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Can we surpass clan-based organizations?

Abdurahman M. Abdullahi (Baadiyow)

There is no doubt that Somalia is a clan-based society like many other societies
worldwide. However, this social structure does not negate other identities such as being a
Muslim and Somali, and does not play essentially a negative role. The triple identities -
clan-Islam-Somali- are shared among all Somalis and in every historical juncture, within
its internal dynamics; one element might emerge and triumph. Somali national identity is
very recent construction and remains shallow in the mindset of the people compared to
their robust clan identity. Because of its nature of firmness and lack of state penetration to
the society, Somali nationalists did not succeed to find solutions for the pervasive clan
culture and its divisive nature. They just appealed and glorified nationalism, and
disgraced and rebuffed clan identities. Their approach was “don’t pronounce its name,
don’t talk about it and let us shame it as bad and evil.” That was the simplistic approach
of the Somali nationalists that couldn’t sustain within time. The stoning of the evilness of
clanism was occurring side by side with the politics played under the orchestra of
clanism. No other means or avenues of political participation were available to the
Somali citizens except passing through the clan test and being prayed in its nest. Often, a
person had to seek the election of his clan in his constituent home area. This political
culture had finally led to the emergence of more than 60 clan-based parties in 1969
elections. Paradoxically, these parties had utterly disappeared after that election, joining
the ruling party of SYL who triumphed as the only party in Somalia.

Even worse, in a more dramatic way of fighting our clannish culture, clans symbolized as
deceased effigy have been put in graves in a public rallies by the military regime of 1969,
and it was either come out from the grave or never went in!!. Certainly, clanism refuses to
die or disappear. In the later years, it became radicalized, used to mobilise clan supporters
of the regime and the oppositions alike until it succeeded to topple the nation-state in a
revengeful manner. Radical political clanism had claimed victory over nationalism and
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destroyed all national symbols and structures. It took further step and its name was
instrumental in devastating millions of Somalis who have been killed, injured or
displaced. This barbaric carnage was wrongly called “civil war” in all literature. In fact,
it was not normal civil war; it was rather a primitive savage war that spares no body from
killing and looting. It could be even labelled as “genocide” in its magnitude of killing
people because of their clan membership.

Even further worse, clanism was legitimized as the only viable way to divide political
power among all Somalis and 4.5 formula was introduced in 2000. Traditional power
sharing model was used in both Puntland and Somaliland political system though
differently. It worked well as temporary measures of restoring peace and building initial
institutions. The shortcomings and gaps of the system used in both administrations are
evident. Moreover, The 4.5 model that has been well used in the two rounds of
reconciliations, Djibouti (2000) and Impagathi (2002-2004) proved its inability to
develop into a better model of political system.

Somalia still lacks any viable political institutions and their traditional institution can not
produce working system of governance in the 21 century. A country is in peril and
therefore, alternative idea is more needed than ever. There are two areas that require to
be addressed. First is the common vision and ideology that may bring our people
together. Earlier nationalists used nationalism as tool to mobilise and unite the Somalis;
however, there is a big question the applicability of the same form of nationalism for the
Somalis again. Second is the working system of governance and the kind of structure that
work for Somalia. The two systems of liberal democracy and military dictatorship with
their secularized tendencies had failed to sustain more than 30 years. Here is the
dilemma that requires new thinking and reengineering. The question that begs answers is
what is the optimum working governance system for Somalia? What is the common
ideology acceptable to the most of the Somalis? How to create this system and adopt this
ideology?