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THE VIKING AGE
Source: Paul B. du Chaillu, The Viking Age, 2 vols. (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1899),
vol. 1, frontispiece.
THE VIKING AGE
A READER
third edition
edited by
ANGUS A. SOMERVILLE
and R. ANDREW MCDONALD
All rights reserved. The use of any part of this publication reproduced, transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, or stored in a
retrieval system, without prior written consent of the publisher—or in the case of photocopying, a
licence from Access Copyright, the Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency—is an infringement of
the copyright law.
Title: The Viking age : a reader / edited by Angus A. Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald.
Names: McDonald, R. Andrew (Russell Andrew), 1965–, editor. | Somerville, Angus A.,
1943–, editor.
Description:Third edition. | Series statement: Readings in medieval civilizations and c ultures ; XIV |
Translated from the Old Norse and the Old English. | Includes bibliographical references
and indexes.
Identifiers: Canadiana 2019018163X | ISBN 9781487570484 (cloth) | ISBN 9781487570477 (paper)
Subjects: LCSH:Vikings—Sources. | LCSH: Civilization,Viking—Sources. |
LCSH: Northmen—Sources.
Classification: LCC DL65 .V54 2019 | DDC 948/.022—dc23
We welcome comments and suggestions regarding any aspect of our publications—please feel free
to contact us at news@utorontopress.com or visit us at utorontopress.com.
Every effort has been made to contact copyright holders; in the event of an error or omission,
please notify the publisher.
University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of
the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council, an agency of the Government of
Ontario.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS • xv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
•
xvii
•
INTRODUCTION xix
vii
the viking age: a reade r
viii
conte nts
ix
the viking age: a reade r
x
conte nts
xi
the viking age: a reade r
xii
conte nts
EPILOGUE • 509
111. Advice from Odin • 509
SOURCES
•
513
INDEX OF TOPICS
•
517
xiii
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I L LUS T R AT IONS
FIGURES
MAPS
xv
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AC K NOW L E DGM E N T S
Our first debt of gratitude is to the many students who have taken our courses
over the years and who have provided us with the impetus to produce this
book.
We would also like to thank Cathy Bouwers, Erin Hodson, and Trudy
Tattersall for their assistance with the preparation of some of the texts;
Dr. Behnaz Mirzai for assistance with Arabic texts; and Loris Gasparotto
for producing the maps.
We are grateful to the Humanities Research Institute at Brock University
for providing funds in support of this project.
At University of Toronto Press we thank Paul Dutton for helpful comments
and suggestions, and Natalie Fingerhut for expert editorial assistance.
We are grateful to University of Toronto Press for the opportunity to pre-
pare a third edition of the reader, and we would like to thank all those who
have offered suggestions for its improvement. In particular, we have benefited
greatly from the many helpful suggestions we have received from students and
colleagues who have utilized the text in the classroom, as well as from the
anonymous reviewers of the proposal for UTP.
Unquestionably, however, our biggest debt is to our respective families, who
have had to put up with the Vikings for many years. This book is for them:
Barbara, Anna, and Clare; Jacqueline, Emma, and Colin.
xvii
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I N T RODUC T ION
In the popular imagination, the Vikings were shaggy, unkempt, ax-w ielding
thugs in horned helmets who raped, pillaged, and plundered their way across
xix
the viking age: a reade r
xx
introduction
Ireland. Scandinavians were thus important traders from the Caspian Sea to
Greenland. Accordingly, this text aims to capture the astonishing geographic
scope of the Viking world by including materials relating to all of these regions.
An increasing body of evidence suggests that the Viking Age may have
begun in the early to mid-eighth century, with raiding and trading eastwards
across the Baltic Sea from Sweden. From the mid-eighth century, Swedes were
living at the trading center of Staraya (Old) Ladoga on the upper Volkhov river.
By the tenth century, Scandinavian traders and raiders had traveled the Volga
river system as far as Constantinople. The extent of the Norse role in Russian
state formation is a point of great contention.
Until recently, there was general agreement that the Viking Age began in
the late eighth century with the dramatic explosion of Scandinavian raiding
parties onto the European stage. The destruction of Lindisfarne Abbey in
Northumbria in the summer of 793 horrified Europe and, along with other
raids like it, shaped the European perception of the Vikings for many centu-
ries. For several decades Viking raiding parties terrorized most of northern
Europe, using hit-a nd-r un tactics to target monasteries where they could lay
hands on easily portable wealth, along with captives who could be enslaved
or ransomed. But, within about 50 years of the earliest recorded raids, raid-
ing gave way to permanent settlement in Britain, Ireland, and the Continent,
as well as the North Atlantic islands of the Faeroes, Iceland, and Greenland,
which were given the names by which they are still known. Around the year
1000, Norsemen were the first Europeans to reach North America, exploring
the region they called Vinland the Good, probably the shores of the Gulf of
St. Lawrence. Indeed, Norse maritime activity of all kinds was at its height
during the so-called medieval warm period of c. 800–c. 1300, and exploration
of the North Atlantic was at least partly facilitated by the comparative lack of
pack ice in those years.
The end of the period is harder to place. The unification and centraliza-
tion of the Scandinavian states in the tenth and eleventh centuries have been
simultaneously blamed for increases in Viking activity and credited with its
cessation. However, a case could be made for regarding some point during
the eleventh century as bringing the Viking Age to a close. The Battle of
Clontarf (1014) emphasized the waning power of Norsemen to do as they
pleased in Ireland. The North Sea empire of Knut (Cnut/Canute) the Great
disintegrated with his death in 1035, and his conquests might be seen as the last
great expedition of the age of the Vikings. Another possibility is 1066, when
King Harald Hardradi of Norway failed disastrously in an attempt to invade
England. Harald was killed, and his army destroyed, at the Battle of Stamford
Bridge in the north of England. Raiding in England was never more than half-
hearted after the death of Harald and the arrival of William the Conqueror.
xxi
the viking age: a reade r
HOW DO WE KNOW?
One major challenge is the dearth of literary materials from the Vikings
themselves in the early part of the Viking Age. It is not quite fair to say, as
is sometimes done, that the Vikings were illiterate at the time the Scandina-
vian expansion began, since they did possess a runic alphabet, the futhark,
which was used in carving inscriptions on stone, wood, bone, or metal. Runic
inscriptions are, by their very nature, not suited to long narrative, however, and
their study requires a highly specialized background. Until recently, therefore,
our knowledge of the Vikings and their culture was shaped by the accounts of
their European enemies, who gave them a very bad press. English and French
chronicles are a major source of contemporary narratives of Viking incursions.
From the nineteenth century onwards, translation into English of medieval
Icelandic sagas added another dimension to the study of the Viking Age, allow-
ing the Vikings to be appreciated from the perspective of their own culture—
or at least the culture of their Christianized descendants in thirteenth-century
Iceland. The narratives of history and saga-literature frequently overlap, and
this has tempted many to find in the sagas a greater degree of historical factual-
ity than is justified. Nonetheless, the sagas are among the major ways in which
thirteenth-century Icelanders constructed their own and the wider Scandina-
vian past. They were closer to the events than we are, and we must concede to
their writing, if not factuality, a high degree of plausibility. In addition, social
network theory suggests that the society depicted in the Sagas of Icelanders is not
that of thirteenth-and fourteenth-century Iceland. Sociologically and statisti-
cally, the social networks of the Sagas of Icelanders function as the networks of
the smaller society of a much earlier period would have done.
Perhaps a distinction between small events and large historical patterns is
appropriate. While saga-narrative is often enlivened by trivial details, unlikely
to survive in history, the ancestry-obsessed Icelanders are quite likely to have
gotten right the larger development of ancestral feuds, lawsuits, quarrels over
inheritances, and power politics.
European and Scandinavian material is complemented by documents from
the neighboring civilizations of Byzantium and Islam; in fact, Islamic texts
provide some of the most important descriptions of Scandinavians and their
customs in the tenth century. Understanding the Vikings, then, necessarily
xxii
introduction
involves the study of many texts and documents from many different regions
and periods, and written in many different languages. An important aim of this
collection is to highlight this geographic, historical, and linguistic diversity of
primary-source materials relating to the Viking diaspora.
Unless otherwise noted, all Old Norse and Anglo-Saxon texts are newly
translated for this reader. As is usual, the names of persons are anglicized: for
example, Egill appears as Egil, and Guðrún as Gudrun.
In Old Norse texts, an individual is often identified as the son or daughter of
his or her father: for example, Guðrún Ósvífrsdóttir, anglicized here as Gudrun
Osvifrsdottir, or Egill Skalla-Grímsson, anglicized as Egil Skallagrimsson. A
few names, such as Hákon or Sigurðr, have a different form and are anglicized
as Hakonarson and Sigurdarson when used to express the patronymic, as in
Hakon Hakonarson or Harald Sigurdarson.
In the headings of chapters and sections of chapters, the titles of Norse texts
are given in their original form in parentheses after the customary English
translation: for example, Egil’s Saga (Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar).
Where placenames have well-k nown English forms, these are generally
used: for example, York replaces Jórvík, and Reykjavik replaces Reykjarvík.
Only two symbols from Old Norse are likely to cause confusion on the
rare occasions when they are used here: Ð, ð: pronounced th as in that; Þ, þ:
pronounced th as in thin.
xxiii
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C H A P T E R ON E
The people we call the Vikings originated in the Scandinavian Peninsula, in modern
Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, though these political divisions did not exist at the
start of the Viking Age. (Finland is not considered a Viking homeland.) This vast region,
which exhibits a great diversity of landscape and environment, covers an area of over
three-quarters of a million square kilometers in northern Europe and stretches about 2,000
kilometers from the Danish-German frontier to Cape North in Norway, well above the
Arctic Circle.
Despite the modern tendency to consider all the early inhabitants of Scandinavia as
“Vikings,” the region was home to a number of different peoples seldom labeled as such
in contemporary texts. Ninth-century texts distinguish Norwegians or Northmen (a term
sometimes used to describe all the inhabitants of Scandinavia), Danes, the Svear, and the
Götar. They were not politically united and spoke different forms of North Germanic.
1
the viking age: a reade r
Another group of people inhabiting the northernmost Arctic and sub-Arctic regions of
Scandinavia were the Sámi. These people were primarily hunter-gatherers and spoke a
Finno-Ugric language. They were not Vikings, although they interacted in a variety of
ways with their Scandinavian neighbors.
Written descriptions of early medieval Scandinavia are sparse. Some early medieval
authors such as Jordanes in the sixth century were well informed about the contemporary
political situation in Scandinavia, but the earliest detailed accounts of the region from
inside come from the late-ninth-century voyagers Ohthere and Wulfstan. The most im-
portant foreign account is that of Adam of Bremen from the last quarter of the eleventh
century.
Source: trans. A.A. Somerville, from Voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, ed. Janet Bately and Anton
Eglert, Maritime Culture of the North (Roskilde, Denmark: The Viking Ship Museum, 2007), vol. 1,
pp. 1–60.
Ohthere told his lord, King Alfred, that he lived farther north than any other
Norwegian. He said that he lived in the north of the country beside the West
Sea [the Atlantic]. He said that the land stretches a long way north from there,
however, though it is completely unpopulated except for a few places here and
there, where Sámi live, hunting in winter and fishing by the sea in summer.
He said that on one occasion he wanted to find out how far north the land
stretched, and whether anyone lived to the north of the wilderness area. So,
he sailed north close to the coastline. For three days, he kept the wilderness
to his starboard and the open sea to port. By then he was as far north as the
whalehunters ever go. After that, he kept traveling due north as far as he could
sail in the next three days. Then the land turned to the east, or the sea curved
2
one: the scandinavian home lands
into the land, he did not know which. But he did know that he waited there
for a wind from the west-northwest and afterwards sailed east along the coast
as far as he could sail in four days. Then he had to wait there for a north wind,
because the land turned due south there, or the sea turned into the land, he
did not know which. Next, he sailed south along the coast as far as he could go
in five days. There a large river [probably the Dvina] stretched into the land.
They turned into the river, not daring to travel beyond it for fear of hostility,
because the land on the other side of the river was thickly settled. Until now,
he had not come across any populated land since leaving his own home; but
all the way there was empty land to starboard except for fishermen, fowlers,
and hunters, and they were all Sámi and to port there was always the open sea.
The Biarmians had settled their land thickly, but they [Ohthere and crew]
dared not set foot there. The land of the Ter Sámi [southeast Kola Peninsula?],
however, was completely uninhabited except for hunters, fishermen, or fowlers.
The Biarmians told him many tales both about their own land and about the
lands which lay around them, but he did not know how true these tales were
because he did not see anything for himself. It seemed to him that the Sámi
and the Biarmians spoke much the same language.
In addition to exploring the land, he traveled there mainly for the walrus,
because they have very fine bone in their teeth—they brought some teeth for
the king—and their hide is very good for ships’ ropes. This whale is much
smaller than other whales, being no more than seven ells long [an English ell
is 1.14 meters]. But the best whale hunting is in his own land where the whales
are forty-eight ells long, and the biggest fifty ells in length. He said that he and
six other men killed sixty of them in two days.
He was a very well-to-do man, rich in the possessions which comprise their
wealth, namely wild beasts. When he visited the king, he still had six hundred
unsold animals. These animals are called reindeer. Six of them were decoy
reindeer; these are highly prized by the Sámi because they catch wild reindeer
with them. He was one of the most prominent men in that land, yet he had
no more than twenty cattle, twenty sheep, and twenty pigs, and the little that
he plowed, he plowed with horses. Their wealth, however, consists mainly
of the tribute paid to them by the Sámi. This tribute consists of animal hides,
bird feathers, whale bone, and ships’ cables made from whale and seal skins.
Each man pays according to his rank. The highest ranking must give fifteen
marten skins, five reindeer hides, a bear skin, ten ambers of feathers, a bear
or otter skin coat, and two ships’ cables, each sixty ells long, one made from
whale skin and the other from seal skin.
He said that the land of the Norwegians is very long and very narrow.
All the land that can be grazed or plowed lies beside the sea, and even that is
very rocky in places. Above and to the east lie wild, mountainous wastelands,
3
the viking age: a reade r
stretching all along the length of the inhabited land. Sámi inhabit the waste-
land. The inhabited land is broadest to the east [that is, in the south of Norway]
and the farther north it lies, the narrower it becomes. To the east, it can be
sixty miles broad, or slightly broader, and in the middle, it can be thirty miles
or broader. To the north, where it is narrowest, he said, it might be only three
miles broad before becoming wasteland. In some places the wasteland is as
wide as a man can cross in two weeks; in others, as wide as a man can cross
in six days. Alongside the southern part of the land, on the other side of the
wasteland, Sweden stretches up to the northern part of Norway, and adjacent
to the northern part of Norway is Cwenland [land of the Sámi]. Sometimes,
the Sámi harry the Norwegians across the wasteland, and at other times the
Norwegians raid them. There are huge freshwater lakes throughout the waste-
lands; the Sámi carry their boats overland to the lakes and raid the Norwegians
from there. They have very small, light boats.
Ohthere said that the district where he lived is called Halogaland and that
no one lived to the north of him. In the south of that land is a port called
Skiringssal [Kaupang]. He said that a man could not sail there in a month if
he camped at night and had a favorable wind every day. And all the while,
he must sail along the coast, and to his starboard, first there will be Ireland
and then the islands [Orkneys and Shetlands] between Ireland and this land
[Britain]. Then Britain is to starboard until he comes to Skiringssal and, all
the way, Norway is to port. South of Skiringssal, a very large sea cuts deeply
into the land; it is broader than anyone can see across. Jutland is opposite on
the other side and then Sillende [central and southern Denmark]. The sea flows
many hundreds of miles into the land. From Skiringssal, he said that he sailed
for five days to the port called Hedeby which stands between the Wends, the
Saxons, and the Angles and belongs to the Danes. When he sailed there from
Skiringssal, Denmark was on his port side for three days and open sea on his
starboard. Then, for two days before he came to Hedeby, Jutland, Sillende,
and many islands lay to starboard—the Angles lived in these places before they
came to this land [England]—and for these two days the islands that belong
to Denmark lay to port.
Wulfstan said that he traveled seven days and nights from Hedeby before
arriving in Truso and that the ship ran under sail the whole way. Wendland
[Pomerania] was to starboard and to port were Langeland, Laaland, Falster,
and Skåne. These lands all belong to Denmark. Next, Bornholm lay to port,
and the people there have their own king. After Bornholm came Blekinge,
Möre, Öland, and Gotland; and these lands belong to the Swedes. Wendland
4
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128TH SONNET
SHAKESPEARE AND THE HARPSICHORD
One of the earliest of these new Romanticists was John Field, who
was born in Ireland, visited London, had quite a career in Russia and
foreshadowed Chopin in his playing. Then there was Ferdinand Ries,
son of Beethoven’s early friend and teacher, Franz Ries; but the most
famous of this period were Ignaz Moscheles and Frederick
Kalkbrenner, a fluent composer and writer of studies. He was the
first pianist to teach Clementi’s Gradus ad Parnassum.
Ignaz Moscheles (1794–1870) was a Bohemian and from about
1815, the most brilliant pianist in Germany, France, Holland and
England. He was Mendelssohn’s teacher. Chopin wrote three études
(studies) on an order from Moscheles. He is a very important figure
in the growing up of piano music.
Carl Czerny (1791–1857) was another very important pianist and
one of the few pupils of Beethoven. He was a follower of Hummel
and Clementi and won great fame as a teacher in Vienna, where he
lived. He wrote a great many pieces, about a thousand in all, making
many arrangements of orchestral works and many piano studies,
which we still use today. Beethoven encouraged him to make a piano
version of his Fidelio. Czerny was the teacher of many able
musicians.
Frederick Chopin, you will find out later (Chapter 24) changed
piano music from the bravura to a poetic and deeper style. His touch
and tone were so enchanting that he created a completely new
fashion in piano playing which has not been lost. (See page 322.)
Clara Schumann (1819–1896), the wife of Robert Schumann, was
the leading woman pianist of the day, in fact, of many days.
In the times of Mozart and of Liszt, improvising (before audiences
and at parlor entertainments), was very popular and a part of a
musical education; around 1795, after the Paris Conservatory was
founded, it seemed to die out. However, organists today often
improvise while waiting for the church service to begin. Dupré, one
of the famous French organists, who has played in the United States,
improvises whole sonatas on given themes.
After Chopin, Schumann and Schubert there was a great love of
the short piano piece and as the piano was being developed more and
more, it was natural that pianists should become numerous. So piano
playing was heard in the concert hall and in the parlor where it was,
to be sure, often light and frivolous and yet quite often,—serious and
delightful. The light and decorated pieces were usually called salon
music and today many are written which are classed as salon pieces.
Cécile Chaminade, as delightful and clever as her pieces are, is a
typical salon composer, Rubinstein, also, with such pieces as Melody
in F, is a writer of salon pieces, and there are countless others.
Among the people who were prominent as pianists and composers
in that day, especially in Poland, where Chopin was born, were Alois
Tausig, a pupil of Thalberg and Josef Wieniawski, who was the
teacher of the “Lion of Pianists,” Ignace Jan Paderewski.
Around Paris gathered many pianists among whom were Ignace
Leybach an organist and composer at Toulouse, Henry Charles
Litolff the famous publisher, Louis Moreau Gottschalk, American
pianist and the author of The Last Hope, and Eugene Ketterer. The
following, with many others, centered around Vienna: Joseph Löw,
Theodore Kullak, Louis Köhler, Gustav Lange and Louis Brassin.
Dashing Playing