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Digitized Lives
T. V. Reed
Second edition published 2019
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group,
an informa business
© 2019 Thomas Vernon Reed
The right of Thomas Vernon Reed to be identified as the author of
this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77
and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted
or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
First edition published by Routledge 2014
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Reed, T. V. (Thomas Vernon), author.
Title: Digitized lives : culture, power, and social change in the
internet era / T.V. Reed.
Description: Second Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. |
Revised edition of the author’s Digitized lives, 2014. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018032050 | ISBN 9781138309531 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781138309548 (pbk.) | ISBN 9781315143415 (e-book)
Subjects: LCSH: Internet—Social aspects. | Information
technology—Social aspects. | Social change.
Classification: LCC HM851 .R4336 2019 | DDC 302.23/1—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018032050
ISBN: 978-1-138-30953-1 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-30954-8 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-14341-5 (ebk)
Typeset in Stone Serif
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Contents
List of Illustrations ix
Preface: Why Buy this Book? xi
Outline of Chapters xv
Companion Website xvi
Acknowledgments xix
v
vi Contents
Bibliography 265
Glossary 289
Index 307
Illustrations
FIGURES
2.1 High tech, handmade (Courtesy of shutterstock.com) 48
2.2 A pile of circuit boards for recycling (Courtesy of
shutterstock.com) 50
3.1 A bit of the material Internet (Courtesy of
shutterstock.com) 58
7.1 Chinese police officer wearing facial recognition glasses
(Courtesy of People’s Images (China)) 158
7.2 Pride day protest for Bradley/Chelsea Manning (Courtesy:
Koby Dagan/Shutterstock.com) 179
7.3 Police kettle in London protest, 2011 (Courtesy: 1000
Words/Shutterstock.com) 181
8.1 Evolution of Lara Croft, 1996–2013 (Courtesy of Creative
Commons) 207
9.1 Best practices of teaching with technology (© Aditi Rao,
Teachbytes) 221
10.1 Technology for social inclusion (© Mark Warschauer,
reprinted with permission) 245
11.1 Captain Picard as Borg (Courtesy of Getty Images) 259
TABLE
4.1 “The Social Network Constitution.” © from Lori Andrews I
Know Who You Are and I Saw What You Did: Social Networks
and the Death of Privacy (Free Press, 2013). 80
ix
Preface
Why Buy This Book?
programs, apps and devices that come and go in the blip of a com-
puter screen than in asking, in as clear and jargon free a way as I can,
some enduring questions about what we can and should make of
these technologies, about how we can take control of them rather
than have them control us.
We all sense that the Internet and the ever-changing array of new
digital hardware and software are changing the world, and changing
us. But most of us aren’t so sure what those changes are, and whether
they are for the better or for the worse. Indeed, anyone who tells you
they do know for sure what those changes mean is probably about as
reliable as that email from the complete stranger who wants you to
help him transfer his million dollars into your bank account. From the
dawn of the Internet era, there has been a duel between the techno-
phobes and the technophiles, the haters and the lovers of tech. Right
at the dawn of the Net era in the early 1990s this exaggerated pro–con
debate took off with books such as Neil Postman’s relentlessly pessi-
mistic Technopoly (1993), answered by Nicholas Negroponte’s relent-
lessly optimistic Being Digital (1995). Avoiding these two speculative
extremes that have been repeated often in the subsequent two decades
of Internet life, this book seeks to examine some of what is actually
going on in digitized spaces, noting both the dangers and the pleasures
involved. Part of that work is recognizing that the digitizing world is
only part of the world, surrounded by political, economic and social
forces that shape what happens online more than the technology itself.
For many of the more than 3 billion of us now taking part in the
digitized life (about one-half of the world’s population), asking these
questions is like a fish trying to think about water. We take that water
for granted. It’s just where we live. But just as the quality of water is
vital to a fish’s health, so too is it vital for us to think about the qual-
ity of digital culture, to try to sort out the healthy from the polluted
or the toxic waterways, to try to make things a little less murky, a
little more transparent.
Reportedly the great modernist writer Gertrude Stein, when asked
by her lover on her deathbed the presumably metaphysical question,
“Gertrude, what is the answer?” replied, “What is the question?” I’m
on Stein’s side of this exchange. I think most often good questions
are more important than answers. I’d like readers of this book to enter
a conversation about how to think more carefully and deeply about
these new forces that we have unleashed upon the world. I have tried
to identify some key questions to help you come to your own conclu-
sions about how you are going to involve yourself in (or sometimes
wisely run away from) what these new digital cultures offer. The great
Prefa c e xiii
is truly new here and what is not? And to understand what is truly
new, as opposed to merely newish-looking or newly hyped, you
need to know what went before (or at least more about the undigi-
tized world). Hence the value of those who grew up BW. I have
drawn many of my examples for the book from North America,
both because it has been for some time the center of digital culture
production, and because it is the terrain that I know best. But much
of what I say here has broad application around the globe, and
I have tried wherever possible to examine specific impacts in places
outside of the countries I know most fully. Without unduly burden-
ing the reader with footnotes, I have tried to cite the most relevant
research sources on the topics I raise, but because many of these
sources are locked behind pay walls I often do so through summa-
ries in accessible newspaper and magazine articles. But I urge read-
ers seeking more detail and nuance to seek out the original material
if they have the means to access them through libraries or other
resources.
This second edition of Digitized Lives is thoroughly revised, bring-
ing new insights to older questions, updating a number of issues, and
raising some vital new ones that have arisen or become more promi-
nent since the first edition came out in 2014. This includes a whole
new chapter on privacy issues, a major revision of the politics chapter
in lieu of recent digital disruptions of electoral and social movement
arenas, as well as revisions in all the other chapters to reflect signifi-
cant events in a rapidly changing technical landscape. Revising and
updating, however, does not mean surpassing all that came before.
One of the downsides of our rapidly changing digitized lives is an
increase in the prevalence of presentism. Presentism is the false belief
that newer is always better, that all previous things, ideas and infor-
mation are made obsolete by newer versions. This may be true of
some new tech devices, or at least the tech companies who benefit
financially from getting us to buy every new digital product would
like us to think so. But it is seldom true of ideas. So if you see a source
cited here that is more than a few hours old (or heaven forfend, a
number of years old!), or a reference to an app that is no longer trend-
ing, do not assume the information provided is not useful. I have
updated statistics wherever relevant, but perspectives provided on a
previous phenomenon (apps or platforms no longer getting much or
any use) may prove highly useful in analyzing Snapchat or whatever
app is hot by the time my publisher gets this book into your hands
or this e-book onto your phone. Rather than scoffing at old stuff,
where appropriate use your own brain to further update this book by
Prefa c e xv
OUTLINE OF CHAPTERS
Chapter 1 looks at general questions about how technology shapes
culture, questions about the extent to which technologies develop
a life of their own beyond human control. It also introduces some
crucial terms useful in thinking about the culture–technology rela-
tionship, and describes some of the ways readers might follow digital
culture scholars in tracing the social impact of new media.
Chapter 2 deals with the often-overlooked forces that make digi-
tal culture possible, the production process that creates the devices
and the networks that carry digitized cultural materials around the
world. It also deals with another largely hidden part of digital cul-
ture, the environmental devastation resulting from the production,
use and disposal of digital communication devices.
Chapter 3 takes up one of the most discussed aspects of digital
culture, the impact of that culture on individual and collective iden-
tity, including the alleged real world/virtual world divide, issues of
digital crossdressing (impersonating someone you are not), the rise of
cyberbullying and the experience of being overwhelmed by the sheer
amount of information thrown at us by digital media.
Chapter 4 takes up the changing nature of privacy in our highly
networked surveillance society. It looks at the phenomenon of dat-
aveillance, the increasing amounts of personal data gathered on us by
social media corporations and by governments. This chapter includes
some advice on how to minimize privacy invasion.
Chapter 5 continues the discussion of identity by looking specifi-
cally at how questions of gender, ethnicity, sexual identity and physi-
cal dis/ability have been reshaped by digital cultures. Is the digital
world creating greater social equality or replicating or even extending
existing inequalities?
Chapter 6 takes up the multifaceted question of sexuality as
impacted by new media spaces, looking at online sex education, at
various cybersex practices (from sexting to sex-bots), at controversies
surrounding online pornography, and at the role of digital media in
the epidemic of sex trafficking.
Chapter 7 looks at a variety of ways in which political cultures,
from mainstream parties to dissident social movement protesters to
revolutionaries to terrorists, have had their actions reshaped by digi-
tal technologies. The recent rise of digitally assisted authoritarianism
xvi Prefa c e
around the world has changed the tone of this chapter considerably
since the previous edition, with new issues arising around fake news
delivered mostly by new media and the alleged rise of a post-truth
politics. Suggestions on ways to combat fake news are offered as well.
Chapter 8 is devoted to digital games and the various controver-
sies that have surrounded them, from allegations that they promote
mindless violence to those who argue that games can be used cre-
atively to solve many of the world’s problems. The chapter also looks
at the ways that digital gaming has contributed to the phenomenon
known as militainment, the increasing fusion and confusion of
militarism and popular culture.
Chapter 9 takes up another controversial area where digital
technology is having a huge impact, the arena of education, from
pre-school through graduate school and out into the wider world
of lifelong learning. It also takes up the issue of lifelong education
and the role of digital media, including the digital humanities and
digital arts, in representing the world’s rich array of past and present
cultures.
Chapter 10 explores the vital question of who does and does
not currently have access to digital cultures (about half the world),
and what the reasons for this might be, including why some people
intentionally and thoughtfully opt out of the digital world. It also
looks at various digital divides involving not just access to digital life,
but the varying quality of access as it shapes social and economic
possibilities.
Chapter 11 concludes with a glimpse at some likely trends and
more speculative possible future developments in increasingly digi-
tized lives. What hopeful developments are likely, and what possible
negative developments will societies need to avoid? At one extreme,
some posit a possible robot apocalypse (takeover by intelligent
machines with little or no use for human beings); at the other
extreme, a world without serious disease or violent conflict. As with
the rest of the book, this chapter tries to avoid both excessive hope
and excessive hype, while examining some best and worst case sce-
narios and drawing on some speculative fiction books and films as
aids to imagining various feasible futures.
COMPANION WEBSITE
This book has an accompanying website—culturalpolitics.net/digital_
cultures—that includes a bibliography with books, articles and rel-
evant websites for further exploration of key digital culture issues,
Prefa c e xvii
COMPANION WEBSITE
This book also contains a glossary of terms. Terms that appear in the
glossary are highlighted throughout the text in boldface.
Acknowledgments
This book grew out of many years of teaching courses about digital
culture at Washington State University and York University. Students
in those classes contributed important insights to this book, and
I thank them for educating me.
I also want to thank several individuals who played a valuable
role as readers of the first edition, in particular Hart Sturgeon-Reed,
Noël Sturgeon, Katie King and Jason Farman. And I thank Hart and
Noël for additional comments for this second edition.
Lastly, I want to thank the amiable folks at Routledge who
brought this new edition to press: Erica Wetter, Emma Sherriff and
Sarah Adams, as well as Jane Fieldsend (from Florence Production
Ltd) and all the other hardworking people who help keep the book
world alive in this not quite completely digitized world.
xix
1
How Do We Make
Sense of Digitizing
Cultures?
Some Ways of Thinking Through
the Culture–Technology Matrix
Computers are incredibly fast, accurate and stupid. Human beings are incredibly slow, inac-
curate and brilliant. Together they are powerful beyond imagination.
(Leo Cherne, Discover America conference,
Brussels, June 27, 1968)
The Internet includes an unimaginably vast sea of data that is profoundly changing
the range and nature of human communication. Not only has it greatly decreased
the cost of communication and enabled heretofore-impossible distances to be
crossed instantaneously, but it is also increasingly subsuming all other media into
itself. Mail, phoning, film, television, music, photography, radio—all have been
translated into digital form and made available in far more accessible ways to the
roughly 3.5 billion people (now redefined as “users”) around the world. No book
can hope to fathom the immensity of the Net and other “new” information com-
munication technologies (or ICTs, as they are known among professionals). But we
can examine some of the key patterns of human social interaction made possible,
fostered or transformed by these “new media.” Note that this is the second time
I have put “new” in scare quotes. Why? Because one of the recurring questions in
1
2 Making S ense of Digitizing Cultures
the fields upon which this book draws is: What aspects and impacts
of digital media are truly new? Are our interpersonal relationships
growing more open or becoming more superficial? Are we becom-
ing more politically informed or more politically divided? Are we
building a more equitable economy or leaving many people behind
as robots take over work? Are we being entertained more richly or
being drawn more and more into empty distraction? Overarching all
these questions is a bigger one: Is the real world being overtaken by
a digital one?
There is no doubt that the digitizing world is full of new things,
but not all of the hyped newness is of equal significance. Not every
new app or platform or device is as revolutionary as its promoters
would have us believe. So, part of the task is to distinguish wider
patterns of significance, important newness from superficial nov-
elty. To get at those questions, this book draws from a wider array
of academic fields that examine the social impacts of information
and communication technologies: Anthropology, sociology, psychol-
ogy, political science, communication, rhetoric, ethnic and women’s
studies, cultural studies and half a dozen other disciplines. The inter-
disciplinary field that most directly addresses the set of issues raised
in this book looks at digital cultures—the social relationships that
occur through immersion in the realm of the Internet, video games,
smartphones and other high-tech platforms and devices. Studies of
digital culture ask how communication technologies reflect the wider
social world, how they create new cultural relations and how those
new online experiences in turn reshape the offline world.
Culture is one of the most complicated words in the English lan-
guage, but for our purposes we can simplify it to mean the values,
beliefs and behaviors that are typical and defining of a group. In this
sense, we are all involved in many cultures. We can think of cultures
as like the Russian dolls that have smaller and smaller dolls inside.
At the broadest level we can talk about global culture, at the next
level national cultures, then perhaps ethnic cultures and so on down
the line to the cultures of small groups (clubs, workplaces, etc.) in
which we take part. In terms of digital cultures, we can think in terms
of Twitter culture, or Facebook culture, digital classroom cultures,
smartphone cultures, digital activist cultures, gamer cultures and so
on, each of which could be divided into smaller groups (e.g., Grand
Theft Auto 5 player or iPhone user cultures).
The analogy breaks down, however, in that Russian dolls are far
more clearly demarcated than are cultures. Cultures are fluid, not
neatly bounded entities. Recent anthropology theory argues that
Making S ense of Digitizing Cultures 3
undeniable. New media will not bring an end to the world, but they
are deeply changing the way “we know it.” New media (like the print-
ing press) in the past have not brought an end to the world, but they
do bring an end to certain ways of knowing, while adding new ways
of knowing and new identities. And that is surely what is happening
now; we are experiencing a (digital) revolution in how we come to
know the world and ourselves.
Having raised the issue of knowledge, let me say a word about my
approach to knowing about digital cultures. Objectivity is one of the
great inventions of the modern world. It is a worthy ideal of the natu-
ral sciences and much scholarship in the social and human sciences.
But, like all ideals, it is never fully attained. The idea of information
and analysis presented without personal, cultural or political bias is a
wonderful thing to strive for, because no one benefits from distorted
information. Some think the way to achieve objectivity is to pretend
to be a person without biases. Instead, I agree with scholars who
argue that such a position just hides biases that all of us have. So my
approach will not be to pretend to be neutral on all issues raised in this
book (I will not, for example, give white supremacists equal credence
with folks fighting racism online). Rather, I’ll make my own positions
(read biases, if you wish) explicit when I have a strong point of view
and trust that readers will factor my position into their responses.
Having said that this is a book with more questions than answers,
I will also share my ambivalences and uncertainties along the way.
I believe all knowledge is situated knowledge, that it is pro-
duced and interpreted by humans always embedded in cultures,
always able to see some things better, some things less well, from
their particular place in the world (Haraway 2003 [1984]). This is not
relativism—the claim that all cultural viewpoints are of equal value
and validity. Situated knowledge (Haraway 1988) begins in the rec-
ognition that each of us has insights and blind spots based upon
our background and our current location in various economic and
cultural hierarchies. This position acknowledges the unequal power
available to different individuals, and seeks to bring awareness of
that inequality into the cultural conversation. It includes a search
for a deeper level of analysis that more closely approaches objectivity by
acknowledging our inability to fully transcend cultural perspectives.
But an inability to completely leave aside our cultural viewpoints does
not mean all viewpoints are equal. When we are called to jury duty,
we are asked by the court if we can put aside biases that may prejudge
the case. And if we do not do so, other jurors may challenge us. At the
same time, the best judges and lawyers will seek to bring a variety of
Making S ense of Digitizing Cultures 7
situated knowledges into the jury room in order to most fairly weigh
evidence. Though things outside of a courtroom are far messier, a
healthy democratic society functions in much the same way, through
careful weighing of the facts, wise use of our differing respective
knowledge bases, careful introspection into our limiting biases and a
check upon us by our questioning fellow citizens. Facts matter, and
not all attempts to account for the facts are equally valid. And the fact
of unequal power and differing degrees of self-interest must be fac-
tored into the search for political truth and cultural understanding.
That is what I have tried to do in this book, though I am sure I have
done so imperfectly, as is inevitable among humans (and for that
matter, among Artificially Intelligent entities, so far—see Chapter 5).
Before moving too deeply into this revolutionary world of digi-
tized cultures, it is important to note who is not part of those cul-
tures, i.e., most of the people on earth. Of the roughly 7.5 billion
people on this planet, about half, 50 percent of us, have no access to
the digital world at all. And millions of others have severely limited
access compared with the taken-for-granted fast broadband access
enjoyed by those of us with economic or social privilege. These digi-
tal divides in turn rest upon growing economic and social inequal-
ity in almost every country around the globe, and vast disparities of
wealth between countries. In broad statistical terms, there are clearly
great digital divides between the Global North and the Global South,
as represented by these percentages across continents: 95 percent of
North Americans have access, 85 percent of Europeans, 64 percent
of Middle Easterners, 6 percent of Latin Americans, 49 percent of
Asians and only 36 percent of Africans (Internet World Stats, www.
internetworldstats.com/stats.htm). Access varies by country within
continents of course, and by class, since even the poorest countries
have economic elites. In the many countries with a dominant ethnic
group and other minority ethnicities, minority ethnic groups almost
invariably have poorer access, usually due to having lower incomes
and fewer cultural benefits compared with the dominant ethnicity.
Why does this matter so much? Consider these statistics:
OTHER PARODIES.
“Come into the garden, Maud!”
And the moral of that is, said the Duchess, that tourists shouldn’t
see NIAGARA before they visit Lodore.
FANTASTIC NAMES.
An Ohio lady told me that she knew three young ladies belonging
to one family, named severally:
Regina, Florida Geneva, and Missouri Iowa. And that an ill-
starred child, born about the time of the first Atlantic cable furor, was
threatened with the name of Atalanta Telegrapha Cabelletta!
The cable collapsed, and the child escaped; but a young lady of
Columbus, born January 1, 1863, was less fortunate. She was
named by her parents in honor of the event of that day,
Emancipation Proclamation, and is known by the pet name “Proklio.”
I knew a boy named Chief Justice Marshall; a young man,
(greatness was thrust upon him,) named Commodore Perry V——r,
and have been told of a little girl named by her novel-loving mother,
Lady Helen Mar.
Mrs. C., of Western New York, was, in her girlhood, acquainted
with a boy who by no means “rejoiced in the name” of John Jerome
Jeremiah Ansegus P. S. Brown McB——e.
A colored woman in Dunkirk named her infant son in honor of two
lawyers there: Thomas P. Grosvenor William O. Stevens D——s;
and, at an Industrial school in Detroit, there was some years ago a
colored boy named Nicholas Evans Esquire Providence United
States of America Jefferson Davis B——s.
In Cazenovia there once lived a young lady named Encyclopedia
Britannica D——y.
There, too, Messrs. Hyde and Coop lived side by side for several
years. Then Mr. Hyde moved out of town, and spoiled that little
game.
It was noted as a coincidence when a Mr. Conkrite, of Tecumseh,
Mich., sold his dwelling-house and lot to Mrs. Cronkite.
A farmer in Allegany county, N. Y., named his children Wilhelmina
Rosalinda, Sobriski Lowanda, Eugertha Emily, Hiram Orlaska,
Monterey Maria and Delwin Dacosti. The following are also vouched
for as genuine American names: Direxa Polyxany Dodge, Hostalina
Hypermnestra Meacham, Keren Habuch Moore and Missouri
Arkansas Ward.
There lived in Greenfield, N. Y., a certain Captain Parasol; and, at
Niagara Falls, for a time, a Methodist minister named Alabaster.
I have lately heard of a Mrs. Achilles, a Mr. and Mrs. December, a
John January, and a Mr. Greengrass; and of an Indiana girl, at
school in Cincinnati, named Laura Eusebia Debutts Miranda M’Kinn
Parron Isabella Isadora Virginia Lucretia A——p.
In 1874 one of the young ladies at a certain convent school in
West Virginia, was Miss Claudia Deburnabue Bellinger Mary Joseph
N——p.
The following are names of stations on the “E. and N. A.
Railway,” New Brunswick: Quispamsis, Nanwigewank, Ossekeag,
Passekeag, Apohaqui, Plumweseep, Penobsquis, Anagance,
Petitcodiac, Shediac, Point du Chene; and we should particularly like
to hear a conductor sing them.
LADIES’ NAMES.
Their Sound.
LADIES’ NAMES.
THEIR SIGNIFICANCE.
Mary or Maria,
Star of the sea;
Margaret, a pearl;
Agnes, chastity.
Agatha is truly kind;
Eleanor is light;
Esther is good fortune;
Elvira’s soul is white.
GEOGRAPHICAL PROPRIETY.
The Brewers should to Malta go,
The dullards all to Scilly,
The Quakers to the Friendly Isles,
The Furriers to Chili.
Spinsters should to the Needles go;
Wine-bibbers to Burgundy;
Gourmands may lunch at Sandwich Isles,
Wits sail to Bay of Fundy.
THE CAPTURE.
When, in the tenth century, the Tartars, led by their ruthless chief,
invaded Hungary, and drove its king from the disastrous battle-field,
despair seized upon all the inhabitants of the land. Many had fallen
in conflict, many more were butchered by the pitiless foe, some
sought escape, others apathetically awaited their fate. Among the
last was a nobleman who lived retired on his property, distant from
every public road. He possessed fine herds, rich corn fields, and a
well stocked house, built but recently for the reception of his wife,
who now for two years had been its mistress.
Disheartening accounts of the general misfortune had reached
his secluded shelter, and its peaceful lord was horror-stricken. He
trembled at every sound, at every step; he found his meals less
savory; his sleep was troubled; he often sighed, and seemed quite
lost and wretched. Thus anxiously anticipating the troubles which
menaced him, he sat, one day, at his well closed window, when
suddenly a Tartar, mounted on a fiery steed, galloped into the court.
The Hungarian sprang from his seat, ran to meet his guest, and said:
“Tartar, thou art my lord; I am thy servant; all thou seest is thine.
Take what thou fanciest; I do not oppose thy power. Command; thy
servant obeys.”
The Tartar immediately leaped from his horse, entered the house,
and cast a careless glance on all the precious adornments it
contained. His eyes rested upon the brilliant beauty of the lady of the
house, who appeared, tastefully attired, to greet him there, no less
graciously than her consort.
The Tartar seized her, with scarcely a moment’s hesitation, and,
unheedful of her shrieks, swung himself upon the saddle, and
spurred away, carrying off his lovely booty.
All this was but an instant’s work. The nobleman was
thunderstruck, yet he recovered, and hastened to the gate. He could
hardly distinguish, in the distance, the figures of the lady and her
relentless captor. At length a deep sigh burst from his overcharged
heart, and he exclaimed in the bitterness of his bereavement:
“Alas! poor Tartar!”
“I wish to take you apart for a few moments,” one gentleman said
to another in a mixed company.
“Very well,” said the person addressed, rising and preparing to
follow the first speaker; “but I shall insist on being put together
again!”
“Be what you would seem to be,” said the Duchess, in Lewis
Carroll’s delightfully droll story of “Alice’s Adventures,”—“or, if you
like it put more simply: Never imagine yourself not to be otherwise
than what it might appear to others, that what you were or might
have been, was not otherwise than what you had been would have
appeared to them to be otherwise.”
That is slightly metapheesickal, perhaps; and the same objection
might be urged against Dr. Hunter’s favorite motto: “It is pretty
impossible, and, therefore, extremely difficult for us to convey unto
others those ideas whereof we are not possessed of ourselves.”
It was Dr. Hunter, who, some years before the war, returned from
Florida, where he had spent the winter in a vain quest of health, and
exhibited to one of his friends a thermometer he had procured there,
marked from 120° only down to zero.
“It was manufactured at the South, I suppose?” she said.
“Oh, no!” was his reply: “It was made in Boston. It’s a Northern
thermometer, with Southern principles.”
A young lady who had married and come north to live, visited,
after the lapse of a year or two, her southern home. It was in the
palmy days of the peculiar institution, and she was as warmly