Sexual Politics - Biosociopsychological Perspectives

Sexual Politics: Some Biosociopsychological Problems Author(s): Glendon Schubert Source: Political Psychology, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Mar.
, 1987), pp. 61-94 Published by: International Society of Political Psychology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3790987 . Accessed: 28/04/2013 08:09
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Political Psychology,Vol. 8, No. 1, 1987
SexualPolitics: Problems Some Biosociopsychological

Glendon Schubert'
Sexual politics provokes many questionsabout sex differences in andpolitical stance theneed behavior, psychological highlighting foremistoextend research knowledge pirical if present beyond ideological inference. tosuchquestions answers demands a biosociopsychological Developing apanddatafrom thebiological with those the combining proach, theory from socialsciences, theequally thereby transcending although diametrically opand of biological determinism. Discussed here posedsterilities of cultural areproblems the conposedby present understanding ofpolitical psychology insexandpolitics; continuities as an emcerning: (1)primate (2) matriarchy versus modern societal sexual construct; pirical (3) traditional egalitarianism; andtrends inbehavioral sexdifferences in (4) kibbutzim egalitarian theory, biosocial and adult human anpractice; (5) unisexuality; (6) developmental drogyny.
KEY WORDS: sex; equality;attitudes; politics;feminism; androgyny.
INTRODUCTION This discussionis concernedwiththe biosocial theory of sexual inein political and especially withdevelopmental behavior, quality relationships betweenhumanbiologyand cultureas theyaffectsexual politics. Previousworkbytheauthordiscusseshow biologicalsubstrates transact epigenetically withsexual differences in politicalbehavior(Schubert, 1983b;cf. Petersen, 1980;Katchadourian, 1979;and on epigenesis, Schubert, in regardto modal sexual differences in brainorganiza1985b), especially
of Hawaii at Manoa, Honolulu, Hawaii 96822; SouthernIllinoisat Carbondale, 'University Carbondale, Illinois62901. 61
@ 1987International 0162-895X/87/0300-0061505.00/1 of Political Society Psychology
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: 121-123; tionand development 1983aand 1983b and cf.Kon(Schubert, and and ner,1982;Harris, 1981;Wittig Petersen, 1980;Springer Deutsch, andinpersonali1979;Kinsbourne, 1978;DoustandDoust,1985:537-539) cf. 1983b: 105-106, 113; Gilligan, 1982;Scarf, 1973; Bardwick, ty(Schubert, 1982:107par. 1971;Leibowitz, 1978;Rossi,1977;Illich, 1982;McMillan, 1983:ch. 7; cf. Longino and Doell, 1983;Rose, 1983;Hall, 2; Hartsock, 1985). A recent article onthebasisofsocialscience reviews, 1985c) (Schubert, in political in of sexualdifferences substrates behavior, data,thecultural of theconventional modelof political sexroles, terms constructed byand inpolitical for the ofpolitical behavioralism that constituted males, paradigm the1950sand 1960s;thecritique feminists of science bypolitical through in thework of political and thatmodeland itsapplication behavioralists; - analyzing feminists the theempirical bypolitical data-mostly produced inroles inthepolitical andwomen ofmen ofboth differentials participation article andfollowership 1980).A forthcoming (andcf.Lafferty, leadership comments on feminism as a political (Schubert, 1987b) movement, raising feminism has notbeenmore aboutwhy successful durquestions political inmaking more andhowitmight succeed rapid prostage," ingits"second intoone that in transforming at leasttheAmerican political system gress andeconomically andracially islesspatriarchally machismatic, discriminating and of political one thatin terms and likewise women; leadership against is a sexually content egalitarian polity. publicpolicy of emphasizing whathas hapinstead however, Here,in thisarticle, in the achievement ofpolitical sexual differences, empirically regarding pened at a level several made to raise theoretical an is quesegalitarianism,attempt ofpresent ofthe roots ofpolitical tions that areatthefrontiers understanding sexualinequality. interfaces several involve These biologicalamong intersecting questions arebest andthey academic well as social oriented science) disciplines; ly (as from in as moving successively evolutionaryconceptualized grouped pairs, topsychophysiologically based, cultural, developmental, approaches. through in thepolitical behavior of nonwith sexualdifferences Thus,they begin claim that matriarchal and with the human then, political systems primates, is raised thequestion inhuman evolution to patriarchies. were Next, prior, andotherwise) tomen, were more women whether formerly equal(politically of the and societies band in preagricultural pastoral) (i.e., hunting or so the era of (see Fisher, past 10,000years archeological-historical of how and 1979) than theyare now; followed by an examination to establish themostthoroughgoing endeavor, political why experimental Theconcluding not more successful. was a of as matter policy, equality public limits andconsider thebiosocial focus on human to, development questions
Problems SexualPolitics: Biosociopsychological
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the now-conventional of the extent to which women can first, question become more likemen;and then themore unconventional ofthe question thatof menbecoming morelike women(e.g., flipside of androgyny: 1975:ch. 4; McMillan, 1982:38-39). Firestone, 1970;Barber,
PART ONE: PRIMATE EVOLUTION Are Humans the Only PrimateswithSexual Politics?
as a radical 1970:36) Marxist feminist Speaking (Firestone, (and see inthe Firestone "it asserts that is Elshtain, 1981), recently, (1970:250) only most for feminist advanced industrial that countries, genuine preconditions revolution havebegun to exist. Forthefirst time itis becoming to possible - inthat attack thefamily...on moral itreinforces based grounds biologically sex class, promoting adultmales,who are thandivided further among themselves race and class over of females all by privilege, ages and male children..." ofsexual classdifferences reflects (emphasis added).Sucha view in biological a devout faith determinism 1982: that is (McMillan, 115-118) baseduponmonumental of such fields as disregard disparate primatology, and ethology physical anthropology, comparative (and cf. psychology, Illich,1982:80-89). A very different is taken a biologicalposition bySarahBlaffer Hrdy, trained feminist who an is field well for ly experienced primatologist known - which herstudies ofsexdifferences inthesocialbehavior insheexplicitly as of Indian In her terprets political langur monkeys (Blaffer Hrdy, 1977). bookonprimate female behavior 1981:1-2;andcf.Boulding, (Blaffer Hrdy, 1976:ch. 3), sheacknowledges that theusualfeminist is that presumption information about human or other will females any biological primate be but she cf. and necessarily sexist; argues (and Longino Doell, 1983;and "Feminists...will find substantial forquestioning Rossi,1977)that grounds which women as inferior to men as lessasserstereotypes depict naturally lesscompetitive, or lesspolitical thanmenare." tive,lessintelligent, Blaffer states thatthere are at leasttworeasons feminists Hrdy why tendto reject faciebiological evidence aboutother females prima primate as having no relevance to humans. In thefirst is a widespread place,"there that is destiny."' Andin thesecond misconception 'biology place,research on other "hasneglected themanifestations ofdominance andasserprimates infemales tiveness behavior that sometimes females into themselves, brings conflict with males andwith eachother." Herbookfollowing those introducremarks is an extended anddetailed ofprimatological, and tory compilation to a lesser extent evidence to redress theimanthropological, undertaking
balances in thepreviousrecord.Thus she discusses(inter alia) such matters
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as sexualdimorphism in physical size and strength (and cf. Hall, 1982); inmost found notusually other as a pattern ofmating primates; monogamy the and and females; primate origins competition bonding among primate see 1976: ch. of human female (and 2). sexuality Boulding, Susan Kay and Douglas Meikle(1983),a political scientist and a and use to raise sociobiological theory zoologist, respectively, quesaccept tions aboutfeminist andpolitical feminism. Sociobiology ideology purports ingenetic inbehavior, sexual terms toexplain differences behavior, including Lumsden and 1982: see and Wilson, 1981; 1981;Illich, 75-79; (and White, and Meikle believe that: 1982a,1984,1987a).Kay Schubert, (1983:24-25)
islittle toexpect human have There reason that females not evolved behavioral similar tothose ofmales. most associated with conflict of propensities Throughout human evolution there hasbeencompetition females probably (andmales) among If females inthehominid ofhuman within andbetween socialgroups. beancestry incloseproximity were to other females most ofthetime, conflict couldhave ings intheir resulted as they, self-interests, food,water, sought space,andother acting needs. In addition resources over which human females have tothose competed, may also havecompeted for mates. Because males couldhaveinvested they may significant inoffspring, wasinfluential andlimiting amounts their investment to probably wewould tocomthe success offemales. females totend Hence, expect reproductive themales basedon thedegree to which ableandwilling males to appeared petefor inoffspring invest as well as ontheir other behavioral andphysical attributes. However, that since females invested more itis unlikely their probably reproductive strategy of males. was as much basedon conflict as wasthat
believe However, they (1983:36) also:

offeminists that itwould betothe toadmit there beevolulong-range advantage may andsexdifferences inthose basedbehaviors behaviors andto tionarily, genetically that into their Theexistence ofsuch based incorporate ideology. possibility biologically inthose sexdifferences behaviors ofdifferently structured may require prescription and economic arenas or of at leastcompensatory in order political public policies to achieve thegoalsof equality.
Like Blaffer assert thatthere are many Hrdy, Kay and Meikle important in both the based and evolutionarily caused differences biologically andbehavior ofhuman males andfemales psychology (andcf.Hall, 1985). Jonah andShirley Western Strum andbasetheir (1983)likewise accept discussion onsociobiological which relate tothe behavior they theory, generalStrum is a field wellknown for ly of non-human primates; primatologist herstudies of baboonsin Kenya.Western and Strum (1983:23) define
social toinclude andreciprocity. Both males manipulation exploitation, cooperation, and females should use [allthree], butthenature ofthestrategy will be influenced differences. since most stable arematrilineal, females First, bymale-female groups use strategies which havebotha personal anda kinship and primarily component areunder theinfluence of kinselection, orat leastdifficult to distinguish from it. In contrast, oncethey leavetheir natalgroup, haveto rely males, uponstrategies not onbiological relatedness. will the sexes inthe alsodiffer manner Second, dependent inwhich canuseexploitation, andreciprocity. Forexample, males they cooperation,
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incircumstances for limited than such as competition canbemore females, exploitative in most inneednotconsider thekincomponent of their because resources, they teractions...
Moreover (1983:25):
has attained its highest levelof It is in humans thatsocialmanipulation with the as evidenced However, systems. parallels byhuman political sophistication deferandthe both the ofdiversity nonhuman obvious, degree although primates...are humans. ment of benefits aremore among pronounced
hierarchies studies ofprimate female There arenowmany (e.g.,Tiger ch.6; Fedigan available 1981: andFowler, 1978;Blaffer readily 1982) Hrdy, The andexperimental in theresearch of bothfield literatures primatology. of female social belowis VanHooff's discussed (1982)description example ofhisexplicit Thishasbeenselected because structure among chimpanzees. oftheinterrelaintheimplications, forpolitical and socialtheory, interest inthelarge bandofcapbetween andmalesexhierarchies female tionships twodecades. Van Hooff he hasbeenstudying foralmost tivechimpanzees that: states
inourchimpanzees. wehave Onthe onehand, wehave two ofsupport types strategy shown which isparticularly the aimed atmaximizing influence, opportunistic strategy A remarkable ofthis ofstrategy males. isthat byadult type support preferences aspect when over arenotconstant measured canbe affected longperiods; they bychanges inthe male Onthe other there isthe dominance hand, hierarchy. familiarity-dependent, in therepertoire of thefemales, behavior is altruistic that whose strategy prevails in thefactthat much lesspower-directed than that of themales.Thisis reflected bluff lessfrequently infemales. females cerandintimidation occur much Although canbequite their ismuch more with connected punishing tainly aggression aggressive, with ofstatus. Female andoffenses than the maintenance andconfirmation trespasses of males, 'reacis much more than that anditis also more aggression 'predictable' difficult tive' andless'spontaneous.' Rank between aremuch more relations females with todetect; much more stable over the isalsotrue which are,however, they years, to their respect support preferences.
Van Hooff'sformal remarks werefollowed by a particularly interesting in and which humanist social scientist oftheresearchmembers discussion, institute audience before whom he had spoken himwith pressed questions of hisfindings abouttherelevance to socialandpolitical relations between thesexesamong humans and 1982: and see also (Schubert Somit, 55-70); thepublished dissertation of Van Hoof'sstudent, de Waal (1982). Richard Green hascommented andHicks, (1979:116;andcf.Gualtieri that on laboratory research has"demonstrated 1985) experimental primates that thebasically differentiate female justas androgenic (male)hormones ina maledirection, structure thesamepotential for hormonal action genital within exists the brain. these arefrequently overlooked [But] findings bythose whopoint to postnatal socialization as affecting behaviors. only sex-typed
finThese 'social scientists' would liketo see [suchneuroendrocrinological] dings...erasedfromthe passages of scientific history."
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Cook(1981:8) refers toMcGuire's conference for Thus, (1982) example, in in that levels of the hormone which he showed serotonin, theblood paper, with status correlated are of malevervet monkeys, strongly sociopolitical secretion inthegroup: theexpectation ofsuchstatus leadsto theincreased ofhigher is reinforced ofthehormone, andsuchsecretion bytheenjoyment 1979: and versa andvice Cook, Madsen, status; 1985). (andcf.Petersen, 200; to who win election however, (1981: 8) thathuman"females suggested hormones levelof certain roleswillshowan increased authority political be renamed the'dominant female' can then hormone)." (which ofit(and in hiswritten Butneither papernorin hisoralpresentation didMcGuire to be present as his this author discussant) happened assigner in laboratory as thathisempirical makeanysuchsuggestion observation, in hormonal secretions of changes research, amongvervet experimental do or couldsecrete females that human males, necessarily monkey implies was hormone an analogous (under anyname).No doubtCook'scomment Barber's butseepolitical scientist intended tobe ironic; (1975:86) Benjamin is correct Green to human ofprimate dataas irrelevant sexuality. rejection - whether inprimate sexual differences inemphasizing that thepoint atissue and therefore can affect emotions, arousal, (including human) physiology and as wellas sexualbehavior nonsexual (Pribram (including political) to the fundamental McGuiness, 1975; Panksepp,1982)-is absolutely inrelation to primate ofhuman behavior, sexuality political understanding of humans or otherwise. Did Matriarchy Precede Patriarchy? viewof fortheMorgan/Engels Reed has arguedforcefully Evelyn see her human evolution: to as a majorcontribution political matriarchy in and Antievolutionism" "Evolutionism (originally published 1957 papers oftheMatriarunder thetitle Today")and "TheChallenge "Anthropology 1978;and Eisenstein, 1975;and cf. Hamilton, chy"(Reed,1978:114-126, radical Firestone whereas theatleast (1970:83)rejects Engel's equally 1979); radicalRedstockings and thesimilarly (1978: 193, matriarchy hypothesis, and the bothEngel's argument specifically, promatriarchy 196-198) rejects data generally. of all "pre-historical" relevance to that"Contrary Reed(1978:222) states herposition, Summarizing beentheinferior women havenotalways abouttheir current status, myths were theadvantaged thefemales aretoday.In thebeginning sexthey sex; Unlike of thespecies. werethemothers, forthesurvival responsible they and of themselves fortheprotection couldbondtogether males...females
theiroffspring. This nurturing, cooperativetraitenables femalesto make
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thegreat advance from the maternal brood intheanimal world tothematerin thehuman nal clansystem world." 1981:11)re(1978:269; and see also Blaffer-Hrdy, Dalyand Wilson that "There isa persistent that societies areorwere 'matriarchies,' myth spond butthere is noevidence for this belief.... arenomatriarchies inwhich [T]here men areruled women." butmore bioanbypowerful Similarly, emphatically, Pierre vandenBerghe that "Thesimple fact (1973:53) asserts thropologist is that weknow ofnomatriarchal In a few cultures, society, pastorpresent. women arenearly there endofthespectrum, and,attheother equaltomen, in which are societies maletyranny is extreme; butfemales are politically in no human dominant society." [He also adds,rather (1973: 110), snidely willpropose that "until suchtime as militant feminists a means (satisfying to mostwomen) of dispensing withmen,themajority of sisters can be to selloutto theenemy."] predicted But todayit is merely thatwhatvan den Berghe to suggest realistic considered a dozen be to unthinkable is now,duetoan inbarely years ago ofnuclear fortuitous combination and within technology genetic engineering, theambit ofthe radical feminist if not within political imagination yet quite thebounds ofpolitical Firestone that "The feasibility. (1970:12)anticipates of the one the sex for benefit of both be would reproduction species by replaced by...artificial children would be born to bothsexes reproduction: equalof either," and McMillan on ly,or independently (1982:118),commenting bothFirestone andSimone that like artificial Beauvoir, explains "abortion, is thechief theaggressor and offers theonly reproduction, weapon against ofliberation authentic means from oppression." [SeeBarber, (1975:35,46), of domestication in Schubert Frank,(1947),and the discussions (1981:
218-220, 1985a, 1986a).
PART TWO: CULTURAL CHANGE Has WesternCultureMade Modern Women Less Equal Politically Than Women Are/Werein TraditionalSocieties?
out thatmodernization for Lapidus(1974:243-244) points implied, scientists ofthesixties andwell oninto theseventies, political "egalitarianism anddemocratization: an expanded definition ofcitizenship, widened political and the enhancement ofinstitutional associated with participation, capacity of political lifeextends the Thus,"Thedemocratization nation-building." andresponsibility of citizenship to women on a basisofequality privileges with while inthestructure andscopeofpolitical men, and changes authority
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efforts to institutionalize create newavenues for political responsiveness greater political participation." wrote before disillusionment became more Lapidus slightly widespread theevident effects ofmodernization inpractice came concerning uponwhat to be calledThird Worldsocieties; buthercomment makes it easyto see howideologues formodernization thatshearticulated their (in theterms faith for couldprogress, from thebetterment ofnative to the them) peoples - which ifnotmost, socialscientists - that still assumption many, accept proandthecomputer revolution aregoodforeverybody ingress, technology, women in thekitchen). volved, including (and especially also continue to viewas liberating forwomen Manysocialscientists thegreater andsocialfreedom, andthepossibility tochoose personal among an array of lifestyles, and among a variety of modes of self-expression in as wellas in private, formobility and achievepublic plustheopportunity ment. Thus(Lapidus,1974:244),"Thedemocratization ofpolitical life extends theprivileges and responsibilities of citizenship to women on a basis of equality with while in thestructure and scopeof political men, changes and efforts to institutionalize create new authority political responsiveness avenues forgreater political participation." On theother and hand,Aries(1962)and O'Neill(1969)documented discussed howthestructure ofthemodern the status and family destroyed in traditional of women feminine with themuch authority roles, together more andpolitical skills and social, economic, complex developed practiced inextended-family tribal andfamily inwhich theprobywomen groupings, ofwomen wasbasicto thesurvival ofmales as wellas ofchildren ductivity - a point andelderly to which Reedrefers andoneon which people Evelyn Shulamith Firestone but one from which both draw dwells, they hyperbolic inferences for of how crucial to feminism is [and exemplification political thedebateoverthemodern see Barber family, [pro-family] (1975),Rossi and [con],Firestone (1977),andMcMillan (1982;104-107); (1970),Breines et al. (1978),and Chodorow (1979). In modern, "Women have technocratic, capitalistic, progressive polities, ceasedto be fully members ofsociety whose status derives from productive their economic buthavebecome ofconspicuous conproductivity, objects valued for rather thaninstrumental roles"(Lapidus, sumption, expressive 1974:244).Indeed, industrial societies usewomen as coolielabor, politicalmobilizable if and when needed to men as inwartime ly replace temporarily societies are hostile to socialchange (see Skold, 1980).But modernizing because oftheir with both economic andpolitical preoccupation productiviof modernizing womenintoindustrial economies and ty; so the effect
has beento "largely confine their contribution to theleast capitalistic polities
SexualPolitics: Problems Biosociopsychological
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ofstatus andresponsibiliofthe atthebottom hierarchy rewarding positions 1974: 244). ty"(Lapidus, of modernization, bothincountries Therefore thewhole that process still onthemake, hastheeffect haveachieved itandinthose ofvastly intenthe social strain are crossexperienced by women-becausethey sifying with on one the of the hand, modernization; liberating ideology pressured must confront the realities butalso,on theother that hand, they empirically thefeminine in of the substitute traditional (Friedan, 1963) place mystique in augmented female life. family position haveinterElise Boulding thatWestern historians (1977)comments the in the of women societies as that industrial preted position though were for all humans. Butbefore era(ofbarely twoanda half norm theindustrial inEngland itbegan), lived inhousehold centuries where most ago,even people ofwhat enclaves wasprimarily a craft-based The society. politicoeconomic inthe basin hierarchies that outoftheearliest cities 5000 grew Mesopotamian ch. did disturb not that 5) yearsago (Fisher,1979; Boulding,1976: basis for the hierarchy household/class socioeconomic of the political Its disruption of thefactory cameonlywith theestablishment economy. in 1977:212): century system theearly19th (Boulding,
Women as men as well were oftemple administrators warehouse bureaucracies, inEgypt, andprovinces andelsewhere intheMediterracities, complexes, Sumeria, neanright Roman times. As more andmore in a offices through public developed women filled and fewer fewer of them. as however, society, proportionately Only were ofwomen from thelower classes to carefor thechildren longas there plenty of thewomen of theelite were women free to enter thepublic spaces.Differential the ofchildren for care anchored women tothe andnearby home nonelite responsibility work as new work further from took the home places opportunities developing away fathers whohad earlier shared in household-based tasks.The anchoring effect of children meant thatwomen remained insidethemini-society of the homeand while menentered thepublic arenas. neighborhood
also whatshecalls 44; 1976:ch. 7) discusses Boulding (1977:41-42, thesubsequent enclosure ofwomen intheeastern Mediterranean and MiddleEastconsequent to thetransition from nomadism to urbanism that has occurred atvarious times andplaces for different andsocieties. What peoples thepurdah andtheharem) as an aristocratic became began (through practice model the that mobile secluevery upwardly family to,so that aspired through sionlarge numbers ofwomen were from removed effective in participation Thisis a phenomenon associated with thegrowth ofurbanism; and society. evidence of it can be found forthecities of Sumer 4000years ago, and it continued intothe20thCentury. right Thuswomen were "removed from the ofvillages andrural public spaces inwhich thework ofproduction went oncommunally. Thisremoval settings
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is as significant as therelease from from communal work production spaces since in these skills were and [their] tasks, political spaces[their] developed theseclusion of middle class communications networks activated.... Given ofpoorwomen, that nomad women thecontempt andtheeconomic slavery fortheir women havefelt sisters is understandable." city oragricultural life from either nomadic So migration tothe city typically and of valuableskills,competencies, entailsthe loss through atrophy for women. ButBoulding socioeconomic andpolitical status associated porthando many other coma much moreoptimistic trays exchange process thesetbacks for women ofurban mentators. Sheseesas temporary migration; it is primarily thefirst and second thatare mostaffected. By generations urban women havedeveloped thethird (shesays) generation postmigration, that thewomen's liberation a newsetof skills; and "thus, itis no accident Theleaders of intheUnited is theproduct ofthesixties." movement States itwastheir themovement were women ofurbia andsuburbia; grandyoung - either - to migrate mothers whohad left ofAmerica or abroad thefarms to thecity (and see Ryan,1981). October Roberta Hall (personal communication, 21, Anthropologist field work with andIndian remarked that her peasant 1982) anthropological imofthelifeoftheir more whorecalled thesociopolitical matrix peoples, and Hoebel,1941)suggested to herthat mediate ancestors (see Llewellyn women themostextremely todayare repressed regimes against although in "high-pastoralism-agriculturalism" societies those found (and especially inwhich Moslem modern that isreinforced society bythe religion), repression societies ofwomen than traditional be more many may repressive unequally Neverthatarealso repressive butnotso unidirectionally females. against "much ofeconomic to be basedon thenotion theless, theory today appears is theexpression that 'modern' American ofthespecies at itspurest society fit that who doesn't and finest andmost theimplication ideal,with anyone inis a biocultural no not a cultural and that misfit; misfit, just major changes needbe expected other thanslowmaterialistic 'progress.'" is notonlya partof cultural as wellas biological Of course, change in is much more but most cultural life, change rapidthangenetic respects interms with which of culture is the usually compared change aspect biology ofchange and Lumsden and Wilson, 1981; 1981). (Cavalli-Sforza Feldman, inthesocioeconomic-political roles ofwomen We do ofcourse find change in remains whether thetrade-off butthequestion as societies modernize; in to the or involved values hasmadewomen more, less,equal relationship status of men? thathavealso taken changes placein thecorresponding
Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological Problems
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How Can Sexually Political Culture Be Socially Egalitarian Engineered? didexperimental sexual failinthekibbutzim? The Why egalitarianism arecollective to agricultural kibbutzim committed originally organizations, thatpavedthewayforand madedemographically possible development, theestablishment of a newpolity, was under Israel,in 1948.The country WarI; butTurkey wasonthelosing sideinthat Turkish control until World warand theBritish wereawarded a Leagueof Nations mandate overthe landthen calledPalestine, which was partitioned between modern Jordan inthe andIsrael ofWorld aftermath WarII. TheBalfour Resolution of 1917 foreshadowed theultimate national ofa Jewish establishment in homeland thestrong ofinternational the modern Palestine; and,with Zionism, support kibbutzim movement became one of themostimportant means bywhich, intheearly twenties four ofmuch decades smaller scaleand beginning (after unsuccessful more thanhalfa million largely experimentation), European andAmerican Jews became thelandduring thethree settlers, redeveloping decadesbetween thetwoworldwars(Chertoff, 1974). Individual within differences thekibbutzim movement areexemplified that ofthethree oneis pro-Marxist andprobythefact majorfederations, Soviet while theother twoarestrongly Almost all however, opposed. began, as highly andfervently idealistic, radical, extremely egalitarian experiments ineconomic, Theyoung adultfounders of social,andpolitical democracy. most ofthekibbutzim theearliest twenties were individuals whohad during beenlongandcarefully in "thereligion indoctrinated of labor";and as the children ofurban had for the hardlifeof pioneers shopkeepers they opted as collective ina strange farmers hostile and land,surrounded by neighbors hostile in thespirit of crusaders. countries, In thatclimate of opinion, thekibbutz was designed to be a initially women wouldbe completely to the placein which equal men,doing same inthefields, work the same thesamelimited sharing dangers, reaping personalmaterial in theform benefits of foodand shelter and clothing, and also entitled to receive thesamelegalandpolitical and rights psychological satisfactions. No onewasto be paid forlabor;andthetraditional nuclear was to be as the obstacle to true family destroyed greatest implementing socialism. There wasno needfor or divorce; a couple that wished marriage - otherwise, to sleeptogether worked, everybody ate,recreated, showered, and exercised decideto sharethesame together anyhow-would simply when either orboth ofthem wished toterminate such an arrangebedroom; she or he or both of them moved out. ment, simply
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inchildren; butthey were to be raised as an Thismight anddidresult in almost from their cohort collectively complete independence biological age toshare inwhat traditional societies Menwere defined as "women's parents. todo any men women were tobe prepared cando. Notleast, work"; job that a total theentire adult thekibbutz was to be self-governed by democracy: in in a all matwould meet which weekly policy-making assembly community and were to discussion administraters, large small, open byanybody present; in which in tionwasto be carried women were to serve outbycommittees numbers and and with as to both hierarchical complete subject equality men, In principle of feminism, and status. thekibbutz was thenirvana political otherwise. of backsliding Within lessthana generation, various forms however, life hadbecome thenorm rather conventional individualistic, (toa more style) a century theregresthan toit;andbytheendofhalf (1920-1970) exceptions sionin regard to many of sexroleshad become almost totalas exaspects in cosmetics and jewelry or theincreasing by female indulgence emplified ofcommon showers for bysexofchildren (e.g.,theelimination segregation of which, as patently heretical wouldhave behavior, adolescents)- neither in 1956, inthetwenties. beentolerated ThusSpiro,writing (1975: explains 221,223,and 225; and see hisch. 9) that:
forthecrisis The factis...thatit is thewomenwho are primarily responsible of thewoman."]Almostall resignations are instigated [of"theproblem bythewomen; theincreased demandforprivate and forgreater is found moststrongprivacy property ly in thewomen;mostof thetensionin thekibbutzis caused by thewomen...[and] Yedidim[thekibbutzstudiedby Spiro] are unhappyin their manywomenin Kiryat in the kibbutz, role.... In spiteof the 'emancipation' whichtheyhave experienced - muchof it barelyconsciousor thereis considerablesentiment among the women - thatthey notto have been... [A typicalfemalekibbutznik] articulate would prefer and to have a house and kitchen frequently expresseda desireto be a housewife, of herown. A femaleideologueadmitted thatafter a hardday's workeven she has sometimes how muchmorepleasantlifewouldbe if she had herown home, thought took care of herown children, and did herown cooking.Finally...oneof the most - thewife Yedidim of a leaderof thekibbutz womenin Kiryat movement respected thatthekibbutz womenhad notachieved whatthey had originally publicly proclaimed afterthirty hoped for;as forherself, yearsin KiryatYedidimshe could pronounce her life a disappointment.
Others were women found kibbutz toostrenuous. life Many physically dissatisfied with their economic roles. women andnursing mothers Pregnant hadtotakeleavefrom themost strenuous tasks. as the "Hence, agricultural kibbutz older andthebirth rate andmore more women were grew increased, forced to leavethe"productive" branches oftheeconomy andenter its"service"branches. Butas they left the"productive" itwasnecessary branches, that their andthey were filled men. The result wasthat placesbe filled, by thewomen found in thesamejobs from themselves which were they sup- cooking, carposedto havebeenemancipated cleaning, laundering, teaching, ing for children...."
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andShepfer concerndetails (1975:chs.3, 5,and9) provide Tiger many lifewas likein thetwenties, as wellas concerning the ingwhatkibbutzim inmany about that substantial (as wemight brought change respects processes of anysocialexperiment) overthecourse of thenext halfcentury. expect and analysis thatone partial forthe Their description explanation suggest theidealkibbutz of1920, andthekibbutzim observempirically gapbetween theidealwasan ideological able in 1970,is that that wasalways blueprint orlessdeviated from inthestructure more andbehaviors oftherealkibbutzimthatwereestablished, evenduring thetwenties. With topolitical over a period ofseveral regard particular participation around1970, and Shepfer's is thatmenwere years centering Tiger finding in theweekly sixtimes as active as women the which assemblies, provided forum fordiscussion and policy Ofer.More principal making byKibbutz menattended theassembly thanwomen menthan did; and more meetings womenasked to be recognized to speak. Co-author an anShepfer, onthefaculty oftheUniversity ofHaifa,hadattended General thropologist indozens ofkibbutzim inmore Assemblies than twodecades ofsocialscientificwork,and his distinct was that women such attended impression and when less than men did in cf., meetings, present participated, [and regard tothe ofthe effect "female culture" onthe ofNorwegian political participation women, Lafferty (1980)]. andShepfer that todominate men tended Tiger (1975:142,158)found inthe kibbutzim committees in role the of and bypredominating chairperson inmembership ofthemore central even there committees, though important weremore women thanmendoing theroutine in thelowest work levelof committees. "The the of level the (particularly, service) higher authority, wider thegapbetween andwomen." men "The ofwomen isconIndeed, authority in a fewdominant centrated women with marked characteristics: are they and somewhat are or veryequable puritanical; they approaching past areusually men andother their menopause; they respected byboth women; and influence tend to be more the men's." than dominant authority specific is pretty There much aboutwhat inthis reversion agreement happened tomore traditional socialandeconomic andpolitical sexroles; (i.e.,"sexist") and there is also substantial consensusas to why. The existing - almost research literature authored 1970: entirely bymen (butcf.Firestone, - as a radical who with the feminist would 240-244, substantially agrees put - tends it- "dominant-oppressor-anthropologist-male" to refer to diagnosis) this ofevents, direct translation to thephrase usedbytheir complex giving in thekibbutzim, informers as "theproblem of thewomen," the bywhich menblamethewomen forwhathappened. It is hardly that the surprising malekibbutzniks didthat; noris itsurprising that thesocialscientists who
have reported on "theproblem," themselves all males,shouldhave takenat face value the claimsof theirrespondents (see Shapiro, 1983: 123; and cf.
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Walker,1981;Keohane,1983;Staceyand Thorne, 1985;thesefeminists indetail inunderstanding thedistortions discuss caused dominant male bythe in social [cultural] socialpsychology, perspectives anthropology, political and sociology). the processes Nevertheless thatresulted in such science, sexequality, andon all three dimensions ofsocialandeconomic ephemeral and political demandfurther and better behavior, surely investigation Talmon [andseeespecially understanding Spiro (1979)andalsoLeon(1969), in Tigerand Shepfer (1972),and thebibliography (1975:311-326)].
PART THREE: EPIGENETIC DEVELOPMENT How Much BioculturalAndrogyny Is Feasible?
can'ta woman, be likea man?"In George Bernard Shaw's "Why play as well as inLerner andLoewe's musical Pygmalion, comedy MyFairLady, Professor the cockneyflowergirl Eliza into a Higginstransformed in speech hisexpertise and mangentlewoman (where lay)and appearance ner.Buthedidnotchange herintoa gentleman. We havenoted that many radical favor divorce ofthefemale sexfrom feminists thetotal themalesex; andsomeofthem that to include understand sucha literal from inference, that theerotically sexual ofwomen should first as that interactions premise, alsobe with other as lesbians; andthat women should so far as possiwomen, all other with blealienate alsofrom socialrelationships men themselves (and see Quest,1981;and Riddiough, 1981). Suchradical feminists arealready alienated from men psychologically ultimate 1975;Redstockings, (Barber, 1978;McMillan, 1982);so their goal is notdissimilar as a policy to theracist solution celebrated bytheUnited States Courtin itsdecision in Plessy vs. Ferguson, in 1898:that Supreme blackswouldbe separate-but-equal from whites. This putssuchradical indiametric feminists toliberal feminists opposition 1981; (andseeEisenstein, Sexist radical feminists want females Friedan, 1981;and Schubert, 1987b): to be separate-but-equal from while liberal feminists want women to males, be the-same-as-and-equal to men. Cook(1981:31-32) infavor hasargued ofa policy ofseparate-but-equal in regard to theissueof equal rights to military servitude, service, bysugtheequivalence of maternal and military service: gesting
Soldiersand mothers bothplaytheir sexroleswithin thesameage boundaries. Males are usuallydrafted between18 and 25 and femalesmarried and/orcarrying theirfirst childduring the same period. Both activities, of course,can beginearlier and dependingupon political,social and technological conditionsmay extendfor some individualsfor anothertwenty years,becominglifetime pursuits.But nonand mothers, whohaveother lifework, soldiers professional plansfortheir maysimply viewtheir service as a contribution to society, whichmayalso preparethemin some ways for otherroles.... Americansocial systems providefinancial,psychological,
Problems SexualPolitics: Biosociopsychological and rewards forveterans. On theother and other solidary, occupational supports whofulfill thematernal women havenotbeensocially hand, rewarded; stereotype and child carehavenotbeenencouraged until thecontemof childbirth survivors movement toselect other after their ofmaternal women's period occupations porary educational andhealth careto allow Norhavewomen beengiven benefits service. at thesametime. them to havebabiesand become dominants) lawyers (or other
75
ofpolicy which this there area variety from Evidently perspectives proposal of advocacy can be discussed 1985).Fromthestandpoint (and cf. Stiehm, forexample, to reject the of zero-growth itis necessary population policy, alternative byCook, and to stand pat on the proposed separate-but-equal in theright feminist on fullsexualparity and position prevailing insisting to military service. Froman evolutionary reduction obligation perspective, inthenumbers ofbothsurviving female infants andfecund females always Froma cultural has beenthemostreliable method of population control. ofview, Cook'smodest advocates themost traditional bifurpoint proposal cation of sexual with at males offto warwhile females remain roles, going homeand raisebabies. in whatthusfarremain Someradicalfeminists havetoyed, sciencewith fiction thedeveloping toolsof genetic fantasies, utilizing technology, andother branches orallies ofreproductive endocrinology, cytology, biology - or inthe in order to causehuman males to share most version of extreme to assume-the theproposal, ofbearandpresent female function previous birth to human infants 1970:12; butcf.Barber, ingand giving (Firestone, 1975:35, 46; McMillan, 1982:116-119; and see Blank,1981;and Sapiro, Forthelatter radicals theunderlying motivation seems tobe punitive, 1985). available sons the retribution for sins attributed to their fathers visiting upon inthetreatment and forefathers ofcountless of females whose generations reward as it in is this must have been received (ifany, presumed scenario) insome other world. Liberal feminists toaccept this innovative ought logically but for what the rather down different motivation of technology, breaking to be the obstacle to women they preceive principal remaining (inprinciple) likemen. becoming exactly therealization ofsuchliteral theliberal feminist Pending unisexuality, from the cradle to the As a liberal feminist program appliesonly grave. scientist remarked at a conference on a few political biopolitics only years sexism ofculture as anincident tothe actofhuman What birth. ago,the begins usedtohappen until andstill doesinmany backward very recently, culturally of the United States and Western is a that would beborn parts Europe, baby toa mother ina hospital where a would make room, delivery (male) physician whattheliberal feminist described as "a hasty of the external inspection theresult ofwhich wasto puteither or bluebooties on the genitalia," pink neonate.
- and In thepast,in thisand in mostotherWestern industrial societies - it weretheonlyones where suchhospitals existed forbirthing they purposes
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downhill from thattimeon fortheunlucky was mostly babiesthathaptogetpink booties. Thereason babieswere thenceforth pened pink-bootied their was in discriminated and lives, against, throughout explicit inherent the cultures intowhichthesebabieswereborn;it had of the societies - nothing-to do with differences between anyrelevant biological nothing malesand females at anytime the human life during developmental cycle. Thisisthe andhere cultural ofview; isa typical determinist exampoint of it what leads to. took ple Hershey (1977:285n.2) Marjorie painsto exI that or 'sex' mean the "women' and plain "By'gender' simply categories and no means does this that or can exhormones 'men"'; "By imply biology in sex differences I attitudes. am that Instead, plain political hypothesizing differences inpolitical attitudes between menandwomen can be explained the sex Buttwopages effects of role cf. 1982: by learning" (and Illich, 80-89). in attitudes earlier that"there is stillsomevariance she admitted due to - that sex- 10% inthecaseoftheabortion issue be explained cannot bythe inthe effects ofsexroles" cf. who Poole and found that 1981, Zeigler, (and on was the issue which women 1980national election differed pollabortion in saliency, while most from ranked it as second menranked men:women it eighth, of equal rights forwomen). just in front tocultural determinism commitment Only Hershey's ideological precluded herfrom theobvious at leastto the that, considering possibility perhaps of 10%, it was notstatistical smallextent error variance butrather that sexhas something to do with theattitudes of bothwomen biological (who stillgetpregnant) and of men(whodon'tyet);and see Schubert (1983b: on "Sex versus Gender" 101-104) (and cf. Illich,1982:68). humans Cookasserts sexual distinctions Similarly, (1980:4) that among are as meaningless forbiology as they are forculture and socialbehavior: "Thelabels maleandfemale havenobiological uponentire organisms placed baseduponsex their is in describing socialtreatment onlyutility meaning; - butamong "sexstatus" status" cultural humans, added) implies (emphasis notbiological, distinctions. Cookasserts elsewhere Nevertheless, ("gender"), in thesamepaperthat"twobiological the sexesdo notobjectively exist; criteria" has no scientific basiswith (1980:44-45); dichotomy agreed-upon and"Thesexclassification itcannot is notrational be because [ofhumans] downto a biological sheis unaware of pinned (1980:47): evidently reality" X and Y chromosomes, inter alia. Cookeven that theUnited States Court tostrike argues ought Supreme on thebasis of the "less downany laws based on sexualclassification, testof whatis prima facie"irrational and arstringent" equal protection In a subsequent draft ofthesamepaper sheproclaims (1981:11-12), bitrary." is an invention." Cook is that"sexclassification likeall cognitive systems
thatthereare no biologically meandead wrongin asserting indisputably
77
in thephysiology of human sexualdistinctions and behavior males ingful andfemales andKarlen, 1978;Diamond 1980);and (e.g.,DalyandWilson, inasserting sheis equally that allcultural/social distinctions between wrong menandwomen areirrationally 1982). arbitrary (e.g.,Rossi,1977; Gilligan, sexa by-product ofculture; Notonly isbiological so alsoareperceived inlearning differences andbehavior. Foxetal. (1979:323,325) male/female ifthere aresex-related state that: "Even differences ininherited mathematical issome evidence that andthere this notbethe case(Sherability, may suggests thetitle) istoone man,1977)"-butthecitation (which, incidentally, garbles inthefaceofdozens suchpieceofevidence ofresearch to theconfindings Stillon mathematics, "Research is needed to further ourunderstantrary. inwhich - but ofthesubtle socialization with forces interact" each ding ways other to Fox et al., 1979),notwith the"forces" of cognitive (according and developmental thatalso are involved neuropsychology psychobiology indefining theability tolearn a specialist mathematics. Dianne McGuinness, indevelopmental andthelearning ofmathematics, hascombiopsychology mented 1981:73) that"boyshavea clearadvan(as quotedinNewsweek, marked in geometric interest orientation, tagein visual-spatial bya lively forms andinmanipulating Atan early areabout objects. ageboysandgirls butboyspullaheadin higher mathematics." equal in arithmetic, as Harris Evidently, (1980:237) remarks,
thestudy of sexdifferences in human is so politicized, bothwithin and cognition outside the scientific other unfortunate effects ofthis community. Among politicization hasbeen the ofmany uninformed social aboutsexdifmaking pronouncements insociety. ferences for the ofthe relevance ofhigh Consider, instance, question spatial forcertain and professions. to estimates of trait reability disciplines According most technical-scientific ocquirements prepared bytheU.S. Employment Service, inthe ofthe U.S. population. These cupations require spatial ability toptenpercent fields runthegamut from andarchitect, to chemist, draftsman, airplane designer, andphysicist, allsubspecialities inall fields. Some engineer, mathematician, including statistical thus hasbeen claimed for the justification grossly disproportionate representation ofmen andwomen inthese fields ofwork. Theproximate educational reason for the isprobably the lackofmathematical disproportions, however, training among women rather than their visualization poorer spatial ability perse...although spatial inmathematical element maybe a critical ability [andcf.Foxetal. (1979)contra]. On the other there arethose the hand, will who, noting neuropsychological evidence, seethe insex[andnote differences that Harris doesnotsay"gender"] representation inthese technical-scientific fields as biologically andtherefore both fundamenfitting immutable andsocially Their onthe tally other justified. counterparts side, rejecting thesameevidence, willsee thesamedifferences as purely and wholly an accident of oursocialhistory, andtherefore andchangeable-complete ofthe unjust parity sexes inevery field ofhuman endeavor the ostensible neither being goal.Surely, positionis defensible.
Cultural determinism tobe understood needs as a point ofview because itrepresents themainstream incontemporary socialscience, and perspective
furthermore cadre of feminist among a not insubstantial biologistsas well
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andGoodman, etal., 1979;Goodman 1981;butcf.Rossi,1977; (Hubbard and Longino and Doell, 1983).Contrariwise, there is a counterpart school social and humanists of biological determinism scientists among (e.g., inregard tohuman sexual differences and Firestone, 1970;McMillan, 1982) but the known to best determinist animal behavior; biologically approach incontemporary social issociobiological behavior life science theory, although there is very little scientific available evidence that tests empirical presently in human thattheory as appliedto sex differences behavior (see political 1979;Illich,1982:75-70;and cf.HelenFisher, Symonds, 1982).Anyhow, ourconcern with here is instead socialbiology andsexdifferences, for which there is a muchlarger and expanding scientific research literature. A biosocial model that all human notmerely but posits development, thephysiological differences that make human certainly including reproductionpossible, is theconsequence of complex transactions eachinamong dividual'sgenotype, and the environment in which s/he is brain, - prenatally, located and social.Thetransacuterine; postnatally, physical tions lead(andseeLivingston, toexperiences indifferential that result 1978) andcontinuing ina feedforward andfeedback learning growth, relationship andbrain that among genotype, phenotype, Waddington (1957)hasnamed epigenetic (and see Schubert, 1985b).Amongepigenetically developing humans this hasconsequences at a very as 1 or2 years, early age- as young in phasewith theacquisition of language; and biopolitical scientists and now have foundthatthisis when developmental political psychologists this involves the ofpolitical political learning Partly culture; begins. learning the ofpolitical socialstructure, itinvolves as between andpartly the learning infant andother andsmall infants that constitute or hissocial her children, environment. The general with human socialbiology and bodyof research dealing sexdifferences andOffir, 1976;Tavris 1977;and Weitz, (e.g.,Teitelbaum, thatthere are important, and in many in1977)shows pervasive, respects tractable differences between human females and human males,someof which arebehaviorally evenbefore birth (ifnotusually apparent detected) occurs and Hicks,1985).Thisis necessarily thecasein order for (Gualtieri sexhormones to become secreted so that can affect the they differentially brains of fetuses to their forreproductive sex,in order according genetic andsystems to become established to a point suchthat itis possible organs to tiethebooties on at birth. Fromthatpointon it is ridiculous and preposterous to describe the ofgirls as "downhill" as compared toboys: Girls biological development grow their brains arebetter andon faster, balanced, first, they acquire language theaverage arebigger andinmany as strong as and healthier they respects
thanboysduring thefirst decade of life.Whenpubescence arrives, girlsand
79
of functions that different, largely againbecause boysbecome increasingly with arecorrelated andthat remain different inmany capacity, reproductive weshall 40years for reasons that for the next orso oflife. discuss Then, ways of(this) Part females andmales become third section somewhat Three], [inthe - biologically - during more alike as wellas socially andpsychologically the decadesof a normal remaining lifespan. For details on thesocialbiology of human sex differences, see the to thesubject: as an introduction Williams works, following (1975)is the most Diamond butalso andKarlen biological; (1980)is more physiological anddata;Dalyand includes much andpsychological social, cultural, theory Wilson textbook integrating (1978)is an excellent undergraduate biological with and data; Maccoby socialtheory biosocial work on (1966)is a classic human sexual Ghiselin development; (1974)is byan evolutionary biologist buthasconsiderable to human sexual behavior; Symons (1979) application inspecific is bya male andenthusiast for theory sociobiological anthropologist to sexualcompetition and selection Elizabeth humans; application among Fisher whorelies on archeological data.A (1979)is bya feminist primarily much is cited andusedin Schubert emwhich larger bibliography (1983b), instead ofthesocialscience isemphasized that inSchubert phasizes biology, ofhuman sexdifferences inrelation to political whereas behavior; (1985c), thegoal hereis to integrate bothapproaches. Theearliest andalsothe bulk ofthe oriented science biologically political workon thebiopolitics of sexdealswith theorigins of political behavior inthedominance relations ofplay 1983c, 1986b), (Schubert, especially groups ofpreschool children observed researchers byfemale using ethological theory andmethods BaerandBositis, 1977, 1980, 1981;Jones, (Barner-Barry, 1983; discussions and probably themost useful for 1983a).Butthemost general an introduction to howhuman affects sex in differences biology political behavior are Watts (1983),Baer (1980),and Baerand Bositis (1983b).
How Much Political Androgyny Is Desirable?
can't a man, be like a woman?" butclearly about "Why Speaking strictly theidealofcultural exandrogyny, (1974:248;cf.Heilbrun, Lapidus 1973) plainsthattheandrogynous perspective
attackstheextreme differentiation of sex rolesas dysfunctional formodern societies, and offers the image of androgyny in its place. This approach anticipates a movementaway fromsexual polarizationas societiesdevelop,towarda worldin which individual rolesand personalbehaviorare morefreely chosen.It envisages theequal of bothmenand womenin thefullrangeof public,as wellas familial, participation and theopportunity forbothto movefreely activities, between instrumental and exroles.At thelevelof personality, pressive differentiated and complementary definitionsof masculinity and feminity are replacedby new culturalnormspermitting a
80
Schubert Distincofself-expression for both men andwomen. more flexible andvaried range into maleorfemale attributes human ones.Thus, the essentially process tively merge fundamental ofdevelopment is seen as onewhich entails andsimultaneous redefinirolesin ways that thepossibilities of each. tionof bothmaleand female expand
of"the socieEliseBoulding ofthe (1977:230-232) speaks coming gentle "some dull sexless less the scenario of and as horribly ty"; rejecting probable has disappeared, a unisex from all human which variety" leaving society that instead model of she believes it as the humanity, CasparMilquetoast in which each human reached wouldbe "an excitingly diverse society being in our a degree and creativity suchas onlya fewachieve of individuation There are for that present society." strong genetic grounds believing sheis But not that is likely is tocome right. Boulding sanguine political androgyny as the abouteither or to of easily soon, saynothing automatically byproduct of sometheory of historical determinism (suchas Marxism):
Given ofcentralist dominance ofconthe structures andthe theme persistence women in human armies sent forth overthepasteight byweeping history quering thousand orso,what indications arethere that a shift toward a more years androgynous atthis atthe zenith ofworld take Itseems time, very society might place? implausible tohint that a mutual transformation ofgender-based roles toward even militarism, be possible. a more shared nurturance might
On theother 1977:232), hand(Boulding,

It is hard a demilitarized, to envision decentralist world ofthefuture that is notalso an androgynous world. Thebehavioral characteristics andmental orientawill inorder tions that human need todevelop toutilize beings nonmilitary approaches tointernational andtocreate more devices tomeet human problem-solving self-help needs atthe level arethe behavioral selfcharacteristics ofthe nurturant, community reliant androgyne.
Onething isnever towork seems certain: Sociocultural going androgyny is somesubstantial unless there roomformaneuver at thebiological level. If itwere true that God created manand (as a byproduct) woman (andcf. and(insubsequent eachunalterably Schubert, 1986a), populations) uniformly different from inbody andmind andfeelings andbehavior eachother, alike, then would belittle of of which there the future hope realizing "gentle society" model then would ofunisex bluejeans, writes. Therelevant be that Boulding which thesexescouldshareas young adultsas wellas adolescents fora brief such as the one which the common uniform was relatively era, during worn until designer became moulded to fit the jeans biologically of female different contours thanmalelegs,asses,and characteristically and at a price related to that oftheoveralls bellies, formerly exponentially worn and from midother (as distinguished bycowboys, carpenters, working dleor upper) In fact, classpersons. human indicates that however, biology and of thousands of there has there for at least hundreds is, been, years
tremendous variationwithin the species,such that (for example)on most
81
measures those that relate excluding (andnotnecessarily empirical possible tothereproductive there is more variation within considerably systems perse) each sexthanthere is between thesexes. Thebiological ofview nota nominal butrather point posits dichotomy, a setofpairs ofintersecting continuous variables. Forsimplification, letus consider a even such each of that member only single pair, though pairis a generalization of a subset of continuous the variables representing prinofhuman as an empirical cipalcomponents sexuality (including phenomenon bothbiological and cultural characteristics as theinescapable consequence ofepigenetic associated with Onemegavariable processes growth). represents themalesexin humans for is defined to include (which present purposes all whose cellnuclei subsume a Y sexchromosome); theother megavariable the in female sex humans all other represents viz.,those (including persons, wholack,cytologically, Y is to be intended any chromosomes). Figure1 schematic and heuristic In the absence of and reliable only. precise crosscultural datafor diverse human this isbasedon subpopulations, figure estimates derived from etal. (1948,1953).TheseareAmerican data Kinsey andthey aresubstantially more thana generation old [although "still only, thebestwe have":(Diamondand Karlen1980:220)]; and see Diamond and Karlen(1980: 220-222,237-238),Kinseyet al. (1948: 200; 1953: 474-475, 541), Gebhard et al. (1970), Daly and Wilson (1978: Paul et al. (1982),and Karlen 306-308), (1971). Thisfigure thefemale curve as positively thus depicts skewed, indicating that a sixth ofthe manifest only subject population behavioral, physiological, and/or traits characteristic alsoofhuman males. Theleft tail psychological ofthis curve attenuates therelatively small of rapidly, reflecting proportion inthetotalpopulation females as identified on hyperheterosexual (at least, thebasisofavailable andsurvey themalecurve aggregate data).Conversely, is platykurtic and strongly theapproximate third skewed, negatively given of thegenetically maleindividuals whoevince moreor lesscharacteristics shared also bysomehalfas many females. Theoblique descent oftheright tailofthemaledistribution indicates that there arealsotwice as many hyper malesas there are extremely female individuals.
4% Nymphomaniacs
80% Heterosexual Females
16%60% Nymphomanacs Androgynous Fem32%les Heterosexual Androgynous
Heterosexual Mles Heterosexual Males
8% Satyrs Satyrs
of human sexuality Fig. 1. Female and male distributions (schematic).
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Schubert
areaof intersection is one in which males(intheextreme The central while are denoted as increasingly lefttailof themalecurve) female-like; intheextreme of the tail female curve are denoted as increasfemales right Two subsets anmale-like. ofindividuals aretherefore heterosexually ingly and within the of females above or area all intersection, drogynous: genetic theareaofintersection. alsoall genetic males aboveorwithin Theseinclude is homosexual lesidentification andpreference whose sexual (both persons ofeither individuals sexwhodefine andgaymales) bians, genetic plusallother intheir than heterosexual andbehavioral themselves as other psychological Thisandrogynous middle 1974). range (Kaplan, (andcf.Green, dispositions shown ofthetotalofthetwodistributions abouta fourth 1980)comprises ifminority casecanbe made inthefigure, that a strong empirical suggesting humans. But and bisexuality fortheimportance of homosexuality among of it indicates also thatmosthumans-including majorities preponderant - areheterosexual: ormaleintheir either female males as wellas offemales behavior. call reproductive sexualpreferences per se forwhatbiologists is more that thefemale distribution The figure also indicates normal, inthe than isthe male distribuandtherefore alsoincommon statistical sense, intherelatively with behavior is concerned sexual tion.Notleast, thefigure andintercourse; butallthree ofsexual strict sense identification, preference, - as as well as involving ofthose behaviors areinextricably psychobiological anddevelopment do- human psychology. certainly physiology, they genetics, link tothepolitical is themost direct Thepsychobiological 1983a, (Peterson, 1982). 1983a,d; Brothers, b; Doustand Doust, 1985;Schubert, is notand couldnotbe (at least,among Of course, sexualbehavior or as a as a sociopsychological ofandrogyny theonly humans) component I demonstrate elsewhere have tried to As 1982b, (Schubert, concept. political are the to humanbehavior in relation 1983b,1985b),humanattitudes between of thetransactional any interrelationships consequence epigenetic that is individual's inheritance, (i.e.,everything postfergenetic developmental heror his oftheovum)experience tilization andinitial mitosis throughout and is a of socialization and hence 1983b; life, learning (Peterson, product the see discusof social science the research literature But Losco,1985). (and and cultural sionthatfollows below)emphasizes experience immediately influences and of exclusion tothe sociallearning predisposigenetic complete to to direct attention tion;so Fig. 1 and itsdiscussion (supra)areintended into the discussion to to has tended what neglect bring psychology political - certainly notto preempt of androgyny anysuchdiscussion. tothe social made contributions who have the researchers major Among and Sandra of is Bem; upon building psychology androgyny psychologist scientist itinpolitical herwork andapplying Marjorie political psychology, in research on the her findings Bem (1975: 636, 643) reports Hershey.
83
of sex rolestereotyping behavioral of usinga combination consequences tostudy research a sample andexperimental both including techniques survey andandrogynous students. On her scaleoffeminism undergraduate sex-typed in terms the44 maleswerearrayed of percentages and masculinism, as follows:feminine, 34%; near 6%; near feminine, 5%; androgynous, 36%. The279females included: feminine, masculine, 19%; andmasculine, of maleswere that a majority masculine 7%. Hence,shefound masculine, ornear feminine. anda majority offemales were feminine ornear masculine, were Morethan a third ofthemales andmore thana fourth ofthefemales And11 of males were feminine or near while the feminine, androgynous. %7o or nearmasculine. 20% of thefemales weremasculine of themalesand Thesefindings indicate thatin their attitudes, 45%7 47% ofthefemales that were either or sex-reversedis, they androgynous with of werepersons whodid notidentify attitudes deemed characteristic of the their with sex. Thiscompares theindication (respective) biological model(Fig. 1, supra)thatabouta fourth of malesand females biological combined in their or androgynous sexualidentity, maybe sex-reversed It is notablethatboththe cultural and the and behavior. preferences, indicate substantial of"straight" sexual biological findings rejection identity andbehavior; anditiscertainly tobe expected that andattitudes beliefs show variation than doesbiological sexandreproduc(aremore flexible) greater tivebehavior criticize thebiological model as beperse. One can ofcourse and culture-bound, current, data; and thecultural ingbasedon no longer datareported as reflective oftheprivileged byBemcan be criticized young who in the 1970s went to an such people early upper-class private university as Stanford. Butthese are (respectively) thebestdata available; and what can be modified as if and when other and better data they imply necessary on bothbiological and psychological become available. androgyny andSullivan examined Hershey (1977:40,48-55) relationships among sex-role and attitudes toward various of sex, biological identity, questions Thesedatawere collected theacademic public policy. during year1974-75, and one of thequestions concerned of sending U.S. troops to disapproval Cambodia. Theresponse showed that masculine women were the most liberal with 90% disapproving; women camenext with 67%0 androgynous disapprovand feminine women 42% disapproved. Thereplies ofmen ing; among only to this didnotshow buttheanquestion statistically differences, significant men were the oneswhodisapproved most. On a question concerndrogynous Bella then a feminist Democratic women ing Abzug, congresswoman, again andthis time a scaled with 71% ofthemasculine gavea significant response, women butonly26% of theandrogynous and just 14% of thefeminine, ofher. Thereplies ofthe men were notsignificantly different from approving
34%; near feminine, 20%; androgynous, 27%; near masculine,12%; and
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menwere more ofAbeachother, approving although againandrogynous men.Butthelesssex-typed women showed more zug thanwere sex-typed in politics thansex-typed mendid. On theCambodiaquesof an interest inallthree liberal than thecorresponding women were more tion, categories to Abzug, itwasclearly themasculine women whowere men;butinregard menwere moresupportive mostsupportive of her,although androgynous of feminine women and of thanandrogynous and the support females, low. feminine menwas equally and mengavesignificant to a question about Bothwomen responses the U.S. to the Middle and for both sexes it was anEast; sending troops in who were most liberal their with no difclearly drogynous disapproval, ferences or feminine between masculine or between masculine or women, most is a on feminine men.Perhaps traditional sex roles, intriguing question which women ofalltypes gavea statistically regarding insignificant response because insuchcomplete intheir all were they agreement (with disapproval three between 80 and Men did with statistical types ranging 84%). reply butthedifference wasbetween men(64% disapsignificance, androgynous and both of the other men,54%; feminine men, proval) types (masculine 50%). and Sullivan concluded from these and other data(1977:52) Hershey that"menwith flexible or androgynous sex-role identities are morelikely thanother mento holdliberal attitudes...but political androgyny among women is notrelated to liberal attitudes." Buttheproconsistently political - or blemhere of definitions is strictly a matter of what means androgyny tomean. Thereason andSullivan reached theconclusion that ought Hershey did is becausethemasculine women wereevenmoreliberal thanthe they - as thepresent is defined ones!If,however, androgynous androgyny paper itought to be, and on biological as wellas psychological argues grounds to include individuals whoaresex-reversed intheir attitudes as well as those whoareroughly feminine andmasculine intheir then wecan views, equally likeandrogynous women, saythatsuchandrogynous readily men,clearly holdmore liberal views than do themajority ofmajority ofmen andwomen - thatis to say, feminine who are isomorphically women and sex-typed masculine men:theindividuals whose sexcorresponds totheir psychological sex.Surely this is a findings ofconsiderable andcerbiological importance, itis entirely with a biological itseems Indeed, compatible perspective. tainly that andSullivan's ownidentification with cultural deterapparent Hershey andtheir ofa biological is what into minism, neglect perspective, gotthem their dilemma. interpretational In thetablein which and Sullivan dataon Hershey (1977:53) present sex-role andsexstereotyping, identities areconsiderable there betdifferences
ween the sex-reversed men and the sex-reversed women,in theirresponses
Problems Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological
85
Alloftheeight feminine inregard men to sex-stereotyping. gavestereotyped to or more to two or andthree, four three items; two, items; (three, responses of the 10 masculine 4 to oneitem But women, only each). gavestereotyped four ormore checked and answers one,two,orthree; items; (i.e.,none only 6 one so that of the 10 masculine women-but none of item the three, each) 8 feminine men-gaveno stereotyped feminine men are Clearly, responses. in are much more their than masculine women; stereotyped thinking highly thephicorrelation between andstereotyping, is indeed, sex-reversed, being defined feminine males. + 0.48, with thepositive direction the by Their data on thepolicy of sex-stereotyping showthat the correlates to sendtroops to theMiddleEast are themenwhoare onesleastwilling the and least masculine sex-stereotyped (including eight androgynes, plusfour In three of thefeminine mennoted a on the same above). separate report thatthesex-stereotyped were research, Hershey (1977)found respondents to more theonesmost female the candidates. Contrariwise, willing support insuchfeminist men showed theleastinterest as theEqual masculine issues butthe inpolitics Amendment andabortion interest Rights greatest generalin theabstract were themostdisapproving women of having ly; and they in suchroles. runforpublic as wellas of women whoin factwere office, Butandrogynous of bothsexeswere thebestinformed about respondents politics.
How Does Human Aging Lead to Psychophysiological Androgyny?
Noneoftheresearch literature examined even hints ofoneother possible causeforandrogyny: thatit is a developmental biosocial consequence of human and males.All normal humans agingforbothfemales develop a balancebetween and androgens, and thebalance is diffetally estrogens forfemales ferent thanformales.Thebrain of themalefetus must be anin response to genetic instructions from theY-chromosome in drogenized, order fora malereproductive to develop; theindividual otherwise system as a female. Themalereproductive somedozen develops system produces, theescalation in testosterone secretion thatmakespossible in years later, the males ofmale sexcharacteristics; pubescent development secondary pubescentfemales, witha very different sex-hormone balance(which includes minute levels oftestosterone, incomparison with modal female males) develop sex characteristics instead. no females secondary Postmenopausal longer maintain as estrogen-favorable a sex-hormonal did during balanceas they thetypically between thebeginning andthecessafour-decades-long period tion oftheir andtopick a very minor often menses; (although psychologically
to them)consequence,suchwomenfrequently disturbing growforthe first
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and chinwhiskers. one timemoustaches whether It is a semantic question in attitude thatoften wishes to describe thegeneral and behavior changes with thedecrement infeminizing hormones that arecorrelated accompanies "more or "more anthefemale as "lessfeminine," masculine," menopause other itcan Letus choosethelatter, because reasons) drogynous." (among also be appliedsymmetrically, to men. inandattention Griffen theconsiderable interest (1978:50)notes paid towomen whoachieve, and status among hunting postmenopausally, higher and agricultural theworld. Among fishing, pastoral, peoplesthroughout women were treated various Native for Americans, postmenopausal example, likemen. the likemen because were considered tohavebecome Among they in at old who have their attendance "the women, feasts, passed Winnebago thesame sitright next to themen, because areconsidered climacteric, they as menas they haveno menstrual flow more. Northern any Ojibwawomen license"after services may perform professional requiring supernatural Andamong to like men." when considered be much more are they menopause childbearof South from sex and theMandusuru America, "Bygraduating a female role has from and,in woman] graduated ing [a postmenopausal a legalsense, a man,albeitan old one." has become A similar inhormonal intheopposite direcbalance, change although tion ofsecreting denotes a physiological "male lesstestosterone, menopause" ina regression themeanofgreater One that also results toward androgyny. one-liners the of of Henny Youngman's perceptive suggests perspective the make the the used male: don't to,andneither girls way postmenopausal "They half of do I." Incidentally itis the the that reflects cultural first quotation is half. the second the causation; biological 2 portrays thehypothesis thatregression toward themiddle Figure but of more hormonal balance, occurring independently ground equitable in in of results a narrower both sexes, conjointly range psychophysiological men andwomen, their atdifferences andolder so that among middle-aged from titudes as wellas their nurturant can and do functions disengagement become more similar This 1982;Brothers, 1982;Schubert, (Konner, 1983b). with and that adolescent females all 20 "feminine" items shows agree figure with all "masculine" items on theBemscale.In prime adulthood disagree butdisagree 12other20 years females with 18same-sex with later, only agree in"middle" sexitems; andviceversa for males. later still Twenty years age, is only5; and byold is 15 butcross-sex same-sex agreement disagreement with 15 same-sex bothmalesand females still items, age at 75 years, agree 5 other-sex items so thattheir butnowthey respectively, agreealso with arebothreduced scores for"feminity" and "masculinity" (to 15 respective with for both scores andambivalence areassumed sexes, average ambiguity
- 5 = 10). (Not shownare the scales forage 5, forwhichmuch greater
Problems Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological FM F

M +20
87
Is
+ 12 +8 +4 (superimposed)
75 Age
DR 10
-4
- 12
-16 -20
Age 55 Age 35
DR 20
DR 30
Age 15 DR 40
Legend: F = Female respondent
M = Mole respondent
DR z DifferenceRange, definedas
F
f = feminineitems score
[-]
items score m= masculine

Items ore presumedto be Bem's scales of 20 feminineplus 20 masculine items each (see Hershey,1977 : 267)
M = m- f
f-
DR= 40 Moximum
DR 0 OptimolAndrogyny Assumed Age 5 (F or M) DR 10 ? 5
in human of psychophysiological androgyny Fig. 2. The development femalesand males (schematic).
to range 5 and 15foreither that be predicted between or boys.) might girls Thehypothesis onthe sexrests about portrayed assumptions postpubescence ual differences. Ifthis were tobeconfirmed, itwould the"situahypothesis supplement tional"culturally based explanation of political a to feminism, provide broader andmore biosocial of how is related sophisticated explanation age inpolitical to sexdifferences behavior. It ought also to increase thereasons for in the for ofa more optimism regarding prospects moving thedirection theincreasing that older androgynous political society, given proportion peoof thepopulation and particularly of thepopulation totals, ple constitute for intheUnited States andother industrial political qualified participation, societies see Fries and (and Crapo, 1981).
88
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SUMMARY
thethreshhold of an increasingly we are at or approaching Whether in future toceror even a which, subject only possible political probable intheprocesses ofhuman inherent tainbiological constraints reproduction will women andcognition share Schubert, 1983a, 1983b), equally (Baer,1983; of and theleadership withmenboththecivicobligations opportunities our to which that is the underlying question, inquiry political citizenship available hasbeenaddressed. abovehasevaluated Thediscussion presently which thefollowing evidence, supports findings. arethebythat human sexual differences indicates Evolutionary theory for of hominid both species and prehominid primate adaptations, product and behavior, and forsmallgroup socialstructure including reproduction andcontrol that functions leadership contemporary primatologists concepin surviving of non-human tualize as political primate species. populations in certain Humansexualdifferences deviate from thoseof other primates interms ofbothcultural andbiological (e.g.,prudery) important respects, other butinmany criteria; respects (sexual (e.g.,lossofestrus) dimorphism, thephysiology ofreproduction, infant areimportant there sexnurturance) ual communalities andother humans There arealso comamong primates. interms munalities of socialstructure andbehavior: is political matriarchy unknown matrilineal structures arecomprimates (although family among mon andthey arethe norm other humans, among generally). among primates human were Socialandphysical females agree [sic!]that anthropology most males when the bandadapprobably equaltohuman gathering/hunting tation wasuniversal no more than15,000 were years BP). Females (e.g.,until lessequalinnomadic butthey andagricultural havebecome least societies; "modern" economies. The best,largest, and equal in industrial political in attempting to socializesexual egalitarianismlongestexperiments - areprovided andotherwise as well but kibbutzim; bytheIsraeli politically thefindings to dateofthesocialscientific evaluations ofthese experiments remain No suchsystematic research problematic: byfeminists (or evenby female hasyet beenreported. Thehistory ofhuman cultural anthropologists) evolution that(1) women havebecome lessequal indicates, consequently, to men,as civilization has "progressed"; in and (2) political experiments sexualegalitarianism to wholesale have short-lived appear produced only reforms. radical feminism insists on resting itscase on cultural Contemporary so attention is focused on thereasons for theinadequacies of determinism; sucha one-sided the ideal cultural of is conSimilarly, approach. androgyny trasted of a psychophysiological to thebiological indeterminism modelof
a continuum of humansexualdifferences. Social and psychological empirical
89
ofsexdifferences inregard topolitical indicates that anandrogyny analysis indeed attitudes do more than do those of either drogynous support, females or males, heterosexual policy goalsofpeace,socialwelfare, public and political sexualequality. of a Last, a biosocialmodelis explicated that thetransactional effects ofphysiology combined hypothesis proposing with socialenvironmental lead to androgyny human through agsharing, inmodern Thedemographic ofsuch a developmental effects sociechange ing. makethisthemost as wellas theeasiest it is tymight (because important, the toincrease the influence ofpsychological natural), way political androgyny thenextseveral decades. during Thisarticle hasconsidered halfa dozenquestions forfuture research, in several butcontroversial of thebiopolitics of human important aspects sexdifferences. Becausethese are questions at thecutting edgeof present were raised anddiscussed with here theobinterdisciplinary they knowledge, ofstimulating further research to provide better answers jective (hopefully) inwhich wemay inreposing bejustified toguide perhaps confidence, greater us in ourquestfora morehumane and democratic future. political
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I am especially to DeniseBaerforhaving indebted in a major helped andfocus attention inpolitical waytodirect my upontheresearch literature, and sociology, with thepolitics of sexroles science, psychology, dealing andviceversa.Particular thanks areduealso to Roberta Hall, whoshared her as a bioanthropologist andspecialist insexdifferences, expert knowledge in theform of detailed extensive critique, comments, sugbibliographical and other adviceconcerning an earlier version of thisarticle. gestions,
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in theKibbutz,Harvard University Talmon, Y. (1972). Familyand Community Press, Cambridge,Mass. in Perspective, Harcourt Tavris,C., and Offir,C. (1977). The Longest War: Sex Differences Brace Jovanovich, New York. M. (ed.), (1976). Sex Differences: Anchor Social and BiologicalPerspectives, Teitelbaum, Books, New York. Beresford, Tiger,L., and Fowler, H. T. (eds.) (1978). Female Hierarchies, Chicago. in theKibbutz, NewYork. J. (1975). Women Harcourt BraceJovanovich, Tiger,L., and Shepfer, van denBerghe, P. (1973).Age and Sex inHumanSocieties: A BiosocialPerspective, Wadsworth Press, Belmont,Calif. Van Hooff,J. A. R. A. M. (1982). Coalitionsand positions of influence in a chimpanzee comIn Schubert, G., and Somit,A. (eds.), The Biology of PrimateSociopolitical munity. IllinoisUniversity, Behavior,CenterforBiopoliticalResearch,Northern DeKalb, Ill., pp. 2-15. Waddington,C. H. (1957). The Strategy of the Genes: A Discussion of Some Aspects of Theoretical Biology,Allen and Unwin, London. - ifyou can'tbeat them, and feminism Walker,B. M. (1981). Psychology join them.In Spender, D. (ed.), Men's StudiesModified:TheImpactof Feminism on theAcademicDisciplines, Pergamon,New York, pp. 111-124. Watts,M. (1983). Introduction (to Symposium on): Biopoliticsand gender. WomenPolitics 3: 1-27. J. D., and Strum,S. C. (1983). Sex, kinship and the evolutionof social manipulaWestern, tion. Ethol. Sociobiol. 4: 19-28. and Social Foundations, Oxford Weitz,S. (1977). Sex Roles: Biological, University Psychological, Press, New York. New York. White,E. (ed.), (1981). Sociobiologyand Human Politics,Heath/Lexington, N.J. Williams,G. C. (1975). Sex and Evolution,PrincetonUniversity Press, Princeton, A. (eds.) (1979). Sex-Related in Cognitive M., and Petersen, Wittig, Differences Functioning: DevelopmentalIssues, Academic Press, New York.

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Sexual Politics: Some Biosociopsychological Problems Author(s): Glendon Schubert Source: Political Psychology, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Mar.

Political Psychology,Vol. 8, No. 1, 1987

SexualPolitics: Problems Some Biosociopsychological

Problems SexualPolitics: Biosociopsychological

believe However, they (1983:36) also:

Problems SexualPolitics: Biosociopsychological

Problems SexualPolitics: Biosociopsychological

SexualPolitics: Problems Biosociopsychological

Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological Problems

Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological Problems

Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological Problems

Problems SexualPolitics: Biosociopsychological

On theother 1977:232), hand(Boulding,

Problems SexualPolitics: Biosociopsychological

80% Heterosexual Females

16%60% Nymphomanacs Androgynous Fem32%les Heterosexual Androgynous

Heterosexual Mles Heterosexual Males

of human sexuality Fig. 1. Female and male distributions (schematic).

Problems SexualPolitics: Biosociopsychological

Problems Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological

Problems Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological FM F

items score m= masculine

in human of psychophysiological androgyny Fig. 2. The development femalesand males (schematic).

SexualPolitics: Problems Biosociopsychological

Biol. Struct. 6: 285-289.

Women Politics. 3: 29-66.

A Study J. M. (1971).Psychology Bardwick, Harper of Bio-Cultural Conflicts, of Women:

NewYork,pp. 177-189. and SocialInteraction, View Garland, of HumanConflict

A View E. (1976).TheUnderside Time, Westview, ofHistory: of Women Through Boulding,

M. (1978).Sex,Evolution andBehavior: Adaptations forReproducDaly,M., andWilson,

SexualPolitics: Problems Biosociopsychological

Problems Sexual Politics: Biosociopsychological

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