Professional Documents
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All demands for justice and all theories of equality ultimately derive their energy from the experience of the crowd — Elias Canetti (1905-94)
Leon Kukkuk
(parliament)
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Even UNDP claims for what they are doing can be ambitious. On most of their
Syria: nuclear mystery
websites there is usually a section “What we are doing?” followed by something like:
(Council on Foreign
“UNDP collaborates with the Government, UN sister Agencies, Donors, Civil Society Relations)
Organizations and other stakeholders in promoting people-centred development and
Global: ocean cure
building partnerships to fight poverty through UNDP's core five practice areas: (Nature)
Democratic Governance, Poverty Reduction, Crisis Prevention and Recovery, Energy
Iraq: millions in flight
and environment, HIV/AIDS.” (Amnesty International)
Ambitious stuff. They want us to be democratic, rich, at peace, behaving
responsibly and be healthy.
Important questions that should therefore be asked are:
• It is maintained that democracies are more peaceful than dictatorships. The two
most belligerent countries, by far are Israel and the United States. China is one of
the most peaceful and benign of countries.
• Democracies are said to be inherently stable or, if not, they are able to
successfully incorporate the instability inherent in politics. The Weimar Republic,
under one of the most democratic constitutions of the time, gave birth to Adolf
Hitler. Democratic Italy has had 50 or more governments since Mussolini. The
bloodiest civil wars in history erupted in Republican Spain and, seven decades
earlier, in the United States. Czechoslovakia and the USSR fell apart upon becoming
democratic, having survived intact for most of a century as dictatorships.
• Democracies are said to be conducive to economic growth (in fact there cannot be
any economic growth without democracy, it is said). In history the fastest economic
growth rates go to imperial Rome (in contrast to Republican Rome), Nazi Germany in
the years 1933-38, Russia under Stalin, and China after Mao Zedung. It must be
granted though that the most sustained, long-term economic growth goes to the
United States.
It may then be argued that any institution promoting democracy should work to the
highest moral standards. In addition, there is no evidence whatsoever that anybody
has ever developed anybody else or enforced democracy anywhere.
On the contrary, there are dozens of cases in the last generation or so, where
countries had intervened, often by force of arms, to reverse and nullify the
outcomes of wholly legal and legitimate popular and democratic elections. Often
brutal and kleptocratic dictators had been instilled in place of the deposed elected
officials.
There are just as many examples of how perfectly viable societies had been
destroyed by “development” usually in the form of unfair trade deals and a blind
adherence to the “benefits” of “free markets” and then subsequently further
undermined by the influx of “development agencies” who brought with them
nothing but a range of unrealistic fantasy projects.
It is not possible that they can be subjected to periodic elections. The only
alternative is to rely on a number of oversight structures that should be in place.
These include, but are not limited to a judiciary, audits, oversight committees,
access to information and an independent and respected media.
The oversight structures should demonstrate that what they do have, or are
supposed to have, is legitimacy. This legitimacy should be based on the quality of
their work and on the quality of the people that they employ. UNDP need to make
very clear exactly what purpose it is intended to serve and for whom it is intended.
They need to be forthright in just how well they are discharging their duties, and
what their projects are really doing under such vague labels as “governance,”
“empowerment,” and “capacity building.”
Legitimacy, like credibility, is a fragile thing. It takes effort and hard work to earn,
but can vaporise in an instant.
Articles and allegations raise problems in various UNDP country offices, many of
them going back for years. Without being encyclopaedic about the current issues
they include North Korea, Burma, Cambodia, Zimbabwe, Uganda, Rwanda, Russia,
Ivory Coast, DRC, Afghanistan, Somalia. It is by no means the entire list. They
involve disregard for rules, intrigues, punishment of whistle-blowers, improper
staffing, weak audits, selling improper travel documents, and assisting diamond-
dealing and other dubious involvements in war-torn or struggling countries. At UNDP
headquarters, allegations involve a meaningless transparency policy, poor
governance in a compliant UNDP Executive Board, UNDP management refusal to
supply audit reports to that board, inadequate internal audit work, manipulation of
Internet blogs, belligerent top leadership, stonewalling on major issues, serious
financial management control problems, and rejection of established UN policies
and an insistence on an independent operational status. A survey in 2004 of staff
integrity produced surprisingly negative comments on UN leadership and the
management culture. (It is true that the whole of the United Nations system is
facing a crisis of credibility but concerns have overwhelmingly come to focus on
UNDP.)
In addition we are told that the officials working for this agency, as is the case for
all United Nations staff, benefits from international immunity. Not to worry, we are
told, the UN has its own justice system. All we can rely on is the fact that these
internal justice systems work.
But a panel of respected legal experts, hired by the staff union to examine the UN’s
internal “judicial” system, reported two years ago that the UN is in violation of its
own human-rights standards.
States enjoy separation of powers between the executive, legislative and judiciary.
International organizations tend to run these concepts together through a unique
governance system which provides the official in charge of the international
organisation a wide discretion to make decisions without consultation with any
board of directors or parliament. One consequence is an absence of adequate checks
and balances inside international organizations. The justice system becomes
hopelessly politicized and, thus, biased, distrusted, and compromised. The UN
judiciary, especially, is in a state of decrepit decline as unqualified beneficiaries of
patronage join the ranks.
IO Watch report that “Only one serious investigation of (UN) corruption problems has
ever been made, in 1992, but there are many other investigatory articles stretching
far back into the past and recently appearing much more frequently. The UN has
even been labelled by one close and knowledgeable observer as "probably the most
unaccountable organization in the world.”
UNDP’s funding also does not come from clear and easily monitored contributions. It
comes from various arrangements with a motley assortment of UN member states,
shadowy trust funds, some financed with public money, some private; some for
specific purposes, some not. Under a policy known as “National Execution,” (NEX)
UNDP lends itself as a secretive and diplomatically immune vehicle for transferring
funds around the globe. Vague arrangements, “cost sharing” and Trust Funds
circulate money from local governments to a complex web of favoured contractors
and consultants, via the UNDP bureaucratic labyrinth, at times without the
knowledge or authorisation of those governments. Complex internal arrangements
obscure administrative and operational boundaries. Audits are strange, irregular
affairs that cast cursory glances at oddly defined little bureaucratic boxes but ignore
the relationships between them. Both the origin and final destination of funds
quickly disappear under a mountain of paperwork of astonishing complexity. It is a
set-up that invites only cronyism, corruption and abuse. UNDP, functionally and
morally accountable to nobody, drenched in cash and running a global empire, can
and does do whatever it pleases.
It publishes virtually nothing on any of its activities, and spreads the little of what it
does publish over hundreds of websites and in hugely complex, yet incomplete,
reports full of self-congratulating back-slapping, meaningless platitudes and
unrealistic promises. Meaningful budget details, audit results and independent
recommendations are nowhere to be found. Its one-dimensional over-simplification
of complex development issues; its heartless lack of empathy for staff, beneficiaries
and partners; and bloated sense of entitlement is in stark contrast to its missionary
zeal on the transformation, willy-nilly, of their erstwhile charges into paragons of
democracy and good governance.
Perhaps the most central elements of this UNDP situation can be found in serious
troubles uncovered in the UNDP office in North Korea in early 2007, which led
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to call for a “world-wide audit of all programmes
and funds.”
Trouble started when Artjon Shkurtaj, UNDP’s Chief of Operations and Security in
North Korea (2004-2006) witnessed a range of UNDP abuses such as the funnelling of
hard cash to the rogue regime of Kim Jong Il. He reported the issues to his superiors
at UNDP. He was told not to make trouble. Finally Shkurtaj blew the whistle outside
UNDP. UNDP then sacked him.
Fortunately, the UN has made provision for such situations. Kofi Annan had set up an
Ethics Office, housed in the Secretariat and reporting to the secretary-general.
Among other things, the Ethics Office is tasked to protect whistleblowers from
retaliation.
So Shkurtaj took his case to the UN Ethics Office protesting that he had been sacked
in retaliation for his whistle-blowing.
There, the ethics director, Robert Benson, a Canadian, finally produced a
confidential memo addressed to the head of UNDP, Administrator Kemal Dervis, and
copied to Ban and a number of others. He saw grounds that “a prima facie case had
been established” that UNDP was punishing Shkurtaj for his whistle blowing.
Mentioning “independent and corroborative information” for his finding, Benson
supported Shkurtaj. UNDP officials denied this, saying that he was on a short-term
contract that had simply expired.
By now the promised “world-wide audit of all programmes and funds,” after many
delays, had shrunk to become only a single audit of the North Korea office.
On 01 June 2007 UNDP issued a statement regarding the preliminary audit report on
UN operations in North Korea saying:
“UNDP will be transmitting a formal management response to the ACABQ shortly.
UNDP would welcome a continuation of the audit process, including a visit by the
UNBOA to DPRK. UNDP looks forward to the final audit report.”
This audit itself was stonewalled, but did manage to find violations of UNDP
regulations. Eventually this was tacitly acknowledged, then swept under the carpet
by the UNDP management. In a letter sent to UNDP, Mark Wallace, the US State
Department ambassador at the UN for management and reform, wrote that the
auditors’ testimony shows it is “impossible” for the agency to verify whether its
funds “have actually been used for bona fide development purposes or if the DPRK
[North Korea] has converted such funds for its own illicit purposes.”
Paradoxically enough, neither Wallace nor the U.S. government were allowed copies
of the audits, which are considered “management tools” by UNDP and not even
Maybe it should be pointed out that the UNDP Operations Manual, Article 1.1 Point
2. states: “The UNDP mission statement emphasizes that, as part of the United
Nations, UNDP upholds the vision of the United Nations Charter.”
This capricious inconsistency casts the sincerity of UNDP in grave doubt - and in
sharp relief its unreliability and disloyalty, its short term thinking, reduced attention
span, defensive mentality and dangerous, “black and white” simplicity. The fact is
that it is entirely devoid of memory. Each time yet another scandal crops up, UNDP
acts with the utmost surprise and indignation as if they had never before been
caught with their grubby little paws in the financial cookie jar. And in each instance
a convenient scapegoat is found: the whistleblowers, John Bolton, the UN member
states and now; even the rules.
Either the ethics promoted by the UN Ethics Office for some or other reason does
not apply to UNDP. UNDP then needs to clarify, and do so quickly, which ethics
exactly it is that do apply to them.
Alternatively the ethics apply to them but they want it enforced in a different
manner to the “best practices” already promulgated by the UN Ethics Office.
It may well be that the UN Ethics Office has no jurisdiction over them although the
ethics still apply and the best practices still apply.
Might it be that they simply want to promote more of the same unnecessary
duplication and redundancy that has made the system so opaque in the past? It
simply wants to add yet more layers of intransigent and obscure bureaucracy to an
already unwieldy mammoth. They may well be afraid that somebody may just spot
the real problem and be outraged enough to demand real solutions.
It is just another excuse to remain openly and unapologetically corrupt and ridden
with nepotism and cronyism. Why?
This self-righteous and cavalier attitude towards justice would have been more
tolerable if UNDP meant and practiced what it preached. But nowhere has UNDP
ever created any development. There are two reasons for it. Its managers don’t
know what the substance of development is and how to create it, and the
immorality of so many of their bureaucrats contradicts their pious and simplistic
message of development. All the programmes of that institution are expensive and
dishonest. Their beautiful words hide immoral purposes.
The IO Watch website suggests that “UNDP is, for most practical purposes, morphing
from a development agency into a species of highly privileged rogue state -
operating, it seems, outside any jurisdiction.”
The truth is that UNDP is simply behaving with remarkable consistency as exactly
the sort of institution that it is and had been for a while. It is a crime syndicate. A
significant proportion of its staff are criminals plundering a vast resource of ready
cash.
They are not going to give it up without a fight.
Further Reading
IO Watch
The International Herald Tribune
The UN Forum
Eye on the UN
Inner City Press
ReformtheUN.org
The Government Accountability Project (GAP)
The Center for the Accountability of International Organizations (CAIO)
The Global Policy Forum