Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Brussels (Belgium)
Montreal (Canada)
Johannesburg (South Africa) *
Fragile
Combustible
Jerusalem (Israel/Palestine)
Baghdad (Iraq) *
Kirkuk (Iraq) *
Mitrovica (Kosovo) *
Johannesburg (South Africa) *
Sarajevo (Bosnia-Herzegovina) *
Mostar (Bosnia-Herzegovina) *
Baghdad (Iraq) *
Kirkuk (Iraq) *
Mitrovica (Kosovo) *
Ethnic identity and nationalism combine to create pressures for group rights, autonomy, or even
territorial separation.
3 main options that acknowledge group identity in the urban arena
Although they are not mutually exclusive, these three options run the gamut from
least to most inter-ethnic cooperation.
BRUSSELS (BELGIUM)
Complex institutional accommodation
Directly elected regional parliament for Brussels region chosen from candidates put forth
by each of two main linguistic communities and Parliament decisions require a majority in
each language group.
“Communities” are non-territorial and exercise their legislative authority over cultural,
educational, and health matters within linguistically determined geographical boundaries.
In Brussels, bi-communitarian public authority, the “Common Community
Commission,”
responsible for implementing cultural policies of common interest
Since 1996,
1995 democratic election-- ensure white minority representation during the transition
period; ease the eventual change to majoritarian democracy.
BELFAST (NORTHERN IRELAND)
Third party intervention, impotent local government
"Direct rule" midst sectarian conflict from 1972 to 1998-- legislative power for
Northern Ireland was held by the British House of Commons
Obstacles by impotent local city councilors, whose relative lack of power freed
them to be extreme in their interactions with government
A “Review of Public Administration”, initiated in 2002, called for the existing 26 local
councils in Northern Ireland to be reduced to seven. Local power-sharing?
BEIRUT (LEBANON)
Urban and national power sharing rigidified
Power sharing necessary and successful in early years of country, but now more a
roadblock to needed political evolution and maturation in the country and city.
The Lebanese National Accord signed soon after independence in 1943 used the
national census of 1932 to assign political positions and shares of parliamentary
seats to each religious group.
Prior to 1990, the ratio of Parliament representation stood at 6:5 in favor of Christians.
In 1990, at the end of the 1975-1990 civil war, this ratio was adjusted to 50/50.
City of Beirut
Newly emergent urban Shiite Muslims have been met with systematic political and
economic exclusion.
Instead of urban social and economic dynamics spawning new more urban
secular and cross-confessional communities, new urban politics was thwarted and
rigidified into a “static consociational edifice”
“Urban coexistence has emerged as the weakest link within the Lebanese model”
(Salamey)
SARAJEVO (BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA)
Multicultural city unraveled
By the time of the 1995 Dayton Accord that ended the war, the idea for international
governance or oversight of the city had been overtaken by the give-and-take
negotiations of ethnic leaders.
Yet, to be reunified within the city, Serbs would also under Dayton be simultaneously
incorporated into the Muslim-Croat Federation. Resistance and substantial out-movement
of
Bosnian Serb population.
MOSTAR (BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA)
Fragmented city
Early elections--the intent of the IC was that the holding of municipal elections would
be a concrete and positive first step toward the city’s democratization and
normalization.
In effect, however, democracy’s early emergence in the city locked in
obstructive ethnic elements that would then act to retard the
city’s normalization.
Central zone
Approximately 1 mile long and one-half mile wide, a ‘‘central zone’’ in the traditional
commercial and tourist center of the city was to be administered by an ethnically
balanced
city council and administration.
The same forces that captured the six municipalities for ethnic gain also were able
to warp and dismantle the integrative goals of the central zone.
Limits the ability of the demographic majority to rule and imposes power sharing
governance model.
NICOSIA (CYPRUS)
Physical partition
This has resulted in each of the two urban regimes having a solid territorial base
that has, ironically, set the foundation for some bridge-building in terms of
functional planning.
Two-sided physical partitioning between 1948 and 1967 into Israeli and Jordanian-
controlled components.
Since 1967, it has been an Israeli-controlled municipality three times the area of the
pre-1967 city (due to unilateral annexation) and encompassing formerly Arab East
Jerusalem. The international status of East Jerusalem today remains as ‘occupied’
territory.
Corpus separatum proposal
When the British Mandate period (1917-1948) came to a close, there was a United
Nations resolution that the city of Jerusalem be a demilitarized and neutral corpus
separatum (separate entity) governed by a special international regime and
administered by the U.N.
The resolution was approved by the national leadership of the Jewish community in
Palestine, and rejected by the Arab Higher Committee.
Intense warfare turned Jerusalem instead into a physically divided city for almost
twenty years, with Israeli west and Arab east parts separated by concrete barriers
and
“no-man lands.”
In the early years of contested Jerusalem under Israeli control, a plan was debated
from 1968 to 1977 envisioning a single municipal government under dual sovereignty
and the creation of semi-autonomous borough governments to manage local affairs
in
different ethnic neighborhoods.
Camp David Summit 2000
Palestinian sovereignty over specified outer neighborhoods and over the Muslim
and Christian quarters of the Old City,
Metropolitan Jerusalem?
(1) How to locally govern a city that has been segregated, cleansed, and
sorted
during war?
(2) How to govern the city in a way that might hold together a country that
likely faces some federalist devolution of national power to ethnic
autonomous zones? Can Baghdad constitute a multiethnic capital district or
zone that holds together a fragmented or federalized state?
The stability of Baghdad has consistently been a key plank of American military and
political planners.
Protection of the Iraqi population in Baghdad is primary because it would allow breathing
space to Iraqi leaders to achieve needed political reconciliation.
“Localized security” through agreements at the local level, including with militias and
former insurgents, would be a necessary complement and encouragement to national
compromises.
U.S. is attempting to establish a three-tier system utilizing neighborhood, district,
and city council representation.
Flashpoint of ethnic and sectarian conflict and a key element of national negotiations
over the future status of the country.
Will contested lands of Kirkuk join region of Kurdistan or remain with the rest of Iraq?
City of Kirkuk makes up about 90 percent of provincial population. Saddam Hussein displaced
thousands of Kurds from Kirkuk and adjacent provinces as part of his “Arabization” plan.
Hussein also gerrymandered borders by detaching four Kurd-majority districts from Kirkuk
province.
Today, there are three provinces currently fully under authority of the Kurdistan Regional
Government; however, the regional government claims in whole or in part four other provinces,
including Kirkuk.
Provincial elections in 2005 produced a Kurdish majority in Kirkuk province (26 of 41 seats).
Normalization Plan
The intent of national legislation is that there is to be “normalization” process to include the
re-integration of the four detached districts, followed by a referendum (by November 2007)
to decide whether the province would become part of the Kurdistan regional government.
Efforts have been underway by all sides to create demographic "facts on the
ground" in advance of the referendum.
In July 2008, an Arab-sponsored plan was put forth to delay elections in Kirkuk
province and city and impose a quota-based power sharing arrangement.
This proposal further inflamed the situation and put in jeopardy provincial
elections in all of Iraq.
MITROVICA (KOSOVO/SERBIA)
U.N. supervised reintegration or separation?
At the same time, Kosovo’s Serbs with backing from Belgrade suggested that self-
government be based on a functional partition of the region so that minority Serbs could be
assured of some protections and rights.
Illegal parallel administration set up in the northern part of the city and supported by
Serbia;
Belgrade was able to stake out a de facto division of Kosovo.
Mitrovica-- two strategies by international community:
(1)
Serbs in Mitrovica were offered substantial decentralization of existing municipal powers, plus
various economic development incentives, if they participated in local elections.
(2)
When this failed, Unmik established in late 2002, with Belgrade’s cooperation, a special UN-
administered area in the north, created a council of local Serbian, Albanian, and Bosniak
leaders and brought local Serb police officers into the fold.
Uncertain cases
Jerusalem
Baghdad
Kirkuk
Mitrovica
#2
Institutional Adaptation
Many of the fragile cases will likely need to undergo significant restructuring and
experimentation regarding local governance structures.
The Beirut case dramatically highlights the need for power sharing
arrangements to appropriately adapt and evolve in response to changing
circumstances.
All the combustible and many of the fragile cities can be major roadblocks and obstacles
to larger national peace agreements and constitutional arrangements.
Shared urban policies and institutions can set important precedents that
positively shape long-term urban and political development. Brussels,
Montreal, Johannesburg
#4
City governance during national political transitions
International agreements that stop war must be cognizant of the new ethnic geographies of
local and substate governments
Rush toward democratization at local level will probably not bring to power leadership
needed to move a city toward stability and mutual co-existence.
Two-tier governance utilizing metropolitan and local levels can be particularly useful
during political transitions. Metropolitanism can be an effective mechanism not only during
times of major political transitions, but also in more stable arrangements.
#5
Paradox of local government reform amid inter-group tensions
Fragile local governance arrangements must be able in the short term to produce
tangible positive outcomes (jobs, services, safety) for there to be public acceptance of
shared local governance.
Only with such public acceptance can we be assured that these precarious city
institutions survive and become key agents of inter-group coexistence and local
anchors to national stability over the longer term future.