that they have an ethnic group
consciousness despite their assimilation to the host society in several respects.
As is the case with all ethnic communities, it is possible to observe the
tendencies of identity maintenance as well as change among the Siddi. The Siddi
are evolving to catch up with modern trends and demands willingly and
unwillingly. National and global events are strongly militating against their
tradition so that a change in their identity has been inevitable. Obviously,
today’s Siddi have little resemblance with their predecessors. There are also
trends that indicate that their future will be considerably different from what is
today, as a result of intermarriage with other groups and their adoption of either
Indian, Arab or Indo-Pakistan identities. However, change is not always smooth.
There are conflicts of interests between old values and new trends. Some
cultural elements have been struggling hard against the tides of change and
proved themselves to remain intact until now. Identity is not a malleable wax
that yields easily to the demands of change. The forces of tradition are doing
their best to hold onto old values while the new is adamant to change. It is

327
interesting to see that both, the elements of cultural survival and of change, are
going hand in hand although the tide pushes more forcefully to the latter.

In this study, the nature and history of African slave trade to the Orient, the main
servile institutions that appeared across history, and the historical episode of the
Siddi’s servitude and nobility in India are discussed. The Siddi of Hyderabad are
presented as part of the global African Diaspora. The study also attempts to
show the nature of their ethnic identity, the physical and cultural identity
maintaining mechanisms, and the factors responsible for its change. Besides, the
current arguments and counter-arguments within the theories of ethnicity and
ethnic identity are thoroughly debated. Questions of the following sort are posed
and discussed: How clear-cut or blurred are these boundaries? Which African
cultural elements are still kept and why? What kinds of relationships cross-cut
these boundaries? How amicable or inimical are their interethnic relationships?
The study shows that the Siddi are moving in divergent directions of
assimilation. Muslim Siddi assimilate into the Arab community of Hyderabad
who are sympathisers with the causes of Kashmir and Pakistan, while the
Christian Siddi are merging with Hindu nationalists or pro-Hindustan adherents.
The Siddi, who historically constituted a single community, served in the same
army unit, and fought and died for a single cause are in the process of a
significant identity change by joining two opposing ideological groups.

328
Appendix 4.
Zusammenfassung

Das Studium der Identität der Siddi erfordert es, sich mit der Geschichte der
indisch-afrikanischen Handelsbeziehungen auseinanderzusetzen, welche eine
umfangreiche Migration quer über das Rote Meer und den Indischen Ozean
initiierten und begünstigten. Die Kontakte zwischen Indien und Afrika nahmen
im 7. Jahrhundert durch das Aufkommen des Islams wesentlich zu, erreichte
seinen Höhepunkt im Mittelalter und bestand bis in die zweite Hälfte des 20.
Jahrhunderts. Dies führte dazu dass, so wie viele Inder sich aus den
verschiedensten Gründen in Ostafrika ansiedelten, viele Afrikaner nach Indien
gingen und sich dort niederließen, wo sie die unterschiedlichsten Tätigkeiten
ausübten. Diese afrikanischen Immigranten, als Siddi oder Habshi bekannt,
leben heute in verschiedenen Gebieten Indiens, wo sie ihre eigenen ethnischen
Enklaven inmitten ihrer Aufnahmegesellschaft ausgebildet haben. Die größten
Siddi-Gemeinschaften in Indien befinden sich in Gujarat, Hyderabad,
Karnataka, in der Region von Bombay und entlang der Westküste einschließlich
Goa. Ich habe eine Feldforschung bei den Siddi in Hyderabad durchgeführt,
deren Ergebnis ich hier vorlege.

Die Siddi von Hyderabad betrachten sich selbst als distinkte Volksgruppe, und
werden von ihrer Aufnahmegesellschaft auch als solche angesehen, womit
impliziert ist, dass sie trotz ihrer Assimilation in ihre Aufnahmegesellschaft in
vieler Hinsicht ein ethnisches Gruppenbewusstsein besitzen. Wie bei allen
ethnischen Gemeinschaften ist bei den Siddi sowohl die Tendenz zur
Bewahrung als auch zum Wandel der Identität zu beobachten. Die Siddi
verändern sich freiwillig wie auch unfreiwillig, um mit zeitgenösischen
Einflüssen und Anforderungen Schritt zu halten. Globale und nationale
Ereignisse wirken ihrer Tradition entgegen, so dass ein Wandel ihrer Identität
unvermeidlich ist. Die heutigen Siddi haben wenig erkennbare Ähnlichkeit mit
ihren Vorfahren. Es gibt zudem Tendenzen, die aufzeigen, dass sich ihre
Zukunft infolge von Mischehen mit anderen Volksgruppen und ihrer
Übernahme der indischen, arabischen oder indo-pakistanischen Identität von
ihrem heutigen Dasein sehr unterscheiden wird. Dieser Wandel verläuft jedoch
nicht immer reibungslos. Es bestehen Interessenskonflikte zwischen alten
Werten und neuen Entwicklungen. Einige kulturelle Elemente widerstehen dem

329
Wandel der Zeit und erweisen sich bis heute als intakt. Identität ist kein
formbares Wachs, das sich allen Anforderungen des Wandels anpasst. Die
Kräfte der Tradition tun ihr Bestes, um die alten Werte zu erhalten, während das
Neue unnachgiebig durchgreift. Es ist interessant zu sehen, wie beide Elemente,
Bewahrung und Wandel von Kultur, Hand in Hand gehen, obwohl der Strom
stärker zum letzteren drängt.

In dieser Studie werden das Wesen und die Geschichte des afrikanischen
Sklavenhandels im Orient, die wesentlichen Institutionen der Sklavenhaltung
und Knechtschaft, die im Verlauf der Geschichte bestanden und die historische
Epoche der Dienstbarkeit und des Adels der Siddi in Indien untersucht. Die
Siddi von Hyderabad werden als ein Teil der globalen afrikanischen Diaspora
vorgestellt. Diese Studie will auch das Wesen ihrer ethnischen Identität, die
physischen und kulturellen Mechanismen zur Bewahrung der Identität und die
für den Wandel verantwortlichen Faktoren aufzeigen. Außerdem werden die
derzeit aktuellen Argumente und Gegenargumente in den Theorien von
Ethnizität und ethnischer Identität sorgfältig erörtert. Es werden Fragen
folgender Art aufgeworfen und diskutiert: Wie starr oder durchlässig sind die
Abgrenzungen? Welche afrikanischen Kulturelemente sind beibehalten worden
und aus welchen Gründen? Welche Art von Beziehungen übergreifen diese
Abgrenzungen? Wie freundschaftlich oder feindlich sind die interethnischen
Beziehungen? Diese Arbeit zeigt auf, dass sich die Assmilation der Siddi in
divergierende Richtungen entwickelt. Muslimische Siddi integrieren sich in die
arabische Gemeinschaft Hyderabads, welche mit der Sache Kaschmirs und
Pakistans sympathisiert, während die christlichen Siddi zu den Hindu-
Nationalisten oder Pro-Hindustan-Anhängern tendieren. Die Siddi, welche
historisch eine einzige Gemeinschaft bildeten, in derselben Armeeeinheit
dienten und für eine gemeinsame Sache kämpften und starben, befinden sich in
einem gravierenden Identitätswandel, in welchem sie sich zwei gegnerischen
ideologischen Gruppen anschließen.

330
 Illustrations

1. A placard of a daff shop at AC Guards

2. A Siddi rickshaw driver

331
3. Mehendi decoration of Siddi young girls

4. Siddi men playing domino in front of a durgha

332
5. A church of the Christian Siddi community in AC Guards

6. Siddi residence quarters at Irrum Manzil

333
7a. Kidki designs on a house of a Muslim Siddi

7b. Kidki design on a house of a Muslim Siddi

334
7c. Kidki design on a house of a Christian Siddi

7d. Kidki design on a house of a Hindu

335
8a. A Siddi elder known for his past achievements in sport

8b. A respected Siddi elder

336
9. A daff music performance at Falak Nhuma Palace Hotel

10. A drumming performance to commemorate a deceased Muslim saint

337
 11. Corporal strength is important among the Siddi

12. An elite Siddi hockey team

338