Professional Documents
Culture Documents
There were three main reasons for planning this proposed research
work: firstly it is an issue of National Importance and a crucial topic
in the International Affairs,
Introduction:
The United Nations is the ‘Numero Uno’ among more than four thousand inter-
governmental multilateral organizations that exists in the world today.
Reforming the UN has emerged to be one of the burning issues confronting policy
makers across the world, keeping in view the more assertive and countervailing
role the UN is expected to play in the contemporary unipolar world. Interestingly,
of the six major organs constituting the UN, the focus of attention of the people
are drawn mainly, if not exclusively, to the structure and functioning of the
Security Council owing to the critical role assigned to this august body by the
Charter to maintain international peace and security. Hence, despite the need for
one or other types of reforms being carried out in all the organs of the UN, the
entire debate and efforts of the experts have boiled down to reform the structure
and functioning of the Security Council.
Source: Mani .V. S:(2004) Reform Of United Nations, United Nations: Multilateralism and Internal Security, Edited By Bhaskar .C .U,
Santhanam .K, Sinha .U .K, Meenai.T, Institute of Defense Studies and Analyses, Asian Strategic Review,2004, Published by Shipra
Security Council Reforms:
A very frequently discussed change to the UN structure is to change the permanent
membership of the UN Security Council, which reflects the power structure of the
world as it was in 1945. There are several proposed plans, notably by the G4
nations, by the Uniting for Consensus group, and by former UN Secretary-General
Kofi Annan.
UN Secretariat Transparency Reform at another level, calls for reforming the UN’s
administration (usually called the UN’s Secretariat or "the bureaucracy") more
transparent, more accountable, and more efficient, including direct election of the
Secretary-General by the people.
Expanding the Club: New Delhi must work on UNSC and other fronts, The Times of India, Jun 14,
2005,Source:timesofindia.indiatimes.com/archive.cms
According to Ron Joy Sen India is up against a caste system that shows no
sign of disappearing. It's a hierarchy that is nowhere as ancient or complex
as our centuries-old Varna system but equally entrenched. The Brahmins of
this caste system are the veto-wielding permanent five (P5) of the United
Nations Security Council the US, UK, France, Russia and China. All the other
nations are lesser beings with no hope of making it to the charmed circle.
Now a gang of four is aiming to break the P5 stranglehold. The crux of the
G4 plan is to increase the Security Council's permanent seats from five to
11. Of the additional six seats, four would go to the G4. This proposal is,
however, floundering in the face of strong opposition. The US and China
have already voiced their disapproval of the G4's plans to gatecrash (the
party). There are traditional rivalries like Pakistan versus India that are also
a powerful obstacle to any expansion of the Security Council. Then there
are regional blocs like the 53-nation African Union, who hold the key to the
success of G4's proposal to seek a vote in the General Assembly, but are
unsure of the best way forward.
All this is, however, a meaningless charade. Even if the G4 does make it to the
high table of the Security Council, it won't get the coveted veto power; it would
have to wait another 15 years to possibly get the veto. But even that is not
guaranteed. In any case, the Security Council was showed up as toothless (Tiger)
when George Bush and his cronies invaded Iraq. So, why is India hankering for
something that comes with no real power? India and the G4 should, instead,
subvert the UN Security Council, which reflects the post-World War II global
power structure. India could even consider boycotting the UN rather than submit
to its caste system. New Delhi could then focus its energies on regional trade
blocs and to seeking a more powerful voice in organizations like the World Bank
and the IMF. Describing the "Genuine Reform" in the UN Security Council as
essential, India has strongly favored the G-4 proposal of expanding the
prestigious body by including six new Permanent Members having veto powers
and four additional non-permanent members.
Source: Sen. R: Boycott the UN, The Times of India, Jul 22, 2005,Source: timesofindia.indiatimes.com/archive.cms
"We remain convinced that this is the optimum expansion that meets both
the tests of representativeness and manageability," the Indian Ambassador
to the UN, Hardeep Singh Puri, said in his address to the informal meeting of
the UN General Assembly on start of the third round of inter-governmental
negotiations on Security Council reforms.
G-4 comprising of India, Brazil, Japan and Germany had made such a proposal
in 2005. "New permanent members would have the same rights and
responsibilities as existing permanent members, including that of the veto.
Nevertheless, recognizing the complexity of the issue, the G-4 proposal
offered to defer its utilization until a review is undertaken," "Looking back at
the first two rounds, two messages emerged loud and clear: first, that an
overwhelming majority of member states believe that the status quo is
untenable, in response to which genuine reform of the UN Security Council is
essential,"
"Secondly, substantive reform requires an expansion in both permanent and non-
permanent categories of membership, and significant improvement of the
Security Council's working methods," Making a strong case for the expansion of
the Security Council, Puri said only an expansion of the membership of the UNSC
in permanent and non-permanent categories will be credible, effective and
genuine. "Only such measures will meet the aspirations of the membership at
large," he argued.
Source: India for "Genuine Reform" in the UN Security Council The Times of India, Sep 2, 2009, timesofindia.indiatimes.com/archive.cms
"This is a very special year, he said. "We're going to be on the Council after a gap
of 19 years and India is ready to take on the responsibility." Puri and his team
have been canvassing for the spot for the past three years. To win, a country
needs two-thirds of the General Assembly vote, which adds up to about 128
counties saying yes to its presence in the Security Council.
Source: India Confident about UNSC Reform in next 2 yrs. The Economic Times Sep 19, 2010, economictimes.indiatimes.com/archive.cms
The Security Council:
The issue of restructuring the Security Council has attracted enormous attention
all over the world. How many members would a reorganized council have? How
many of them could be permanent, how many non-permanent? Who would be
the new permanent member, and on what grounds? Who among the existing
five permanent members (P-5) are no longer regarded as great powers? Would
the new permanent… questions are doing the rounds in world politics at this
juncture. It is obvious that the P-5 are no longer the main powers across the
globe, as they were in 1945, when the UN was formed. Britain and France are
regarded by many scholars as the countries that need to be excluded from the P-
5. But who would dare to exclude these veto-armed nations? A preferred choice
for reforming the council would be to retain the P-5 and include some more
permanent members. Germany and Japan are tipped to be the favorites because
of their emergence as major industrial nations after the Second World War. They
have also increased their financial contributions to the UN’s significantly.
But if these two ‘developed’ countries are included, what about representation
from the vast ‘developing’ world? Here arises the dilemma, because the
aspirants from developing countries are many. The politics of reforms also
revolves around this issue of inclusion of new permanent members from the
developing world. Who among Brazil, India, Argentina, Nigeria, Mexico, Egypt,
Indonesia, Pakistan, and probably others, should be included from this vast
terrain called the ‘developing’ world? One should also not forget some of the
‘developed’ aspirants like Italy, Canada and the European Union.
Source: Chatterjee. A, (2010), International Relations Today, Concepts and Applications, Longman (Pearson), The United Nations,pp-
90-115.
Though it has proved to be impossible to reach agreement on new permanent
members. Should the European Union be represented instead of the United
Kingdom, France, and Germany individually? How would Pakistan view India's
candidacy? How would South Africa react to a Nigerian seat? What about
representation by an Islamic country? These issues are not easy to resolve.
Likewise, it is very unlikely that the P-5 countries will relinquish their veto.
None the less, while large-scale reform has proved impossible, there have
been changes in Security Council working procedures that have made it more
transparent and accountable.
Source: Taylor. P and Curtis. D,(2011), The Globalization of World Politics An Introduction to International Relations, Baylis .J ,
Smith. S and Owens. P ,Oxford, Fifth Edition, The United Nations ,pp-310-325.
.
Country GDP % Population
%
UN dues
%
Likely Permanent/Renewable
members of
United States 32.7 4.6 22.0
It is true that condemnation from any UN branch save for the Security Council
carries little weight anymore, and the Security Council is taken most seriously
when sanction or threats of force are implied. But to believe that military might
is the only solution to global affairs is to draw the wrong conclusion from these
facts. Rather, we must focus on the toothlessness of most UN’s arms, and work
to build up affiliated institutions that will carry effective, determinative powers of
their own. The International Criminal Court(Hague) is the best place to start, for a
more active, more trusted and fairer international judicial system can be very
effective in bringing perpetrators of horror to justice, and in shielding the
innocent from harm.
Chapter VII. The Final Thrust for UNSC Permanent
Seat. Eye On The Big Prize.
Where India Stand’s in terms of support for its candidature in UNSC
permanent seat with or without veto power in the comity of
nations.
“A free India, with her vast resources, can be a great service to the
world and to humanity. India will always make a difference to the
world; fate has marked us for big things”-Jawaharlal Nehru.
Source: Nehru. J.L, 1939, as quoted in S. Gordon, India’s Rise to Power in the Twentieth Century and Beyond,1995,
Stefan Schirm has coined a telling phrase for the G-4’s vain hunt: ‘leaders in
search of followers’, i.e. rising powers that fail to convince their respective
neighboring states and regional organizations that their elevation will be a win-
win proposition that would benefit the said neighboring states.
Pakistan and the rest of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)
countries remain barriers to India’s race to find its cherished spot at the horse
shoe table in New York, an objective reality that New Delhi cannot easily
overcome.
Some diplomatic insiders suggest that India needs to show greater flexibility on
key security issues for its Permanent Membership drive to regain momentum.
Hints were dropped by US Senator John Kerry in the run up to the 2006 time-
line for Security Council enlargement, that India must sign the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty (NPT) for Washington to approve New Delhi’s candidacy.
Is India A Great Power?
As former Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee stated, ‘India is now a
nuclear weapon state […] it is not a conferment that we seek; nor is it a status
for others to grant […] it is India’s due, the right of one- sixth of mankind’.
Indeed, while the USA (and Japan) issued sanctions in the aftermath of the
nuclear tests, Russia, France, China and the United Kingdom did not. By
questioning the dominant global nuclear consensus (and being the first
country to proclaim a new nuclear status since China in 1964), the Pokhran
tests brought India into the global political, economic and strategic
mainstream.
India in a Futuristic Scenario:
India’s very destination is contested and so is the route and intended pace.
While many may wish India to be potentially counted among the developed
states by 2030, it is also seen as a case of a ‘bridge too far’ by those privileging
indices of poverty and inequality in the reckoning.
The political tussle between the three positions-realists, liberal and radical-
would continue and would in turn impact the route and pace. India, therefore,
would likely exhibit some schizophrenia in its strategic policy. One end of the
spectrum would prefer a ‘hands on’ engagement with strategic issues such as
rise of China, the nature of strategic partnership with the US, the contours of
India’s regional power status. The logic advanced is that India must play up to
its weight. It must learn to navigate with strategic finesse since it cannot escape
the additional responsibilities that come with ascending the global power
hierarchy.
Source: Ahmed. A,(2011), Asia 2030: The Unfolding Future, Editors: Lele. A, Goswami. N, Dahiya. R, Lancer, New
Delhi, Frankfurt, IL., India 2030: With History As Guide, ,pp-91-113.
India should market the skills of its young population to emerge a winner
among other competitive countries. By the end of this decade, India, at its
present growth rate, should also expect to get a seat in the Security Council and
have chaired the IMF or the World Bank at least once. But what will be India’s
foreign policy priorities by 2020? China will remain its primary challenge. How
both manage their economies and globalization projects will determine how the
power equations stack up. India should have a break through in its inertia or
infrastructure development and achieve the necessary breakthroughs in high
end manufacturing, innovation and skills.
India worked hard to cope with a stream of global events. In doing so, however, it was
unable to pursue the originally charted strategy of demonstrating responsible
diplomacy in the leagues of the great powers while also making the UNSC a more
legitimate and representative organization .At the end of 2012, India exited the UNSC
on a less than celebratory note, with some analysts castigating the Ministry of External
Affairs (MEA) for wasting an important opportunity on the international stage.
India’s performance on the UNSC in 2011-12 on the basis of five goals that we
believe, after wide consultations, have dominated the Indian agenda.
Two of them making the UNSC more effective and legitimate, and enhancing
India’s standing as a responsible world power are emphasized by non-Indian
scholars and analysts because they focus on India’s contribution to the global
order. Three other goals expanding the UNSC’s permanent membership,
reforming the UNSC’s working methods, and protecting the primacy of state
sovereignty from United Nations (UN)-sanctioned military interventions are
connected to India’s own interests and ambitions in the international order.
Former Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran lays out the simple logic behind this
observation, “India sees its interest best served in a rule-based, multilaterally
structured and democratically governed international system. The UN’s is
obviously the logical platform for such a system, although its limitations and
infirmities are all too evident”.
Whereas Nehru’s faith in the UN might have been utopian (to the detriment of
Indian interests), Indian policymakers today are far more pragmatic, viewing
the UN as one avenue among others through which to advance India’s
international interests. In this sense, India has matured into a responsible
stakeholder in principle, though it is a long way off from navigating the multi-
lateral system for its own benefit as other major powers do.
Keeping this in mind, there are three strategies that India can
simultaneously follow to better secure its interests in the UN.
First, given that the P-5 are likely to block any efforts at expanding the
permanent membership of the UNSC in the near future, India might
devote considerably greater resources than at present to wooing the
middle and smaller powers in the UN to increase the clout of the
General Assembly relative to the council, a tactic already evident in
India’s participation in the L-69 group. If this strategy is successful, the
P-5 might prefer to defuse the threat of a stronger General Assembly by
incurring the cost of expanding the permanent membership of the
UNSC.
Secondly, the MEA would benefit from a wider public dialogue on what
India’s positions should be on key aspects of international issues
today, including sovereignty, intervention and the use of force. The
multi-author Nonalignment 2.0 report (Khilnani et al 2012) provides
a valuable stepping stone, ideally to be followed by wider
consultations, especially on multilateralism.
Particularly on issues of sovereignty and intervention, India would gain from a
deeper understanding of its own constraints rather than hewing to the positions
of western members of the P-5 on some occasions, and the eastern members on
others. India’s unique circumstances among the rising powers as a liberal democratic
state with serious internal and regional security challenges merit a domestic
dialogue on how best to engage with and respond to the growing international norm
of contingent sovereignty and
Lastly, India should engage in coalition building with other rising powers that are
similarly placed in the international system, such as Brazil, Indonesia, South Africa
and Turkey. Given the P-5 and General Assembly’s lack of enthusiasm for G-4
proposals, a wider coalition representing a larger swath of powers might prove more
effective, at mid-range between the G-4 and the L-69.
Source: Mukherjee. R and Malone. D.M ,India and the UN Security Council: An Ambiguous Tale, July 20,2013,Vol
XLVIII,No.29,Economic and Political Weekly,pp.110-117.
From India’s perspective, it would represent a shift from being “leader of the
Third World Trade Union” to key member of a rising power cartel, a formation
better suited to India’s evolving capabilities and interests than is the G-4. Such a
grouping could successfully lobby for more frequent or even systematic middle-
tier membership within the UNSC, between the P-5 and other members, with a
view to translating this status into permanent membership over time.
In the words of a veteran observer of India’s role in the world, “The Security
Council will not be changed from inside, but from outside”.
This is almost certainly true but India would still benefit greatly from investing more
and more wisely in increasing its influence and footprint within the international system,
keeping in mind that for now this is the order within which important matters of
international peace and security will be determined in the near future.
Source: Mukherjee. R and Malone. D.M ,India and the UN Security Council: An Ambiguous Tale, July 20,2013,Vol XLVIII,No.29,Economic
and Political Weekly,pp.110-117.
According to Ramesh Thakur India should use its growing wealth, power and influence to
return the UN to its foundational values and ideals in the service of humanity. Poverty
strips human beings of dignity and is profoundly demeaning. It is an affront to the human
conscience. India must lead the UN community to make it history. That would justify
India’s claim to permanent membership of the Security Council and also leave a legacy
worthy of Indian history.
Source: Thakur. R, Strategic Analysis, Special Issue : Focus on the United Nations ,Volume 35,Number 6,2011,IDSA,New Delhi, Rout
ledge, Taylor and Francis Group, India and the United Nations, pp-898-905.
While in the opinion of Bhattacharya it may be logical to presume that India’s larger global
foot print will translate in to a permanent seat in the UNSC but given the tortuous process
of negotiations towards creating a document for meaningful long term reform of the
council, it may take months, if not years, before the direction of that change is outlined.
Only time will tell whether this was based on realism or wishful thinking.
Source: Bhattacharya. A (The Author Is A New York Based Writer and Television Professional) Back in The United Nations Security
Council, Vol. 24, No 4/2010,India Perspectives,pp-27-31.
Concluding Observations.
The United Nations was created with two objectives i.e. to save the world from
the scourge and holocaust of the Third World War and to promote the
international cooperation in different areas among the members of the world
community. In view of dominant political, economic, nuclear and diplomatic
positions of five developed countries i.e. USA, USSR, China, UK and France post
IInd World War in 1945 were given permanent places with veto power much
against the principle of equality among member states given in the charter of
United Nations.
Since 1945 (The year of origin of United Nations) to till date international
scenario has undergone multidimensional transformations in which two
features can be underlined. One is diffusion of the democratic culture in world
community and emergence of global village where the national boundaries
seem to have lost their traditional significance.
Here in this study we have tried to enumerate the Indian credentials, on the
basis of which we have been staking the claim for permanent seat in the
Security Council. In different chapters of this study we have tried to present
our political, democratic, humanitarian, economic and defense credentials on
which we are demanding this status. We have been a sincere and responsible
member for the cause of world peace and development and have always
followed the directions and decisions of the United Nations even at political,
economic and diplomatic costs to us. We have tried to refer to all these
summits, conferences and meetings of the world institutions and leaders
which supported our claim.
In our opinion India getting a permanent seat at United
Nations Security Council with or with- out Veto power is no
longer a ‘Utopian Dream’ or a ‘Bridge too Far’ if India gets its
act together. India is not a wannabe super power like China
which bulldozed in to the elite club of P-5.
We have also tried to maintain chronological order and analytical frame work
through-out the research work. Objectively and systematically, tables and
charts have been added for enabling better comprehension of the subject
matter, We are sure the humble effort of ours in the research on this topic will
prove enlightening, stimulating, useful and of immense value to the
academia and students of international relations and strategic matters as well
as to society in whole.
Representation of UN Members States.
Year Member States UNSC seats
2015 193 ?