Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims*

Lobsang Shastri

A Look at the Doctrinal Background The places associated with the Buddhas miracles came to be considered sacred and imbued with powers that generate awareness of the enlightened ones in the mind of devotees. The Collection of Sutras (Sutra-pitaka) extensively explain the immense benefits that can be derived by doing prostrations, making offerings and going on pilgrimage to these holy places. According to tantric explanations, when the Tathagata Buddha propounded the esoteric teachings of the Sri-Cakrasamvara-tantra,1 he explained how not absorbed manifestations of mandalas of the father-mother Cakrasamvara (the principal deities in the Samvara mandala), and of Vajrayogini (the viras of three cakras of body, speech and mind) from this world helps tantric practitioners attain mystical experiences and realizations. The Samputa-tantra indicates that the reason for the existence of the ten grounds of transcendental perfection, such as Pullir in the language of Mlecchas, is to go on pilgrimage there, as advised by the yoginis. These pilgrimage places are both internal and external. In the paramita tradition, the ten grounds, such as Rab tu dga ba (the joyous one), and the five paths are presented as spiritual levels of accomplishment. However, in tantra they are known by the names of sacred places. This helps to develop skills in causing external places such as Pullir, where dakas and dakinis congregate, to abide in the internal vajra-body. In recognition of their abidance and using them as paths, one causes the winds and drops, which are conjoined with the dakas and yoginis, to dissolve into avadhuti, the central energy channel. As a result one experiences realizations connected with the spiritual grounds. This helps to bring under ones control the dakas and dakinis dwelling in sacred places. It also helps gain familiarity with the practices for higher meditative stability. There are innumerable other benefits and reasons for going on pilgrimage to these sacred places.2

* This paper was presented during the Tenth International Conference on Tibetan Studies ( IATS ), Oxford 2003 titled as Pilgrimage to Jalandhar: Description and Spiritual Experiences of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims. This paper was also translated into German language and published title as Pilgerreise nach Jalandhara, Tibethaus - Journal Chokor, NO.45, July 2008, p.25-33.

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Za ma tog bkod pa describes how hills and mountains in Tibet actually are bodies and abodes of Arya Lokesvara. Laden with sacredness and with carved mantras, they help practitioners accomplish the enlightened deeds of subduing and taming countless sentient beings. Guru Padmasambhava discovered hidden treasures (gter) in these mountains and also in the lakes of the central and border regions of Tibet, which he later recognized as sacred places for retreat. There-after, numerous emanations in the form of masters and disciples, endowed with the miraculous power to transform years into aeons and vice-versa, turned the wheel of the teachings in these places, thus making them one and inseparable with the primordially pure vajra land. Later, higher emanation beings opened the doors of innumerable holy places, discovered hidden treasures and created an atmosphere conducive for those masters to engage in extensive and transcendental secret practice to benefit the teachings and sentient beings. The existence and mode of appearance of these sacred places of vajra-nature proved highly beneficial for the dissemination of Buddhism. It is widely believed that these places have positive qualities that help tantric practitioners accomplish ordinary and extraordinary mystical attainments and realizations swiftly and without difficulties. Among the unending chains of sacred places blessed by the principal deities from the limitless ocean of vidhyadharas and dakinis, where masters, shining like the sun and moon, sojourned, many sacred localities, including those in the southern India, the land of Chamara, and incomparable vajra places, like Jalandhara, Jwalamukha and the Land of Zahor (Mandi), are still in existence and can be visited.3 The twenty-four pilgrimage sites are of two types, i.e., the twenty-four inner pilgrimage sites and twenty-four external pilgrimage sites. The twenty-four inner pilgrimage sites are located on different inner channels (rtsa) and the twenty-four external sites are the places subdued and blessed by Cakrasamvara.4 There are some who say that these are part of the twelve bhumis. In the Hevajra Commentary of Bla ma Dam pa Bsod nams rgyal tshan (1312-1375) an identification of inner holy sites which is similar to that of the Cakrasamvara tradition can be found.5 These holy places are called Pitha, Ksetra, Chandoha and are the sites of Anuttarayogatantra. It is said that the external pilgrimage sites originated from the vajra-body mandala. The Hevajra-tantra (Dgyes pa rdo rjei rgyud) identifies thirty-seven sacred places in the continent of Jambudvipa.6 Vajra-dakini-tantra (Rdo rje mkha groi rgyud) mentions twenty-four sacred places. Bu ston rin chen grub and Jam mgon A myes zhabs Bde mchog chos byung, as well as Pan chen Er ti ni Dpal ldan ye

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 5

shes Shambha lai lam yig state that the twenty-four places are Pullirmaya, Jalandhara, Odiyana, Arbuda, Godavari, Rameshvari, Devikoti, Malava, Kamarupa, Odra, Trishku, Koshala, Kalinga, Lampaka, Kanci, Himalaya, Pretapuri, Grihaddevata, Saurastra, Suvarnadvipa, Nagara, Sindhu, Maru, Kuluta.7 Amongst the works of Tibetan scholars, it seems that the description of places of Cakrasamvara given in Bu stons Bde mchog chos byung is the earliest. It is likely that all the later descriptions are based on Bu stons work. For a closer study of the variations concerning the identification of sacred places, a detailed explanation is given in Taranathas sadhana on Nag po zhabs (1615) and in Kun mkhyen Pad ma dkar pos guide to Tsa ri. According to Taranatha, twenty-four dakas originated from Heruka and twenty-four dakinis from Vajravarahi (Rdo rje phag mo).8 These twenty-four deities, known as twenty-four viras, preside over twenty-four places of India. In the esoteric rituals, they are localized in as many centres in our body. In Mthong ba don ldan, the biography of Rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rje by Sangs rgyas dar po, the twenty-four external holy sites correspond to the twentyfour beings to be spiritually tamed by the twenty-four Herukas. The twenty-four secret holy sites are on the body (kaya), speech (vak) and mind (citta) cakras of the mandala. The twenty-four inner sites are inside our body.9 On the basis of this concept, Jalandhara, on which this paper focuses, is localized in the upper portion of the head.The twenty-four places also correspond to the tantric physiognomy of Vajrakaya.10 The Literature Accounts of the twenty-four pilgrimage sites of Cakrasamvara can be found in the Cakrasamvara Tantra, Kalacakra Tantra, Hevajra Tantra, Vajrayogini Tantra, and in Tibetan works like the Religious History of Cakrasamvara by Bu ston, Kalacakra Commentary by Mkhas grub rje, the Cakrasamva Sadhana (Nag po zhabs transmission), the Seven Instruction Lineages by Taranatha, and the Religious History of Cakrasamvara by Jam mgon A myes zhabs. The popular Buddhist myth, according to tantra, about the subjugation or conversion of Maheshvara and the birth of Heruka is well docu-mented in Bu stons Bde mchog chos byung ,11 Klong rdol bla mas Gsung bum,12 Bri gung Jig rten mgon pos gnas yig,13 Brug pa Chos kyi snang ba Gyur med rdo rje snying pos Tsa ri guide,14 in Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chens identification of sacred places,15 and in the collected works of Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po.16

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According to Ronald M. Davidson, 17 the source of the myth is in Tattvasamgraha, where Vajrapanis subjugation of Maheshvara is described. This version of the myth gained popularity and was used to establish authenticity for the Cakrasamvara texts. Besides the twenty-four sacred places, the thirty-two sacred sites, the thirty-seven sacred places, eight great cemeteries, eight glorious mountains, a hundred spontaneously-arisen caityas, eight and thirteen congregational sites of dakinis, and eighty secret caves of dakinis which are mentioned by Bri gung Jig rten mgon po,18 Brug pa Chos kyi snang ba,19 and Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po.20 Sa skya pandita talks about thirteen vajra-grounds.21 Key references to Jalandhara are found in the Cakrasamvara-tantra and related texts, as well as in the religious histories of Cakrasamvara by Bu ston and Jam mgon A myes zhabs, and in the biographies of Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pa, Grub thob U rgyan pa, Stag tshang ras pa, Zangs dkar khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring, Rang rig ras pa, the guide book of Dge dun chos phel and lastly in the writings of the previous Karma pa and Dil mgo mkhyen brtse rin po che. The Hindu legend Padmapura discusses Jalandharapa and one of his consorts called Vrinda.22 The Sanskrit lexicon Hemakosa includes a section called Uttarkand which refers to Jalandhara, Raja-tarangini-padmapura mentions Jalandhara, while the Mahabharata epic also cites it as Trigatra.23 Ptolemys Geography, by referring to Jalandhara, was the first book in the west, which talks about this holy place.24 There is also a brief mention of Jalandhara in the travel account of Huien Tsiang (dating to 629) that includes information on the existence of Mahayana and Hinayana Buddhist temples. Jalandharas importance in Punjab and the Third Council of Buddhism that was held there are also well known.25 Finally, Kalhanas Raja-tarangini, written in the twelfth century, mentions Jalandhara and Trigatra. Regarding the literature about the most important Tibetan masters active in north-west India, a list of rnam thars by Rgod tshang pa is given in the colophon of Mthong ba don ldan nor bui phreng ba written by Sangs rgyas dar po. On this list are slob dpon Byang dpals Rtsag ris chen mo, slob dpon Dbang phyug rgyal mtshans Gnad btus sgron me and Mya ngan das chung, slob dpon Byang chub ods Dgos dod kun byung, Byang sems Sher gzhons Khyad phags bdun ma, and the biographies by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje and Rtse brgyad pa. Presently available in print are the biographies written by Sangs rgyas dar po,26 Gnad sdud pai sgron me by Sde snod dzin pa Rin chen dpal,27 two editions of Rgod tshang pas biography by an anonymous author/authors,28 and Mgur chen gas rgyan pa by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje.29

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As for U rgyan pa, there are two biographies at our disposal: Byin brlabs kyis chu rgyun, written by Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge,30 and Rdzogs ldan bdud rtsii dga ston in the collected works of Zhwa dmar Mkha spyod dbang po,31 not found in the other Bka brgyud gser phrengs. A version similar to the above-mentioned two biographies is found in Lho rong chos byung written in 1446 by Rta tshag Tshe dbang rgyal.32 References to Jalandhara are also found in the guidebook of Dge dun chos phel, the Sixteenth Karma pas life account and Dil mgo Mkhyen brtse rin po ches guide to Tashijong. During his pilgrimage to Rewalsar and Jalandhara, the latter wrote a five-folio gnas yig of Tashijong. In it, he makes a short note on Jalandhara, which he considers to be one of the twenty-four pilgrimage places of Cakrasamvara.33 He adds that there are different opinions on the origin of name Jalandhara. Among the Western scholars, the Italian Tibetologist Tucci wrote a monograph in 1940 entitled Travels of Tibetan Pilgrims in the Swat Valley, in which he talks about Uddiyana,34 and places it in north-west India. Its location is still disputed among the Indian authors. Some consider it to be Odisi or Orissa, while others point to Assam and Kanci.35 Tucci based his work on Uddiyana on Tibetan texts, primarily the biographies of Rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rje, U rgyan pa Seng ge dpal/Rin chen dpal and Stag tshang ras pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho.36 He did not have Rdzogs ldan bdud rtsii dga ston and Lho rong chos byungs biography of U rgyan pa at his disposal, and wrote about this mahasiddhas travel to Uddiyana basing himself on the bi-ography by Zla ba seng ge and Padma dkar pos chos byung. Other western scholars like David Snellgrove, Keith Dowman, Toni Huber, Hubert Decleer, Ronald Davidson and David Templeman have also written on this subject. Roberto Vitali presented a paper on the travels of the thirteenth century Bon po master Dbyil ston Khyung rgod rtsal in north-west India at the Eighth IATS Seminar, Bloomington, which is to be published. By consulting biographies and other documents not used by Tucci or found after him, I will focus on Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan pilgrims to Jalandhara, the importance of the site, geography and social conditions of the period. The Historical Interface While the idea of a mythical land endowed with spiritual characteristics such as Sham bha la became popular in Tibet with the translation of the Kalachakratantra, the indigenous tradition, recognizing the sacredness of Uddiyana and

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Jalandhara, goes back to much earlier times. These were among the key places in India, where the study and practice of tantric Buddhism flourished. Jalandhara, one of the twenty-four pilgrimage sites of Cakrasamvara-tantra, was of considerable geographical size during earlier times. The Jalandhara kingdom had Nagarkot, or Kangra as it is presently known, as its capital. In the Mahabharata epic, this region was called Trigatra (confluence of three rivers) and later Nagarkota or Kangra. The place is recognised as the site of the female deity Mahamaye or the Mata. This region even had one or two temples built by king Ashoka, as proved by archaeology and Indian historical works which are of the view that Jalandhara is Jwalamukhi (see below). Buddhism flourished in Jalandhara during the time of King Kanishka (first or second century CE). It is said that the Third Council of Buddhism took place in Jalandhara during his reign. This place is also mentioned in the travel notes of the seventh century Chinese pilgrim Huien Tsiang of the Tang dynasty.37 There are no further references to Jalandhara till Mahmud of Ghazni in 1009.38 In 1030 it is mentioned as Nagarkota in Alberunis India.39 Jalandhara is also mentioned in the 10501060 copperplates of Chamba. Records of the life of individuals contain brief historical references to Jalandhara. One of the eighty-four mahasiddhas is of some significance to the issue under study, for he was known by the sobriquet of Jalandharapa (Drwa ba dzin). According to Bu ston (Bde mchog chos byung) and Taranatha (Bka bab bdun ldan gyi rgyud pai rnam),40 Jalandharapa received many empowerments from his teacher Rus sbal zhabs can (having the feet of a tortoise), and mastered the Four Tantras. After undertaking intense meditation at Jalandhara, he was blessed with the vision of Vajrayogini and attained enlightenment. He was named after the holy site where he meditated.41 According to Taranathas chos byung, he received the blessings of Vajrayogini and realized the Mahamudra accomplishment.42 Bka bab bdun ldan gyi rgyud pai rnam thar and Chos byung dpag bsam ljon bzang state that the mahasiddha Jalandharapa was a pioneer of the Na tha yogic tradition and that Jalandhara is one of the nine Na tha sites. The female deity is Candi and her male counterpart is Mahadeva. Jalandharapas birthplace was Nagarthotha, seemingly corresponding to Nagarkota/Kangra, as stated in the history of the eighty-four mahasiddhas.43 Bka bab bdun ldan gyi rgyud pai rnam thar, too, gives the birthplace of Jalandharapa, from whom Indrabodhi and Lwa wa pa received oral instructions

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on Luminosity and Great Bliss, as the northern city of Nagarthotha, but adds that it was situated on the bank of the river Sindhu.44 He was born in a shudra family but became wealthy due to his meritorious karma. Having stayed at Jalandhara for a long period of time, he was named after that locality. In this case, Nagarthotha and Nagarkot seem to be different places because Nagarthotha is said to be situtated on the bank of the Indus, and Jalandharapa performed spiritual practices in Nagarkot/ Jalandhara. The biography of the Sixteenth Karma pa, entitled Skyes rabs Dza lan dha ra, provides a vague historical notion concerning a certain Jalandhara. It says that he (the Karma pa) was previously born as a king, known as Jalandhara, who ruled over the rich and powerful kingdom of Bhalaghaji in northern India. He held non-Buddhist beliefs and, to appease the gods, he constantly made animal sacrifices. The royal family included King Jalandhara, Queen Kun du od and the princes Suryaputra and Suryacandra. Incidentally, Jalandhara is said to be the pilgrimage place of Heruka.45 The Karma pa disclosed his previous rebirth during his visit to Bhalaghaji/Jalandhara. In Dzam gling rgyas bshad (1820 edition), Btsan po Nomihan says that Jalandhara, located on the northern spoke of Sri Cakrasam-varas (mind-cakra), was ruled by two kings, Ka and Kanakand, and that the Muslims (Kla klo) called it Kandhahara and the Hindus Patazala.46 They were conquered by two incarnations of the Buddha in the form of children. He adds that the place had stupas built by them and statues of mahabodhisattvas the size of an ant. This description seems to be drawn from Huien Tsiang, dating back to the seventh century, with the obvious exception of the Muslims mentioned in it. Since the region was under a Muslim ruler, it is not clear whether the holy structures still existed. This story may possibly refer to the critical time in the thirteenth century when the Mongols and the Delhi Sultanate vied for supremacy in north-west India or to a later period. The unsettled state of north-west India during the thirteenth century is evident from accounts by Tibetan travellers of that period. U rgyan pa, despite the confrontation between the Mongols and the Muslim, which was in full swing during his visit, says that Nagarkota was prosperous,47 while in Rgod tshang pas biographies, the place was economically poor to the extent that food was not easily available, but the reason for this situation is not given.48 A statement in the Sixteenth Karma pas account concerning the affluent economic conditions of the place is rather difficult to assess from a historical point of view.49

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TIBETAN AND TRANS-HIMALAYAN PILGRIMS IN JALANDHARA Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan people have a long tradition of visiting the holy places of north-west India. The Rnying ma pas preferred Uddiyana for engaging in tantric practices, while the Brug pa and Kam tshang bka brgyud pa traditions favoured Jalandhara.50 Many great beings from Tibet and the Himalaya have visited Jalandhara on foot with their walking sticks, just as ordinary pilgrims. Those whose biographies mention Jalandhara in their travel accounts are Rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rje (1189-1258), Karma pa Rang byung rdo rjes guru Grub thob U rgyan pa Rin chen dpal (1229-1309), Stag lung bla ma Ye shes, and Bla ma Rin chen mgon (whose pilgrimage to Jalandhara is briefly mentioned only in the biography of Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring). Three hundred years after Grub thob U rgyan pa, trans-Himalayan great masters like Stag tshang ras pa Ngag dbang rgya mtso (sixteenth century), Rang rig ras pa (seventeenth century) and Zangs dkar ba Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring (16571732 or 1717-1794) visited Jalandhara and undertook spiritual practice. A Tibetan merchant from Khams, Kha stag dzam yag, travelled to India and Nepal between the years 1944 and 1956. His travel account states that he visited Jalandhara during that period.51 The twentieth century A mdo scholar Dge dun chos phel (19051951),52 the Sixteenth Karma pa Rang byung rig pai rdo rje (1924-1982) and Dil mgo Mkhyen rtse Rin po che (1910-1991) are among those who also visited Jalandhara. The biographies and spiritual songs (mgur bum) of these spiritual masters describe the realizations they achieved in this place, the importance of the site, its geography, and the ethno-social condition at the time of their pilgrimage. Most pilgrims in the olden days used trade routes to travel to pilgrimage sites associated with the highest Yogatantra. Often their starting point was Gu ge, crossed by the Glang chen kha babs, whose source is not far from Pre ta pu ri, and following its course downstream, they went to Ri bo Gandhola (Gar sha) and Kuluta, before reaching Jalandhara. Snellgrove says that it was customary on this pigrimage to visit Rewalsar, Uddiyana and Taxila,53 but the latter locality is not included in the itineraries of the masters under consideration in this article, while Rewalsar is a later pilgrimage place. Rgod tshang pa In the biography of Rgod tshang pa by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje, he is said to have visited holy places like Mount Kailash and Jalandhara, when he was twenty-five years old, and undertook meditation there for four years.54 One can

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assess from the biography by Sangs rgyas dar po that Rgod tshang pa went to Gangs rin po che in 1214 and proceeded to Jalandhara in the autum of 1216, reaching his destination sometime in 1217,55 travelling through the land to the west of Kailash, said to be part of Kashmir at that time.56 According to Gnad bsdus sgron me, not available to Tucci, Rgod tshang pa stayed at Kailash for three years and travelled from there and Pre ta pu ri to Jalandhara.57 After spending five months in Jalandhara, Rgod tshang pa returned to Tibet by a shortcut. On the way, he met the mahasiddha Anupama at Kuluta and received teachings from him. The biography confirms Jalandhara as the site of the mind cakra of Vajrayogini and the palace of Cakrasamvara.58 In texts concerning the lives of Ba ra dkar brgyud pa lamas, it is written that Rgod tshang pa travelled from the Cakrasamvara pilgrimage site at Mount Kailash to Pre ta pu ri, Ri bo Gandhola (awkwardly said to be located in Kulu rather than Gar sha), and then to Jalandhara.59 According to Sangs rgyas dar pos biography, Rgod tshang pa stayed at Nagarkot for about five months.60 Dge dun chos phel gives a similar length of stay. U rgyan pa U rgyan pa travelled to Ri bo Gandhola in Lahaul on his way to Jal-andhara,61 but his journey, as is well known, took him to farther des-tinations on the way to Uddiyana that are recorded with remarkable accuracy in his biography written by Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge. U rgyan pa visited Gangs rin po che, Ma pham mtsho, Kulu, Maru, Ri bo Gandhola and then Jalandhara. The biography of U rgyan pa in the collected works of Zhwa dmar Mkha spyod dbang po (1350-1405) is conceived along the same lines because it states that from Ri bo Gandhola, grub thob U rgyan pa went to Jalandhara and visited places like Langura, Jwalamukhi and Mitrasara. At a place called Nagarjuna Cave, he met a siddha and held philosophical discussions with him. Other Masters Stag lung chos byung, in a chapter describing the activities of the eighteen famous disciples of the Stag lung pa tradition, mentions that one of them was Sgom pa Ma ni ba who had seventy disciples at Jalandhara and performed spiritual practices with them.62 The detailed account of this saint, who must have been active sometime around the early thirteenth century, is unknown to us. Stag lung chos byung states that the Fourth Stag lung chos rje Bkra shis bla mas disciple Ye shes bla ma (1279-1312), visited Jalandhara with thirteen followers.63

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On the way, Ye shes bla ma warned that an obstacle was expected to prevent them from crossing that area. Some time later, they were stopped by forty border officials (sho gam pa). Ye shes bla ma then asked one of his attendants to sing a song. The latter danced and mischievously sang a song in Tibetan, full of abusive language. The officials, thinking that he was singing their praises, were pleased and let Ye shes bla ma and his attendants pass. Thus they safely reached a cane bridge over a river between two high mountains. Here they performed a ganacakra under a rock, this being one of the places where hostile dakinis pelted the mahasiddha Lwa ba pa with a shower of large stones, which he miraculously stopped in the sky. Ye shes bla ma undertook meditation in front of a self-originated Tara in the style of Kha che for one week, without thinking of food or water, and was blessed with the vision of this deity. He also met a two hundred year old yogi, surviving on human flesh, who had achieved Mahamudra (accomplishment). Sindhura dropped from the bagha of Vajravarahi and imprints of Naropas head, body, hands and feet could be seen on a rock near the Tara statue. They performed tshogs offerings to eight dakinis who lived on a square area of ground. A huge town, one rgyang grags (approximately two miles) in size, lay ahead of them and, at night, the noise of non-human beings and jackals sent shivers down the spines of those who heard it.64 Stag tshang ras pa, also known as U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho (15741651), travelled to India and Kha che twice, via Mnga ris. During the first visit around 1613, he proceeded to Jalandhara and Kashmir and then returned to Mar yul (Ladakh).65 He went to Jalandhara/Nagarkota where he sang songs of spiritual realization, describing Nagarkota as the palace of Vajrayogini.66 The biography also states that U rgyan pa went to Kinnaur (Khu nu) and met the mahasiddha Bde ba rgya mtsho.67 It seems that a young grub dpon chen po Rang rig ras pa took a different route in order to proceed to Jalandhara, for his biography says that went there from Nurpur.68 Jalandhara in the Eyes of the Tibetan Pilgrims Jalandhara is recorded in the Tibetan literature as Klui mkhar (fort of the Naga) or Rna bai mkhar (fort of ears) in Vogels The History of Kangra and Kulu State, for it is said to be situated on top of the area where the Jalandhara demon allegedly buried his ears. 69 Modern Hindu pilgrimage guides to the Kangra temple mention that this area is associated with Vajratara or Vajravarahi. The temple is at present known as Brajeshwari Mata, and is situated in Kangra proper, twenty kilometers from Dharamshala.

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An early and convincing identification of Jalandhara is provided by Bu stons Bde mchog chos byung. In this text, Jalandhara is said to be a big city, west of Gu ge and located at the confluence of three rivers, namely the Tho ling Sha ba ru, the Gar sha Pi pa sha na, and the Shi la ke Me ra be. Near it is a stone linga lying on its back with a hole on one side and the self-originated image of Ksetrapala Jwalamukhi is inside a temple. At a distance of two furlongs there are a hundred meditation caves, a hundred springs and a hundred trees. Water springs from between the rocks and the non-Buddhists perform their ablutions there.70 Jam mgon A myes zhabss Bde mchog chos byung71 and Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chens Gnas yul chen po rnams kyi dngos dzin contain descriptions of Jalandhara, similar to Bu stons72 and like most of the historical and religious accounts. According to Bri gung Jig rten mgon pos prophecy in his gnas yig, Jalandhara lies to the north of the holy site of Gar sha, the land of dakinis.73 In Rgod tshang pas biography found in Bka brgyud pa Hagiog-raphies, Jalandhara is said to be:
Like a mandala in whose interior resides a female deity. It is located where two rivers meet on a huge hill shaped like a sleeping elephant. On the back of an elephant shaped [rock] five thousand families live in the city of Nagarkot. On the nose of this hill is a large temple called Jwalamukhi where both Buddhists and non-Buddhists make offerings. About thirty families maintain this temple.74

This biography also says that Jalandhara was a kingdom whose cities were too many to be counted. Gnad bsdus sgron me states that Jalandhara is, externally, like a celestial palace and, internally, like the abode of a female deity. Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pa achieved the realization of the sameness of the three times at this pilgrimage site.75 Another description of Jalandhara is found in Lho rong chos byung. According to this chos byung, U rgyan pa went to Jalandhara, and Nagarkot is described by him as a big and prosperous city where all the women are dakinis.76 At the Langura cemetery, on a forehead-like rock sits the self-originated image of Vajrayogini (Rje btsun ma). At the Mitra cemetery is the cave of Nagarjuna. In front of it is Srisha sha, one of the eight types of tree. In the biographies of U rgyan pa, Lho rong chos byung and in most historical writings it is recorded that the geographical contour of the place is triangular (trikona).77 Later pilgrims to the holy site highlight its triangular shape. In Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rjes biography of Rgod tshang pa, Jalandhara is recorded as a locality in Kha che.78 In U rgyan pas biography, Sri Nagarkota is said to be Jalandhara and also that Jalandhara is one

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of the twenty-four holy places, the mind cakra of Vajrayogini, and the crown of vajra-body. The biography of Stag tshang ras pa adds a few details about Jalandhara that are not found in the previously mentioned sources. Here was a temple of Vajrayogini in the shape of a stupa and, between two rivers, stood a wonderful statue of Vajrayogini.79 The biography of Zangs mkhar Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring (1657-1732 or 1717-1794), as was customary, mentions that Jalandhara is the crown of the twenty-four holy places and the mother of Vajravarahi. The description of this region is the same as that found in the biography of Rgod tshang pa and U rgyan pa. It further adds that the ruling king, Hari-candra, was an incarnation of Cakrasamvara. There is a hill at the confluence of two rivers, shaped like an elephant, whose trunk faces north and on whose head is a fort. On the left shoulder lies a city of five thousand families. On the right shoulder is Jwalamukhi, the abode of Vajravarahi. Going south from there one reaches Jwalamukhi, where once there were many ruins of the meditation places of yogis that were all destroyed by Muslims invaders. In a temple at that place there are flames burning among stones, and to the south of it is the holy place Bazhernad, which can be provi-sionally identified as Baijnath. To the southeast lies Di ge sar where a huge tent-sized dark-brown rock hangs in the sky. This is presently known as Chamunda. The rock was left miraculously hanging in the sky by Padmasambhava when the dakinis rained rocks on him. According to Rgod tshang pa, this place is at a distance of one arrow shot from the latter locality, while U rgyan pa and Lama Rin chen mgon po state that it is at a distance of an arrow target. Nearby it stood a life-size stone image of Vajrayogini. By the time lama Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring came to the region, Nagarkota had long been destroyed.80 Dzam gling rgyas bshad says that in the centre of this region there is a fort called Bru sha pura. Huien Tsiang in his pilgrimage guide-book to India wrote that the brothers Asanga and Vasubandhu, Dgra bcom pa chos skyob and Vishnu were born in this place. Btsan po Nomihan, however, says that he is not sure where the birthplace of Asanga and Vasubandhu is located, despite consulting their biographies. He thinks that the Vishnu born there was probably Dga byed dgra stag can. In this place stood the fort Gandhuhara and some towns, including Fekshapura and Nagara. To the east is Pushkrapati where the Buddha, in one of his previous lives, became a king and donated his eyes one thousand times. It is also the place where the holy sage Shamka, in his existence as an animal, was shot by King Tshangs sbyin, and where the Bodhisattva prince

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 15

sacrificed his wife and son. There is also the Tandhakara hill, where the prince, the king and the queen underwent great hardship.81 All this once again shows that the Dzam gling rgyas bshad account is styled in the main after Huien Tsiang.82 Jwalamukhi Bu ston, in his Bde mchog chos byung, further mentions that there was a deity called Jwalamukhi whose face could burn everything it gazed upon. Bu ston says that Jwalamukhi was the Ksetrapala deity miraculously formed of stone and lying face down on the ground.83 The local deity of Jwalamukhi was, as often was the case in both Hindu and Buddhist traditions, subdued in order to be absorbed into these religious systems. According to Buddhist religious histories, it was an abode of Siva which later became that of Cakrasamvara. As for cases of such conversion, one could be related to Jwalamukhi. The well-known biography of Lo tsa ba Rin chen bzang po, written by his direct disciple Gu ge Khyi thang pa Jnanasri at Tho ling in the eleventh century, has an interesting anecdote about the Dzalamati deity,84 who may be the same as Jwalamukhi. On the issue of the identity of Dzala-mati and Jwalamukhi sound further investigation is, however, required. There is a description of Jalandhara, the pilgrimage site of Vajra-yogini, in the biography of the Ba ra bka brgyud tradition, similar to Bu stons, which highlights the presence of Jwalamukhi in this holy place.85 The biography of Rgod tshang pa by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje states that the female deity of Jwalamukhi is a bee-faced dakini, while the peculiarity of this holy site is highlighted in a passage of pan chen Er ti ni Dpal ldan Ye shess Sham bha lai lam yig which, as usual, says that Jalandhara is situated in the hills and mountains of the north, and the holy site Nagarkoti is the seat of Jwalamukhi or Jwalamukh but adds that the Tibetans call it Rdo la me bar (fire burning among the stones).86 Dzam gling rgyas bshad gives the name Jwalamukhi which is taken from the tirthika faith, for it says that, at a place called Mahajwala, one could see a burning hillside where the Goddess Bar ma resided. A sacred object associated with Siva was kept at this locality, visited by Himachalis and many acaryas. In the twentieth century, Dge dun chos phel proceeded to this place and, in his famous pilgrimage guidebook, Rgya gar lam yig, there is a section on Jalandhara (or Nagarkota), which he says is present-day Kangra.87 Dge dun chos phel travelled by train from Amritsar and Pathankot to Nagarkota. Two stations before Nagarkota, he reached Kangra. He states that to the north of the river, is

16 TIBET JOURNAL

the city of Kangra. With the help of the travel accounts of Rgod tshang pa, his disciple U rgyan pa, Stag tshang ras pa, and Rang rig ras pa he identi-fied this as the famous northern pilgrimage place of Jalandhara, one of the twenty-four holy sites. According to him, Rgod tshang pa stayed in this place for half a year and wrote such detailed descriptions of the site that there can be no confusion in identifying the place. He further mentions that in the famous temple of Kangra there is a head-like linga which was the main object of worship during his visit. Before reaching Kangra Dge chos visited Jwalamukhi where the flames coming from the ground still existed.88 Mystical Experiences of the Tibetan Pilgrims at Jalandhara Extraordinary mental and physical experiences occurred in the Tibetan masters who visited Jalandhara, in particular in the cases of Rgod tshang pa and U rgyan pa. An extensive account of Rgod tshang pas mystical realizations at this holy place is found in his biography by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje. Rgod tshang pa saw the inhabitants of Jalandhara not as ordinary human beings but as viras and the virinis of the subtle body helping him to attain mystical realizations. He received teachings from the bee-faced dakini deity embodied in the holy image of Jwalamukhi, performed Gcod at a cemetery near the site where the statue was kept, and participated in the tshogs (ganacakra) that the dakinis performed in a local temple while his companions (Dam pa gtsang and Yon btsun bum rgyal) were not allowed to do so. Rgod tshang pa received from mkha gro ma Gro ba bzang mo a prophecy that he would attract a great number of disciples in Tibet. He performed Guru Yoga, and was enthroned by the local viras and dakinis as the most prominent master. According to Byin brlabs chu rgyun,89 U rgyan pa travelled to Jalandhara in his defiled body. He performed the daka feast offering, achieved many realizations and heard the utterances of many demi-gods. Near the kings palace was a cemetery called Mitrasara where the enlightened yogi Mitra glu pa lived in Nagarjunas meditation hut. After holding philosophical discussions with U rgyan pa, the latter received empowerments from him, and the yogi recognized U rgyan pa as an equally realized master. U rgyan pa performed his practices at Nagarjunas hut and, one evening during his meditation, his awareness became all-encompassing, his body undefiled, and the city appeared to him as the palace of Vajrayogini. Once, due to an obstacle, he fell down and broke his teeth but the dakinis restored them to their former condition.90 U rgyan pa, with his companions Srin po gdong pa and Dpal ye shes, performed a ganacakra and prayed for a safe journey to Uddiyana.91

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 17

Despite these realizations, U rgyan pa was embroiled in some dispute about his religious curriculum with fellow Brug pa practitioners and his acceptance as a descendant of Gtsang pa rgya ras was questioned. He did not give importance to these issues but concentrated on his spiritual practice. This biography thus stresses that several Bka brgyud pa practitioners were at Jalandhara at that time, which reinforces the evidence that, apart from U rgyan pa, the Brug pa had chosen to go to Jalandhara for their spiritual practice, possibly in the footsteps of Rgod tsang pa. Records remain that Stag tshang ras pa, too, had great spiritual experiences in Jalandhara. He is known for having composed mystical songs at the holy place, stressing that the attainment of Phyag rgya chen po realizations was the peculiar trait of Brug pa practice, hence showing that he was looking for the same mystical accomplishments that Rgod tshang pa had sought some three hundred years earlier.92 Like Rgod tshang pa and U rgyan pa, the great realized master of the seventeenth century, Rang rig ras pa states in his spiritual songs and oral instructions that at an early stage of his life he visited Jalandhara and Jwalamukhi, said by him to be the fields of the Ma mo dakinis and the area protected by the great Vajravarahi, where the supreme Tantra was uttered. He experienced the blessings of innumerable dakinis dissolving into his heart and his veil of darkness was removed. Rang rig ras pa prayed for all sentient beings with a happy and pure mind, after which he was able to establish an inseparable mind-relationship with Vajravarahi.93 To sum up, Rgod tshang pa and U rgyan pa are considerd by the Tibetan tradition as the two supreme masters of antiquity who travel-led to the great sacred destinations of north-east India (Jalandhara and Uddiyana respectively, although U rgyan pa was in Jalandhara too). Rgod tshang pa was driven to the former holy place by his quest for Phyag rgya chen po realizations, and U rgyan pa by the idea that the north-west was a paradisal land not much different from Sham bha la, where he had originally planned to go.94 From the material available at present, it seems that the Tibetans never established Jalandhara as a permanent place of practice. Their frequent visit to this holy place was limited to a few great individuals (and their disciples), with a concentration during within a hundred years more or less, the thirteenth century. However, it is the task of future research, if new sources resurface, to establish whether other Tibetan masters made of Jalandhara the holy site of their mystical realizations and if the flow of Tibetan pilgrims formed a more stable cultural pattern, despite the many changes in the secular status of the lands of north-west India through time.

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Notes
The Tantra of Sri Cakrasamvara, according to Slob dpon Rdo rjes Tshig don rab gsal, was expounded by Shakyamuni Buddha to vanquish the wrathful Isvara during the Dvaparayuga (aeon of two-fold segeneration). However Tibetan masters maintained that it was taught during the Kaliyuga (aeon of strife). 2 . Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pai zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The collected works of Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po, vol.Nga, p.540-541. 3. Dil mgo mkhyen brtse rin po che, Bkra shis ljongs kyi gnas yig zin thun/ bde chen thig le gcig gi rol pa sogs, Collected Works, vol.Za, f.2. 4. Like the twenty-four Buddhist pilgrimage sites, the Hindus have twenty-four gods of the Agnicayana ritual in the Vedic literature. The Vedas mention twenty-four deities of the fire rituals (homavidhi), and the followers of Vishnu believe in twenty-four incarnations of Vishnu, called Vaibavavilasa (see Kazi Dawa-Samdup, Sri Cakrasamvara-Tantra, p.16). Tucci, The Temples of Western Tibet and Their Artistic Symbolism. Tsaparang (Indo-Tibetica III.2), p.44 states that the twenty-four holy pilgrimage sites of Krishna are documented in the twentieth chapter of Caitanya carita-mrta madhyalila popular with the followers of Krishna in south India and Bengal. In the Saivite documents too there is reference to the twenty-four holy sites. 5. Lama Dam pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan, Rgyud kyi rgyal po dpal kye rdo rje i rgya cher grel pa nyi mai od zer, f.140-143. 6. Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtsei dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pai zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The Collected works of Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse i dbang po, vol.Nga, p.545. 7. Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pai zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The Collected Works, vol.Nga, p.540-541; Dpal khor lo bde mcog gi rnam par sprul pa dang/ yul nyi shu rtsa bzhii rgyu mtshan ces bya ba bzhugs, Snar thang rGyud grel, vol.Pu; Bde mchog chos byung by Bu ston and A myes zhabs; and Pan chen dPal ldan ye shes, Shambha lai lam yig, Pan chen dPal ldan ye shes kyi gsung bum, vol.Nya, f.13-20. See also Tucci, Temples in Western Tibet, p. 38-41; and Ronald Davidson, Reflections on the Mahesvara subjugation myth: Indic materials, Saskya-pa Apologetics, and the birth of Heruka, Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, vol.14 (2), 1991, p.197-235. 1.

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 19

8. Taranatha, Khor lo sdom pa nag po zhabs lugs kyi sgrub thabs bde ba chen poi char yang, The Collected Works of Taranatha, vol.7, p.75-109; and Padma dkar po, Gnas chen ca ri trai ngo mtshar snang ba pad dkar legs bshad, f.6-7. 9. Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rjei rnam par thar pa mthong ba don ldan nor bui phreng ba, Bka-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.87. 10. Kazi Dawa-Samdup, Sri Cakrasamvara-Tantra , New Delhi 1987, p.16. The main deity is mahakankala who is blue with one head, four arms (two arms embrace the Shakti holding vajra and bell, right hand damaru, left hand khatvanga). The consort is Gtum mig ma or Pracandaksi. 11. The myth is documented as Mahesvara, the god of the north-east, one of the protectors of the ten directons (phyogs skyongs), riding on an ox and with a trishul in his hand, was considered to be the chief of all the worldly gods. He is said to have emanated four manifestations associated with peace, maturation, power and wrath, namely the white Indra and his consort Gauri (Ri sras), as gods of peace; the yellow Brahma and consort Ekajati as gods of maturation; Mahesvara of Paranirmitavasavartin realm and consort Rakta as gods of power; and wrathful Kalabhairava and consort Kalaratri as gods of wrath. The texts further narrate how two wrathful Kalabhairvas, once, descended in Magadha and ruled over this world. They appointed their representatives in twentyfour sacred places, and further selected four devas and four gandharvas to rule the space above, four yaksa s and four raksas to reign over the ground, and four nagas and four asuras to rule the realm below. Although the representatives invited Mahesvara to their places, he declined [the invitation], and instead sent each a stone lingam as objects of worship. The twenty-four places were, thus, dotted with indestructible stone lingams. Once, when false views and denial of the law of causality were widespread throughout the world, the Buddha Sakyamuni assumed the form of Sri Cakrasamvara and suppressed Mahesvara and the goddess Uma under his feet. Having defeated the devas in the twenty-four places, Sri Cakrasamvara replaced them with eight viras and eight virinis from the sky above, eight viras and eight virinis from the ground below, the dakinis of the three realms, and the assemblage of gods dwelling in the bodily, verbal and mental cakras of the Samvara deity. The eight doorkeepers were appointed following the banishment of four pisaccis and four kinnaras serving under Mahesvara. The four yoginis functioned as substitutes for Mahesvaras four consorts, other

20 TIBET JOURNAL

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

than the goddess Uma. However, scholars consider the representatives as manifestations of the Buddha. Also see Bu ston, Rgyud sde spyi rnam, The Collected Works of Bu ston, vol.15; Dpal khor lo bde mchog gi rnam par sprul pa/ dang yul nyi shu rtsa bzhii rgyu mtshan ces bya ba bzhugs, Snar thang Rgyud grel, vol.Pu, f.115; and Klong rdol bla ma, Bstan srung dam can rgya mtshoi ming gi grangs, vol.Ya, f.9. Klong rdol bla ma, Bstan srung dam can rgya mtshoi ming gi grangs, Klong rdol bla mai gsung bum, Delhi 1973, vol.Ya, f.9b:3 and Klong rdol bla ma, Bstan srung dam can rgya mtshoi ming gi grangs, Klong rdol Ngag dbang blo bzang gi gsung bum, vol.2, Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe skrun khang 1991, p. 479-481; and Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, Gsang chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas bstan pai gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos dzin, vol.Ja. See also Shes bya kun kyab, vol.1, Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1982, p.366-371. Bri gung Jig rten mgon po, Gnas chen dril bu ri dang ghan dho lai gnas yig don gsal bzhugs so, f.1-2; At a time when an assemblage of wrathful gods and other celestial beings including Mahesvara ruled over sentient beings, Samantabhadra is believed to have descended on to the peak of Sumeru and subjected the wrathful gods through the process of subjugation, dissolution and dissipation. He then blessed the twenty-four sacred places above, on and below the world, the thirty-two sacred sites, the eight great cemeteries, the eight glorious mountains, the hundred spontaneously-arisen caityas, the eight and thirteen congregational sites of dakinis, and the eighty secret caves of dakinis. Brug pa Chos kyi snang ba (the eighth Brug chen), Tsa ri tra ye shes khor lo i gnas kyi ngo mtshar cha shas tsam gsal bar brjod pai yi ge skal ldan dga bskyed dad pai nyin byed char ba zhes bya ba, ff.1-2. Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, Gsang chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas bstan pai gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos dzin shes byai ltad moi me long zhes bya ba, Zhu chens gsung bum, vol. Ja, f.2b. Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pai zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The Collected works of Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po, vol.Nga; p. 542-543. Ronald M. Davidson, Reflections on the Mahesvara subjugation myth: Indic materials, Sa-skya-pa Apologetics, and the birth of Heruka, Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, vol.14 (2), 1991, p.197-235.

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 21

The translation of myth in Tattvasamgraha and Hevajratantra according to the Lam bras tradition is also given in Davidsons article. The myth in Lam bras is slightly different from the usual one. Bri gung Jig rten mgon po, Gnas chen dril bu ri dang ghan dho lai gnas yig don gsal bzhugs so, f.1-2. Brug pa Chos kyi snang ba (8th Brug chen), Tsa ri tra ye shes khor loi gnas kyi ngo mtshar cha shas tsam gsal bar brjod pai yi ge skal ldan dga bskyed dad pai nyin byed char ba zhes bya ba, f.1-2. Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pai zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud lung btus bcas bzhugs so, The Collected works, vol.4; p.545-546. Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, Gsang chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas bstan pai gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos dzin shes byai ltad moi me long zhes bya ba, Zhu chen gyi gsung bum, vol.Ja, f.2b; and Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, gNas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos dzin shes byai ltad mo ngom pai me long which briefly presents twelve classifications including sacred places to help determine their names and number. The Hevajra-tantra (Kye rdo rje rtsa rgyud) states: O Blessed One, how many congregations are there? To this, the Blessed One replied: They are twelve: sacred places and secondary sacred places, fields and secondary fields, chhandos and secondary chhandos, congregational sites and secondary congre-gational sites, thung spyods and secondary thung spyod, and cemeteries and secondary cemeteries. Secondly, the [following] detailed exposition is presented in three parts: the presentation of the twenty-four sacred places, the presentation of the thirtytwo sacred regions, and the presentation of the thirty-seven sacred regions. From the point of certainty in terms of their number, the first is further explained in terms of a general explanation and a specific identification of places. Firstly, based on some early historical documents, there are slight differences in views concerning time and process of evolution of this physical world. If generalized, it is as follows. Since the advent of Kaliyuga, one of the four cosmic aeons, humans, due to intense distrust, committed the non-virtuous action of killing one another. The corpses of the dead were spread in the eight cardinal and intermediate directions, thus forming the eight cemeteries. The steam evaporating from the corpses collected in the sky to form the eight clouds. The clouds show-ered rain, which flowed and gathered to form the eight waters. Moisture produced from these waters gave rise to the eight trees.

18. 19.

20.

21.

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22. 23. 24. 25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32. 33.

The eight raksas occupied the eight trees and nagas took control of the eight waters. Then the twenty-four sacred places and the thirty-two sacred regions gradually developed. At that time, Sumeru and its dwellers, Mahesvara and the goddess Uma, came into being. From them arose the four manifestations of mind, speech, body and miraculous deeds. They, in turn, occupied Pullirmalaya in the east, Jalan-dhara in the north, Odiyana in the west, and Arbuda in the south. The four places were thereafter called gnas in the language of the gods. The same text also clearly mentions the twenty-four and thirty-seven sacred places, besides the twelve and thirteen grounds. Vogel, History of Kangra, p.2-3. Vogel, History of Kangra, p.5. V. Smith, Early History of India, p.81. See also Vogel, ibid. p.5. Samuel Beal (transl.), Si yu ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World, p.175, n.30. See also Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, Varanasi, 1963, pp.115-119. Don rgyud Nyi ma (the Eighth Khams sprul) (ed.), Bka-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.1-350; and Mon rtse ba Kun dga dpal ldan, Bka brgyud gser phreng, 1970, p. 293-352. Sde snod dzin pa Rin chen dpal, Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pai rnam thar gnad sdud pai sgron me, Rwa lung dkar brgyud gser phreng, vol.2, 1975, p. 73-82. Chos rje rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rjei rnam thar, in Bka brgyud gser phreng ba ra ba dkar brgyud pa, vol. 1, 1970, p. 452-543; and Rgyal ba rgod tshang pai rnam thar in Rare Tibetan Texts from Lahul, 1974, Gemur Monastery, Lahaul, p. 1-325. Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rjei rnam par thar pa mthong ba don ldan nor bui phreng ba, Bka-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.1-350. Zla ba Seng ge, Grub thob O-rgyan pai rnam par thar pa byin rlabs kyi chu rgyun, Gangtok, 1976, p.1-244. In the biography of U rgyan pa published in 1997 by the Tibet Autonomous Regions Old Texts Publishing Press, the author of the biography is given as Bsod snyom pa bsod nams od zer, the longtime disciple of U rgyan pa. Zhwa dmar Mkha spyod dbang po, Chos kyi rje rgyal ba audyana pa chen poi rnam par thar pa rdzogs ldan bdud rtsii dga ston, The Collected Works of Zhwa-dmar Mkha-spyod-dbang-po, vol. 2, Gangtok 1978, p.89-121. Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos byung, 1994, p.717-750. Dil mgo Mkhyen brtse rin po che, Bkra shris ljongs kyi gnas yig zin thun bde chen thig le gcig gi rol pa, vol.Za, f.1-3. This is also written on the

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 23

inside walls of Tashijong Monasterys assembly hall, as communicated to me by Tashi Tsering. Earlier than Tucci, S. Levi, followed by Benoytosh Bhatacharya and Aurel Stein, travelled to the place and identified it as a sacred site, basing himself on Huien Tsiangs pilgrimage guide. Lokesh Chandra, Oddiyana: A New interpretation, In International Association of Tibetan Studies, Oxford 1979, p. 73-78. Tucci, Travels of Tibetan Pilgrims in the Swat Valley, Calcutta 1940, p.41-64. Samuel Beal (transl.), Si yu ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World, p.175, n.30. See also Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, Varanasi, 1963, pp.115-119. Vogel, History of Kangra, p.5. Vogel, ibid. p.5; and Abu Rihan, Alberunis India, 1910, p.260. Bu ston, Bde mchog spyi rnam don gsal zhes bya ba, Collected Works of Buston, vol.Cha, f.41-42. See Taranatha, Bka bab bdun ldan gyi brgyud pai rnam thar (Five Historical Works of Taranatha), f.25. Bu ston, Bde mchog chos byung, vol.Cha, f.42; On him also see Gos lo tsa ba gZhon nu dpal, Deb ther sngon po, f.15a; Bu ston, Dus khor chos byung, f.1a and 23b; Taranathai chos byung, Varanasi, p.200-201; Sum pa Ye shes dpal byor, dPag bsam ljon bzang, p.112-113; and Alaka Chattopadhyaya, Atisa and Tibet, p.107. S.C. Das, Tibetan-English Dictionary, 1902, p.1047 states that Jalandhara was: a province in the Punjab, now Jalundur. Formerly the kingdom of Jalendra comprised Kashmir, Punjab and a part of Kabul; and was ruled by king Kaniska and his successors. Rahul Sankritiyan, TibetanHindi Dictionary, vol.1, 1930, p.162, says that Jalandhara is Kangra. In Jaschke, Tibetan-English Dictionary, 1965, p.461, Jalandhara is spelled Jellundur. There it is said: Dza-ln-dha-ra, n. of a province in the Punjab, now Jellundur. Skyes rabs Dza lan dha ra, The Biography of the Sixteenth Karma pa, Sikkim edition, f.63 says that the Karma pa was previously born as the king of Jalandhara, a kingdom in northern India. Jo nang Ta ra na tha, Dam pai chos rin po che phags pai yul du ji ltar dar bai tshul gsal bar dgos dod kun byung: Rgya gar chos byung, Arunachal Pradesh, 1974, f.93a-93b. Slob dpon Mi jigs sbyin, Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhii lo rgyus, Peking edition, vol.Lu, f.42b (translated into Hindi by Sempa Dorje, Varanasi in 1979). Keith Dowman, Masters of Mahamudra: Songs and Histories of the Eighty-Four Buddhist Siddhas, University of New York Press, Albany, 1985, pp.248-249. He claims that Nagarthotha is Tukhara (Tho gar), and

34.

35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40.

41.

42.

43. 44.

24 TIBET JOURNAL

45.

46. 47. 48. 49.

50. 51.

52. 53. 54.

55. 56.

57. 58. 59.

adds that Jalandhara is indeed part of present-day Kangra district, the pilgrimage place of both Hindus and Buddhists. Karma pa Rang byung rig pai rdo rje (16th Karma pa), Khams gsum gro bai mgon po rigs kun khyab bdag rgyal mchog bcu drug pa chen po rang byung khyab bdag rig pai rdo rje mchog gi sngon gyi skyes rabs ngo mtshar pad moi dga tshal, Sikkim Edition, f.63. Btsan po Nomihan, Dzam gling rgyas bshad, p.114:4. Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge, Byin rlabs chu rgyun, f.23. See also Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos byung, p.722. Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge, Byin rlabs chu rgyun, Bka-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.89. Karma pa Rang byung rig pai rdo rje, Khams gsum gro bai mgon po rigs kun khyab bdag rgyal mchog bcu drug pa chen po rang byung khyab bdag rig pai rdo rje mchog gi sngon gyi skyes rabs ngo mtshar pad moi dga tshal, Sikkim Edition, f.63. The Tibetan custom of writing guidebooks to tantric pilgrimage places was possibly initiated with Uddiyana ad Jalandhara in mind. Ldan ma Acharya A rag bande Jam dbyangs dbang rgyal, Zhu sgrig gnang ba tshong dpon kha stag yag nas phyi lo 1944 -1956 bar bod dang bal po rgya gar bcas la gnas bskor bskyod pai nyin deb, Delhi 1997, p.146-147. Dge dun chos phel, Rgya gar gnas chen khag la bgrod pai lam yig, Bod gzhung chos don lhan khang, 1968, p.28-29. Snellgrove, Buddhist Himalaya: Travels and Studies in Quest of the Origins and Nature of Tibetan Religion, Oxford, 1957, p.171-172. Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje, Rje rgod tshang pai rnam thar rgyal thang pa bde chen rdo rjes mdzad pa la mgur chen gas rgyan pa, Bkabrgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, p.356. Vitali, The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang, n.571 and 671. Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rjei rnam par thar pa mthong be don ldan nor bui phreng ba, Bka-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, Vol.4, 1976, p.87. Sde snod dzin pa Rin chen dpal, Rnam thar gnas bsdus sgron me, Rwa lung bka brgyud gser phreng, vol.2, p.76-77. Sde snod dzin pa Rin chen dpal, ibid, p.73-82. Chos rje Rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rjei rnam par thar pa, Bka brgyud gser phreng chen mo, vol.Ka, Dehradun 1970, p.495.

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 25

60. Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rjei rnam par thar pa mthong ba don ldan nor bui phreng ba, Bka-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.89. 61. Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge, Byin rlabs chu rgyun, f.22-23. 62. Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, Stag lung chos byung, p. 243. 63. Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, Stag lung chos byung, Tibet Autonomous Regions Old Texts Publishing Press, 1992, p.321: and Roberto Vitali, Accounts of the journey to the Western Regions with particular reference to Khyung-rgod-rtsal and his das-log experience. A historical view, (unpublished), n.15. 64. Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, Stag lung chosbyung, Tibet Autonomous Regions Old Text Publishing Press, 1992, p.321. Roberto Vitali, Accounts of the journey to the Western Regions with particular reference to Khyungrgod-rtsal and his das-log experience. A historical view, (unpublished), n.15. 65. U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, Baidurya dkar poi rgyud mang, Hemis Monastery edition, f.23; and Roberto Vitali, Accounts of the journey to the Western Regions with particular reference to Khyung-rgod-rtsal and his das-log experience. A historical view, a paper read at the 8th IATS, Bloomington, July 1998, (un-published), n.1. 66. U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, ibid., f.21-24, and U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, Mgur bum zhal gdams zab don utpalai phreng ba, Hemis Monastery edition, f.17b. 67. U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, ibid., f.21-25, and U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, Rdo rjei mgur skal ldan yid kyi mun sel, Hemis Monastery edition, f.33b. 68. Vagendra Vajra (ed), Rej btsun khyab bdag chen po rang rig ras chen gyi gsung mgur dang zhal gdams chi med bdud rtsii rlabs phreng zhes bya ba, 1982, f. 10. 69. Vogel, ibid. p.5. 70. Bu ston, Bde mchog spyi rnam don gsal, Collected Works, vol.Cha, f.28a:14. See also Zhu chen tshul khrims rin chen, Gsang chen rgyud kyi ryal po rnams nas bstan pai gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos dzin shes byai ltad mo ngom pai me long, Collected Works, vol.Ja, f.8-9. 71. Jam mgon A-myes Ngag dbang kun dga bsod nams, Dpal sa skya pai yab chos kyi snying khu khor lo sdom pai chos byung bai tshul legs par bshad pa bde mchog chos kun gsal bai nyin byed, f.45-47, has a paragraph manifestly styled after Bu stons Bde mchog chos byung: Jalandhara is a big city to the north-west of Gu ge and located at the confluence of three

26 TIBET JOURNAL

72.

73. 74.

75. 76. 77. 78.

79.

80.

81. 82.

rivers: the Shab ru of Tho ling; the Pi pa sha na, the snow-mountain river of [Gar] sha; and the Me ra pe river of Sha la dza. Nearby is a stone linga lying on its back with a hole on one side and, in a temple, the self-originated stone image of Ksetrapala Jwalamukhi which also faces downwards. At the distance of one furlong, there are a hundred meditation caves, a hundred springs, and a hundred trees. From the middle of the rocks gushes water where the heretics do their ablutions. This pilgrimage place is Odi. Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, Gnas chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas bstan pai gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos dzin shes byai ltad mo ngom pai me long, vol.Ja, New Delhi, 1973, f.218b. Gnas chen dril bu ri dang gha dho lai gnas yig don gsal, f.9. Khams sprul Don brgyud nyi ma (ed.), Bka-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, 1976, p.89-96. Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos byung p.696 states: At Jalandhara, he saw dakini Gro ba bzang mo surrounded by many wisdom (ye shes) dakinis making religious offerings. The dakini said: In ten years, we will go to Tibet to work for all sentient beings. You will have eighteen thousand disciples. He realized the sameness of the three times and meditated at the site for four years. As said above, Rgod tshang pa actually stayed at Jalandhara for about five months. Sde snod dzin pa Rin chen dpal, Rnam thar gnad bsdus sgron me, Rwa lung bka brgyud gser phreng, vol.2, p.77 Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos byung, p.722. Zla ba seng ge, Byin rlabs chu rgyun, The Biography of U rgyan pa, f.23. Stag tshag Tshe dbang rgyal, Lho rong chos byung, p.722. Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje, Rje rgod tshang pai rnam thar rgyal thang pa bde chen rdo rjes mdzad pa la mgur chen gas rgyan pa, Bka-Brgyud-pa Hagiographies, vol.4, Tashijong, 1976, p.386. U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, ibid., f.21-25, and U rgyan pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, Rdo rjei mgur skal ldan yid kyi mun sel, Hemis Monastery edition, f.33b. Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring, Kun du bzang poi zlos gar yid kyi bcud len, f.56b-59a. There is a similar description in Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring, Smad du byung ba ngo mtshar ba i stong, f.26a-30b. Btsan po Nomihan,Dzam gling chen poi rgyas bshad snod bcud kun gsal me long zhes bya ba, Gangtok, 1981, p.114:4. The guide book of India by Huien Tsiang was translated into Tibetan during the reign of the Emperor Qianlong between 1740-1780 by Gung Mgon po

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 27

skyabs. It was edited by Cha gan zhabs drung Bkal bzang dge legs rgyal mtshan Nam cha gan Hothokthu. See also f.27-28 of this translation entitled Chen po thang gur dus kyi rgya gar zhing gi bkod pai dkar chag. This dkar chag was printed in Mongolia (Sog yul) in 1974 and Japan in 1994; Samuel Beal (transl.), Si yu ki: Buddhist Records of the West-ern World, p.175, and T. V. Wylies The Geography of Tibet, Roma 1962, p.57-58. Bu ston, Bde mchog chos byung, vol.Cha, f.28a. Dka spyad sgron ma rnam thar shel phreng lu gu rgyud, Preparatory Committee for the 1000th Year Anniversary of Tholing, 1996, Dharamsala, p.25: The lo tsa ba considered building a temple the size of Mount Meru at his birthplace Kyu wang Rad ni but was thwarted by the jealousy of the local spirits, Klu brog sman Dza la ma ti, altogether four sisters. At Rad ni, there were eight keepers of the monastic vows (gnas brtan), all of whom were stricken with sa nad (disease caused by the local spirit). He meditated at Gyam shug in winter and in the spring constructed a Guhyasamaja mandala on a field that takes three bre of seeds [to cultivate]. In its center, a triangular firepit was made to perform fire offerings. The four spirit-sisters appeared and offered their heart-soul to the lo tsa ba. The lo tsa ba told everyone near him to stop beating the drums for a moment and walked to one side of the field, offered the life heart-essence (srog snying) and tamed the spirit. The spirit took oath and promised to become protector of Buddhism. Particularly, the front hair of Sman Dza la mati, when cut, measured two pho dom (the measurement cor-responding to the stretched arms of a man). Bse mtho gsum ma bu was buried as a gter ma under the temple of Rad ni and left there. She offered her heart-essence. She was given the sacred name of Nam mkha dri med ma and made the protectress of the Rad ni temple with a sadhana [expressely] composed [for her]. Chos rje Rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rjei rnam par thar pa, Bka brgyud gser phreng chen mo, vol.Ka, p. 497-498 Pan chen Dpal ldan ye shes, Sham bha lai lam yig, f.20a:5. Dung dkar Blo bzang phrin lass Dung dkar tshig mdzod chen mo, p.1861 reads: The river Ganges flows for some days from Manasarover through the Mnga ris region in a south-westerly direction and then turns eastwards near a place called Haridwar, located north of Delhi. Just north of this place is Jwalamukh or Jwalamukhi, or the place where a fire flames from stones. This place has been identified by him as Jalandhara. The lam yig adds that Mandi is situated near the pilgrimage place of Jalandhara lying on the northern spoke of the mind cakra of the twenty-four holy sites.

83. 84.

85. 86.

28 TIBET JOURNAL

87. Dge dun chos phel, Rgya gar gyi gnas chen khag la bgrod pai lam yig, p.28-29. 88. Dge dun chos phel, Rgya gar gyi gnas chen khag la bgrod pai lam yig, pp.28-29. See also Huber (transl.), The Guide to India, Gendun Chophel, LTWA 2000, p.69 and Dorje Gyal (ed.), Newly Discovered Writings of Gendun Choephel, p.158. 89. Zla ba Seng ge, Byin brlabs chu rgyun, f.23. 90. Zhwa dmar mkha spyod dbang po, Rdzogs ldan bdud rtsii dga ston, The Collected Works of Zhwa-dmar Mkha spyod dbang po, vol.Kha, Gangtok, 1978, p.92:4. 91. Srin po gdong and Yon btsun bum rgyal (U rgyan pas other companion) were not allowed to go to Uddiyana despite repeated requests, and so Dpal ye shes and U rgyan pa were given one gold zho each as offerings by the two companions. 92. Grub pai dbang phyug dam pa o-di yana pa gyis pa Ngag dbang rgya mtshoi rdo rjei mgur skal ldan yid kyi mun sel zhes bya ba, Hemis Monastery, f.47. 93. Vagindravajra (ed.), Rje btsun khyab bdag chen po rang rig ras chen gyi gsung mgur dang zhal gdams chi med bdud rtsii rlabs phreng zhes bya ba, 1982, f.10. 94. Rtogs ldan Zla ba seng ge/Bsod snyoms pa Bsod nams od zer, Dpal ldan bla ma dam pa grub chen u rgyan pai rnam par thar pa byin rlabs kyi chu rgyun, Gangs can rig mdzod, vol.32, 1997, p.45.

REFERENCES
Tibetan Sources Kathog Rig dzin Tshe dbang nor bu, Bcom ldan dpal che mchog khor lo sdom pai rgyud kyi bshad pa byung tshul sa bon tsam pa ma ni ka yi do shal, gsung bum, vol.5, Delhi 1977. Karma pa Rang byung rig pai rdo rje (the sixteenth Karma pa), Khams gsum gro bai mgon po rigs kun khyab bdag rgyal mchog bcu drug pa chen po rang byung khyab bdag rig pai rdo rje mchog gi sngon gyi skyes rabs ngo mtshar pad moi dga tshal, Rumtek Edition, Sikkim Kong sprul Yon tan rgya rgya mtsho, Theg pai sgo kun las btus pa gsung rab rin po chei mdzod bslabs pa gsum legs par ston pai bstan bcos shes bya kun khyab, Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, Peking 1982.

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 29

Kun dga grol mchog, Nag po spyod pai rtogs pa brjod pai yal dab, Collected Works of Kun dga grol mchog, vol.2; Tibet House, Delhi 1982. Klong rdol bla ma Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, Bstan srung dam can rgya mtshoi ming gi grangs, Klong rdol bla mai gsung bum, vol.1&2, Lokesh Candra, New Delhi 1973. Bka brgyud gser phreng chen mo, vol.ka, Ngawang Gyaltsen and Ngawang Lungtok, Dehradun 1970. Kyi thang pa Ye shes dpal, Dka spyad sgron ma rnam thar shel phreng lu gu rgyud, Preparatory Committee for the 1000th Year Anniversary of Tholing, Dharamsala 1996. Khon ston Dpal byor lhun grub, Jam dpal gshin rjei gshed skor gyi bla ma brgyud pai chos byung gdul byai re dod skong ba yid bzhin gyi nor bui phreng ba zhes bya ba, 65 folios; Mkhar rdo bsam gtan gling edition. Khrul zhig Ngag dbang tshe ring, Rnal byor dbang po ngag dbang tshe ring gi rnam par thar pa smad du byung ba ngo mtshar bai stong zhes pa, Collected works of khrul zhig rin po che ngag dbang tshe ring, vol.1, Rdzong khul monastery edition; Topden Tsering, Delhi 1975. Rgyal thang pa Bde bai rdo rje, Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pai rnam thar rgyal thang pa bde chen rdo rjes mdzad pa la mgur chen gas rgyan pa, Bka-brgyud-pai hagiographies, vol.4. Tashijong, Palampur 1976. Dil mgo mkhyen brtse rin po che (1910-1991), Bkra shis ljongs kyi gnas yig zin thun/ bde chen thig le gcig gi rol pa sogs, Collected Works, vol.Za, Shechen Publications, Delhi 1994 Dge dun chos phel, Rgya gar gyi gnas chen khag la bgrod pai lam yig, Bod gzhung chos don lhan khang, Dharamsala 1968. Gos lo tsa ba Gzon nu dpal, Deb ther sngon po, Kundeling edition, Lokesh Candra 1976. Jam mgon A myes zhabs ngag dbang kun dga bsod nams, Dpal sa skya pai yab chos kyi nying khu khor lo sdom pai dam pai chos byung bai tshul legs par bshad pa bde mchog chos kun gsal bai nyin byed, Ngawang Topgay, New Delhi 1974 Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang po, Gsang chen rdo rje theg pa phyi gyur gsar ma gtso bor ston pai zin bris sna tshogs dang mdo rgyud lung btus bcas bzhugs so, Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang poi bka bum, vol.Nga, Rdzong sar xylographic blocks, Gonpo Tseten, Gangtok 1977. Rje btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan, Bde mchog lu yi pai lugs kyi bla ma brgyud pai lo rgyus/ bla ma sa chen gyi lo rgyus nyung ngu, Sa skya bka bum, vol.3, Toyo Bunko,Tokyo 1968.

30 TIBET JOURNAL

Taranatha, Khor lo sdom pa nag po zhabs lugs kyi sgrub thabs Bde ba chen poi char yan, Collected Works of Jo nang Taranatha, vol.7; Tashigangpa, Leh 1983. , Slob dpon chen po spyod pa chang dbang poi rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar snyan pai sgra dbyangs; Collected Works of Jo nang Taranatha, vol.12; Tashigangpa, Leh 1985. , Grub chen bu dha guptai rnam thar rje btsun nyid kyi zhal lung las gzhan du rang rtog gi dris mas sbags pai ye ge dag pao, Collected Works of Jo nang Taranatha, vol.17; Tashigangpa, Leh 1988. , Bka bab bdun ldan gyi brgyud pai rnam thar ngo mtshar rmad du byung ba rin po chei khugs lta bui gtam, In Five Historical Works of Taranatha, Tseten Dorji, Tezu 1974. , Dam pai chos rin po che phags pai yul du ji ltar dar bai tshul gsal bar dgos dod kun byung: Rgya gar chos byung, In Five Historical Works of Taranatha, Tseten Dorji, Tezu 1974. Thang sen tsang, Chen po thang gur dus kyi rgya gar zhing gi bkod pai dkar chag, Mongolia 1974 and Japan 1994. Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, Brgyud pa yid bzhin nor bui rtogs pa brjod pa ngo mtshar rgya mtsho zhes be (Stag lung chos byung), Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe skrun khang, Lhasa 1992. Dung dkar Blo bzang phrin las, Dung dkar tshig mdzod chen mo, Krung goi bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, Beijing 2002. Ldan ma Acharya A rag bande Jam dbyangs dbang rgyal (ed.), tshong dpon kha stag yag nas phyi lo 19944 nas 1956 bar bod dang bal po rgya gar bcas la gnas bskor bskyod pai nyin deb; Delhi 1997. Sde snod dzin pa Rin chen dpal, Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pai rnam thar gnad sdud pai sgron me, Rwa lung dkar brgyud gser phreng, vol.2; Tashijong, Palampur 1975. Pan chen Dpal ldan ye shes, Grub pai gnas chen po sham bha lai rnam bshad yul gyi rtogs brjod dang bcas pa ngo mtshar bye bai byung gnas zhes bya ba, Collected Works of Pan chen dpal ldan ye shes, vol.Nya, Tashi Lunpo Monastery, New Delhi 1973. Dpal khor lo bde mcog gi rnam par sprul pa dang/ yul nyi shu rtsa bzhii rgyu mtshan ces bya ba bzhugs, Snar thang rGyud grel, vol.Pu. Bu ston Rin chen grub, Bde mchog spyi rnam don gsal zhes bya ba, Collected works of Bu ston, Vol.6 (Cha), Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi 1966. , Rgyud sde spyii rnam par gzhag pa rgyud sde rin po chei mdzes rgyan

Jalandhara in the Eyes of Tibetan and Trans-Himalayan Pilgrims 31

zhes bya ba, Collected works of Bu ston, Vol.15, Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi 1969. Bla ma dam pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan, Rgyud kyi rgyal po dpal kye rdo rjei rgya cher grel pa nyi mai od zer; Delhi 1980. Bri gung Jig rten mgon po, Gnas chen dril bu ri dang ghan dho lai gnas yig don gsal bzhugs so, Bri gung Rig dzin Chos grags, Rgyud kyi rgyal po dpal khor lo sdom pai chos byung tshul rdo rje dzin pai dga ston zhes bya ba, Gsung bum, vol.1, Bir 1985. Brug pa Chos kyi snang ba (8th Brug chen, 1768-1822), Tsa ri tra ye shes khor loi gnas kyi ngo mtshar cha shas tsam gsal bar brjod pai yi ge skal ldan dga bskyed dad pai nyin byed char ba zhes bya ba, Xylograph. Brug pa Padma dkar po, Gnas chen ca ri trai ngo mtshar snang ba pad dkar legs bshad. Btsan po No mi han, Dzam gling chen poi rgyas bshad snod bcud kun gsal me long zhes bya ba, 1820 edition; Dzongsar Chhenste Labrang, Gangtok 1981. Tshul khrims byung gnas alias Bzhad pa rdo rje, Dpal ldan dam pa khrul zhig rin po che ngag dbang tshe ring gi rnam thar kun du bzang poi zlos gar yid kyi bcud len, Topden Tsering, Delhi 1975. Vagindra (ed.), Rje btsun khyab bdag chen po rang rig ras chen gyi gsung mgur dang zhal gdams chi med bdud brtsii rlabs phreng zhes bya ba, Delhi 1982. Zhwa dmar Mkha spyod dbang po, Chos kyi rje rgyal ba audyana pa chen poi rnam par thar pa rdzogs ldan bdud rtsii dga ston, The Collected Works of Zhwa-dmar Mkha-spyod-dbang-po, vol. 2, Gangtok 1978 Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, Gsang chen rgyud kyi rgyal po rnams nas bstan pai gnas yul chen po rnams kyi ngos dzin shes byai ltad mo ngom pai me long zhes bya ba, Collected Works of Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen, vol.Ja; New Delhi 1973. Zla ba seng ge, Grub thob O rgyan pai rnam thar byin rlabs chu rgyun, Gangtok 1976 and Bod ljongs dpe rnying dpe skrun khang 1997 Rwa lung dkar brgyud gser phreng, vol.2; Spungs thang edition (1771-1772, Tashijong, Palampur 1975 Sangs rgyas dar po, Rgyal ba Rgod tshang pa mgon po rdo rjei rnam par thar pa mthong ba don ldan nor bui phreng ba, Bka-brgyud-pa Hagiographies, The Sungrab Nyamso Gyunphel Parkhang, Tashijong 1976. Sum pa Ye shes dpal byor, Dpag bsam ljon bzang, Varanasi 1965. Slob dpon Mi jigs sbyin, Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhii lo rgyus, Varanasi 1979.

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