A MEMORANDUM

PRESENTED TO THE

FONS, CHIEFS, POLITICAL LEADERS, AND THE PEOPLE OF THE FORMER WEST CAMEROON BY A COMMITTEE OF ANGLOPHONE ELITES RESIDENT IN THE LITTORAL PROVINCE.

ON 11 FEBRUARY 1991

GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF ANGLOPHONE ELITES RESIDENT IN DOUALA, LITTORAL PROVINCE

PRESIDENT VICE PRESIDENT SECRETARY

DR. YONGBANG A. B. OBEN CHARLES ZOH HANSON

POB 573, TEL: 42 80 55 DLA. POB 2273 TEL:42 66 99 DLA. POB 2214 TEL: 40 76020 DLA.

DRAFTING COMMITTEE
DRAFTING CHAIRMAN: BARRISTER ETINGE W.C.M. POB 1588; TEL:42 06 36 DLA.
DRAFTING SECRETARY: BARRISTER ASHU AGBOR EMMANUEL POB 2830; TEL:403951; DLA

ASST. DRAFTING SECRETARY: MANJOH JULIUS BIME POB 3300; TEL:428422 DLA.

CONSTITUTIONAL ADVISERS DUM-BUNG B. Z. EWANG HANS

COMMENTARIES DR. ACHU JOHN FON (BARRISTER)

A MEMORANDUM PRESENTED TO THE FONS, CHIEFS, POLITICAL LEADERS, AND PEOPLE OF THE FORMER WEST CAMEROON BY A COMMITTEE OF ANGLOPHONE ELITE RESIDENT IN THE LITTORAL PROVINCE. Our most respected Royal Highnesses, - FONS, CHIEFS, Our distinguished Political Leaders, Our Religious Leaders, Beloved Brothers and Sisters, 1. The Pre-reunification Era: The Southern Cameroons and the Practice of Democracy, which was the pivot of our unity.

HISTORY MUST NOW PROVE US WRONG WHEN WE SAY THAT TODAY, AFTER THIRTY YEARS OF MENTAL TORTURE, WE ARE WHAT WE WERE DREAMING TO BE. We may no longer pretend to be indifferent to ourselves and to posterity that we

plunged ourselves into this unholy alliance without the least notion of understanding the impending doom that was to seal the frontiers of our democracy. We were a democracy while our brothers of the former East Cameroun lived under the barrel of the gun. The beautiful plains, the green pastures of the Southern Cameroons have been eroded; the Prime Ministers Lodge is a relic of the past, no longer a historical attraction; Victoria, our garden city, was given a false name, Limbe (an adulterated derivative from a German explorers name), to insult Queen Victoria, to deface our history and to fragment our identity. But today, the name of General de Gaulle is every where in the streets of most towns and cities in Cameroun. Things have fallen apart and we are no longer at ease. Posterity, no doubt, shall ask whether the Southern Cameroons was conquered like the French-speaking province of Quebec in the Federation of Canada, which, even as a conquered territory, enjoys more freedom and democracy than the Southern Cameroons. Our children will ask: why did we not enjoy our freedom? They will be told, intrigues within ourselves, lack of confidence in ourselves, betrayal of ourselves to a common foe, greed and avarice, and lack of a collective political leadership sealed our freedom and democracy which we inherited from the mother of democracy, Great Britain. Our Royal Highnesses, our most cherished political leaders, beloved brothers and sisters, in the former British Southern Cameroons, we lived in peace; there was no South-West or North-West Province; we were a formidable unit; our rights of living with all of our fundamental human rights were assured. The Southern Cameroons had a responsible Government, a democratic constitution, a responsible Local Government Authority, and an organised Civil Service. This democracy was the off-spring of the then Southern Cameroons (Constitution) ORDER IN COUNCIL of 1960, the last British constitutional enactment for that territory. It was an instrument of a democratic society which molded our way of life; it was indeed the nucleus of what later became the West Cameroon constitutional law after reunification within the Federal Republic of

Cameroon. The Southern Cameroons practiced a parliamentary system of Government wherein the executive was responsible to the legislature . Now, we your children, your elites, if you wish, must infuse this knowledge into you, that is, UNITY IS STRENGTH, in order to arrest your tottering and faltering hopes which have sunk to a dismal level because of the strains and nightmares you are facing to contain a vicious brother who has stripped you and me of all our rights. While as Southern Cameroonians, the democratic values which we inherited from the British were unifying principles of our lives such that our internal squabbles were democratically settled, our institutions, particularly the independence of the Judiciary, were well adhered to; our political structure did cut across the boundaries of tribalism and nepotism reducing them to a minimal level. The Kamerun National Democratic Party (KNDP) of Dr. John Ngu Foncha, a Northern party with its seat in Bamenda, found it roots in Buea, Victoria, Kumba. and Mamfe. The Cameroon Peoples National Convention (CPNC) of Dr. E.M.L. Endeley (of blessed memory), a Southern party with its seat in Buea, planted itself firmly in Nso, Wum, and Nkambe. Despite our inter-party muscling, we remained one in spirit, the inter-party rivalry was not enmity but a process of our inherited democracy. This process was enhanced by our constitution which became a symbol of our patriotic devotion whose continued force depended on its continued flexibility in the face of our shifting national political needs. The court, an off-spring of our common-law inheritance from the British, became a venerated institution, half Judicial Tribunal and half political preceptor, sensitive but not subservient, alerting itself to the rights of the people and making sure that its share of accountability did not exceed its capacity. Judgements were delivered, respected and adhered to; execution of court judgements was a normal process which was devoid of any political interference. Political power did not intrude into the judicial mind of the judge; the court had final authority over judicial and political conflicts; that is, judicial independence was nourished and cultivated such that it grew into the doctrine of judicial sovereignty or the idea that a law may be held unconstitutional if the court thought so with the court's opinion binding on all the parties involved. We lived in such a glorious era; a small nation we were, that enjoyed absolute peace, that never saw soldiers with guns in the streets that were full of unarmed civilians. The Southern Cameroons was a democracy at that early period: why should we become victims of repression and tyranny thirty years after we had known democracy? See for yourselves now, the essence of unity, a primordial element of our survival. But remember, what was more fundamental was that we enjoyed social security and equality, political freedom, equitable taxation, and an efficient administration in spite of our meager resources. Did you ever imagine that the Southern Cameroons would become the bread-winner of this reunified country? Now, judge for yourselves the present state of affairs.

II.

Identifying the causes of the friction between the North-West and the SouthWest Provinces. We must now ask: What went wrong? Why did we not go to negotiate the union as a united front? It has been argued that the parliamentary elections of 1959, inter alia, that crippled the government of late Dr. E.M.L.Endeley and ushered in Dr. J.N. Fonchas KNDP to power in Buea had a killing effect on the unity of the people of the Southern Cameroons, though it was not the last straw that broke the camels back. But when campaigns for integration with Nigeria (CPNC of Dr. Endeley) and reunification with the Republic of Cameroun started to rear their ugly heads in the Southern Cameroons, the strings of unity started to disintegrate. The victors (KNDP) advanced the policy of reunification vigorously and got, as was alleged, very heavy financial support from the Republic of Cameroun to foster its cause. The KNDP regime was supported by the One Kamerun Party (OK) which was an off-shoot of the banned UPC (Union des Populations du Cameroun) in the Republic of Cameroun and had infiltrated very heavily its militants into the Southern Cameroons. The campaigns led to the UN Plebiscite of 11/02/61, a day, whjich without reason, anglophones have been forced to observe as Youth Day rather than a National Day. But, what was reunification? Young anglphones must be told the whole truth. Kamerun, as was known to the Germans, was one territory; but the defeat of the Germans by the Allied Forces (French and British) compelled the Germans to sign an agreement under article 119 of the Treaty of Versailles of June 28, 1919 renouncing all their rights to the territory of Kamerun. But before that treaty was effected, the two Allied Powers had on 4th March 1916, partitioned Kamerun de facto into what later became known as French Cameroun and British Cameroons by which an Anglo-French Declaration signed in Paris on 10th July 1919, by Viscount MILNE and M. SIMON legally sealed the delineation of the border dividing this former German Protectorate into two parts. Perhaps there was nothing wrong if only the intention of those who sought to reunify the territory was genuine, namely, a desire to have the territory back into its former position before the defeat of the Germans in 1916. What was not readily foreseen was the motive of the people of the Republic of Cameroun. Due also to the burning desire of the proponents of reunification, Dr. J.N. FONCHA and some of his ardent reunification disciples lost touch of the principle of self-preservation, and naively negotiated in good faith.

THE RESULT OF THE PLEBISCITE OF 11/02/61 The UN General Assembly, on October 16, 1959 had adopted Resolution 1352(XIV) asking for a plebiscite for the Southern Cameroons referred to in its Resolution 1350(XIII) to be held not later than March 1961 and recommending that the following two questions be put before the people: a) Do you wish to achieve independence by joining the independent Federation of Nigeria?

b) - Do you wish to achieve independence by joining the independent Republic of Cameroun? The population of the Southern Cameroons voted as follows: a) - For joining the Federation of Nigeria = 97.741 votes; c) - For joining the Republic of Cameroun = 233.571 votes. It was after these results of the Plebiscite that the people of the now South-West and North-West Provinces must be told the bitter truth about what has caused the SouthWest/North-West dichotomy. This must be analysed and explained in order that we do not fall into the same error, an error that has caused us thirty years of loss of identity, culture, and democratic ruin. Grievances between the two peoples grew and never died down till date.

GRIEVANCES OF THE SOUTH-WEST AGAINST THE NORTH-WEST We got these allegations after sampling opinions of a wide spectrum of the persons of South-West in the South-West Province itself. We are not in a position to accept as true or deny these allegations. Our task here is to present them to the two peoples for a soulsearching mission in the face of our present predicament. a) - The Foumban Conference of July 17, 1961: The South-West alleges that after the KNDP victory at the Plebiscite of 11/02/61, the KNDP government victimised South-Westerners, and that explains why the two peoples could not go to the Foumban Conference as a single bloc. b) - After the Foumban Conference, the political leaders who emerged in the Southern Cameroons and became allied to AHIDJO were all North-Westerners who indoctrinated AHIDJO against South-Westerners and made it possible for development projects to go only to the North-West Province. These, they hold, were secret agreements especially between Hon. MUNA and AHIDJO. c) - They maintain that North-Westerners induced South-Westerners to vote for reunification, so they should not now complain about our present plight. d) - That the South-West has been the under-dog of the North-West political giants who have since reunification been at the forefront of Cameroon politics influencing situations appointments and developments - towards the North-West Province.

e) - That is why they maintain: i. The College of Arts, Science and Technology which was originally earmarked for the South-West was taken to Bamenda in 1962 from Kumba; ii. The School of Nursing which was earmarked for Victoria, South-West province, was taken to Bamenda, in the North-West Province; That explains why development projects have, including foreign aid, gone to the North-West MIDENO, ENS, Co-operative College, School of Agriculture, and the employment of North-West citizens in jobs like CRTV, as University Lecturers, etc.; They further maintain that this is the policy which they held under the KNDP Governments in Buea; In conformity with that, Mr. S.T. MUNA, while Prime Minister of West Cameroon, scrapped the WCDA (West Cameroon Development Agency) with headquarters in Buea; and so was the liquidation of Cameroon Air Transport (CAT) during the era of DR. J.N. FONCHA. - Mr. YAKUMTAW, while Governor of the South-West Province, sent back unbelievably to the government treasury the sum of 500.000.000 FCFA which was given by the NPMB to the South-West Province for the development of farm-to-market roads;

iii.

iv.

v.

vi.

vii. They further maintain that, rather than the North-West fight for projects for the North-West, they delight in frustrating projects designed for the South-West. They, till date, fight to split the proposed University of Buea instead of asking, as Professor Obenson of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Buea has done, for the opening of a University of Science and Technology in Bamenda; vii. Like on previous occasions, North-West has interfered with the take-off of the South-West Development Authority (SOWEDA) which was due two years ago in much the same way as they worked against the functioning of the University Center in Buea during the AHIDJO era;

ix. They hold that the North-West has dominated the CDC, PAMOL, and even the Churches of the former Southern Cameroons.

GRIEVANCES RECORDED AGAINST THE SOUTH-WEST BY THE NORTH-WEST

We also recorded the following from a sample of some North-Westerners in the NorthWest province: i. - VIKUMA was founded by South-Westerners to discriminate against North-Westerners; - More investments in terms of agro-industrial developments and road infrastructure are found in the South-West Province; The South-Westerner is arrogant, lazy, and generally lacks initiative.

ii.

iii.

Having analysed these points of conflict, we do, without an iota of doubt, conclude that the two peoples fell apart on very pertinent issues which were relevant to one another at the time. We have, of course, decided not to comment on these allegations but to open them up to the consciences of the two peoples for a self-searching scrutiny of their behaviours within the thirty years of darkness. It is also not of essence to roundly condemn those who led us to this feat: to think on those lines will be weeping over spilt milk, or to evade the onerous task of redeeming ourselves and a our progeny from the yoke of these neo-colonialists who are bent on eliminating both our identity and our culture. Generally, we felt satisfied that none of these persons we spoke to ever told us of any death of either a South-Westerner or a North-Westerner which was caused as a result of this longstanding animosity. But we are convinced, after a very careful search carried out by the elites, of having established a pertinent fact that there has been since reunification a vicious ploy by the francophone political leaders to resurface and indeed foment animosity and division among anglophones in order to keep them permanently divided so as to better conquer and rule over them. The questions we may like to put here to our Southern Cameroons compatriots are these: 1. Are these differences relevant today in the face of one vicious monster out to destroy our identity? 2. What will become of the anglophone if he sleeps on his rights and allows the francophone political leaders to completely assimilate him by annexing the SouthWest Province to the Littoral Province and the North-West Province to the West Province a design which the francophones conceived since 1972? 3. Are our differences such that we cannot submerge them in order to fight for our common and inherent rights? 4 Are these differences of any significance as compared to a people who have fought wars (Chad, Nigeria, the Congos, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Burkina Faso,

South Africa, Uganda, Mali, Mozambique, Angola, etc. and have sought reconciliation? 5. - Are we not living witnesses today that Germany which was divided for over forty years is again a reunited country? 6. Where is the justification for our continued disagreements which look more like tribal sentiments than anything else? 7. Can amends not be made?

II. THE MUCH TALKED ABOUT LEADERSHIP CRISIS. Many people talk and even cry about the absence of a leader, particularly from the SouthWest Province. Whether or not this is true, many anglophones hold that view but, with due respect, we are also entitled to be enlightened on the issue. Consequently, when we talk of a leadership vacuum or crisis, we wish to inquire: What are we really appealing to?

- Are we intimating that individuals ought to be identifiable as leaders so that when there is a political or governmental crisis affecting the anglophones, these leaders will stand out clear to defend the cause of the anglophones? While that reasoning may be vital to solving the problems of anglophones, it is clearly admitted that the type of leadership advocated by the English-speaking Cameroonians is a collective leadership of people dedicated to the cause of anglophone unity; it is a collective leadership that is sensitive to the rights and obligations of its peoples, and a leadership that will establish safeguards and fight to identify and uphold the constitutional rights of the anglophones. If we may recall some pertinent points of history, we have had representation in the government and politicians alike. They were leaders, our forerunners, who were supposed to represent the cause of the anglophones and are still to do so till date to talk with oneness on issues affecting the anglophones and to sensitize the government on the constitutional rights of the anglophones. Our political leaders and government functionaries have failed till date to administer this antidote, to take collective responsibility; they have failed to point out collectively and individually to successive governments the destruction of the constitution of 01/10/61 which was a cornerstone of our union; they have failed to threaten constitutional action if the 1961 constitution was not upheld. Our political leaders and government functionaries are, till date, determined only to seek their selfish ends to the detriment of the generality of anglophones. In the face of one common enemy, they have failed to take a unified approach and to foresee the danger inherent in their individual parochial behaviour. They are subscribing to the scrapping of anglophone identity and culture.

No nation has been eliminated from the face of the earth; the comity of nations will not allow that to happen. When one fights for an inherent genuine cause, even intrigues may not help the oppressor to succeed. Anglophones did not fight a civil war among themselves like Nigeria-Biafra, like Angola, both of whom have reconciled. Why do anglophones preach tribal sentiments amongst themselves? We must stand as a single bloc, united like the English-speaking Northern Somali people who have proclaimed their independence from the federation of Somalia. We must be united like the Eritreans who have finally ousted Colonel MENGHISTU of Ethiopia. Without unity the Romanians would not have liberated themselves from the clutches of the late dictator, Nicolai CEAUSESCU; without unity , Kuwait would not have been liberated from the IRAKIS. The present and retired political leaders together with senior government functionaries have never agreed even among themselves to consider the wrong they are inflicting on their kith and kin? We went to the Foumban Conference in July 1961 divided, and this unfortunately has been our situation till date. After thirty years, we have today still not learnt a lesson from our past mistakes. Leadership, therefore, is not personifying an individual. Leadership is, to the best of our understanding, a collective responsibility of those on whom the political and governmental mantle in consultation with Traditional Rulers lie. If one man is proclaimed a leader, it is unlikely that he/she will command the loyalty of all; he/she shall certainly be betrayed by our very selves; he/she will be jeered by us accusing him/her of promoting his/her clan, tribe or his/her family. We shall be the very people to fight and put him/her down before the francophones; he/she may also be the very person to sell us to the francophones. Throughout the thirty dark years (1961 1991), have our Chiefs and Fons ever met together to question the conspiracy that scrapped the West Cameroon House of Chiefs? Have our politicians, retired and active, our senior government functionaries ever nursed a plan of coming together to review the political and constitutional security of the anglophones? Who then shall lead us to face this disloyalty to our own cause? In conclusion, leadership, therefore, demands collective responsibility, courage, and sacrifice, in order to get effective results. UNITY IS STRENGTH and many hands do light work are English maxims well ingrained in us. Our retired and presently active politicians, our senior government officers, and our Traditional Rulers have not used their nascent authority to establish the substantive constitutional safeguards on which the anglophone polity should have rested. You have been alerted in time; this is the time for the anglophones to rise from their slumber through their leaders to build that structure. The constitutional crisis engulfing the Cameroons now, offers you a unique opportunity to strike a bargain for our constitutional security.

III. -

THE ANGLOPHONE QUESTION. A RETURN TO THE FEDERATION OF WEST AND EAST CAMEROONS.

A PROPER CENSUS TO DETERMINE THE POPULATION OF WEST CAMEROON. Every attempt and effort has been made in the foregoing paragraphs to give you an appraisal of the position of an anglophone, his relationship with his fellow anglophone, and the consequences of that relationship with respect to his position in the Cameroons. This fourth paragraph is the focus, the climax of the sensitization, and the actual message to you. All over this Republic, if you agree with that appellation, or the Federation, which seems appropriate to any anglophone, our brothers of French expression have maintained that there is no Anglophone Problem. Even most political leaders of French expression in most of their political rallies have voiced out that there is no Anglophone Problem. This is a pointer to the anglophone and a true indication that the present atmosphere with our French-speaking Camerounians who pretend to be in solidarity with us is merely a period of a marriage of convenience. The principle of self-preservation must now be invoked; the future must be read to mean that no matter what relationship we are having with our brothers of French expression, we must constantly be on our guard, upholding our interests and never again to fall victims of this repression as a result of the fact that for a very long time, we have slept on our rights. It is only a bigot, an oppressor, who will shamelessly say that the anglophones do not have a problem. The anglophones have a problem as from the date the late dictator rigged the Federation. Their democracy which was enshrined in their West Cameroon constitution of 01/10/61 was destroyed by the illegal proclamation of the United Republic of Cameroon and its unitary constitution of 02/06/72. Thereafter, the anglophones have witnessed torture, spite and victimization. Dictatorship, a foreign concept to their way of life, has paralysed their modus vivendi and, as confirmed by the declaration of Mr. Paul Biya on the 28th of June 1990: The CPDM was born out of the call for freedom and democracy by the Camerounian people after 20 years of an authoritarian regime, evidence of victimization for 20 years of dictatorship is now manifest. Now, our politicians present and retired, our |Chiefs and Royal Highnesses, our government functionaries, present and retired, shall require a deft blend of boldness and restraint to face the Himalayan task of liberating the anglophones from the claws and clutches of our self-proclaimed political masters the francophones. The mission of the elites is to plead and fervently pray to South-West and North-West politicians, Chiefs, their Royal Highnesses, government functionaries, and the populations of these provinces to eschew their senseless North-West/South-West dichotomy. There is no reason for us to go at each others throat because of these natural traits; let us instead transform our cultural differences to a major political asset, for it is crystal clear that the North-West or the South-West cannot alone survive the aggression and suppression of the francophones

without a united front. The basis for a better political climate should be enhanced now to unify our resolve towards a common objective the essence of unity towards a common foe is now paramount. The case of the anglophones rests on a return to the Federation of West Cameroon and East Cameroun which was the basis of the plebiscite. The moment for that historic action seems ripe and shall have international sympathy in view of the gross violations of the charter of the Federation. The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon of 01/10/61 does not show in any of its provisions that the Federal Republic of Cameroon was to assume a different status other than a Federal structure (See Art. 47 (1-5) of the 1961Constitution in reference and in particular article 1 of it which says: Any proposal for the revision of the present constitution which impairs the unity and integrity of the Federation shall be inadmissible. Article 47 (1) was a fundamental principle and the bedrock on which the Federation was founded. The only ground why the two states came together was to become a federation. To change to any other form of country or a constitution was certainly to impair the unity and integrity of the federation. The change to the unitary structure was therefore unconstitutional because the referendum was forced on the anglophones. Moreover, the rigging of the Federation abused the fundamental articles of the constitution of the Federation of 01/10/61, which invariably showed that the federation was made of two peoples. For example: Article 9 (1) says: The President of the Federal Republic and the Vice-President who must not be natives of the same federated state, shall be elected on a single list, by universal suffrage and direct and secret ballot; while Article10 (3) says: In the event of the Presidency falling vacant for any reason whatsoever, the powers of the President of the Federal Republic shall automatically devolve upon the Vice-President until such a time as a new President is elected" These articles were intentionally and to the detriment of the anglophones abrogated by the late dictator who acted ultra vires Art, 47 (1) of the federal constitution in order to rub the Federation of its unique feature of two persons and so open the road to assimilating the anglophones. The two sub-sections were limiting clauses against the usurpation of powers and against any interference with the status of the Federation. They were in addition supported by Article 47 (1) and were intended to block any avenue to any change of the structure of the Federation.

LEGAL AUTHORITY IN SUPPORT OF A FEDERATION. Constitutionally, the change of the name of the country to Republic of Cameroun by decree No. 84-001 of 4th February 1984 nullified any existing consideration to support any legal argument which may tend to make the anglophones party to the Republic of Cameroun. By article 1 of the Federal Republic of Cameroon constitution of 01/10/61, quote: - The Federal Republic of Cameroon is formed as from 1st October 1961, of the Territory of the Republic of Cameroun, henceforth called East Cameroun, and the Territory of the Southern Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom administration, henceforth called West Cameroon. - And Article 56, quote: On 1st October 1961, the government of the Southern Cameroons under British administration and the government of the Republic of Cameroun shall become the governments of the two Federated States respectively. The decree No. 84-001 of 04/02/84 has annexed a sovereign state, West Cameroon, which at the time of reunification was an autonomous state equal in status with the Republic of Cameroun which became East Cameroun. By decree No. 84-001 of 04/02/84 which changed the illegal status of the United Republic of Cameroon, the treaty, locally known as the Foumban Accord, which is cited in the United Nations records as INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION, has been frustrated and abrogated by the acts of the parties themselves since one sovereign state, Republic of Cameroun CANNOT assimilate another sovereign state, West Cameroon. The parties to the Foumban Accord of July 1961 the Republic of Cameroun and the sovereign state of the Southern Cameroons which became East and West Cameroons respectively (Art. 1) - have by legal implication returned to their status quo ante of 01/10/61 which is the Republic of Cameroun and the independent state of the Southern Cameroons respectively. By proclamation DF-72 of 02/06/72 that brought the illegal United Republic of Cameroon with its unitary constitution of 02/06/72, abolished by implication: 1. The Foumban Accord of July 1961 INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION; 2. The Federal Constitution of 01/10/61; 3. - Abolished the government, the Parliament , and the House of Chiefs of the West Cameroon State; 4. - Moved troops into and occupied West Cameroon;

- Divided West Cameroon into North-West and South-West provinces;

6. - Occupied West Cameroon with francophone administrators; AND The decree of |President Paul Biya, No. 84-001 of 04/02/84 , changing the name of the country to simply Republic of Cameroun, have no binding effect on the Federated state of West Cameroon and are, therefore, NULL AND VOID having no force of law in the Federated state of West Cameroon. The constitution of West Cameroon of 01/10/61 shall become legal and operative throughout the federated state of West Cameroon.

IV.

NATIONAL CONFERENCE.

If you are convinced about the reasons advanced in the preceding paragraphs, it is our humble opinion to thank you in advance for accepting unity as a precondition for our survival in the Cameroons. It will lead us to assuming that if we are faced with any conference, the problems of Anglophones in the Cameroons shall become a mobilising weapon of our unity. It is in this regard that we believe very absolutely that one of the reasons why the present administration is afraid of convening a National Conference is certainly the fear of the Anglophone Problem, which, though the administration says that that problem does not exist, the administration is certainly apprehensive that the anglophones consider themselves oppressed, victimised, colonised, and annexed by the francophones.Thirty years (1961 1991) is not enough for you to cast away your right to return to the federation we voted for in February 1961. Many countries the world over which have been confederations or federations, have over more than a century renounced their agreements when conditions that brought about the union or mergers were no longer attainable. We, the peoples of the Southern Cameroons have been dehumanised; injustices and atrocities have been perpetrated against us; as a result of these degrading conditions, more than 35.000 (UNHCR) West Cameroonians have fled this country for safety in Nigeria alone. Article 20 (1) of the OAU Charter on Human and Peoples Rights gives credence to our fight, quote: - All people shall have the right to existence. They shall have the unquestionable and inalienable right to self-determination. They shall freely determine their political status and shall pursue their economic and social development according to the policy they have freely chosen;

Article 20 (2): Colonised and oppressed people shall have the right to free themselves from the bonds of domination by resorting to any means recognised by the international community. Article20 (3): All people shall have the right to the assistance of all states in their liberation struggle against foreign domination be it political, economic and cultural. Cameroon, it must be stated here , is not a signatory to the OAU Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. The reason for this non-signature by Cameroon is very much known by those who can read between the lines. The francophone political leaders who have held the mantle of political leadership know that they have annexed the peoples and territory of the former British Southern Cameroons and will not be party to a document that condemns them.

Although in our conclusion, the agenda of the National Conference has been treated by many writers and continues to receive special attention within various forums, we would like to lay special emphasis on an aspect of this conference that is of major concern to the anglophones. First, when it shall become necessary to hold the National Conference or any other organised forum, the Anglophone Question shall constitute an item to be inscribed on the agenda of that forum or conference. As a matter of fact, this anglophone question will constitute a precondition for our participation in any such forum. At this point, we can only hope that we have pleaded sufficiently the genuine case for anglophone unity. It is therefore expected that, when you shall go to such a conference, you shall be attending it as a force, a united people; carrying along with you the Anglophone Mandate that of a return to the Federation of West Cameroon and East Cameroun in view of the fact that the Federal Republic of Cameroon, by its Federal Republic of Cameroon Constitution of 01/10/61, which has not been repealed, is the legitimate name of the country today. The unifying example of our children of the North-West and South-West Provinces, who valiantly fought for the cause of the GCE in 1985 and won the battle for the stay of the GCE, should serve as food-for-thought. Our young students defied the NorthWest/South-West dichotomy: why not you? Finally, we feel ourselves very honoured by the patience and courage you have taken to consider our plea for you to advance the cause of our unity as a befitting tribute to the memories of P.M. KALLE, MOTOMBY WOLETA, S.A. GEORGE, CHIEF JOHN MANGA WILLIAMS, AUGUSTINE NGOM JUA, FON GALEGA II, DR.E.M.L. ENDELEY, NFON O.S. EBANJA III, who died charting the course of our freedom and destiny.

LET ANGLOPHONES SPEAK WITH ONE VOICE AT THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE! We thank you.

Signed by: FOUNDERS Dr. A.B. Yongbang Zoh Hanson Amos Ngapbon Bello Lewis Ngalame Daniel Asonganyi Joseph Etabong John Kumase Barrister WCM Etinge Julius Manjoh Hans Ewang Dr. John Fon Achu George Acha-Morfaw Vincent N. Feko Emmanuel Ashu Agbor B.Z. Dum-Bung Jinla Bungong Barnabas Akwo Alfred Bakari Lawrence Bate-Eya Alhaji Mussa Charles Oben

MEMBERS; John A. Besong Barrister Etah Akoh Henry Bengwa Marcel Dinka Sebastian Epah Roy Ashu Mbu Graham J. Yumbi Achidi Kisob Gregory Nkengafac Robert Mebune Michael Chibili John Ngoh Temban George Massango Barrister R.N. Makoge Cletus Ntumngia T.P. Mbah P.A.Y. Tomdio E. Eno Mbei David Nche Bob Achu Hanson G. Tamfu Paul Ngole Epie Nat A. Takor Cyprien Mbaya Awudu Mukete Dioh Martin Tomdio Edmond Kem Atud Basil B. Eyombo Athanasius Nsahlai Namme Eno Ebai Peter A. Morcho Litumbe Litombo Evaristus Fonkah Abel Webnjoh August Mene Eyasu

END