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Music in Dialogue

Conversational, Literary, and Didactic Discourse about Music in the Renaissance

Cristle Collins Judd

Abstract This article takes Thomas Morleys A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke (1597) as a point of departure for exploring a group of sixteenth-century texts that place music, especially as represented by musical notation, within the form of a dialogue. Music and musical writings have barely figured in the study of the Renaissance dialogue, yet these works offer specific insights about the nature of the genre. In addition to Morleys treatise, works discussed in detail include Anton Francesco Donis Dialogo della musica (1544), Gioseffo Zarlinos Dimostrationi harmoniche (1571), and Ercole Bottrigaris Il desiderio overo de concerti (1594). The article focuses on the uniquely hybrid nature of each of these texts and the ways in which various generic constraints and demands of format interact. Musical treatises in dialogue format offer a special means of understanding the broader history of the dialogue and the role of spatiality and temporality in creating verisimilitude. While Donis Dialogo may be seen as an attempt at interpolating real music into the conversational and literary genre of the dialogue, Morleys didactic treatise represents the culmination of that interpolation: the means for taking part in the original conversation, namely the ability to sing.

when a musical treatise is presented in the form of a dialogue, the significance of its format often appears to be taken for granted by later readers. If commented on at all, the format may merit a simple sentence or two of explanation. Edmund Fellowess introduction to the facsimile edition of Thomas Morleys A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke may be seen as typical in this regard. As Fellowes observes: In accordance with the classical taste of the day, A Plaine and Easie Introduction is set in the form of a dialogue (Morley 1937, vi). The casual tone of Fellowess observationthe
This article is dedicated with great affection and admiration to Sarah Fuller on the occasion of her seventieth birthday. Although I was neither Sallys student nor colleague, she has treated me as both, serving as a gracious mentor, adviser, and friend for many years. Sallys work has been deeply influential on my own, despite the existence of only a single direct chronologic overlap in our interest (in the examples of Glareauss Dodecachordon). The distance of centuries notwithstanding, I hope the present article, to some small degree, reflects the penetrating spirit with which she has demonstrated the deep insights possible through a close and contextual reading of historical theorists held in balance with the sound and context of the music about which they wrote. I am grateful to former graduate students in seminars at the University of Pennsylvania and Princeton University who shared my initial exploration of the topic of music in dialogue. I would especially like to acknowledge the work of Olivia Bloechl in shaping my own preliminary thinking.

Journal of Music Theory 52:1, Spring 2008 DOI 10.1215/00222909-2009-010 2009 by Yale University
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unremarkability and dispensability it seems to conveypotentially glosses over underlying questions of genre that may usefully inform our understanding of such texts. My work on these questions grew out of an earlier study in which I focused on the nature of musical examples in theoretical writings of the sixteenth century ( Judd 2000). chronologically, I ended the earlier argument at mid-century with Gioseffo Zarlinos Le istitutioni harmoniche of 1558, touching the 1570s briefly with references to the revisions of that work. In passing, I also alluded to two dialogues: Zarlinos Dimostrationi harmoniche from 1571, and Morleys Plaine and Easie Introduction, first published in 1597. I took as my point of departure the perspective of the materiality of the textthat is, I focused on music theoretical writings first and foremost as books that partake of a host of conventions that are far from merely formulaic, but easily overlooked when we focus on the immaterial theory of their content or the authorial intentions. But Zarlinos Dimonstrationi and Morleys Plaine and Easie Introduction were not just chronologically beyond that study; their status as dialogues pointed to specific questions particular to these works: What does it mean that an author writing about music has chosen a dialogue rather than some other form of expression? how might the dialogue as mode of writing advance (or hinder) the argument it conveys in the specific realm of musical knowledge? And, more broadly and reflexively, do dialogues that engage music offer special insights about the nature of the renaissance dialogue as a written genre? In this article, I use Morleys treatise, Fellowess casual observance notwithstanding, as a case study through which to explore these questions, along with a number of other texts from the sixteenth century that place music, especially as represented by musical notation, within a dialogue.1 Dialogue has, of course, been the focus of much recent scholarly activity. critical work over the last two decades, especially that stemming from the writings of Mikhail Bakhtin, has focused on philosophical and theoretical considerations of dialogue and dialogism as cultural practice.2 Yet work in this tradition has been, to a large extent, silent on the genre of dialogue, undeniably one of the most prevalent forms of writing in the renaissance, and easily the most theorized at the time. Indeed, it may be that the very ubiquity of the genre has
1 An interesting corollary discussion concerns the range of musical settings that may be described as dialogues. These have been the focus of greater attention in the musicological literature. See Schick 1997 for an overview. As Schick observes (following Harrn 1970), the term dialogo in explicit reference to music had two general senses in the sixteenth century: vocal music that presented a conversational exchange between two or more characters, or a composition making use of alternating choirs, and other such devices, reminiscent of the exchanges of spoken dialogue, resulting in the application of the term to a number of diverse musical forms. Among earlier studies, see Harrn 1970 and Nutter 1978. Studies on specific national traditions or the work of individual composers include Gaylard 1987, Freedman 1994, Chater 1999, and Brooks 2001 and 2003. 2 For a cogent overview of these scholarly trends, see Macovski 1997, 326. A wide-ranging view of the intersection of dialogic thinking with musical discourse is articulated in Feldman 1995, 4851 and passim.

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Table 1. Selected Sixteenth-Century Writings about Music in Dialogue Format

Date 1544

Author Anton Francesco Doni

Title Dialogo della musica

Interlocutors Bargo [Bartolomeo Gottifredi], Michele [Michele novarese?], hoste [Bartolomeo Torresano], Grullone, Girolamo Parabosco, claudio Veggio, lodovico Domenichi, count Ottavio landi, Perissone cambio, Selvaggia [Isabetta Guasca] Paolo Soardo, Giovanni Antonio Serone lieto, rosso Fronimo (master), Eumatius (pupil) Zarlino, Willaert, Merulo, Francesco dalla Viola, Desiderio Strozzi, Bardi Don Paolo, Don hettore Diruta, Il Transilvano [Sigismund Bthori], cavalieri [Melchior Michele] Gratiosus Desiderio [Bottrigari], Alemanno Benelli [Annibale Melone] Three Veronese counts: Giordano Sarego, Marco Verit, and Alessandro Bevilacqua Master [Morley], Philomathes, Polymathes Signor luca, Signor Vario

1552 1558 1568 1571 1581 1588 1593 1594 1595 1597 1600

luigi Dentice Bartolomeo lieto Vincenzo Galilei Gioseffo Zarlino Vincenzo Galilei Pietro Pontio Girolamo Diruta Ercole Bottrigari Pietro Pontio Thomas Morley Giovanni Artusi

Duo dialoghi Dialogo quarto di musica Fronimo: dialogo Dimostrationi harmoniche Dialogo della musica antica e della moderna Ragionamento di musica Il transilvano Il desiderio overo de concerti Dialogo . . . ove si tratta della theorica A Plaine and Easie Introduction LArtusi, ovvero, Delle imperfezioni della moderna musica

overshadowed a consideration of its format: dialogues engaged almost every aspect imaginable of literary life, from the transformation of dialogues by the ancients (e.g., cicero) to topics ranging among rhetoric, ethics, society, history, and pedagogy. however, from Peter Burkes (1989) useful classification of renaissance dialogues within a continuum encompassed by four rubrics catechism, drama, disputation, and conversationa group of scholars has charted the history of the genre, primarily from the perspective of national tradition (cox 1992; Snyder 1989; Winn 1993; Wilson 1985). nonetheless, music and musical writings have barely figured in the study of dialogue writ large, and there has been little attempt to gauge the extent and nature of musical encounter with dialogue (and of dialogue with music) in the renaissance. In this examination of musical dialogues, I have focused primarily on the question of how these texts grapple with the nature of musical and spoken utterance, of spatial and temporal organization, of textuality and orality. Table 1 offers a checklist of selected sixteenth-century writings about music in dialogue format. This is not intended as a comprehensive list, but merely a reasonable overview of representative works in the genre. Two general exclusions deserve note: I have included in Table 1 only those

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treatises with named characters. Thus, I have made a distinction that excludes didactic texts in simple question and answer format (those texts, ranging from the medieval Scolica Enchiriadis to northern humanist latin school books that begin: What is music? Music is . . . and proceed in that format but without dramatic characterizations).3 Second, I have somewhat arbitrarily taken the year 1600 as an end point because of my focus on Morley, thus omitting such authors as Banchieri, cerreto, and a host of others from throughout the seventeenth century whose works would clearly be at home on this list. A number of the earlier books cited in Table 1for example, lietos Dialogo and Galileis Fronimoare notable for their emphasis on lute playing; similar later treatises such as Girolamo Dirutas Il transilvano and a number of seventeenth-century works focus on keyboard music and performance. consisting exclusively of Italian treatises apart from Morleys, these works often involve real nobles and carefully placed historical fictions, as may be ascertained from the list of interlocutors. These emphases on historicity, court culture, and the lute all stem from a neo-ciceronian tradition of dialogue that traced its roots to Baldassare castigliones Il libro del cortegiano.4 Indeed, this situationality of a dialogue counts as a crucial aspect of the genre: the work creates a physical space through its setting, as well as a situation within which the dialogue occurs. 5 As I suggested above, writing about music is almost invisible in the larger studies of the genre. The most comprehensive study mentions only a single work focused on music, Ercole Bottrigaris Il desiderio (cox 1992, 105), and the work is adduced there only as a kind of counterexample: near the end of the narrative Virginia cox argues that diagrams and examples such as those contained in Bottrigaris workbring to the fore the book as fixed typographical object rather than utterance. She further suggests that such books may be seen as a symptom of a cultural change that desiccated the oral element of the dialogue.6 cox goes on to argue, following Walter Ong, that by sundering literary discourse from its roots in spoken utterance, print destroyed the fragile parallelism between the dialogues fictional

3 While Cox (1992, 1) adopts the most open possible definition of dialogue as an exchange between two voices, Burkes continuum from catechism to drama mediated by disputation and conversation offers a helpful matrix for the texts in which I am interested (1989, 3). 4 While most Renaissance dialogues fall broadly into the category of Platonic dialogues, as Cox (1992) has shown, the emphasis on the status of speakers (including their historical authenticity) and the fidelity to documented historical situations, along with a concern with decorum, marks the works specifically in the Ciceronian influence. The scope of Table 1 could easily be broadened here to encompass French works such as Pontus de Tyards

Solitaire premier (see van Orden 1998 and Vendrix 1994), but doing so would begin to raise a discrete set of contextual concerns. 5 For a discussion of the importance of situationality and characterological embodiment in the Renaissance dialogue, see Buranello 2004. 6 Because of the nature of their argument, the Desiderio and the Ercolano [Benedetto Varchi, LHercolano, Venice 1570] need the resources of typography in a way that the Cortegiano does not. . . . The intrusions of diagrams and tables into dialogues on technical subjects is only the most obvious manifestation of a deeper cultural change (Cox 1992, 105).

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conversation and its real conversation with the reader.7 Ironically, perhaps, I want to suggest that the very sort of treatise that cox adduces as undermining dialogue might actually reopen the question of aurality and reader participation. That is, I suspect that cox may have misconstrued musical notation as merely iconic in Bottrigaris Il desiderio, without recognizing the ways in which the technical demands of the books subject and the multiplicity of possibilities for realizing musical notation that occurs within a printed text create a special set of conditions. To advance an argument that counters coxs conclusion, I briefly explore a series of sixteenth-century dialogic encounters with music. My point of departure is Anton Francesco Donis hybrid print, the Dialogo della musica (1544). The Dialogo offers a unique perspective from which to consider the nature of music in dialogue and the nature of slippage between dialogues and other formats associated with writing about music. I consider such slippage further through discussion of Zarlinos Istitutioni harmoniche (1558) and Dimostrationi harmoniche (1571), along with Bottrigaris response to those texts in Il desiderio overo de concerti (1594). returning to the dialogue with which I opened the article, I then consider questions of visuality, spatiality, and orality in Morleys Plaine and Easie Introduction (1597).
Anton Francesco Doni, Dialogo della musica (1544)

The first book in Table 1, Donis Dialogo della musica (1544), is a unique publication by all accounts. The title page of the canto partbook is reproduced in Figure 1.8 The text of the conversational dialogue appears only in the canto partbook, with a series of madrigals interspersed, as illustrated by the opening reproduced in Figure 2. The alto, tenor, and bassus partbooks, like the canto, are in upright rather than oblong format, but contain only music and are structured in every other way as ordinary partbooks, even though each is directed to a different dedicatee. This is the first instance of a book that tries overtly to link the dialogue as literary genre directly with musical notation.9 In this publication, the dialogue (i.e., the literary genre) and partbooks (the musical genre) are directly mapped one on to the other. The generic struggle is reflected in the physical production of the volume. It melds the upright quarto format associated with literary editions with the partbook format associated with music books. The individual reader/user of
7 While this thesis resurfaces in a number of Ongs writings, it is most directly stated in Ong 1982. Although a number of responses have been posed, Ongs basic premise has shown remarkable resistance to challenge. 8 The copy of the Dialogo della musica referenced for this article is that of the Biblioteca dellAccademia filarmonica, Verona. See Bernstein 1998, 17578, for details on the print and the unusual format of the book, as well as full bibliographic details. 9 There have been a number of studies of this work, focused primarily on the question of how accurately it reflects social practice or presents historical reality of musical life in mid-sixteenth-century Piacenza and Venice. See Einstein 1934, Haar 1966, Feldman 1995, Genesi 1990, and Migiani 1993.

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the Dialogo faces an interesting challenge. Taken together, all four books offer the possibility of a collective reenactment of the dialogue they contain. The canto gives the impression of a self-sufficient narrative. At the moment when the conversation might otherwise have described the singing of a madrigal, the madrigal itself (and the passage of time its performance would occupy) appears, so to speak, but only a single part, the canto of the madrigal. To have included the entire polyphony would have required choirbook or score format, yet this would pose great typographical obstacles in producing the book: choirbook implies a folio format reserved for sacred music that is generically incompatible with the madrigals contained in this volume. Further, the conversational dialogue would have to be manipulated so that each ended at the close of a recto page, leaving a full opening for the choirbook notation. not only would this have been impractical from the standpoint of the printer, but it goes against the illusion of conversation flowing into and out of music that Doni is striving to create here, as well as the individuation of the singers established by the partbooks.10 conversely, taken on their own, the other books of the set suggest an ordinary anthology in partbooks if in an anomalous upright, rather than oblong, quarto format. But to actually sing as though from an anthology, the canto must not only disregard the interpolated dialogue, but also search in a fairly cumbersome manner to locate the individual madrigals. The hybrid nature of the volume is apparent at every turn. It is as though, as haar (1966, 198) observed, what Doni has attempted is an interpolation in dialogues like the Decameron or Il Cortegiano in which the music the company was said to perform has actually been provided. Indeed, not only is it provided, but it is available for performance in a way that recreates the dialogue in a group reading of the work. Yet, physically, it appears that the different realms of words and music are incommensurable and ultimately incompatible. The constraints of the conventions in which the two are published are constantly at odds in this singular volume, even as Donis solution of uniting a dialogue with its music seems all too obvious from the conversational and representational understanding of the genre. how, after all, was one supposed to have a dialogue about music without the music? The two sections of the book depict two musical events, the first in Piacenza and the second in Venice. The musical items are clearly numbered, and the repertory, outlined in Table 2, is carefully chosen in support of the fictionalized account. The interlocutors are a mix of historically identifiable and stock characters. nearly all of the names mentioned in the first part are associated with the Accademia Ortolana, and as haar (1966, 209) described and subsequent scholars have elaborated, most of the madrigals have connections with Piacenza through either their composer or their text. In the
10 Of course, this is precisely the problem created in the modern edition, when the four original partbooks are conflated in a single volume in which a modern score replaces the individual parts.

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Figure 1. Doni, Dialogo della musica (1544)

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Figure 2. Doni, Dialogo della musica (1544), Canto, fols. 5v6r

Venetian half, the sources of music are not always so obvious, but the Venetian connections are nevertheless clear. Most discussions of the Dialogo have focused on its potential as a description of social interaction and the information it offers on the role of music in private gatherings. haar described the musical anthology contained within it as curious and uneven, with the sense that in the second part, Doni was

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Figure 2 (continued)

grabbing at anything that was available. And, if viewed merely as a music anthology, one is hard-pressed to dispute this evaluation, given the variability of both the composers and the repertory. Yet, this is not a music anthology, or at least not solely a music anthology; the music carefully supports the fiction of the dialogue. When the narrative moves from Piacenza to Venice, the

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Table 2. Musical contents of Donis Dialogo della musica

Prima parte I II III IV V VI VII VIII VIIII X XI XII XIII Veggio ruffo riccio Arcadelt Arcadelt [Doni] [Doni] Parabosco Parabosco Palazzo Bargonio Doni Veggio Seconda parte XIIII XV XVI XVII canzona XVIII XVIIII XX XXI XXII XXIII XXIIII XXV XXVI XXVII nollet Doni Perissone Parabosco Berchem Parabosco [Perissone?] Willaert Perissone rore Veggio Arcadelt Buus Veggio Sio potessi mirar quellocchi belli Chiaro leggiadro lume che dal cielo Deh perch com il vostro al nome mio Nessun visse giamai pi di me lieto Canzona Alla dolcombra Ingenium ornavit Pallas, ornavit potentem Cantai mentre chio arsi del mio foco Ave virgo gratioso Beatus Bernardus quasi vas auri solidum Giunto mha amor fra belle a crude braccia Quis tuos presul valeat mitenti pileo Madonna il mio dolor tante tale Amorosette fiore tout jamais dung vouloir immuable Madonna hor che direte Donna per acquetar vostro desire Ma di chi debbo lamentarmi hai lasso furioso Lassatemi morire Samante fu giamai di sperar privo Il bianco e dolce cigno Noi vabbaian donne mille nuova dire O conservi damor che cosi spesso Pur converra chi miei martiri amore Giunto mha amor fra belle e crude braccia Maledetto sia amore e quel che disse Alma mia fiamma e donna Di tre rare eccellenze Madonna il mio dolor tante tale

number of interlocutors is doubled, and the repertory shifts. To have meaning in the context of the dialogue, the musical items can only be evaluated in the order in which they occur, something that seems to go against the very grain of anthologies published in Venice around mid-century. The user of the partbooks, of course, is free to forgo Donis order, but the order has been predetermined, as it were, by the chronologic unfolding of the dialogue. Similarly, even as the Dialogo describes a semifictive social interaction, it struggles toward uniting textual and musical discourse. The Dialogo seems to fight its material realization at every turn. For example, Grullone and Michele are described as handing out individual manuscript parts from a pouch for each piece, in marked contrast to the printed partbooks by which the dialogue is presented. Perhaps the most striking moment of such tensions comes with the fifth musical work in a frequently cited passage from the Dialogo. The opening is reproduced as Figure 3. The fifth work is Arcadelts well-known Il bianco e dolce cigno, or so it would appear from the music of the canto.

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The conversation that follows, on the recto of the opening, makes it clear that the canto quinto is not what it may appear at first glance:
Bargo: I dont wonder that you dont say who has written this other one, that comes to blows with Il bianco e dolce cigno. hoste: I like that sort of whimsy [bizzaria]. Bargo: I dont. hoste: So much the worse for you; it was done for those who would enjoy it. If it isnt to your taste, forget it; I think it is a pretty, a pleasing invention. Grullone: You see that one can do with music whatever one wants; Ill show you that if a person decides against doing things the right way, he can simply produce a hodge-podge. here you have one piece with the soprano completely at odds with the other words below. here is another in which the words once belonged to a different piece, and this piece had different wordsand you see, the pieces now go better than they did before. Bargo: Who is their author? Grullone: The maestro who has wounded them so that they cry out for help. Bargo: Very satisfying; I knew that much before.11

The beginning of this rather extraordinary centone, a polytextual conflation, appears in Example 1.12 The conundrum is this: for the dialogue that surrounds it to make sense, all parts must be present and sounded together, yet only the canto has the dialogue, and taken alone the part it contains (recognizably Arcadelts Il bianco e dolce cigno) seems to make a nonsense of the same text. While throughout the dialogue a certain musical expertise is expected of the interlocuterswho both perform and express judgments about compositionsDoni deliberately grounds the dialogue in a social sphere as when he has Grullone exclaim after a particularly pedantic monologue by Bargo that such discussions are best meant for schools and that the purpose of the present gathering is seeking enjoyment: We mean to take our ease, not to teach. This deliberate distancing from the didactic is not surprising; along with the fidelity to historical locations and people, it places Donis Dialogo squarely in the literary and conversational sphere of the neo-ciceronian dialogue that had rapidly established itself as a primary means of expression.
From dialogue to treatise to dialogue . . .

The slippage from conversational dialogue to didactic treatisethe slippage Donis interlocutors seem so emphatically to want to avoidand the questions of veracity entailed by format can be conveniently illustrated by a
11 The translation follows Haar 1966, 21516. 12 Haar 1966, 21516, discusses in detail the new voices added to Arcadelts soprano.

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Figure 3. Doni, Dialogo della musica (1544), Canto, fols. 10v11r

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Figure 3 (continued)

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Example 1. Doni, Dialogo della musica, Canto Quinto, Arcadelt (?), Il bianco e dolce cigno (ed. Malipiero, 1964)

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passage from the very end of Zarlinos Le istitutioni harmoniche (1558). In the passage, quoted below, Zarlino adduces the quintessential dialogue castigliones Il Cortegianoas the framing context for an anecdote that he relates about Adriano Willaert, then maestro di capella at San Marco and the revered composer on whose teachings the Istitutioni rested. The passage from castiglione is shown in parallel, with shared text between the two indicated by underlining.
Zarlino, Istitutioni harmoniche, IV: 346 Castiglione, Il libro del cortegiano, II: 35

Et per dare qualche essempio accommodato di questo, mi ricordo, che leggendo vna fiata nel Secondo libro del cortigiano del conte Baldessara castiglione, ritrouai, che essendo appresentati nella corte della S. Duchessa di Vrbino alcuni versi sottol nome del Sannazaro, tutti li giudicarono per molto eccellenti, & li lodarono sommamente; dipoi saputo per cosa certa, che erano stati composti da vnaltro, subito persero la riputatione & furono giudicati meno che mediocri. Simigliantemente ritrouai, che cantandosi in presentia della nominata Signora vn motetto, non piacque, ne f riputato nel numero de i buoni, fino a tanto, che non si seppe, che la compositione era di Iosquino. Ma per mostrare anco quanto possa alcune volte la malignit, & la ignoranza insieme de gli huomini, mi souiene hora alla memoria quello, che molte fiate h vdito dire dallEccellentissimo Adriano Vuillaerte, che cantandosi in roma nella capella del Pontefice quasi ogni festa di nostra Donna quel motetto a sei voci, Verbum bonum, & suaue, sottil nome di Iosquino; era tenuto per vna delle belle compositioni, che a quei tempi si cantasse: essendo lui venuto di Fiandra in Italia al tempo di leone Decimo, et ritrouandosi in luogo, oue si cantaua cotal motetto, vidde che era intitolato a Iosquino; & dicendo lui, che era il suo, come era veramente; tanto valse la malignit, ouero (dir pi modestamente) la ignoranza di coloro, che mai pi lo volsero cantare. Di costoro, che sono senza alcun giuditio soggiunge in quello istesso luogo il

E che sia l vero, non ancor molto tempo, che essendo appresentati qui alcuni versi sotto l nome del Sanazaro, a tutti parvero molto eccellenti e furono laudati con le maraviglie ed esclamazioni; poi, sapendosi per certo che erano dun altro, persero sbito la reputazione e parvero men che mediocri. E cantandosi pur in presenzia della signora Duchessa un mottetto, non piacque mai n fu estimato per bono, fin che non si seppe che quella era composizion di Josquin de Pris.

Ma che pi chiaro segno volete voi della forza della opinione? non vi ricordate

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conte Baldessara vnaltro essempio di vno, che beuendo di vno istesso vino, diceua tallora, che era perfettissimo, & tallora insipidissimo: percioche gli era persuaso, che erano di due sorti di vino.

che, bevendo voi stesso dun medesimo vino, dicevate talor che era perfettissimo, talor insipidissimo? e questo perch a voi era persuaso che eran dui vini, lun di rivera di Genoa e laltro di questo paese; e poi ancor che fu scoperto lerrore, per modo alcuno non volevate crederlo, tanto fermamente era confermata nellanimo vostro quella falsa opinione, la qual per dalle altrui parole nasceva.

For example, I remember that while reading once in the second book of Il Cortegiano of count Baldassare castiglione, I discovered that when some verses presented at the court of the Duchess of Urbino went under the name of Sannazaro, everyone judged them to be most excellent, and praised them highly. Then it became known for certain that they had been composed by someone else, and suddenly they lost their reputation and were judged to be less than mediocre. Similarly, I discovered that a motet which was sung in the presence of the aforementioned lady did not please, nor was it ranked among the good compositions, until it became known that the composition was written by Josquin, for then it was immediately ranked in accordance with the lofty reputation which Josquin had at that time. In order to show what the malignity and ignorance of men can sometimes do, I shall now relate what I have heard said many times about the most excellent Adrian Willaert, namely, that a motet for six voices, Verbum bonum et suave, sung under the name of Josquin in the Papal chapel in rome almost every feast of Our lady, was considered one of the most beautiful compositions sung in those days. When Willaert came from Flanders to Italy at the time of leo X and found himself at the place where this motet was being sung, he saw that it was ascribed to Josquin. When he said that it was his own, as it really was, so great was the malignity or (to put it more mildly) the ignorance of the singers, that they never wanted to sing it again.

. . . if the truth were told, you yourself and all of us frequently, and at this very moment, rely more on the opinions of others than on our own. And to prove this, consider that not so long ago, when certain verses were presented here as being by Sannazaro, everyone thought they were extremely fine and praised them to the skies; then when it was established that they were by someone else their reputation sank immediately and they seemed quite mediocre. Then again, when a motet was sung in the presence of the Duchess, it pleased no one and was considered worthless, until it became known that it had been composed by Josquin des Pres.

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In the book mentioned above, count Baldassare adds another example of those who are without any judgment, and tells of a man who, drinking of one and the same wine, at one time said that it was most perfect, and at another, that it was most insipid, for he was convinced that he had been drinking two sorts of wine.

What clearer proof do you want of the force of opinion? Do you not remember that once when drinking a certain wine one moment you were saying that it was absolutely perfect and the next that it was really insipid? And this was because you were persuaded that you were drinking two different kinds of wine, one from the riviera of Genoa and the other from this locality. And even when the mistake was discovered you simply refused to believe it, so firmly entrenched in your mind was the false opinion which, of course, arose from what others had said. Baldassare castiglione, Il libro del cortegiano, II: 35 (trans. Bull, 1967, 14445)

Gioseffo Zarlino, On the Modes: Part IV of Le istitutioni harmoniche (trans. cohen, 1983)

The reference to Book II of Il cortegiano is overt and specific. Even as Zarlino is turning castigliones judgments on style to his own purposes, he is faithful to the well-known dialogue. castigliones fictionalized account is reported here as a truth that substantiates, as it is substantiated by, the anecdote about Willaert and Verbum bonum et suave.13 here, an excerpt from a dialogue is reported in a practical treatise as a means of verifying, contextualizing, and explaining the contemporary events related by the treatise. While dialogue enters the Istitutioni thusas gesture toward a semifictive account that relates greater truthsit betokens Zarlinos use of dialogue for his next treatise. This sense of continuity is all the more palpable when reading these treatises in the complete works edition of 1588 89. From the invocation of castiglione that closes the Istitutioni, we move directly to a treatise in dialogue. One suspects that it was not mere fashion that prompted Zarlino to adopt this format for the Dimostrationi harmoniche. And in fact, the treatise attempts the difficult feat of superimposing the format of a dialogue on a set of demonstrations. The Dimostrationi carefully sets its scene in April 1562, nine years before its publication. The date is crucial because it puts all the major characters in place: it is shortly before Willaerts death, and it coincides with the presence of the composer Francesco dalla Viola in Venice. (he was there as part of the Este retinue.) Zarlino tells us that after he and dalla Viola attended vespers at San Marco, they joined up with claudio Merulo (who was by that time employed as organist at San Marco). All three go to visit Willaert, who was ill.
13 Modern scholars had long been prone to discount the Willaert episode as apocryphal, a fanciful and anecdotal dressing up of Castiglione on Zarlinos part. Yet, as David Kidger (2003) has determined, the confusion of authorship by the Papal Chapel singers is indeed plausible, may well have been connected with a visit by Willaert to Rome, and quite probably surrounded the motet Verbum bonum et suave. I am grateful to Professor Kidger for sharing this unpublished work with me.

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At that point, a certain Desiderio, a learned nobleman from Pavia, turns up and begins to question Zarlino, and off we go with the first of Desiderios many leading questions. The various emphases on historicity, court culture, and so forth all stem from the neo-ciceronian tradition of dialogue tracing its roots to castigliones Il cortegiano. The dialogue provides the authority for the treatise in the form of the interlocutors, but also provides a convenient framework that allows Zarlino to expand upon his own earlier book. Thus, Desiderios naive questions prompt Zarlino not only to quote his own earlier book approvingly, but also to create a context within which he can respond to his critics as well as elaborate on the earlier volume. It even allows Zarlino to put criticisms of his foes in the mouth of the aged and venerable Willaert. Just as Donis Dialogo della musica was a hybrid, forcing music and dialogue between the covers of a single volume, so Zarlinos book coerces dialogue and demonstration into a single volume. That the demonstrations have priority is indicated by the very title of the book. It is, after all, titled Dimostrationi harmoniche, not Dialogo della harmonia or some such. Indeed, the title page makes no allusion to the dialogue. cox could have as easily singled out Zarlinos Dimostrationi as Bottigaris dialogue (which is, in its turn, a response to Zarlino) for her criticism that the readers faith in the conversation is undermined as the book becomes a physical object fixed by typography rather than an utterance in which readers participate. The opening given in Figure 4 would seem to confirm this, as visual diagrams interrupt, even mid-syllable, the discourse. This book is, without doubt, a monologue, in the traditional form of demonstrations, onto which a dialogue has been grafted. The dialogue conveniently provides the premise and authorization for the text. It is not the diagrams, however, which are primarily responsible for any presumed loss of utterance in this book. rather, the nature of the book, a Dimostrationi, sets up a parallel process, much as did Donis Dialogo. The definitions, demands, propositions, and corollaries, all set apart in large roman type with headings, are a single unified book, into which a self-contained, but overlapping, explanatory dialogue in italic type has been interpolated. Thus, on a much larger scale, just as a moment from castigliones Il Cortegiano contextualized the claims at the end of the Istitutioni, the newly created dialogue here gives life to a text. That the text itself is newly written does not change the essentially hybrid nature of the book as two booksa dialogue and demonstrationwithin a single cover. It is worth highlighting that the Dimostrationi harmoniche contains no musical notation. That its illustrations are entirely tables and diagrams is perhaps a reflection not only of its subject matter but also of the genre of demonstration. Bottrigaris Il desiderio offered an overt response to Zarlinos Dimostrationi: the character Desiderio from Zarlinos dialogue is transformed into one whose desire has now been satisfiedGratioso Desiderio. But unlike the Dimostrationi, Il desiderio is solely a dialogue, a feature called out on its title page.

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Il DESIDErIO OVErO De concerti di varij Strumenti Musicali. DIAlOGO DEl M. Ill. SIG. cAVAlIErE hercole Bottrigaro: nel quale anco si ragiona della Participatione di essi Strumenti, & di molte altre cose pertinenti alla Musica.

It is also a dialogue in which musical notation figures, albeit in a limited fashion. Figure 5 reproduces the opening on pages 2021 with the most notation of the treatise. Unlike the diagrams of the Dimostrationi, in fact these examples are carefully introduced. The last line of page 19 introduces the top of page 20 (the beginning of Figure 5) with the words here is the example. captions for the examples appear as marginalia, and each example is directly introduced and carefully placed spatially. So the question now arises: is this musical notation mere visual diagram? Bottrigari might seem to suggest so, as when he says, I want to show it to you also with pen on this paper (con la penna s questa carta) (see Figure 6), or, as with his continuous physical injunctions, which seem to present notation: here you are . . . here is the demonstration so you may see. . . . I can write them out; just a moment and you will see. . . . now examine it. look at this keyboard I will draw for you (Figure 7). It was in fact the keyboard prop that seemed to strain all credulity for cox. While the visual may be the most obvious, it is important to realize that the musical notation Bottrigari introduces in his response to Zarlinos dialogue has the potentialhardly realized in this dialogue, to be sure, but the potential neverthelessto move the printed words to the realm of articulated sound commensurate with the representation of musical sound. To appreciate the realization of that potential, I now turn to an overtly didactic dialogue, one with which I began my exploration of musical dialogues, Morleys Plaine and Easie Introduction.
Thomas Morley, A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke (1597)

On the surface, Morleys Plaine and Easie Introduction shares only the superficial commonalities of its dialogue format with the books I have discussed thus far. The interlocutors, like those in Vincenzo Galileis Fronimo, or the Desiderio of Zarlinos and Bottrigaris dialogues, are symbolically named. Morleys characters namesthe master, Philomathes (lover of learning), and Polymathes (widely learned)tell us of the roles they will play. Morleys treatise sits firmly within a genre of music treatise in dialogue format, yet it seems not to have originated in direct response to the Italian dialogic

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Figure 4. Zarlino, Dimostrationi harmoniche (1571), 16869

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Figure 4 (continued)

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Figure 5. Bottrigari, Il desiderio (1594), 2021

tradition. That is, unlike Bottrigaris work, it is not a particularized response. nor does it seem to have English predecessors that deal with the subject of music, although didactic dialogues in general were as common in England as on the continent. nevertheless, I believe that it can offer hints for understanding the interplay of aural, visual, and spatial in earlier dialogues.

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Figure 5 (continued)

What Morleys treatise tells us about music has usually precluded any consideration of how he does it. But as I have argued above, the how inseparably informs the what.14 Music (by means of music notation) possesses the
14 I touched on these issues briefly in Judd 2000, 89.

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Figure 6. Bottrigari, Il desiderio (1594), 26

ability to disrupt a discourse, to halt or redirect its progression, to interrupt the rhythm of words and the order of a page. For Doni, it was precisely such interruptions and the associated sound of such interruptions that were the implication of notation. As I show in detail below, in a didactic work like Morleys there are times when notation serves a purely iconic functionwhen we are meant to see notation, but not hear it. At other times, the notation serves as a generalized reminder of music as a sounding phenomenon, and at still other times, the notation is meant to be read and heard, although the reading and hearing may take many forms.

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Figure 7. Bottrigari, Il desiderio (1594), 37

As readers of Morleys dialogue, we take control of the sounds represented, whether they are imagined or actualized in or out of real time, completely or partially. What is implicit in a dialogue and especially notable in Morleys treatise is the degree to which a mask of verisimilitude attempts to disguise the rupture of words and notation. This is accomplished both through the mode of exposition and through the physical placement of words and music. not surprisingly, Morley does not completely succeed, but A Plaine and Easie Introduction reveals an overarching self-consciousness that places it squarely in the communicative sphere of the dialogue. At the heart

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of A Plaine and Easie Introduction is the juxtaposition of a written treatise on practical music with the form of an oral dialogue that is constrained by its physical presentation and the music notation it contains. Even the most formulaic dialogue presents a body of information or opinion at the same time that it also represents the process by which that information is transmitted to a particular audience. Morleys dialogue presents us with characters in the form of a teacher and students who encounter musical inscriptions in the form of notation. The depiction itself is interesting for the information it can provide us about musical pedagogy (albeit stylized and fictionalized), but it also creates a pedagogical exchange between the reader and text that is mirrored in the dialogue as the exchange among Polymathes, Philomathes, and the master. Parallel exchanges of text/reader and master/ student exist in a kind of symbiotic relationship. readers are explicitly aware of the parallel status of the two exchanges (the narrative of the dialogue on the one hand and the pedagogical function on the other). Thus, Morleys readers not only observe a fictional exchange between a master and student, but are also invited to participate in it. Morleys text signals different modes of reading throughout the dialogue, by means of the characters Philomathes and Polymathes. not surprisingly, at the moments when the verisimilitude of the dialogue is most threatened, the narrative voice emerges most clearly, such as when Polymathes utters: In truth, if I had not looked upon the example, I had not understood your wordes, but now I perceave the meaning of them. It is a sentiment uttered repeatedly by Polymathes, as a self-conscious insistence on the absolute necessity of comprehending the musical examples so carefully placed in the work. The means of mediating the notated music of A Plaine and Easie Introduction are both subtle and diverse. Although Philomathes and Polymathes are constantly interrupting their master in Morleys dialogue, they frequently apologize for their interruption, implying a norm of didactic discourse as an uninterrupted presentation of information, not a dialectical one. For example, Philomathes says to the master, now seeing you have aboundantlie satisfied my desire in shewing us such profitable tables and close, I pray you go forwarde with that discourse of yours which I interrupted (142). The character seems to speak for the director of the dialogue, however, in authorizing the interruption, the results of which were profitable tables. That such interruption is authorized so enthusiastically, whether it takes the form of an interjection by a character, an inset table, or notated music, provides further evidence of a self-consciousness about the mode of presentation, both of verbal concepts and of musical notation and tables. Equally carefully, Morley never exceeds a page without some interaction of character, however formulaic, to remind us that this is not a monologue. Most notable are the ways in which Morley situates the musical examples through language and spatial organization. It is here, where text and music

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meet, that Morley seems to exert the greatest effort toward maintaining an impression of verisimilitude within the dialogue, while at the same time managing the presentation of information to an actual reader. Musical examples are set into the text so that their visual apprehension occurs simultaneously with the events represented in the text. Marginalia function as visual cues, assuming the role of subject headings and captions in an expository treatise, but standing physically apart from, indeed outside, the dialogue that contains the music.15 The musical examples are usually framed as exercises in singing or composition traded between the master and the two students. The format of the examples varies, depending on the intended purpose as well as where they occur within the treatise: most common are separate parts, choirbook, score, and quasi-score formats. regardless of format, the examples are presented by one of the characters to another. characters are instructed to sing, peruse, see, hear, and mark examples given to them. The active verbs along with the spatial organization of the music on the page tell the reader how to approach the material. The first of my series of examples from Morley (Figure 8) comes early in the dialogue. This particular example is useful for understanding how Morley manipulates notation and the printed page. The master says: here is one, sing it. We are intended to see, but not yet hear the example that follows on from the masters words as he presents the notation to the student Philomathes, who is to realize it. Morley then attaches solmization syllables to the excerpt when it is repeated, so we know that Philomathes has sung it. not only do we know that he has sung it, but the dialogue tells us that he has sung it well! By extension, the conventions of dialogue suggest that we, the readers, know to sing it because we recognize Morley as both the director who simultaneously stands outside the dialogue and the teacher who is embodied within as the master. Similarly, we are outside the dialogue but participate vicariously through the voice of the students. Through aural and active referenceto sing, peruse, see, hearMorleys language frames his examples, even as the treatise remains a visual object manipulated by its reader. Its careful spatial organization supports the illusion of simultaneity between the dialogue and its material representation. Polyphonic examples are more problematic in the context of a dialogue, especially those moments when Morley appears to put the polyphony in the mouth of an individual, a situation to which I will come in a moment. Frequently, format becomes a clue for understanding how the example is to be read. We know without doubt from the layout and placement at the end of the treatise that the madrigals in choirbook format are to be performed by a group of singers around a table, not imagined by an individual. Indeed, the goal of Philomathes studies with Morley has been to learn to sing his part in
15 Similarly, we recognize that parts of the text are marked as being outside the dialogue, both by their physical placement, and by the role they play as navigational tools, for example, the peroratio and the expository annotations, which serve as subheadings to annotate and comment on the dialogue proper.

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Figure 8. Morley, Plaine and Easie Introduction (1597), 6

such works, to overcome the embarrassment he describes on the first page of the treatise at his woeful ignorance of music. As the dialogue proceeds, he wins his place back in a society that valued the ability to sing a part at sight. The cluster of examples at the end of Morleys treatise might supply the music for just such an evenings singing. So in effect, we arrive at the end of this treatise in the social setting in which Donis Dialogo began.

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Examples notated in parts occur in the section of part I dealing with modus and prolation. here the notation may also be understood as demonstration, in which the student, or reader, works through individual parts. That is, this is not polyphony in the mouth of an individual, but a written example to be studied in written form, for which the notation is a clue. Other examples appear in score or quasi score, another format associated with music for study. Indeed, this is Morleys preferred format for the examples of parts II and III of the treatise, which focus on singing a part against a plainsong and creating counterpoints. he is frank about his manipulation of format, explaining his use of score as an aid to perception: And to the ende that you may the more easelie understand the contryving of the parts and their proportion one to another, I have set it downe in partition (34). Or, here it is set down in partition, because you should the more easilie perceive the conveiance of the parts (97). Through examples in this format, we see the way Morley manipulates notation to create verisimilitude in the masters correction of the student. So in Figure 9, Philomathes triumphantly presents his example to the master. It is notated polyphony, to be sure, but only the upper part is claimed to be by Philomathes. But the masters response illustrates that even that is not truly Philomathes. Morley shows through black notation that only four notes differ from the masters own earlier example, while Philomathes conclusion (marked by the bracket) is merely that of the master, displaced by an octave.
Philomathes: You use me as those who ride the great horses: for having first ridden them in a small compasse of ground, they bring them out and ride them abroad at pleasures. But loe here is an example upon the same notes. Master: This is well enough, although if I peruse mine own first lesson of Fuge, I shall find you a robber. For behold here bee all your owne notes in blacke pricking, the rest which be white be mine: for though you close my eight below, yet is the descant all one.

Figure 9. Morley, Plaine and Easie Introduction (1597), 77

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This is precisely the sort of demonstration of relationships that takes advantage of the dialogue format; such a presentation would appear tedious, if not superfluous, in the context of an expository treatise. Far from removing us from the fiction of the dialogue, the notation reinforces it, for this is notation that would be written in the course of the music lesson. What the printed format of the dialogue requires is that Morley produce the example twice to create the illusion of successive events (just as in Figure 8). he has no means of annotating the original, although we are clearly meant to imagine that example would not be written out twice in a real lesson, but that Morleys annotations would simply be imposed upon the original. But we also learn from Morleys examples that apparent polyphony notated in the mouth of an individual requires two performers, which stretches the fiction of the dialogue to its limits. Figure 10 appears early in the third part of the Plaine and Easie Introduction. Polymathes has now joined his brother in studies with Morley. Philomathes, we soon learn, has surpassed his brother in musical erudition. In a dialogue within the dialogue, Polymathes reports to Morley on his studies of discant with a certain Master Boulde. The master says, I have heard much talk of that man, and because I would know the tree by the fruit, I pray you let me heare you sing a lesson of discant. Polymathes replies, I will if it please you to give me a plainsong, to which the master answers: here is one, sing upon it. (notice the gesture of physical transaction.) Whereupon follows polyphony, with the discant attributed to Polymathes. After, we presume, a performance, Philomathes responds with the undisguised glee of sibling rivalry: Brother if your discanting be no better than that, you will gaine but small credit by it.

Figure 10. Morley, Plaine and Easie Introduction (1597), 117

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Although we are to imagine Polymathes singing his discant, it is then dissected by Philomathes notationally for its errors, not unlike the process that Philomathes has endured at the masters hands for the previous two parts of the treatise. Subtly, Morley shifts his language from singing to setting down these discants. And in the process, we learn that Master Boulde sang the chant as his student discanted and that the master of this dialogue requests of his student to sing the plainchant as he (the master) responds to a request to sing the discant.

Through these examples I have attempted to demonstrate the degree of variability in the functions of the music example in Morleys dialogue. The printed example is used to represent several different kinds of actions: physical gestures, musical memory, vocal performance, visual apprehension. Inevitably, the mode of presentation within the printed dialogue must be visual, and the students are more than once instructed to peruse an example. But just as often, Morleys references call upon an aural understanding that is at the very least metaphorical, as when he instructs the student to sing. The choice of verbs is but one of the ways in which the musical examples are situated within the text. I have also attempted to give some sense of the ways in which musical examples are embedded spatially within the printed dialogue. In other words, the examples create chronologic time. The twiceprinted examples require dual presentation to separate the masters initial (visual) presentation of the notation to the student from the students vocal realization of it. likewise, the examples of music embedded within a single statement rely on spatial location in relation to the verbal reference of the text. In other words, the examples must appear at the moment of utterance, which places numerous constraints on the production of the book.16 Music also marks the passage of time between parts I and II, to create the passage between events.17 For all its aural references however, Morleys treatise is first and foremost a visual object manipulated by a reader, and the care with which it is organized spatially reflects the necessity of supporting the illusion of simultaneity between the dialogue and its visual representation. Maintaining an illusion of verisimilitude would appear to be an overriding concern. One of the chief difficulties faced by late-sixteenth-century writers of dialogues (especially didactic dialogues) was the inherent tension between what was essentially a unified organization of information and the dialectical mode of its presentation. In Morleys treatise, this seems to translate into a need to
16 The typography of this book is complicated enough to perhaps suggest that the dialogue may have been adjusted as the forms were being set for the production of the book, rather than the compositor being presented with a fixed and unaltered text. 17 Diruta accomplishes a similar function in his Il Transilvano by having pieces that are to be practiced appearing between sections.

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reinforce the mode of presentation whenever possible. Thus, at the opening of each part, a past conversation is reported as the reason for the students current desire to learn, so that we encounter dialogues within dialogues that function to authorize the mode of presentation. The presence of music examples within the text requires mediation, not least on account of the disparity between the two symbolic systems. The drive toward verisimilitude functions here as well, because of the necessity to create a seamless presentation of the music example while doing so in a manner that is comprehensible to the reader. If Morley is to maintain the illusion of simultaneity between the musical examples and the characters, on the one hand, and the musical examples and a reader, on the other, he must mediate the two interactions carefully, couching the examples in language that signals a simultaneous physical gesture on the part of a reader, locating the examples spatially within the dialogue, and, most of all, referring frequently to the necessity of the examples for understanding the material. Each of these gestures reinforces the stability of the musical examples within the text which in turn reinforces the stability of the dialogic illusion.

And this observation, I would like to suggest, brings us full circle. If Donis Dialogo is to be understood as an attempt at interpolating real music into the conversational and literary genre of the dialogue, then Morleys didactic treatise represents a further stage in that interpolation: a wedge or opening that provides the means for taking part in the original conversation, namely, the ability to sing. It is a commonplace to observe that the dialogue evermore reflects a monologic tendency as the sixteenth century progresses and as the early humanists preferred form of debate was increasingly used simply as a means of offering factual information. This newly didacticindeed, monologic conception of the genre finds resonance with much of the dialogue theory that began to emerge in the second half of the sixteenth century. In tandem with this view, Walter Ong has offered the argument that while printing initially fostered the dissemination of the dialogue, it ultimately undermined it as it spatialized the word. Thus, the history of the renaissance dialogue reductively becomes that of voice to vision, of dialogue to monologue. resisting those mappings, I would suggest, music in dialogue insists on utterance and opens the possibility that the spatial becomes temporal, the visible audible, that the didactic becomes conversational, and the conversational, in turn, musical.

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Works Cited

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Miggiani, Maria Giovanna and Piermario Vescova. 1993. Al suono duna suave viola: convenzione letteraria e pratica musicale in ambienti accademici veneziani di meta cinquecento. Recercare 5: 532. Morley, Thomas. 1597. A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke. london: P. Short. . 1937. A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke. Facs., with introduction by Edmund h. Fellowes. london: Oxford University Press. nutter, David. 1978. The Italian Polyphonic Dialogue of the Sixteenth century. Ph.D. diss., University of nottingham. Ong, Walter. 1982. Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word. new York: Methuen. Schick, Paul. 1997. concordia Discourse: Polyphony and Dialogue in Willaert, Wert, and Monteverdi. Ph.D. diss., Yale University. Snyder, Jon r. 1989. Writing the Scene of Speaking: Theories of Dialogue in the Late Italian Renaissance. Stanford: Stanford University Press. van Orden, Kate. 1998. An Erotic Metaphysics of hearing in Early Modern France. Musical Quarterly 82: 67891. Vendrix, Philippe. 1994. Theoretical Expression of Music in renaissance France. Early Music History 13: 24973. Wilson, Kenneth J. 1985. Incomplete Fictions: The Formation of English Renaissance Dialogue. Washington, Dc: catholic University of America Press. Winn, colette. 1993. The Dialogue in Early Modern France, 15471630. Washington, Dc: catholic University of America Press. Zarlino, Gioseffo. 1558. Le istitutioni harmoniche. Venice: [Pietro da Fino]. revised ed., Venice: Francesco dei Francheschi Senese, 1573. Facs. of 1558 edition, new York: Broude Brothers, 1965. Facs. of 1573 edition, ridgewood, nJ: Gregg, 1966. . 1571. Dimostrationi harmoniche. Venice: Francesco dei Franceschi Senese.

Cristle Collins Judd is dean for academic affairs and professor of music at Bowdoin College. She is the editor of Tonal Structures in Early Music (1998) and author of Reading Renaissance Music Theory: Hearing with the Eyes (2000), for which she received the Wallace Berry Award from the Society for Music Theory. Her two-volume edition of the motets by Gioseffo Zarlino appeared in the Recent Researches in Music of the Renaissance series (2006 and 2007) and has been recorded by Ensemble Plus Ultra (directed by Michael Noone) on the Glossa label.

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