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INTRODUCTION
Despite the lofty language often associated with equality, the right to equ
in the Irish Constitution has traditionally been interpreted in a restrict
manner. Article 40.1 states:
All citizens shall, as human persons, be held equal before the law.
This shall not be held to mean that the State shall not in its enactments
have due regard to differences of capacity, physical and moral, and of
social function.
* I am grateful to Prof Gerry Whyte, the participants at Judges, Politics and the Irish
Constitution held in DCU and the review for their comments and encouragement. All
errors and omissions of course remain my own.
36
1. PROCESS EQUALITY
1. Oran Doyle, Constitutional Equality Law (Dublin: Round Hall, 2005), pp. 14-1 8. The
Irish courts regularly adopt a process conception: Gilligan v Ireland [2013] IESC 45;
MDv Ireland [2012] IESC 10; Equality Authority v Portmarnock Golf Club [2005] IEHC
235; Re Art 26 and the Employment Equality Bill 1996 [1997] 2 I.R. 321; de Burea v
Attorney General [1976] I.R. 38.
2. Doyle, Constitutional Equality Law , ťh.l above, p.l 5.
"Why should anyone have to be like white men to get what they have,
given that white men do not have to be like anyone except each other to
have it? Since men have defined women as different to the extent they
are female, can women be entitled to equal treatment only to the extent
they are not women?"4
This criticism is powerful and persuasive but, unlike the first criticism, it is
directed at the application of the principle rather than at the concept itself.
Consequently, if equality could be defined more progressively, a process
conception could in turn offer more progressive protection than previously.
The point to emphasise is that the way equality is measured or identified
is not determined by adopting a process conception. Substantive equality
is concerned with output (for example, equality of results or equality of
opportunity), while process equality is concerned with input (meaning that the
State must be neutral). To make use of Holmes's terminology, process equality
3. For example, Catherine MacKinnon, "Reflections on Sex Equality Under Law" (1990-
1991) 100 Yale L.J. 1281 at 1286-1287; see also, Sandra Fredman, Discrimination Law ,
2nd edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 8- 14; Robert Wintemute, "Sexual
Orientation and the Charter: The Achievement of Formal Legal Equality and Its Limits"
(2003-2004) 49 McGill L.J. 1143; Mark Bell, Racism and Equality in the European
Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), Ch.2; Bob Hepple, "The Aims of
Equality Law" (2008) 61(1) Current Legal Problems 1 at 4; Christopher McCrudden
"Equality and Non-Discrimination" in David Feldman (ed.), English Public Law , 1st
edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); Nicholas Bamforth, "Conceptions of Anti-
Discrimination Law" (2004) 24(4) O.J.L.S. 693 at 710.
4. MacKinnon, "Reflections on Sex Equality Under Law", fh.3 above at 1287.
Having argued that a process conception does not determine how equality
itself is to be defined, this section examines how the Irish courts have defined
the guiding principle of equality under Art.40. 1 . In referring to the "guiding
principle", I am examining how the courts have defined what it means to be
"equal" and how they determine whether a given State measure is consistent
with equality or derogates from it. I do not mean the guiding principle to be
the "most common" or default outcome of the analysis; rather, the guiding
to treat likes alike and unalikes unalike.18 This understanding of equality cannot
rely on neutral treatment as its guiding principle because the purpose of the
analysis is to determine whether or not neutral treatment is required. However,
the court also stated, "Thus strict equality is the norm laid down by Art.40. 1 ". 19
Taken independently of the commitment to Aristotelian equality, strict equality
would seem to be a formal conception of equality based on neutral treatment;
indeed, the court appears to qualify strict equality (rather than explain it) by
saying, " However , the article recognises that perfectly equal treatment is not
always achievable".20 This interpretation based on neutral treatment has been
adopted by the High Court in Akpekpe v Medical Council ,21 in which Kearns P.,
quoting from MD , adopted the language of strict equality and held that Art.40. 1
provides a "right to equal treatment". Kearns P. held that the strict equality
norm was not absolute, to the extent that distinctions are permissible provided
they are not arbitrary, but it is clear from the judgment that strict equality was
taken as being synonymous with the principle of neutral treatment. A similar
interpretation occurred in Doherty v Referendum Commission ,22 in which
Hogan J. relied on the reference to strict equality in MD to hold that complete
neutrality of treatment is required in the referendum process. These cases show
an ambiguity in the use of "strict equality", which includes a tendency for it to
mean neutral treatment.
"It follows also that the first and second sentences of art.40. 1 should
not be treated as if they were in separate compartments ... The second
sentence is concerned with what the first sentence means."26
If the two sentences are needed to understand the meaning of being "held equal
before the law", it is impossible for neutral treatment to be the guiding principle
of equality. The second sentence clearly envisages non-neutral treatment
and, thus, equality in Art.40. 1 cannot rely on neutral treatment as a guiding
principle. This statement by the Supreme Court is significant and, as will be
clear from the arguments in this paper, to be welcomed. However, it is important
to acknowledge that this is different from the previous understanding of the
relationship between the first and second sentence. Traditionally, the second
sentence has been seen as a qualification to (or derogation from) the guarantee
of equality, rather than an explanation of its content. This occasionally leads to
its description as a "proviso" to the equality guarantee.27
It is worth emphasising that this argument - that the guiding principle of
equality is not neutral treatment - is not the same as arguing that equality
does not require neutral treatment; in very many instances the outcome most
conducive to equality will be one based on neutral treatment. The point being
made is simply that the guiding principle of equality in Art.40. 1 cannot be the
principle of neutral treatment because of, in Fredman's words, the "apparent
paradox" that "equal treatment can in effect lead to inequality, while unequal
treatment might be necessary in order to achieve equality".28
In light of these cases, in which Hogan J. (along with Kearns P. and Carney
J. in Fleming) showed an ability to define equality according to disadvantage,
an interesting recent judgment is that of Birmingham J. in the High Court
case of XY v HSE .43 Birmingham J. did not cite these cases, but his judgment
demonstrates that he understood equality to be defined by relative disadvantage
rather than treatment. In XY, a mentally disabled child was challenging the
forced treatment to which she was subject. She argued that she was a victim
of age discrimination because the safeguards in place for the forced treatment
of children are different from those for forced treatment of an adult (she also
claimed they were inferior). Birmingham J. held that, although the safeguards
were different, they were equal in the level of protection they afforded.44 This
holding demonstrates that equality is not contingent on neutral treatment, but
rather on being neutral in the imposition of advantages and disadvantages.45
Neutral rules that disadvantage socio-economically disadvantaged people
were held unconstitutional by the High Court in Redmond v Minister for
the Environment: 46 In that case, electoral rules required candidates to pay
significant deposits in order to run for election, which were refunded only if
a certain number of votes was obtained. Herbert J. undoubtedly understood
equality to mean the absence of relative levels of disadvantage:
"In my judgment a law which has the effect, even if totally unintended,
of discriminating between human persons on the basis of money is an
attack upon the dignity of those persons as human beings who do not have
money . . . The history of poverty and of social deprivation in Ireland,
but by no means exclusively in Ireland, demonstrates overwhelmingly
the extent to which the essential dignity of persons as human beings is
involved. In my judgment this is exactly the type of discrimination for
which the framers of the first sentence of Article 40. 1 of the Constitution
were providing."47
These three obligations are not radical in scope. They are limited by
the inherent input focus on the process conception so that a violation of
Art.40.1 is not found simply whenever State action happens to create
unequal disadvantage. Instead, a breach occurs only when the State has been
unreasonable in responding to that disadvantage (for example, unreasonably
failing to anticipate and avoid the inequality). Furthermore, while these three
obligations are the equality obligations placed on the State, they are obviously
not the only constitutional obligations under which it operates. Thus, an
unequally disadvantaging law could be upheld, either because it was not
unreasonable, or because it was justified by another consideration (this, for
example, is what the Divisional High Court held in Fleming).
This is a vision of a process conception that is as comprehensive in its
protection of equality as possible. There are no conceptual barriers to such
protection. There are, however, some doctrinal limitations to be overcome.
The most significant of these is the idea that, while it would be consistent with
equality for the Oireachtas to account for disadvantage in order to treat people
differently, Art.40.1 could never introduce an obligation on the State to treat
people differently. This is described by Doyle as Ireland's "Aristotelian-lite"
conception of equality,66 and is encompassed in the Supreme Court's holding
in Fleming :
There are two functions of relevant differences under full Aristotelian equality:
first, non-neutral treatment by the State is justified when it is based on relevant
differences, and secondly, neutral treatment by the State is challengeable
when it fails to account for relevant differences. It is a peculiarity of Irish
constitutional equality law that this second use of relevant differences, in
challenging indirect discrimination, is underdeveloped. This limitation on
Art.40.1 is not justified for several reasons.
First, it is not conceptually justified because the courts regularly do, and ought
to continue to, define equality by reference to relative levels of disadvantage.
Once this is the case, there is no conceptual difference between unfairness
created by direct discrimination (non-neutral treatment) and unfairness created
by indirect discrimination (neutral treatment).68 Both kinds of unfairness are
69. Fredman, Discrimination Law , fn.9 above, pp.2 12-2 13; Bell, Racism and Equality in
the European Union , fn.3 above, Ch.2.
70. Kelly, "Equality Before the Law in Three European Jurisdictions", fn.27 above; from
an even earlier position, Heuston also argues that non-neutral treatment is necessary
in order to achieve the conception of equality protected by Art.40.1: see Robert F.V.
Heuston, "Personal Rights Under the Irish Constitution" (1976) 2 Irish Jurist 205.
71. Brennan v Attorney General [1983] I.L.R.M. 449.
72. DokievDPP[ 2010] IEHC 110.
73. Fleming [2013] 2 I.L.R.M. 73 (SC), para.133.
"The provision does not have any discriminatory effect under the heading
where objection might legitimately be raised. (See also Barrington J. 's
statement of principle in Brennan v Attorney General [1994] I.L.R.M.
355; approved by this Court in the Employment Equality Bill 1996
[1997] 2 I.R. 321.)
The litmus test is whether this classification made by the Oireachtas is
for a legitimate legislative purpose, is relevant to its purpose, and treats
members of each class fairly. The fact of classification always involves
a degree of exclusion or inclusion; whether that inclusion is legitimate
can be measured by relevance to its purpose, fairness and the category
of classification."75
Both of these paragraphs give reason to question the strength of the Supreme
Court's opposition to "effect-based" analysis of equality stated in Fleming .
Secondly, it is not textually justified by the language of Art.40. 1 . Doyle has
argued that the Aristotelian-lite interpretation,
"coheres better with the text of Art.40.1 than does the full fledged
Aristotelian alternative. For the second sentence of Art.40.1 merely
74. Fleming [2013] 2 I.L.R.M. 73 (SC), paras 135-136. It is important not to overstate the
extent of the Supreme Court's rejection of effect-based analysis. This rejection (and thus
the rejection of indirect discrimination) was qualified by the reference to the law being
"addressed to persons other than that person". It remains the case, however, that the
Supreme Court expressed a clear preference for a neutrality-based definition of equality.
For analysis of these aspects of the judgment, see Ben Mitchell, "Constitutional Equality
Law after Fleming v Ireland' (2014) 37 D.U.L.J. 252 at 257-258.
75. Gilligan v Ireland [20 1 3] IESC 45, paras 48-49.
states that 'this shall not be held to mean that the State shall not in its
enactments have due regard to differences of capacity, physical or moral,
and of social function'. This wording allows the State to differentiate in
recognition of difference, but imposes no obligation to do so."76
The use of the double negative complicates the interpretation, but there are two
ways to challenge this. The first is that the sentence could be read to impose
an obligation to differentiate because of the second use of the word "shall"
rather than a permissive "may". The word "shall" is usually associated with
the imposition of a duty, whereas the word "may" tends to grant a power. With
this in mind, the second sentence uses a double negative to say that the State is
under a duty to have regard to differences. The second sentence thus clarifies
that the first sentence will not change the fact that differences will be accounted
for; leaving the conclusion that regard shall be had to differences. The second
way to challenge this interpretation is to point out that all the second sentence
does is explicitly permit non-neutral treatment. It does not explicitly say that
there is not also an obligation to account for differences. Thus, if the "equal
before the law" language of the first sentence (and therefore Art.40. 1 as a whole,
under MD v Ireland) endorses a conception of equality based on disadvantage
rather than on neutral treatment, it is perfectly consistent with the text that an
obligation to have regard to differences could arise.
Doyle's argument would be reinforced by an originalist interpretation,
because Art.40. 1 was intentionally amended during the drafting process so
that the second sentence uses what was seen by the drafters to be the non-
mandatory language of "This shall not be held to mean that the State shall
not...".77 Debate on the appropriateness of originalism remains and, without
engaging with the merits of such an approach here,78 it is worth noting that the
original intentions on other aspects of Art.40. 1 have not been determinative.
For example, the phrase "as human persons" was intended as a restriction on the
right to equality,79 but it is instead being used to bolster the right; the Supreme
Court in the recent cases of Gilligan v Ireland and Fleming stated that the
phrase refers to personal characteristics that are essential to identity, which
have previously been stated to be presumptively unconstitutional grounds of
discrimination.81 This view was repeated in 2014 in an obiter statement of
O'Donnell J. in Murphy v Ireland*2 and has received support in several High
83. Quigley v Minister for Justice [2012] IEHC 414; Unite v Minister for Finance [2010]
IEHC 354 ;J&JHaire v Minister for Health [2009] IEHC 562.
84. There are, however, some examples of references to originalist interpretations of
Art.40. 1, e.g. Re Philip Clarke [1950] I.R. 235.
85. The Supreme Court held that deference will be due when the Oireachtas has legislated
in an area of social controversy in MD [2012] 2 I.L.R.M. 305, para.50.
86. Oran Doyle, "Judicial Scrutiny of Legislative Classifications" (2012) 47 Irish Jurist 1 75
at 175.
87. Fredman, Discrimination Law , fn.9 above, 183.
88. Dillane v Ireland [1980] I.L.R.M. 167 (SC); O'Brien v Stoutt [1984] I.R. 316 (SC).
89. Draper v Attorney General [1984] I.R. 277.
90. DXv Buttimer [2012] IEHC 175,para.l4.
91 . DX v Buttimer [2012] IEHC 175, para.14; quoting Denham C.J. in MD v Ireland [2012]
2 I.L.R.M. 305, para.42.
4. PRECEDENT
92. Oran Doyle, "Direct Discrimination, Indirect Discrimination and Autonomy", fii.
above, at 10-15.
93. Fleming [2013] 2 I.L.R.M. 9 (HC), para. 122.
94. Redmond [200'] 4 I.R. 61.
95. de Burea v Attorney General [1976] I.R. 38; Hogan and Whyte, JM Kelly: The Iri
Constitution , fti.78 above, p. 1365.
96. This list is flux and is discussed above (fiin.50-56).
involve some of the features necessary to justify the ground's inclusion on the
list of presumptively unconstitutional grounds, such as violations of dignity or
exclusions from opportunities.
The other three categories do not involve this fundamental concern for
systemic inequality within the dimensions Fredman provides. The first
category of cases dealing with the democratic process is the clearest example
of this.97 They arise, not because of unequal status, but because of a breach
of a fundamental principle of democracy that each person's vote is of equal
value. In Doherty v Referendum Commission ,98 Hogan J. lists the "three core
principles" relevant to the referendum process, the third being "equality":
Though equality in the sense of one person, one vote was guaranteed by
Art.40.1, this does not mean that Doherty is a true equality case. Rather, it is
a referendum case in which the court used Art.40.1 to guarantee an aspect of
democratic legitimacy. This guarantee could also be found implicit in Art.47.
For example, in O'Donovan v Attorney General,100 an early case from 1961,
Budd J. in the High Court held that the impugned Dáil constituency boundaries
created "grave inequalities of parliamentary representation" by departing from
the proper ratio of member to population.101 Budd J. was clearly acknowledging
that equality is an important value in democracy cases, but decided the case
on the basis of the right to vote in Art. 1 6. He said the provisions governing the
democratic process must be read in the context of the Constitution as a whole
and then referred to equality in Art.40. 1 as one of the values that must be taken
into account.102 In doing so, he was holding that a harmonious interpretation
of the Constitution means Art. 16 includes a value of equality, but he did not
extrapolate from this that the case before him was an equality case; rather, he
understood it to be a case about the democratic process.
The second category involves claims that non-neutral treatment has violated
Art.40. 1 . These cases could be conceived of as examples of direct discrimination
under the definition of equality based on relative levels of disadvantage; the
non-neutral treatment imposes an unequal disadvantage on a certain group and
this is the basis of the constitutional challenge. However, that is an inaccurate
description; the litigants in these cases are not challenging an inequality of
CONCLUSION