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Mycenaean Greece

Alternative names Mycenaean civilization

Geographical range Mainland Greece, Aegean islands and Western Anatolia
Period Bronze Age
Dates c. 1750 – c. 1050 BC
Type site Mycenae
Major sites Pylos, Tiryns, Midea, Orchomenos, Iolcos
Characteristics
Palace-centric administrative system, economy and culture
Cyclopean masonry
Linear B script records of the Greek language
Preceded by Minoan civilization, Korakou culture, Tiryns culture
Followed by Greek Dark Ages
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Mycenaean Greece (or the Mycenaean civilization) was the last phase of the Bronze
Age in ancient Greece, spanning the period from approximately 1750 to 1050 BC.[1]
It represents the first advanced and distinctively Greek civilization in mainland
Greece with its palatial states, urban organization, works of art, and writing
system.[2][3] The Mycenaeans were mainland Greek peoples who were likely stimulated
by their contact with insular Minoan Crete and other Mediterranean cultures to
develop a more sophisticated sociopolitical culture of their own.[4] The most
prominent site was Mycenae, after which the culture of this era is named. Other
centers of power that emerged included Pylos, Tiryns, and Midea in the Peloponnese,
Orchomenos, Thebes, and Athens in Central Greece, and Iolcos in Thessaly. Mycenaean
settlements also appeared in Epirus,[5] Macedonia,[6] on islands in the Aegean Sea,
[7] on the south-west coast of Asia Minor, [7] and on Cyprus,[8] while Mycenaean-
influenced settlements appeared in the Levant[9] and Italy.[10]

The Mycenaean Greeks introduced several innovations in the fields of engineering,

architecture and military infrastructure, while trade over vast areas of the
Mediterranean was essential for the Mycenaean economy. Their syllabic script,
Linear B, offers the first written records of the Greek language, and their
religion already included several deities that can also be found in the Olympic
pantheon. Mycenaean Greece was dominated by a warrior elite society and consisted
of a network of palace-centered states that developed rigid hierarchical,
political, social, and economic systems. At the head of this society was the king,
known as a wanax.

Mycenaean Greece perished with the collapse of Bronze Age culture in the eastern
Mediterranean, to be followed by the Greek Dark Ages, a recordless transitional
period leading to Archaic Greece where significant shifts occurred from palace-
centralized to decentralized forms of socio-economic organization (including the
extensive use of iron).[11] Various theories have been proposed for the end of this
civilization, among them the Dorian invasion or activities connected to the "Sea
Peoples". Additional theories such as natural disasters and climatic changes have
also been suggested. The Mycenaean period became the historical setting of much
ancient Greek literature and mythology, including the Trojan Epic Cycle.[12]

Chronology
Main article: Helladic period
The Bronze Age in mainland Greece is generally termed as the "Helladic period" by
modern archaeologists, after Hellas, the Greek name for Greece. This period is
divided into three subperiods: The Early Helladic (EH) period (c. 3200–2000 BC)[13]
was a time of prosperity with the use of metals and a growth in technology, economy
and social organization. The Middle Helladic (MH) period (c. 2000–1700/1675 BC[1])
faced a slower pace of development, as well as the evolution of megaron-type
dwellings and cist grave burials.[3] The last phase of Middle Helladic, the Middle
Helladic III (c. 1750–1675 BC), along with the Late Helladic (LH) period (c.
1700/1675–1050 BC) roughly coincide with Mycenaean Greece.[1]

The Late Helladic period is further divided into LHI and LHII, both of which
coincide with the middle phase of Mycenaean Greece (c. 1700/1675–1420 BC), and
LHIII (c. 1420–1050 BC), the period of expansion, and decline of the Mycenaean
civilization.[1] The transition period from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in
Greece is known as Sub-Mycenaean (c. 1050–1000 BC).[3]

Based on recent research, Alex Knodell (2021) considers the beginning of Mycenaean
occupation in Peloponnese in Middle Helladic III (c. 1750–1675 BC), and divides the
whole Mycenaean time into three cultural periods: Early Mycenaean (c. 1750–1400
BC), Palatial Bronze Age (c. 1400–1200 BC), and Postpalatial Bronze Age (c. 1200–
1050 BC).[1]

Early Mycenaean period (c. 1750–1400 BC)

Ceramic period Dates BC
Middle Helladic III 1750/1720–1700/1675
Late Helladic I 1700/1675–1635/1600
Late Helladic IIA 1635/1600–1480/1470
Late Helladic IIB 1480/1470–1420/1410
Palatial Bronze Age (c. 1400–1200 BC)
Ceramic period Dates BC
Late Helladic IIIA1 1420/1410–1390/1370
Late Helladic IIIA2 1390/1370–1330/1315
Late Helladic IIIB 1330/1315–1210/1200
Postpalatial Bronze Age (c. 1200–1050 BC)
Ceramic period Dates BC
Late Helladic IIIC (Early) 1210/1200–1170/1160
Late Helladic IIIC (Middle) 1170/1160–1100
Late Helladic IIIC (Late) 1100–1070/1040
Identity
See also: Names of the Greeks and Achaeans (Homer)
The decipherment of the Mycenaean Linear B script, a writing system adapted for the
use of the (Indo-European) Greek language of the Late Bronze Age,[14] demonstrated
the continuity of Greek speech from the second millennium BC into the eighth
century BC when a new Phoenician-derived alphabetic script emerged.[15] Moreover,
it revealed that the bearers of Mycenaean culture were ethnically connected with
the populations that resided in the Greek peninsula after the end of this cultural
period.[16] Lastly, the decipherment marked the advent of an Indo-European language
in the Aegean region in contrast to unrelated prior languages spoken in adjoining
areas.[17] Various collective terms for the inhabitants of Mycenaean Greece were
used by Homer in his 8th-century BC epic the Iliad in reference to the Trojan War.
[18]

Warrior wearing a boar's tusk helmet, from a Mycenaean chamber tomb in the
Acropolis of Athens, 14th–13th century BC.
Homer interchangeably used the ethnonyms Achaeans, Danaans, and Argives to refer to
the besiegers,[18] and these names appear to have passed down from the time they
were in use to the time when Homer applied them as collective terms in his Iliad.
[19] There is an isolated reference to a-ka-wi-ja-de in the Linear B records in
Knossos, Crete dated to c. 1400 BC, which presumably refers to a Mycenaean
(Achaean) state on the Greek mainland.[20]

Egyptian records mention a T(D)-n-j or Danaya (Tanaju) land for the first time c.
1437 BC, during the reign of Pharaoh Thutmoses III (r. 1479–1425 BC). This land is
geographically defined in an inscription from the reign of Amenhotep III (r. c.
1390–1352 BC), where a number of Danaya cities are mentioned, which cover the
largest part of southern mainland Greece.[21] Among them, cities such as Mycenae,
Nauplion, and Thebes have been identified with certainty. Danaya has been equated
with the ethnonym Danaoi (Greek: Δαναοί), the name of the mythical dynasty that
ruled in the region of Argos, also used as an ethnonym for the Greek people by
Homer.[21][22]

In the official records of another Bronze Age empire, that of the Hittites in
Anatolia, various references from c. 1400 BC to 1220 BC mention a country named
Ahhiyawa.[23][24] Recent scholarship, based on textual evidence, new
interpretations of the Hittite inscriptions, and recent surveys of archaeological
evidence about Mycenaean–Anatolian contacts during this period, concludes that the
term Ahhiyawa must have been used in reference to the Mycenaean world (land of the
Achaeans), or at least to a part of it.[25][26] This term may have also had broader
connotations in some texts, possibly referring to all regions settled by Mycenaeans
or regions under direct Mycenaean political control.[23] Another similar ethnonym,
Ekwesh, in twelfth century BC Egyptian inscriptions has been commonly identified
with the Ahhiyawans. These Ekwesh were mentioned as a group of the Sea People.[27]

History
Early Mycenaean period and Shaft Grave era (c. 1750–1400 BC)

Death mask, known as the Mask of Agamemnon, Grave Circle A, Mycenae, 16th century
BC, probably the most famous artifact of Mycenaean Greece.[28]
Scholars have proposed different theories on the origins of the Mycenaeans.[2]
According to one theory, Mycenaean civilization reflected the exogenous imposition
of archaic Indo-Europeans from the Eurasian steppe onto the pre-Mycenaean local
population.[2] An issue with this theory, however, is the very tenuous material and
cultural relationship between Aegean and northern steppe populations during the
Bronze Age.[2] Another theory proposes that Mycenaean culture in Greece dates back
to circa 3000 BC with Indo-European migrants entering a mainly-depopulated area;
other hypotheses argue for a date as early as the seventh millennium BC (with the
spread of agriculture) and as late as 1600 BC (with the spread of chariot
technology).[2] In a 2017 genetic study conducted by Lazaridis et al., "the Minoans
and Mycenaeans were genetically similar, [but] the Mycenaeans differed from Minoans
in deriving additional ancestry from an ultimate source related to the hunter–
gatherers of eastern Europe and Siberia, introduced via a proximal source related
to the inhabitants of either the Eurasian steppe or Armenia."[2] However, Lazaridis
et al. admit that their research "does not settle th[e] debate" on Mycenaean
origins.[2] Historian Bernard Sergent notes that archaeology alone is not able to
solve the issue and that the majority of Hellenists believed Mycenaeans spoke a
non-Indo-European Minoan language before Linear B was deciphered in 1952.[29]

Notwithstanding the above academic disputes, the mainstream consensus among modern
Mycenologists is that Mycenaean civilization began around 1750 BC,[1] earlier than
the Shaft Graves,[30] originating and evolving from the local socio-cultural
landscape of the Early and Middle Bronze Age in mainland Greece with influences
from Minoan Crete.[31][32] Towards the end of the Middle Bronze Age (c. 1700/1675
BC),[1] a significant increase in the population and the number of settlements
occurred.[33] A number of centers of power emerged in southern mainland Greece
dominated by a warrior elite society;[3][31] while the typical dwellings of that
era were an early type of megaron buildings, some more complex structures are
classified as forerunners of the later palaces. In a number of sites, defensive
walls were also erected.[34]

Meanwhile, new types of burials and more imposing ones have been unearthed, which
display a great variety of luxurious objects.[33][35] Among the various burial
types, the shaft grave became the most common form of elite burial, a feature that
gave the name to the early period of Mycenaean Greece.[33] Among the Mycenaean
elite, deceased men were usually laid to rest in gold masks and funerary armor, and
women in gold crowns and clothes gleaming with gold ornaments.[36] The royal shaft
graves next to the acropolis of Mycenae, in particular the Grave Circles A and B,
signified the elevation of a native Greek-speaking royal dynasty whose economic
power depended on long-distance sea trade.[37]

During this period, the Mycenaean centers witnessed increased contact with the
outside world, especially with the Cyclades and the Minoan centers on the island of
Crete.[3][33] Mycenaean presence appears to be also depicted in a fresco at
Akrotiri, on Thera island, which possibly displays many warriors in boar's tusk
helmets, a feature typical of Mycenaean warfare.[38] In the early 15th century BC,
commerce intensified with Mycenaean pottery reaching the western coast of Asia
Minor, including Miletus and Troy, Cyprus, Lebanon, Palestine and Egypt.[39]

Early Mycenaean civilization from the Shaft Grave period generally showcases heavy
influence from Minoan Crete in regards to e.g. art, infrastructure and symbols,
while also maintaining some Helladic elements as well as some innovations, and some
West Asian influences. A difference between Mycenaean and Minoan civilizations is
complexity and monumentality; Mycenaean craftmanship and architecture are more
simplified versions of Minoan ones, but are more monumental in size. Later phases
of the Mycenaean civilization showcase more sophistication, eventually coming to
surpass Minoan Crete after a few centuries.[40]

At the end of the Shaft Grave era, a new and more imposing type of elite burial
emerged, the tholos: large circular burial chambers with high vaulted roofs and a
straight entry passage lined with stone.[41]

Koine era or Palatial Bronze Age (c. 1400–1200 BC)

Fresco depicting a female figure in the acropolis of Mycenae, 13th century BC

Starting in the 15th century BC, the Mycenaeans began to spread their influence
throughout the Aegean and Western Anatolia. By c. 1450 BC, the palace of Knossos
was ruled by a Mycenaean elite who formed a hybrid Minoan-Mycenaean culture.
Mycenaeans also colonized several other Aegean islands, reaching as far as Rhodes.
[42][43] Thus the Mycenaeans became the dominant power of the region, marking the
beginning of the Mycenaean 'Koine' era (from Greek: Κοινή, common), a highly
uniform culture that spread in mainland Greece and the Aegean.[44]
From the early 14th century BC, Mycenaean trade began to take advantage of the new
commercial opportunities in the Mediterranean after the Minoan collapse.[43] The
trade routes were expanded further, reaching Cyprus, Amman in the Near East, Apulia
in Italy and Spain.[43] From that time period (c. 1400 BC), the palace of Knossos
has yielded the earliest records of the Greek Linear B script, based on the
previous Linear A of the Minoans. The use of the new script spread in mainland
Greece and offers valuable insight into the administrative network of the palatial
centers. However, the unearthed records are too fragmentary for a political
reconstruction of Bronze Age Greece.[45]

Mycenaean panoply, found in Dendra, Argolid, c. 1400 BC

Excavations at Miletus, southwest Asia Minor, indicate the existence of a Mycenaean
settlement there already from c. 1450 BC, replacing the previous Minoan
installations.[46] This site became a sizable and prosperous Mycenaean center until
the 12th century BC.[47] Apart from the archaeological evidence, this is also
attested in Hittite records, which indicate that Miletos (Milawata in Hittite) was
the most important base for Mycenaean activity in Asia Minor.[48] Mycenaean
presence also reached the adjacent sites of Iasus and Ephesus.[49]

Meanwhile, imposing palaces were built in the main Mycenaean centers of the
mainland. The earliest palace structures were megaron-type buildings, such as the
Menelaion in Sparta, Lakonia.[50] Palaces proper are datable from c. 1400 BC, when
Cyclopean fortifications were erected at Mycenae and nearby Tiryns.[3] Additional
palaces were built in Midea and Pylos in Peloponnese, Athens, Eleusis, Thebes and
Orchomenos in Central Greece and Iolcos, in Thessaly, the latter being the
northernmost Mycenaean center. Knossos in Crete also became a Mycenaean center,
where the former Minoan complex underwent a number of adjustments, including the
addition of a throne room.[51] These centers were based on a rigid network of
bureaucracy where administrative competencies were classified into various sections
and offices according to specialization of work and trades. At the head of this
society was the king, known as wanax (Linear B: wa-na-ka) in Mycenaean Greek. All
powers were vested in him, as the main landlord and spiritual and military leader.
At the same time he was an entrepreneur and trader and was aided by a network of
high officials.[52]

Involvement in Asia Minor

The presence of Ahhiyawa in western Anatolia is mentioned in various Hittite
accounts from c. 1400 to c. 1220 BC.[48] Ahhiyawa is generally accepted as a Hittite
term for Mycenaean Greece (Achaeans in Homeric Greek), but a precise geographical
definition of the term cannot be drawn from the texts.[53] During this time, the
kings of Ahhiyawa were evidently capable of dealing with their Hittite counterparts
both on a diplomatic and military level.[54] Moreover, Ahhiyawa achieved
considerable political influence in parts of Western Anatolia, typically by
encouraging anti-Hittite uprisings and collaborating with local vassal rulers.[55]

Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East during the 14th century BC; Mycenaean
Greece in purple
In c. 1400 BC, Hittite records mention the military activities of an Ahhiyawan
warlord, Attarsiya, possibly related to the mythic character of Atreus. Attarsiya
attacked Hittite vassals in western Anatolia including Madduwatta.[56] Later, in c.
1315 BC, an anti-Hittite rebellion headed by Arzawa, a Hittite vassal state,
received support from Ahhiyawa.[57] Meanwhile, Ahhiyawa appears to be in control of
a number of islands in the Aegean, an impression also supported by archaeological
evidence.[58] During the reign of the Hittite king Hattusili III (c. 1267–1237 BC),
the king of Ahhiyawa is recognized as a "Great King" and of equal status with the
other contemporary great Bronze Age rulers: the kings of Egypt, Babylonia and
Assyria.[59] At that time, another anti-Hittite movement, led by Piyama-Radu, broke
out and was supported by the king of Ahhiyawa.[60] Piyama-Radu caused major unrest
which may have extended to the region of Wilusa, and later invaded the island of
Lesbos, which then passed into Ahhiyawan control.[61]

Scholars have speculated that the mythic tradition of the Trojan War could have a
historical basis in the political turmoil of this era.[62] As a result of this
instability, the Hittite king initiated correspondence in order to convince his
Ahhiyawan counterpart to restore peace in the region. The Hittite record mentions a
certain Tawagalawa, a possible Hittite rendering of the Greek name Eteocles, as
brother of the king of Ahhiyawa.[61][63]

Collapse or Postpalatial Bronze Age (c. 1200–1050 BC)

Initial decline and revival

Marching soldiers on the Warrior Vase, c. 1200 BC, a krater from Mycenae
In c. 1250 BC, the first wave of destruction apparently occurred in various centres
of mainland Greece for reasons that cannot be identified by archaeologists. In
Boeotia, Thebes was burned to the ground, around that year or slightly later.[64]
Nearby Orchomenos was not destroyed at this time but was abandoned, while the
Boeotian fortifications of Gla displays evidence for a targeted destruction as only
the four gates and the monumental building, called the Melathron, were burned
before the site was abandoned.[65] In the Peloponnese, a number of buildings
surrounding the citadel of Mycenae were attacked and burned.[66]

These incidents appear to have prompted the massive strengthening and expansion of
the fortifications in various sites. In some cases, arrangements were also made for
the creation of subterranean passages which led to underground cisterns. Tiryns,
Midea and Athens expanded their defences with new cyclopean-style walls.[67] The
extension program in Mycenae almost doubled the fortified area of the citadel. To
this phase of extension belongs the impressive Lion Gate, the main entrance into
the Mycenaean acropolis.[67]

It appears that after this first wave of destruction a short-lived revival of

Mycenaean culture followed.[68] Mycenaean Greece continues to be mentioned in
international affairs, particularly in Hittite records. In c. 1220 BC, the king of
Ahhiyawa is again reported to have been involved in an anti-Hittite uprising in
western Anatolia.[69] Another contemporary Hittite account reports that Ahhiyawan
ships should avoid Assyrian-controlled harbors, as part of a trade embargo imposed
on Assyria.[70] In general, in the second half of 13th century BC, trade was in
decline in the Eastern Mediterranean, most probably due to the unstable political
environment there.[71]

Final collapse and differing trajectories

None of the defence measures appear to have prevented the final destruction and
collapse of the Mycenaean states. A second destruction struck Mycenae in c. 1190 BC
or shortly thereafter. This event marked the end of Mycenae as a major power. The
site was then reoccupied, but on a smaller scale.[66] A recent study suggests that
neither of the palaces at Tiryns or Midea were destroyed by an earthquake,[72] and
further studies have shown that upwards of fifty arrowheads were found scattered in
the destruction debris at Midea perhaps indicating that the destruction was caused
by an assault.[73] The palace of Pylos, in the southwestern Peloponnese, was
destroyed in c. 1180 BC.[74][75] The Linear B archives found there, preserved by
the heat of the fire that destroyed the palace, mention hasty defence preparations
due to an imminent attack without giving any detail about the attacking force.[68]

As a result of this turmoil, specific regions in mainland Greece witnessed a

dramatic population decrease, especially Boeotia, Argolis and Messenia.[68]
Mycenaean refugees migrated to Cyprus and the Levantine coast.[75] Nevertheless,
other regions on the edge of the Mycenaean world prospered, such as the Ionian
islands, the northwestern Peloponnese, parts of Attica and a number of Aegean
islands.[68] The acropolis of Athens, oddly, appears to have avoided destruction.
[68]

Athens and the eastern coast of Attica were still occupied in the 12th century BC,
and were not destroyed or abandoned; this points to the existence of new
decentralized coastal and maritime networks there. It is attested by the cemetery
of Perati that lasted a century and showed imports from Cyclades, Dodecanese,
Crete, Cyprus, Egypt and Syria, as well as by the Late Helladic IIIC (c. 1210–1040
BC) cemetery of Drivlia at Porto Rafti; located 2 km west of Perati. This indicates
that Attica participated in long-distance trade, and was also incorporated in a
mainland-looking network.[76]

The site of Mycenae experienced a gradual loss of political and economic status,
while Tiryns, also in the Argolid region, expanded its settlement and became the
largest local center during the post-palatial period, in Late Helladic IIIC, c.
1200–1050 BC.[77]

Hypotheses for the collapse

See also: Late Bronze Age collapse and Dorian invasion

Invasions, destructions and possible population movements during the collapse of

the Bronze Age, c. 1200 BC
The reasons for the end of the Mycenaean culture have been hotly debated among
scholars. At present, there is no satisfactory explanation for the collapse of the
Mycenaean palace systems. The two most common theories are population movement and
internal conflict. The first attributes the destruction of Mycenaean sites to
invaders.[78]

The hypothesis of a Dorian invasion, known as such in Ancient Greek tradition, that
led to the end of Mycenaean Greece, is supported by sporadic archaeological
evidence such as new types of burials, in particular cist graves, and the use of a
new dialect of Greek, the Doric one. It appears that the Dorians moved southward
gradually over a number of years and devastated the territory, until they managed
to establish themselves in the Mycenaean centers.[79] A new type of ceramic also
appeared, called "Barbarian Ware" because it was attributed to invaders from the
north.[68] On the other hand, the collapse of Mycenaean Greece coincides with the
activity of the Sea Peoples in the Eastern Mediterranean. They caused widespread
destruction in Anatolia and the Levant and were finally defeated by Pharaoh
Ramesses III in c. 1175 BC. One of the ethnic groups that comprised these people
were the Eqwesh, a name that appears to be linked with the Ahhiyawa of the Hittite
inscriptions.[80]

Alternative scenarios propose that the fall of Mycenaean Greece was a result of
internal disturbances which led to internecine warfare among the Mycenaean states
or civil unrest in a number of states, as a result of the strict hierarchical
social system and the ideology of the wanax.[81] In general, due to the obscure
archaeological picture in 12th–11th century BC Greece, there is a continuing
controversy among scholars over whether the impoverished societies that succeeded
the Mycenaean palatial states were newcomers or populations that already resided in
Mycenaean Greece. Recent archaeological findings tend to favor the latter scenario.
[68] Additional theories, concerning natural factors, such as climate change,
droughts, or earthquakes have also been proposed.[81] Another theory considers the
decline of the Mycenaean civilization as a manifestation of a common pattern for
the decline of many ancient civilizations: the Minoan, the Harappan and the Western
Roman Empire; the reason for the decline is migration due to overpopulation.[82]
The period following the end of Mycenaean Greece, c. 1100–800 BC, is generally
termed the "Greek Dark Ages".[83]
Political organization

Reconstruction of the political landscape in c. 1400–1250 BC mainland southern

Greece
Palatial states
Mycenaean palatial states, or centrally organized palace-operating polities, are
recorded in ancient Greek literature and mythology (e.g., Iliad, Catalogue of
Ships) and confirmed by discoveries made by modern archaeologists such as Heinrich
Schliemann. Each Mycenaean kingdom was governed from the palace, which exercised
control over most, if not all, industries within its realm. The palatial territory
was divided into several sub-regions, each headed by its provincial center. Each
province was further divided in smaller districts, the damoi.[84] A number of
palaces and fortifications appear to be part of a wider kingdom. For instance, Gla,
located in the region of Boeotia, belonged to the state of nearby Orchomenos.[64]
Moreover, the palace of Mycenae appeared to have ruled over a territory two to
three times the size of the other palatial states in Bronze Age Greece. Its
territory would have also included adjacent centers, including Tiryns and Nauplion,
which could plausibly be ruled by a member of Mycenae's ruling dynasty.[85]

The unearthed Linear B texts are too fragmentary for the reconstruction of the
political landscape in Mycenaean Greece and they do not support nor deny the
existence of a larger Mycenaean state.[53][86] On the other hand, contemporary
Hittite and Egyptian records suggest the presence of a single state under a "Great
King".[87] Alternatively, based on archaeological data, some sort of confederation
among a number of palatial states appears to be possible.[53] If some kind of
united political entity existed, the dominant center was probably located in Thebes
or in Mycenae, with the latter state being the most probable center of power.[88]

Society and administration

The Neolithic agrarian village (6000 BC) constituted the foundation of Bronze Age
political culture in Greece.[89] The vast majority of the preserved Linear B
records deal with administrative issues and give the impression that Mycenaean
palatial administration was highly systematized, featuring thoroughly consistent
language, terminology, tax calculations, and distribution logistics.[45][84]
Considering this sense of uniformity, the Pylos archive, which is the best
preserved one in the Mycenaean world, is generally taken as a representative one.
[45]

Two Mycenaean chariot warriors on a fresco from Pylos (about 1350 BC; left) and two
female charioteers from Tiryns (1200 BC; right)
The state was ruled by a king, the wanax (ϝάναξ), whose role was religious and
perhaps also military and judicial.[90] The wanax oversaw virtually all aspects of
palatial life, from religious feasting and offerings to the distribution of goods,
craftsmen and troops.[91] Under him was the lāwāgetas ("the leader of the people"),
whose role appears mainly religious. His activities possibly overlap with the wanax
and is usually seen as the second-in-command.[91] Both wanax and lāwāgetas were at
the head of a military aristocracy known as the eqeta ("companions" or
"followers").[90][92] The land possessed by the wanax is usually the témenos (te-
me-no). There is also at least one instance of a person, Enkhelyawon, at Pylos, who
appears titleless in the written record but whom modern scholars regard as probably
a king.[93]

A number of local officials positioned by the wanax appear to be in charge of the

districts, such as ko-re-te (koreter, '"governor"), po-ro-ko-re-te (prokoreter,
"deputy") and the da-mo-ko-ro (damokoros, "one who takes care of a damos"), the
latter probably being appointed to take charge of the commune. A council of elders
was chaired, the ke-ro-si-ja (cf. γερουσία, gerousía). The basileus, who in later
Greek society was the name of the king, refers to communal officials.[90]

In general, Mycenaean society appears to have been divided into two groups of free
men: the king's entourage, who conducted administrative duties at the palace, and
the people, da-mo.[94] These last were watched over by royal agents and were
obliged to perform duties for and pay taxes to the palace.[90] Among those who
could be found in the palace were well-to-do high officials, who probably lived in
the vast residences found in proximity to Mycenaean palaces, but also others, tied
by their work to the palace and not necessarily better off than the members of the
da-mo, such as craftsmen, farmers, and perhaps merchants. Occupying a lower rung of
the social ladder were the slaves, do-e-ro, (cf. δοῦλος, doúlos).[95] These are
recorded in the texts as working either for the palace or for specific deities.[90]

Economy

Mycenaean palace amphora, found in the Argolid

Mycenaean stirrup vase found in the acropolis of Ugarit, Eastern Mediterranean (c.
1400–1300 BC)
Organization
The Mycenaean economy, given its pre-monetary nature, was focused on the
redistribution of goods, commodities and labor by a central administration- a
palace economy. The preserved Linear B records in Pylos and Knossos indicate that
the palaces were closely monitoring a variety of industries and commodities, the
organization of land management and the rations given to the dependent personnel.
[96][97] The Mycenaean palaces maintained extensive control of the nondomestic
areas of production through careful control and acquisition and distribution in the
palace industries, and the tallying of produced goods.[98][99] For instance, the
Knossos tablets record c. 80,000–100,000 sheep grazing in central Crete, and the
quantity of the expected wool from these sheep and their offspring, as well as how
this wool was allocated.[99] The archives of Pylos display a specialized workforce,
where each worker belonged to a precise category and was assigned to a specific
task in the stages of production, notably in textiles.[100]

Nevertheless, palatial control over resources appears to have been highly selective
in spatial terms and in terms of how different industries were managed.[101] Thus,
sectors like the production of perfumed oil and bronze materials were directly
monitored from the palace, but the production of ceramics was only indirectly
monitored.[102] Regional transactions between the palaces are also recorded on a
few occasions.[103]

Large-scale infrastructure
The palatial centers organized their workforce and resources for the construction
of large scale projects in the fields of agriculture and industry.[97] The
magnitude of some projects indicates that this was the result of combined efforts
from multiple palatial centers. Most notable of them are the drainage system of the
Kopais basin in Boeotia, the building of a large dam outside Tiryns, and the
drainage of the swamp in the Nemea valley.[104] Also noticeable is the construction
of harbors, such as the harbor of Pylos, that were capable of accommodating large
Bronze Age era vessels like the one found at Uluburun.[104] The Mycenaean economy
also featured large-scale manufacturing as testified by the extent of workshop
complexes that have been discovered, the largest known to date being the recent
ceramic and hydraulic installations found in Euonymeia, next to Athens, that
produced tableware, textiles, sails, and ropes for export and shipbuilding.[105]

The most famous project of the Mycenaean era was the network of roads in the
Peloponnese.[104] This appears to have facilitated the speedy deployment of troops—
for example, the remnants of a Mycenaean road, along with what appears to have been
a Mycenaean defensive wall on the Isthmus of Corinth. The Mycenaean era saw the
zenith of infrastructure engineering in Greece, and this appears not to have been
limited to the Argive plain.[106]

Trade

Gold earring, c. 1600 BC, Louvre Museum

Reconstruction of a Mycenaean ship

Trade over vast areas of the Mediterranean was essential for the economy of
Mycenaean Greece. The Mycenaean palaces imported raw materials, such as metals,
ivory and glass, and exported processed commodities and objects made from these
materials, in addition to local products: oil, perfume, wine, wool and pottery.[97]
International trade of that time was not only conducted by palatial emissaries but
also by independent merchants.[107]

Based on archaeological findings in the Middle East, in particular physical

artifacts, textual references, inscriptions and wall paintings, it appears that
Mycenaean Greeks achieved strong commercial and cultural interaction with most of
the Bronze Age people living in this region: Canaanites, Kassites, Mitanni,
Assyrians, and Egyptians.[107][108][109] The 14th century BC Uluburun shipwreck,
off the coast of southern Anatolia, displays the established trade routes that
supplied the Mycenaeans with all the raw materials and items that the economy of
Mycenaean Greece needed, such as copper and tin for the production of bronze
products.[110] A chief export of the Mycenaeans was olive oil, which was a multi-
purpose product.[111]

Cyprus appears to be the principal intermediary station between Mycenaean Greece

and the Middle East, based on the considerable greater quantities of Mycenaean
goods found there.[112] On the other hand, trade with the Hittite lands in central
Anatolia appears to have been limited.[107][113] Trade with Troy is also well
attested, while Mycenaean trade routes expanded further to the Bosphorus and the
shores of the Black Sea.[114] Mycenaean swords have been found as far away as
Georgia in the eastern Black Sea coast.[115]

Commercial interaction was also intense with the Italian peninsula and the western
Mediterranean. Mycenaean products, especially pottery, were exported to southern
Italy, Sicily and the Aeolian Islands. Mycenaean products also penetrated further
into Sardinia,[116][117] as well as southern Spain.[118]

Sporadic objects of Mycenaean manufacture were found in various distant locations,

like in Central Europe,[119] such as in Bavaria, Germany, where an amber object
inscribed with Linear B symbols has been unearthed.[120] Mycenaean bronze double
axes and other objects dating from the 13th century BC have been found in Ireland
and in Wessex and Cornwall in England.[121][122]

Anthropologists have found traces of opium in Mycenaean ceramic vases.[123] The

drug trade in Mycenaean Greece is traced as early as 1650–1350 BC, with opium
poppies being traded in the eastern Mediterranean.[124][125]

Religion
See also: Mycenaean religion and List of Mycenaean gods

The Lady of Phylakopi; wheel-made pottery figurine of a goddess or priestess from

the West Shrine in Phylakopi; late Helladic IIIA period, 14th century BC,
Archaeological Museum of Milos
Temples and shrines are strangely rare in the Mycenaean archaeological sites.
Monumental cultic structures are absent at all the palatial centers, with the
exception of Mycenae. However, the cultic center of Mycenae seems to have been a
later (13th century BC) development.[126] Small shrines have been identified in
Asine, Berbati, Malthi and Pylos,[127] while a number of sacred enclosures have
been located near Mycenae, Delphi and Amyclae.[128] Linear B records mention a
number of sanctuaries dedicated to a variety of deities, at least in Pylos and
Knossos. They also indicate that there were various religious festivities including
offerings.[129] Written Mycenaean records mention various priests and priestesses
who were responsible for specific shrines and temples.[130] The latter were
prominent figures in society, and the role of Mycenaean women in religious
festivities was also important, just as in Minoan Crete.[131]

The Mycenaean pantheon already included many divinities that were subsequently
encountered in Classical Greece,[132] although it is difficult to determine whether
these deities had the characteristics and responsibilities that would be attributed
to them in later periods.[133] In general, the same divinities were worshipped
throughout the Mycenaean palatial world. There may be some indications for local
deities at various sites, in particular in Crete. The uniformity of Mycenaean
religion is also reflected in archaeological evidence with the phi- and psi-
figurines that have been found all over Late Bronze Age Greece.[126]

Poseidon (Linear B: Po-se-da-o) seems to have occupied a place of privilege. He was

a chthonic deity, connected with earthquakes (E-ne-si-da-o-ne: Earth-shaker), but
it seems that he also represented the river spirit of the underworld.[134] Paean
(Pa-ja-wo) is probably the precursor of the Greek physician of the gods in Homer's
Iliad. He was the personification of the magic-song which was supposed to "heal"
the patient.[135] A number of divinities have been identified in the Mycenaean
scripts only by their epithets used during later antiquity. For example, Qo-wi-ja
("cow-eyed") is a standard Homeric epithet of Hera.[136] Ares appeared under the
name Enyalios (assuming that Enyalios is not a separate god).[137] Additional
divinities that can be also found in later periods include Hephaestus, Erinya,
Artemis (a-te-mi-to and a-ti-mi-te) and Dionysos (Di-wo-nu-so).[138][139][140][141]
Zeus also appears in the Mycenaean pantheon, but he was certainly not the chief
deity.[133]

A collection of "ladies" or "mistresses", Po-ti-ni-ja (Potnia) are named in the

Mycenaean scripts. As such, Athena (A-ta-na) appears in an inscription at Knossos
as mistress Athena, similar to a later Homeric expression, but in the Pylos tablets
she is mentioned without any accompanying word.[142] Si-to po-ti-ni-ja appears to
be an agricultural goddess, possibly related to Demeter of later antiquity,[136]
while in Knossos there is the "mistress of the Labyrinth".[143] The "two queens and
the king" (wa-na-ssoi, wa-na-ka-te) are mentioned in Pylos.[144][145] Goddess Pe-
re-swa mentioned may be related to Persephone.[136][142] A number of Mycenaean
divinities seem to have no later equivalents, such as Marineus, Diwia and
Komawenteia.[133]

Women
Daily life

Mycenaean beads used for a necklace.

By observing Mycenaean wall paintings, scholars have deduced that women during this
time often wore long dresses, their hair long, and wore jewelry, most notably
beads.[146] Mycenaean beads have long been an aspect of Mycenaean culture that is
shrouded in a significant amount of mystery. It is not known for certain why they
(men, women, and children) wore them, or why they appear to have been significant
to the culture, but beads made of carnelian, lapis lazuli, etc., were known to have
been worn by women on bracelets, necklaces, and buttons on cloaks, and were often
buried with the deceased.[147]

"Armed combat in Mountain Glen"

The ring in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens

The Mycenaeans were capable of intricate designs on a very small scale: the so-
called Armed combat in Mountain Glen signet seal, Mycenaean civilization, Late
Bronze Age (drawing).[148][149]
In later periods of Greek history, seclusion of females from males was common in
the household, though scholars have found no evidence of seclusion during Mycenaean
times, and believe that males and females worked with and around each other on a
regular basis. Not much is known about women's duties in the home or whether they
differed from the duties of men. And though men were involved in warfare and
hunting, there is no evidence that suggests women ever took part in either of the
two, though whether women took part in hunting has been up for debate amongst some
historians. There is evidence that, in this patriarchal society, men and women
were, in some respects, viewed equally. Mycenae practiced a system of rationing
food to citizens, and evidence shows that women received the same amount of rations
as men.[146]

If women were not officials in the cult or married to high-ranking male officers,
they were likely low-ranking laborers. Linear B details specialized groups of
female laborers called "workgroups". These women labored with other women as well
as their children, and usually were located close to the palace. Women who belonged
to workgroups did not belong to independent households, but were managed and fed by
palace scribes. All of the women in a workgroup would serve the same occupation,
such as textiles. Women in workgroups are not believed to have been able to acquire
land holdings or have had economic independence of any kind, and are believed by
some to have been slaves, though there are some conflicting debates among scholars
concerning this. Though scholars are unsure if ordinary women could obtain land and
exert economic power, there is evidence that women could obtain positions of power,
such as the title of priestess, which allowed them to have land holdings, have
elite connections, and high social status. Mycenaean society is believed to have
been largely patriarchal, but women could exert social and economic power through
titles and positions of power, like that of a priestess, though religion was not
the only place that a woman could gain social authority.[150] Women with special
talents or skills, such as being a skilled midwife or craftswomen, could gain
social authority in their villages, but are not believed to have been able to
receive land holdings. Elite women (those who were married to male elites) were
afforded benefits fitting their high social standing, but even the wife of elites
could not own land and had no economic independence.[151] Some scholars believe
that Knossos was probably more equal in relation to gender than Pylos, though the
evidence for this is little and is highly disputed.[152]

Religion
Men and women alike were involved in cult activity. Some women could be elevated to
becoming legally independent by becoming priestesses, which appears to be
hereditary through both the male and female line. No woman in Mycenae is believed
to have been able to "own" land at this time, but priestesses were women who could
legally procure land. Through the cult, land was "leased" to them, rather than
given to them in ownership. Along with land holding benefits, priestesses often had
ties with the upper-class elites, and were usually wealthy themselves.[150] Only a
small number of women could become priestesses in Mycenae, but there were other
cultic titles that women could aspire to obtain, such as that of Key-bearer. Key-
bearers appear to be women who had authority over the sacred treasury of a
particular deity, and were able to dispense it in times of need. Though scholars do
not have enough evidence to suggest that all Key-bearers could own land and had
high status, there is a written record in Linear B of a Key-bearer with elite ties
who owned land, so it is possible that they had similar benefits to priestesses.
Other religious roles filled by women were the three types of sacred slaves: slave
of the God, slave of the Priestess, and slave of the Key-bearer. Though not as
grand a title as that of Priestess of Key-Bearer, the sacred slaves were allotted
certain benefits fitting their positions in the cult. One other documented position
women filled in the cult was called ki-ri-te-wi-ja. Though documented, scholars are
not certain exactly what the duties of this role entailed, or what type of women
would have filled it. What they do know, however, is that these religious roles
afforded the women who occupied them a certain amount of economic autonomy.[151]

Architecture
Main article: Cyclopean masonry
Palaces

Tiryns, map of the palace and the surrounding fortifications

The palatial structures at Mycenae, Tiryns and Pylos were erected on the summits of
hills or rocky outcrops, dominating the immediate surroundings.[153] The best
preserved are found in Pylos and Tiryns, while Mycenae and the Menelaion are only
partially preserved. In Central Greece, Thebes and Orchomenos have been only
partially exposed. On the other hand, the palace built at the acropolis of Athens
has been almost completely destroyed. A substantial building at Dimini in Thessaly,
possibly ancient Iolcos,[154] is believed by a number of archaeologists to be a
palace.[153] A Mycenaean palace has been also unearthed in Laconia, near the modern
village of Xirokambi.[155]

The hearth of the megaron of Pylos

The palatial structures of mainland Greece share a number of common features.[156]
The focal point of the socio-political aspect of a Mycenaean palace was the
megaron, the throne room.[153] It was laid out around a circular hearth surrounded
by four columns. The throne was generally found on the right-hand side upon
entering the room, while the interior of the megaron was lavishly decorated,
flaunting images designed intentionally to demonstrate the political and religious
power of the ruler.[157] Access to the megaron was provided through a court, which
was reached from a propylon.[156] The iconography of the palatial chambers is
remarkably uniform throughout Greece. For instance, in Pylos and Tiryns the
paintings are focused on marine motifs, providing depictions of octopodes, fish and
dolphins.[158] Around the megaron a group of courtyards each opened upon several
rooms of different dimensions, such as storerooms and workshops, as well as
reception halls and living quarters.[156] In general Mycenaean palaces have yielded
a wealth of artifacts and fragmentary frescoes.[156]

Additional common features are shared by the palaces of Pylos, Mycenae and Tiryns;
[156] a large court with colonnades lies directly in front of the central megaron,
[159] while a second, but smaller, megaron is also found inside these structures.
[156] The staircases in the palace of Pylos indicate that the palaces had two
stories.[160] The private quarters of the members of the royal family were
presumably located on the first floor.[161]

Fortifications

Cyclopean masonry, backside of the Lion Gate, Mycenae, Greece

The construction of defensive structures was closely linked to the establishment of
the palaces in mainland Greece. The principal Mycenaean centers were well-fortified
and usually situated on an elevated terrain, like on the Acropolis of Athens,
Tiryns and Mycenae or on coastal plains, in the case of Gla.[162] Mycenaean Greeks
in general appreciated the symbolism of war as expressed in defensive architecture,
reflected by the visual impressiveness of their fortifications.[162]

Part of the galleries within the walls of Tiryns

Cyclopean is the term normally applied to the masonry characteristics of Mycenaean
fortification systems and describes walls built of large, unworked boulders more
than 8 m (26 ft) thick and weighing several metric tonnes.[163] They were roughly
fitted together without the use of mortar or clay to bind them, though smaller
hunks of limestone fill the interstices. Their placement formed a polygonal pattern
giving the curtain wall an irregular but imposing appearance. At the top it would
have been wide enough for a walkway with a narrow protective parapet on the outer
edge and with hoop-like crenellations.[164] The term Cyclopean was derived by the
latter Greeks of the Classical era who believed that only the mythical giants, the
Cyclopes, could have constructed such megalithic structures.[162] On the other
hand, cut stone masonry is used only in and around gateways. Another typical
feature of Mycenaean megalithic construction was the use of a relieving triangle
above a lintel block—an opening, often triangular, designed to reduce the weight
over the lintel. The space was filled with some lighter stone.[164]

Cyclopean fortifications were typical of Mycenaean walls, especially at the

citadels of Mycenae, Tiryns, Argos, Crisa and Athens, while smaller boulders are
found in Midea and large limestone slabs are found at Gla.[164] In the Mycenaean
settlements found in Epirus and Cyprus, Cyclopean-style walls are also present,
[165][166] as well as in western Anatolia.[167] Besides the citadels, isolated
forts were also erected on various strategic locations. The fortification systems
also incorporated technical refinements such as secret cisterns, galleries, sally
ports and projecting bastions for the protection of gateways.[162] On the other
hand, the palace of Pylos, although a major center of power, paradoxically appears
to have been left without any defensive walls.[168]

Other architectural features

Mycenaean domestic architecture originates mainly from earlier Middle Helladic
traditions (c. 2000–1650 BC) both in shape, as well as in location of settlement.
The observed uniformity in domestic architecture came probably as a result of a
shared past among the communities of the Greek mainland rather than as a
consequence of cultural expansion of the Mycenaean Koine.[50] Moreover, varying
sizes of mudbricks were used in the construction of buildings.[156]

Contrary to popular belief, some Mycenaean representative buildings already

featured roofs made of fired tiles, as in Gla and Midea.[169]

Warfare
Main article: Military of Mycenaean Greece

Replicas of Mycenaean swords and cups

Boar's tusk helmet with cheek-guards and a double bone hook on top. Mycenae,
chamber Tomb 515, 14th – 13th centuries BC. N°6568
The military nature of the Mycenaean Greeks is evident from the numerous weapons
unearthed, the use of warrior and combat representations in contemporary art, and
the preserved Greek Linear B records.[170][171] The Mycenaeans invested in the
development of military infrastructure, with military production and logistics
being supervised directly from the palatial centers.[171][172] According to the
Linear B records in the palace of Pylos, every rural community (the damos) was
obliged to supply a certain number of men who had to serve in the army. Similar
service was also performed by the aristocracy.[173]

Mycenaean armies were initially based on heavy infantry, equipped with spears,
large shields and on some occasions, armor.[174] Later in the 13th century BC,
Mycenaean warfare underwent major changes both in tactics and weaponry and armed
units became more uniform and flexible, while weapons became smaller and lighter.
[171] The spear remained the main weapon among Mycenaean warriors, while the sword
played a secondary role in combat.[175] Other offensive weapons used were bows,
maces, axes, slings and javelins.[175][176] The precise role and contribution of
chariots on the battlefield is a matter of dispute due to the lack of sufficient
evidence.[177] It appears that chariots were initially used as fighting vehicles
during the 16th to 14th centuries BC, while later, in the 13th century BC, their
role was limited to battlefield transport.[178]

The boar's tusk helmet was the most identifiable piece of Mycenaean armor in use
from the beginning to the collapse of Mycenaean culture. It is also known from
several depictions in contemporary art in Greece and the Mediterranean.[179][180] A
representative piece of Mycenaean armor is the Dendra panoply (c. 1450–1400 BC)
which consisted of a cuirass of a complete set of armor made up of several elements
of bronze.[181] In general, most features of the later hoplite panoply of classical
Greek antiquity, were already known to Mycenaean Greece.[182] "Figure-of-eight"
shields were the most common type of Mycenaean shields.[183] During the Late
Mycenaean period, smaller types of shields were adopted, either of completely
circular shape, or almost circular with a part cut out from their lower edge.[184]

Art and pottery

Most of the finest Mycenaean art comes under the immediate suspicion of either
being Minoan art actually imported from Crete, or produced on the mainland by
Cretan or Cretan-trained artists. This is less true of pottery, although the (very
untypical) Mycenaean palace amphora with octopus (NAMA 6725) clearly derives
directly from the Minoan "Marine Style", and it ceases to be the case after about
1350 BC. Some works appear to have subjects adjusted to warlike Mycenaean tastes,
although the distinctively Minoan subject of bull-leaping also appears. The
production of luxury art for, and probably often in, the Minoan palaces was already
a well-established tradition when Mycenaean elites became customers, and was
perhaps more integrated into Minoan religion and culture than it ever became in
Mycenaean Greece.[185]

Metalwork
Several important pieces in gold and other metals come from the Gold grave goods at
Grave Circles A and B at Mycenae, including the Mask of Agamemnon, Silver Siege
Rhyton, Bulls-head rhyton, and gold Nestor's Cup. The chemical compositions of the
silver objects indicate that the silver was sourced from several locations.[186]
The Theseus Ring, found in Athens, is one of the finest of a number of gold signet
rings with tiny multi-figure scenes of high quality, many from the princely Grave
Circles A and B at Mycenae. These tend to be regarded as Cretan, as do the carved
gemstones also found in elite graves. Though they collected them, the Mycenaean
elite did not apparently use Minoan seals for authenticating anything, but treated
them as ornaments, at least one prince wearing a collection around his wrists, like
modern charm bracelets. Sinclair Hood believed that at the time of the Vaphio
burial (c. 1500–1450) "it was broadly speaking possible to classify the finer seals
as being of Cretan, the more crudely engraved of mainland manufacture", but that
"this criterion no longer applies after the mainland conquest of Crete c. 1450".
[187]

Vessels
Main article: Mycenaean pottery

Silver repoussé rhyton with gold horns, from Grave Circle A at Mycenae, 16th
century BC (Archaeological Museum, Athens)
During the Late Mycenaean period (1400–1200 BC), Mycenaean vessels/pottery
exhibited similarities spanning a significant area of the Eastern Mediterranean
(i.e., from the Levant to Sicily) and possibly reflecting a form of economic and
political union centered at Mycenae.[188] However, the Minoan pottery of Crete
during this time remained distinct indicating a degree of autonomy on the island.
[188] The Mycenaean Greeks produced in large quantities a variety of diversely-
styled vessels such as stirrup jars, large bowls, alabastron, krater and stemmed
cups (or kylikes) resembling champagne glasses.[188]

Stirrup jars (Linear B: ka-ra-re-u, khlareus; "oil vessel"), specifically, were

first invented on the island of Crete during the 16th century BC and used widely by
the Mycenaeans from 1400 BC onward for transporting and storing wine and oil; the
jars were usually pear-shaped or globular. As for stemmed cups (or kylikes), they
evolved from Ephyraean goblets and a large quantity was discovered at a site called
the "Potter's Shop" located in Zygouries. Mycenaean drinking vessels such as the
stemmed cups contained single decorative motifs such as a shell, an octopus or a
flower painted on the side facing away from the drinker.[188] The Mycenaean Greeks
also painted entire scenes (called "Pictorial Style") on their vessels depicting
warriors, chariots, horses and deities reminiscent of events described in Homer's
Iliad.[189] Other items developed by the Mycenaeans include clay lamps,[190] as
well as metallic vessels such as bronze tripod cauldrons (or basins).[191] A few
examples of vessels in faience and ivory are also known.[192]

Figures and figurines

The Mycenaean period has not yielded sculpture of any great size. The statuary of
the period consists for the most part of small terracotta figurines found at almost
every Mycenaean site in mainland Greece—in tombs, in settlement debris, and
occasionally in cult contexts (Tiryns, Agios Konstantinos on Methana). The majority
of these figurines are female and anthropomorphic or zoomorphic.

Mycenaean Greek female figurines of Psi and Phi type; Benaki Museum, Athens
The female figurines can be subdivided into three groups, which were popular at
different periods: the Psi and phi type figurines, and the Tau-type. The earliest
are the Phi-type, which look like the Greek letter Phi (their arms give the upper
body a rounded shape). The Psi-type looks like the letter Psi (these have
outstretched upraised arms). The latest (12th century BC) are the Tau-type; these
figurines look like the Greek letter Tau (with folded arms at right angles to the
body). Most figurines wear a large polos.[193] They are painted with stripes or
zigzags in the same manner as the contemporary pottery and presumably made by the
same potters. Their purpose is uncertain, but they may have served as both votive
objects and toys: some are found in children's graves but the vast majority of
fragments are from domestic rubbish deposits.[194]

The presence of many of these figurines on sites where worship took place in the
Archaic and Classical periods (approximately 200 below the sanctuary of Athena at
Delphi, others at the temple of Aphaea on Aegina, at the sanctuary of Apollo
Maleatas above Epidauros and at Amyclae near Sparta), suggests both that many were
indeed religious in nature, perhaps as votives, but also that later places of
worship may well have first been used in the Mycenaean period.[195]

Larger male, female or bovine terracotta wheelmade figures are much rarer. An
important group was found in the Temple at Mycenae together with coiled clay
snakes,[196] while others have been found at Tiryns and in the East and West
Shrines at Phylakopi on the island of Melos.[197]

Frescoes

Fresco of a Mycenaean woman

The painting of the Mycenaean age was much influenced by that of Minoan painting,
and was probably at least initially by Cretan painters. Their style gradually
drifts away from that of Crete, and in late periods greatly reduces in quality.
Fragments of wall paintings have been found in or around the palaces (Pylos,
Mycenae, Tiryns) and in domestic contexts (Zygouries).[198] The largest complete
wall painting depicting three female figures, probably goddesses, was found in the
so-called "cult center" at Mycenae.[199] Various subjects are represented: hunting,
bull leaping (tauromachy), battle scenes, processions, etc. Some scenes may be part
of mythological narratives, but if so their meaning eludes us. Other frescoes
include geometric or stylised motifs, also used on painted pottery (see above).
[citation needed]

Burial practices
The usual form of burial during this period was inhumation (burial in the earth,
covered by dirt and stones).[200] The earliest Mycenaean burials were mostly in
individual graves in the form of a pit or a stone-lined cist and offerings were
limited to pottery and occasional items of jewellery.[201] Groups of pit or cist
graves containing elite members of the community were sometimes covered by a
tumulus (mound) in the manner established since the Middle Helladic.[202] It has
been argued that this form dates back to the Kurgan culture;[203] however,
Mycenaean burials are in actuality an indigenous development of mainland Greece
with the Shaft Graves housing native rulers.[204] Pit and cist graves remained in
use for single burials throughout the Mycenaean period alongside more elaborate
family graves.[205] The shaft graves at Mycenae within Grave Circles A and B
belonging to the same period represent an alternative manner of grouping elite
burials. Next to the deceased were found full sets of weapons, ornate staffs as
well as gold and silver cups and other valuable objects which point to their social
rank.[206]

Treasury of Atreus, 13th century BC royal tholos tomb near Mycenae: exterior (left)
and interior (right) view.
Beginning also in the Late Helladic period are to be seen communal tombs of
rectangular form. Nevertheless, it is difficult to establish whether the different
forms of burial represent a social hierarchization, as was formerly thought, with
the "tholos" being the tombs of the elite rulers, the individual tombs those of the
leisure class, and the communal tombs those of the people. Cremations increased in
number over the course of the period, becoming quite numerous in the last phase of
the Mycenaean era.[207] The tholos was introduced during the early 15th century BC
as the new and more imposing form of elite burial.[208] The most impressive tombs
of the Mycenaean era are the monumental royal tombs of Mycenae, undoubtedly
intended for the royal family of the city. The most famous is the Treasury of
Atreus, a tholos. A total of nine of such tholos tombs are found in the region of
Mycenae, while six of them belong to a single period (Late Helladic IIA, c. 1400–
1300 BC).[209] It has been argued that different dynasties or factions may have
competed through conspicuous burial.[210]

Cuisine
With respect to Mycenaean cuisine, skewer trays were discovered in Gla, Mycenae,
and Pylos.[211] The so-called "souvlaki trays" (or portable grills) used by the
Mycenaean Greeks were rectangular ceramic pans that sat underneath skewers of meat.
[211] It is not clear whether these trays would have been placed directly over a
fire or if the pans would have held hot coals like a portable barbecue pit.[211]
[212]

Writing
Main article: Linear B

Linear B tablets (Mycenaean Greek)

In c. 1600 BC, the Mycenaean Greeks borrowed from the Minoan civilization its
syllabic writing system (i.e., Linear A) and developed their own syllabic script
known as Linear B.[213] The Linear B script was utilized by the Mycenaean palaces
in Greece for administrative purposes where economic transactions were recorded on
clay tablets and some pottery in the Mycenaean dialect of the Greek language.[213]
The Linear B tablets were first discovered in Crete by English archaeologist Sir
Arthur Evans c. 1900 and later deciphered by English architect and cryptographer
Michael Ventris in 1952.[214][215] Ventris's discovery of an archaic Greek dialect
in the Linear B tablets demonstrated that Mycenaean Greek was "the oldest known
Greek dialect, elements of which survived in Homer's language as a result of a long
oral tradition of epic poetry."[213] The written records of every Mycenaean region
were similar but the scribes sometimes used words that were probably part of their
local dialect. The existence of a common language is probably explained by their
shared bureaucratic system and writing script.[216]

Legacy
In the 8th century BC, after the end of the so-called Greek Dark Ages, Greece
emerged with a network of myths and legends, the greatest of all being that of the
Trojan Epic Cycle.[217] In general, the Greeks of Classical antiquity idealized the
Mycenaean period as a glorious period of heroes, closeness of the gods and material
wealth.[218] The legends of Homer's Epics were especially and generally accepted as
part of the Greek past and it was not until the 19th century that scholars began to
question Homer's historicity.[217] At this time, German archaeologist Heinrich
Schliemann undertook the first modern archaeological excavations in Greece at the
site of Mycenae in 1876.[219] Thus, Schliemann set out to prove the historical
accuracy of the Iliad by identifying the places described by Homer.[217]

As part of the Mycenaean heritage that survived, the names of the gods and
goddesses of Mycenaean Greece became major figures of the Olympian Pantheon of
later antiquity.[220] Moreover, the language of the Mycenaeans offers the first
written evidence of Greek,[221] while a significant part of the Mycenaean
vocabulary can also be found in modern English.[222]

The Mycenaean Greeks were also pioneers in the field of engineering, launching
large-scale projects unmatched in Europe until the Roman period, such as
fortifications, bridges, culverts, aqueducts, dams and roads suitable for wheeled
traffic. They also made several architectural innovations, such as the relieving
triangle.[223] They were also responsible for transmitting a wide range of arts and
crafts, especially of Minoan origin. The Mycenaean civilization was in general more
advanced compared to the Late Bronze Age cultures of the rest of Europe.[224]
Several Mycenaean attributes and achievements were borrowed or held in high regard
in later periods, so it would be no exaggeration to consider Mycenaean Greece as a
cradle of civilization.[223]

There are scholars who identify the Sea Peoples who migrated to the Near East as
Mycenaean Greeks.[225][226] In a 2020 study by Polish historian Łukasz
Niesiołowski-Spanò, a group of people known from the Bible – the Levites – were
linguistically identified with the Greek term *la-wo (in later Greek laoi) – "the
people" or "armed men".[227] Niesiołowski-Spanò concluded that the Levites were a
group of Mycenaean Greek mercenaries who managed to settle down in Canaan and
integrate with the local population, preserving their own group name.[227]

Genetic and anthropometric studies

A cephalometric analysis by Argyropoulos et al. (1989) published in The Angle
Orthodontist showed remarkable similarity in craniofacial morphology between
ancient Greeks (including Mycenaeans) and modern Greeks, suggesting a close
affinity, and that the Greek ethnic group remained stable in its cephalic and
facial morphology for the last 4,000 years.[228]

A craniofacial morphological study by Papagrigorakis et al. (2014) published in

Anthropologischer Anzeiger also indicated craniological similarities between modern
Greeks and ancient Greeks (including Mycenaeans), indicating continuity.[229]

In an archaeogenetic study published in Nature, Lazaridis et al. (2017) found that

Minoans and Mycenaean Greeks were genetically highly similar, but not identical;
modern Greeks resembled the Mycenaeans, but with some additional dilution of the
early Neolithic ancestry. Furthermore, proposed migrations by Egyptian or
Phoenician colonists was not discernible in their data, thus "rejecting the
hypothesis that the cultures of the Aegean were seeded by migrants from the old
civilizations of these regions." The FST between the sampled Bronze Age populations
and present-day West Eurasians was estimated, finding that Mycenaean Greeks and
Minoans were least differentiated from the populations of modern Greece, Cyprus,
Albania, and Italy.[230][231][232][233]

A genetic study by Clemente et al. (2021) found that in the Early Bronze Age, the
populations of the Minoan, Helladic, and Cycladic civilizations in the Aegean, were
genetically homogeneous. In contrast, during the Middle Bronze Age, this population
was more differentiated; probably due to gene flow from a Yamnaya-related
population from the Pontic–Caspian steppe. This is corroborated by sequenced
genomes of Middle Bronze Age individuals from northern Greece, who had a much
higher proportion of steppe-related ancestry; the timing of this gene flow was
estimated at 2,300 BCE, and is consistent with the dominant linguistic theories
explaining the emergence of the Proto-Greek language. Present-day Greeks share
about 90% of their ancestry with them, suggesting continuity between the two time
periods. In the case of Mycenaeans however, this steppe-related ancestry was
diluted. The ancestry of the Mycenaeans could be explained via a 2-way admixture
model of such MBA individuals in northern Greece, and either an EBA Aegean or MBA
Minoan population.[234]

A study by Lazaridis et al. (2022) analysed 21 new Mycenaean samples and one new
Minoan sample, along with previously published samples. The study found that
Mycenaeans were differentiated from Minoans by an influx of western steppe
(Yamnaya-like) ancestry, with Mycenaean samples having approximately 8.6±2%
steppe/Yamnaya-like ancestry on average, comprising 4.3±1% Eastern European Hunter-
Gatherer (EHG) ancestry on average and an approximately matching amount of Caucasus
hunter-gatherer ancestry (4.3±1% on average), though some of the Mycenaeans lacked
steppe ancestry altogether.[235][236] Individual Mycenaean samples from mainland
Greece had proportions of EHG ancestry ranging from 0% up to 19±7% at Kastrouli, or
12±2% at the Palace of Nestor.[237][238] Another Mycenaean individual from Crete,
dating from c. 1370 – c. 1340 BC (Crete Armenoi) had 24±6% EHG ancestry.[238] The
remaining (non steppe-related) Mycenaean ancestry was similar to that of the
Minoans and the Early Bronze Age population of mainland Greece, and elite Mycenaean
samples (from the Palace of Nestor at Pylos and its environs) did not differ from
the general population in terms of their average ancestral composition.[238]
According to Lazaridis et al. these results strongly support the hypothesis that
Mycenaeans were the outcome of admixture between descendants of Yamnaya-like steppe
migrants and a Minoan-like population,[235] with steppe migrants considered to be
Indo-European speakers and progenitors of the Greek language.[236] Minoans were
predominantly of Early European Farmer ancestry (74±3% on average), with additional
Caucasus Hunter-Gatherer ancestry (18.2±1.2% on average). Lazaridis et al. also
identified Levant Pre-Pottery Neolithic ancestry in some Minoan and Mycenaean
individuals.[238]

In a comment on the study by Lazaridis et al. (2022), Paul Heggarty of the Max
Planck Institute expressed doubts regarding the connection between the "small
contribution in Mycenaean Greece" of the "ancestral mix of Yamnaya culture" and the
steppe as the "earliest, original source" of Indo-European languages.[239]

A study by Skourtanioti et al. (2023) generated genome-wide data from 95 Bronze Age
individuals from mainland Greece and the Aegean, which was analysed in the context
of all previously published samples from the region.[240] Mycenaean (Late Bronze
Age) individuals were found to deviate from Early Bronze Age individuals in the
direction of Central and Eastern European Bronze Age populations, due to having
western steppe-related ancestry not found in the earlier samples. The potential
source of this ancestry included related groups from Serbia (Early Bronze Age),
Croatia (Middle Bronze Age), Italy (Early and Middle Bronze Age), 'Western Steppe
Eneolithic-Bronze Age', and 'Germany Corded Ware'; the latter two were found to be
the most adequate sources, but "at the moment it is not possible to more closely
identify the region(s) from where this genetic affinity was derived." Using
'Germany Corded Ware' as a source proxy, it was estimated that Mycenaeans from the
southern Greek mainland had 22.3% steppe-related ancestry on average, whereas Late
Bronze Age individuals from nearby islands and the Cyclades had slightly lower
amounts of this ancestry, and one individual from the island of Salamis had none;
in Crete, samples dating from the 17th to the 16th centuries BC had minimal or no
such steppe-related ancestry, whereas later samples dating from c. 1300 BC varied
from 0% to approximately 40% steppe-related ancestry.[241] This influx of steppe-
related ancestry was related to Mycenaean domination of the island from the 15th
century BC onwards, and was possibly also due in part to later migrations from more
distant areas such as Italy.[242]

Haplogroups of Mycenaean samples[230][243][244]

Date Location Sex mtDNA[a] Y-DNA[b]
c. 1700 – c. 1450 BC Chania, Crete Male T2b CT
c. 1700 – c. 1200 BC Apatheia Galatas, Peloponnese Male X2 J2a1
c. 1700 – c. 1200 BC Apatheia Galatas, Peloponnese Female X2 –
c. 1626 – c. 1518 BC Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese Female H26b –
c. 1626 – c. 1508 BC Lazarides, Aegina Female T1a5 –
c. 1613 – c. 1503 BC Proskynas, Phthiotis Male ? J
c. 1612 – c. 1452 BC Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese Male T1a4 J2b2a1
c. 1611 – c. 1457 BC Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese Male K1a J2b2a1
c. 1611 – c. 1452 BC Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese Male K1a J2b2a1
c. 1610 – c. 1448 BC Kolikrepi-Spata, Attica Female T2c1+146 –
c. 1609 – c. 1446 BC Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese Male U8b1a2b G2a2a1
c. 1596 – c. 1438 BC Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese Female U3c –
c. 1520 – c. 1440 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Male ? F
c. 1516 – c. 1436 BC Kolikrepi-Spata, Attica Female HV –
c. 1505 – c. 1429 BC Kolikrepi-Spata, Attica Female HV0a –
c. 1504 – c. 1425 BC Mygdalia, Achaea, Peloponnese Male U8b1a2b J2b2a1
c. 1500 BC Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese Male R0a1a C1a2
c. 1500 BC Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese Female K1a2c –
c. 1497 – c. 1316 BC Kolikrepi-Spata, Attica Male H5 J2a1a2b2a2b2~
c. 1440 – c. 1299 BC Tiryns, Argolid, Peloponnese Male W1h1 J2a1a1a2
c. 1429 – c. 1293 BC Glyka Nera, Attica Male ? R1b1a1b
c. 1424 – c. 1293 BC Lazarides, Aegina Male H G2a
c. 1421 – c. 1313 BC Glyka Nera, Attica Male U3c J2a1a
c. 1416 – c. 1280 BC Peristeria Tryfilia, Peloponnese Female H –
c. 1411 – c. 1262 BC Agia Kyriaki, Salamis Female X2d –
c. 1410 – c. 1360 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Female J1c1
–
c. 1403 – c. 1233 BC Lazarides, Aegina Female K2a2a –
c. 1403 – c. 1229 BC Tiryns, Argolid, Peloponnese Male H13a2a J2a
c. 1400 – c. 1300 BC Chania, Crete Female H41a –
c. 1400 – c. 1300 BC Chania, Crete Male K1a+195 J2a1a1a2
c. 1400 – c. 1300 BC Chania, Crete Female N1a1b –
c. 1400 – c. 1300 BC Chania, Crete Male ? G2
c. 1400 – c. 1300 BC Chania, Crete Female H4a1 –
c. 1397 – c. 1222 BC Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis Female K1a2 –
c. 1394 – c. 1222 BC Tiryns, Argolid, Peloponnese Female V –
c. 1386 – c. 1217 BC Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis Male H2 G2a2b
c. 1382 – c. 1134 BC Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis Male W1 J2a1a2b2a2b2~
c. 1375 BC Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese Female U5a1d2b –
c. 1375 – c. 1200 BC Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese Male N1b1a2 J2a
c. 1375 – c. 1200 BC Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese Male N1b1a2 J2a2~
c. 1375 – c. 1200 BC Aidonia, Corinthia, Peloponnese Male ? R1b1a1b
c. 1371 – c. 1123 BC Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis Male K2b G
c. 1367 – c. 1112 BC Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis Female U3b1b –
c. 1360 – c. 1295 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Male H7 G
c. 1360 – c. 1295 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Male ?
G2a2a1a2a1a1
c. 1360 – c. 1295 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Female
J1c+16261 –
c. 1360 – c. 1070 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Female K1c1
–
c. 1350 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Female W1h1 –
c. 1350 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Male ? CT
c. 1350 – c. 1150 BC Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis Male T2c1d1 G2a2b2b1a1a2
c. 1350 – c. 1150 BC Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis Female U3b –
c. 1350 – c. 1150 BC Kastrouli-Desfina, Phokis Female U3b1 –
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Female H7c –
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Male H4a1 E1b1b1a1b
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Female H1bm –
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Female HV1a'b'c –
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Male H J2a/J2a1a~
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Male J2b1 R1b1a1b
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Male K1a4b1 J2a1a1a2
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Female N1'5 –
c. 1300 – c. 1250 BC Chania, Crete Female HV1 –
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Male H1 G2a2b2a
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Female H1e –
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Female H1 –
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Female H1az –
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Female W6 –
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Female HV4a1+16291 –
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Male X2 J2a
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Female H1m –
c. 1300 – c. 1200 BC Chania, Crete Male J2b1 G2a
c. 1200 – c. 1070 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Male N1a1a1a3
R1b1a1b2a
c. 1200 – c. 1070 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Male ?
R1b1a1b
c. 1200 – c. 1070 BC Palace of Nestor, Messenia, Peloponnese Male X
R1b1a1b
c. 1175 – c. 1150 BC Koukounaries, Paros Female H5a2 –
c. 1175 – c. 1150 BC Koukounaries, Paros Male U1a1a J1/J1b
c. 1175 – c. 1150 BC Koukounaries, Paros Female J2b1b1 –
c. 1175 – c. 1150 BC Koukounaries, Paros Female H+16291 –
The ? symbol indicates lack of mtDNA haplogroup due to contamination or damage of
the tested sample.
Females do not inherit Y chromosomes; hence the – symbol, indicating
inapplicability.
See also
Aegean civilizations
Alice Kober
Archaeological Museum of Chora
Cadmea
Palace of Nestor
Submycenaean
References
Citations
Knodell 2021, Table 1, pp. 7, 65.
Lazaridis et al. 2017, Supplementary Information: pp. 2–3
Fields 2004, pp. 10–11.
"Mycenaean Civilization". World History Encyclopedia. Retrieved 29 July 2021.
Hammond 1976, p. 139: "Moreover, in this area a small tholos-tomb with Mycenaean
pottery of III B style and a Mycenaean acropolis have been reported at Kiperi near
Parga, and another Mycenaean acropolis lay above the Oracle of the Dead on the hill
called Xylokastro"; Tandy 2001, p. xii (Fig. 1); p. 2: "The strongest evidence for
Mycenaean presence in Epirus is found in the coastal zone of the lower Acheron
River, which in antiquity emptied into a bay on the Ionian coast known from ancient
sources as Glykys Limin (Figure 2-A)."
Hatzopoulos 2011, p. 53: "There is one illusion that ought to be first dispelled—
that Mt Olympus and the Kambounian mountains constituted an impassable barrier
between Thessaly and Macedonia. In fact recent archaeological discoveries have
established that already in the second millennium bc the Mycenaean world extended
well beyond Thessaly and included at least the southern part of Macedonia. Abundant
Mycenaean pottery, both imported and locally produced, weapons, pins, brooches and
syllabic script have been found in tombs of Orestis, Elimeia and Pieria"; Borza
1992, p. 64: "The existence of a Late Bronze Age Mycenaean settlement in the Petra
not only confirms its importance as a route from an early period, but also extends
the limits of Mycenaean settlement to the Macedonian frontier."
Castleden 2005, p. 192.
van Wijngaarden 2002, Part III: Cyprus, pp. 125–202.
van Wijngaarden 2002, Part II: The Levant, pp. 31–124; Bietak & Czerny 2007,
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Peruzzi 1980; van Wijngaarden 2002, Part IV: The Central Mediterranean, pp. 203–
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Morris 1996, "Greece: Dark Age Greece", pp. 253–256.
The extent to which Homer attempted to or succeeded in recreating a "Mycenaean"
setting is examined in Moses I. Finley, The World of Odysseus, 1954.
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Chadwick 1976, p. 617.
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Kelder 2010, pp. 46–47.
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Beckman, Bryce & Cline 2012, p. 4.
Latacz 2004, p. 123.
Bryce 2005, p. 58.
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Bryce 2005, p. 357.
Burns 2010, p. 92: "The most famous object from Shaft Grave V, if not all of
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Sergent 1982, p. 672.
Wright 2008, p. 230: "Scholars during much of the twentieth century CE argued for
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after EH II and EH III, the transition between these periods shows many signs of
continuity [...] Furthermore, the succeeding transition between EH III and MH I
seems to have been less abrupt than previously thought, with evidence of continuity
in some of the ceramics and lithic traditions at Lerna [...] Likewise, it was
thought through the 1970s that the shaft graves at Mycenae announced a dramatic
cultural change beginning in LH I (with some scholars even arguing that Indo-
European Greek speakers arrived at this time), but this view no longer prevails. We
often cannot distinguish MH III from LH I, and frequently refer to assemblages as
MH III/LH I, because the society that was developing into what we commonly refer to
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Dickinson 1977, pp. 32, 53, 107–108; Dickinson 1999, pp. 97–107.
 Littauer & Crouwel 1996, p. 299: "The Shaft Graves of Mycenae themselves do not
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Higgins, Reynold Alleyne (1997). Minoan and Mycenaean art. World of art (New rev.
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Tartaron 2013, p. 28.
Schofield 2006, pp. 71–72.
Schofield 2006, p. 75.
Kelder 2010, p. 8.
Tartaron 2013, p. 21.
Kelder 2010, pp. 50, 52.
Bryce 2005, p. 361.
Castleden 2005, p. 194: "The Mycenaean colonies in Anatolia were emphatically
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Ephesus, Iasos and Miletus, but they had little effect on the interior..."
Kelder 2010, p. 107.
Kelder 2010, pp. 108–109.
Kelder 2010, p. 11; Fields 2004, p. 53.
Beckman, Bryce & Cline 2012, p. 6.
Kelder 2010, pp. 119–120.
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Tartaron 2013, p. 29; Kling 1989; Nikolaou 1973; International Archaeological
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Vianello 2005, "Eastern Sicily and the Aeolian Islands", p. 51; Feuer 2004, pp.
155–157; van Wijngaarden 2002, Part IV: The Central Mediterranean, pp. 203–260.
de la Cruz 1988, pp. 77–92; Ridgway 1992, p. 3; Runnels & Murray 2001, p. 15.
 Castleden 2005.
"Amber object bearing Linear B symbols" (in German). Freising. 1999. Archived from
the original on 30 August 2016. Retrieved 9 February 2018.
Budin 2009, p. 53: "One of the most extraordinary examples of the extent of
Mycenaean influence was the Pelynt Dagger, a fragment of a Late Helladic III sword,
which has come to light in the tomb of a Wessex chieftain in southern England!"
Feuer 2004, p. 259.
"Ancient Drug Trade Unearthed". CBS News. 7 August 2002. Retrieved 19 January
2021.
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Nilsson 1940.
Nilsson 1967, Volume I, pp. 500–504; Chadwick 1976, p. 88: "Pa-ja-wo suggested
Homeric Paieon, which earlier would have been Paiawon, later Paidn, an alternative
name of Apollo, if not again a separate god."
Chadwick 1976, p. 95
Chadwick 1976, pp. 95, 99.
Nilsson 1967, Volume I, pp. 565–568.
Chadwick 1976, p. 99.
Chadwick & Baumbach 1963, p. 176f.
Kn V 52 (text 208 in Ventris and Chadwick); Chadwick 1976, p. 88.
Mylonas 1966, p. 159.
Chadwick 1976, pp. 92–93.
Mylonas 1966, p. 159: "Wa-na-ssoi, wa-na-ka-te, (to the two queens and the king).
Wanax is best suited to Poseidon, the special divinity of Pylos. The identity of
the two divinities addressed as wanassoi, is uncertain."
Chadwick 1976, p. 76.
Whittaker von Hofsten 2007, pp. 3–18.
Hughes-Brock 1999, pp. 277–296.
Stocker & Davis 2017, pp. 588–589.
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Billigmeier & Turner 1981, pp. 3–20.
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Olsen 2014.
Fields 2004, p. 19
Cline 2012, p. 485
Ταράντου, Σοφία (28 April 2009). "Βρήκαν μυκηναϊκό ανάκτορο". Ethnos.gr. Retrieved
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Kelder 2010, p. 109
Fields 2004, p. 21
Kelder 2010, p. 110
Fields 2004, p. 20.
Fields 2004, p. 45
Fields 2004, p. 46
Fields 2004, p. 10.
Schofield 2006, p. 78.
Fields 2004, p. 11.
 Tandy 2001, p. 20: "In LH IBBB (ca. 1310-1190), Mycenaean material culture spread
widely throughout coastal and inland Epirus; in this period Mycenaean engagement in
Epirus was strongest, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Though the Kiperi
tholos may have gone out of use early in LH IIIB, the Cyclopean wall found there,
as well as those at Ephyra, Kastriza, and Ayia Eleni, cannot have been built (and
probably after) LH IIIB."
Iacovou 2013, p. 610. Iacovou quotes Vassos Karageorghis who states that "The
introduction of 'Cyclopean'-type walls at the very beginning of the LC IIIA period
at Enkomi, Kition, Sinda and Maa-Palaeokastron was due to the arrival of Mycenaean
settlers in Cyprus."
Kelder 2010, p. 127.
Fields 2004, p. 44.
Wikander 1990, p. 288; Shear 2000, p. 134.
Cline 2012, p. 305.
Cline 2012, p. 313.
Palaima 1999, pp. 367–368.
D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 10.
Howard 2011, p. 7.
Howard 2011, p. 50.
Schofield 2006, p. 306; D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 13.
Howard 2011, p. 63.
Fields 2004, p. 22.
Schofield 2006, p. 119.
D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 23.
D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 27.
Kagan & Viggiano 2013, p. 36: "In fact, most of the essential items of the
"hoplite panoply" were known to Mycenaean Greece, including the metallic helmet and
the single thrusting spear."
D'Amato & Salimbeti 2011, p. 20.
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Castleden 2005, p. 135.
Castleden 2005, pp. 135–137: "Large kraters decorated in Pictorial Style are found
almost exclusively in Cyprus, and for a long time it was naturally assumed that
they were manufactured there, but a few examples have been found on the Greek
mainland, mostly near Mycenae, and it has now been established that they were all
manufactured at workshops close to Mycenae, probably at Berbati just to the east of
the city, where there are the right clay sources. The ware was probably
specifically made for export to Cyprus, where they were used as centerpieces for
drinking ceremonies. The decoration appears to have been painted on at high speed
and the effect is sometimes crude, Reynold Higgins calls it 'barbarous', which is a
fair description, but the scenes showing warriors, horses and chariots can still
tell us much about everyday life in Mycenaean Greece, and as much again about
Mycenaean religious beliefs and mythology. One krater from Enkomi in Cyprus shows a
charioteer with his groom riding along, perhaps into battle, while a long-robed
god, Zeus perhaps, stands in his way holding the scales of destiny that will decide
his fate. It is an archetypal scene reminiscent of several in the Iliad, where the
gods are shown intervening in battle and deciding the outcome."
Furumark 1941, p. 78: "There are two types of Mycenaean lamps. One of these (type
321) has a broad horizontal lip with two opposite depressions for wicks. This type
is the clay version of a Minoan stone lamp, known in many examples both from Crete
and from the Mainland. The other (type 321 a) has one wick-spout and a handle at
the opposite side."
Castleden 2005, pp. 56, 166.
Schofield 2006, p. 107.
 French 1971, pp. 101–187.
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Lazaridis et al. 2022b
Lazaridis 2022a, Fig. 1D
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Lazaridis et al. 2022 in Science: 'The genetic history of the Southern Arc: A
bridge between West Asia and Europe']". Science.
Skourtanioti et al. 2023
Skourtanioti et al. 2023: "We found various sources ranging from East Europe, to
Central and South Europe adequately fitting most models for the LBA Aegean groups.
The smaller and heterogeneous sample of BA Bulgarian individuals or BA Sicily did
not fit. Models with Serbia (EBA), Croatia (MBA) and Italy (EMBA) were adequate
most of the time, while those with 'W. Eurasian Steppe En-BA' (En, Eneolithic) or
some Central European source (for example, Germany LN-EBA 'Corded Ware') were
adequate for all groups at the P ≥ 0.01 cutoff. Therefore, at the moment it is not
possible to more closely identify the region(s) from where this genetic affinity
was derived. Among the groups of the southern mainland, the estimated coefficients
of the WES-related ancestry are overlapping (±1 s.e.) and average to 22.3% (Fig.
4a) ... Fig. 4 ... a, Estimated mean coefficient (coeff.) (±1 s.e.) of additional
ancestry (WES-related) using as proxy a BA Central European population ('Germany
LN-EBA Corded Ware'). ..."
Skourtanioti et al. 2023: "However, two-way models with all of the above sources
as well as 'Mainland MLBA' fit the allele frequencies of all the LBA individuals
from Crete ('Crete LBA'). This also applied when we modelled the two clusters from
LBA Crete separately (Fig. 4a and Supplementary Table 9) but for the Crete LBA
(group C) with high WES ancestry (individuals XAN030, KRO008, KRO009 and published
Armenoi), just one source from 'Mainland MLBA' became adequate. ... A more direct
demographic connection can be proposed regarding the LBA Cretan and Greek mainland
populations. Following an horizon of destructions targeting palatial centres and
elite symbols in Crete (Late Minoan IB), material culture, funerary architecture
and burial practices are believed to express innovations with features
traditionally ascribed to the Mycenaean culture. On these grounds, an invasion of
the island by people from the Greek mainland (around fifteenth century BC) has been
proposed but remains highly contested. While unable to settle this debate
decisively, the genetic analyses demonstrate that Cretan populations at larger port
cities biologically mixed with populations coming to the island during the course
of a few centuries. The presence of individuals with some of the highest Western
Eurasian Steppe-related ancestry proportions within the Late Bronze Age Aegean
(Crete LBA group C), despite fitting with a scenario that the Greek mainland was
the only source of incoming people, could also suggest that populations from more
distant areas (for example, Italy) contributed to the Crete LBA transition, a
possibility that is supported in the material culture as well."
Lazaridis et al. 2022b, Supplementary Materials: Data S1
Skourtanioti et al. 2023, Supplementary information: pp. 11–31, 39–61,
Supplementary Table 2
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