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CHAPTER 9:

LANGUAGE, BELIEFS
AND IDEOLOGY
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Introduction
The definition of ideology as a set of ideas, views and social beliefs on the basis of which people determine their
behavior and actions describes the extensiveness of the influence of ideology on the lives of individuals and
social communities.

Ideology forms a view in the world, reality and other issues of common interest to social communities as well as
influences rapprochement within community members and social cohesion. The influence of ideology does not
exclude language, and the latter often turns into the main tool for the realization of ideological goals. By
influencing communication, linguistic ideology becomes a powerful tool for spreading views and ideas based on
a certain ideological framework. Ideological influence on language is one of the most illustrative examples of
linguistic determinism. This phenomenon is seen from different angles in linguistic, anthropological and
sociolinguistic studies. Ideology is viewed in close liaison with language and linguistic manifestations and these
relations are manifested in the form of mutual influence. The most obvious manifestation of ideology in language
is expressed in the process of language policy development and in activities in the field of language planning
aimed at the creation of standard languages. By the same token, the most concrete impact of ideology appears
in the realm of discourse.
Among the types of beliefs that affect action, the most important and pervasive is people‟s beliefs about their
capabilities to effectively deal with different realities (Bandura, 1986). Language learners‟ beliefs about their
ability to learn a language are vital but difficult to investigate due to the various factors that influence such
beliefs (Ajzen, 2005). Language learners‟ beliefs about the degree to which they have control over the learning
process and their ability to learn a language influence their motivation to attend language classes and attain
higher proficiency levels. The state of mind in which language learners think that they can improve and gain
proficiency needs to be predicted to understand their motivations, attitudes, and behaviors.

The Impact of Ideology in Language Policy and in the Language Planning Efforts

The influence of ideology in language is manifested in the form of creating beliefs and convictions regarding the
evaluation of language forms and their functional use by language users. From this meta- pragmatic source
emerge the efforts to promote language forms which may be perceived as "good” and, “adequate" by a speech
community as well as efforts to change language forms, which are considered "bad” or “inadequate". Ultimately
the starting point for building language policy and starting the language planning processes.
Ideology has exerted a strong influence on the processes of language policy and language planning.
Historically, the conscious efforts of European social communities in the field of language planning and
language policy for the creation of standard languages are an integral part of efforts to build national
identities and create national state entities. The formation of a standard language which emerges as a
koine from a multitude of existing dialects was a model first applied in ancient Greece. Subsequently, the
same model was spread more or less in the formation process of standard languages in Europe which took
wider extent in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Clearly, in such established political, economic and cultural circumstances, there was a need to have a
common linguistic code which, in addition to communication needs, would also serve the homogenization
needs of the population and conception of features over which the nation was consolidated, and the
national state was built. For this reason, the elites implanted linguistic ideology within their nationalist
ideology, which
had an ultimate goal of creating the standard language. The common standard language was considered
as one of the main binding features on the basis of which a nation was identified and perceived. But
language
standardization is not just about interfering with the language structure and simply creating a common
language code. Given the ideological background of the linguistic norms, Rexhep Ismajli rightly notes:
"language formation is not only a concrete intervention in the structure, in channeling a certain use of the
language, but it is in the first instance interference in the social organization of speakers of that language.
Thus, formation should not be seen as a confrontational action of certain forces in concrete societies, which
sometimes also produce certain linguistic argumentation as ideological production "(Ismajli 1991:305).
Among the authors who first emphasized the importance of the common language for the nation-building
process is the German philosopher Johann Gottffried Herder (1744-1803), who emphasized the importance
of language for the creation and strengthening of national sentiment, in addition to other cultural features
and oral literature. Meanwhile, Ludwig Von Mises (1919) sees the unification of the language as a result of
the influence of several factors, such as the need for trade exchanges, political and military influences,
religion, and so on. According to Von Mises, after the formation of the standard language, members of
different communities who speak different dialects are motivated to learn and use standard language, since
the latter becomes an important tool for their integration within the nation. This type of process of gradual
transition from dialect to standard language is seen by Von Mises as part of national assimilation.

The author Susan Gal indicates that although it seems unusual, 'language' is said to have been discovered
in Europe (Gal 2006a: 14). In this case, she refers to the standard language which is the carrier of prestige.
Standard languages which were formed in European nations became prestigious linguistic codes marked
with positive features and considered as a correct form of language use, while on the other hand the
emergence of stigmatizing attitudes towards dialects and other languages appeared in relation to the
standard language, and were labeled with negative marks and considered as incorrect forms of language
use.
According to Susan Gal, the roots of linguistic ideology are found in European Enlightenment and in the
subsequent period of Romanticism. According to ideological frameworks based on which standard
languages were created, views were also made that language forms are acceptable as a language only if
they have scripts and if they have literacy and correct usage rates. Thus, the spoken forms of colonial
territories and rural peripheries of European countries have been treated as incomplete languages.

Moreover, social groups, relying on their linguistic homogeneity and variability, feel that they deserve a state,
a territory, a kind of political autonomy (ibid. 14-15). So the languages not only became tools and criteria for
social appraisals but also became the necessary and integral features of the socially-owned administrative
entities of a higher degree, such as the national states, which were being created in Europe in the
second half of the XIX century. However, since ideology is a system that is absorbed by social groups, it can
change as part of the dynamic process of other socio-cultural changes occurring in society. Thus, from the
time of the creation of national states in Europe to the present day, political and linguistic ideologies in
Europe have changed quite a bit. Linguistic understandings have also changed for the assessment of
language codes, and all these developments are of course only the adaptation of ideological influence.
Interconnection of Ideology with Language Phenomena and the Impact of
Ideology in Discourse
One of the first authors who had a strong influence on the treatment of language Ideology as a field to be
studied separately was Michael Silverstein. He considers language ideology as a range of features and
guidelines on how to use the language by its users. Linguistic ideology plays an important role in defining
views, beliefs and convictions about language codes within society. On this basis, views are also expressed
on the necessity of the existence of a common language code which, besides being a communication tool,
would also play an important role in building social views and beliefs regarding a language code as well as
social homogeneity.

This aspect is taken into account by many authors when they talk of linking ideology and language. In this
context, Woolard and Schifflein (1994) rightly emphasize that not only linguistic forms but also institutions
such as the national state and schools, genders, dispute resolution and laws are directly determined by the
use of ideologies language. Meanwhile, there are authors, such as Susan U. Philips, who emphasize that
language plays a central role in the creation, dissemination, and retention of ideologies (Philips 1992).
The phenomenon of linguistic ideology and the ideologies language is seen by different authors also from the
perspective of Marx's concepts of base and social superstructure, as well as the linkage of language and
ideology with the social class. Russian linguist N.J.Marr (1864-1934) was the first to take language in the
theory of language as the concept of social superstructure.

 Valentin Voloshinov (1895-1936). Russian linguist considers language as the medium of ideology as a
tool that cannot be separated from ideology.

As far as his concepts are concerned, there are doubts that behind those concepts stand the other Russian
author, his contemporary and collaborator, Mikhail Bakhtin (1895-1975). According to these concepts in every
sign, which is a means of linguistic communication, the criteria of ideological evaluations are applicable in
the field of ideology complies with the field of signs. Moreover, the theme of the ideological sign and the form
of the ideological sign are inseparable from each other and, of course, can only be distinguished in
abstraction. This inseparable relation between the sign (language) and the ideology is also found by other
authors.
 Augusto Ponzio emphasizes the linkage to ideologies linguistic or non-linguistic codes. According to him,
the messages are often constructed according to ideologies for which the speaker is not fully aware, but
which he has received(internalized)in a passive way i.e. on the basis of 'spontaneous’ ideologies .

However, if there is a greater consensus on the powerful influence of ideology in the language, the issue of
the language superstructure is questioned. Further, among the first to reject the idea of the language
superstructure was former Soviet dictator Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (1878-1953).

 Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (1878-1953). According to him, "language as a means of communication


among people serves all classes alike, and in this regard shows some indifference to class (Stalin 1979: 22).

Meanwhile, by rejecting Marr's concept of language superstructure, Stalin states:

"N.J. Marr put into linguistics a wrong thesis, a non-Marxist, the thesis of language as a superstructure, and
thereby confusing linguistics itself. Soviet linguistics cannot be developed on the basis of a wrong thesis.“

"N.J. Marr put into linguistics another thesis, even this wrong and non-Marxist, the thesis on the class
character of the language. Soviet linguistics cannot be developed on the basis of an erroneous thesis that is
at odds with the whole course of the history of peoples and languages." (ibid,35).

He concludes that language can be introduced neither into the base nor in the category of the superstructure
(ibid, 38).
With reference to the concepts expressed by Stalin, Ponzio points out that Stalin’s statements are directed at
testifying how interpretations on language as superstructures are invalid and only partially acceptable. He adds
that language can be in the service of different ideologies, while super-structural phenomena have a clear
ideological direction, regardless of their intentions to be the result of a descriptive, worthless and neutral
attitude (Ponzio 1978: 178 - 179). However, the phenomenon of linguistic superstructure may appear in the
context of relations between different languages in the context of territorial conquests, especially in the context
of colonialism.

 Louis-Jean Calvet (Lui Žan Kalve) believes that Stalin's statement of denial of putting the language in the
framework of the superstructure is partly correct and relates only to monolingual situation, whereas in situation
of colonialism the linguistic superstructure appears in the physiognomy of the dominant language (Kalve 1981).

Ideology influences the formation of the language message, reflecting a particular worldview of social groups.
In this context, the most evident manifestation of the influence of ideology in language appears in the field of
language standardization and discourse.
Building upon Louis Alhuser’s concepts of the reflection of ideology on subject and further on social
discourse, Fairlclough endorses the interconnection between ideology and language/discourse, but
emphasizes that more diverse range of linguistic features and levels may be more ideologically invested than
is usually assumed, including aspects of linguistic form and style as well as „content‟. In addition, he believes
that the
study of language and ideology should be focused upon the change in discourse practices and structures,
seen as a dimension of change in the balance of social forces (Fairclough, 1991: 113-114). In addition,
Fairclough socio-economic and political changes go together with the appearances of new economic, political
and business discourses, and only after the discourse begins to circulate and be disseminated, the new
economic practices, institutions, organizations, and agents become real. Economic changes may happen
after the discourse is operationalized, implemented and put into practical use (Fairclough 2006: 2).
In regard to discourse and ideology connection, one of the notable authors in the field of discourse analysis,
Teun van Dijk, states that ideologies are defined as fundamental beliefs under the manifest social
representation of specific types of social groups. These representations, according to Van Dijk, are the
basis of discourse and other social practices. It is also often implied that ideologies are widely expressed and
understood by discourse, that is, by spoken or written communication interaction. When group members
express, motivate, or claim their legitimate actions, this is typically done in terms of ideological discourse
(Van Dijk 2004: 11). Further, he emphasizes that if ideologies are appropriated, expressed, functioned, and
reproduced by discourse, and this can happen through a variety of structures and discourse strategies (ibid.
18).

Van Dijk concludes that ideological discourse is generally organized by a general strategy of self-
representation (laudation) and negative representation of others (humility). This strategy can act at all levels:
generally, in such a way that our good things are pronounced, while the bad things are silent; and the
contrary in relation to others: their bad things will be emphasized, whereas good things will be diminished or
forgotten (ibid. 19). He concludes that, when ideologies are sketched into discourse, they are typically
expressed in terms of their subordinate structures, such as the positive description within the group and the
negative out-of-group description.
Issues of Ideology in ELT
The mainstream theoretical and empirical accounts of second language acquisition, teaching
methodology, syllabus development, teaching materials, language testing, and even liberal cultural
considerations and variations sociolinguistic accounts of language education, largely tend to bypass
political and ideological concerns, if not to reject and denounce them. Therefore, mainstream ELT
literature tends to largely avoid such concerns. Ideology-sensitive arguments that did find way into the
acclaimed scenes of the field, have continued to appear as controversial arguments sometimes even
cautioned against by the very editors (e. g. Pennycook, 1990); to appear as marked special issues (e. g.
Norton, 1997; Pennycook, 1999); or to be subject to debates and reply-to type of discussions (e. g.
Karmani, 2005; Simpson, 2009).

The misconceptions of ideology in the field, the aspects that are more frequently dealt with, and the issues
left out of the debates are discussed in this overview. Apart from the majority of the publications of the
filed which avoid the term, there are cases of blunt rejection of critical perspectives (Atkinson, 1997;
Gadd, 1998) and call for moving beyond ideology to serve students under ironic pleas forstudent
empowerment and autonomy (Larsen-Freeman, 2007; Nunan, 2003). These silent or opposing parts of
the literature are, of course, not dealt with in this overview, unless in cases which have raised insightful
debates.
More recently, an article „English as a lingua franca: Ontology and ideology‟, Swell (2013) discussed aspects of
the notion of English as a lingua franca and argued that neither the proponents nor the opponents of the notion
have been able to realistically account for the issues of contemporary ELT. In Swell‟s view, the very emphasis
on the lingua franca nature of English is an undue exaggeration of the existence of such an entity as distinct
from other types of English. His arguments shape a call for a more dynamic view of the English language in the
ELT enterprise. However, he seems to be using the term ideology in a liberal sense, broadly referring to
sociocultural considerations rather than a certain conception of ideology as such. This might signal the point
that the term is starting to become part of the theoretical debates of the field, but at the same time it may signal
its reduction and oversimplification.

Ideology-Informed ELT Research


The discussions referred to in the previous section are mainly theoretical arguments rather than data-based
studies. In addition to these discussions, there is a body of empirical explorations of ideological concerns
related to ELT. These studies, too, are not very clear about their conceptions of ideology but generally adopt a
version of the Marxist notion of the term or a general conception close the one adopted by Swell (2013)
referred to above. This section presents an overview of a number of these explorations of ideologies and
sociopolitical concerns with regard to ELT in various parts of the world. The body of references reviewed in this
section considers these concerns in tens of countries around the world which represent almost all corners of
the non-English-speaking world.
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To-do list
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
● Write down in this list what you have to do in your day
Division of my interests
Me

School House Hobbies

Neptune is the farthest Saturn is the second- Despite being red,


planet from the Sun largest planet in the Mars is actually a cold
Solar System place
Write down your goals

Mercury Earth
Mercury is the smallest Earth is the only planet
planet of them all that harbors life

Venus Jupiter
Venus is the second Jupiter is the biggest
planet from the Sun planet of them all
Important things to me

Mercury Mars
Mercury is very small Mars is a cold planet

Earth Jupiter
We all live on Earth Jupiter is a large planet

Venus Saturn
Venus is a hot planet Saturn has rings
Plan your month
Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun
1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 16 17 18 19 20 21

22 23 24 25 26 27 28

29 30 31 Mars is a cold planet


8,760
These are the hours you have per year to do what
you like to do most
333,000
The Sun’s mass compared to Earth’s

75K
Jupiter's rotation period 386,000 km
Distance between Earth and the Moon
Let’s use some percentages

25% 50% 75%


Mercury Venus Mars
It’s the closest planet to the Venus has a beautiful name Despite being red, Mars is
Sun and the smallest one in and is the second planet actually a cold place. It’s
the Solar System from the Sun full of iron oxide dust
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This is a map
Venus
Venus is the second planet
from the Sun

Mercury
Mercury is the closest
planet to the Sun

Mars
Despite being red, Mars is
a very cold place
A timeline always works well

2XXX 2XXX 2XXX 2XXX


Mercury is quite a Jupiter is a very big Mars is full of iron Saturn has
small planet planet oxide dust beautiful rings
Reminders

Day Hour Place Reminder


05 - 25 - 2XXX 12:45 School Mars is very cold

04 - 19 - 2XXX 13:00 House Earth has life

02 - 17 - 2XXX 15:00 Cinema Venus is very hot

01 - 22 - 2XXX 11:00 Garden Mercury is small


You can use this graph
Mercury
Mercury is a very
small planet

Venus
Venus has very high
temperatures

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School team

Sam Bills
John Doe You can speak a bit
Tim Bones
You can speak a bit about this person here You can speak a bit
about this person here about this person here
Conclusions
Mercury is the closest planet to the Sun and the smallest one in the entire Solar System.
This planet's name has nothing to do with the liquid metal, since Mercury was named after
the Roman messenger god. Despite being closer to the Sun than Venus, its temperatures
aren't as terribly hot as that planet's. Its surface is quite similar to that of Earth's Moon,
which means there are a lot of craters and plains. Speaking of craters, many of them were
named after artists or authors who made significant contributions to their respective fields.
Mercury takes a little more than 58 days to complete its rotation, so try to imagine how
long days must be there! Since the temperatures are so extreme, albeit not as extreme as in
Venus, and the solar radiation is so high, Mercury has been deemed to be non-habitable for
humans. We've already mentioned that Mercury is the smallest planet in the Solar System,
but conversely, its core has the same size as Earth's! What's more, since Mercury's core
contains so much iron—more than any other planet in the Solar System—that explains
why Mercury is very heavy, and why it rotates so slowly
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