Professional Documents
Culture Documents
, 3-4, 1991
QIBLA MUSHARRIQA
AND EARLY MUSLIM PRAYER IN CHURCHES
1
J. Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom and its Fall (Beirut: Khayats, 1963), pp. 216,255, 330; R.Bell, The
Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment (London: Macmillan and Co., 1926), pp. 169-73; A.S. Trit-
ton, The Caliphs and Their non-Muslim Subjects (London: Oxford University Press, 1930), pp. 39-42,
52. The other churches usually mentioned in this context are those of Hims, Hit, Tiberias, and possibly
Ramleh. Compare: Maqdisi, Ahsan al-Taqâsïm (Leiden, 1906), pp. 156,159-60; Ibn al-Faqïh, Mukhtasar
Kitâb al-Buldän (Leiden, 1302 A.H.), pp. 106-8; al-Istakhrï, Masälik al-Mamalik (Leiden, 1927), p. 61;
al-Balâdhurï, Futüh al-Buldän (Beirut, 1978), p. 132; Ibn Jubayr, Rihla (Leiden, 1907), pp. 262-63;
Mas<udï, Murûj al-Dhahab (Paris, 1869), V, 362-63; Ibn al-<Ibrï, Tarikh (Beirut, 1890), p. 195; Ibn Ba-
dran, Tahdhib Tarikh Ibn <Asûkir (Damascus, 1329 A.H.), I, 199-203, 209, 242; Suyuti (Shams al-Din),
Ithäf al-Akhissa> (Cairo, 1982), I, 145; Manînï, Nam (Jaffa, n.d.), pp. 68, 76-77.
2
E.g., the curious idea reiterated in Muslim sources that the Umayyad Caliph, Walid I, destroyed the
western part of the Damascus Church while its sanctuary and altar were supposed to be in its eastern side.
This led Tritton to label such an idea as a "myth" and to doubt the bulk of Muslim reports on the peace
terms usually mentioned in conjunction with the act of takeover. J. W. Sweetman, in turn, suggested that
the church was not demolished but rather refashioned for the purposes of Muslim worship. See his Islam
and Christian Theology (London, 1955), 11/1, 9.
3
Ibn Sa<d, al-Tabaqât al-Kubrä (Beirut, 1957), IV 254; Jaban, Tàrïkh (Beirut, 1967), V, 161; Ibn Kath-
hïr, al-Bidäya wa Π�Nihäya (Cairo, 1932), VIII, 16; Ibn allibri, Tarikh, p. 108; Shihâb al-Dîn, Muthiral-
Gharäm (Jaffa, 1946), p. 23; Mujïr al-Dïn, al-Uns al-Jalil (Amman, 1973), I, 263; see also Wellhausen,
The Arab Kingdom, pp. 134, 214; K.A.C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture (Oxford, 1969), 35; S.D.
Goitein, "Jerusalem During the Arab Period," in Jerusalem Researches ofEretz Israel (Jerusalem, 1953),
pp. 82-103.
4
Cf. Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom, p. 330.
5
Ibn al-Bitriq, Tarikh (Beirut, 1909), II 17-19; see also Tritton, The Caliphs, p. 52.
267
268 THE MUSLIM WORLD
century, we hear Eutychius lamenting the fact that Muslims of his day
gathered for prayer in the Church of Bethlehem and on the steps of the Church
of Constantme m Jerusalem.6
Though not relying on the study of Muslim tradition, but on what he
considered as the general agreement between Christian and early Muslim
prayer practices, Tor Andrae expressed his belief that the original Muslim
qibla was to the east.7 To this, one must add the reports noted by some
scholars concerning cAmr b. aHÀç's prayer in a church in Egypt, where he
made only a slight diversion from its eastern qibla, as well as the fact that the
mosque which bears his name had one "very much turned towards the east"
(qibla mushamqa jiddan) and that it remained so until turned south towards
Mecca by al-WalTd's governor, Qurra b. Sharïk, in 92 A.H.8 But probably most
important is the discovery, lately made public by M. Sharon, of a mosque in
Be>er Orah, the Negev, which strikingly has two qiblas: an original eastern one
and a later southern one.9
All this justifies a further examination of the material on traditional
Muslim practices and attitudes towards prayer m churches. In itself, however,
Christian prayer towards the east will not be dealt with save for noting that the
Essenes, Syrians and Jacobites were known for such practice because the east
was considered as the source of light, the location of the Garden of Eden, and
the place from where the Son of Man will come as in Matthew 24.21.xo From
a few Christian documents we can clearly learn that prayer to the east was one
of the major issues in Muslim-Christian polemics during the second-
third/eighth-ninth centuries.11
development into a prayer place seems to have been acquired through connot-
ing it with the sense of being completely sold, i.e., belonging in devotion to
God. Through the Masora material, we come across instances where people
express the byc (selling) of themselves to their prophet or even their mubSyaca
(allegiance) to God.13 However, the Quranic context in which the plural form
biyac occurs conveys a favorable attitude where it is stated that such biyac
(places of prayer), together with monks' cells {$awamrì, Jewish synagogues
($alawät\ and mosques, were saved from destruction "by some people repelling
others." From some taf sir sources we learn that what was meant was the
repellling of polytheists by the Muslims for the purpose of saving such prayer
places.14
Though not explicitly mentioned in the Qu^ân, Christian prayer to the east
(mashriq) was alluded to by some commentaries in a few verses where such a
term or a variant form of it occurs. Examples of such an allusion concern the
phrase "li H-lah al-mashriq wa cl-maghrib" which in S. 2:177 occurs indeed in
the context of turning one's face in prayer.15 However, S. 2:115 where the
same phrase occurs is usually interpreted by a narrative which actually
concedes to a no-qibla prayer while riding at night, or on a cloudy day.16 Such
a sense of concession is supported by some traditions attributing to the
Prophet, cUmar, and to other companions and successors, the saying: "mä bayn
al-mashriq wa cl-maghrib qibla."17
It is in this context of concession that the Prophet is also reported to have
prayed not towards the qibla while travelling on his rähila, on an ass, to Khaybar,
etc. Ina few variants of such reports, however, it was noted that he directed
such prayer towards the east (nahw/qibal al-mashriq).18
13
E.g., wa H-bäyMna nufüsahum li-nabiyyihim (and those who sell their souls to their prophet); yadu)
l-lâhi bayna H-akhshabayni nubâyi (w (we give allegiance to the hand of God between the two mountains
of Mecca), etc. See: Ibn Hishäm, Sira (Beirut, 1975), IV, 79, 117. These two verses are attributed to
<Abbäs b. Mirdäs and Ka<b b. Zuhayr, respectively.
14
E.g., see Miqätil b. Sulaymán, Tafsir, Ms. Istanbul, III Ahmet 74/2, fol. 25(b); Ibn Qutayba, Tafsir
Gharib al-Quf>an (Beirut, 1978), pp. 293-94; al-Farrá>, MaSäni al-Qur>än (Cairo, 1980), Π, 227.
15
Al-Tabarï, Tafsir (Cairo, 1374 A.H.), III, 337-38; Ibn Jaziyy, al-Tashil li-Wtam al-Tanzil (Beirut,
1973), I, 69; al-Nasafï, Tafsir (Beirut, n.d.), I, 90.
16
Muqàtil, Tafsir, 1,20(b); al-Jaban, Tafsir, II, 526-36; Ibn Qutayba, Tafsir, p. 62; Ibn Jaziyy, al-Tashil,
I, 57; Wähidi, Asbäb al-Nuzül (Cairo, 1316 A.H.), pp. 141-42; <Abd al-Jabbar, Tanzih al-Quf>ân (Beirut,
n.d.), pp. 33-34. See also Ibn (Arabfs Sharh in the margin of Tirmidhï, Sahih (Cairo, 1931), II, 138.
17
Compare: Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf (Bombay, 1979), II, 361; Tirmidhï, Sahih, II, 140-41; Ibn
Maja, Sunan (Cairo, 1952), I, 323; Malik, Muwatta> (Cairo, 1951), I, 155; Ibn Humayd, al-Muntakhab
min al-Musnad (Cairo, 1988), p. 130.
18
Compare: Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf II, 493-96; Malik, Muwatta?, I, 126-27 (ed. Beirut, n.d., pp.
83-84); Ibn Hanbal, Musnad (Cairo, 1313 A.H.), II, 57, 83; III, 300, 330, 332, 334, 379, 389; al-Dànmï,
Sunan (Beirut, n.d.), I, 356; Abu Dawüd, Sunan (Beirut, n.d.), II, 8-9; al-Bukhan, Sahih (Beirut, 1981), II,
37; V, 55; Muslim, Sahih (Beirut, n.d.), II, 71-72, 148-150; al-Tahâwî Sharh Metani al-Äthär (Delhi,
1348 A.H.), 264; al-Nasa>ï, Sunan (Cairo, 1987), I, 243-44; II, 60-61; III, 6; al-Bustl, Mcfälim al-Sunan
(Halab, 1932), I, 266; al-Shâfi<ï, al-Umm (Beirut, 1980), I, 117-19; Abü Ya <lä, Musnad (Damascus,
1985), IV, 178.
270 THE MUSLIM WORLD
19
Compare Muqätil, Tafsir, II, 109(a), 209(a), Ibn Jaziyy, al-Tashil, III, 168
20
Ibn Hishàm, Sira III, 29, al-Taban, Tärikh, VI, 122 Compare also with Ibn Hishäm, Sira, III, 162,
where "rabbu H-mashnq" occurs m a verse of Ka(b b Malik as a title for God to whom the Muslims sub-
mitted their souls during the Battle of the Ditch
21
Fayrûzabâdï, Tafsir Ibn <Abbäs (Cairo, 1951), ρ 190, Muqâtil, Tafsir I, 231(b), Ibn Qutayba, Tafsir
ρ 273, Farrâ>, Ma<ânï, II, 163, al-Tabarî, Tafsir, XVI, 45-46, Ibn Jaziyy, al-Tashil, III, 3, Ibn al-Yazïdï,
Gharib al-Qur>än (Beirut, 1987), ρ 110 Compare, however, with Abü <Ubayda's commentary note that
"the Arabs considered eastwards to be better than westwards " Abu <Ubayda, Majäz al-Qur>an (Cairo,
1962), II, 3
22
Ibn Durayd, Jambara (Haydarabad, 1345 A H ), II, 346, al-Azharî, Tahdhib (Cairo, 1964), VIII, 318,
al-Zamakhshan, Asäs al-Balägha (Cairo, 1922), I, 488
23
Fayrûzabâdï, Basä>ir III, 312
24
Ibn Manzür, Usan al-^Arab (Cairo, 1308 A H ), XII, 40-46, al-Zabïdï, Taj al-^Arus (Cairo, 1306
A H ) , VI, 391-94 Compare also with al-Saghànï, al-Takmila (Cairo, 1979), V, 89
25
Ibn Manzür, Lisân, al-Zabïdï, Taj, al-Jawharì, Taj (Cairo, 1282 A H ) , II, 94
QIBLA MUSHARRIQA 271
There is strong evidence for the idea that other prayer places were called
musharraqat in early Islam.26 Musrüq b. al-Ajdac (d. 63 A.H.) is reported to
have said to a maa "let us go to the musharraq, meaning muçallâ." Shucba b.
al-Hajjäj (d. 160 A.H.) reported how Simäk b. Harb (d. 123 A.H.) said to him on
a festival day, "let us go the musharraq, meaning the muçallâ."27
One cannot overlook the fact that such information is brought by an early
source like Abu cUbayd from al-A§macT (d. 213-217 A.H.) in the context of
interpreting tashrTq as the festival prayer conducted in Mecca on the sunrise
of the 10th of Dhu al-Hijja.28 It is also in this context that the hadith, "whoever
makes the offering before the tashrTq shall do it again," is reported, albeit in a
mursal form by Shacbï (D. 103. A.H.). Moreover, from Abu cAbd al-Rahmän al-
SulamT (d. 72-85 A.H.) we learn about c All's ruling that "no Friday or tashrTq
[prayer] can be conducted except in a community center" (läjumca wa-lä tashrTq
illä fT mi$rin jämi*).29
The other alternative explanations given for tashrTq were that: 1) the Quraysh
used to make the nafr during the Hajj rituals when the sun had risen on Mount
Thabïr (a practice contradicted by the Prophet);30 2) the offerings were not
slaughtered until the sun rose (a view promoted by Ibn al-Acrâbï>,313) the term
tashrTq meant takbTr following the festival prayer (a view heavily associated
with the name of Abu HanTfa);32 and 4) the term tashrTq rather meant the
drying of sacrificial meat in the sun. However, in spite of their apparent
differences, these interpretations point in fact to the possibility that tashrTq
originally meant a religious festivity connected with the sunrise, though the
last interpretation given to it affected some dampening of this general sense.33
26
A unique tradition cited by Ibn Hanbal says that the Prophet was seen in Musharraq Thaqifreciting
the Qur>än and calling people there to support him. Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, IV, 335.
27
Abu <Ubayd (d. 224 A.H.), Gharib al-Hadith (Haydarabad, 1976), III, 452-54; Zabïdï, Taf, Ibn
Manzür, Lisän; al-Azharï, Tahdhib, III, 318.
28
Compare also with the late Ibn Hajr, Tafsir Gharib al-Hadith (Beirut, n.d.), p. 132.
29
Ibn Abï Shayba, Musannaf, II, 101; Abu <Ubayd, Gharib al-Hadith, III, 452; Zayd b. <Α1ϊ, Musnad
(Beirut, 1328 A.H.), p. 146; al-Azharï, Tahdhib, VIII, 318; al-Zamakhsharï, al-F&iq, I, 674; Zabïdï, Taj,
VI, 394; Ibn Manzür, Lisän, XII, 43. For the sources which reported this tradition in a prophetic, marfQS,
form and the debate over its authenticity see al-Albani, Silsilat al-Ahädith al-Dacifa (Damascus, 1399
A.H.), II, 317-19.
30
On such a position being taken by the Prophet, see al-Dârimï, Sunan, II, 59-60; al-Azraqï, Akhbär
Makka (Güttingen, 1275 A.H.), pp. 130-131.
31
It is in this context that the above-mentioned mursal tradition of the Prophet commands not to make
an offering before tashriq.
32
On takbir during the tashriq days, see Abu Däwüd, al-Maräsil (Beirut, 1986), p. 96; al-Mizzï, Tuhfat
al-Ashraf(Bombiiy, 1976), XIII, 326; al-Hàkim, Mustadrak (Riyad, 1968), I, 299-300. Malik, Muwatta\
I, 282-83.
33
To the inquiry of Jâbir al-Ju<fì concerning the reason for calling the days of tashriq as such, Ja<far al-
Sádiq (d. 148 A.H.) replied: "People used to turn (e.g., to pray) to the sun (yusharriqüna li Η�shams) in
Mina during the Hajj and outside their abodes and houses." al-Fakihï, Tarikh Makka, Ms. Leiden, Or.
463, fol. 512(b). Compare also with the view attributed by the same source to Qatâda (d. 117-118 A.H.),
which says that the reason was rather the drying of meat. More on the obscurity of this term in Th. W.
Juynboll, "Über die Bedeutung des Wortes Taschrik," Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, (1912), XXVII, 1-7.
272 THE MUSLIM WORLD
From the numerous traditions forbidding fasting during the tashrTq days34
and prayer at sunrise,35 we can actually learn that these were widespread
practices. We also notice that some of the latter equate the rays of the sun
(qam al-shams) with the horn of the devil (qarn alshaytân)36 Such prohibition
must be viewed against the background of numerous other traditions which
condemn the east/sunrise (al-mashriq) as the source of unbelief (kufr) and se-
ductive temptation (fitna) In several variants of these traditions, such as
condemnation includes the warning that with/from the mashriq rise the
horns/rays of the devil/sun.37 From a few commentaries on these traditions
we learn that the intent behind these traditions was the condemnation of sun
worshipping because it equals worshipping the devil who also raises his head at
the time of the sunrise.38
A similar position is expressed in the Babylonian Talmud where it was
stated that God is enraged when the kings put their crowns on their heads and
fall prostrate at the sight of the sunrise.39 As for traditional Islam, note has
been taken of the strong connotation between condemning the mashriq
(east/sunrise) and praising the south (yaman) as the source of belief, wisdom,
and deliverance· an idea which has clear parallels in gnostic Christianity as
well as in Judaism from the period of the Prophets.40
Against this background, the numerous prophetical traditions which say
that anti-Christ (al-dajjäll) will come from the mashriq41 can be understood as
a rejection of both the Christian belief that the Son of Man will come from the
east and of prayer towards the sunrise. However, some "historical" elements
specifying where exactly the dajjäl will come from and who will be his
followers appear in certain traditional formulations undoubtedly under the
impact of actual historical developments. As an example of such "historical"
interference, one may point to the advent of the cAbbásid power from the east
34
E g , in Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf IV, 19, 21, Ibn Humayd, al-Muntakhab pp 262-63, al-Dânmï,
Sunan II, 23-24, Muslim, Sahih III, 153, al-Tahâwï, Sharh I, 428-30, al-Hâkim, Mustadrak 1,434
35
More on this issue, below
36
Muslim, Sahih II, 104-105, al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-Kubra (Hayderabad, 1344 A H ), I, 378-79, Ibn
Maja, Sunan I, 396-97, al-Nasâ>ï, Sunan I, 275, Malik, Muwatta> (Cairo) I, 220, (Beirut ρ 77, Ibn Han-
bal, Musnad IV, 348, al-shâfi<ï, al-Umm I, 172, and Ikhtiläf al-Hadïth (Beirut, 1985), ρ 115�16, Ibn Qu-
tayba, Ta>wil Mukhtalaf al�Hadith (Beirut, 1326 A Η ), pp 84�87, al-Tahâwî, Sharh I, 90, 232
"Compare Ibn Humayd, al-Muntakhab ρ 241, al-Daylamï(d 509 A H ), al-Firdaws(Beirut, 1986),
V, 23, Abu Ya<là, Musnad, III, 37, VII, 259, 360, IX, 339, 383, X, 49-50, XI, 457, al-Tabarânï, al-Mu^jam
al-Kabir (Baghdad, 1980), VIII, 346, al-Haythamï, MajmS al-Zawahd (Cairo and Beirut, 1987), II, 225,
Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf XII, 182-85, Malik, Muwatta> II, 243, 246, Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, II, 18, 23,
73, 90, 92, 111, 121, al-Bukhàrî, Sahih IV, 97, 157, VIII, 95, Muslim, Sahih, I, 52-53, VIII, 180-82
38
Al-Qastaläni, Irshäd al-Sâri (Cairo, 1293 A H ), V, 366, Χ, 226, al-Nawawï, Sharh Muslim in the
margin of al-Qastalânï, I, 422-23 See also Ibn Manzür, Lisän XVII, 210, al-Zabïdï, Taj IX 306
39
Sanhédrin 100/2
40
More in S Bashear, "Yemen in Early Islam," Arabica (1989), XXXVI, 327-361
41
Al-Humaydï (d 219 A H ), Musnad (Beirut, 1382 A H ), I, 178, Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, II, 397, 407-
408, 457, Muslim, Sahih VIII, 203-205, Abu Däwüd, Sunan IV, 118-19, Abuü Ya<lâ, Musnad II, 346
QIBLA MUSHARRIQA 273
which may have affected the appearance of traditions saying that black
banners from the east will prepare the coming of the MahdT as against those
which insisted that the dajjâl will specifically come from Khurâsân.42
42
Compare: Ibn Humayd, al-Muntakhab, p. 30; al-Tirmidhï, Sahih, X, 89-90; Abu Ya<la, Musnad, I,
39-40; al-Häkim, Mustadrak, IV, 527-28; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, I, 4; II, 199; III, 64; IV, 216, 421; Ibn
Maja, Sunan, II, 1356-62, 1367-68; Muslim, Sahih, VIII, 197-98. See also The Shorter Ε.1., s.v. "Dajjäl"
and M. Sharon, Black Banners From the East (Jerusalem, 1983), p. 89.
43
AI-Musharraf b. al-Murajjà, FadaHl, Ms. Tübingen, VI, 27, fols. 89(b)-90(a); Ibn al-Firkah, Bfrith al-
Nufüs, in Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society (1935), XV, 58; Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf I, 66-67; al-
Wasitï, FadäHl (Jerusalem, 1979), pp. 62, 72; Ibn al-Jawzï, fadäHl (Beirut, 1980), pp. 119-20; Diyâ>
al-Dïn, Fadani (Damascus, 1985), p. 58; Nuwayri, Nihäyat al-Arab (Cairo, n.d.), I, 338.
44
Mujïr al-Dïn, al-Uns, II, 55; al-Musharraf, FadäHl, fols. 87(b)-88(a); Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf I, 238; Ibn
al-Jawzï, Fada>il, p. 121; Ibn al-Firkäh, BäHth, in JPOS, XV, 67.
45
Mujïr al-Dïn, al-Uns, II, 61; Ibn al-Firkah, Bäith, in JPOS, XV, 68, 72.
46
Al-Bukhàrï, Sahih, I, 112; II, 93; IV, 245; Muslim, Sahih, II, 66-67; al-Nasâ>ï, Sunan, II, 41-42; Ibn
Hanbal, Musnad, VI, 51.
47
See below. For a good review of the material on Muslim iconoclasm, see P. Crone, "Islam, Judeo-
Christianity and Byzantine iconoclasm," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, (Jerusalem, 1980), II,
59-95, and the sources cited therein. The commonest Muslim iconoclastic tradtion and one which en-
joyed the widest circulation in hadith compilation is the prophetic saying: "Angels do not enter a house
which has a picture or a dog in it." For this and similar other traditions see: Malik, Muwatta? (ed. Beirut),
320-21; al-Humaydï, Musnad, I, 206; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, III, 335; al-Dárimi, Sunan, II, 284; al-Buk-
hârï, Sahih, IV, 82; V, 15; VII, 64-67; Muslim, Sahih, VI, 155-62; al-Qastalanï, Irshäd, V, 324-26, 374;
VI, 318; Vili, 570-72; al-Nawawï, Sharh Muslim, Vili, 507-508; al-Suyüti, al-Jäml· al-Saghir (Cairo,
1954), Π, 200; al-Manâwï, Kunüz al-HaqäHq, in the margin of al-Suyutï, al-Jämi< al-Saghir, II, 155; al-
Dhahabi, Kitäb al-Kabä>ir (Damascus and Beirut, n.d.), pp. 181-83; Ibn Humayd, al-Muntakhab, p. 206.
274 THE MUSLIM WORLD
48
For example, see al-Häkim, Mustadrak, I, 251, al-Dânmï, Sunan, I, 322-23, Abu Dâwûd, Sunan I,
32-33, Ibn Maja, Sunan I, 246, Abu Ya<la, Musnad II, 503 The other locations usually added are
Dunghills, butcheries, road intersections, camels' kneeling places, and the roof of the Ka<ba See also the
comment of al-Bustï, Maiälim, I, 149-56
49
E g, Ibn Hibbân (d 354 A H ) , Kitäb al-Majrühin (Haydarabad, 1970), I, 132, Ibn al-Qaysarâm
(d 507 A H ) , Ma<rifat al-Tadhkira (Beirut, 1985), ρ 249, al-Kmânï (d 963 A H ) , Tanzih al-Shari<a
(Beirut, 1979), II, 183
50
<Abd al-Razzaq (d 211 A H ), Musannaf(Beirut, 1971 ), 1,411, al-Bayhaqï, Sunan, IX, 234, al-Suyutï,
al-Amr bi H-Ittibä^ (Cairo, 1986), ρ 70
51
Al-Tabarânï, al-Mtfjam al-Kabir XII, 136, al-Kinàni, Tanzih, II, 183
52
Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf II, 80, al-Nasâ>ï, Sunan II, 38-39
53
Al-<Ayni, Wmdat al-Qâri IV, 194
54
Ibn Hajar, Fath al-Bäri I, 551
55
Al-Bukhân, Sahih I, 112
QIBLA MUSHARRIQA 275
36
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d 751 A H ), Ankam Ahi αΙ�Dhimma (Damascus, 1961), II, 712, al�Zarka�
shï (d 794 A H ) , Fläm al-Säjid (Cairo, 1385 A H ), ρ 383, and Sharh Sahih al-Bukhári (Cairo, 1933), II,
45
57
<Abd al-Razzaq, Musannaf I, 411-12, Ibn Abï Shayba, Musannaf, XIII, 41, cf also Sahnün b Sa<ïd
(d 240 A H ) , al-Mudawwana al-Kubrä (Cairo, 1324 A H ), I, 90, al-<Ayni, <Umdat al-Qäri, IV, 192, al-
Qastalànï, Irshäd I, 550, Ibn Hajar, Fath, II, 77
58
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Ighäthat al-Lahfän (Cairo, 1939), I, 157
59
Ibn al-Faqïh, Mukhtasar, ρ 101, al-Muqaddasï, Ahsan, ρ 172, Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf, I, 222
60
AI-Musharraf, FadäW fol 85(a), Shiháb al-Dïn, Muthir, pp 35, 49, Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf, I, 221-222,
Iban al-Jawzï, Fadftil, ρ 70, al-Maqdisï, Ahsan, ρ 171
61
Compare al�Musharraf, FadäHl, fols 31(a), 96(a-b), Ibn al-Firkâh, Ba<ith, m JPOS, XV, 72, Shams
al-Dïn, Ithäf I, 196, al-Harawï (d 611 A H ), al-Ishärät (Damascus, 1953), ρ 29
276 THE MUSLIM WORLD
62
Al-Musharraf, Fodahl fol 21(a), Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf I, 236, Mujïr al-Dïn, al-Uns, I, 255-56
63
Ibn al-Bitnq, Tarikh II, 17-19
64
Compare al-Musharraf, Fadähl fol 90(b), Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf I, 213, Mujïr al-Dïn, al-Uns II,
61-62
65
Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf, I, 239
66
Compare al-Wasitï, FadäHl, pp 13, 44, al-Musharraf, Fadahl, fols 88(a)-89(b), Shihäb al-Dïn,
Muthïr ρ 40, Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf I, 144, 212, Mujïr al-Dïn, al-Uns, II, 57
67
Ibn al-Jawzï, Fadahl pp 97-98, al-Nuwayn, Nihâyat al-Arab I, 334
"Compare al-Wâsitï, Fadähl pp 21, 24, al-Musharraf, Fadähl fols 90(a-b), 95(a), Shams al-Dïn,
Ithäf I, 214, Mujïr al-Dïn, al-Uns II, 61-62
QIBLA MUSHARRIQA 277
69
Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf II, 79; cf. also al-<Aynï, Wmdat al-Qârï, IV, 192; Sayyid Sâbiq, Fiqh al-
Sunna (Beirut, 1969), I, 254.
70
Al-Musharraf, FadaHl, fol. 90(a); Shihâb al-Dïn, Muthir, p. 15.
71
<Abd al-Razzaq, Musannaf I, 411; Ibn Abï Shayba, Musannaf II, 80.
72
Al-Baghawfs quoted source is al-jcfidiyyät. See for it: al-<Aynï, ^Umdat al-Qäri, IV, 192; Ibn Hajar,
Fath, II, 77-78; and compare with al-Zarkashï, Nam, pp. 383-84; Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf I, 215. More on
Malik, below.
73
Al-Qastalânï, Irshäd, I, 550-51; Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf I, 215; Sayyid Sabiq, Fiqh, I, 254.
74
Ibn Qayyim, Ahkäm, II, 712; al-Zarkashï, Fläm, pp. 283-84; Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf ibid; Sayyid Säbiq,
Fiqh, ibid.
278 THE MUSLIM WORLD
75
Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf II, 80
76
Ibn <As3kir, Tarikh (Damascus, 1982), ρ 80; al-Bukhârï, al-Tarikh al-Kabir (Haydarabad, 1970),
IV/1, 7
77
Ibn Maja, Sunan, II, 757
78
Ibn Abï Shayba, Musannaf, II, 79-80, al-Zarkashï, Fläm, pp 383-84, Shams al-Dïn, Ithäf, I, 215,
al-<Aynï, Wmdat al-Qäri, IV, 192, Sayyid Sábiq, Fiqh, I, 254
79
Ibn Sa<d, Tabaqät, V, 385, Ibn Abï Shayba, Musannaf, II, 80, noted only casually by Sayyid Sabiq,
ibid, and without source, isnäd or any other details
80
Sahnün, Mudawwana, I, 90
QIBLA MUSHARRIQA 279
rain or mud.81 Similarly, the Shäf icï school and the one generally called "a$häb
Abï Hanïfa" were reported to dislike prayer in churches owing to an iconoclastic
position. This included barring prayer not only in front of pictures hanging on
walls but also when they were found on rugs on the floor. We notice, however,
that the Shâfi cïyya are reported to have been more categorical in their
rejection and even called churches "abodes of devils," (ma^ä al-ShayafTn).82
As for the HanbalT school, three different positions were variably reported 1)
outright toleration; 2) outright dislike; 3) dislike of prayer in churches which
had icons. Ibn al-Qayyim concludes that this last posit ion" is the obvious
[one] of the rite" (wa-hädhä zähir al-madhhab).83
Apart from the iconoclastic consideration, some later sources add a new
condition for allowing prayer in churches, namely the permission (idhn) by the
Christians to do so. This is done at least by a few Shäf icT scholars quotes by
ZarkashT and Shams al-DTn.84 Other considerations mentioned by these are
not to give a chance to non-Muslims to demonstrate their ritual or their great
number by praying in their places; to make sure that such places are clear of
impurity, etc. To conclude this review, one may add that the Sufi position
brought by Ibn al-cArabï (d. 638 A.H.) is to allow prayer in churches "because
if we pray in these places it would [still] be our rite, not theirs" (fa-in $allaynä
fT mithl hädhihi al-amäkin fa-min sharHnä lä min sharHhim).85
The question of whether it is permissible to establish a mosque on a
location previously used as a church was not dealt with by any of the early
sources I consulted, a fact which looks curious, considering the background of
the numerous cases of take-over of non-Muslim places of prayer. Actually,
only ZarkashT finds it appropriate to address the issue. However, he gives an
unhesitatingly favorable ruling on the ground that the Prophet allowed the
people of Ta'if to establish their mosque where their idols stood (haythu känat
tawäghTtuhum).86
The Shica traditional material on the subject does not invoke the authority
of the prophet. To the name of CA1T, reference is made only once in a tradition
brought by a later source with a troubled isnäd. It is Abu al-BukhturT's (SacTd
b. Fayrüz? d. 83 A.H.) from Jacfar al-$ädiq (b. 148 A.H.) his father. According
to it, CA1T conceded for both ordained and voluntary prayer to be conducted in
churches, but added that mosques are better.87
81
Al-<Aynï, <Umdat al-Qäri, IV, 192.
82
Compare: Ibn Qayyim, Ahkäm, II, 713; Ibn <Âbindïn, Radd al-Muhtàr (Cairo, 1323 A.H.), I, 266;
al-Jazïrï, al-Fiqh <-Alä al-Madhâhib ai-Arbola (Beirut, 1972), I, 283.
83
Ibn Qayyim, ibid; but compare with al-Jazïrï, ibid, who only mentions the position of toleration.
84
<Abd al-<Aziz b. <Abd al-Saläm (d. 660 A.H.), Qaw&id al-Ahkäm (Cairo, 1968), II, 132; al-Zarkashï,
Fläm, pp. 383-84, quoting Ibn al-Sabbagh (d. 477 A.H.); Shams al-EÄn, Ithäf I, 214-16, quoting al-
Aqfahshï's (d. 750 A.H.), al-Is¥är bi-Ikhtiläfal-<Ulamä\ and al-Räfi<i's (d. 623 A.H.), Nazm al-Wajiz.
85
Ibn al-<Arabï, al-Futühät al-Makkiyya (Beirut, n.d.), I, 409.
86
Al-Zarkashï, Fläm, p. 347. For the tradtion on such a position being adopted by the Prophet, see: Ibn
Maja, Sunan, I, 245; al-Bayhaqï, Sunan, II, 439.
87
Al-Majlisï (d. 1111 A.H.) Bihär al-Anwär (Teheran, 1398 A.H.), LXXXIII, 330.
280 THE MUSLIM WORLD
88
DaS&im al-Isläm (Cairo, 1951), I, 143
89
Al-Barqï (d 274 A H ) , al-Mahäsin (Najaf, 1964), ρ 507
90
Ibid
91
Zayd b <Ali, Musnad ρ 184
92
<Ayyâshï, Tafsir (Qumm, 1380 A H ), II, 316, η (1�2), cf also al-Tawbalï al-Bahrânï (d 1107 A H ),
al-Burhän and al-Kâshï/Kâshânï (d 1311, A H ), al-Sâfi I, 987, note that al-Sàdiq curiously invokes the
Qur>än, S 17 84 (Kullun yaímalu calä shäkilatih) in this context
93
Al-Kulaynï (d 328-29) A H ) , al-Käfi (Teheran, 1377 A H ), III, 387, al- Majhsï, Bihâr LXXXIII,
330-31
QIBLA MUSHARRIQA 281
94
Al-Kulaynï, al-Kofi, III, 389; al-Majlisï, Bihär, LXXXIII, 331-32.
95
Al-Kulaynï, al-Käfi, III, 388.
96
Compare: al-Kulaynï, al-Käfi, III, 391-92; al-Barqï, al-Mahäsin, p.506.
97
Al-Barqï, al-Mahäsin, pp. 506-7.
98
Lit.: "Li-<adam infikäkihä min al-najäsa ghäliban. "
99
Al-Majlisï, Bihär, LXXXIII, 330-31.
282 THE MUSLIM WORLD
IN MEMORIAM
SULIMAN BASHEAR
1944-1991
Professor Suliman Bashear died in October of 1991 of heart failure, at the
age of 47. He is the author of many published books and papers on Islamic
history and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Before he joined the Hebrew University
in 1987, he was teaching Islamic and Middle Eastern History at both Birzeit
and Najah universities on the West Bank. This is his first article to appear in
The Muslim World.
^ s
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