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A CONCISE HISTORY OF GERMANY

This third edition of Mary Fulbrook’s much-admired and popular

introduction to German history provides a clear and informative
guide to the twists and turns of the story of the German lands and
peoples from the early middle ages to the present day. Crisply
synthesising a vast array of historical material, Fulbrook explores the
interrelationships between social, political and cultural factors in the
light of scholarly controversies. Since the second edition in 2004,
there have been important changes in Germany, Europe and the
wider world. This new edition features a significantly expanded
chapter on Germany since 1990, encapsulating recent and dramatic
developments that have transformed Germany’s character and
international standing. This single-volume history of Germany offers
broad and accessible coverage and provides a useful guide for
students, general readers, travellers to Germany and anyone with an
interest in German history.

Mary Fulbrook is Professor of German History at University College

London. Over her career, she has authored or edited twenty-five
books, including Reckonings: Legacies of Nazi Persecution and the
Quest for Justice (2018), the Fraenkel Prize-winning A Small Town
near Auschwitz: Ordinary Nazis and the Holocaust (2012) and
Dissonant Lives: Generations and Violence through the German
Dictatorships (2011; two-volume paperback edn, 2017). Mary
Fulbrook was Founding Joint Editor of German History and has
served as Chair of the Modern History Section of the British Academy
as well as Chair of the German History Society.
Cambridge Concise Histories

This is a series of illustrated ‘concise histories’ of selected individual

countries, intended both as university and college textbooks and as
general historical introductions for general readers, travellers and
members of the business community.
A full list of titles in the series can be found at:
www.cambridge.org/concisehistories
A CONCISE HISTORY OF
GERMANY
THIRD EDITION

MARY FULBROOK
University College London
 University Printing House, Cambridge CB 2 8BS , United Kingdom

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www.cambridge.org

Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108418379

DOI: 10.1017/9781108289900

© Mary Fulbrook 2019

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the

provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of
any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge
University Press.
 First published 1991

Reprinted eight times

Second edition 2004

20th printing 2018

Third edition 2019

Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd. Padstow, Cornwall

A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.

ISBN 978-1-108-41837-9 Hardback

ISBN 978-1-108-40708-3 Paperback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or

accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in
this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
 Contents
List of illustrations

Preface

1 INTRODUCTION: THE GERMAN LANDS AND PEOPLE

2 MEDIAEVAL GERMANY
The beginnings of German history
Germany in the early and high middle ages
Germany in the later middle ages

3 THE AGE OF CONFESSIONALISM, 1500–1648

The German Reformation: the early years
The German Peasants’ War
The development of the German Reformation
Germany in the age of Counter-Reformation
The Thirty Years War
The Peace of Westphalia and the effects of the War

4 THE AGE OF ABSOLUTISM, 1648–1815

Absolutism and the rise of Prussia
Religion, culture and Enlightenment
The impact of the French Revolution

5 THE AGE OF INDUSTRIALISATION, 1815–1918

Restoration Germany, 1815–48
 The revolutions of 1848
The unification of Germany
Germany under Bismarck
Society and politics in Wilhelmine Germany
Culture in Imperial Germany
Foreign policy and the First World War

6 DEMOCRACY AND DICTATORSHIP, 1918–45

The Weimar Republic: origins and early years
The period of apparent stabilisation
The collapse of Weimar democracy
The consolidation of Hitler’s power
Foreign policy and war
Holocaust, resistance and defeat

7 THE TWO GERMANIES, 1945–90

The creation of the two Germanies
From establishment to consolidation
Politics in the two Germanies, 1949–89
Economy and society in West Germany
Economy and society in the GDR, 1949–89
The revolution of 1989 and the unification of Germany

8 THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY SINCE 1990

Unifying German society
German politics in a changing Europe
The Merkel era
The changing resonance of a difficult past

9 PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS OF GERMAN HISTORY

Suggestions for further reading

Index
 Illustrations
PLATES

1 Kloster Grüssau in Silesia. Source: Die schöne Heimat. Bilder aus

Deutschland (Leipzig: Verlag Karl Robert Langewiesche, 1922)

2 A crucifix near Jachenau, in southern Bavaria. Photo: Harriett C.

Wilson

3 The view toward Alexanderplatz in East Berlin. Photo by the author

4 Illustrations of Minnesinger from the fourteenth-century Mannesse

Manuscript. Source: Die Minnesinger in Bildern der Mannesischen
Handschrift (Leipzig: Insel-Verlag, 1929)

5 The government of Augsburg is handed over to the guilds, 1368.

Sketch from Das Behaim Ehrenbuch der bürgerlichen und
zunftlichen Regierung der hl. Reichsstadt Augsburg (1545),
reproduced in Ullstein’s Weltgeschichte (Berlin: Ullstein, 1907–9)

6 The Marienburg. Source: Die schöne Heimat

7 A page from Eike von Repgow, Sachsenspiegel , including details

of the granting of a castle as a fief. Herzog-August-Bibliothek,
Wolfenbüttel

8 ‘Passional Christi und Anti-Christi’, with woodcuts by Lukas Cranach

the Elder. The Pope is identified with Anti-Christ. Reproduced
from Ullstein’s Weltgeschichte
9 ‘The Jewish Snipper and Money-Changer’. A broadsheet criticising
the supposed avarice of the Jew at a time of rampant inflation
(n.p., 1622). Flugschriftensammlung, Herzog-August-Bibliothek,
Wolfenbüttel

10 A very full depiction of means of exorcism and methods of

dealing with a witch and her two helpers (Augsburg: Elias
Wellhofer, 1654). Flugschriftensammlung, Herzog-August-
Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel

11 The Battle of the White Mountain, 1620 (n.p.: 1620).

Flugschriftensammlung, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel

12 War depicted as a beast ravaging Germany (n.p.: 1630/1648).

Flugschriftensammlung, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel

13 A broadsheet illustrating the current craze for French fashions in

the ‘A-la-Mode-Kampf’ of 1630 (Nuremberg? c. 1630).
Flugschriftensammlung, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, wolfenbüttel

14 A depiction of ‘travellers’, people with no fixed livelihood in the

disrupted society of mid-seventeenth-century Europe. Source:
Ullstein’s Weltgeschichte

15 The Diet of the Holy Roman Empire at Regensburg, 1653.

Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel

16 The Würzburg Residence, designed by Balthasar Neumann, and

mainly built in the period 1720–44. Source: Johannes Arndt,
Deutsche Kunst der Barockzeit (Leipzig: Bibliographisches
Institut, 1941)

17 Recruitment of soldiers in the early eighteenth century. From H.

J. von Fleming, Der Vollkommene Teutsche Soldat (Leipzig,
1726), reproduced in Ullstein’s Weltgeschichte
18 Nuremberg in 1774. Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nuremberg,
Kupferstichkabinett

19 The altar in the monastery of Benediktbeuern, southern Bavaria.

Photo: Harriett C. Wilson

20 The battle of Jena, 1806. Source: Ullstein’s Weltgeschichte

21 Prince Metternich in his study. Source: Karl Gutskow, Unter dem

schwarzen Bären (E. Berlin: Verlag der Nation, 1971)

22 The ceremonial opening of Munich University, 1826. Bayerisches

Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich

23 A variety of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century

occupations. Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nuremberg,
Kupferstichkabinett

24 Barricades in Berlin, 1848. Source: Gutskow, Unter dem

schwarzen Bären

25 Borsig’s locomotive factory in Moabit, Berlin, 1855. Landesarchiv

Berlin, Landesbildstelle

26 A selection of contemporary cartoons about Bismarck. Source:

Ullstein’s Weltgeschichte

27 A cartoon of working-class life by the Berlin artist Heinrich Zille

28 The latest in ladies’ bicycling fashion, as illustrated in the popular

middle-class magazine, Die Gartenlaube . Source: Karin Helm
(ed.), Rosinen aus der Gartenlaube (Gütersloh: Signum Verlag,
n.d.)

29 Barricades in Berlin, March 1919. Landesarchiv Berlin,

Landesbildstelle
30 The Free Corps Werdenfels, in Munich to suppress revolutionary
uprisings. Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich

31 The Kapp Putsch. Soldiers march into Berlin, March 1920.

Landesarchiv Berlin, Landesbildstelle

32 A peasant wedding in Bad Tölz, Bavaria. Source: Deutschland

Bild-Heft Nr. 117: ‘Bad Tölz und das Land im Isar-Winkel’ (Berlin-
Tempelhof: Universum-Verlagsanstalt, c. 1933)

33 A 1932 election poster for Hindenburg. Bayerisches

Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich

34 The Berlin rent strike of 1932. Landesarchiv Berlin,

Landesbildstelle

35 Propaganda for Hitler celebrating the ‘Day of Potsdam’.

Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich

36 A delegation of the Nazi girls’ organisation honours the Nazi

heroes who fell in the 1923 putsch. Bayerisches
Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich

37 The Austrian town of Lienz changes the name of one of its major
squares to ‘Adolf-Hitler-Platz’. Source: contemporary postcard in
the possession of the author

38 The Jewish ghetto in Radom, Poland. Bayerisches

Haupstaatsarchiv, Munich

39 Auschwitz-Birkenau casts a shadow over German history which

cannot be erased. Photo by the author, 1988

40 The Berlin Wall starts to go up, August 1961. Landesarchiv Berlin,

Landesbildstelle
41 People hack out mementoes from the now defunct Berlin Wall.
Photo: Cornelie Usborne

42 Chancellor Angela Merkel and Berlin Mayor Klaus Wowereit on

stage in front of the Brandenburg Gate alongside US President
Barack Obama, ahead of his address on 19 June 2013. Photo by
Jewel Samad, AFP, Getty Images.

43 Refugees arrive at German–Austrian border. Photo by Lukas

Barth, Andolu Agency, Getty Images.

44 Alice Weidel (front left) and Alexander Gauland (front right), co-
leaders of the AfD parliamentary group, and other members of
the AfD, applaud as AfD member Gottfried Curio (unseen)
addresses the Bundestag in March 2018. Photo by John
Macdougall, AFP, Getty Images.

MAPS

1 The division of the Frankish Kingdom at the Treaty of Verdun, 843

2 The German Empire, c. 1024–1125

3 Europe at the time of the Reformation

4 Germany after the Peace of Westphalia, 1648

5 The growth of Brandenburg-Prussia to 1786

6 The German Confederation in 1815. (After M. Hughes, Nationalism

and Society: Germany 1800– 1945 (London: Edward Arnold,
1988))

7 Development of the Prussian–German Customs Union

8 The unification of Germany, 1867–71. (After Hughes, Nationalism
and Society )

9 The Versailles settlement, 1919. (After M. Freeman, Atlas of Nazi

Germany (London: Croom Helm, 1987))

10 Territorial annexations by Nazi Germany, 1935–9. (After Freeman,

Atlas of Nazi Germany )

11 The partition of Poland in 1939. (After Freeman, Atlas of Nazi

Germany )

12 Hitler’s empire by autumn 1942. (After Freeman, Atlas of Nazi

Germany )

13 Divided Germany after 1945. (After Hughes, Nationalism and

Society )
 Preface
A book such as this is infinitely easier to criticise than to write. The
attempt to compress over a thousand years of highly complex
history into a brief volume will inevitably provoke squeals of protest
from countless specialists, who see their own particular patches
distorted, constrained, misrepresented, even ignored. Yet a brief
history of such a large topic can make no attempt at
comprehensiveness. At best it can provide an intelligent guide to the
broad sweep of developments.
These limitations are indeed partly inherent in the nature of
historical writing, which cannot be a simple matter of recounting an
agreed narrative, but rather must be a process of imposing an order
on the mass of material – and on the interpretations of that material
– which comes to us from the past. But it is particularly the case for
a concise history of Germany that some brutal decisions about
selection and omission have had to be made. While readers will all
have their own views on the matter, the author has had to make
particular choices. In terms of space devoted to different periods,
the book operates on the landscape principle: things nearer to the
observer loom larger, are perceived in closer detail, than the mistier
general views of the distant horizons. Thus chapters generally deal
with progressively shorter periods of time as the present is neared.
Within the general landscape surveyed some features appear more
important than others. The problem of ‘teleology’ is well known to
historians: there is a tendency to notice particularly features pointing
towards the present, explaining developments partly in terms of
their consequences (whether or not participants were aware of their
‘contributions’ to historical ‘progress’), and to ignore turnings that
led nowhere. While there has been a healthy reaction against this in
recent historical writing, it is still the case that certain developments
appear more important from the point of view of current concerns
than do others. And all authors inevitably have their own particular
interests, enthusiasms and blind spots, however hard they try to be
balanced and objective in coverage. There is also the particular
problem, in relation to the history of ‘Germany’, of the limits of what
is held to be its proper subject matter. In this volume the history of
Austria has had to be considered only insofar as it was an integral
part of ‘Germany’ at different times, or interrelated with the history
of modern Germany since 1871. Austria, while perhaps the most
obvious, is not the only area to suffer in this way: the boundaries of
‘Germany’ have been extremely changeable over the centuries.
A wide-ranging work such as this must rely heavily on researches
undertaken by others, and represent a synthesis of existing
knowledge and often quite conflicting views, while yet developing a
coherent overall account. The author is painfully aware of gaps and
inadequacies in the present analysis, but hopes at least that in
presenting a broad framework which spans the centuries two useful
purposes will have been accomplished. This book may present a
basis and stimulus for subsequent more detailed exploration of
particular aspects; it may also serve to locate existing knowledge
and interests of readers within a wider interpretive framework. The
book is intended as a form of large-scale map which can be used as
a context for finer investigation of details along the way.
I am tremendously grateful to my colleagues and friends who
have read and made valuable comments on parts of the manuscript,
saving me from factual errors and inappropriate interpretations. I
would like in particular to thank the following for their painstaking
efforts to improve the text: David Blackbourn; Ian Kershaw; Timothy
McFarland; Rudolf Muhs; Hamish Scott; Bob Scribner; Jill
Stephenson; Martin Swales. Obviously, I alone am responsible for
the inadequacies which remain. The work benefited from a small
grant from the UCL Dean’s Fund enabling me to spend some time
combing libraries, museums and archives for suitable illustrative
material. The choice of appropriate illustrations was almost as
difficult as the construction of the text, and raised as many problems
of selection, interpretation and omission. Discerning readers will
notice that illustrations of personalities and familiar sights have
generally been demoted in favour of representation of broader
themes and more remote periods or places. Finally, I would also like
to thank my husband and my three children for being willing to
spend innumerable summers wandering around central Europe in
search of aspects of the German past.

PREFACE TO THE UPDATED EDITION (1992)

First of all, I would like to thank Dr Werner Schochow of Berlin for

pointing out to me some errors of detail which crept unnoticed into
the first edition, and for suggesting certain amendments to the
index. I am extremely grateful to him for his close and careful
reading of the text, and the trouble he took in providing detailed
comments and suggestions.
I have also taken the opportunity to put discussion of West
Germany into the past tense (East Germany having already suffered
that fate at the time of the first edition). While much of what was
‘West Germany’ has of course passed over into the enlarged Federal
Republic after unification in 1990, nevertheless united Germany is a
new entity, and it would be prejudging its development in a quite a-
historical fashion to suggest that what was true of the pre-1990
Federal Republic will continue to obtain in the new, rather lop-sided
united Federal Republic, which faces both new domestic challenges
and a changed European context.

Mary Fulbrook
London, October 1991

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION (2004)

For the Second Edition, I have made a number of minor changes

throughout the text, to reflect the changing viewpoints of the
present, and the implications of recent scholarship. A new chapter
has been added on Germany since 1990. The bibliography has been
drastically pruned and substantially updated.But I have chosen not
to tinker dramatically with the main body of the book, which has
now proved its usefulness as an accessible overview for a wide
range of readers across the English-speaking world and in a number
of foreign translations.

Mary Fulbrook
London, March 2003

PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION (2019)

The Third Edition includes a radically expanded chapter on Germany

since 1990, taking account of the dramatic transformations in
Germany’s character and international standing in the decades since
unification. I have lightly updated the Bibliography, but have again
chosen not to alter the main body of the text covering previous
periods of history. I hope this will continue to serve as a guide for
readers to pursue areas of interest in greater depth, and to debate
with the interpretations presented here.

Mary Fulbrook
London, October 2018
 1

Introduction: the German lands and

people
◈

In a famous and much-quoted verse, those two most renowned

German writers, Goethe and Schiller, posed the question which has
been at the heart of much German history: ‘Deutschland? aber wo
liegt es? Ich weiss das Land nicht zu finden.’ (‘Germany? But where
is it? I know not how to find the country.’) They went on to put their
finger succinctly on a further problem of the Germans: ‘Zur Nation
euch zu bilden, ihr hoffet es, Deutsche, vergebens; / Bildet, ihr
könnt es, dafür freier zu Menschen euch aus.’ (‘Any hope of forming
yourselves into a nation , Germans, is in vain; develop yourselves
rather – you can do it – more freely as human beings!’) Between
them, these quotations encapsulate perhaps the most widespread
general notions about Germany and the Germans – although of
course Goethe and Schiller could hardly foresee, let alone be held
responsible for, what was to come. A belated nation, which became
unified too late, and a nation, at that, of ‘thinkers and poets’ who
separated the freedom of the sphere of the spirit from the public
sphere and the powers of the state; a nation which, notoriously,
eventually gave rise – whatever its contributions in literature and
music – to the epitome of evil in the genocidal rule of Adolf Hitler. A
nation with an arguably uniquely creative culture and uniquely
destructive political history; a nation uniquely problematic,
tormented, peculiar, with its own strange, distorted pattern of
history. And a nation uniquely efficient, in every transformation
becoming a ‘model’ of its kind.
As with all platitudes, there is some element of truth in these
generalisations; and as with all generalisations, there is much which
is oversimplified, misleading, and downright wrong. Perhaps the
most misleading aspect of all these statements is the underlying
assumption that there is some simple entity, the ‘Germans’, who
have an enduring national identity revealing itself over the ages in all
the twists and turns of a tortuous national history. The realities are
infinitely more complex. There is a geographical complexity, with a
range of peoples speaking variants of the German language across a
central European area, in which over the centuries there has been a
great diversity of political forms, which have for most of ‘Germany’s’
history included also non-German-speaking peoples. There is a
historical complexity, with as much contingency and accident as
predetermined drive along any evolutionary path to a pre-ordained
end. And there is the complexity inherent in the nature of
reconstructing and writing a history of a shifting entity, itself
constituted in the light of current concerns and interest. For many
people, recent times will appear infinitely the most interesting;
remoter periods will remain – for all but the few, fascinated by a far-
removed culture – by way of a ‘background’, a setting of the scene,
to know what the situation was ‘when the story began’. Even a
decision about the latter, the starting point, is to some extent
arbitrary. All reconstructed history is a human construction from the
perspective of certain interests, conscious or otherwise.
For most English-speaking people until 1989, ‘Germany’ would
have meant the Federal Republic of Germany, or West Germany, with
its capital in Bonn. To others, the German Democratic Republic, or
East Germany, would be included, created as it was out of the ruins
of defeated Nazi Germany. Most people today would not even think
of Austria, let alone Switzerland, as candidates for being included in
‘Germany’; yet it was only in 1871 that Austria was excluded from
the unified ‘small Germany’, under Prussian domination, of Imperial
Germany. German-speaking Switzerland separated, even from the
‘Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation’, many centuries earlier.
And, of course, there are other areas in central Europe which were
either previously included in some German states – as, for example,
those former German territories now in Poland and Russia – or
where there were or are substantial German-speaking minorities
under other governments. For some historians, Germany’s politically
and geographically insecure and contested central European location
– mitten in Europa – has indeed been elevated to a central
interpretive factor in ‘German’ history and identity. It certainly makes
a clear definition of the subject of study more complex than is the
case for many ‘national’ histories. While the ultimate landing stage of
this book will be the united Germany formed in 1990 from the two
Germanies of the late twentieth century – the German Democratic
Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany – much else will need
to be considered along the way, with a flexibility of focus and
boundary.
 Plate I. Kloster Grüssau in Silesia. Since 1945 part of Poland, Silesia was a
province of Habsburg Austria until it was seized by Prussia in 1740–42. Central
European boundaries have been very fluctuating over the centuries.

The areas covered by Germany in the twenty-first century include

many striking regional variations, based partly in topography and
geography, partly in historical differences. Topographically, the
German lands stretch from the sandy coasts of the North Sea and
Baltic Sea, with their trading ports, through the heathy North
German plain; then, broken by the hillier country of the Central
German Uplands (as in the Harz mountains, or the Erzgebirge),
down through the gentle undulations of southern Germany to the
foothills of the Alps on the borders with Austria and Switzerland. The
climate varies from the mild, wet Atlantic climate of the north and
west to a drier, more continental climate, with cold, snowy winters
and hot summers punctuated by frequent thunderstorms, in the
south and east. Natural resources are variable: there are
considerable deposits of the inferior lignite (brown coal) in eastern
Germany, which produces about a third of the world’s total
production, whereas in western Germany bituminous coal is mined in
greater quantities, particularly in the Ruhr area. Germany has small
amounts of natural gas and oil, insufficient for current energy needs,
and is reliant also on controversial nuclear power production. There
are variable, but not extensive, mineral deposits (iron ore, lead, zinc,
potash salts). Soils and farming conditions vary: in many areas, the
land is left as heath or forest rather than being put to grain
production or pasture. In the 1980s, the population of West
Germany was slightly over 61 million, while that of East Germany
was somewhat under 17 million; in 1990, the population of united
Germany was 78.3 million.
Historically, formed as they are of regions which had their own
existence as independent provinces or principalities in the past, the
German lands show striking regional variations based more in
political, cultural and socioeconomic history than in geography. What
will strike the visitor to Germany are the results of human
occupation, human use of the environment, human beliefs, practices
and social relationships: mediaeval walled towns and castles, great
baroque churches and monasteries, princely palaces, different styles
of farm house, burgher house, or industrial slum. Regional
stereotypes abound: Prussian Protestant asceticism, militarism and
conservatism is often contrasted with Hamburg liberalism or with the
more expansive mode of the Catholic, beer-swilling, unintelligible
Bavarians. There is a great variety of regional accents and cultures
still to be found in the more cosmopolitan and centralised Germany
of the late twentieth century. Even those with only a casual
acquaintance will be aware of differences between the Rhineland,
with its castles and vineyards, the industrial Ruhr (no longer belching
the smoke and fumes it used to do before the shift to high-tech
industries in south-western Germany), the forests, streams and
cuckoo-clock attractions of the Black Forest, or the lakes and Alpine
pastures of Upper Bavaria. Fewer casual tourists will be familiar with
the northern coasts, the Frisian islands or the lakes and waters of
Schleswig-Holstein, although they may have visited Bremen,
Hamburg and Lübeck; most will have sped through the rolling
Westphalian hills on a fast autobahn, bypassing the Lüneberg heath
to the north or the mediaeval attractions tucked away in the Harz
mountains; very few will have explored the forgotten communities in
the Bohemian border country and the Bavarian forest on the Czech
border, or be aware of quite local differences between such regions
as the Spessart, the Kraichgau or the Odenwald. Many will know the
major urban centres, particularly cities such as Munich, Nuremberg,
Frankfurt, Stuttgart, Cologne, but will have little idea about the
reasons for the decentralised nature of pre-1990 West German
urban life (with its capital, Bonn, so easily dismissed as ‘a small town
in Germany’); before the revolutionary events of autumn 1989, very
few western visitors would have penetrated further into East
Germany than a day trip to its capital, East Berlin. Eastern Germany,
although smaller than the western areas of Germany, evinces a
comparable regional variation: from the sand dunes of the Baltic
coast in the north, through the sparsely populated lake country of
Mecklenburg, down to the varied regions of the hillier southern
areas, including industrial centres such as Halle, Leipzig, Erfurt and
Chemnitz, major cultural centres such as Dresden and Weimar, and
tourist attractions in Saxon Switzerland, the Thuringian forest, or the
Harz mountains. All these regions differ for a multitude of reasons
beyond purely topographical factors such as proximity to rivers, sea
or mountains. Economically, they have been developed and exploited
in different ways and become involved as different elements in wider
economic systems. Culturally, the differences between Catholic and
Protestant areas in the confessionalised states of post-Reformation
Germany endured and had a profound impact over the centuries.
Politically, the histories of the different regions experienced a myriad
of forms, a veritable laboratory for the historically oriented political
scientist. All these varied influences have left their imprint on the
more homogenised industrial Germany of today.
Plate 2. A crucifix near Jachenau, in southern Bavaria. With its carved wooden
‘curtains’, this is a particularly splendid example of Catholic popular piety. In
some predominantly Protestant areas of Germany, such as Württemberg, small
patches of territory rich in crucifixes testify to a long-distant past when they
might have been, for example, fiefs of the Catholic Austrian Habsburgs.

For most visitors before 1989, it would have been almost

impossible to imagine away what was perhaps the most striking
feature of the two Germanies: the fiercely guarded frontier running
down between the Germanies from the Baltic to the Czech border
with southern Germany, dividing not only East and West Germany
but also East and West Europe, communism and capitalism,
democratic centralism and liberal democracy, symbolising the
international rifts of the second half of the twentieth century – in
Churchill’s phrase, the ‘Iron Curtain’. This border not only snaked
down along miles of frontier between the two Germanies, with a no-
man’s land dividing formerly close communities, cutting them off
from natural hinterlands; it also cut right through the very heart of
that former magnificent metropolitan centre, the erstwhile capital of
Prussia and of Imperial, Weimar and Nazi Germany, and now again
of Germany since 1990: Berlin. Heavily armed guards monitored the
highly restricted flow of traffic at the limited crossing points and
ensured that no East German citizen left without permission. West
Berlin, economically dependent and highly subsidised by the West
German government, was also a city of self-advertising capitalism:
vast department stores, bright lights, extravagant cultural
performances, international conference centres, patronage of the
arts. The old, turn-of-the-century slums, built as the Imperial capital
rapidly expanded, by the 1980s housed not only the still surviving
working-class Berliners, but also a large number of foreign ‘guest
workers’ as well as a range of groups cultivating ‘alternative’ life
styles in a variety of ways. In amongst all this, there was the
inevitable pervasion of military presence – Berlin was still formally a
city under four-power control – and even when escaping to the
remarkable natural resources of the lakes and forests in West Berlin,
Another random document with
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Title: Infiltration

Author: Algis Budrys

Release date: November 4, 2023 [eBook #72026]

Language: English

Original publication: New York, NY: Royal Publications, Inc, 1958

Credits: Greg Weeks, Mary Meehan and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK

INFILTRATION ***
 INFILTRATION

By ALGIS BUDRYS

If werewolves exist, they don't necessarily

conform to all the superstitions people have.
They may even know fear....

[Transcriber's Note: This etext was produced from

Infinity October 1958.
Extensive research did not uncover any evidence that
the U.S. copyright on this publication was renewed.]
 I
Sunset. They're coming for me, tonight, he knew as he woke.
Sunset. Not really—if he were to get dressed now, and go out on the
street, the red globe would still be hanging over the cliffs of New
Jersey. But the shadow of the building next door had fallen over his
apartment windows, and he sleepily pushed a cigarette between his
numb lips and swung his feet over the side of the bed, fumbling with a
match as he walked over to the small radio on the windowsill and
turned it on. There was a double-header between the Giants and
Cincinnati—the first game was probably in its last inning.
Sunset—odd, how the conditioning worked. Was it conditioning? Or
were the old wives' tales not so absurd, after all? But he could go out
in the sunlight—had done it many times. His tan proved it. He
touched silver and cold iron countless times each day, crossed
running water—and he'd gone to church every Sunday, until he was
twelve. No, there was a core of truth under the fantastically complex
shell of nonsense, but the old limitations were not part of it. He
shrugged. Neither were most of the powers.
Still, he liked to sleep in the daytime. His schedule seemed to gain an
hour at night, lose one in the morning, until, almost unnoticeably, it
had slipped around the clock.
He went into the bathroom while the worn tubes in the radio warmed
up slowly, and washed his face, brushed his teeth, shaved. He
combed his hair, then paused thoughtfully. Wouldn't do any harm. No
full moon in here, either, he thought, looking up at the circular
fluorescent tube in the ceiling, but he noticed no impediment as he
coalesced, dropped to all fours, and ran his pelt against the curry-
combs he had screwed to the bathroom door. He did a thorough job,
enjoying it, and, after he had realigned, walked out of the bathroom in
time to hear the Giants making their final, fruitless out of the first
game. Five-Zero, Cincinnati, and he grimaced in disgust. Four shut-
outs in the last five games.
He laughed at himself, then, for actually being annoyed. Still and all, it
wasn't the first time a man became emotionally involved in a mirage.
Was it a mirage? True, there weren't really any such things as the
San Francisco Giants—but a man could certainly be expected to
forget that, occasionally, if he were part of the same illusion at least
half the time. And certainly, such stuff as dreams are made of is solid
enough when you are yourself a dream.
He went out in the kitchen and started coffee, then came back and
sat down next to the radio, hardly listening to the recap of the game.

Odd, how it had all started. Being suddenly marooned on this planet,
forced to survive, somehow, through the long years while waiting for
rescue. How many years had it been, now? Some five hundred
thousand, in the subjective reference for this particular universe. He
knew the formula for conversion into objective time—it all worked out
to the equivalent of about six months—but that wasn't what mattered,
as long as they'd all had to survive in this universe.
Sleep—suspended animation, if you wanted to call it that—had been
the only answer. And they couldn't do that, directly. They'd had to
resort to chrysalids.
He smiled to himself, got up, and turned down the fire under the pot
until the coffee was percolating softly.
The original plan had snowballed, somewhat.
Resolving chrysalids was one thing—making them eternal was
another, and unnecessary. It was far simpler to arrange the chrysalids
so they'd be able to reproduce themselves. And, of course, in order to
survive, and take care of itself, a chrysalis had to have some
independent intelligence.
And, so it worked. The chrysalis housed a sleeper, operating
unawares and completely independent of him—or her—until the
chrysalis wore out. Then the sleeper was passed on to a new
chrysalis, with neither of the chrysalids involved—nor, for that matter,
the sleeper—conscious of the transfer. So it would continue, through
the weary, subjective years; generation upon generation of
chrysalids, until, finally, the paramathematical path drifted back to
touch this universe, and the sleepers could wake, and continue their
journey.
And if the human race chose to speculate on its origins in the
meantime, well, that was part of the snowball.
He got up again, and turned off the flame under the coffeepot. Now, if
I were a sorcerer—as defined by Cotton Mather's ilk, of course—, he
thought, I should be able to (a) turn the fire off without getting up, or,
(b) generate the flame without the use of Con Edison's gas, or, (c), if I
had any self-respect at all, conjure hot coffee out of thin air. His lips
twisted with nausea as he thought that nine out of ten people would
expect him to be drinking blood, as a matter of course.
He sighed with some bitterness, but more of resignation. Well, that
was just another part of the snowball.
Because the chrysalids had done a magnificent job in all three of its
subdivisions. They had kept the sleepers safe—and reproduced, and
used their intelligence to survive. They had survived in spite of
pestilence, famine, and flood—by learning enough to wipe out the
first two, and control the third. It would seem that progress was not a
special quality to be specially desired. Most of the chrysalids were
consumed by a fierce longing for the Good Old Days, as a matter of
fact. It was merely the inescapable accretion to sheer survival.
And so came civilization. With civilization: recreation. In short, the
San Francisco Giants, and—He reached over, suddenly irritated at
the raspy-voiced and slightly frantic recapitulation of the lost
ballgame, and changed the station. And Beethoven.
He relaxed, smiling slightly at himself once again, and let the music
sing to him. Chrysalids, eh? Well, they certainly weren't his kind of
life, free to swing from star to star, riding the great flux of Creation
from universe to universe. But whence Beethoven? Whence
Rembrandt, Da Vinci, and Will Shakespeare, hunched over a mug of
ale and dashing off genius on demand, with half an eye on the
serving wench?
He shook his head. What would happen to this people, when the
sleepers woke?
The snowball. Ah, yes, the snowball. That was a good part of it—and
he and his kind were another.
If we had known, he thought. If we had known how it would be...?
But, they hadn't known. It had been just a petty argument, at first.
Nobody knew, now, who had started it. But there were two well-
defined sides, now, and he was an Insurgent, for some reason. The
winning side gives the names that stick. They were Watchers—an
honorable name, a name to conjure up trust, and duty, and loyalty.
And he was an Insurgent. Well, let it stand. Accept the heritage of
dishonor and hatred. Somewhere, sometime, a gage was flung, and
he was heir to the challenge.
The chrysalids solved the problem of survival, of course. But the
problem of rescue had remained. For rescue, in the sense of help
from an outside agency, would be disastrous. When the path shifted
back, they had to learn of it themselves, and go on of their own
accord—or go into slavery. For there is one currency that outlives
document and token. Personal obligation. And, if they were so
unlucky as to have an actual rescuer, the obligation would be high—
prohibitively so.
The solution had seemed simple, at first. In each generation of
chrysalids, there would be one aware individual—one Watcher, to
keep guard, and to waken the rest should the path drift back in the
lifetime of his chrysalis. Then, when that particular chrysalis wore out,
the Watcher would be free to return to sleep, while another took his
place.
His mouth twisted to one side as he took a sip of coffee.
A simple, workable plan—until someone had asked, "Well and good.
Excellent. And what if this high-minded Watcher realizes that we,
asleep, are all in his power? What if he makes some agreement with
a rescuer, or, worse still, decides to become our rescuer when the
path drifts back? What's to prevent him, eh? No," that long-forgotten,
wary individual had said, "I think we'd best set some watchers to
watch the Watcher."
Quis custodiet?
What had it been like? He had no way of knowing, for he had no
memory of his exact identity. That would come only with Awakening.
He had only a knowledge of his heritage. For all he knew, it had been
he who raised the fatal doubt—or, had been the first delegated
Watcher. He shrugged. It made no difference. He was an Insurgent
now.
But he could imagine the voiceless babel among their millions—the
argument, the cold suspicion, the pettiness. Perhaps he was passing
scornful judgment on himself, he realized. What of it? He'd earned it.
So, finally, two groups. One content to be trustful. And the other a
fitful, restless clan, awakening sporadically, trusting to chance alone,
which, by its laws, would insure that many of them were awake when
the path drifted back. The Insurgents.
So, as well, two basic kinds of chrysalids. The human kind, and the
others. Wolves, bears, tigers. Bats, seals—every kind of living thing,
except the human. The Insurgent kind.
And so the struggle began. It was a natural outgrowth of the
fundamental conflict. Which side had tried to over-power the first
chrysalis? Who first enslaved another man? he thought, and half-
snarled.
That, too, was unimportant now. For the seed had been planted. The
thought was there. Those who are awake can place those who sleep
under obligation. Control the chrysalids, and you control the sleepers
within. But chrysalids endure for one generation, and then the
sleepers pass on.
What then? Simplicity. Group your chrysalids. Segregate them. Set
up pens for them, mark them off, and do it so the walls and fences
endure through long years.
This is my country. All men are brothers, but stay on your side of the
line, brother.
Sorry, brother—you've got a funny shape to your nose. You just go
live in that nice, walled-off part of my city, huh, brother?
Be a good fellow, brother. Just move to the back of the bus, or I'll
lynch you, brother.
And the chrysali die, the sleepers transfer—into another chrysalis in
the same pen. SPQR. Vive, Napoleon! Sieg Heil!

Some of the time it was the Watchers. Some of the time it was the
Insurgents. And some of the time, of course, the chrysalids evolved
their own leaders, and imitated. For, once the thing had begun, it
could not be stopped. The organization was always more powerful
than the scattered handsful. So, the only protection against
organization was organization.
But it was not organization in itself that was the worst of it. It was the
fact that the only way to control the other side's penned chrysalids
was to break down a wall in the pen, or to build a larger pen including
many of the smaller ones.
And, again, it was too late, now, to decide who had been at fault.
Who first invented War?
The way to survive war is to wage more decisive war. The chrysalids
had to survive. They learned. They ... progressed? ... by so doing.
They progressed from bows to ballistas to bombs. From arbalests to
aircraft to A-bombs. Phosphorus. Chlorine. HE. Fragmentation.
Napalm. Dust, and bacteriological warfare. Thermopylae, Crecy, the
Battle of Britain, Korea, Indo-China, Indonesia.
And try to believe as you sit here, Insurgent, that none of this is real,
that it is all a phase, acted out by dolls of your own creation in a sham
battle that is really only a bad dream in the unfamiliar bed of a lodging
for the night!
Chrysalids they might be, Insurgent, he lashed himself, but it was the
greed and suspicion of all your kind—Insurgent and Watcher alike—
that set this juggernaut to rolling!
He took another sip of coffee, and almost gagged as he realized it
had grown cold. He got up and walked into the kitchen with the cup in
his hand. He threw the rest of the coffee in the sink, washed out the
cup, and turned on the burner under the coffeepot.
One more thing—one more development, born of suspicion.
For the original one-Watcher plan had been abandoned, of course.
And here, again, there was no telling whose blame it was. Quis
custodiet ipsos custodes? Who will watch the Watchers? There had
been many Watchers to a generation—how many, no one knew. They
balanced each other off, and they checked the random number of
Insurgents who awoke in each generation. So, more Insurgents
awoke to check the Watchers—and, more.
In spite of what the Transylvanians believed, a wolf is no match for a
man, except under special conditions. A tiger can pull a man down—
but cannot fire back at the hunters. A seal is prey to the Eskimo.
So, "werewolves." Child of fear, of Watcher propaganda, and of one-
tenth fact. The animals were Insurgent chrysalids, right enough. But,
for an awake Insurgent to compete with a Watcher, the Insurgent, too,
had to be a man—or something like it.
The coffee had warmed up. He poured himself a fresh cup, and
added cream and sugar absently. The refrigerator was empty. He
reached in and turned it off. No more need for that, after tonight.
So, that was the power the Insurgents had. The only power, and the
Watchers had it, as well. They could resolve their chrysalids into any
form they chose—realign. A wolf could become a man—without hair
on his palm, and with garlic on his breath, if he so chose. A man—a
Watcher, of course—could become a wolf.
Thus, the final development. Espionage and counter-espionage.
Infiltration. Spying, if you chose.
The Insurgent smiled bitterly, and drained the cup. And propaganda,
of course. Subtle—most of it indirect, a good deal of it developed by
the chrysalids themselves, but propaganda, nevertheless. Kill the evil
ones—kill the eaters of dead flesh, the drinkers of blood. They are the
servants of the Evil One.
He almost retched.
But, you could hardly blame them. It was a war, and, in a war, you
play all your cards, even if some of them were forced into your hand.
Yes, and I've played genuine werewolf on occasion, when I had to.
He started to wash the coffeepot and the cup—then, threw both into
the garbage can. He walked back to the radio and dialed it away from
Eroica and back to baseball. The Giants were losing, Three-Zero, in
the third inning.
The house phone buzzed. He went to it slowly, picked it calmly off the
hook.
"Yes, Artie?"
"Mister Disbrough, there's a couple of guys coming up to see you. I'm
not supposed to tell you about it, but.... Well, I figured ..." the
doorman said.
"All right. Thanks, Artie," he answered quietly. He almost hung up,
then thought of something. "Artie?"
"Yes, Mister Disbrough?"
"There'll be a couple of fifths of Dewar's in my cupboard. I won't be
back for a while. You and Pete are welcome to them. And thanks
again."
He hung up and began to dress, realigning his chrysalis to give him
the appearance of clothing. The doorbell rang, and he went to open it
for the two men from the FBI.

II
What difference did it make, what particular pen he represented?
Rather, since the sober-faced men knew very well which pen it was,
why should it be so necessary to them for him to confirm what they
already knew without a shadow of a doubt?
"Now, then, Mister Disbrough," one of the FBI men said, leaning his
hands on the edge of the table at which the Insurgent was sitting, "we
know who sent you."
Good. Why bother me, then?
"We know where you got your passport, we know who met you at the
dock, we know your contacts. We have photographs of everyone
you've met and talked to, we have tapes of every telephone call
you've made or received. We also know that you are the top man in
your organization here."
And? They were chrysalids, every one of them. Perhaps there was no
Watcher behind them—perhaps. But he'd been picked up a little too
quickly. The net had folded itself around him too soon. No—there had
to be a Watcher. He wished they'd stop this talking and bring him out.
"Now, I'd simply like to point out to you that this is an airtight case. No
lawyer in the world will be able to break it down. You'll retain counsel,
of course. But, I'd simply like to point out to you that there'll be no
point to any denial you may make to us. We know what you've been
doing. I'd suggest you save your defense for the trial."
He looked up at him and smiled ruefully. "If you've got a list of
charges," he said, "I'll be glad to confess to all of them—provided, of
course, that it is a complete list."
I'm sure it doesn't list me as a werewolf, he thought. I wonder what
the sentence would be—death by firing squad equipped with silver
bullets?
But, then, he wasn't going to confess to that, anyway.
"Um!" The FBI man looked suspicious. Obviously, he'd expected
nothing of the kind.
"No strings," the Insurgent reassured him. "The job's over, and it's
time to punch the clock."
Which was just about the way it was. But he wanted that Watcher. If
he was in the office at all, he'd almost have to come out to witness
the confession. After all, the Insurgent was supposed to be a pretty
big fish.
The FBI man went into a cubicle office set off to one side. When he
came out, carrying a sheaf of paper, the Watcher was with him.
The Insurgent felt the hackles standing up on the back of his neck,
and something rumbled inaudibly at the base of his throat. He knew.
He could tell. He could smell Watcher every step of the way, from the
day he had docked until now, when the scent—half there, half the
pure intuition of instinct—rose up before him in an over-powering
wave.
Then he saw the look of distaste crawl across the Watcher's face,
and he barked a laugh that drew curious looks from the men in the
office. Hello, brother.
He saw the bulge of the hip holster on the Watcher's belt, and
laughed again. So, we play the game, he thought. We add up scores,
and, in the end, the side with the most points wins. Forget that there
should be no sides, that every point, no matter for whom scored, is a
mark of shame and disgrace.
He wondered, briefly, whether the Watcher was of his kind by choice,
or whether it was simply something that had happened, as it was with
him. Probably. Two separate heritages had met, represented by
identical individuals who happened to have awakened in dissimilar
chrysalids.
Will we remember? he wondered. When we awaken, will we
remember this? How we battled, blinded, in the shadows of our own
casting? Or was there more mercy in Creation than they, themselves,
had shown to the chrysalids? He had three brothers among the
sleepers. When they woke, would they embrace, not remembering
that each had killed the other countless times? Or forgetting that they
had stood together, on some battlefield? Would all the old comrades,
all the bitter enemies, be wiped from memory? He hoped so. With
every segment of his being, he hoped so, for there was no peace,
through eternity, if it was otherwise.
He stood up, lightly, tensing the muscles in his calves. The FBI men,
suddenly alert, began to move for him, but he'd maneuvered things
so that none of them were close enough to him.
The Watcher went pale.
"Shall I coalesce, brother?" the Insurgent asked, the words rumbling
out of his throat, a grin of derision baring his teeth.
"No!" The Watcher was completely frightened. Words could be
explained away, particularly if they sounded like nonsense to the
other men in the room. But a werewolf, fanging the throat of a
Watcher who would have to fight back with his spectacular
weapons.... Nothing in the world could keep the rumors from
spreading. The chrysalids might even learn, finally and irrevocably,
the origin of their species.
"Your obligation, brother," the Insurgent half-laughed, and kept
stalking toward the Watcher. Perhaps he is my brother.
And if he is...?
No difference. The shadows are thick and very dark. One of the other
men shot him in the side, but he sprang for the Watcher, carefully
human, to hold the Watcher to his debt, and the Watcher shot him
three times in the chest, once in the throat, and once in the stomach.
The shape of a cross? Did he believe it himself? Was it true? A plus
sign, cancelling a negative force? Who knew? Shadow, shadow, all is
darkness.
He fell to his knees, coughing, in victory. Score one more for the
Insurgents, and a Watcher, at that!
"Thank you, brother," the Insurgent murmured, and fell into the long
sleep with a grateful sigh.
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