rNFOB}IAL SECTOE APPBEHTICESHTP

IN

ltoltBASA AI{I} IIAB ES SiAr-AAI'{

( draft )

a study by the

International Labour Organisation

Skitl Development for SeIf Reliance Project

Nairobi

October 1991

ILO/SDSR Project
PO BOX 60598
Nai rob i
KENYA
 Executive Summary

rnforrnal- sector Apprenticeship in Mombasa and Dar es salaam

a study by the ILOISDSR Project
Nairobi, October 1991

This report presents the principal findings of a study by the

ILOr/SDSR Project of inforrnal sector apprenticeship in l'lombasa
(Kenya) and Dar es Salaam (Tanzanial. The study is based prirnarily
upon the results of two parallel surveys conducted in early 1991,
supplemented by informal interviews and information derived from
the available literature.

Eight enterprise activities were chosen for study in each

Iocation, seven of them shared by both surveys. The survey results
indicated considerable variati-on between these different
activities, suggesting that programmes of assistance should be
similarly sensitive and begin with a subsectoral approach. one
major axis of variation was in woments participation as both
entrepreneLlrs and apprentices. In some of the surveyed activities,
especially in production and manufacturing, woments participation
was negligible or even non-existent. I V o m e ni n t h e u r b a n i n f o r m a l
sector typically concentrate in casual employment and/or trade and
service activities with lower skill requi-rements. As a result they
are underrepresented in existing apprenticeship systems and need to
be specifically targeted in assistance programmes.

Over and above the variation between different enterprise

activities and women's participation in these, the surveys revealed
a significant pattern of sirnilarities and contrasts between Mombasa
and Dar es Salaam. The similarities stem from the fact that they
are both major ports, separated by a relatively short stretch of
coastline, and as a result sharing a number of basic social- and
economic features in common. The contrasts derive from the
different policies pursued by the governments of Kenya and Tanzania
since the late 1960s, when Tanzania adopted state socialism as its
politicar and economic philosophy. The growth of legitimate
private enterpri-se and the productive informal sector in Dar es
Sal-aam were stunted by repressive government policies, the
imposition of a harsh regulatory environment and their corollary,
deep economic recess j-on. Many strbsectors in Dar es SaIaam have
only begun to recover and grow in recent years, folrowing the
process of economic liberalisation initiated in the mid 1980s. Bfr
contrast' the inforrnal sector in Mombasa has enjoyed a much more
gradual and unbroken pattern of growth over the years. As a result
it is possible to plot Mombasa and Dar es Salaam aL different
points on a hypothetical line of development whereby the Iatter is
moving in the direction of the former.

This pattern of sinilaritj-es and contrasts is evident

throughout the survey results and has shaped the basic features of
apprenticeship in both Iocations. As elservhere in East Africa,
apprenticeship is not tire well-defi-ned institution that we know,
for exampre, from west Africa. rts boundaries are vague, and it
blends imperceptibly-into on-the-job training of unpaid or low-paid
workers. At the same time, it is not difficult to recognise
apprentieeship in a number of forms ranging from the embryonic to
the more fully developed, according to location and particular
enterprise activity
 The reason for this situation is that recruitment to employment
and skiII acquisition in the informal sector in East Africa remains
very much embedded in and dependent upon traditional- social
networks and obligations. Many apprentices share close social- ties
with their entrepreneurs as relatives, friends and/or members of
the same ethnic group. This is more so in Dar es Salaam than
Mombasa, and more so in some enterprise activities ( often those
with lower technical reqtiirements ) than others. Entrepreneurs in
Mombasa have had longer and more opportunity to free themselves
from traditional obligations, though the recruitment of informal
sector trainees is still very far from being determined primarily
by market forces. Informal sector training in East Africa is only
beginning to develop the features which are associated with
apprenticeship as a f ully-f ledged institutior-r. Apprenticeship
fees, for examplel 8.r€ rarely paid in either Mombasa or Dar es
SaIaam. Likewise written contracts coverinE the terms of
apprenticeship are rarely drawn up and signed: and in many cases
even verbal agreements are not made. In sucir cases existing social
ties between the entrepreneurs and their trainees are considered
sufficient to cover their mutua] obligations and risks.

Apprenticeship of this kind is b,v no means a marginal activity,

but plays a very important role in the informal sector as well as
in the wider economy (by absorbing and training the unemployed, and
in some cases even preparing them for employment in the formal
sector). The incidence of apprenticeship varj-es considerably
between different enterprise activities: overall, however, its
numerical significance is not in doubt. Anong the sampled
activities it was highest in motor vehicle repair: apprentice
mechanics comprised 43% and 45% of the total workforce in Mombasa
and Dar es SaIaam respectively. The surve-v results also il-lustrate
the irnportance of apprenticeship relative to other forms of
training, including the courses of vocational and technical
training offered by different formal institutions. As might be
expected, t h e l a t t e r a r e m o r e r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e i n M o m basa than in
Dar e s S a l a a m . I n b o t h p l a c e s a p p r e n t i c e s h i p a n d f o r m a l training
are o f t e n c o m b i n e d i n t h e c a r e e r s o f i n d i v i d u a l e n t r e p r e neurs ( as
well as t h e i r a p p r e n t i c e s ) . T h e i r r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e , a c t u a l a nd
perceived, varies considerably between enterprise activities. Most
significant, perh&ps r is the fact that inforrnal sector
apprenticeship can hold its own against forrnal training, and in
many instances is described as more useful (as it is, for example,
by car mechanics in Mombasa and metalworkers in Dar es Salaam).

The survey results also suggest that informal sector

apprenticeship could be even more important, both quantitatively
and qualitatively, than it is at present. First, consider the
efficiency of apprenticeship as a form of training. Judging by the
length of tirne which it takes entrepreneurs to train their
apprentices, the system of training is much more efficient (for
most activities ) in l'lombasa than it is in Dar es Salaam. The
reason for this is Iinked to the broad pattern of contrasts already
outlined above. In Dar es Salaam it is more Iikely that
apprentices have been taken on for reasons, both social and
economic, which do not relate prinarily to the needs and
requirements of the enterprise itself. It is also clear that the
means and methods of training apprentices have had less time to
develop in Dar es Salaam than they have in Mombasa. As a result
the training given to apprentices in Dar es Salaam is much less
systematicr and more Iikely to be structured around everyday
business (for example the prevailing pattern of customers' orders)
than around the need to train the apprentice to carry out specific
tasks until he/she can undertake them without supervision. In Dar
es Salaam many more trainees than in Mombasa are destined to remain
as wage workers in the enterprise in which they are being traj-ned.
some entrepreneurs report having been apprentices ( in other
enterprises) for ten years or more, and in such cases it is
difficult to draw a dividing line between apprenticeship and cheap
Iabour. It might be added here that apprentices in Dar es Salaam
report much longer hours of work and a higher incidence of
accidents at work.

In Mombasa entrepreneurs are generally Iess constrained by

traditional obligations and have achieved a correspondingly higher
degree of efficiency in training their apprentices. So much so
that there is an evident underutilisation of training capacity in
some of the activities in Mombasa. One indication of this is a
noticeable shortfall in the number of enterpreneurs with current
apprentices as compared to those who have trained apprentices in
the past. when asked why this was, a significant proportion of
them reported that the-v now had dif f iculty in f inding apprentices.
This problem could hardly arise in a context where apprentices were
drawn from an entrepreneur's circle of relatit'es and friends
without reference to other selection criteria. In fact many of the
entrepreneLtrs in Mombasa stated that they val-ued candidates'
aptitude over and above ties of kinship and other factors. Br
contrast' more of their counterparts i-n Dar es Salaam placed a
premium on the candidates' trustworthiness: a criterion most
readily satisfied by persons related to or otherwise known to the
entrepreneltr. A comparable pattern of underutilised training
capacity does not occur in Dar es Salaam, not least because of the
relative inefficiency of the prevailing system.

These findings indicate some of the general directions which

development interventions might take. They suggest that there is
considerable scope for the development of the existing
apprenticeship systems' providing that the approach is sensitive to
local and subsectoral differences and the pattern of constraints
outlined above. It is arguable that the general objective of these
interventions should be to increase the efficiency of training and
to increase the utilisation of spare training capacity so that the
quality of training is improved and larger numbers of the
unemployedr including a larger proportion of unernployed women, are
absorbed into productive employment. Ultinately these objectives
require that informal sector apprenticeship be fr-rrther separated
from the web of traditional relations and developed into an
institution which is increasingly responsive to market forces and
national training needs.
 CONTENTS

Executive Summary

Content s

List of Study Personnel

Acknowl edgement s

Acronyms and Abbreviations

1. INTRODUCTION

2, METHODOLOGY

3. INTERPRETATION

3.1 Subsectoral Analysis

3,2 Gender Anal_vsis

3.3 comparison between Mombasa and Dar es Salaam

3.4 The Nature of Apprenticeship

3.5 The rncidence and Efficiency of Apprenticeship

4, CONCLUSIONS

Appendix A: THE SURVEYRESULTS

List of Tables

fables

Notes on the Tables

Appendix B: THE SURVEY eUESTIONNAIRE

Bibl iography
 LIST OF STUDY PERSONNEL

Fred Fluitman, Senior Economist, Vocational Training Branch, ILO,

Geneva (survey design and planningl SUp€r\rision of data processing
and advice on analysis )

Bernadette Githinji, Secretary, ILO Ski11 Development for SeIf

Reli-ance Project, Nairobi (typing of final report)

Kevin Kane, Chief Technical Advisor, ILO SkilI Development for Self
Reliance Project, Nairobi (original conception, direction and
adninistrative support )

Pantalee Kapichi, Assistant Lecturer, Department of PoIiticaI

Science and PubIic Adrninistration, University of Dar es SaIaam
(assistant supervisor and enumerator in Dar es SaIaam and analysis
of the sllr\rey results)

John Karanja, Data Analyst, Institute of Development Studies,

University of Nairobi (data processing)

Francis Kiaga, undergraduate, Department of Political Science,

Urriversity of Dar es Salaam (enumerator in Dar es Salaarn)

Christopher Lwoga, Community Development and Training Specialist,

ILO Rural Youth Training and Employrnent Projecl, Dar es SaIaam
(initial planning and advice in Dar es Salaam)

Bridgette Makudiu, undergraduate, Department of Government,

University of Nairobi (enumerator in Mombasa)

M o h a m m e dM b i n d a , u n d e r g r a d u a t e , Department of PoIitical Science,

University of Dar es Salaam (enumerator in Dar es Salaam)

A.A. Mdimu, undergraduate, Department of Political Science,

University of Dar es Salaam (enumerator in Dar es Salaam)

Johnson Mudanya, student, Nairobi (data cleaning)

Abu Mvungi, Assistant Lecturer, Department of Sociology, University

of Dar es Salaam ( o r g a n isation and supervision of the survey in Dar
es Salaam and analysis of the results)

Shabani Mvungi, Technician, TANESCO, Dar es Salaam (enumerator in

Dar es Salaam )

Wisdom Mwamburi, undergraduate, Department of Sociology, University

of Nairobi ( enumerator i n l ' l o m b a s a)

Jacqueline Mwema, undergraduate, Department of Sociology,

University of Nairobi (enumerator in Mornbasa)

Edna Nyika, undergraduate, Department of Potitical Science,

University of Dar es Salaam (enumerator in Dar es Salaarn)

Samuel Ochieng, trndergraduate, Department of Sociology, University

of Nairobi ( e n u m e r a t o r i n l ' { o m b a s a)
Evan Oino, student, Nairobi ( data cleaning )

David Ongtolo, Credit Specialist and Research Analyst, ILO SkiII

Development for SeIf Reliance Project, Nairobi (initial planning'
administration and back-up, follow-up interviews in Mombasa and
analysis of the survet- results)

Maurice Otieno, Computer Consultant, Romanus Consultants, Nairobi

( data processing )

S. Semela, Economist, T A N E S C O ,D a r e s S a l a a m ( e n u m e r a t o r in Dar es

SaIaam )

llartin Walsh, consultant, Mombasa ( i-nitial planning, f ollow-up

interviews in Dar e s S a l a a m , a n a l y s i s a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the
overall survey r e s u l t s , w r i t i n g a n d e d i t i n g o f f i n a l r e p o r t )

Mauri Yambo, Chairman and Senior Lecturer, Department of Sociologyt

University of Nairobi ( i n i - t i a l p l a n n i n g ' organj-sation and
supervision of the survey in Mombasa, a n a l l ' s i s o f t h e r e s t r l t s , and
writj"ng draft report for Mombasa)
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The ILOISDSR Project and members of the study team would tike
to thank the Office of the President, Republic of Kenya, for
clearance to conduct research in !'lombasa. We are equally grateful
to the Ministry of Labour and Youth Employment, the United Republic
of Tanzania, for facilitating research in Dar es Salaam. Special
thanks are dtie to the following officers of the Department of
Labour in Tanzania for their help to Dr Walsh: Mr J.K. Luliindo'
Acting Labour Cornrnissioner; Mr D. S. Dandi , Assistant Labour
Conmissioner; and Mrs KeIlen Makobwe-Mponguliana, Principal
Projects Officer. I{e are also grateful to the ILO offices in Dar
es S a I a a m , a n d e s p e c i a l l y t o D r R . G . M o n j i o f t h e R u r a f Youth
Training a n d E m p l o y m e n t P r o j e c t , f o r a d v i c e a n d a s s i s t a n c e . Last,
but by no means least r w€ would Iike to thank all the
entrepreneurs, a p p r e n t i c e s a n d o t h e r e m p l o y e e s w h o a s s i s t e d t l s i-n
conducting t . h e s u r v e y s i n l ' l o m b a s a a n d D a r e s S a l a a m . T h o u g h t h e y
must remain nameless, t h i s s t u d y c o u l d n o t h a v e t a k e n p l a c e w i t h o u t
their full and selfless co-operation.
 ACRONYMS AND ABBREVTATIONS

EIU The Economist Intelligence Unit

IDA International Development Association
IDS Institute for Development Studies
ILO fnternational Labour Organisation
JASPA Jobs and Skills Programme for Africa
Kshs. Kenya shillings
NGO Non-government Organisation
SDSR Skill Development for SeIf Reliance
SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
Tshs. Tanzarrla shillings

in the tables (see section 2, table II):

Mech Motor vehicle repair, car mechanics

Meta Metalworking, tinsmithing
Carp h;ooden f urniture naking, carpentrl-
Carv Wood carving for the tourist market
Tail l l t o m e n 's d r e s s m a k i n g , t a i l o r i n g
Hair Women's hairdressing
Food Food preparation and selling
EIec Electrical repair
BIoc Cement block making

cLlrrency conversion rates (December 1990 - January 1991):

1 US $ = 28,5 Kshs. = 205.8 Tshs.

 1. IT{TBODUCTION

This report presents the preli-rninary f indings of a study

of informal sector apprenticeship in East Africa, undertaken

by the ILO Skill Development for Self Reliance (SDSR) Project

based in Nairobi, Kenya. The primary aim of the studrr is to

collect basic information on skil1 acquisition in the urban

informal sector in the region and to establish guidelines for

the design of appr:opriate development interventions. Very

1ittle research has been undertaken on this subject to date,

and almost none in urban centres other than Nairobi. This

first phase of the study is based Lrpon surveys conducted in

late i990 and early 1991 in East Africa's trvo main trorts:

Mombasa, in Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, in Tanzania. Programme

activities have already been planned as a resr.rlt, with a pilot

pro j ect due to start shortly in l'lombasa. Subject to the

avallability of fr-rnds, it is hoped to follow up this work rvith

survel,s ( and so activities ) in other urban centres in the

countries of the regj-on, including, if possible, Uganda.

The report is organised as follows. Section 2 below

describes the methodology of the study and its component

surveys. Section 3 provides an interpretative overview of the

survey results. It begins with general observations about

subsectoral analysis, gender analysis and the comparison

between Mombasa and Dar es Salaam, before presenting the

princi-pal findings of the surveys on the nature, incidence and

efficiency of informal sector apprenticeship. section 4
concludes the main text of the report by reviewing the
practicar impfications of these findings programmes
for of
assistance to the informal- sector. The statistical- results of
the surveys are tabulated in Appendix A, and the survey
questionnaire is reproduced in Appendix B. works ci_ted in the
text or otherwise referred to in the course of the stud1,3.g
listed in the bibliography which folrows these appendices.

rt should be emphasised at the outset that this report

does not exhaust all of the issues raised or explain arl of
the resrtlts emerging from the sur\ielrs and the relevant
literature. rn view of the general lacl< of information on the
subject of informal sector skill acquisition, it concentrates
upon a description of the main features of apprenticeship.
This includes discussion of the comparative efficiency of
informal sector apprenticeship in terms of the quantity and
quality of trainees produced in different subsectors. Readers
in search of more detail or information on partictrlar points
of interest not mentioned in the text should peruse the tables
in Appendix A as an independent sollrce of data.

10
 2, HETHODOLOGY

Primary data were provided by surveys conducted in

Mombasa and Dar es SaIaam, supplemented by info rmat ion
gathered through inforrnal follow-up interviews and a reading
of the available literature. This section is devoted to a
description of the srlrvey methodology.

Mombasa and Dar es salaam were chosen for stud1, for a

number of reasons. Af ter Nairobi, rvhich has already receir.ed
some attention from researchers, they are the two l_argest
urban centres in neighbotrring l(enya and Tanzania. They are
also East Africats principar sea ports, and as such share a
ntrmber of basic socio-economic features in common. over and
above these sini-larities there is, or course, a pattern of
contrasts stemming from the different poritical and. economic
histories of I{enya and Tanzania since independence ( see
section 3 ' 3 bef ow ) . From this point of vierv, tire informar
sectors in \lombasa and Dar es salaam form an ideal starting
point for a comparative study of apprenticeship and ski_11
acquisition in East Africa.

on the other hand, the rack of comprehensive baserine

information on the universe of informal sector activities in
both placesr &S welr as ersewhere in the region, maiies it
difficurt to design surveys which can claim to be trury
representative. Because of this factr and the relatively

t 1
meagre resources available to the rLo/sDSR project, the
surveys were necessariry lirnited in scope. The overall sample
size was preset at around 300 entrepreneurs,/enterprises in
each urban centre, these to be drawn in roughry equal numbers
(idealry 37-38 in each case) frorn eight different enterprise

activities in each prace. The actual- number of respondents by

activity in Mombasa and Dar es salaam is shown in Table r
below.

Table I: SAMPLE STZE BY PLACE AND ACTIVITY

VOMBASA DAR ES SALAAM

ENTREPRENUERS APPRENTICES E N T R E P R E N E U R SA P P R E N T I C E S

IIech 38 ,.t
32
Meta 39 n 3B 23
Carp 36 AX.
27
Carv 38 1
39 L V

Tai I 34
Hai r 37 Jb I O

Food ao o Jt) 9
Elec 1n
o 0
Bl oc 0 0 J J 16

Total- 301 b6 298 158

The different enterprise activities were not chosen

according to rigorous criteria: they were merely selected as
being relatively c o m m o np r o d u c t i v e (manufacturing) and service

activities i-n the informal sector. A conscious effort was

also made to include activities which involved women and women

t2
apprentices ( for further comment on gender issues see section

3,2), The different activities chosen are described in brief

in Table II below.

Table fI: SAMPLED ENTERPRISE ACTTVTTIES

1. Motor vehicle repair, car nechanics, snall garages (Itech). This

covered a lvide range of specific activities from paner beating,
through engine and other mechanical repairs, to the most speciarised
task, electrical repair. In Dar es salaam the manufacture of brake
pads and bushes also appeared as a specialised activity under this
category.

Metalworking, tinsnithing (Meta). Activities included under this

heading are the production of domestic utensils and hardware (metar
stoves, pots and pansr ladles and knives etc. ) and heavier items
used in construction and furnishing (metal grills, door frames and
furniture). Detailed background informat,ion on some of these
activities as they were in Nairobi can be found in King (ig7?).

4, wooden furniture naking, carpentry (carp). ' ttre focus here was the
manufacture of wooden, not metal, furniture. In sone cases
furni.ture was also reoaired.

Wood carving for the tourist narket (Carv). Wood carving was
selected out of a range of possible handicraft production
activities. I n b o t h M o m b a s aa n d D a r e s s a l a a m t h i s proved to be a
highly localised activity primarily organised by producer
cooperatives and restricted to a single ethnic group in each place.
In }lombasaalmost all of the respondents were membersof the Akarnba
Handicraft Cooperative Society based at lilagongo market. In Dar es
s a l a a m t h e r e s p o n d e n t s w e r e ) l a k o n d ec a r v e r s , m o s t o f t h e m m e m b e r so f
cooperatives and man-vconcentrated in the Kinondoni area.
B a c k g r o u n d i n f o r m a t i o n o n K a m b aw o o d - c a r v i n g i n K e n y a i s a v a i l a b l e
in Troughear (1987)
6. Wonen'sdressnaking, general tailoring (fait). As far as possible,
the surveys focused upon tailors specialising in the procluction and
repair of woments garments. Given that these are only a smalr
subset of all tailors it was not possible to exclude general tailors
ent i reIy.

I{onen's hairdressing (Hair). women's hairdressing, undertaken in

temporary kiosks or more permanent salons, was one of the simprest
activities to define and identify.

B. Food production and selring, food and drinks kiosks, snall

restaurants (Food). This category was intended to cover a range of
activities fron simple roadside vending to more permanent
restaurants or kiosks. In Dar es salaam, however, it was not
p o s s i b l e t o i n c l u d e s i m p l e r o a d s i d e s e l L e r s ( t h e " M a r n aN t i l i e s " ) in
the survey as many of Lhem hacl stopped business in the wake of a
chorera outbreak in late 1gg0 and an official ban on their
operation. Larger scale kiosks and restaurants were therefore
overrepresented in the Dar sample.

8a, Electrical repair, repair of radios, TVs and other household

appliances (Blec). For reasons described below, this activity was
only sarnpled in llombasa, where i t was generally much less common
than the other activities.

8b. Cement block-making (Bloc). This activity replaced electrical

repair in Dar es salaam. In the pre-survey observations it was
noted as an important informal sector activity associated with a
boom in construction a n d t h e c l e m a n df o r housing in the city. (In
Itlombasa it is an activity more typically undertaken by larger
firms).

As noted, seven of these activities were shared by both

surveys. The eighth activity in each case waS1 however,

different. where. the Mombasa survey included erectrical

I A
repair among the sampled activities, in Dar es Salaam this was

substituted by cement block making. The imnediate reason for

this substitution was that electrical ""p.ir - and especially

the repair of television sets ( there being no television

station broadcasting on mainland Tanzania) - was ( assumed to

be) less evident in Dar es Salaam, whereas block-making is a

thriving informal sector activity there, linked to the

construction boom of recent years. In retrospect it might

have been better to choose another activity to be shared by

both slrrveys. It rnight also be said that wood carving proved

to be a poor choice, largely because of its closed nature and

restricted distribution in both places.

In any event, it cannot be claimed that the survey

re sul- L s a r e truly representative of the informal sector as a

whole Strictly speaking the results refer soIeIy to the

parti-cular enterprise activities surveyed in each place (a

point which is taken up again in section 3.1 below). At the

same time it is difficult to define these activities

unambiguously ( see Table II ) . Simil-ar problems arise at a

more general level in distinguishi-ng informal as opposed to

formal sector enterprises. In the absence of a generally

agreed definition, this study took an essentially ad hoc

approach based on the visible characteristics of an

enterprise, and in particular taking into account its size,

the type (and location) of its premisesr ?nd its apparent mode

of organisation and management. Though some readers may find

this unsatisfactory, it is arguable that at this stage in our

15
understanding of the informal sector it is necessary to work

with such fttzzy demarcation criteria.- llore precise

definitions may emerge as a result of this and other research,

but should not be a prerequisite for it.

Research teams from the Universities of Nairobi and Dar

es Salaam were employed to organise and conduct the surveys in

Mombasa and Dar respectively. A week was devoted to pre-

survey observations in each case. The purpose of these

observations, undertaken by the two team Ieaders, was to

overview and ascertain the range of informal sector activities

involving apprentices in each centre in order to facilitate

refinement of the survey objectives and methodology and

identify specific urban areas to be surveyed. The surveys

themselves took place after these observations had been

reviewed, appropriate decisions made ( for example the

substitution of electrical repair by cement block maliing in

Dar es Salaam) and the interviewers had been trained. The

survel- in Mombasa was condtrcted between 28 December 1990 and

2 February 1991 by four interviewers, all of them university

students. The survey in Dar es Salaam was conducted between

23 December 1990 and 4 January 1991 using seven trained

interviewers excluding the team leader.

The sampling procedure differed somewhat between the trvo

l-ocations. I n N l o m b a s ai - n f o r n a l sector enterprises were 1i-sted

by activity for each street surveyed ( and picked from within

the known areas of enterprise concentration). One enterprise

was then selected aL random from each relevant list for

16
inclus ion in the slrrvey . When all the streets had been

covered and the target sample had not yet been reached,

another enterpri'se was chosen from each list in turn until the

quota was completed. No more than three enterprises

representing a single activity were ever chosen from the same

street. Interviewers were assigned different enterprise

activities. fn some cases two interviewers shared a single

activity and worked in different (notional) halves of the town

to avoid duplication.

In Dar es SaIaam the team leader and his assistant

visited the urban wards of aIl three adninistrative districts

(Kinondoni, Ilala and Temehe) in order to identify informal

sector enterprises. This was done as part of the pre-surve.v

observations and led to the compilation of a shortlist of 350

randomly-chosen enterprises, the najority of rvhose owners

(except for the banned food sel-Iers) agreed to be revisited

for the formal administration of the survey questionnaire.

Apart from wood carving ( see above ) roughly equal numbers of

enterprises/activities were chosen from each of the three

districts. Interviewers then worl<ed with those shortlisted

enterprises whose owners were present and willing to be

questioned, revisiting them or sel-ecting others from the list

if necessary. Individual interviewers worked in alI three

distri-cts and covered the whol-e range of targeted enterprise

act ivities .

The survey questionnaire is reproduced in Appendix 2. A

Swahili version was also prepared to assist 1 n the work in Dar

t7
es Salaam, where the interr.iewers and interviewees were more

liheIy to use this language and be less familiar with the

EngI ish terminol-ogy in use in Kenya. Th; qttestionnaire is

based upon earlier ones developed and used by the ILO in

surveys of apprenticeship in different I{est African cities

(including Niarney, Ibadan and Lome), adapted to East African

conditions and the purposes of the present stlrvey. It is

addressed primarily to enterprise owners or entrepreneurs. A

second, subsidiary, part of the questionnaire is addressed to

(one of) the entrepreneurts apprentices: assuming apprentices

to be present and one of them to be available for interview.

This second set of respondents, a subset of the first whose

size largely reflects the incidence of apprenticeship in

different activities, is also shown in Table I (above). The

smalI sample of apprentices in some activitj-es makes it

impossible to draw statistically valid or reliabLe conclusions

from their responses, and the figures given in the tables

(Appendix A) should always be read with the sample size in

rnind.

It will be evident that a number of refinements could be

made to the survey questionnaire as weII as to the methodology

as a whole. The same can be said for the processing of the

data, which was done using SPSS software to produce simple

frequency distributions and cross-tabulations by enterprise

activity. Suffice it to say that these issues will be

addressed when designing and implementing (projected) future

surveys.

18
 3. INTEBPEETATION

The statistical results of the two surveys are presented in the

tables in Appendix A. This section is devoted to the analysis of

these results. It is not intended to explain the tables in every

particular, but rather to offer a interpretative overview which

readers, including those interested in more specific details, carv

refer to. This overview should also be of interest to readers rvith

wider interests, all the more so because it provides a simple

framework for the description and analysis of apprenticeship

systems in East Africa, a framework rvhich has hitherto been Iacking

in the literature. From this point of view the different

observations made in this section should be treated as hypotheses

which require testing through further research. As they stand,

they suggest a number of directions for policy and programme

design, and where appropriate these implications are drawn out.

3. 1 SUBSECTORAL ANALYSIS

The surveys in l"{ombasa and Dar es Salaam focused upon selected

subsectors or enterprise activities: a total of eight in each

location, of which seven were shared ( see Tab1e II above ) . As

might be expected, there is considerable variation between these

different activities. This is true of basic enterprise

characteristics as well as of variables relating to employment and

skil1 acquisition ( see the Tables in Appendix A). It has -already

19
been noted that, strictly speaking, the statistical results of the

study apply to these individual activities alone and should not be

taken as representative of anything eIse, including the informal

sector as a whole (see section 2\, The sometimes considerable

differences between different activities cannot be simpll'glossed

over in anal,ysis. Thj-s implies that programmes of assistance

should be similarly sensitive, and begin with a subsectoral

approach. At the same time, however, it is possible to identify

broad trends, and these are the subject of the sections which

foIlow.

3,2 GENDER ANALYSTS

Reference has already been made to the fact that a deliberate

effort was made to include activities which invol-r.ed women

entrepreneurs and apprentices. Even sor women's participation in

most of the surveyed activities was extremely low, and virtually

non-existent in furniture rnaking. It was only significant in

women's hairdressing and woments dressrnaking (act ivities which were

inclr-rded f or this very reason ) , and to a ]esser extent in f ood

preparation and selling (see TabIe i0). The reason for woments

generally low rate of participation is that women in the urban

informal sector typically concentrate in castral employment and/or

trade and service activities with relatively lorn' skilt

reguirements. Given that training and thus apprenticeship is most

20
necessary in production, manufacturing and service activities with

relatj.vely high skiII requirements, it is not surprising to find

that r ^ r o m e na r e u n d e r i e p r e s e n t e d in existing apprenticeship systems

althotrgh they are overrepresented i-n the urban informal sector as

a whole ( see Walsh 1991b). In this respect informal sector

training reinforces and reproduces prevailing gender and

occupational stereotypes. I{hile the source of the problern is much

deeper than this, this is clearly an issue which has to addressed,

aL the very Ieast by targeting women in apprenticeship assistance

programmes (compare Goodale 19Bg) .

While women's rates of participation in different categories of

employment vary most noticeably betrveen different activities' they

also var-v slightly between Mombasa and Dar es Salaam. OveraIIt

women's partici-pation in the activities surveyed is higher in

Mombasa ( see Tables 9 and 10 ) . It is reported to be even higher in

Nairobi, although men sti-I1 dominate the most productive informal

sector activities (Chepliong'a 1989) . These differences are

explicable in terms of the pattern and hypothetical Iine of

development outlined in the next section.

3.3 COMPARISON BETWEEN MOMBASAAND DAR ES SALAAM

There is a consistent pattern of sirnilarities and contrasts

between the survey restrlts from Mombasa and those from Dar es

Salaam. The sinilarities stem from the fact that Mombasa and Dar

21
are both major ports, separated by a +elatively short stretch of

coastline and with paral-1el histories of development under British

colonial rule. As a result they share a number of basic social and

economic features in .common. It is probably no accident, for

example, that the proportion of migrant entrepreneurs was virtually

identical in both surveys: 72% of all respondents in l'lombasa and

73% in Dar es Salaam ITabIe 15). More significantll', available

evj-dence suggests that in the period running up to and immediately

after the political independence of lien.v*aand Tanzania there was

little to distinguish informal- sector activities in both places.

Indeed, thel' remain simil'ar in many respects: much more similar,

for example, than they would be if compared with l{est African or

i
Indian cities.

The different political and economic histories of Kenya and

Tanzania since the late 1960s have., however, imposed a pattern of

contrasts on top of these underlying sirnilarities. The development

of state socialism in Tanzania after the Arusha Decfaration of l-967

dealt a severe blow to the informal- sector in Dar es Salaam as weII

as other urban centres in the country. I'{ost f orms of private

enterprise were strongly discouraged and many entrepreneurs took to

trading on the black market in the so-called parallel or second

economy (see Maliyamkono and Bagachwa 1990). The informal sector

1
'
For a recent background description of Mombasa and its
informal sector see Sebstad and WaIsh ( 1991 ) . For a fuller
description of Dar es Salaam, focusing Llpon employment issues, see
fshumi (1984).

22
was stunted as a result of repressive government policies and their

corollaryl deep economic recession. Dar es Salaam thus provides an

extreme case of the detrimental effects of an unfavourable

regulatory environment .

Hairdressers, for exampl-e, were generally unable to obtain

imported hair-care supplies and materials. Tailors could only get

new sewing machines through the Regional Trading Companies (RTCs),

state-owned distribution agents, and there were insufficient

machines to meet demand. Although their cooperatives were

encouraged, the l*lakonde wood carvers had very few tourists to sell

to ( tourist arrivals pealied in 1 , g 74 and have yet to recover to

anything like the same levels). Other entrepreneurs, if they were

not banned from operating altogether ( like many private shop

owners), were subject to different ]iinds of official harassment,

especially in the urban areas where they were most visible. In

fact all of the acti-vities surveyed were adversely affected one way

or another (see Sabai et al. 1989).

While regulatory controls and official harassment are also

deemed excessive in Kenya, Mombasa included ( see Sebstad and WaIsh

1991 ) , it is apparent that they have had nothing like the force or

negative impact which Tanzania's socialist policies had upon the

urban informal sector in Dar es Salaam and other urban centres. As

a resul-t the productive informal sector in Mombasa has enjoyed more

or less continuous growth over the last two decades, while in Dar

es Salaam it ground to a virtual halt.

23
 The informal sector in Dar es Sa1aam has only begun to recover

and grow i-n recent years, following the process of economic

I iberal isation which was j-nitiated by the TanLanian government i-n

the mid 1980s. Ttre inf ormal and formal sectors in !,fombasa have

seen a more gradual and ttnbroken pattern of growth over the years,

and are much more developed than their counterparts in Dar es

Salaam. This also applies to formal and informal training systems,

incl-uding apprenticeship. This contrast is apparent throughout the

survey results, and it allows Lls to plot the course of future

development in both Dar es Salaam ( towards the current situation in

Mombasa) and in Mombasa itself (as an extension of the same

trends ) . Ilhat this means in practice can be seen in the sections

which follow. It might be added that this hypothetical line of

development is carried a stage further in Nairobi, at least on the

evidence of recent research there (see Cheplcong,a lgBg).

3.4 THE NATURE OF APPRENTICESHTP

Apprenticeship in East Africa is not the rvell-defined

instituti-on that we know, for examplel from west Africa (see

Fluitman and sangare 1989, Birks and sincrair 1gg1) . rts

boundaries are vague, and it blends imperceptibly into on-the-job

training of unpaid or low-paid workers. one of the symptoms of

this is the absence of a Srvahili word specifically meaning

'apprentice' ; - t so p p o s e d t o a ' l e a r n e r ' 'student'
/ (mwanafunzi_) or

24
an 'assistant t 'helper' (msaidizi
/ ). This being the case,

however, it is n.ot dif f icurt to recognise - apprenticeship

in a

number of forms ranging from the embryonic to the more fulIy

developed, according to survey location and particular enterprise

activity.

The reason for this situation is that recruitment to employment

and skilI acquisition in the informal sector in East Africa remains

very much ernbedded in and dependent upon traditional social

networks and obligations. This is more so in Dar es Sa1aam than

Mombasa, and more so j-n some enterprise activities (often those

with lower technical requirements) than others. In Dar es Salaam,

for example, 55% of the apprentices in motor vehicle repair are

related to the owners of their enterprises, whereas in I'lombasa only

I7% of the equivalent set of apprentices have such a close social

tie with their trainers (Table 36). If these ties are widened to

incl-ude existing acquaintances and/or members of the same ethnic

group, then the corresponding percentages would probably be much

higher, as Chepkong'a (1989) found in his survey of informal sector

apprenticeship in east Nairobi. The difference between Dar es

Salaam and Mombasa can be attributed to the fact that entrepreneurs

in l'lombasa have had longer and more opportunity to free themselves

from traditional obligations, though the recrllitment of informal

sector trainees is still very far from being determined primarily

by market forces.

25
 As a result informal sector training in East Africa is only

beginning to develop the features which associated with

?""
apprenticeship as a fulIy-fledged institution. consider, for

example, the question of apprenti.ceship fees and contracts. Very

few entrepreneurs charge fees for training their apprentices:

among ear mechanics, none in the Dar es Salaam sample and only B%

in I'{ombasa (TabIe 40). Likewise, none of the mechanics in Dar

offered apprentices a written contract, while B% (presumably the

same 8%) in Mombasa did. considerably more apprentices were

covered by verbal agreements between themselves and/or their

parents/gttardians and their trainers. Even so, 56% of mechanics in

Dar es Salaam and 33% in Mombasa normally take on apprentices

without any special agreement at all (Table 3g). rn such cases

existing social ties beLween the entrepreneurs and their trai-nees

are considered sufficient to cover their mutual obligations and

ri sks .

3.5 THE INCIDENCE AND EFFICIENCY OF APPRENTICESHIP

Apprenticeship of the kind described is by no means a marginal

activity. on the contrary, it plays a very important role in the

informal sector as well as in the wider economy ( by absorbing and

training the unemployed, and in some cases even preparing them for

emplo-vment in the formal sector). The incidence of apprenticeship

r.aries considerably between different enterprise activities:

26
overall , horvever, its numerical signif icance is not in dotrbt.

Among the sampled activities it was highest in motor vehicle

repair: apprentice mechanics comprised 4g% and 45% of the total

workforce in l ' l o m b a s a a n d D a r e s S a . l - a a mr e s p e c t i v e l y (Table 9). 63%

of the entrepreneurs/mechanics interviewed in Mombasacurrently had

apprentices, while 76% had trained apprentices aL one time or

another: in Dar es Salaam the corresponding proportions were 86%

and 97% respectively (Table 29), One difference between the two

cases is that the Mombasa sample included more start-up and one-

person enterprises with no inmediate need or opportunity to take on

apprentices: an indication of the higher rate of growth and less

official- harassment of small and unestablished enterprises in the

Kenyan port ( see section 3.3 above ) .

The survey results also illustrate the importance of

apprenticeship relative to other forms of training, including the

courses of vocational and technical training offered by different

formal institutions. As rnight be expected, the latter are more

readi-Iy available in Mombasa than in Dar es Salaam. In both places

apprenticeship and formal training are often combined in the

careers of individual entrepreneurs as well as their apprentices

( Tables 23 and 59 ) . Their relative importance, actual and

perceived, varies considerably between enterprise activities. Ilost

significant, perh&pS r j-s the fact that informal sector

apprenticeship can hold its own against formal training, and in

many instances is described as more useful (as it is, for example,

by car mechanics in Mombasa and metalworkers in Dar es Salaam: see

Table 24\.

27
 At the same time, the survey results suggest that informal

sector apprenticeship cor-rl-d be even more im1>ortant, both

quantitatively and Qualitatively, than it is at present. First,

consider the efficiency of apprenticeship as a form of training.

Judging by the length of time which it takes entrepreneurs to train

their apprentices, the system of training is much more efficient

(for most activities) in I ' l o m b a s at h a n it is in Dar es Salaam (see

Tables 2I and 54 ) . The reason for this is linked to the broad

pattern of contrasts already outlined above. In Dar es Salaam it

is more likeJ-y that apprentices have been tal<en on f or reasons,

both socia] and economic, which do not relate prirnarily to the

needs and reqttirements of the enterprise itself. It is also clear

that the means and methods of training apprentices have had less

time. to develop in Dar es Salaam than they have in l'lombasa. As a

result the training given to apprentices in Dar es Salaam is much

less systemati-c, and more likeIy to be structured around everyday

business (for example the prevailing pattern of customerst orders)

than around the need to train the apprentice to carry out specific

tasks until he/she can undertai<e them without supervision. Tn Dar

es Sal-aammany more trainees than in Mombasa are destined to remain

as wage workers in the enterprise in which they are being trained

(TabIe 47). Some entrepreneurs report having been apprentices (in

other enterprises ) for ten years or more, and in such cases it is

difficult to drarv a dividing line between apprenticeship and cheap

Iabour (Table 2l), It rnight be added here that apprentices in Dar

es Salaam report much l-onger hotrrs of work and a hi{her incidence

of accidents at work ( Table 68 ) .

z8
 fn Nlombasa entrepreneurs are generally l_ess constrained by

traditional obligaLions and have achieved a correspondingly higher

degree of efficiency in training their apprentices. So much so

that there is an evident underutilisation of training capacity in

some of the activities in Mombasa. One indication of this is a

noticeable shortfall in the number of enterpreneurs with current

apprentices as compared to those rvho have trained apprentices in

the past (Table 29 ) . When asl<ed why this l v a s' a signif icant

proportion of them reported that they now had difficulty in finding

apprenlices (Table 31 ). This problem could hardly arise in a

context where apprentices were drar.rn from an entrepreneur's circle

of relatives and friends without reference to other selection

criteria. In fact many of the entrepreneurs in I'lornbasastated that

they valued candidates' aptitude over and above ties of kinship and

other factors when recruiting apprentices. By contrast, more of

their counterparts in Dar es Salaam placed a pbemium on the

candidates' trustworthiness: a criterion most readily satisfied by

persons related to or otherwise l<nown to the entrepreneLrr (TabIe

32). As rnight be expected, a comparable pattern of underutilised

training capacity does not occur in Dar es SaIaam' not least

because of the relative inefficiency of the prevailing system.

29
 4. cot{cl,usroNs

The findings outlined above indicate sone of the general

directions which development interventions rnight take. The results

from Mombasa suggest that the informal sector there can absorb many

more apprentices than are trained at present. This confirms the

evidence from a 1990 survey of informal sector entrepreneurs in

urban centres throughout l(enya, which implies that the total number

of apprentices trained in a year could be more than doubled simpl-v

by utilising eristing capacity more effectively (Yambo1991a). One

possible intervention would therefore be to encourage the

utilisatj-on of this spare training capacity, perhaps by providing

incentives to entreprenerlrs to take on more trainees, or in some

cases sirnply by helping them to find candidates who satisfy their

recruitment criteria ( metalworkers in l'lombasa, f or example ,

indicated that they had considerable difficulty in finding suitable

apprentices: see TabIe 31 ) .

At the same tine it night be possible to target particular

groups who are currently underrepresented or face barriers in

entering informal sector apprenticeship. The most important of

these groups are women, who are marginal participants in manJ

manufacturing activities at present ( see' sect j-on 3,2 above ) .

30
I{hether or not incentives or other interventions could al-so be

designed to tackle other imbalances, such as relgional/ethnic bias

in the recruitment of apprentices, seems more doubtful, though it

may welI be worth considering.

rn Dar es Salaam the principal- problem seems to be the

comparatively low efficiency of training. In this case

entrepreneurs might be encouraged to train their apprentices more

efficiently and to higher standards. one way to do this is to

provide appropriate back-up training through existing formal

institutions, perhaps in the form of evening or weeliend courses and

modules. The majority of entrepreneurs in the enterprise

activities surveyed indicated that they would be happy to let their

apprentices attend such course (Table 45). The appropriateness of

such arl intervention in this context is corroborated by the

relatively high valtte placed upon formal- training by apprentices in

Dar es Sal-aam as compared with their counterparts in Mombasa (Table

63) .

rn order to improve the quality of training, attention rnight

also be turned to upgrading the skilIs, including the training

skiIIs, of the entrepreneurs themselves. one approach to these

problems is already being tested by the ILO/SDSR project in

zanzibar. one aspect of this programme has been to encourage

carpenters to improve the efficiency of their training by focusing

Ltpon the steps invofved and the time talien to train apprentices to

31
produce particular itens. This is one way of showing entrepreneurs

what can be achieved by taking training out of the context of

everyday production. rt also provides a way of upgrading the

skills of a number of producers at once, using (as the programme

has ) informal sector artisans to train their less skilted

colleagues.

These different kinds of intervention might, of course, be

cornbined in particular cases. The essential prerequisite to the

design and intervention of such interventions is further and more

detailed needs assessment of selected enterprise activities

(recalling the need to proceed on a subsectoral basis, as discussed

in section 3.1 above) .

To summarise, then, the study findings suggest that there is

considerable scope for the development of the existing

apprenticeship systemsl providing that the approach is sensitive to

Iocal and subsectoral differences and the pattern of constraints

outlined above. It i-s arguable that the general objective of these

interventions should be to increase the efficiency of training and

to increase the utilisation of spare training capacity so that the

qual ity of traini-ng is improved and l-arger numbers of the

unernployed, including a larger proportion of unemployed women, are

absorbed into productive employment. Ultimately these objectives

require that informal sector apprenticeship be further separated

from the web of traditional relations and developed into an

institution which is increasingly responsive to market forces and

national traininE needs.

32
 Finally' it should be emphasised that the findings summarised

here are provisional to the extent that they are based upon only

two surveys in two urban centres. Given the al-most total lack of

comparable data for anyrvhere else but Nairobi, it would seem more

than desirable to extend the study to other centres in East Africa

(including Uganda), asking additional- questions in the process, and

with a view to testing the current findings and gaining further

insight into thei.r practical irnptications for policy and programme

design. As stated in section 1, it is hopecl that this study rvi]l

be the first in a series, as well as the prelude to a developing

programme of appropriate interventions and assistance to informal

sector entrepreneurs and their apprentices.

33
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aboagye, A.A. 1985 An Analvsis of Dar es Salaam's Informal

Sector. Addis Ababa: ILO Jobs and Skills Programme for Africa.

Aboagye, A.A. 1986 Informa] Sector Employment in Kenya: A Survev

of Informal Sector Activities in Nairobi, Kisumu and Mombasa.
Addis Ababa: ILO Jobs and SkiIIs Programme for Africa.

Bagachwa, M.S.D. 1982 'The Dar es SaIaam Urban Informal Sector

Survey', in Basic Needs in DanEer: A Basic Needs Oriented
Development Strateqy for Tanzania. Addis Ababa: ILO Jobs and
Skills Programme for Africa. 341-351.

Birks, Stace and CI j-ve Sinclair, with Fred Fluitrnan 1991

Education and Training for SkiIls and fncome in the Urban Informal
Sector in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Case of Ibadan. Niqeria, draft
report.

Chepkong'a, Mike 19 8 9 The Inf orrnal Apprent ice and Skill-

Acquisition: A Case Studv of Informal Technical Trainine in
Nairobi. Kenya, unpublished M.A. dissertation, University of
Nairobi .

EIU (The Economist Intell i g e n c e U nj - t ) 1990a Tanzania. Mozambique:

apunlry_ Eeparl (No , 4 1 9 9 0 ) . London: Business International- .

EIU 1990b Kenya: Country Profile l-990-91. London: Business

International.

EIU 1991 Kenya: Country Report (No.1 1991). London: Business

Internat ional .

Fluitrnan, Fred 1989 (ed) Training for Work i n the Tnformal

Sector. Geneva: International Labour Office

Fluitman, Fred and A.. Kader Sangare 1989 'Some Recent Evldence of
Informal Sector Apprenticeship in Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire', in Fred
Fluitman ( e d ) T r a i n i n q f o r W o r k in the Informal Sector. Geneva:
International Labour Office. 107-115.

Goodale, Gretchen 198g 'Training for Women in the Informal

Sector', in Fred Fluitman ( ed ) Traintng for Work in the Informal
Sector. Geneva: Internat ional Labour Office. 47-69.

House, W.J. 1980 Technol-ogical Choice, Emplo:rment Generation,

fncome Distri-bution and Consumer Demand: The Case of Furniture
Making in Kenya (WEP 2-22/1^lP60 ). Geneva: ILO

ILOlJASPA l-985 Inf ormal Sector in Af rica. Addis Ababa: ILO Jobs
and Skills Programme for Africa.
 rLo/sDSR 1991 skill A"ot1=iaio. i. th" trfo"r"f ,."ao", "."*"a
Paper, prepared for a joint ILO / lOl, mission to K"nya by the
ILO/SDSR Project, Nairobi.

Ishumi, Abel_ G.M. 1984 T

st'dt of tht u!.Tof ot.d Pffi" G"orirrq u"br' c"rrt""=.
rith special _Reef r"nce to Tanz.nla.- uppsala: Scandinavian
fnstitute of African Studies.

King, Kenneth lg77 T fri rti

fnformal Sector i_n Kenya. London: Heinemann.

M a l i y a m k o n o , T . L . a n d l ' 1 .S . D . B a g a c h w a 1990 The Second Economv in

Tanzania. London: James C u r r e y .

Mvungi, Abu 19 9 0 sit 1n

Gr or
enti ti d P t Feasibil Studv
Survey Report ( on Dar A P
CS Sal-aam ) , report to the I LO,/SDSR P r o j e c t ,
Nairobi.

Ng'ethe, Njuguna and James wahome, with Gichiri

-l Ndua lg8g The
R
P r runroa
'll
rT -n ff o^r- -m
^
a l , , so e^ c^ ! t o^ r- - ii n ,Kr e n v a : A studv of l,Iicro-enterl"""i"="==fi
Nrr."i . M."r. ur=ir Gi=hr-, rnd slryi-TiJtricts. rDS pDa' Dp e r n o .- 5F44,
rnstitute f or Development st,raiE= ,- urrio.""sity of xri"oli
.
Republic of Kenya 1gB8 Urban Labour Force Survey, 1gg6,
Bureau of statistics Central
and Long RangJ pf anning unit, I*{inistry
Planning and National of
Development.

Republic of Kenya 1gg1 II

trateqy for the Tra of report of the

Presidential Committee on Employment.

Republic of Tanzania lgBB

Report ' Dar es Salaam: Bureau of staiistics, Inlirristry of Finance,
Economic Affairs and planning.

S a b a i , M .T . , L . A . M s a m b i c h a k a , D . S . D a n d i , T .
W . M a e m b e , E . . Mkusa
and J. M.T. lnlaserele l gBg R of Human c
for nd
Opportunities, report to Project Secretariat, Redeployment of Human
Resources, Ministry of Finance, Economj-c A ffairs and planning,
Republic of Tanzanj-a.

Sebstad, Jennefer and Martin Walsh 1991 Micro-enterprise Credit

d i ects in Kenva: ra ttd-rrr report to USAID,
Washington DC.

Troughear, Tony 1987 'Kamba

Carving: Art or Industry?' , Kenya
Past and Present , 1 9 , 1 5 - 2 5 .
Vandemoortele, Jan 1986 Emplolrment Patterns and Prospects in
Kenva' paper prepared for the UNDP Fourth Country Programrne 198?-
1991, ILO/JASPA.

Walsh, Martin 1991a Infqrrnal Sector Traininq in Kenya, working

paper prepared for a joint ILO / Ministry of Technical Training and
Applied Technology mission, Nai robi.

i{aIsh, Martin 1991b Education. Training and the Informal Sector

in Kenva, paper prepared for a joint rlo / t'tini-stry of rechnical
Training and Applied Technology mission, Nai_robi.

Williams, Carlton R. 1980 SkiIls Formation in the Kenyan Informal

Economv' working paper no.362, Institute for Development Studies,
University of Nairobi.

World Bank 1988 Employment and Growth in Kenva: A World Bank

Economic Report, Country Operations Division, Eastern Africa
Department.

Yambo, Mauri 1990 Skill Acquisition in the Informal Sector:

TarAet Group Identification and Pro.iect Feasibility Survey in
Mombasa. Kenva. Pre-Survey Report, report to the ILO/SDSR project,
Nairobi.

Yambo, Mauri 1991a TraininE Needs Assessment of the Kenyan

Informal Sector: Prelininary Report, report to Kenya Industrial
Estates (Inf ormal Sector Pro ject ) , Kenya Institute of lrlanagement,
Kenya Rural Enterprise Programme, and the l'Iinistry of Technical
Training and Applied Technology.

Yambo, Mauri 1991b SkiIl Aiquisition in the Informal Sector:

TarAet Group fdentification and Pro.'iect Feasibility Study. Mombasa
Town, Kenya, report to the ILO/SDSR Project, Nairobi.