Monuments, Memory and Forgetting in Postcolonial North-East India

Author(s): JANGKHOMANG GUITE

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , FEBRUARY 19-25, 2011, Vol. 46, No. 8
(FEBRUARY 19-25, 2011), pp. 56-64
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

Stable URL: [Link]

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@[Link].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
[Link]

Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to Economic and Political Weekly

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
 Monuments, Memory and Forgetting
in Postcolonial North-East India

JANGKHOMANG GUITE

This paper the Government ofat

looks India floatedhow
the idea of a "o
Telangana state in 2010 it sparked off similar demands
produced in state-sponso
from different parts of the country. Nine years earlier,
multi-ethnic, multicultur
in 2001 when it decided to extend the ceasefire with the National
to it. Official
Socialist Councilmemory
of Nagalim, Isak-Muivah (nscn-im), "without sit
and territorial limit" it sent
memorials not similar waves of protest
only across the north- r
east region. On 18 June that year several government buildings
relations to a great extent
were set on fire and reduced to rubble by an outraged public in
region have assiduously fa
Manipur. If the Indian state has to resolve one major issue today it
imaginationis the of a
question of fulfilling politicall
these hydra-headed demands for
is
masculine,statehood and
or local autonomy in remains
different parts of the country. The
situation in north-east India is especially tricky in that most
marginal "others'7 in the s
movements, besides their secessionist content, took the form of
encouraged the dominant
armed struggle. The question of economic backwardness, indeed
thereby produced ethnona
the root cause of marginalità is overwhelmed by the tangled ques-
of shared tion of ethnic nationalism
pasts. Onlargely originated
the from the colonial
ot
mania of classification and completed within the framework of
neglect in the minorities
the emerging states in the region. If the emerging states pro-
vernacular memorials to e
moted the interests of a politically dominant ethnic community
imaginationin the and likewise
state it generated opposition from the ethnic minorities d
nationalismwho around
reacted violently generally imbued with a disintegrative
it. Thi ten-
dency. This paper is concerned with how collective memories are
often competing ethnonat
produced, sustained and responded to in state-sponsored public
or sometime within the s
spaces like museums, memorials and monuments. In other words,
violent forms of
it is concerned with contesta
how the past events are represented in state-
with sponsored public spaces and how
fissiparous this not only reflects the historical
tendencie
imagination of the postcolonial state but also shapes and ani-
mates social and ethnic relation in a multi-ethnic, multicultural
society as in north-east India. I will concentrate on the role of
Manipur state as a test case not so much for the presence of large
numbers of "memory sites" (which are indeed few) but due to the
fact that the politics of remembering could more easily be estab-
lished from its public spaces and the relationship between state
commemorations and the shape of ethnic relations can be better
ascertained. My interest is to explore new possibilities for further
investigation, partly, in the scholarship of memory, partly, in dis-
secting the problems of ethnicity in the region.

Monuments and Memory

If there is one area where history is tamed for the timid it is in the
I have benefited from
state-sponsored the
public space. It was discus
here that common people,
draft by some especially
friends,the illiterate sections of theespecially
society, were trained to see
Nag, S Pathak, Bijen Meetei and
the past, the history, of a community. As such modern society has
Jangkhomangspent
Guite
huge amounts of public (jkmguite@
money on elaborate "memory sites".
University, Silchar.
Yet commemorative representation of the past in public spaces is

56 February 19, 2011 vol XLVi no 8 Ш322 Economic & Political weekly

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

often taken for granted as a neutral and objective space; the The rise to prominence of historical events in public spaces is
political function of remembering is often overlooked. Maurice rather a two-way traffic: what was vernacular in the colonial
Halbwachs (1925), who ushered in the study on memory, shows period becomes official today and what was official memory then
that collective memory is a living social process and it is always has been cast into oblivion now. The commemorative monuments,
selective. Collective memory is thus a constructed memory in a which functioned as the "official" version of collective memory,
way. Michael Kämmen (1991) has remarked that "societies in fact are indeed the last stage of "vernacular" memories in its rise to
reconstruct their pasts rather than faithfully record them, and eminence. Until it becomes official a vernacular memory remains
(that) they do so with the needs of contemporary culture clearly what Paul Connerton (1989) called "incorporated practices" which
in mind - manipulating the past in order to mould the present". is transmitted as "traditions" conveyed and sustained by "bodily"
This means that many historical events are "cast into oblivion", ritual performances. Besides, there can also be a middle path:
are forgotten. Paul Ricoeur (2006) examines the reciprocal rela- some incorporated practices are sometime transmitted into what
tionship between remembering and forgetting showing how itmaybe called vernacular memorials and monuments, a monument
affects both the perception of historical experience and the pro- halfway into "official" memory site, a monument erected by ordi-
duction of historical narrative. He pointed out that history and its nary members of the society for local memory, a monument some-
representation in official commemoration "overly remembers" time erected in response to the "official" act of forgetting.
some historical events like the Holocaust while maintaining a
persistent silence on others. John Petrovato (2006) has also Reminiscing Colonialism in Postcolonial Societies
noted about the Israeli national museums that Palestinians are "Colonialism is dead, long live anti-colonial movements" is
"invisible" or wherever they are visible they are "misrepresented"apparently the right expression to describe how the postcolonial
state has called on its people to marshal a new nation. This is
as "Arabs" and "dehumanised" as "unproductive" hordes, both in
done, besides other forms by ensuring that public spaces and
the interest of Israeli nationalist enterprises that "trained" its
citizens and outsiders not to "see" Palestinians. official memory sites are dominated by memories of anti-colonial
While manipulation of the past at the "official" memory site ismovements and personalities involved in it. The "rebels" of colo-
nialism are now accorded the status of "freedom fighters" and
well known how do state commemorations actually shape a com-
the "rebellions" as "wars of independence". This is a necessary
munity rather than just reflecting them? In his path-breaking
work Eviatar Zerubavel (2004: 3) pointed out that "(acquiring astep to mobilise the freed people to support the new social recon-
struction projects in which patriotism and loyalty towards the
group's memories and thereby identifying with its collective past
is part of the process of acquiring any social identity, and famil-new state is indispensable. The memory of their rise to power
iarising members with that past is a major part of communities
over the imposing foreign rule provided a common ground for
efforts to assimilate them". Hence, the act of selective remember-these people who had suffered under the same yoke, fought
ing, deliberate forgetting, misrepresentation, and the reconstruc-together against it, and freed themselves. In this context, some of
tion of a society has been understood to be part of the process ofthe precolonial pasts have also emerged insofar as they are use-
constructing a collective memory in public spaces. But the role of
ful to the new state to legitimise its position and defame colonial-
state commemorations in shaping and animating the relationship ism and hence colonialism again becomes a reference point.
between different communities in multi-ethnic multicultural societySometimes the memories of colonial armies as in Malaysia, colo-
is seldom taken seriously. In a multi-ethnic multicultural societynial institutions, maps, and ideas as in most countries become
like India this alleged collectivity generally favours the historicalbeneficial in rallying the people for a national goal.1 Colonialism
imagination of politically dominant group (s) which generallyand opposition to it have therefore emerged as shared memories
produces opposition from those who refuse to identify with [Link] negotiate with, to mobilise, to organise the freed people, and
This generally comes from the politically subordinated groups oreven to yoke them towards a totalising national project.
ethnic minorities who insist on retaining their identity and The situation in north-east India is interesting. Like in other
thereby feel ignored by the State. It is an accepted view that
postcolonial societies the historical imagination of the emerging
minorities who have a deep attachment to their own identity will
states in the region rests on those anti-colonial movements. Yet
continue "to participate in politics in their vernacular" despite allthe region is unique in that the Indian nationalised public memo-
the "respects" accorded by the State so that such a state is left
ries are invisible in the state-sponsored public spaces as much as
with no option other than adopting "multination" or "multination
the memories of the minority communities within each state are
federalism" (Kymlicka 2001: 232-34). neglected, both in the interest of a particular, generally politi-
Besides, collective memory is understood to consist of the
cally dominant, ethnic community in the state. This is due to the
external and internal, or what John Bodnar (1993) has called "of-belief that the new state is founded on the pretext of the domi-
ficial" and "vernacular": "official" memory is motivated by thenant community, the fruit of their resistance movement against
need of the State to mythologies itself and maintain the loyalty
colonialism. But on the basis of which this assumption is taken,
of its citizens and is displayed in public commemorations, andone can see at least four forms of historical imagination in the
"vernacular" memory is determined by the need of ordinary
region in relation to the new state. The first group claims that the
people to pursue their local concerns and largely remain hidden
new state is the legitimate successor of the precolonial state
from the public eye. But the reciprocal relationship between subdued by the British raj and wants the citizens to see the linear
"official" and "vernacular" memories is often taken for granted. rise to power of the new state from antiquity, which was, and

Economic & Political weekly ШШ February 19, 2011 vol xlvi no 8 57

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
 SPECIAL ARTICLE :

should hanged in public and others were

also be,imprisoned for life (Ruddin unde
to that 1988: 113-34; Reid 1942: 54-73). The memory of the war was
legacy. The
The "cast into oblivion" during the
second colonial period. Nevertheless,
group fe
the it continued to remain vibrant in vernacular memories which
anti-colonial r
the dominant grou
have emerged into prominence in the postcolonial period. The
their "rebellion" has become the "war of independence"
efforts. In andth the
vant and"rebels"it
have been recast
isas "patriots". Accordingly,
time monuments
Tripura were set up in memory of the war. comes
state
the new In 1972,
state is
immediately after Manipur attained statehood, thea
in which hundreds
Martyr's Memorial column was erected at Khongjom, about 32 kms
despite persistent
from Imphal, where about 130 Manipuri soldiers including Paona
"same race".
Brajabasi had sacrificed their livesThe
on 23 April 1891. To this was B
in recognition
added a large "open air theatre" in 1996, a huge statueof
of Paona
with (carrying a sword and shield)
them. Under in 2000. A large memorial hall and t
Nagaland, Meghalay
a majestic gateway (at NH-39 junction) are under construction. In
comes under
1980 (the foundation was laid in 1975),
a the Martyr's
sepaMemorial
categorypillar (renamed
in Saheed Minar) was erected near the Pologround,
prefer
Imphal, where Jubaraj Tikendrajit
postcolonial anti-m and Thangal General were
In this publicly hanged on 13 August 1891. A beautiful gateway
context the with an
less and elaborate
less releva
park was added in 2006. The Bir Tikendrajit tomb com-
more. plex was erectedthese
But in 2006 at Hicham Yaicham Pat, Imphal,
divwhere
he was cremated,
different pointsand a large statue of Thangal General (with
an a
is the sword in hand) was also erected at Palace Gate, Imphal in 2009.
"anti-outsider
within each state,
At the foot of the Paona statue at Khongjom (2000) a bronze plate
colonial ideas and institutions. reads, "Major General Paona Brajabasi age 58 the valiant hero of
Manipur died for (his) fatherland on Thursday the 23rd April
Remembering the Freedom Fighters 1891. Superhuman in battle devoted unto death." It is significant
The valley of Manipur was a melting pot in which there was con-that the "major" of the 1972 memorial column is promoted to
stant movement of people from the hills to the valley and possibly"major general" in 2000. The two days, 23 April and 13 August
from the valley to the hills; the first settlers of the valley were are annually observed as "Khongjom day" and "patriot's day" re-
also from the hills. The coming of Hinduism, later furthered by spectively with statewide commemoration and a public holiday.
colonialism, ended this natural process of absorbing the hillmenApart from visits by individuals round the year, thousands of
into the fold of the plains society. The plainsmen came to bepeople annually throng these sites to pay homage during such an-
known as "Meitheis" or Meiteis, the "northern tribes" as Nagas,nual state commemoration.2
and the "southern tribes" as Kukis. Manipur witnessed, by and As one moves from open spaces to museums the story becomes
large, six major anti-colonial movements: the Anglo-Manipurmore visible and clear. Two museums are especially noteworthy:
War (1891), the Kuki Rising (1917-19), the Naga Raj Movement the Manipur State Museum and the recently established Kangla
(1927-31), the Nupi Lai (1939), the Socialist Movement underMuseum, both in Imphal. The items from the erstwhile historical
Hijam Irabot (1938-51) and the Indian National Army (ina) move-and archaeological section of the state museum were in store
ment (1943-45). But of these events the 1891 war and the inawhen I visited. They are about to find its way to the newly con-
movement finally triumphed in postcolonial state-sponsoredstructed building in the same premise. These materials, as noted
public spaces, the Nupi Lai hesitatingly came later and others by К Sobita Devi (1991: 180-86) include artefacts ranging from
continued to remain invisible. While the emphasis is on anti-prehistoric times to the modern period. Along with the paintings
colonial movements why are some events "overly remembered"and ethnological items of the people of Manipur the museum
whereas some took much longer time to emerge in the public tells the story of the rise to eminence of Manipur from antiquity.
space and why are still others persistently forgotten? This is indeed What is evident from the ethnology gallery is the story of a mar-
a disturbing question before the emerging states striving for inte-tial race (depicted by the dioramic portraits of "warrior in action",
gration. An attempt is made in the following pages to answer it. traditional weapons of different kinds and royal headdresses)
and the people who are self-reliant and sufficient in all respects
Anglo-Manipur War - The Official Memory Par Excellence: (depicted by daily used items like musical instruments, orna-
The memory of the 1891 war undoubtedly occupied a central placements, decorations, utensils, implements of agriculture, hunting,
in the historical imagination of postcolonial Manipur. Though weaving, basketry and textiles). But what is not clearly spelt out
Manipur finally lost her independence on this fateful occasion it in the museum is the centre of power. This deficiency is addressed
was not given up easily; several people sacrificed their lives. Theyin the newly set up Kangla Museum.
fought the three British columns especially in the decisive battle As one enters the Kangla Museum one is met with the story of
of Khongjom, but Manipur was defeated. The leaders werethe rise to power of Manipuri kings from mythical origins, first
58 February 19, 2011 vol XLVi no 8 CE2S3 Economic & Political weekly

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

constructed in memory of the "colonial armies", despite being the

over the people of Manipur valley and then later over the hillmen
earliest monumental structures in the state, has lost its relevance
until the British raj took over in 1891. The genealogy of the Meitei
kings from 33 ad to 1891 is clearly shown along with four colonialtoday among the people of Manipur. Even if "Their Name Liveth
maps: of 1500 ad, 1580 ad, 1822 ad and 1856 ad. The four mapsForever More" in the memory of their bereaved families, the
esteemed "colonial armies" are today "cast into oblivion" in the
show the position of Manipur in relation to her neighbours: three
maps include Kabaw valley (presently in Myanmar) and theimagination of the postcolonial state.
present hill areas as part of Manipur kingdom and the fourth But the mania of the anti-colonial movements has transformed
map shows Manipur under the "Empire of Ava". Interestingly,the Japanese army and the ina from "invaders" to "liberators".5
Yet the real heroes of the Great War for the people of Manipur
below the map of 1500 ad is displayed the pages from the book of
R В Pemberton (1835: 20-21) which record the extent of Manipur'sare the local heroes who have assisted the "liberators". They are
honoured as "freedom fighters of Manipur" and ultimately
boundary with its unclear northern border. This is complemented
by pages from James Johnstone (1896: 23), (displayed alongsideoccupy a central place among the soldiers of second world war.
Pemberton's book): "Ghumbeer Singh reduced several villages to
In their memory the ina Martyrs' Memorial complex was con-
submission, including the largest of all, Kohima, at which place
stituted at Moirang consisting of the Netaji Library (1968), the
he stood upon a stone and had his footprints sculptured on it, in ina War Museum (1969), the Netaji Statue (1972, 1993) and an
token of conquest" and the "Nagas greatly respected this stone
auditorium. The whole complex was reworked and dedicated to
the nation in 2005. 6 This is the place where Netaji had first
and cleaned it from time to time". At the opposite side of the same
page is the picture of the "Kohima Stone". Along with this is dis-hoisted the tricolour on Indian soil during the war. The first
played a photocopy of the agreement signed between the British Netaji statue was destroyed in 1993 by some "unknown" persons
government and Gambhir Singh dated 18 April 1833 regarding(the bust is now housed in the museum) and a new statue was
the settlement of Manipur boundary. Below the 1822 map are erected in the same year. A special gallery in the museum, dedi-
shown the pages from Alexander Mackenzie's North-East Frontiercated to the local heroes, displays the photographs of 12 "free-
of India, again related to the Manipur boundary. An engraveddom fighters of Manipur" (11 Meiteis, one Kuki). Besides this
stone from the Manipur-Lushai boundary is also displayed in the weapons, ammunitions, and various pictures of the ina in action
gallery. Its caption reads "Inscription of Maharajah Chandrakirti
are on display. Today this complex is regularly visited by a large
symbolising the victory over Lushai Hills".3 number of people.
The rest of the Kangla Museum is filled with material and photo-
graphs mainly related to the 1891 war and the personalities in-The Nupi Lai Memorial: On 12 December 1939 "hundreds of
volved in it, a few archaeological finds from Kangla, the tablebazaar women" besieged the president of Manipur State Darbar
model of Kangla, and so on.4 Note that there is an absence of fire-and other officers at the Telegraph Office in the British Reserve.
arms in both the museums and the other monuments. As one The officers were compelled by the women to get the approval of
moves out of the museum the idea of the Manipuri kings' rise to the maharajah (through telegram) on the resolution taken by
power against all odds and their final defeat at the hands of thethem relating to the ban on export of rice from Manipur. In a
British power in 1891 is indelibly imprinted on one's [Link] with the Assam Rifles personnel 21 women were injured,
This is further strengthened by the hectic renovation process in five of them seriously and were admitted to a hospital. The next
the Kangla Palace area: the Kangla Sha, Kangla (coronation hall), day thousands of people demonstrated at Police Bazaar in sup-
the fort walls, the religious centres like Sri Govindajee temple,port of the imas (mothers). Their voice was strong: the export of
the Sanamahi temple, parks and so on. In the end what is explicit rice was stopped and the rice mills ceased working. But the agita-
in the museum and the overall reinvention of the Kangla premisetion, taken over by political elements, persisted well into 1940
is the story of the rise to dominance of Manipur's maharajahs (Reid 1942: 91; Singh 1998: 135-54).7 Thirty-five years earlier, on 5
over the hill tribes and the Kabaw valley, which came to an end inand 6 October 1904, there was another women's agitation, against
1891. Overall it is the triumph of the 1891 war over others. the temporary resuscitation of lallup (free labour), in which many
of the women were injured (ibid: 75-81). The two events are
Remembering the Armies of the Second World War: The known in Manipur's history as Nupi Lai (women's war). They
memorial of the second world war was in fact the earliest of itswere reduced to a mere agitation of the "bazaar women" during
kind in Manipur. Interestingly, just as there were three majorthe colonial period. But this could not erase the imas from the
armies during the war (the Japanese army, the ina attached to it memory of the people especially when Irabot continued to call on
and the Allied forces) a competition for dominance among themthem in his public campaign. One of his lines read:
is also visible in the public spaces. There are two second world
Ngasi Ahing lelle/Numit Ama chatkhre/Sham Punshillu Devi/Epha
war cemeteries in Imphal (constructed by the British immedi- pharibado/December 12 ama houkhre/December 12 ama lakle/ÇThis
ately after the war and now maintained by the Commonwealth night has passed/a day has passed/Devi, put your hair in a bun/one
War Graves Commission), the ina War Memorial Complex at December 12 has passed/another December 12 has come).8
Moirang (started by war veterans and taken over by the state But when it comes to remembrance in a state-sanctioned public
government since 1985) and the Japanese memorial or "Indiaspace the imas had to fight another lai against the male-dominated
Peace Memorial" at Red Hill (constructed by the Japanese gov-postcolonial state. The nupis (women), under the leadership of
ernment). As in most postcolonial states, the war cemetery,three surviving imas, fought for many years against the indifferent

Economic & Political weekly E33S3 February 19, 2011 vol xlvi no 8 59

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
 SPECIAL ARTICLE = E

state government in
they should supply labourers for the tuito gal (overseas war, Kuki
term for hunger
agitations, first world war) or fight against the colonialstr
raj. The
of the tribal conclave
imas finally decided to wage war
life. against the raj. This was
After
plot of land (where
followed by an armed resistance movement for about two years; t
Nupi Lai Memorial Com
spread out in the then Naga Hills of Assam and Kabaw valley, the
Somra tracts a
auditorium, and the Chin Hills in Burma. Variously known by
museum,
displayed the Kukis as Thadou Gal, Zou
five Gal, ovHaka Gal (gal: war), it was, the
life-size
with an armed
"most serious incident in the history
British
of Manipur and its relations
to this was the
with its Hill subjects" (Reid 1942: 79).12declara
If the Anglo-Manipur War
today it is
of 1891 ended
commemor
the independence of the Manipuri kings, the Kuki
the nupis, Rising ended the independence of
have the Kuki chiefs in particular
finally
among the
and the hillmen inmasculin
general: three hill subdivisions were created
have become "freedom
after this, briefly discontinued and revived in 1932 with four sub-
divisions, and along with seven Assam Rifles outposts now sentinel
Memories in the Vernacular
the hills.13 But when it comes to remembering in the postcolonial
state the Kuki Rising is marked by invisibility in the public spaces.
Apart from the events narrated above other events remain invisi-
Nevertheless, as far back as 1958 the Kuki Political Sufferers'
ble as far as the state-sponsored public spaces are concerned.
Association of Manipur (kpsam) demanded a "War Memorial in
Even if the postcolonial state has ignored them these still remain
the
fresh in the memory of the people. This is reflected in the form ofheart of Imphal town to commemorate Kuki Matyrs and Suf-
ferers".14 Accordingly, a plot was given at Imphal in which the
vernacular monuments, texts and other "incorporated practices".
Kuki Inn came up in 1963. Recently, the central government has
These events include the socialist movement under Hijam Irabot,
the Kuki rising, and the Naga Raj movement. again sanctioned funds for a war memorial complex which in-
cludes a museum, a library and a committee hall in the same
Forgetting Irabot, the Beloved of the People premises. Besides the vernacular memories, the "incorporated
practices", of the Kukis' historical imagination has also gradually
Hijam Irabot (also spelt Irawat) had fought against the estab-
surfaced in some vernacular memorials: a statue of Chengjapao
lished authority from 1938 to 1951 (Singh 1998: 113-62, 191-246).10
He died in 1951 at Tangbo (Burma) while preparing the wayDoungel,
for "King of Kuki and leader of the Kuki Rising, 1917-19" (as
his "Red Guard"; on his grave is entered "Comrade I Singh".its plaque reads), in the heart of Moreh town and Zou Gal Memo-
But
rial Hall in Lamka are cases in point. The names of the heroes of
the postcolonial state continued to refuse him place in the sacro-
the rising were also given to streets, public places, clubs, associa-
sanct public space just because he was tainted as "communist"
tions, and sports tournaments.
by the organisation he had himself founded in 1934 - the Nikhil
Manipuri Mahasabha (nmm). The nmm was rechristened as the
Manipur State Congress, which largely controlled the state Forgetting
gov- the Rani, the Daughter of the Hills: Rani Gaidinliu
ernment in the postcolonial period. Yet this cannot preventwho
thefought the British after the death of her mentor Haipou Jado-
nang was arrested on 17 October 1932, and spent 14 years in
common people from remembering him. As one passes through
prison.
the valley, and beyond, one finds that his statues have cropped up For this she was accorded the title of "Rani" by Jawaharlal
Nehru,
in different towns and market places, addressing the crowd in a honoured with the Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award
(1972), Padma Bhushan (1981), Vivekananda Seva Award (1983),
neta posture. In Imphal city alone there are more than five Irabot
statues in different localities and premises. Irabot statues, arethe
alsoBirsa Munda Award, and recently with the status of "freedom
fighter of India" by the Congress Party. Her funeral on 29 Febru-
found in Jiribam, Nambol, Kakching, Khurai, Lamlai, etc; in fact,
ary 1993 was attended by the governor and other dignitaries of
his statues are the most numerous. Significantly, most of these
Manipur, the home secretary of Nagaland, beside others, in her
statues came up in the 1990s. He is variously remembered in these
village and a state holiday was declared at Imphal.15 But it is
memorials as jana neta (people's leader), lamyanba (pathfinder),
and miyamgi luchingba (mass leader). His birth anniversarystrange
has that she has been denied an honourable public space in
been celebrated since the 1970s under the aegis of the Commu- her own state. This was despite frequent demands from her
kinsmen. In 2006, the Kabui Mothers' Association of Manipur
nist Party of India (cpi), was declared a state holiday in the 1980s
demanded
under its pressure, and since the 1990s has been commemorated all an annual state holiday, a statue, a library, a market in
her honour and the naming of NH-53 as Gaidinliu Road.16 The
over the state by the party. Besides the tributes in most localities,
Rani is also not welcome in the nc Hills; the foundation for her
contingents from different parts of the state - students, farmers,
statue
workers, officials and politicians - come together at Imphal for a at Haflong was destroyed during the recent ethnic conflict.
She was also initially denied public honour in Nagaland for
grand celebration.11 Even if Irabot's status is tangled in the whirl-
pool of party politics he has become the beloved of the people. declaring herself against Christianity or mentioning her religion
as "Hindu". Nevertheless, the Rani continues to be remembered by
The Kuki Rising, Forgotten Heroes, and a Neglectedher
Hillkinsmen: since 2005 her birth anniversary is celebrated by
the Kabui Nagas and today she is the "living goddess, a legendary
Chapter: In the early weeks of March 1917 a meeting of an unusual
figure and a revered mother symbol of the oppressed people".17
kind took place in the hills among the Kukis to decide whether
60 February 19, 2011 vol XLVi no 8 ШШ Economic & Political weekly

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

As Naga nationalism gained momentum the Rani has become The message of patriotism for a "fatherland" is forcefully spread
more revered in the historical imagination of the Naga world; a in Manipur through the moving lines of Paona and F M Rundall
memorial hall in her honour is coming up in Kohima, the capital both inscribed at the foot of the Paona statue at Khongjom:
ofNagaland.18
The enemy's shell can land in our camp whereas ours cannot in
This brings us to Haipou Jadonang. His birth anniversary was theirs... my fellow countrymen! It is a disgrace to die fleeing.... Death
declared a state holiday in Manipur only to be discontinued. But is now certain for us. But we will never retreat (Paona).
in 2006 the state government constructed a small park (behind Many of the old soldiers who have seen much fighting in previous
campaigns tell me they have never either seen or taken part in a
the Imphal jail where he was hanged on 29 August 1931) in his
fight where such a determine and stubborn resistance was shown
honour. Unfortunately, a Naga politician I approached for infor- (Rundall).
mation refused to meet me. But if the view of some people is to be
taken seriously the recognition was largely an attempt to If the patriots felt it a "disgrace to die fleeing" and resolved to
"appease" the Nagas or a certain section of the Nagas. Whatever "never retreat", and even if the world imperial power admired
may be the truth it is important that the state has learned thesuch "determine and stubborn" patriotism, it becomes the clarion
necessity of inclusive politics. call of the new state to the freed people in reconstructing a new
society. Patriotism with masculinity thus becomes a necessary
Maharajahs in the Shadow of the Raj element in the nation-building process and this is provided by
We have seen that the 1891 Anglo-Manipur war overshadowed such clarion calls from the past.
the historical imagination of the postcolonial Manipur state. This Indeed, the state version of the 1891 war has become so central
explains two important things. Like most anti-colonial move- to the collective memory of the people that anyone who speaks
ments in other parts of the world, the 1891 war is an event (so theagainst this official version may even run the risk of public or-
state thought) that is central to the memory of the people and deal. A book published in 1991, which seems to have disputed the
hence useful for organising them to support its postcolonial state version of the 1891 war, was a case in point. Although the
social reconstruction process. On the other hand, the choice ofcontroversy sprang from the politics within the Directorate of
this event reflected the elitist yet masculine orientation of theEducation where one of the authors was a director, it spilled out
new state. In choosing the elitist past the new state wanted to into the public domain leading to the burning of the said book
inform the people of its own position in the new situation: the and effigies, demand for a public apology and even threats of
new state is not new, it has its roots in the precolonial Manipurmore violence. Consequently, the book was banned and the
state which was defeated by the raj in 1891; it is the legacy ofdirector-author stepped down. Hence the centenary year of the
those who defended the "fatherland". In this context, the strange war was celebrated with public outrage in defence of the official
absence of the maharajah in the public space is noteworthy: since version of its history.
he deserted the throne, or more accurately sought shelter with If identifying with the collective past is "part of the process of
the raj, he seems to deserve no state honour. Contrarily, it was the acquiring any social identity" and familiarising with that past is
"valiant hero of Manipur" who died "for the fatherland" who "a major part of communities' efforts to assimilate them", then
deserves the honour of the new state that is heir to that legacy. In the Manipur state wants to reconstruct a society which is based
this way the new state constantly sought to legitimise its position on the rise to dominance of the Meitei community. So what Kirk
with regard to the precolonial Manipur state although it adopted Savage (1994: 135) has noted about public monuments is also true
most of the colonial institutions and ideas in its functioning. of Manipur: "public monuments do not arise as if by natural law
At the same time an emphasis on masculinity is an attribute of to celebrate the deserving, they are built by people with sufficient
a "martial race". The new state wanted to reinvent a society that power to marshal (or impose) public consent for their erection".
was martial in its outlook, had a history of its own, and was self- Meiteis are the politically dominant group in Manipur and the
reliant. In this case, the conspicuous absence of firearms andstate policy was dominated by their viewpoint. In this context,
cannons, the symbols of colonial power which were largely usedthe proliferation of public commemorations and monuments in
by the Manipuri forces during the war, in the state memorials the state since the 1990s is noteworthy. This new assertion not
and now overshadowed by traditional weapons like swords, only reflected but also reinforced the resurgence of Meitei nation-
spears, shields, etc, again deserves notice. Indigenising the pastalism during the same time.
in state-sponsored public spaces is not only the means to trace If the new state wanted to reconstruct a society which is elitist
the continuity of the old system in a new situation but also to and masculine then the "wars" fought by women, peasants and
legitimise, and thereby to mobilise the people to support thetribais, and the subalterns, could not fit into its historical imagi-
new state and its causes. Indigenising the masculine past is alsonation. But the new wave of ethnic consciousness has also brought
the means to claim space in the masculine world of postcolonial up some of these neglected chapters. The Nupi Lai Memorial
societies. In other words, confronting the world imperial powerComplex (1999) is a case in point. If the imas had come out to
is a highly approved strategy in most postcolonial states to prop salvage Manipur from the grips of inflation in 1939 they are now
up once subjugated people on the path to a self-reliant nation. called on to help the state in the troubled present. Such recognition
This objective was clear from the beginning in Manipur and has is apparent in the emerging role of women in the public domain.
been gaining more significance as ethnic nationalism gets Similarly, if the rightist state politically excluded Irabot, his
stronger in the region. birthday is observed as a state holiday and annual statewide
Economic & Political weekly GEES February 19, 2011 vol xlvi no 8 61

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
SPECIAL ARTICLE

commemorations took place under the leftists. The increasingis not strange to see that the Meitei-dominated Manipur state
popularity of his idea of sovereign Manipur has also earned him
has deliberately ignored the important hill chapters in the state-
great recognition among the people as is shown by the prolifera-sanctioned public spaces.
tion of his statues in the 1990s. It is therefore apparent that the role of the state in selecting
But the tribais' past continues to remain invisible in state-
past events for representation in its sanctioned public spaces is
sponsored public spaces although their movements against colo-
informed by its contemporary concern in promoting the rise to
dominance of the Meitei community. It must have been decided
nialism could have been used to gain their support to the cause of
the new state. It seems apparent that their past achievements dothat in such a process of reconstruction there cannot be any par-
allel rise to dominance of two or more powers in a single state.
not support the state's notion of historical experience. The politics
Hence, "not to see" the tribais, and to make them invisible in
of ethnicity seems to have forcefully driven the state's sense of
imagination and contemporary social and political direction.
public spaces is but a part of the same process of reinventing a
Ethnic politics has become so visible that the proposal to honoursociety which would "see" only the linear rise to power of the
politically-dominant Meitei community. It follows that the pres-
the birth anniversary of Jadonang was mooted during the tenure
of a Naga chief minister, and was withdrawn immediately afterence
a of the tribais' pasts in public spaces is likely to obstruct this
linear path to power. Thus the state government was and is
Meitei chief minister came to power. The Jadonang Park came up
in 2006 at Imphal apparently "to appease" the Nagas or some
guided by what George Orwell (1984) has noted about the agency
which controls historical experience: "those who control the
sections of them at any rate. The case of the suspension of pen-
past, control the future".25 So what is common to most national
sions to 148 Kuki ina pensioners in the state is also informative.19
In 1998, the government had en masse suspended their pensions
monuments which are usually built by a politically dominant group
and despite appeals from the hapless "freedom fighters" the
to legitimise their rise to dominance by remembering their pasts
or forgetting and misrepresenting the past memories of a minority
suspension is still in force.20 The reason for this, I was informed,
was due to "lack of evidences" or "fake evidences". But if the ear-or the subordinated "others" is also applicable to Manipur.
lier government was paying the pension what is the need for new
Ethnicity Imagined, Ethnicity Animated
"evidences"? Here ethnic politics again come to the fore. The
If the politics of remembering necessarily involves promoting the
cases against the hapless "freedom fighters" had begun in 1997
interests of a politically-dominant community, then how do these
during the tenure of a Naga chief minister and a top Naga civil
state commemorations shape the dominant community and its
servant and it is suspected that ethnic enmity between the two
relationship with other communities? This may pose a great chal-
tribes since 1992 have played a central role into the making and
lenge before the state in two ways: the dominant community gets
unmaking of "freedom fighters". If the Naga-dominated gov-
assimilated around the state's historical imagination and the
ernment disposed the hapless Kuki ina pensioners, the Meitei-
dominated state government which came after that is equallymarginal communities feel neglected. In the case of Manipur it is
the dominant Meitei community which got affected by the new
evasive. It is noteworthy that out of 79 Kukis among the 97 ina
reconstruction process. Initially, they gathered around the state-
"freedom fighters of Manipur" (published in a booklet by the
government) only one Kuki appears in the ina war museum.21 Insponsored collective memory and gradually assimilated them-
fact, ethnic politics such as this is not new to Manipur. The con-selves in ethnic Meitei nationalism. The idea that the Meiteis are
a dominant power in the history of Manipur and have emerged as
test for dominance and the politics of downplaying the claims of
"others" on ethnic lines was also reflected in the Memorandum of
such in the past against all odds, as has been portrayed in public
the Kuki Political Sufferer's Association (kpsam) to the primespaces, encouraged Meitei nationalism which had undergone a
minister of India in 1958: metamorphic change since the 1990s.
On the other hand, if the state historical imagination keeps the
Compared with her (Rani Gaidinliu) services or the services of the
tribes
twenty-four aforesaid Manipuris (who have been recognised as free- out of public spaces, training the people not to see anything
dom fighters by central government), those of the Kuki political suffer- other than the linear rise to power of the Meitei community, it
ers and martyrs... were by no means insignificant and... the contribu-reduces the tribais to mere "subjects" who occupy not the "house"
tion of these Kuki patriots to the cause of Freedom Movement of thebut the imagined "garden" of the house.26 In this context the
country deserve similar recognition from the Government of India.22
spatial ideology of the state becomes informative. If we take the
representations in the museums seriously the idea of territoriality
Accordingly, the Rani was dubbed as a "traditional oracle".23
becomes
Similarly, Nagas were also accused of helping the British during dominant: the Manipur state boundary as it exists today
the second world war.24 When asked why the Kukis have nothas its historical roots in the precolonial period, it was the result
of the Meitei kings' rise to dominance over the hillmen. Signifi-
applied to the state government for a state monument or commemo-
cantly, these kingly rights are asserted again and again in the
ration to honour their "patriots" the Kuki notables answered that
the Meiteis or Nagas who dominated the state government wouldstate assembly. In 2002, for instance, a resolution in this regard
never accept such demands. So they demanded such recognition was taken up noting the fact that "the present territorial bounda-
ries" were based on "the erstwhile princely state of Manipur"
from the central government. This is apparently in keeping with
which "continued to be maintained without being challenged by
the reality of ethnic relations in the state where downplaying the
any authority even after the merger of the State of Manipur with
achievements of the "others" is usually used as a strategy not only
the Union of India" under the Merger Agreement in 1949, under
for dominance but also to highlight the differences. Therefore, it

62 February 19, 2011 vol XLVi no 8 ШЗЗ Economic & Political weekly

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
 ^= SPECIAL ARTICLE

Part С State of India in 1959, and is protected by various actsalso comes under attack. Kymlicka (2001: 2) says "behind
present
until 1972 when Manipur attained statehood.27 If the every new state
minority that is causing trouble for the state, we are likely
thought that it is the legitimate heir to the earlier state
to and
findthat
a state that is putting pressure on the minority".29
Theisvirulent
to protect the "territorial integrity" of the "erstwhile" state its nature of ethnic relations in the state becomes
visible
legitimate right, then the representations in its sponsored in many forms. The cases of violent ethnic conflicts be-
public
tween
spaces must also be of hegemony-ridden pasts in which Meitei-Pangal (1993), Kuki-Naga (1992-97) and Paite-
the hill-
men, as a "conquered" and "subjected" populations, are ex-
Thadou (1997) are testimony of this violent ethnic nationalism.
pected to accept the totalising state projects without themselves
In 2001, Meiteis and Kukis fought against the extension of cease-
having any representation. fire beyond Nagaland: Meiteis and Kukis were opposed to giving
But such a theory seems to have left the hillmen unimpressed.
up even "an inch" of the "existing" Manipur state boundary and
They felt that they were misrepresented as not having any
their "inhabited" territory respectively to "Nagalim". Tension and
"glorious" pasts or any past at all. This is due to two important
suspicion, between these groups are so entrenched that a trivial
factors: first, the hillmen are yet to be emotionally integrated
matter is potential enough to spark off ethnic feud in the state.
with the plainsmen to be able to accept such projects,
Theandpresence
sec- of more than 20 underground organisations in the
ond, they have been continuously pulled farther awaystate
from do-
further worsened the situation. This is how the tiny state of
ing so by the increasing centrifugal forces beyondManipur
the state
has turned into a hotbed of insurgency, ethnic conflicts
boundary.28 The feeling of marginality in the state only
and a fur-
low intensity war zone. Yet the State continued to pretend
thered this situation. If the hegemonic-ridden state's ignorance
historical but resorted to conventional weapons and the armed
imagination represents the "kingly" version of the forces,
historical
to suppress the untamed spirit of misunderstanding
past, then the hillmen, who now thought of themselvesamong
as "citi-
the people. Certainly, the revival of hegemonic-ridden
zens" (not "subjects"), would sees the pasts, the histories, and like the Mera Haochongba (renamed Houchongbd)
traditions
the memories, selectively represented in the state-sponsored
would further aggravate the situation although the plain motive
public spaces as the Meitei's pasts, not theirs. Thus the state'sits revival invited appreciation as a step towards an
behind
space has become a site of contestation to the various competing
inclusive politics.30
ethnic actors in the state. The opposition from the tribal com-
Conclusion
munities to the role of the state in honouring the "martyrs" of
18 June 2001 uprising with a public memorial at Kekrupat,
The discussion thus far has presented the political function of
Imphal, is a recent case in point. representation in public spaces and its role in shaping ethnic rela-
The gradual rise to prominence of some vernacular memorials
tions in a multi-ethnic multicultural society. It has been pointed
among the tribes is important in understanding the out
process
that of
the historical imagination of the postcolonial state in the
how their rising consciousness. If the state refused to honour
region has largely favoured the memory of anti-colonial move-
tribal heroes, the tribes sought to distance themselvesments
from the
as common ground to organise the freed people. But
state projects. If the state has ignored the Kuki Rising,whereasfor
the elitist-masculine pasts of the politically-dominant
instance, Chengjapao Doungel, the leader of the rising, has been
ethnic community has been "overly" remembered, the "wars"
recast by the Kukis as "King of Kukis". This is significant in that
fought by women, peasants and tribais or ethnic minorities have
the Kukis have created their own centre of power in thebeenpast as
deliberately ignored, misrepresented or reluctantly recog-
against or in competition with, the projection of the maharajahs
nised. This exclusivist politics of remembering has, on the one
of Manipur as the centre of power by the state. Similarly, hand,
Jadonang
assimilated the dominant ethnic community around such
and Gaidinliu occupy the same historical position inshared
the Naga
pasts, but, on the other, generated opposition from those
world. Besides, the historical personalities belonging who
to ethnic
felt neglected. The minorities who felt ignored by the State
Meiteis or those appropriated by the state are deliberately
and who persevered by participating in politics in the vernacular,
avoided by the tribais in this reconstruction process. Among the
have contested the totalising state projects by developing their
Kukis, legendry figures like Galngam and Hangsai orown
historical
vernacular space, and vernacular memorials, to embody
personalities like Chengjapao, Pache, Tintong, Goukhothang,
their et al
historical imagination in response to the "official" act of for-
emerged significantly. This extends even to the naming
[Link]
Consequent to this contested historical imaginations and
old places: the Kukis, for instance, prefer "Lamka" the
instead of
emphasis on a masculine past is the rise to prominence of a
"Churachandpur" (the second town of Manipur) and "Kangui"
parallel,in-
and often competing, ethnic nationalism across the re-
stead of "Kangpokpi". Hence what comes out as a sequel to or
gion, thewithin a state, which was (and is) virulent and often bru-
state's perception of the past is a competing historicaltal.
imagina-
So long as the postcolonial states in north-east India remain
insensitive
tion of the hillmen and thereby a parallel, disjointed and compet- to the existence of several ethnic minorities within
ing ethnonationalism in the process. And the promotiontheir
of mas-
own boundaries or beyond and as long as these minorities
culinity in the collective memory of the people, in turn, produced in politics in their vernacular the politics of remem-
participate
a virulent form of ethnonationalism in which each community,
bering would also remain a site of contestation. It is possible that
instead of pursuing a democratic way, took to armedconcessions
struggle may slide down the "slippery slope" but the State
dangerously imbued with fissiparous tendencies. No wonder,
cannotthe
continue to ignore the presence of the minority "others"
state's assertion to control the past as a means to control the
who constantly insist on identifying with it.

Economic & Political weekly ШШ February 19, 2011 vol xlvi no 8 63

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]
 SPECIAL ARTICLE =

NOTES of Freedom Fighters of Manipur in Indian Struggle Memory of the Malay Regiment in Modern Malay-
i For memories of "colonial armies" see Blackburn for Freedom, published by Freedom Fighter Cell of sia and Singapore" in К Hack and T Rettig (ed.),
Manipur Pradesh Congress Committee (Indira), Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia (London:
(2005: 302-26).
1986. See also a booklet Л Tribute to the INA Free- Routledge), 302-26.
2 See photos of state commemorations at http://
dom Fighters of Manipur published by Depart- Carey, В S and H N Tuck (1895, 1987): The Chin Hills: A
[Link]/[Link]?src=galleries. ment of Art and Culture, Manipur, 2010. History of the People, British Dealings with Them,
Speda^[Link]. (viewed on 27 January 2010).
22 Memorandum of the Kuki Political Sufferer's Their Customs and Manners, and a Gazetteer of
3 This stone was engraved during the Lushai Expe-
Association, 16 November 1958, p 2. Their Country, Vol I (Delhi: Spectrum).
dition 1872. Carey and Porteous visited the place
23 Ibid: 2. Connerton, Paul (1989): How Societies Remember
in 1894 and the translation read: "His Highness...
reduced to subjection the Lushai towards the south. . .
24 See the memorandum of Joint Action Committee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
took as tribute elephant tusks and gongs... [and] on Suspension of Pension (INA), Manipur StateDevi, К Sobita (1991): "Introducing Manipur State
subdued. . . in all 122 villages". To this Carey noted Unit, to the Chief Minister of Manipur, 23 Decem- Museum" in N Sanajaoba (ed.), Manipur: Past and
that "the Manipuris claim to have done more con- ber 1999. Present, Vol 2 (New Delhi: Mittal), 180-86.
quering than our records credit them with. The 25 As quoted in Petrovato's "Producing National Ghosh, К К (1969): Indian National Army: A Second
Soktes say that the ivory tusks alluded to were Identity", [Link] Front of the Indian Independence Movement
given as ransom for Nokutung". See, Carey and 26 This sort of hill-valley binary is forcefully inherent (Meerut: MinakshiPrakashan).
Tuck (1895: 123, fn 3). in the spatial ideology of the postcolonial states in Halbwachs, Maurice (1925): On Collective Memory,
4 See also the Catalogue of Kangla Museum, pub- the region. trans Lewis A Coser (Heritage of Sociology Series).
lished by Kangla Fort Board, 2009. 27 This territorial question was asserted again and Haokip, P S (1998, 2008): Zale'n-Gam: The Kuki Nation
5 For detail on Imphal Campaign, see Ghosh (1969), again in the state assembly: 24-3-95, 14-3-97, 17-7- (Manmasi: KNO Publication).
Lebra (1971) and Bayly and Harper (2007). 98, 17-12-98, 22-3-01, 12-6-02, and 23-6-2005. See Hudson, T С (ich, 2007): The Naga Tribes of Manipur
6 See M S Mairembam, "The Synthesising Role of the resolutions at the official website of Manipur (Delhi: Low Price Publication).
the I N A Martyrs' Memorial: Moirang and the State Assembly, [Link] Johnstone, James (1896, 1987): Manipur and the Naga
Indo-Japanese Peace Cenotaph: Lotpaching (Red (viewed on 9 May 2010). Hills (Delhi: Gian).
Hill)" at [Link] 28 I am referring to Naga and Kuki integration move- Kämmen, Michael (1991): Mystic Chords of Memory
ments.
asp? src=manipur.History_of_Manipur (viewed on (New York: Vintage).
27 January 2010). See also A Tribute to the INA 29 This aspects of state's totalising projects and its
Kymlicka, Will (2001): Politics in the Vernacular:
Freedom Fighters of Manipur (2010), and INA opposition is insightful in H Kham Khan Suan's Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Citizenship
Martyr's Memorial (2009), both published by "Hills-Valley Divide as a Site of Conflict: Emerg-
(Oxford: Oxford University Press).
Department of Art and Culture, Manipur. ing Dialogic Space in Manipur" in Sanjib Baruah
Lebra, J С (1971): Jungle Alliance: Japan and the Indian
7 See various articles on Nupi lai at [Link] (ed.), Beyond Counter-insurgency: Breaking the National Army (Singapore: Asia Pacific Press).
net/[Link]?src=manipur.History_ Impasse in Northeast India (New Delhi: OUP,
McCulloch, W (1859, 1980): An Account of the Valley of
of_Manipur (viewed on 27 January 2010). 2009), PP 263-89.
Manipore and of the Hill Tribes (Delhi: Mittal).
8 As quoted in Oinam Anand's 'Another December 12", 30 The state government had recently revived Mera
Palit, D K (1984): Sentinels of Northeast India: The
posted on [Link] Haochongba festival, declared state holiday on
Assam Rifles (Delhi: HR Gupta and Sons).
asp?src=manipur.History_of_Manipur (viewes on 23 October. Haochongba is the old Manipur festival
when "men of the various tribes came down to Pemberton, R В (1835, 2ooo): The Eastern Frontier of
27 January 2010).
India (New Delhi: Mittal).
9 See newspapers reports and photos on Nupilal Imphal to perform feats of strength and agility"
Day celebrations at [Link] (viewed on and "the day was conclude with a feast, at which Petrovato, John (2006): "Producing National Identity:
they are regaled with the flesh of cows, buffaloes, Museums, Memory and Collective Thought in
27 January 2010).
dogs, cats, &c, which have died in the valley... Israel", State of Nature 3, Spring, [Link]
10 See also Parratt and Arambam, "Hijam Irabot and
dried and preserved on purpose for this feast, and [Link]/[Link].
the Radical Socialist Democratic Movement in
being supplied with plenty of spirits". Although a (29.01.2010).
Manipur" at [Link]
asp?src=manipur.History_of_Manipur (viewed on legend of common origin for Nagas, Kukis and Reid, Robert (1942, 1997): History of the Frontier
Meiteis was invented to explain this "curious" Areas Bordering on Assam from 1883-1941 (Delhi:
27 January 2010).
custom the practice points to a rather civilisation- Spectrum).
11 See newspapers reports and photographs on the al discourse in which the hillmen came down to Ricoeur, Paul (2006): Memory, History, Forgetting
celebrations at [Link]
show their "subjection" and uncouth habit of sa- (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
12 For details of Kuki Rising see Bhadra (1975),
vouring on carcasses. See McCulloch (1859: 24), Ruddin, M D (1988): "Anglo-Manipur War, 1891" in
Haokip (1998: 75-193), Vumson (1986: 133-37). For
Hudson (1911: 9, 60). N Sanajaoba (ed.), Manipur: Past and Present,
military operation see Shakespear (1929: 209-38)
Vol I (New Delhi: Mittal), 113-34.
and Palit (1984: 61-83).
Savage, Kirk (1994): "The Politics of Memory: Black
13 The four subdivisions were Churachandpur,
REFERENFES Emancipation and the Civil War Monument" in
Tamenglong, Ukhrul and Sadar, and seven AR
Bayly, С John R Gillis (ed.), Commemorations:
and T The Politics
Harper
outposts were at Ukhrul, Kamjong or Chassad,
of of National Identity
Britain's Asian(Princeton: Princeton Univer- Emp
Mombi, Churachandpur, Hengthan, Tamenglong
Bodnar, sity Press).
John (1993)
or Laijang, and Nantiram.
Memory, Shakespear, L W (1929): History of the Assam Rifles
Commemor
14 Memorandum of the Kuki Political Sufferer's
Twentieth (Aizawl: Firma
CenturyKLM, 1977). (P
Association, Manipur to Prime Minister of India
entitles "The Grant for Relief to the Kuki Political sity Press). Singh, N L (1998): The Unquiet Valley: Society, Economy
Sufferers of Manipur", 16 November 1958. Bhadra, Gautam (1975): "The Kuki (?) Uprising (1917- and Politics in Manipur (1891-1950) (Delhi: Mittal).

15 See "Rani Gaidinliu", Wikipedia: The Free En- 1919): Its Causes and Nature", Man in India, 1: 55: Vumson (1986): Zo History (Aizawl: Private Circulation).
cyclopedia, [Link] 1, January-March, 10-56. Zerubavel, Eviatar (2004): Time Maps: Collective
Gaidinliu (viewed on 28/01/2010). Blackburn, Kevin (2005): "Colonial Forces as Post- Memory and the Social Shape of the Past (Chicago:
16 Memorandum to Governor of Manipur, 26 Janu- colonial Memories: The Commemoration and University of Chicago Press).
ary 2006.
17 Paper released by Haipei Rani Gaidinliu Birth
Anniversary Celebration Committee at [Link] For the Attention of Subscribers and
[Link]/[Link]?src=manipur.
History_of_Manipur (viewed on 28 January 2010). Subscription Agencies Outside India
18 I am thankful to late Th Tiba for bringing this to
my knowledge. His untimely demise is a great lost It has come to our notice that a large number of subscriptions to the EPW from outside the
to all us in the Department of History, Assam Uni-
versity: Goodbye Tiba!
country together with the subscription payments sent to supposed subscription agents in India
19 For the list of 148 Kuki INA pensioners see Haokip have not been forwarded to us.
(2008: 279-84). We wish to point out to subscribers and subscription agencies outside India that all foreign
20 Since 1999 the Joint Action Committee on Sus-
subscriptions, together with the appropriate remittances, must be forwarded to us and not to
pension of Pension (INA), Manipur State Unit, has
submitted several representations to the state unauthorised third parties in India.
government. We take no responsibility whatsoever in respect of subscriptions not registered with us.
21 The non-availability of photographs was cited for Manager
the invisibility. But these photographs are easily
procurable from the printed volume of Who's Who

64 February 19, 2011 vol XLVi no 8 ЕИЗЗ Economic & Political weekly

This content downloaded from

[Link] on Sun, 26 May 2024 [Link] +00:00
All use subject to [Link]