Political Equality An Essay In Democratic Theory

Charles R Beitz
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Charles R Beitz

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Political Equality
CHARLES R. BEITZ

Political Equality
An Essay in Democratic Theory

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

Copyright © 1989 by Princeton University Press

Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street,

Princeton, New Jersey 08540
In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Oxford

All Rights Reserved

Library of Congress Catalogmg-in-Publication Data
Beitz, Charles R.
Poltical equality : an essay in democratic theory / Charles R. Beitz.
p. cm. Bibliography: p. Includes index.
ISBN 0-691-07791-6 (alk. paper)
ISBN 0-691-02271-2, paperback
1. Equality. 2. Democracy. I. Title.
JC575.B45 1989 321.8—dcl9 88-29276
First Princeton Paperback printing, 1989

This book has been composed in Linotron Trump

Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books
are printed on acid-free paper, and binding materials are
chosen for strength and durability. Paperbacks, although satisfactory
for personal collections, are not usually suitable for library rebinding
Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press,
Princeton, New Jersey
Designed by Laury A. Egan
 FOR
Jean H. Beitz
AND IN MEMORY OF
Richard C. Beitz
Contents

Preface ix
Acknowledgments xvii

Introduction
ONE The Subject of Political Equality 3

Part One: Theory

TWO Results 31
THREE Preferences 49
FOUR Procedures 75
FIVE A Theory of Political Fairness 97

Part Two: Applications

six Proportional Representation 123
SEVEN Fair Representation and Legislative Districting 141
EIGHT The Formation of the Political Agenda 164
NINE Political Finance 192

Conclusion
TEN Substance and Method 217

Works Cited 231

Index 245
Preface

Political theories can be "democratic" in two different, although

related, senses. Democratic theories in the narrower (and more tra-
ditional) sense speak to the question, what is the best form of gov-
ernment? Those in the broader sense ask, instead, what is the best
society?
In recent years, philosophers and political theorists have concen-
trated their attention on democratic theory in the broader sense,
with particular emphasis on the subject of social justice. This de-
parture from tradition has been enormously fruitful: philosophical
thought about the basis and character of a democratic society has
attained a richness and texture it has not known for decades.
So it is not a criticism of recent writing in democratic theory to
observe that, with a few significant exceptions, it has given more
narrowly political and institutional problems less than their due.
Nevertheless, these problems need attention. Without a clear grasp
of the foundations of democracy as a political form, we have no ba-
sis in political morality for resolving important issues concerning
the structure and processes of the institutions of self-government.
Moreover, there is a risk that the public character of democratic po-
litical life will be misunderstood.
For the subject of political equality, the need for closer theoretical
attention is especially acute. In the last twenty-five years, a set of
ostensibly egalitarian institutional reforms has taken place in the
United States whose historic dimensions have perhaps not yet been
fully appreciated.1 The reform era dates from the Supreme Court's
early reapportionment decisions,2 but subsequent efforts have gone
far beyond implementation of "one person, one vote." They also in-
cluded reapportionment of the lower house of the Congress and of
1
For a discussion that places the recent reforms in historical perspective, see J. R.
Pole, The Pursuit of Equality in American History (Berkeley: University of Califor-
nia Press, 1978).
2
Particularly the landmark "one person, one vote" decisions of Wesberry v. San-
ders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964), and Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964).
 PREFACE

state and local legislatures to eliminate or restrict partisan and ra-

cial gerrymandering; legislation requiring affirmative action in the
reapportionment process to correct racial and other forms of "vote
dilution"; 3 revision of the processes of candidate selection within
the major political parties to provide for greater participation by the
rank and file; alleviation of long-standing limitations on the access
of independent and minor-party candidates to the general election
ballot; and enactment of a system of public subsidies for presiden-
tial election campaigns and of restrictions on private financial con-
tributions and expenditures in campaigns for all federal offices.4
All of these reforms were defended by their proponents as require-
ments of political equality. Yet, as continuing controversy in the
courts, the legislatures, and the political parties attests, there is no
consensus about the meaning of this principle. Even the most ar-
dent supporter of the reforms is bound to be troubled by this ques-
tioning: while we feel confident that political equality means some-
thing, it is surprisingly difficult to give it a clear explanation and
defense. The legislators and judges who designed and carried out the
reforms are not much help, since they themselves were seldom ar-
ticulate about their principles. Nor can much guidance be found in
the recent work of political theorists. Owing to the concentration
on issues of democratic theory in its larger sense, there is little in
the way of coherent political doctrine to fall back on when, as now,
procedural reforms come under political challenge; we are forced to
rely on unexamined intuitions and a crude balancing of interests in
assessing the merits of contending positions.
This book is a contribution to democratic theory in the narrower
sense. It has two main aims. The first and more philosophical is to
arrive at a systematic theory of political equality that will clarify
the meaning of the egalitarian ideal in light of the reasons we have
for accepting it. This would be an important task for democratic
theorists even if the subject were not the focus of political contro-
versy. For although nothing is to be gained by claiming that equality
3
Most importantly, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 with subsequent amendments;
42 U.S. Code, sees. 1971-1973cc.
4
The main legislation is the Federal Election Campaign Act (1971) as amended in
1974; 2 U.S. Code, sees. 431-55; 26 U.S. Code, sees. 9001-42. Several important ele-
ments of the 1974 amendments were held to be unconstitutional in Buckley v. Va-
leo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976).
PREFACE XI

is part of the definition of democracy, any philosophical theory of

democracy that failed to take up the grounds and content of politi-
cal equality would be seriously deficient. To be sure, no account of
political equality, no matter how comprehensive, can hope to en-
compass all of the reasons why democratic institutions might be
valued or all of the desiderata that their procedures should satisfy.
But no theory of democracy that failed to give the egalitarian idea a
central place could possibly yield a faithful representation of the
extraordinary grip of democracy on the modern political imagina-
tion.
Contemporary controversy about how political equality bears on
institutional reform points toward a second and more practical aim.
Just as an adequate democratic theory should give a central place to
the ideal of equality, so too it should be framed in a way that illu-
minates matters about which people actually argue, revealing the
extent to which disagreement turns on philosophical dispute about
first principles and that to which it involves conflict about histori-
cal or casuistical questions instead. Although it would be naive to
expect a philosophical theory, by itself, to resolve controverted
questions of institutional design, an adequate theory should at least
identify the central values at issue and provide a structure that in-
forms their application. Accordingly, I shall try to show how dis-
pute about the meaning and grounds of political equality is reflected
in contemporary disagreement about how the institutions of dem-
ocratic politics should be arranged and to illustrate how the theory
of political equality that I shall set forth would influence our judg-
ments about these questions.

SYNOPSIS

Political equality refers to a set of requirements that apply to the

institutions that enable citizens to participate in political decision
making in a constitutional democracy. The basic idea of this book
is that these requirements are best understood in the perspective of
a substantive ideal of democratic citizenship that explains how we
should construe them and why they should matter to us.
The presentation is divided into two parts, the first concerned pri-
marily with theoretical considerations and the second with their
Xll PREFACE

application to institutions. I begin in chapter 1 with the question of

the subject of political equality, or what a theory of political equal-
ity can be about. According to what I shall call "the simple view,"
the main problem is merely to say in what respects the terms of
participation in democratic institutions should apply equally to all
citizens—that is, how equality of political right should be con-
ceived. In contrast, I shall argue that considerations of equality op-
erate at a greater remove from institutional judgments, which are
more accurately seen as judgments about fair participation than
about equal participation. Fair institutions should treat people as
equals, but whether this implies that any particular political rights
should be distributed equally to all citizens is part of the problem a
theory should resolve rather than a premise to be taken for granted.
Once the subject of political equality is understood in this way,
it is possible to identify several prominent theories. The leading al-
ternatives I shall consider are best result, popular will, and proce-
dural theories. The examination of these alternatives in chapters 2—
4 is not comprehensive; in each case I concentrate on instances of
the view in question that seem particularly interesting or problem-
atic and simply speculate about the extent to which my criticisms
can be generalized. For example, the discussion of best result theo-
ries, in chapter 2, takes up what is perhaps the most striking ex-
ample of inegalitarianism in modern democratic theory—the de-
fense of plural voting set forth by John Stuart Mill. I try to show
that an accurate understanding of Mill's error casts doubt as well on
any theory of political equality that holds that the conditions of fair
participation derive from a conception of the overall results that the
political system should promote.
The discussion of popular will theories, in chapter 3, is devoted
to certain aspects of the theory of social choice, where scholarly
thought about political equality has found its most technically so-
phisticated analytical expression. I believe that technical sophisti-
cation has exacted too high a price: modern popular will theories
bring a spurious unity to the subject of political equality by adopt-
ing an artificially narrow conception of the democratic process and
by attributing a primacy to the popular will that cannot be sus-
tained. Once this is recognized, the most important result of social
choice theory—the impossibility theorem due to Arrow—comes to
seem much less troubling. In this connection I consider, if only
PREFACE Xlll

briefly, the foundations of majority rule, mainly to argue that this

principle is wrongly conceived as expressing a foundational require-
ment of political equality. Its significance is far more modest.
In chapter 4, I examine simple versions of proceduralism that
conceive of fairness as an intrinsic property of political procedures.
These views are unexpectedly problematic. For one thing, it is sur-
prisingly difficult to give an account of procedural fairness that
avoids the twin dangers of misrepresenting its requirements as the
outcomes of self-interested strategic bargaining or of collapsing it
into a result-oriented conception in which the characteristics of
procedures have instrumental rather than intrinsic significance.
Moreover, the common forms of proceduralism lack sufficient the-
oretical richness to illuminate problems of institutional structure
that are not best understood as involving the distribution of abstract
procedural opportunities to influence outcomes.
These criticisms of received views prepare the way for the alter-
native conception of political fairness presented in chapter 5. It is
based on the idea of a social contract: fair terms of participation are
those that no citizen has a sufficient reason to refuse to accept,
given that everyone shares a desire to come to agreement on some
mechanism for participation. The main difficulty in working out
this idea is to explain what should count as a sufficient reason for
refusal. To answer this question, I provide an account of certain
higher-order political interests (the regulative interests of citizen-
ship) that we may presume to be among the chief normative con-
cerns of democratic citizens. These include interests in public ac-
knowledgment of one's status as an equal member of the polity
{recognition), protection against political outcomes that would
place one's prospects in serious jeopardy [equitable treatment), and
conditions of public deliberation conducive to responsible judgment
about public affairs {deliberative responsibility).
I call this theory complex proceduralism. The term is awkward
but, I think, accurate: the view is a hybrid form of proceduralism,
its complexity deriving from the irreducible plurality of substantive
interests associated with the idea of political fairness. The two parts
of the view—the contractualist framework and the account of the
regulative interests—are an attempt to represent a familiar ideal of
democratic citizenship in a theoretically fruitful way. Although I
shall not provide a systematic defense of the theory, I shall make
XIV PREFACE

three kinds of claims on its behalf: the ideal it articulates is an at-

tractive one that is present in the modern democratic tradition and
implicit in many of our intuitive judgments about the fairness of
democratic institutions, it is philosophically preferable to various
more conventional alternatives, and it illuminates and helps re-
solve several practical problems of contemporary dispute.
In part 2 we examine how complex proceduralism applies to some
of these problems, including proportional representation, the repre-
sentation of groups in systems employing territorial constituencies,
the structuring of the political agenda (primarily through rules gov-
erning access to the ballot and the candidate selection procedures
of political parties), and regulation of the system of political fi-
nance. I shall not try to summarize the substantive conclusions
reached about these issues, which seem straightforward enough.
The main reasons to examine them here are to shed light on the
theory and to illustrate how considerations of principle and of his-
torical and political experience should be brought together in re-
solving practical dispute. I believe that theorists have tended to un-
derestimate the importance of historical considerations and to
misunderstand their place in practical reasoning about political fair-
ness. Although a doctrine of political equality imposes constraints
on the design of democratic institutions, one must take care not to
conceive these theoretical constraints too concretely or to assume
that they operate in a similar fashion in social contexts with vary-
ing historical and social characteristics.
Both the content of the theory and the claims I shall advance on
its behalf will raise methodological questions in the minds of many
readers. I have resisted the temptation to pursue these matters in
the central parts of the book, where they would distract attention
from more pressing normative concerns. However, some of these
questions cannot be ignored altogether, and I consider them very
briefly in the Conclusion.

PATHS N O T TAKEN

This is a large agenda for a book of this length, but even so it

hardly exhausts the range of problems that arise under the heading
of political equality. I note here three topics of particular impor-
PREFACE XV

tance that I must leave for another occasion. First, there is no sys-
tematic discussion of some basic questions in the theory of value.
For example, foundational issues regarding the structure and plau-
sibility of rival moral conceptions are left aside, as, for the most
part, are disputes about the standards of value that such concep-
tions should employ. These questions are obviously important, but
I can do no more than acknowledge the need for more systematic
analysis elsewhere and rely in what follows on less systematic, in-
tuitive judgments.
Second, the consideration of institutional issues is highly selec-
tive. For example, I discuss only in passing what many will regard
as the central institutional question of political equality—the issue
of voting weights, or the foundations of "one person, one vote."
This is not an unimportant matter, but it is hard to discern much
contemporary disagreement about it. Another institutional issue
left aside involves the choice of voting systems, a problem that has
engaged theoretical attention at least since the pioneering efforts of
Borda and Condorcet.5 Although some of my remarks bear on this
subject, I cannot pretend to have given it the attention it would re-
quire in a more comprehensive study. I have tried to confine the
discussion to issues that have arisen in the wake of recent reform
efforts in the United States and that have gained attention beyond
the fairly narrow confines of specialized circles of scholarly interest.
(The discussion of proportional representation may seem to be an
exception; but, as I hope will be clear, a grasp of the theoretical
problems associated with it is required to frame the examination of
issues considered later.)
Finally, I do not take up what might be called the structural pre-
requisites of fair political choice. By this I mean how institutions
should regulate the distribution of wealth and the bases of social
status that influence both the salience of the formal democratic pro-
cess within the overall system of social decision making and the
relative capacities of different persons and groups to advance their
5
The seminal discussion is due to Duncan Black, The Theory of Committees and
Elections (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958); there is a convenient his-
torical survey in chap. 18, pp. 156-84. Recently there has been renewed interest in
these matters; see, for example, Steven J. Brams and Peter C. Fishburn, Approval
Voting (Boston: Birkhauser, 1983), and Michael Dummett, Voting Procedures (Ox-
ford: Clarendon Press, 1984).
XVI PREFACE

interests within the formal process. Some related concerns are

taken up in connection with ballot access (in chapter 8) and politi-
cal finance (in chapter 9), but it is unrealistic to maintain that pro-
cedural arrangements in these areas, by themselves, can effectively
regulate the political influence of background inequalities. I stop
short of the larger subject mainly because broader issues involving
distributive justice are more familiar in recent political theory than
the more narrowly procedural issues discussed here; there is less
need to address them and probably less to say about them that has
not already been said.6 In addition, there is the temptation, once the
larger subject has been broached, to believe that no more needs to
be said about narrower issues of procedural design. This would be a
mistake: not only because these issues are pressing today, but also
because they (or close analogs) would be likely to arise even in a
society in which the background distribution was fully just.
Beyond this, we must keep in mind that historically a main goal
of democratic movements has been to seek redress in the political
sphere for the effects of inequalities in the economy and society.
Political equality, in particular, has more often functioned as a
"protest ideal" than as a constructive one: it does not describe a
goal to be realized so much as it expresses grounds for criticism of
the status quo.7 It is natural to expect to find some reflection of this
fact in a philosophical theory of political equality. For this to be so,
the possibility of these background inequalities must be taken for
granted. Moreover, we must resist as far as possible philosophical
pressure toward idealization that would obscure issues that distinc-
tively arise in the presence of background injustice. In setting aside
larger issues involving the justice of the social and economic struc-
ture, therefore, I do not suggest that they are unimportant. My aim,
instead, is to set forth the outline of a normative theory of political
equality that will shed light on the main issues of practical contro-
versy that confront us today.
6
Among recent works that explore the influence of the social and economic back-
ground on the functioning of democratic political devices, see particularly Charles
E. Lindblom, Politics and Markets (New York: Basic Books, 1977); and Joshua Cohen
and Joel Rogers, On Democracy (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1983).
7
Giovanni Sartori, The Theory of Democracy Revisited (Chatham, N.J.: Chatham
House, 1987), vol. 2, pp. 337-38.
Acknowledgments

This book has been a long time in the making and would have
been even longer were it not for the generous advice and encourage-
ment of many friends and colleagues. Thomas Scanlon stimulated
my interest in the subject of political fairness in a series of conver-
sations beginning several years ago; the influence of his ideas, par-
ticularly in the first part, has been fundamental. Amy Gutmann,
William Nelson, and Dennis Thompson read earlier versions of the
entire manuscript and supplied criticisms and suggestions that af-
fected virtually every part of it. Brian Barry, Douglas Bennett, Owen
Fiss, Charles Gilbert, Russell Hardin, David Hoekema, the late
Richard Krouse, Diana Meyers, J. Roland Pennock, Nancy Rosen-
blum, Ian Shapiro, Kenneth Sharpe, Judith Shklar, Henry Shue, and
Huntington Terrell contributed valuable comments at various
stages. Sanford Thatcher went well beyond the call of duty in help-
ing me to distinguish the forest from the trees.
I am grateful for the financial support of the American Council of
Learned Societies and of Swarthmore College's unusually generous
program of faculty research assistance. Final revisions were com-
pleted during the tenure of a MacArthur Foundation Fellowship
when I was associated with the Center for Science and International
Affairs of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard. I must
thank both the MacArthur Foundation and the Center for allowing
me to take time away from other pursuits so that I could finish the
work on this book.
Passages from articles that appeared elsewhere are included here
by arrangement with the original publishers: New York University
Press, for "Procedural Equality in Democratic Theory: A Prelimi-
nary Examination," from Nomos XXV: Liberal Democracy, ed. }.
Roland Pennock and John W. Chapman (1983); the University of
Chicago Press, for "Political Finance in the United States: A Survey
of Research," from Ethics 95 (1984); and Westview Press, for "Equal
XV111 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Opportunity in Political Representation," from Equal Opportunity,

ed. Norman Bowie (1988).
I owe a different order of thanks to Ann and Caroline Cyl-
kowski—to Ann, for encouraging my work even when it dragged on
considerably longer than either of us expected; and to Caroline, for
reminding me with such wonderful exuberance that there are more
important things than writing books.
Introduction
CHAPTER ONE

The Subject of

Political Equality

"[R]eally I think that the poorest he that is in England hath a life

to live as the greatest he." Thomas Rainsborough, member of Par-
liament and colonel in Cromwell's New Model Army, spoke these
words in the course of arguing that parliamentary constituencies
"ought to be more indifferently proportioned."1 But they also ex-
press—most famously, perhaps, if not for the first time2—an endur-
ing and powerful ideal. We call it political equality, and, like Rains-
borough, we appeal to it in defense of proposals for political reform.
Yet, though we are sure the ideal means something, it is difficult to
say what; and though we are sure we accept it, it is difficult to say
why. These abstract difficulties have practical consequences. Being
uncertain what political equality means, we are unable to explain
1
The Rainsborough passage is from the Putney debates of the General Council of
the Army, the session of 29 October 1647. The subject of debate was a radical pro-
posal for political reform—the first "Agreement of the People," advanced by a dissi-
dent movement of officers but probably drafted by civilian Leveller leaders—that
included the provision for reapportionment of parliamentary constituencies in its
first clause. G. E. Aylmer, ed., The Levellers in the English Revolution (Ithaca: Cor-
nell University Press, 1975), pp. 90 (clause i of the "Agreement"), 100 (Rainsbor-
ough). The best account of the debates is Austin Woolrych, Soldiers and Statesmen:
The General Council of the Army and Its Debates, 1647-1648 (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1987), chap. 9.
1
When was the first time? It is impossible to say; but surely it was at least as early
as the speech of Otanes, reported in Herodotus's account of the Persian dialog ("the
rule of the many . . . has . . . the fairest of names, to wit, equality"). The History of
Herodotus, trans. George Rawlinson (New York: Tudor Publishing, 1928), bk. 3, p.
177. See Gregory Vlastos, "Isonomia," American Journal of Philology 74 (1953), pp.
337-66; and Martin Ostwald, Nomos and the Beginnings of the Athenian Democ-
racy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), pp. 111-13.
4 POLITICAL EQUALITY

what it requires of our institutions; and being uncertain why we

should accept it, we are unable to explain why our institutions
should conform to these procedural requirements rather than to
others, or to none at all.
This book is meant to help resolve both kinds of uncertainty. The
theory of political equality set forth in part 1 is a philosophical
interpretation of the egalitarian ideal, which aims to explain its
content and to show why, so understood, it is worthy of our sup-
port. The examination of practical problems in part 2 illustrates
how the theory might be applied in the criticism and reform of the
institutions of democratic participation. But as we shall see, the
theory and practice of political equality are more closely inter-
twined than this division of the topic might suggest: the institu-
tional problems that a theory must address help shape our concep-
tion of its subject matter, and the content of the theory informs our
understanding of the issues of principle that the practical problems
pose.3

THE SIMPLE VIEW

Not everybody will agree that there is any need for a theory of
political equality. In fact, the most widely held view of the subject
seems to deny it. According to this view, political equality is the
requirement that democratic institutions should provide citizens
with equal procedural opportunities to influence political decisions
(or, more briefly, with equal power over outcomes).4 Alternatively,
it might be said that the political preferences expressed by each cit-
3
Indeed, as Douglas Rae and others have observed, the complexity of the idea of
equality is only revealed when we try to bring it to bear on concrete problems of
political practice. Equalities (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 4.
4
Formulations of this idea, differing mainly in details, can be found, for example,
in Carole Pateman, Participation and Democratic Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1970), p. 43; John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1971), p. 221; Jack Lively, Democracy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell,
1975), pp. 8, 16, 49-50; David Miller, "Democracy and Social Justice," British Jour-
nal of Political Science 8 (1978), p. 3; Amy Gutmann, Liberal Equality (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 180-81; Jane Mansbridge, Beyond Adversary
Democracy (New York: Basic Books, 1980), pp. 17-18, 30-31; and Ronald Dworkin,
Law's Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 178.
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 5

izen should receive equal weight in the decision-making process.5

Something like this conception of political equality represents a
persistent conviction among contemporary democratic theorists;
indeed, it has become a kind of philosophical orthodoxy, perhaps
because it has seemed to express so obvious a truth as not to require
systematic defense. Crude forms of the same notion occur as well
in many contexts of popular political debate.
The view is simple in two related ways. First, it does not distin-
guish among the different levels of abstraction at which the idea of
equality could arise in thinking about political procedures. Thus,
for example, no complex reasoning is needed to connect the abstract
idea that citizens have equal political status with concretely egali-
tarian requirements for political procedures; political equality just
is procedural equality.6 Second, in identifying political equality
with the institutional requirement of equal power, the simple view
treats political equality as concerned exclusively with the distribu-
tion of a single unambiguous value. The distribution of power is
taken to be the only concern of political equality, and the fairness
of society's decision-making institutions is assessed solely with re-
spect to their effects on this distribution.
5
In fact, these two conceptions of political equality may not be equivalent, though
the differences frequently go unnoticed. A good example of the latter view can be
found in the work of Robert Dahl, who regards it as axiomatic—at least in "populis-
tic democracy," of which he defends a variant—that democratic institutions should
be arranged so that "the preference of each member is assigned an equal value." A
Preface to Democratic Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956], p. 37.
The main tasks for democratic theory on this view are to specify a social choice
mechanism that incorporates the equality requirement and to explain how institu-
tional equality should be compromised with the other values with which it may
possibly conflict. See also Dahl, "Procedural Democracy," in Philosophy, Politics
and Society, 5th series, ed. Peter Laslett and James Fishkin (New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Press, 1979), esp. pp. 101-2.
6
Indeed, some theorists go even farther, holding that procedural equality is part of
the meaning of "democracy." See, for example, Lively, Democracy, pp. 49-50;
Miller, "Democracy and Social Justice," p. 3; Brian Barry, "Is Democracy Special?"
in Philosophy, Politics, and Society, 5th series, ed. Peter Laslett and James Fishkin
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), pp. 156-58. Though they agree that polit-
ical equality is part of the conventional definition of democracy, these writers adopt
conceptions of equality that are apparently different ("apparently," because their ac-
counts of equality are not uniformly precise). In view of these differences, one might
wonder where there is a conventional definition of democracy.
6 POLITICAL EQUALITY

Taking these points together, it is plain why someone who ac-

cepted the simple view might deny the need for a philosophical the-
ory of political equality. For the view treats the grounds and mean-
ing of equality as unproblematic; although the interpretation of
equal power for practical purposes might raise technical or analyti-
cal problems, there is no reason to suppose that we need a theory to
resolve them.
But the simplicity of the view is deceptive. The first point, and
surely the most important, is that whether political equality should
be identified with procedural equality is itself a question that re-
quires an answer. This is only partly because, without an answer,
various issues of institutional design will remain undecided, since
it will be uncertain how the requirement of equal power should be
construed. It is also, and for our purposes more significantly, be-
cause the reasons for accepting procedural equality as a constraint
on the structure of democratic institutions are (perhaps surpris-
ingly) very obscure.
The most natural thought is that a requirement of procedural
equality is compelled by some version of the more basic principle
that persons have a right to be treated as equals. But, as we shall
see, there are very deep difficulties in this relationship, and its plau-
sibility fades on analysis. To anticipate, equal treatment might be
seen either as an abstract moral requirement or as a concrete rule
with determinate institutional content. If the idea is regarded ab-
stractly enough to be noncontroversial, then its application to insti-
tutional questions will be uncertain without controversial interven-
ing premises.7 It does not follow directly from such abstract
principles as that persons should be treated as equally autonomous,
or equally responsible for the conduct of their own lives, or equally
deserving of concern and respect that they should have equal pro-
cedural opportunities to influence the conduct of public life. In each
case, more needs to be said, and that is where dispute will arise. If,
on the other hand, the principle is taken to specify a determinate
7
For an example of a view in which egalitarian procedural opportunities are said
to derive from a more abstract principle of equal worth, see Peter Jones, "Political
Equality and Majority Rule," in The Nature of Political Theory, ed. David Miller and
Larry Siedentop (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), esp. pp. 167ff. Jones's discussion is
particularly helpful about the nature of the intervening empirical premises required
for the derivation.
THE SUBJECT OP POLITICAL EQUALITY 7

institutional right—for example, a right to have one's expressed in-

terests given equal weight in the determination of policy—then it
will fail to settle the issue that provoked it. For it can always be
asked why that sort of right exists. Replies that bring forward still
further institutional rights supposed to be possessed equally by all
citizens will be open to the same question. Thus, it seems unlikely
that the explanation of why institutions should provide equal op-
portunities to participate (if indeed they should) will terminate in
an assertion of equal political right. Nor will it terminate convinc-
ingly in a definition of democracy; for any definition robust enough
to yield precise institutional requirements would be subject to sim-
ilar questions. Instead, it will be necessary to provide an explana-
tion in other terms: for example, in terms of the kinds and impor-
tance of the values that would be affected by institutions satisfying
normative conditions of the sort being defended. Of course, this is
not to say very much; indeed, each of the theories of political equal-
ity taken up later represents an alternative means by which require-
ments on political procedures might be derived from a deeper anal-
ysis of the interests affected. The difficult questions involve the
range of interests it is appropriate to take into account and the the-
oretical structure within which they should be combined to yield
definite institutional consequences. All I have suggested thus far is
that whether the content of political equality is exhausted by (or
even includes) an institutional requirement of equal power is one of
the principal problems to be resolved within a theory of political
equality. To suppose otherwise would be question begging.
It would also be unilluminating. It would result in a theory that
failed to clarify some of the most important institutional issues to
which considerations of political equality are commonly (and prop-
erly) thought to apply. The reason is that the concept of power is
equivocal; indeed, it is equivocal in several dimensions. As a result,
comparisons of power, and thus the principle of equal power itself,
can be interpreted in several, potentially inconsistent, ways.
To illustrate, we will consider some problems about institutional
reform that have arisen in the recent past and ask in each case how
a principle of equal power might apply. What is equality of power
equality of7. We will see that the values in question in each context
are distinct. There is no unequivocal conception of power—and so,
8 POLITICAL EQUALITY

no unambiguous principle of equal power—that can plausibly be

taken as a basis for resolving dispute in all of these areas.

REPRESENT AT ION. Consider, for example, the array of problems

sometimes said to involve the "qualitative" dimension of represen-
tation,8 such as the propriety of the gerrymander (and of the "racial
gerrymander"), vote "dilution," and vote "submersion." All of these
involve manipulation of the boundaries of legislative constituencies
so as to alter the legislative representation, and thus the legislative
strength, of various population groups. Some sorts of manipula-
tion—for example, that associated with racial gerrymandering—
seem plainly unfair and might even be described as treating those
whom they disadvantage unequally. Yet, as experience illustrates,
ensuring equality in the sense of "one person, one vote" does not
eliminate the possibility of gerrymandering or vote dilution. It ap-
pears that a system of representation can simultaneously treat vot-
ers both equally and unequally. How can this be?
Considered abstractly, power is the capacity to realize a possible
desire, or to get what one wants, despite resistance.9 Imagine a com-
mittee of three members in which each member has one vote and
the majority rules. Suppose that members A and B agree with each
other, and disagree with member C, 80 percent of the time; the rest
of the time, each one is as likely to agree as to disagree with C.
There is one sense in which each member has equal power. Yet
member C loses far more often than either A or B. So there is also a
sense in which C has less power than the others. What is the differ-
ence?
Each member of the committee has equal power in the sense that,
under the decision rule, each is in a position to overcome the same
8
See Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964), at 565-66; Laurence H. Tribe, Ameri-
can Constitutional Law (Mineola, N.Y.: Foundation Press, 1978), p. 749.
9
Influential sources of this conception of power include Max Weber, The Theory
of Economic and Social Organization, trans. A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons
(New York: Free Press, 1947), pp. 152f, and Robert Dahl, "The Concept of Power,"
Behavioral Science 2 (1957), pp. 201-15. See also Alvin Goldman, "Toward a Theory
of Social Power," Philosophical Studies 23 (1972), pp. 221-68; Brian Barry, "Power:
An Economic Analysis," in Power and Political Theory: Some European Perspec-
tives, ed. Brian Barry (London: John Wiley, 1976), pp. 67-101; and Brian Barry, "Is it
Better to be Powerful or Lucky?" parts 1 and 2, Political Studies 28 (1980), pp. 183-
94, 338-52.
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 9

amount of resistance—namely, that of (at most) one other member.

According to an analysis familiar in the literature of voting theory,
this means that if each member is assumed to be equally likely to
vote either way on any issue, then on any issue each has an equal
probability of being decisive (that is, of casting the deciding vote).10
But such complex analytical machinery is not really necessary; that
each member has equal power in the present sense follows directly
from the fact that the decision rule treats each one symmetrically.11
What, then, of the sense in which member C might be said to
have less power than the others? Without claiming anything about
conventional usage, I believe that things will be clearer if we say
that what C has less of is not power considered abstractly but pros-
pects of electoral success. Regarded as an abstract capacity to over-
come resistance, power is equally distributed on the committee.
However, once the likely distribution of preferences—which is to
say, the amount of resistance from others that each member is ac-
tually likely to face—is taken into account, we can see that not
every member will do equally well; some will succeed (that is, get
the outcomes they want) more often than others.12 One reason for
resisting the temptation to say that power is distributed unequally
is that what makes the difference among the members, once pref-
erences are taken into account, is not the abstract capacity of each
member to overcome resistance (which would be the same under
any distribution of preferences) but the amount of resistance that
10
The main source is L. S. Shapley and Martin Shubik, "A Method for Evaluating
the Distribution of Power in a Committee System," American Political Science Re-
view 48 (1954), pp. 787-92. The Shapley/Shubik approach to the measurement of
power in a committee is generalized in Alvin Goldman, "On the Measurement of
Power," Journal of Philosophy 71 (1974), pp. 231-52.
u
Barry, "Is it Better to be Powerful or Lucky?" part 1, p. 186. The same point
could be made by saying that the voting rule satisfies the condition of anonymity:
the outcome does not change when any two voters' preferences are interchanged. For
further comments, see Jonathan Still, "Political Equality and Election Systems," Eth-
ics 91 (1981), pp. 378-82.
12
It is plain that C will succeed—that is, will get the outcome he favors—when-
ever at least one other member of the committee supports him. Otherwise he will
fail. Given our assumptions, C will certainly fail the 80 percent of the time that he
is jointly opposed by A and B, and will succeed on three-quarters of the remaining
votes (since on each of them, A and B each has an equal [and independent] probability
of agreeing or disagreeing with C). Thus, overall, C's probability of success on a ran-
domly chosen issue is (80% x 0) + (20% x 75%) = 15%.
10 POLITICAL EQUALITY

each is likely to face given some assumption about the actual dis-
tribution of preferences. But the distinction needs only to be seen
as stipulative; there is no need to insist on the terms power and
prospects. One could just as well distinguish between a priori and
actual power, or power ex ante and power ex post.13
One way to explain the import of the distinction between power
and prospects of success is this. Power is a counterfactual notion. In
attributing power to someone, we imply that there is some possible
world in which her action (or omission) will change the future
course of events by converting an outcome she does not want, but
that would have occurred if she had not acted (or had acted other-
wise), into an outcome she wants. Having power, she has the poten-
tial to make a difference. However, the world in which one's power
makes a difference need not be the actual world—one can have (and
exercise) power without getting what one wants, and one can get
what one wants without exercising power (or by exercising it super-
fluously: when the desired outcome would have occurred anyway).
When we say that someone has power, we are saying that if, perhaps
counterfactually, the world were a certain way, her actions (or
omissions) would bring about an outcome that would not otherwise
take place.
Now there are many features of the world that could affect the
success of a person's efforts to change the future course of events;
in any assessment of that person's power, we would normally coun-
terfactualize some of these factors but hold others fixed. For exam-
ple, in deciding whether the opportunity to vote gives someone
power, we might consider whether casting a vote would affect the
outcome of an election under any possible permutation of other
people's preferences but not under contrary-to-fact hypotheses
about the person's political competence or capacity to engage in
various kinds of strategic voting. How much power we attribute to
a person (indeed, whether we attribute power to her at all) will de-
13
Thus, for example, Rogowski refers to what I call "equal prospects of success"
as "equally powerful representation." Ronald Rogowski, "Representation in Political
Theory and in Law," Ethics 91 (1981), p. 399. Rae and others distinguish more gen-
erally between "means-regarding equal opportunity" and "prospect-regarding equal
opportunity." Equalities, pp. 65-66. Compare N. R. Miller, "Power in Game Forms,"
in Power, Voting, and Voting Power, ed. M. J. Holler (Wiirzburg, Germany: Physica-
Verlag, 1981), pp. 33-34.
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 11

pend on which factors we are prepared to counterfactualize and

which we hold constant. How should this distinction be drawn?
Considerations of ordinary usage suggest no general answer. Nor
should they be expected to. Assessments of power are context-de-
pendent in the sense that what counts as an appropriate assessment
of someone's power (or lack of it) depends on the reasons for taking
an interest in the assessment.14 Thus, the senses in which member
C of our committee seems to have either equal or unequal power
correspond to two different perspectives on his situation. In the first
case, we are interested in the leverage provided by the committee's
procedures, considered apart from any assumptions about the actual
or probable distribution of preferences; thus, we consider whether
there is any permutation of other peoples' preferences under which
member C's vote would affect the outcome. In the second, we want
to know how often this leverage might be expected to make a dif-
ference in the outcome, in view of what other people actually pre-
fer; so we hold others' preferences constant and consider what the
actual outcome is likely to be.
This shows that there is no real paradox in the observation that a
system of representation might simultaneously treat people equally
and unequally. These characterizations simply reflect two separate
kinds of concerns that might be brought to bear on representation
systems. One is a concern about the abstract leverage that proce-
dures provide to each participant; the other, about the chances that
participants with any particular set of interests will actually pre-
vail. Whether, and to what extent, either kind of concern should
influence judgments about procedural fairness are normative ques-
tions that any useful theory of political equality should answer.
There is no need to resolve these questions now;15 the point is that
the simple view serves more to conceal than to clarify them.

THE POLITICAL AGENDA. Different problems arise in connec-

tion with the composition of the range of alternatives presented to
the voters. Rules governing access to the election ballot, and pro-
cedures through which political parties choose their candidates, can
14
This is the truth behind the claim that power is an "essentially contested con-
cept." See Steven Lukes, Power: A Radical View (London: Macmillan, 1974), pp. 26—
33. Compare Barry, "Power: An Economic Analysis," p. 91.
15
1 discuss them in detail in chapter 7, below.
12 POLITICAL EQUALITY

constrain the range of alternatives in ways that exclude widely held

positions from the political agenda. At least some kinds of agenda
constraints seem to treat those who favor the excluded positions
unequally. Yet, from another point of view, equality is not offended
at all by such exclusionary provisions, since they do not reduce the
weight of the votes of those who would have supported the ex-
cluded candidates or positions.
The latter view strikes many people as implausible. One reason
is that it rests on an identification of political power with voting
power that is artificially narrow. We have said that power is the ca-
pacity to get what one wants despite resistance. Power is therefore
a relationship between the desires and the capacities of an agent
with respect to a specified outcome. Which opportunities to act are
open to an agent who desires to realize that outcome (such as the
right to vote, to have access to the ballot, or to participate in public
debate) is an intermediate, not an ultimate, question. Obviously, in
deciding whether someone has power over an outcome, we shall
want to know which opportunities are available; but power ought
not to be identified with these. What matters about power is its
contribution to the realization of a possible desire, and this is only
contingently related to the possession of any particular procedural
opportunities. The idea that agenda constraints do not result in in-
equalities of power provided that voting weights are equal fails to
appreciate this obvious fact.
Important as it is, however, this observation does not reach the
heart of the matter. The real difficulty lies deeper; it concerns the
adequacy of the principle of equal power itself as a characterization
of political fairness. For consider: to understand the problem of fair
access to the political arena as a problem about the distribution of
power over outcomes, it would be necessary to imagine citizens as
having fully formed desires from the outset. Agenda-structuring in-
stitutions would function merely as filters to narrow the range of
alternatives to those enjoying widespread popular support, so that
the final electoral choice would reflect popular preferences as ac-
curately as possible. On this view, access restrictions represent the
first stage of a continuous process of preference aggregation termi-
nating in the election itself, and they are said to be unfair when they
enable some preferences to count more heavily than others. But this
reflects an unrealistic conception of democratic politics. Prefer-
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 13

ences do not exist independently of the institutions through which

they are expressed; their formation is at least partially endogenous
to the process of agenda formation, which must, therefore, be seen
as a deliberative rather than as a purely aggregative mechanism.
A principal danger of access restrictions is that they could impair
the process of public debate and reflection on which citizens rely in
forming their views and in attempting to influence the views of
others. The significance of this danger from the point of view of
individual citizens is not easily conceived in terms of imbalances
in the distribution of power as we have understood it. Power is a
relationship between the desires and the capacities of an agent; but
when an agent's desires are themselves in process of examination
and, perhaps, revision, it would be wrong to characterize the agent's
relative capacity to engage successfully in the relevant forms of po-
litical activity as an exercise of power, for those forms of activity do
not usually consist in efforts to satisfy desires for substantive out-
comes. Of course, the formation of political preferences may not
always be endogenous to the process of public debate; one might be
perfectly clear about one's own desires and engage in debate purely
for strategic reasons. But even if the desires of one agent are taken
as fixed, and attention is directed at that agent's capacity to influ-
ence the desires of others, it would still be unilluminating to char-
acterize this capacity as a form of power. The means by which it
can be exercised consist of education and persuasion, and although
it may be no abuse of ordinary language to describe these as kinds
of power,16 it is enormously difficult, and perhaps impossible, to for-
mulate any systematic analysis of power that would permit mean-
ingful comparisons to be made among the capacities of different in-
dividuals to employ these means of influence.17 It is true that the
exercise of influence depends on the availability of various oppor-
tunities, such as access to the public forum; in a formal sense, the
distribution of these opportunities could of course be measured and
the extent of their availability to different people compared. Some

16
Some would disagree, wanting to distinguish between power and influence on
the grounds that only the latter involves persuasion. The canonical source is Talcott
Parsons, "On the Concept of Influence" [1963], reprinted in Sociological Theory and
Modern Society (New York: Free Press, 1967), esp. pp. 366ff.
17
Perhaps this is why the literature of social choice is so remarkably silent on the
subject of preference formation.
14 POLITICAL EQUALITY

such comparisons might well be relevant to any plausible assess-

ment of the fairness of political procedures. But they would not,
themselves, be comparisons of degrees of power-, and these reflec-
tions suggest that they are unlikely to be brought within the pur-
view of any more general principle governing its distribution. If this
is right, then understanding the subject of political equality as the
interpretation of a principle of equal power would be unduly confin-
ing.

POLITICAL FINANCE. The allocation of financial and other re-

sources for political campaigning has become a subject of legislative
and administrative regulation only recently, and there is still dis-
pute about whether considerations of political equality should ap-
ply to it at all. In one view, the scope of political equality is limited
to the distribution of political liberties themselves—that is, to in-
stitutionally defined (or procedural) opportunities to influence out-
comes. In another view, this limitation is myopic, and no system
containing great inequalities of campaign resources could be said to
treat citizens equally even if all of the political liberties were evenly
distributed.
The conflict between these views reflects a further tension
within the concept of political power. There are many contexts (for
example, the rules of order in a committee) in which it is natural to
treat the distribution of power exclusively as a function of the dis-
tribution of political liberties. In these contexts what matters for
normative purposes is the contribution of a set of procedures to peo-
ple's capacities to attain their ends. This represents one familiar
sense of power. On the other hand, the opportunities to act defined
by a set of procedures are not the only factors that affect people's
capacities to attain their ends. Associated with each of the institu-
tionally defined opportunities to influence outcomes is a set of en-
abling resources whose presence or absence will affect, in varying
degrees, the value of these opportunities as instruments for over-
coming resistance. Power, in this second sense, is contingent on the
availability of both the relevant opportunities and the associated re-
sources.18
18
It will not do to reply that the distribution of opportunities is determined by the
institutional structure, whereas the distribution of resources is, at least to some ex-
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 15

Now, on the conventional view, the question whether a doctrine

of political equality should concern itself with the distribution of
resources depends on whether one accepts the more or the less lim-
ited of these interpretations of political power. This, in turn, must
be seen as posing a normatively neutral analytical problem: what
does equal power really mean? But it seems particularly clear in
connection with the allocation of political resources that this ques-
tion masks rather than states the substantive issue. Different inter-
pretations of the concept of power correspond to different reasons
for taking an interest in the arrangement whose procedures are
being assessed. If it is appropriate for a theory of political fairness to
be concerned about the distribution of political resources, the expla-
nation must set forth a reason for taking an interest in that distri-
bution that connects with the values that motivate concern about
political fairness. Consider, for example, the understanding of dem-
ocratic forms as an institutional means to counteract the political
effects of inequalities of private wealth and power;19 if one accepted
this, one might say that an unregulated private market in political
resources would treat people unfairly because it would predictably
reinforce rather than mitigate the effects of private inequalities.
One must ask why we should be concerned about political fairness
in order to delineate the scope of that concern. But this question is
foreclosed, or at least misrepresented, on the simple view of the
subject matter of political equality.
Considered in connection with the allocation of resources, the
conventional association of political equality with equal power
faces a further difficulty. For the most part, financial resources are
used to make possible political organization and expression and do
not control outcomes directly. This complicates any attempt to
conceive the allocation of resources as involving the distribution of
power, not only because competing concerns associated with free-
dom of association and expression are implicated, but also because
political campaigning is wrongly understood merely as a competi-

tent, independently fixed. For it is often within the competence of institutions to

regulate this distribution or to make provisions to compensate for its undesirable
elements.
19
See, for example, T. H. Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class" [1949], in Class,
Citizenship, and Social Development (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1964), pp. 65-
122.
16 POLITICAL EQUALITY

tion or a bargaining process.20 Like the process of agenda formation,

campaigning is also, and significantly, a process of argument, edu-
cation, and opinion formation. The normative problem is not how
a distribution of preexisting preferences or opinions should be ag-
gregated into a social choice but rather what regulative framework
is necessary to ensure conditions of fair deliberation. For reasons
discussed earlier, a principle of equal power does not clearly apply,
and may not apply at all, to this problem.

POLITICAL EQUALITY AND FAIRNESS

The simple view is deficient because it too readily identifies the

abstract ideal of political equality with the more precise, institu-
tional standard of procedural equality and because it wrongly por-
trays the latter as an unambiguous and univocal requirement. The
view is insecure in its foundations and indeterminate in (some of)
its applications.
Both kinds of difficulty reflect an unduly narrow conception of
the subject matter of political equality. Any attempt to improve
upon the simple view should begin with a reconsideration of this
question. We must ask, What is the problem to which a theory of
political equality provides a solution? What can such a theory be
about2.
A political system can be democratic in a generic sense without
being egalitarian. Both Aristotle and Mill described political sys-
tems that were generically democratic but clearly not egalitarian.
Every citizen was entitled to participate in the institutional mech-
anism that determined the policies of the government, but they
were not necessarily entitled to participate on equal terms.21 A re-
20
Thus, it is a mistake simply to identify political power with the possession of
"political resources," even for analytical purposes. For such an identification, see
Robert Goodin and John Dryzek, "Rational Participation: The Politics of Relative
Power," British journal of Political Science 10 (1980), pp. 277-78.
21
For Aristotle, see the description of the mixed constitution he calls "politeia":
The Politics of Aristotle, trans. Ernest Barker (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946), bk. 4,
chap. 14 (1298b-1299a). For Mill, see the remarks on plural voting in Considerations
on Representative Government [1861], chap. 8, in Collected Works, vol. 19, ed. J. M.
Robson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), pp. 473-79, and "Thoughts on
Parliamentary Reform" [1859], in Collected Works, vol. 19, pp. 323-25.
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 17

quirement of equality adds something to the generic idea of democ-

racy as self-government. This additional element is a constraint on
the design of the mechanism that enables citizens to participate in
public decisions, or as we might say, on the terms of democratic
participation. At the most general level, what a theory of political
equality should do is explain what must be true of the terms of par-
ticipation if they can be said to reflect the equal public status of
democratic citizens.
To be more precise, we might distinguish between the role or
function of the egalitarian ideal in democratic theory and its con-
tent. Suppose we think of democracy as a kind of rivalry for control
of the state's policy-making apparatus, with an electoral mecha-
nism at its center in which all citizens are entitled to participate.22
There is considerable room for variation in both the manner in
which the rivalry itself might be regulated and the details of the
electoral mechanism that determines its outcomes. The generic
idea of democracy is indeterminate about these matters, but be-
cause not all of the possibilities are equally acceptable, some crite-
rion is needed for selecting among them. This is the role of a re-
quirement of political equality: it serves as the chief regulative
principle of democratic political competition by defining fair terms
of participation in it. Its content admits of a variety of interpreta-
tions, each corresponding to a particular understanding of "fair
terms of participation." Thus, we might say that the main philo-
sophical task of a theory of political equality is to identify the best
interpretation of the content of this idea.
This conception of the subject of political equality reflects a fur-
ther distinction between two levels—that of institutions and that
of justifications—at which the idea of equality might operate
within a theory. According to the simple view, equality enters at
the first, or institutional, level and is expressed as a direct con-
straint on the structure of democratic processes themselves. What I
have suggested instead is that the second level should be regarded
as primary: the idea of equality is mainly constraining in its effects
on the reasons that may be given to explain why we should accept
22
This is not intended as a definition but only as a true statement about virtually
all modern political systems we would normally call "democratic." As my earlier
remarks suggest, the perennial dispute about the definition of democracy seems to
me largely fruitless, and I hope to avoid it altogether.
18 POLITICAL EQUALITY

one rather than another conception of fair terms of participation. At

the level of institutions, the sovereign regulative idea is not equal-
ity at all but rather fairness. Indeed, were it not for a desire to re-
spect the canons of ordinary usage, one should simply abandon the
phrase "political equality" altogether, since it confuses matters of
institutional design with deeper questions about their justification.
Another way to formulate the point is this. The relation of a the-
ory of political equality to political justice is analogous to the rela-
tion of a theory of economic equality to economic justice.23 In both
cases, we are presented with a widely held egalitarian ideal whose
application to particular issues of public policy is unclear because
the content of the ideal is in dispute. Controversies about its appli-
cation and content require for their resolution a more discriminat-
ing grasp of the ideal's philosophical foundations than the received
view provides. Now the ideal of economic equality is complex in
the following sense: its practical manifestation is typically to be
found in a set of institutional conditions, no one of which may be
overtly or obviously egalitarian, rather than in particular equal dis-
tributions or in a regular tendency toward them. For example, from
the point of view of economic equality, it is not a conclusive com-
plaint about an economic system that it fails to produce at every
moment in time an equal distribution of wealth, or for that matter,
that it fails to produce equal expectations of satisfaction over com-
plete lives. Indeed, any conception of economic equality that sim-
ply identified it with such a requirement would rightly be regarded
as naive; if this turned out to be the best interpretation of economic
equality, we would expect it to be the conclusion of an argument,
not its premise.
The distinction between the role and content of political equality
forestalls premature adoption of political conceptions that are naive
in an analogous sense, such as the simple idea that democratic in-
stitutions should be arranged so that each citizen has equal power
over political outcomes. Like their analogs in the theory of eco-
nomic justice, such conceptions could be philosophically mislead-
ing in suggesting too close a connection between the ideal of equal-
23
For this conception of the role of economic equality, see Ronald Dworkin,
"What is Equality? Part I: Equality of Welfare," Philosophy a) Public Affairs 10
(1981), pp. 185-88.
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 19

ity and derivative principles for political institutions. As I shall

eventually argue, there are several reasons for taking an interest in
the manner in which democratic institutions organize public par-
ticipation in political decisions; these reasons all have some rela-
tionship to the fundamental idea of equal citizenship, but the rela-
tionships vary, and their force can point in different practical
directions. A theory of political equality should reveal rather than
conceal the complexity of the interests that motivate concern about
the structure of institutions for democratic choice and, if possible,
show how these interests should be compromised when they come
into conflict with each other. As with economic equality, if the na-
ive view is the best view, this should be the conclusion of a philo-
sophical argument, not its premise.

THEORIES OF POLITICAL EQUALITY

Understood in this way, a theory of political equality might be

thought of as including an interpretation of the idea of fair terms of
participation, together with an argument showing why that inter-
pretation rather than some other should be accepted as a basis for
the design or reform of democratic institutions. It might be possible
to distinguish among the various possible views of political equality
by referring to the contents of their interpretations of fair partici-
pation;24 however, I believe it is more fruitful to proceed by distin-
guishing them according to the type of foundational considerations
they appeal to in justifying the interpretations they provide. Cer-
tainly there are significant differences of view about the meaning or
content of political fairness; but the more important divisions
among theories of political equality, or at least those most worth
attending to, involve differing conceptions of the reasons why we
should care about it. For the most part, differences about the mean-
24
Thus, for example, Jonathan Still has distinguished six meanings of political
equality in "Political Equality and Election Systems," pp. 377-87. On the basis of
their analysis of equality as a generic concept, Douglas Rae and his associates claim
that it can have as many as 108 distinct senses (or more, counting all possible per-
mutations), though not all of these could arise in the context of assessing political
institutions. Equalities, p. 133.
20 POLITICAL EQUALITY

ing of political equality derive from differences at this more basic

level.
Many such theories can be imagined. The leading alternatives are
best result, popular will, and procedural views.25 We will consider
these views at length in subsequent chapters; but it may help, to fix
ideas, to explore their differences in a preliminary way here.
Best result theories hold that fair terms of political participation
are those that are likely to produce the most desirable results. To
clarify this idea, let us say that a social welfare function (SWF) pro-
vides an ordering of social states according to their relative desira-
bility. The aim is to generalize the notion of a social utility function
as a criterion for ranking the various possible states of affairs from
an impersonal point of view.26 Then we might say that a best result
theory regards institutions as fair when they are designed so as to
maximize the expected value of an independently specified SWF.
Rousseau (on one interpretation) and both Mills held theories of
this type (although of course they disagreed about the criterion of
best results); a similar position can be found, as well, in some con-
temporary "economic" and "pluralist" theories of democracy. In
best result theories, principled controversy about equality addresses
the question of what characteristics the SWF must have if it is plau-
sibly to be construed as treating people's interests or their welfare
equally.
Popular will theories are based on the idea that democratic insti-
tutions should realize the will of the people. Criteria of fairness are
conditions that institutions must satisfy in order to realize this aim.
Again, a technical conception will clarify the position. Say that a
social choice function (SCF) identifies one from among the possible
political outcomes as the best, or most preferred, on the basis of the
judgments or preferences about these outcomes held by the mem-
bers of the community. Then we can say that a popular will theory
25
I do not claim that these three kinds of views are mutually exclusive. Indeed, as
we shall see, it not hard to imagine how the lines dividing them might be blurred.
The distinctions are heuristic, not categorical: it suffices that the three views express
familiar and reasonably distinct intuitive ideas about the place of egalitarian con-
straints in thinking about the fairness of democratic institutions.
26
Thus, we aim at a conception like that of a Bergson-Samuelson social welfare
function. See A. Bergson, "A Reformulation of Certain Aspects of Welfare Econom-
ics," Quarterly Journal of Economics 52 (1938), pp. 310-14.
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 21

is one that holds that the terms of participation are fair when their
outcomes are those that would be identified by the appropriate SCF.
Such theories require us to postulate a realm of political preferences
existing independently of the institutions through which they are
expressed and combined. The popular will is an abstract construc-
tion of these preferences, and institutions are assessed with refer-
ence to their success in picking out the outcomes it favors. Like
best result views, these theories regard the definition of fair terms
of participation as a derivative matter; here, however, principled
controversy about equality arises at the level of the social choice
function rather than the social welfare function. The issue in this
case is what characteristics the social choice function must possess
if it can plausibly be said to give equal weight to each person's pref-
erences about the alternative possible outcomes.27
Best result and popular will theories are both outcome-oriented;
because they share an instrumentalist approach to the evaluation of
political procedures, they are easily confused. But there are funda-
mental differences. To illustrate, consider two contrasts between
the ideas of a social welfare function and a social choice function.28
First, the primary result of a social welfare function is an ordering
of alternative social states; the ordering of alternative political out-
comes (or government policies) is a secondary result, obtained from
the primary ordering by assessing the impact of each possible out-
come on the overall desirability of the resulting social state. On the
other hand, the primary output of a social choice function is an or-
dering of political outcomes themselves; nothing is implied about
the overall desirability of the resulting social state. (Of course, if

27
Such a conception seems to stand behind what Coleman and Ferejohn refer to as
the "proceduralist" approach to the justification of democracy. They write that such
a justification "depends on the nature of the mapping from the original preference
orderings of the collective to the outcome." I hope it will be clear from what follows
why I regard this conception of proceduralism as misleading. Jules Coleman and John
Ferejohn, "Democracy and Social Choice," Ethics 97 (1986), p. 7.
28
The distinction has been clouded by Arrow's use of the phrase "social welfare
function" in a nonstandard way, to describe something closer to what I refer to in
the text as a social choice function. See Kenneth J. Arrow, Social Choice and Indi-
vidual Values, 2d ed. (New York: John Wiley, 1963), esp. p. 23, where Arrow com-
ments on the difference between the conception he adopts and that of Bergson, and
pp. 104—5 (in the 1963 postscript) where he comments that a better term for his
"social welfare function" would have been "constitution."
22 POLITICAL EQUALITY

vox populi, vox Dei, things might be otherwise; but the appeal of
popular will theories does not depend on accepting any such
maxim.) The second contrast has to do with the basis of the order-
ing. The idea of a social welfare function is agnostic about this:
there are no restrictions on the definition of social welfare. Thus,
such familiar theories of social justice as classical utilitarianism
and that set forth by John Rawls may be interpreted as conceptions
of social welfare and represented as SWFS. For the moment we need
not be concerned about the merits of these and other possibilities.
The important point is that social welfare judgments need not be
based on or derived from individual judgments or preferences about
alternative political outcomes. (Indeed, welfare need not be con-
ceived individualistically at all.) Social choice functions, by con-
trast, are defined directly in terms of people's political preferences
and hence are necessarily individualistic. On the assumption that a
preference ordering over the alternative possible outcomes may be
assigned to each individual in society, a SCF represents a mechanism
by which these individual orderings may be combined to yield a
social ordering. It is true, of course, that there are similarities. Both
conceptions bear on the question of which policies should be cho-
sen, and both may (in the case of SCFS, must) raise problems con-
cerning aggregation. But these are superficial similarities that
should not obscure the fact that these conceptions represent fun-
damentally different ideas.
Procedural theories stand in contrast to both of these instrumen-
talist views. Say that a social decision procedure (SDP) is a set of
rules that describes an institutional mechanism through which so-
cial choices are actually to be made; more familiarly, we might
think of an SDP as the political constitution of society. Although a
procedural theory need not deny that there are substantive criteria
for the assessment of political outcomes, it holds that assessments
of outcomes are, if at all, only indirectly relevant to the fairness of
the SDPS that produce them. There are many kinds of procedural-
ism, each of which conceives of procedural fairness differently;
later, we will consider several of these in more detail. What all of
these views have in common (in fact, virtually the only thing they
have in common) is the idea that the terms of participation in dem-
ocratic procedures should themselves be fair; they should represent
a division of political influence that would be appropriate among
THE SUBJECT OJ POLITICAL EQUALITY 23

persons regarded as equal citizens. Proceduralism holds that the def-

inition of fair terms of participation in a democracy is a matter of
fundamental rather than derivative interest. The subject of princi-
pled controversy is the interpretation of the idea of equal citizen-
ship itself. Fairness involves the equal treatment of citizens, but
this is not identified with (though it may be influenced by) equal
treatment of their welfare or their preferences.
To express these distinctions in a simple formula, one might say
that the three views express three conceptions of the object of po-
litical fairness. Best result theories are concerned with fairness to
people's interests or welfare-, popular will theories, to their political
preferences-, and procedural theories, to persons themselves, con-
ceived as equal citizens.29
The view I shall set forth, as an alternative to these more conven-
tional views, is a substantive variant of the procedural theory that
incorporates, albeit indirectly, certain result-oriented elements. To
distinguish it from simpler forms of the procedural view, we might
call this theory complex proceduralism. Like other forms of proce-
duralism, this theory holds that democratic procedures should treat
persons as equals; but it will not follow that the appropriate crite-
rion for assessing procedures is the simple principle of equal power
over outcomes. Instead, complex proceduralism holds that the
terms of democratic participation are fair when they are reasonably
acceptable from each citizen's point of view, or more precisely,
when no citizen has good reason to refuse to accept them. To give
content to the idea of reasonable acceptability, I shall identify three
regulative interests of citizenship that democratic citizens may be
presumed to share;30 and I shall say that it would be reasonable to
refuse to accept the terms of participation that institutions embody
when they offend any of these interests and when some less offen-
sive alternative is available.
The analysis of fairness in terms of reasonable acceptability is an
application of the idea of the social contract to the problem of polit-
ical equality; as with other applications of the contract idea, its dis-
29
As with all simple formulas, this may be misleading. But nothing turns on this
expression of the contrasts; it is simply an expository convenience.
30
These are interests in recognition, equitable treatment, and deliberative respon-
sibility. They are discussed, together with the contractualist structure of complex
proceduralism, in chapter 5.
24 POLITICAL EQUALITY

tinctive egalitarianism is to be found in the foundational require-

ment that fair terms of participation should be reasonably
acceptable to everyone. In contrast to the various forms of simple
proceduralism, this view allows that there may be circumstances in
which political fairness requires procedural inequalities; and it ex-
plains how considerations of fairness may apply even to institu-
tional problems that are not plausibly understood as bearing on the
distribution of power, abstractly conceived.

NEGLECTED ALTERNATIVES

The three views I have distinguished hardly exhaust the possibil-

ities.31 Although I shall not discuss them in detail, it may help, if
only to clarify the conceptions already set forth, to distinguish two
other kinds of views about political equality that have been influ-
ential in democratic thought.
The first of these are exchange theories in the tradition of Wick-
sell.32 Such theories presuppose a division of labor in society be-
tween the supply of private and of public goods; the former is the
domain of the market, and the latter, of the state. The chief problem
for political theory is to devise a choice procedure that ensures that
the state will limit itself to providing public goods and that it will
provide them in optimum amounts. Wicksell's principle of just tax-
ation is a prototype solution to this problem. He proposed that the
political agenda be constrained so that voters are confronted with
choices over complete policies, including a description of the nature
and amount of the good to be provided and a taxation scheme (or
several alternative schemes) to finance it; assuming that the back-
ground distribution of resources is just, he argued that no such pol-
31
The discussion in this section will mainly concern readers with particular inter-
ests in welfare economics and social choice. Others may prefer to skip to the begin-
ning of chapter 2.
31
See K. Wicksell, Finanztheoretische Untersuchungen (Jena, 1896), selections
translated and reprinted as "A New Principle of Just Taxation," in Classics in the
Theory of Public Finance, ed. R. Musgrave and A. Peacock (New York: St. Martin's
Press, 1967), pp. 72-118.
THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL EQUALITY 25

icy that fails to attract unanimous support can be an efficient use of

social resources.33
Wicksell's view can be described as an exchange theory because
it treats the political system as a mechanism through which each
citizen reveals the amount of private resources she is willing to ex-
change (that is, the amount of private consumption she is willing to
forgo) for the benefit she foresees deriving from the government's
policies. The terms of participation—in this case including the con-
straints on the political agenda and the unanimity decision rule—
are derived by asking what would be necessary to ensure that social
resources will not be used inefficiently, as they might be, for ex-
ample, if a policy were enacted that provided greater benefits to
some than they were willing to pay for given their other consump-
tion possibilities.
As it stands, Wicksell's proposal is unacceptable on its own terms
because the unanimity rule fails to take account of distortions due
to transactions costs and the possibilities for strategic voting. More
recently, writers have sought ways to avoid these problems.34 Con-
sidered as an approach to a theory of fair participation, however, the
Wicksellian view faces a more serious difficulty. As Wicksell him-
self emphasized, the proposal assumes a just background distribu-
tion of income and wealth. Otherwise, policies adopted under the
scheme may not be efficient and almost certainly will not be just:
in particular, where the requisite background is absent, the unanim-
ity rule will effectively exclude policies aimed at redressing distrib-
utive injustice.35 Exchange theories that incorporate an assumption
of background justice are doomed to irrelevance, since they depend
on an essential counterfactual premise. Theories that set such an
assumption aside,36 on the other hand, will exclude from the polit-
33
Although arguing that a unanimity decision rule is therefore the ideal, Wicksell
noted that it would he impractical under most normal conditions and settled for
"approximate unanimity" or a qualified majority instead. Ibid.
34
For a brief survey, see Dennis Mueller, Public Choice (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1979), pp. 68-89.
35
"A New Principle of Just Taxation," p. 108. Actually, matters are even worse
than Wicksell saw. Even where a just background distribution is initially present,
there is no guarantee that it will be preserved over time.
36
For example, that set forth in James M. Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, The Cal-
culus of Consent (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962), and in James M.
Buchanan, The Limits of Liberty: Between Anarchy and Leviathan (Chicago: Uni-
26 POLITICAL EQUALITY

ical arena an important class of policies that are, in fact, the sub-
jects of political controversy and that we have every reason to be-
lieve are appropriate objects—and perhaps the most important
objects—of political decision.37 Either way, it does not appear that
exchange theories are likely to yield a conception of political equal-
ity that is both philosophically plausible and applicable to the insti-
tutional problems that need to be faced.38 Thus, I shall not consider
exchange theories as a separate category of approaches to the defi-
nition of fair terms of participation.
It is worth noting, however, that on one interpretation such views
belong to the class of best result theories. The interpretation arises
in the following way. Theories in the tradition of Wicksell draw
their plausibility from an analogy with the market: the controlling
normative idea is that of efficiency. Now writers within the tradi-
tion differ about why efficiency should be counted as a virtue. For
some, it is because shifts from the status quo to a new, more effi-
cient position (that is, Pareto improvements) represent changes that
no one has an interest in rejecting.39 For others, it is because effi-
cient outcomes are thought to possess greater social utility jin the
aggregate) than any alternative.40 The criticisms sketched in the last
paragraph apply primarily to the former, which represents what is
today the orthodox ordinalist view.41 The latter view, however, is

versity of Chicago Press, 1975). Elsewhere, Buchanan acknowledges that unequal

"starting positions" might undermine the justice of market distributions but appar-
ently rejects adjustment of the political or constitutional structure to alleviate these
injustices. "Rules for a Fair Game: Contractarian Notes on Distributive Justice," in
Liberty, Market and State (Brighton, Sussex: Wheatsheaf Books, 1986), pp. 123-39.
37
For a persuasive criticism of the Buchanan and Tullock view, see Brian Barry,
Political Argument (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965), pp. 242-59.
38
This leaves open the possibility that a branch of government devoted to the pro-
vision of public goods beyond the requirements of justice might be organized accord-
ing to Wicksell's principle, as Rawls suggests [A Theory of Justice, pp. 282-84). The
difficulties with this suggestion are different from those noted above; they involve
the feasibility of the procedures necessary to distinguish between policies aimed at
providing public goods beyond the requirements of justice (the concern of the Wick-
sellian exchange branch) and policies required by justice itself (the concern of the
other branches).
39
See, for example, Buchanan and Tullock, The Calculus of Consent, pp. 265-81.
40
The canonical modern statement of this view is Bergson, "A Reformulation of
Certain Aspects of Welfare Economics."
41
As found, e.g., in the discussion of voting and representation in the standard
THE SUBJECT OP POLITICAL EQUALITY 27

not necessarily subject to these criticisms, since it regards effi-

ciency as a proximate rather than an ultimate goal, operating as a
surrogate for social utility in circumstances in which complete car-
dinal utility information is unavailable. Exchange theories in which
the importance of efficiency is accounted for in this way should
therefore be seen as economic versions of best result theories; such
views do not raise distinctive issues of political morality (relative
to more traditional utilitarian theories of political equality), and so
whatever criticisms apply to best result theories as a class will ap-
ply a fortiori to these theories as well.
Finally, there are views that found a requirement of political
equality on a concern for what might be called liberal stability. If
one were in the position to design political institutions, other
things equal, one would want to find ways to encourage compliance
with the laws and to promote social order with the least coercive
interference in individual lives. One possibility—that pursued by
Rousseau in The Social Contract—is to constrain the decision-mak-
ing system so that its outcomes will be (and will be regarded as) in
the interests of most of the people most of the time. But this is
unrealistic in complex and diverse societies. Another possibility is
to build into the system procedural requirements that will elicit
popular support even when particular decisions disappoint some in-
terests. Political equality might be regarded as one such require-
ment. What recommends egalitarian democracy, in this view, is
that it is more likely than any other form of government, in the
context of prevailing political attitudes, to elicit continuing popular
support for liberal institutions. 42
Views of this type are deficient in three ways. First, on their own
terms they prove too little. The force of the argument for equality
depends almost entirely on the empirical claim that egalitarian pro-
cedures are more likely than any others to elicit popular support for
welfare economics textbook by R. A. Musgrave and P. B. Musgrave, Public Finance,
3d ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980), pp. 106-21.
42
Thus, as Barry writes, "[O]nce the idea of the natural equality of all men has got
about, claims to rule cannot be based on natural superiority. Winning an election is
a basis for rule that does not conflict with equality. Indeed, it might be said to flow
from it. For if quality is equal (or, as Hobbes more exactly put it, quality must be
taken to be equal as a condition of peace) the only differentiating factor left is quan-
tity. . . ." "Is Democracy Special?" p. 193.
28 POLITICAL EQUALITY

political decisions that are in substance unpopular. But it is hardly

clear that this is true ; at least, it is hardly clear that inegalitarian
procedures, if they are well entrenched and their inegalitarianism is
not too blatant, cannot serve the purpose as well.43 Second, even if
the general point is conceded, the view is too functionalist to settle
questions about the interpretation and application of political
equality. It yields insufficient grounds for discriminating among al-
ternative procedural arrangements or for settling argument about
which of several equally stable arrangements would be fairer. Fi-
nally, and most fundamentally, there are surely other reasons for
taking an interest in how the terms of participation are arranged. A
procedural arrangement might elicit popular support for liberal in-
stitutions yet still be objectionable for reasons like those often as-
sociated with political equality; for example, it might be demeaning
to disadvantaged minorities or operate to deny them effective polit-
ical influence. No plausible theory of political equality can ignore
questions about stability, but any theory that takes stability, even
liberal stability, as its only foundational concern must be seriously
incomplete.
43
Indeed, some political scientists believe that certain procedural inequalities,
such as those that favor two-party as against multiparty (or no-party) systems, may
make for higher levels of acceptance of political decisions, by creating incentives for
compromise in the preelection stages of political competition. See, for example,
Maurice Duverger, Political Parties, trans. Barbara and Robert North (London: Me-
thuen, 1954), pp. 245-55, 328-37; and Gabriel A. Almond, "Introduction," in G. A.
Almond and James S. Coleman, The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1960), esp. pp. 33-45. For a discussion, see Leon Epstein,
Political Parties in Western Democracies (New York: Praeger, 1967), pp. 73-76.
CHAPTER TWO

Results

We need a theory of political equality to answer two questions:

what does the egalitarian ideal require of our institutions, and why
should it matter to us whether our institutions satisfy these re-
quirements? As I argued in chapter 1, there is no sense in trying to
resolve these questions separately; for at some critical point, it will
turn out that any answer to one of them depends on an answer to
the other. Inquiry must therefore proceed more circuitously: we
should explore various prominent ways of responding jointly to
both questions and consider in each case the internal coherence of
the view, the consistency of its elements with various settled ele-
ments of democratic political belief, and its adequacy as a basis for
resolving disputed issues of institutional design. In this and the fol-
lowing chapters we undertake such an analysis of the three views
about political fairness identified earlier. The hope is that a critical
examination of these familiar views will illuminate conditions that
a more satisfactory conception of political equality should embody.
We begin with best result theories, which identify fair terms of
participation with those likely to produce the most desirable out-
comes—that is, outcomes that maximize social welfare, however
understood. The versions of this view with the greatest currency
today arise in what is called the "economic" approach to democracy
and in its "pluralist" cousins. However, I shall concentrate on the
earlier (and, I think, more subtle) version set forth by John Stuart
Mill. Although Mill's view might seem plausible enough in its
structure, few people today accept its inegalitarian elements. It is
important to understand the reasons why these elements are unac-
ceptable, for these reasons cast doubt on the structure of best result
theories considered as a class. My critical observations about best
result theories suggest some general conclusions about the nature
of political fairness, which I note briefly at the end.
32 POLITICAL EQUALITY

MILL'S VIEW AND ITS DEFECTS

Mill argued that "the ideally best form of government" is "a com-
pletely popular government."1 He meant to defend what I have
called the generic conception of democracy: a form of government
in which all citizens have an opportunity to participate in the insti-
tutions that determine political outcomes. Mill's famous argument
rests on two points. First, popular government best achieves the
"present well-being" of society by providing citizens with a mech-
anism for protecting their interests and by enlisting their energies
in promoting the "general prosperity." Second, it encourages the
formation of a "better and higher national character" by stimulat-
ing the faculties of self-help and self-reliance and by cultivating and
enlarging the capacity to take and apply a public rather than a pri-
vate point of view.2 We may call these the "protective" and the "ed-
ucative" arguments.3
The chief difficulty in grasping the form of Mill's argument in-
volves the place of these points in his overall political theory.
Within that theory, political institutions, like everything else, are
finally assessed according to their contribution to "the aggregate in-
terests of society."4 But the connection Mill imagined between the
advantages of popular government and this more fundamental con-
cern might be interpreted in two different ways. According to the
first (or "direct") interpretation, "the aggregate interests of society"
are identified with a social ideal that includes a conception of hu-
man excellence,- as Mill described it in On Liberty, this is "utility
in the largest sense, grounded in the permanent interests of man as
a progressive being."5 Then the protective and the educative argu-
ments may be seen as pointing to two separate respects in which
popular government advances this end. According to the second (or

1
Considerations on Representative Government [1861], chap. 3, in Collected
Works, vol. 19, ed. J. M. Robson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), pp.
403-4.
2
Ibid., p. 404. The argument is presented in the whole of chapter 3, pp. 399-412.
3
1 adopt these labels from Dennis F. Thompson, John Stuart Mill and Represen-
tative Government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), p. 14.
4
Considerations on Representative Government, chap. 2, p. 383.
5
On Liberty [1859], chap. 1, in Collected Works, vol. 18, ed. J. M. Robson (To-
ronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), p. 224.
RESULTS 33

"functional") interpretation, governments contribute to "the aggre-

gate interests of society" by performing certain functions, such as
legislation and the administration of justice. The protective and ed-
ucative arguments might now be seen as identifying criteria of good
government—characteristics that increase the probability that a
government will perform its functions well.6 The functional inter-
pretation need not deny that Mill understood social utility "in the
largest sense"; instead, it is distinguished by the insistence that the
primary means by which a government contributes to this end is
through the good performance of various well-defined legislative,
administrative, and judicial functions.
The issue raised by this dispute is the status of the values ap-
pealed to in Mill's educative argument. Is the development of a vig-
orous and active national character important because it is itself a
component of a desirable social ideal or because it is a necessary
condition of good (and progressively better) legislation, administra-
tion, and adjudication? The question raises exegetical problems be-
yond our present scope; but it is worth observing that the first inter-
pretation coheres better with Mill's more general moral and
political theory, which undeniably includes an ideal of individual
character that gives a prominent place to the virtues of autonomy,
self-improvement, and sympathy that Mill claimed are promoted by
popular government. Mill's description of his project in Represen-
tative Government also favors this interpretation. There, he wrote
that one reason for taking an interest in "how far [political institu-
tions] tend to foster in the members of the community the various
desirable qualities, moral and intellectual" is that "[t]he govern-
ment which does this best, has every likelihood of being best in all
other respects, since it is on these qualities . . . that all possibility
of goodness in the practical operations of government depends."7
But he also claimed that in "its operation as an agency of national
education" a government can contribute to the formation of social
conditions conducive to "a higher level" of civilization.8 The point
6
Both interpretations may be found in the recent literature. For the first, see
Thompson, John Stuart Mill and Representative Government, pp. 13-53; for the sec-
ond, see William N. Nelson, On Justifying Democracy (London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul, 1980], pp. 111-118.
7
Considerations on Representative Government, chap. 2, p. 390.
8
Ibid., pp. 393-94.
34 POLITICAL EQUALITY

is that the influence of political institutions on character might

have two parallel kinds of value: the people can be made more ca-
pable of good government, and they can be made better people. "A
government is to be judged by its action upon men, and by its action
upon things; by what it makes of the citizens, and what it does with
them; its tendency to improve or deteriorate the people themselves,
and the goodness or badness of the work it performs for them. . . ."9
Mill's theory is of interest here because it is a democratic theory
that incorporates explicitly antiegalitarian procedural elements.
The argument from best results to popular government is not si-
multaneously an argument to political equality: "though every one
ought to have a voice—that every one should have an equal voice is
a totally different proposition."10 Mill argued that the interests of
society will be advanced most effectively if the views of those with
broader knowledge and higher intelligence are given greater weight
in the political process. Accordingly, he proposed that those of
greater "mental superiority" be entitled to cast plural votes in par-
liamentary elections.11 The main advantage he claimed for such a
scheme is that it would improve the quality of legislation, both by
providing everyone's interests with the most competent represen-
tation and by "preserving the educated class from the class legisla-
tion of the uneducated."12 In addition, he argued that "irrespective
of any direct political consequences," plural voting would help,
through its effect on the "tone" of "public feeling," to counteract
the undesirable tendency of democracy to cultivate "a character of
mind . . . which thinks no other person's opinion much better than
its own."13 The appeals to considerations of both interest and char-
acter correspond to the protective and educative arguments for rep-
resentative government and show that Mill did not believe that plu-
ral voting implicated conflicts between them.

9
Ibid., p. 392.
10
Ibid., chap. 8, p. 473.
11
Ibid., p. 475; see also "Thoughts on Parliamentary Reform" [1859], in Collected
Works, vol. 19, pp. 323-28.
12
Considerations on Representative Government, p. 476. For comments on the
significance of the fear of "class legislation" for the interpretation of Mill's theory,
see Fred R. Berger, Happiness, Justice, and Freedom: The Moral and Political Philos-
ophy of John Stuart Mill (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 193-94.
13
Considerations on Representative Government, chap. 12, p. 508.
 Political Equality An Essay In
Democratic Theory Charles R
Beitz
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