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The Palgrave Handbook
of Women’s
Political Rights
Edited by Susan Franceschet
Mona Lena Krook · Netina Tan
Gender and Politics
Series Editors
Johanna Kantola
University of Tampere
Tampere, Finland
Sarah Childs
Birkbeck, University of London
London, UK
The Gender and Politics series celebrated its 7th anniversary at the 5th
European Conference on Politics and Gender (ECPG) in June 2017 in
Lausanne, Switzerland having published more than 35 volumes to date.
The original idea for the book series was envisioned by the series editors
Johanna Kantola and Judith Squires at the first ECPG in Belfast in 2009, and
the series was officially launched at the Conference in Budapest in 2011. In
2014, Sarah Childs became the co-editor of the series, together with Johanna
Kantola. Gender and Politics showcases the very best international writing. It
publishes world class monographs and edited collections from scholars - jun-
ior and well established - working in politics, international relations and pub-
lic policy, with specific reference to questions of gender. The titles that have
come out over the past years make key contributions to debates on intersec-
tionality and diversity, gender equality, social movements, Europeanization
and institutionalism, governance and norms, policies, and political institutions.
Set in European, US and Latin American contexts, these books provide rich
new empirical findings and push forward boundaries of feminist and politics
conceptual and theoretical research. The editors welcome the highest quality
international research on these topics and beyond, and look for proposals on
feminist political theory; on recent political transformations such as the eco-
nomic crisis or the rise of the populist right; as well as proposals on continuing
feminist dilemmas around participation and representation, specific gendered
policy fields, and policy making mechanisms. The series can also include books
published as a Palgrave pivot.
The Palgrave
Handbook of Women’s
Political Rights
Editors
Susan Franceschet Netina Tan
University of Calgary McMaster University
Calgary, AB, Canada Hamilton, ON, Canada
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Limited
The registered company address is: The Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United
Kingdom
For all women’s political rights pioneers—past, present, and future.
Preface
2018 and 2019 mark the centennials of women’s right to vote in 20 c ountries
around the globe, with further celebrations to follow in the coming years.
New Zealand, the first country to grant women’s suffrage, is commemo-
rating 125 years of women’s right to vote. Women’s share of parliamentary
representation has never been higher, with the world average currently standing
at 23.6%, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Twelve countries have
surpassed more than 40% women in parliament and nearly 50 have achieved
30% or more. This Handbook seeks to take stock of these developments to
offer a definitive account of the global state of women’s political rights.
The book understands women’s political rights to include the right to par-
ticipate in politics through voting (suffrage) and the right to stand for polit-
ical office (eligibility), offering an important interdisciplinary contribution to
scholarship on gender and politics. Much of the research on women’s suf-
frage campaigns has been carried out by historians, while political scientists
have taken up questions of women’s electoral behavior, gender gaps in vot-
ing, and the struggle to improve women’s access to political office. The book
is also global in scope, covering developments across all the world’s major
regions.
Part I, Theories and Concepts, comprises five chapters that set the stage for
the case-focused chapters in Parts II and III. Chapters 1 and 3 map debates
and events surrounding the introduction of women’s rights to vote and run
for political office, respectively, focusing on global patterns. Chapter 1 surveys
suffrage movements around the world, analyzing the four waves of suffragism
across the globe. Chapter 3 outlines the major debates as well as conceptual
and theoretical questions about women’s representation in office. Chapters
2 and 4 outline and discuss the various ways scholars have measured of the
impact of these rights, focusing on what women’s voting and election patterns
have looked like over time, as well as the various ways that scholarly research
has analyzed what these activities have meant for politics and society more
vii
viii Preface
ix
x Contents
Index 745
Contributors
xv
xvi Contributors
Kelly Dittmar Rutgers University, Camden, NJ, USA; Center for American
Women and Politics, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ, USA
Miki Caul Kittilson School of Politics and Global Studies, Arizona State
University, Tempe, AZ, USA
Australia, White South Africa, Argentina, and Uruguay as the most European
of the young Americas, as well as Russia and China, considered to be at the
outskirts of civilization. Tellingly, once most of Europe and the Anglo states
had enfranchised women in the early 1920s, the IWSA moved to work on
other issues (Rupp 1997). This decision was made even though there were by
then suffrage movements in Asia and Latin America that had still not attained
their objective. The core of the organization and its activities matched the
core of the society of civilized states.
The expectation of the day was that civilized states keep women out of
formal state affairs. Those in favor of the status quo could contend that “the
propaganda of woman suffrage is part and parcel of the worldwide movement
for the overthrow of the present order of civilized society” (Illinois Associa-
tion Opposed to the Extension of Suffrage to Women 1900, p. 2). The suf-
fragists naturally had to meet such arguments. In their attempts to show the
benefits of women as voters for the civilized state, the suffragists forged a spe-
cific subject position—“Civilized Women”—which differentiated them from
men (civilized and uncivilized) as well as from less or non-civilized women. In
relation with the non-European, they were now civilized women, free beings,
able to awaken less civilized women to demand their rights. As such, the suf-
fragists had ample voice in the mainstream media. Writing in a US magazine
in 1912, the founder and first president of the IWSA, Carrie Chapman Catt,
accredited the incipient women’s mobilizing in Egypt to British colonial tute-
lage: “Great Britain has created a new Egypt,” she announced. “It has awak-
ened a sleeping race and held before it the dazzling achievements of Western
progress” (as quoted in Burton 1994, p. 191).
On the other hand, the suffragists also articulated women as the more
civilized of the sexes within Europe. Military service had served as a potent
argument of working-class men in their contention for the vote, an argument
which did little to bring women suffrage as they were barred from the mil-
itary. The suffragists instead pointed to the allegedly destructive and selfish
capacity of men and the male state, which resulted in the menace of war. The
portrayal of men as a threat to civilization had been made for some time.
Particularly around times of war, interpretations of other cultures were used
metaphorically to give meaning to the savagery and barbarism of male power
and masculine politics. At the onset of the 1871 Franco-Prussian War, Brit-
ish suffragists roared that “the franchise is needed as a protection for women
from the uncontrolled dominion of the savage passions of men.” The female
forces of civilization were needed to overpower the “savage instinct in men”
and save Europe from the destruction of war (as cited in Rendall 1994,
pp. 143–144).
In most cases, the extension of women’s suffrage was not simply a mat-
ter of argumentative savvy and ability to mobilize great numbers of suffrage
supporters. Women’s suffrage may never have materialized in the “old
culture-states” of Europe had it not been for the crisis generated by the
world wars. The World War I signified a breakdown of the relations between
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Chassidim, the, 3, 4;
“New Chassidim,” 380, 381, 382, 504.
“Chovevi (Lovers of) Zion,” 489.
Christ, 28, 39, 42, 43, 44, 85, 189;
Messianic character of, 190.
Christian Church, prohibition of usury, 106–7;
suppression of, 108;
laws against Jews, 134, 149;
Jews compelled to attend, 185.
“Christian Germanism,” 306.
Christian money-lenders, 415;
Socialism, 426, 428;
Socialists, 422, 424, 427.
Christiani, Pablo, 98–9, 145.
Christianity, and the Jews, 41–61;
tenets of, 42, 43, 98, 99, 103.
Christians, apostacy punished, 44;
massacre of, 49, 100, 144, 148;
at Turkish Court, 174;
repugnance to Jews, 226, 234;
of Rome, 310;
of Roumania, 383.
Chrysostom, John, 47.
Cicero, 18, 19.
Claudius, 23.
Clermont, great Council of, 86.
Clermont-Tonnerre, 296.
Cohen, the Rev. Francis L., 448.
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 317–9, 499.
Coleridgean theology, 320.
Colet, John, 274.
Columbus, Christopher, 163.
Concerning the Jews and their lies (Luther), 220.
Confessions (Rousseau), 291.
Confraternity of the Holy Family, 472.
Constantine the Great, 41, 43, 44, 57, 81.
Constitutional Committee of New Haven, 277.
Cordova, 60;
Jews found school at, 71.
Cossacks, 238–9;
war with Poles, 240–1.
Council of Lyons, 132.
Court of Cassation, 435.
Creagh, Father, Jews anathematized by, 471–2.
Crémieux Decree, 436.
Crimean War, 332.
Cromwell, Oliver, 274, 275, 278, 279, 280, 281, 302.
Crusaders absolved from financial embarrassments, 108;
in England, 121;
in Spain, 144;
orgies, 217.
Crusades, the, 83–104.
Cyprus, insurrection in, 35, 36.
Cyrene, insurrection in, 35.
Cyril of Alexandria, 47, 56.
Cyrus, 301, 494.
Macaulay, 447.
Maccabees, house of, 4, 32;
restoration of the Law by, 325.
Macedonia, Empire of, 1, 408.
Maçon, Council of, 56.
Maimon, 291.
Maimonides, Moses, 74–8, 110, 291.
Manasseh, Ben Israel, 279–80.
Manichaeans, 54, 411.
Marcus Crassus, 20.
Mariage de Figaro (Beaumarchais), 295.
Mariana (historian), 158.
Marr, Wilhelm, 418, 422, 425.
Marranos, 149, 154, 156, 159, 168, 169, 170, 172, 196, 201, 204,
234, 247, 249, 278, 311.
Martyn, Justin (Dial), 10–11, 42, 224.
Marx, Karl, 328.
Medigo, Elias del, 194.
Mediterranean, Jews’ commercial activity in, xvi.
Mehmed Effendi. See Zebi, Sabbataï.
Mendelssohn, Moses, 286, 289–91, 292, 325, 326, 355, 440, 480,
482.
Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix, 328.
Mendicant Orders, religious bigotry of, 110.
Mendoza, Cardinal, 156, 157.
Merchant of Venice (Shakespeare), 259, 268–72, 316.
Merovingian kings, 56, 79, 81.
Mesopotamia, 35, 494.
Messiah, the, 43.
Messianic expectation, xix, 39, 43, 85, 90, 200, 212, 251, 278, 281,
282, 298, 494;
frenzy, 150;
era, 279;
dream, 60–1, 326, 486.
Mikweh, Model Farm of, 507.
Millennarians, 278, 279.
Miller, John, 229.
Milton, 279, 281.
Mirabeau, 292, 296, 302.
Mirandola, Count Giovanni Pico de, 233.
Modern Exodus, A (Violet Guttenberg), 467.
Mohammedan theocracy, 383.
Mohammedanism, Jews adopt, 75, 176.
Mohammedans, 59–61, 85, 168;
their view of Jews, 173.
Mohileff, outrage at, 372;
Jewish exodus from, 376–7.
Moldavia, Jews in, 326, 380–1, 382;
anti-Judaism in, 383;
inhabitants of, 388.
Mommsen, 423.
Money-lenders, see Usurers.
Montague, Lady Mary Wortley, 176–7.
Montefiore, Sir Francis, 507, 513.
Montesquieu, 302.
Montfort, Simon de, 136.
Montpellier, Jewish academy at, 69.
Moorish culture, effect on Jews, 70.
More, Sir Thomas, 274.
Morescoes, 168, 172, 234.
Morgan, D. J., M.P., 460.
Mosaic Decalogue, 9.
Mosaic Law, 9, 39, 42, 277;
ordinances, 502.
Moscow, 337;
no Jewish workman allowed to reside in, 346;
Jews expelled from, 349–50.
Moses, 2, 27, 28, 31, 60, 211, 277, 279, 327;
Law of, in abeyance, 505.
Moses of Crete, 48–9.
Mourousi, Prince, 383.
Muravieff, 334.