The Prosodic Effects of Affixation in Philippine
Languages
Carla Maria Katrina Tantiangco Michael Wilson Rosero
University of the Philippines, Diliman University of the Philippines, Diliman
09052977381 09153424894
cmktantiangco@gmail.com chryszh@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT
This paper is a study of the prosodic effects of affixation to
the stem it attaches to, an area which has been somewhat
ignored by previous studies. The paper will not only focus
on the contribution of the affix to the root but also on the
internal change that occurs as it undergoes affixation.
Particularly, the paper will describe the movement, or the
lack thereof, of stress in this morphological process. The
paper will also detail the semantic contribution of stress to
the derived word e.g. arál -> arálin and aralín. The shift in
stress plus the suffix [-in] usually suggest the meaning of
“prone to…” while the shift stress accompanying the suffix
[-an] usually suggest the meaning “a place for…” What is
more important is the observation that both the affix and
the stress can only trigger a meaning which speakers find
useful to their culture.
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Rationale
Aside from being phonemic in roots such as áral and arál,
stress also marks a difference in meaning in affixed forms
such as arálin `v. to study’ and aralín `n. a thing or subject
to be studied’. It is clear that stress is being utilized by
speakers of the language to express a semantic contrast and
if this is the case, it is important to understand how.
1.2 Scope: Objectives and Limitations
The paper will focus on the prosodic effects of affixation as
roots and stems undergo the derivational process. It will
identify the phonological and semantic patterns that
affixation brings.
This paper will be limited to suffixation to establish a base
for further research. An analysis of suffixed forms with
their prosodic features will be undertaken and the
conclusions from this research will be tested through a
survey which will be conducted at a later date.
1.3 Previous Studies
The two main studies done on this topic is from 1978, by
Zorc [2], and 1988, by French [1].
Zorc briefly discusses the morphological use of accent in
Philippine languages.
JC Dawn Lim
University of the Philippines, Diliman
09228331610
jcdawnlim@gmail.com
He classified affixes into SAME-ACCENT AFFIX, PENULT-
LENGTH-AFFIX, PENULT-SHORTNESS AFFIX and REVERSE
AFFIX (plus zero-accent affix, which is not found in
Tagalog). He also grouped the words according to the
derived form and not from the root.
French uses the metrical grid theory and concludes that the
stress of the root is separate from the stress of the prefix.
French touches on the subject of (secondary) stress
differentiating kaínan from kàínan. Her paper describes
the phonological whys of the movement but refrains from
discussing semantics.
Note that these studies are only brief sections in the
published literature. There is without a doubt a need to
expand the existing knowledge regarding the roles of stress
in affixation.
1.4 Methodology
An elicitation list of 200 words was drawn up to produce
data for this research: 100 roots with stressed penultimate
syllable and 100 roots with stressed ultimate syllable.
The suffixes [-an] and [-in] were subsequently added to the
roots. The derived forms were then listed down with the
corresponding movement or non-movement of the accent.
The meanings of the resulting words were then analyzed.
A list of possible environments (sentences) was also
produced to determine where and how the words are used.
The words and sentences are consulted with other native
speakers.
2.0 Prosodic Effects of Affixation
2.1. Stress in Morphology
Based on the word list produced for this research, a clear
pattern was found in roots whose stress fell on the
penultimate syllable (hereafter referred to as P.S.W.) and in
roots whose stress fell on the ultimate syllable (hereafter
referred to as U.S.W.)
If the stress of the root remains in the same position after it
has undergone suffixation (i.e. if the root is a P.S.W.) and
the suffixed form is still a P.S.W.), the resulting word is a
verb:
 1. [‘ʔa.wit] “song” The ungrammaticality can be explained by comparing
1.1 [ʔa.’wi.tin] “sing (something)” sampál with walís and kagát:
1.2 [ʔa.’wi.tan] “sing (to someone)”
6. Walisín mo ang kalat sa sahig
2. [kan.’ta] “song” “Sweep the dirt off the floor”
2.1 [kan.ta.’hin] “sing (something)” 7. Walisán mo ang sahig
2.2. [kan.ta.’han] “sing (to someone)” “Sweep the floor”

On the other hand, if the stress of the root shifts as it 8. Kagatín mo ang mansanas
undergoes suffixation (i.e. if the root is a P.S.W. and the “Bite the apple”
suffixed form is an U.S.W.), the resulting word does not 9. Kagátan mo ang mansanas
become a verb and takes on a different meaning “Take a bite out of the apple”

3. [‘na.kaw] “to steal / stolen” How are these forms related?

3.1 [na.’ka.wan] “steal (from someone)”
3.2 [na.’ka.win] “steal (something)” Sentences 6 and 8 give a very straightforward command.
The action is directed at the dirt (that needs to be swept)
3.3 [na.ka.’wan] “robbery” and on the apple.
3.4 [na.ka.’win] “easily stolen”
Sentences 7 and 9 express a more locative interpretation.
Sentence 7 is asking the addressee to deprive the floor of its
4. [ʔi.’nom] “to drink”
dirt through sweeping. Sentence 9 is asking the addressee
4.1 [ʔi.nu.’man] “drink (from)” to randomly select a space on the apple from where to
4.2 [ʔi.nu.’min] “drink (something)” implement the bite.

4.3 [ʔi.’nu.man] “drinking party”
4.4 [ʔi.’nu.min] “something to drink (noun)”
A broad generalization would be: retention of the stress
position after suffixation results in a verb while a shift in
stress position after suffixation results in a noun or a
stative.
However, the forms nakawín and inúmin have different
meanings, which make the input of both the affix and stress
unclear. In addition to that, the forms awitín and kantáhin
are not attested.
This is supported further by the following examples:
10. Kagatín mo dito
“Bite it here”
11. ?Kagatán mo dito
“Take a bite here”
Unlike “kagat” and “walis”, words like sampál and suntók
are usually or prototypically directed at something. The
language and its speakers at present do not find it necessary
to assign a meaning to sampalán and suntukán, and
therefore adjudge these forms to be ungrammatical.

2.2 Semantic Change due to Stress To drive home the point, a discussion of the stems halík
What is clear from the 200 word list is that not every root and yákap and their extant derived forms is required:
can take both [-an] and [in] and not all resulting forms of
suffixation carry both penultimate and ultimate stress 12. [ha.’lik] “kiss”
positions. 12.1 [ha.li.’kan] “to kiss (someone)”
12.3 [ha.li.’kin] *
2.2.1 About the Suffixes
13. [ýa.kap] “embrace”
It is first necessary to determine why some roots can take
13.1 [ya.’ka.pan] *
both [-in] and [-an] and why others cannot take one or the
13.2 [ya.’ka.pin] “to embrace (someone)”
other.
The act of kissing, as perceived by the language,
Note the root sampál:
necessitates a doer and a victim or beneficiary. The victim
or beneficiary is viewed not as a directly affected entity but
5. [sam.’pal] “to slap”
as a landmark to which the kiss is planted. Thus, the affix
5.1 [sam.pa.’lin] “to slap (someone) (once)”
–an. In contrast, the act of embracing conceptualizes an
5.2 [sam.pa.’lan] (not attested)
embracer and one who gets embraced, a directly affected
entity. No use has been found for yakápan. A kiss can be
The form sampalín is widely accepted. It is easily
further specified while an embrace is always a general
understood as “to slap (someone) (once)”
action (of putting one’s arm around someone else).
The form sampalán is not attested and not accepted by
The root carries with it all the meanings that the language
speakers as grammatical.
and its speakers find useful to express. The affixes realize
those meanings.
2.2.2. Stress Placement Nonetheless, if the meaning of suntúkin can be inferred
Aside from the distinguishing verb and noun forms, stress from antúkin, it should not be a farfetched idea to try and
also adds its own flavor to the root. Note the root nákaw relate the meaning of the three deviating forms to the other
(sample [3]) whose resulting forms from the [-in] suffixed forms.
suffixation are distinct.
Is it not that aralín is something prone to being studied?
This distinction is not always as clear. Note the root antók: Bayarín is something that is payable (recall punchable) and
an inúmin is something which is drinkable and is prone to
14. [ʔan.’tok] “drowsiness” be drank.
14.1 [ʔan.tu.’kan] *
The suffixation involving [-an] also present similar curious
14.2 [ʔan.tu.’kin] “to become drowsy”
cases. Suffixation and shift of stress triggers different
meanings:
14.3 [ʔan.’tu.kan] *
14.4 [ʔan.’tu.kin] “a usually drowsy person or 22. [‘la.ban] “fight”
easily given to drowsiness” 22.1 [la.’ba.nan] “to fight (something)”
22.2 [la.ba.’nan] “duel / match”
The root antók cannot take the suffix [-an] but it can take
the suffix [-in] and receive stress in penultimate and 23. [ha’wak] “hold”
ultimate position. 23.1 [ha.’wa.kan] “to hold (something)”
23.2 [ha.wa.’kan] “handle (noun)”
In this case, stress differentiates the process of becoming
drowsy from the state or property of being (usually) 24. [‘ku.lay] “color”
drowsy. Similar with nakawín, antúkin describes a quality 24.1 [ku.’la.yan] “to put color (on something)”
inherent to the object or person. 24.2 [ku.la.’yan] “?a place to dye something”

This particular meaning is available for words like sampál 25. [bi’li] “buy”
and suntók but with amusing effects 25.1 [bi.’li.han] “market (buying place)”
25.2 [bil.’han] “to buy (something) (from
15. [sun.’tok] “punch” someone)”
15.1 [sun.tu.’kin] “punch (someone) (once)”
15.2 [sun.’tu.kin] “always being punched or The most popular interpretation of [-an] plus stress shift is
easily given to being the meaning similar to samples [23.2] and [25.1].
punched”
Note the following examples:
Because it can be compared to the form antúkin, the
meaning of suntúkin can be derived. Someone who is 26. [wa.’li.san] “a place for/to buy brooms”
suntúkin is someone who is easily punched or, in Filipino- 27. [ta.’hi.ʔan] “a place for sewing”
English, punchable.
28. [sa.gi.ŋan] “a place for/to buy bananas””
This meaning is obviously inferred as with a number of 29. [su.la.’tan] “a place for writing
other examples:
The [-an] plus stress-shift results in a ‘locative’ meaning
16. [ha.’li.kin] “?prone to being kissed” for the resulting form.
17. [hap.’lu.sin] “?prone to being caressed”
By looking at labanán (sample [22.2]), it can be seen that
18. [ya.ka.’pin] “?prone to being hugged” the resulting form does not always carry a locative
19. [ha.wa.’kin] “?prone to being touched” meaning. This is similar to nakawán (sample [3.3]) wherein
it functions as a description of an event.
However, note the root áral and báyad:
The following samples also show this meaning:
20. [‘ʔa.ral] “to study”
20.1 [ʔa.’ra.lin] “study (something)” 30. [sun.’tu.kan] “a boxing match”
20.2 [ʔa.ra.’lin] “lesson” 31. [sam.’pa.lan] “an incident of slapping”

21. [‘ba.yad] “to pay / payment” 32. [tu.la.’kan] “an incident of pushing”
21.1 [ba.’ya.rin] * 33. [da.ya.’ʔan] “an incident of cheating”
21.2 [ba.ya.’rin] “bills / payables”
It is evident here that stress serves as a trigger for an
The words aralín and bayarín do not follow the same inherent property of a word to surface.
pattern as antukín. They are somewhat more similar to
inúmin (sample [4.4]) and functions only as a noun.
What is lacking in kúlay is an inherent meaning in the root
to either represent a location or an incident.
A speaker can always infer the meaning of resulting forms
as seen in the following example:
34. [‘ba.sa] “read”
34.1 [ba.’sa.han] “read (to someone)”
34.2 [ba.sa.’han] “?a place to read”
The inferred meaning of [34.2] would be “a place for
reading” but this is hardly used by speakers.
The inference is possible because one can always assign a
place for reading. One can also assign a place for coloring
but the reality of the speaker does not require them to
assign such places and thus, these forms are not lexicalized.
3.0 Summary
The following statements are found to be supported by the
data list produced for this research:
a. If the position of stress in the root remains after
undergoing suffixation (e.g. P.S.W. to P.S.W.),
the resulting form is a verb
b. The suffix [-in] plus a change in stress positions
(e.g. P.S.W. to U.S.W.) results in a noun or
adjective-like property whose meaning usually
means “prone to being x”
c. The suffix [-an] plus a change in stress position
(e.g. P.S.W. to U.S.W.) results in a noun whose
meaning is usually “a place of / for” or “an
incident of”
It is important to keep in mind that the inherent meanings
in the root are the only meanings that can be triggered by
suffixation and changes (or lack thereof) in stress position.
4.0 Further Studies
The focus of this paper has been the prosodic effects of
affixation and its effects on changing the word class and
meaning of the root or stem.
The conclusions here follow sound logic but a perceptual
experiment in the form of a survey needs to be performed
to check if a significant number of speakers can recognize
what has been described here.
5.0 References
[1] French, K. 1988. Insights to Tagalog: Reduplication,
Infixation, and Stress from Nonlinear Phonology.
Arlington: SIL and University of Texas at Arlington.
[2] Zorc, David R. 1978. “Proto-Philippine Word Accent:
Innovation or Proto-Hesperonesian Retention?” Papers of
the Second International Conference on Austronesian
Linguistics, Fascicle 1 ed. by S. A. Wurm and Lois
Carrington, 67-119. Canberra: Department of Linguistics,
Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The
Australian National University.