SATYA PRAKASH ADJUNCT FACULTY SYMBIOSIS LAW SCHOOL, NOIDA INTRODUCTION
The main function of lawmakers is to discuss and debate matters of
national importance and make laws without fear or favour. The Indian Constitution confers certain special rights on Parliament and state legislatures to enable the lawmakers to effectively perform their functions and discharge their duties without any hindrance. These rights are undefined and it’s difficult to say with certainty as to what constitutes parliamentary privilege and what constitutes its breach. However, its understood to include free speech with immunity from proceedings, right to control the proceedings and publication of parliamentary proceedings and right of each House to punish its members for their conduct in the House. It also includes right to exclude strangers from the House and protection of witnesses, petitioners and their counsel who appear before the House or its committees. WHO ENJOYS PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE The headnote of Article 105 makes it clear that Parliamentary privileges are available to” Both the Houses Members of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha Parliamentary Committees Article 105 (1) declares that “Subject to the provisions of this constitution and the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of Parliament, there shall be freedom of speech in Parliament.” Article 194 is an identical provision which confers power of privilege on state assemblies, their members and committees. MAIN PROVISION IS ARTICLE 105(2) Article 105(2) reads, “No member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof, and no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of Parliament of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.” First part of Clause (2) of Article 105 grants immunity to members from any proceedings in court for “in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof.” The Second part declares that “no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of Parliament of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.” Article 105(3) authorises Parliament to make laws to define parliamentary privileges. THREE CONSTITUTION BENCH VERDICTS 1965: In Keshav Singh’s case, a Constitution Bench resolved a constitutional crisis arising out of a conflict between the Allahabad High Court and the Uttar Pradesh Assembly Speaker. Led by the then CJI P Gajendragadkar, the Constitution Bench held that the Supreme Court and high courts have powers under Article 32 and Article 226 respectively to examine a decision taken by a legislature or a penalty imposed by it on the ground of violation of fundamental rights of citizens. 1998: A five-judge SC Bench ruled in the JMM MPs’ bribery case that a lawmaker was immune to prosecution even if he/she took money to vote on the floor of the House 2007: Another five-judge SC Bench ruled in Raja Ram Pal’s case that those who took money to ask questions in Parliament were liable to be expelled permanently THE UNRESOLVED QUESTION Which one of the two wrongs amount to a crime for lawmakers—taking bribe for voting on the floor of the House or accepting money for asking questions in Parliament/Assembly? For a reasonable person of average prudence, an obvious answer will be “both”. But it’s not that simple as the Supreme Court has complicated the issue by delivering contradictory verdicts on such a vital issue affecting the body politic of India. Sita Soren, who was an MLA in the Jharkhand Assembly, is being prosecuted for allegedly taking bribe for voting in the 2012 Rajya Sabha poll. She is accused of receiving bribe from a Rajya Sabha candidate for casting her vote in his favour, but she instead voted in favour of another candidate. She has claimed protection under Article 194(2)—which is identical to Article 105(2)—and applies to state legislators. In March 2019, a three-judge Bench headed by the then Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi referred the question to a larger Bench, terming it “a matter of substantial public importance” having “wide ramifications”. THE PROBLEM AND POSSIBLE SOLUTION Parliament has in its own wisdom chosen not to define it, leaving scope for its misuse. State assemblies have often used their power of privilege against journalists for reasons that may not be justified. In the absence of a clear definition of parliamentary privilege, one will fall back on judicial pronouncements, particularly Constitution Bench verdicts, for guidance. But unfortunately, contradictory Constitution Bench verdicts have made things worse. Sita Soren has given an opportunity to the Supreme Court to reconsider its verdict in Rao’s case and make it compatible with the one in Raja Ram Pal’s case. After all, a constitutional interpretation can’t be bereft of morality to the extent that it justifies taking of bribe.