This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
Stevens-Arroyo Source: Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 37, No. 1 (Mar., 1998), pp. 50-73 Published by: Wiley on behalf of Society for the Scientific Study of Religion Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1388029 . Accessed: 10/09/2013 21:00
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact firstname.lastname@example.org.
Wiley and Society for the Scientific Study of Religion are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion.
This content downloaded from 126.96.36.199 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
The Evolution of Marian Devotionalism within Christianity and the Ibero-Mediterranean Polity
t ANTHONYM. STEVENS-ARROYO
This article offers a sociohistoricaldescriptionof the evolution of Mariandevotionafter the sixteenthcenturyrift in Christianitythat generatedtoday'sCatholicismand Protestantism.Theanalysis departsfrom
the premise that there were two reformations, each responding to separate socioeconomic conditions. In order
to analyze the evolutionof Marian devotion,I utilize what I call "materialtheology'in orderto measure the mediationof formal theologyand popular religion.I show that the printedprayers, books,pictures,statues, to the and medalsproducedto accompanyMarian devotionalso projectedspecificnotions that corresponded lbero-Mediterranean polity of the sixteenth through the first half of the eighteenth century. Utilizing the notion of a 'baroquementalitgthe ethos of the age is exploredfor examplesof how theologyand popular culture intersected.I emphasizethat Mariandevotionbroughtuniversalismto Catholicism,whichcontrasts with the Eurocentrismof Protestantismat the time. The use of Maryas a symbolof universalCatholicbelief was matchedwith an emphasis uponher appearanceand/or miracles in specificlocations,especially those in the colonies at the outer reachesof the lbero-Mediterranean polity. Although this baroquementalite was supersededby other trends within Catholicismtowardthe nineteenthcentury,I concludethat new terminology less dependenton conceptsderivedfrom Weber and Durkheimmay be requiredto understandCatholicism of this period and the Marian devotionwhich animated it.
For at least five hundred years, theology has entered the realm of popular Catholicism through sodalities, confraternities, and other voluntary associations for the Catholic laity. The members of such groups are taught some theology and rules of piety by their sponsors in the clergy, religious orders, and congregations.1 But even Catholics who never join such groups encounter the popularized theology of devotions while seeking the sacraments, humanitarian services at hospitals, and Catholic education in schools. The institutions and people providing such services often distribute material objects of devotion like books, medals, statues, and holy pictures to reinforce their spiritual ministry. As demonstrated in recent and valuable work on the materiality of religion (e.g., Taves 1986; McDannell 1995), the material items of devotion become symbols of religious conviction. For instance, Catholics sometimes claim that a picture or statue received at a time of crisis shapes their personal faith. While the process includes major elements of popular religiosity in the production and diffusion of devotional paraphernalia, ecclesiastical guidance is also present, channeling the flood of religious fervor into an acceptable course. This reciprocal relationship between popular religiosity and clerical approval is the backbone of 'devotionalism," taken here to represent the blending of popular piety with theological orthodoxy.It is a special feature of devotionalism within Catholicism that it is not limited to individuals but also has a strong communal componentthat grounds social and cultural identities (Diaz-Stevens 1995).
t AnthonyM. Stevens-Arroyo i8 president of the Programfor the Analysis of Religion among Latinas/os, PARAL,and also Professorof PuertoRican Studies at BrooklynCollege,CUNY,Brooklyn,NY 11210.
Email: email@example.com. 0 Journal for the Scientific Studly of Religion, 1998, 37(1): 50-73
This content downloaded from 188.8.131.52 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Even with the limitation imposed by data from secondary sources and from studies not entirely focused by my approach. But if that is part of the genesis of Marian devotionalism.24 on Tue. intercession with God. adopted the ttle of "VirginQueen"because it resonated with popular devotion and widened her own popularity (Hackett 1995). and 3) devotional practices (popularreligion). I hope to suggest that there is value to this perspective. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Elizabeth I. especially in the study of Catholicism. ecclesiastical interests and cultural expression. Mary's role as eEOTOKO [Mother of God] was a characteristic of Mediterranean Christianity. and literature.208. The sociohistorical interpretation I offer here is intended to supplement rather than contradict the contributions from other approaches. In my methodological premise. for instance. which is and has been an instrument of religious education in matters of belief. One scholar suggests that Henrs daughter. it does not exhaust the vitality of this aspect of Christian experience. Calvin. of course.I think this can be done by considering devotionalism as "materialtheology. thus creating devotionalism. art. I propose here to join social science and theology in a cross-disciplinary methodology."because theology is a human product. social and political forces. In feudal Western Europe. I will examine Marian devotionalism as a sort of test run for this methodologyof material theology.82. but is itself influenced and limited by popular faith and culture.EVOLUTION OF MARLAN DEVOTIONALISM 51 The Blessed Virgin Mary has frequently been the focus of this complex process involving both individuals and whole communities. After nearly a millennium and a half. popular religion is studied by anthropology. Hamington 1995: 11-15 passim). Devotionalism engages client petition."I construct this approach on the premise that the paraphemalia of devotions mediate contact between formal theology and popular religiosity." while "social and material religion"includes 1) forms of religious art. Henry VIII of England in the sixteenth century (and Wesley in the eighteenth) did not deny the doctrine of the Virgin Birth. Material theology measures dogma in social science terms if one applies the following premise: The importanceof a theologicalstatement can be measured by the extent of its reproductionin material religion. she was invoked under the title "Our Lady. Christian Devotion to Mary Derived from a scriptural base in the Gospels and enhanced by orthodox beliefs articulated during the christological heresies of the fourth century. Some have viewed Marian devotionalism merely as a vehicle wherein Christianity assimilated the feminine aspects of divinity that were parts of preconversionreligious systems (Benko 1993. It proceeds from the literate segments of society. it is dificult to study. Current academic convention assigns analysis of the constituent parts of the devotional process to different disciplines: for example. the special role of Mary was so deeply rooted in European Christianity that Luther. Admittedly. but one can also find scientific explanations that vary from the sentimentally insightful (Greeley 1977) to the narrowlypsychological(Carroll 1986). I have used "theological statement" rather than "faith"or "Christianity. theologicalbelief. But why does Catholicism celebrate Marian devotionalism? Theology has its reasons. Using measures of frequency and distribution for religious articles affords an empirical verification for the importance of any theological statement because every devotion is a popularized expression of some theological truth: lex orandi. "theologicalstatement"correspondsto the sociohistoricalnotion of "system. I would call attention to the ways in which Mary's intercessory role evolved by mirroring aspects of the social structure.while doctrine is analyzed by theology. expressing elite control of social institutions. 2) organizations.2 In this article. all within carefully defined and ecclesiastically approved parameters. and thanksgiving for favors received. much as philosophy. But This content downloaded from 68. because Marian devotionalism has been created by a dynamic interplay of popular religion. lex credendi." as mediator between Christ (as King) and the believer (as vassal).
Flemish in the Low Countries. language. observe traditional customs in civic and legal maters such as inheritance. and Italian in Naples.).3 The Questionof Polity Braudel's classic study (1949/1973) demonstrated that the Mediterraneanpolity in the era of Philip II of Spain was different from the Northern European context in which the Protestant Reformation developed. and in some cases. although dynastic succession gave the same monarch dominionover disparate lands. Japan. Rodriguez-Salgado1988). access to transatlantic wealth and identification with Catholicism (Lynch 1984. and as far as the Philippines. enjoyed popular use in Catalonia as did Nahuatl in Mexico. Using the historical outline provided by Father Stafford Poole. beginning with Philip II of Spain (1556-1598) and ending with the ascension of Charles III in 1759. see Eliot 1970: 230. for instance. I shall trace the route of Catholic Marian devotionalism by summarizing several representative studies of Catholicism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. the republics preserved their status as kingdoms (or principalities) separate from Castile. Spain as a multicultural. for instance. among other things. China. multilingual empire of autonomous ethnic regions is a historical reality that conflicts with the stereotype of 'fortress Spain. Mexico. I share the premise that after Luther. Much as Weber and Troeltsch studied Protestantism as a reflection of ethos in Western Capitalist countries.208. The Catalan language. these affinities within the Catholic Reformationcan best be understoodby analysis of the Mediterraneanpolity. the Protestant and Catholic devotional practices took different paths during the sixteenth century. religion needs to be viewed in the context of the interaction or 'affinity' of theology and social forces. 246)."whererigid conservatism stifled creativity (Kamen 1993: 434.52 STUDYOF RELIGION JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFIC despite common Christian roots. that the vigor of the seventeenth century Catholicism in today's Belgium allowed it not only to outlast Spanish rule there but also to shape the identity of a new nation (Tracy 1985). 228 ff. Spain is more than one nationality. the Spanish state became a sort of confederacy of ethnic republics linked together.82. CM (1995). It is not suprising. as the contemporary vitality of its ethnic autonomous states demonstrates. Under the Hapsburgs. Indeed. It should be stated that Our Lady of Guadalupe is a title that derives from a shrine in Extremadura. one Protestant and the other Catholic. each adapting the Christian religion to changing social conditions (Delumeau 1971/1977: 1. but of elites. OurLady of Guadalupe The Mexican devotion to Our Lady of Guadalupe is an important example of a religious expression that acquired a nationalist hue as it developed within the IberoMediterranean polity. Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. and India. Castilian (not Latin) was the lingua franca. not of the people (Kamen 1993: 371-72). 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . or culture. by imperial might. with Catholicism expanding Marian devotionalism and much of Protestantism abandoning most of Christianity's thousand-year old Marian legacy. In order to sustain this sociohistorical perspective. and establish local cabildos that selected sheriffs and mayors. Christianity underwent two reformations. The republics allowed ethnic groups4to speak native languages.24 on Tue. I rehearse here the major events surrounding Our Lady of Gudalupe in order to trace how a devotion became devotionalism and a form of material theology. Peru. This content downloaded from 68. using them like case studies to establish a general pattern that follows Delumeau. improves upon his sociohistoricalapproachto the study of religion. Pertinent to the topic of this analysis. In this essay. In some cases. religious expression within the republics was often colored with a nationalist tint. Spain was the center of an empire extending from Flanders in the north to Italy and the Mediterraneanon the south and across the Atlantic to America.
Two days after the archbishop's sermon. this apparentlywas a reply to Mont(ifar'sattempt to put Guadalupein the mainstreamof Marian devotion. A year later.208. the year after Montufar'sdeath.(4) the money donated to the chapel would be better used for the poor and sick. Claiming evidence based on 'the providential curiosity of the elderly"(cited in Poole 1995: 102). A copy of the image on a tilma was painted on canvas by Baltasar de Echave Orio in 1606 and an engraving by Samuel Stradanus in 1615 was printed for public sale to raise money.(7) he appealed to the civil authoritiesto put a stop to this. writes Poole. when the crioll6 priest.EVOLUTION OF MARIAN DEVOTIONALISM 53 Spain. he nonetheless dated them beginning on December 12. when Archbishop Alonso de Montufar of Mexico City built a hermitage (ermita). to which they have given the name Guadalupe'was prejudicialto the Indians because they believed that the image itself worked miracles. the archbishop interpreted the popularity of the shrine and rumors of miraculous cures as signs of success for the Catholic faith in Mexico. Sanchez' book uses the baroque style to compare Mexico City to the island of Patmos. (2) the devotionwas new and lacked a basis . published an account of the origins of the shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe at Tepeyac that included an exegesis of Revelation 12 and a point-by-point explanation that this biblical reference described an apparition of Mary to the Indian Juan Diego. enthroning a silver and copper replica of the Extremaduran Our Lady of Guadalupe that had been donated by Juan de Villaseca. the criollo vicar of the hermitage of This content downloaded from 68. and because many were disappointedwhen it did not. in a sermon on September 6. a Franciscan Friar. . Montiifarcontinued to subsidize the shrine. (6) the individualwho invented the devotionor propagatedfalse miracles should be given one hundred lashes and whoevercontinued to propagateit. In 1566.(5) the so-called miracles should be investigated to see if they were real or not. Franciscan friar Bernardino de Sahagun published negative comments on the superstitions at Tepeyac as an appendix to his Historia generalin 1577. contraryto what the missionary friars had been teaching them. on a hill called Tepeyac outside the city. Francisco de Bustamante. . but an apparent widening of its popularity.when the Franciscan Juan de Zum4raga was bishop.82. or local shrine to Mary.(3) if the devotioncontinued. he concluded with a description of important miracles performed through the intercession of the Mexican Guadalupe. shortly after holding the Second Mexican Provincial Council. even after the cathedral chapter denounced the costs in a 1561 letter to the Spanish king (Poole 1995: 59). Sanchez wrote that the image on the tilma was the result of a miracle. the painting already there was retouched to make it resemble the Immaculate Conception (Poole 1995: 205). he would no longer preach to the Indians because the devotionwould undo everything he preached. In a response intended to rebut the attacks of Bustamante. 1556. where John the Evangelist was supposed to have composed the Book of Revelation. 1. nor of a miraculous origin to the image painted on the tilma that had become more popular among the devotees than the silver statue of the ExtremaduranMadonna (Poole 1995: 187 ff. (9) he claimedthe image was paintedby an Indian(Poole 1995: 60). Over the next 10 years.24 on Tue. the Archbishop led a procession to Tepeyac. (8) he accused the archbishopof encouragingthe devotion and said that the archbishopwas mistaken in thinking that the Indians had no devotionto the Virgin.)5 The seventeenth century started with slow changes in the devotion. Miguel Sanchez. the Archbishoporderedan investigation. The Mexican devotion began in 1555. there is no mention of any vision of Mary. respondedto the claims of the archbishop: Bustamante mentionedor touchedon the followingpoints:(1) the devotion'at the chapel. complaining that the use of the Nahuatl "Tonantzineas a translation for the Spanish "Nuestra Sefiora" mistakenly identified Mary with the goddesses of Aztec religion. for no one knew what was presently done with the donations. In 1573. carefully selecting witnesses to verify that the ermita had attracted devotees. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . from the establishment of the shrine until the granting of the jubilee indulgences. 224). . appointing a diocesan priest as chaplain (Poole 1995: 59. Confessing that there were no written documents for these events. since many consideredher a goddess. Luis Laso de la Vega. two hundred. But during almost a quarter century. At about the same time. . But dramatic change came in 1648.531. A year later. the first indulgences were granted to Catholics who visited the shrine.
At least one nineteenth century scholar believed that it was a cult drama or auto sacramental that had been composed by Christianized Indian students at the Franciscan school of Tlateloco (Joaquin Garcfa Icazbalceta as cited by Poole 1995: 222). The most important section of his book was the second part. but emphasizing that the devotion came from the Indians rather than from the criollos. not the Virgin of Extremadura (Poole 1995: 127 ff. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . denigrates claims about Trent's grandeur by stressing how few bishops actually attended .208. The Council of Trent The Council of Trent has grown larger in legend that it was in life. for instance. as few as 25. The style and fluency of the Nahuatl is uneven throughout Laso de la Vega's book. The question to be posed is : 'What were the reasons for the different reactions?"In 1556. Although Luther once had appealed to an ecumenical council to arbitrate between his theology and that of the Pope. the auto sacramental origin remains a plausible alternative to the belief that the account is a direct transcriptionof dialog between Mary and Juan Diego. but after 1606 the devotion of Tepeyac hill acquired most of its miraculous attributes.and stresses how oppositionto some aspects of reform occasionedlong delays by rulers such as Philip II of Spain in accepting Tridentine decrees (Delumeau 1971/1977: 4-9). during a second archdiocesaninquiry in March 1666. In fact."It offers extensive dialogue between Juan Diego and the Virgin.54 JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC STUDYOF RELIGION Guadalupe. as SAnchezhad claimed. Nor did the expectation of reunification dominate the sessions. but assembled from previous writings by native Nahuatl speakers (Poole 1995: 111-13 passim). this increase in the paraphernaliaof devotion to Our Lady of Guadalupe is a measure of an important theological investment by church authorities. Accordingto the premise established earlier. the cult at the shrine has acquired the theological and educational characteristics that make it part of devotionalism. the officials examined the miraculous character of the apparition. fostering devotionalism. the commission concluded that the vision and miracles were authentic.covering much of the same materials as in Sanchez' 1648 book written in Spanish. Delumeau. There was considerably more impact on Trent from Desidernus This content downloaded from 68. giving credibility to the supposition that it was not written by him. and the archdiocesan chapter sent the first request to Rome asking permission to celebrate the feast officially and compose a proper office for the breviary. often with rhetorical flourishes and a sophisticated play on the meaning of Nahuatl words. it was denounced by the Franciscan Bustamante. The crucial role of the painting and its reproductionby mass printings has already been noted. published in Nahuatl a six-part compendium. called the Nican mopohua from its opening words. At this point. he had cut his ties to Catholicism well before the opening of the Council of Trent in 1545.24 on Tue. These are measures of material theology. much in the spirit of the Reformerswho attacked nonscriptural apparitions and miracles. and many of the achievements ascribed to Trent in ecclesiastical reform and theological development were actually interpretations created after the council.instead. 'Here is recounted. the view that the council was motivated solely by fear of Protestantism should be discarded (Reinhard 1989).in some sessions. Taking testimony from aged Indians who stated they had heard of the visions from their parents. Because pre-Reformation Christianity had periodically undergone groundswells of reform.). Examination of this reversal of direction in the treatment of the cult requires review of how the Council of Trent provideda signal influence upon Catholic reform at that time. the popularity of the Guadalupe devotion was not in question as a century before. Although no substantiating documentation has been found to tie the text to the school at Tlateloco. not only in Mexico but throughout the Catholic world. which Laso de la Vega adapted for his publication.82. The popularity of the devotion can be seen by a dramatic increase within a decade of chapels and churches named after the Guadalupe of Mexico.
24 on Tue.). and the Jesuits (1540) followed this model. but organizations of "clerks regular. Trent was not ready to capitulate to the Protestant doctrine that such intercession was inherently wrong. particularly in Italy. For the most part. Moreover. The Theatines (1524). Each local bishop was expected to eliminate financial abuses.82. mirroring a drift away from the feudal economy (Maravall 1975/1986: 138 ff.saints with questionable historical credentials were often supplanted by Mary. new reform-mindedmovements multiplied. the Capuchin Franciscans (1528) and the Discalced Carmelites (1562). upon becoming Paul IV in 1555. These were necessary. Although such orders were indispensable to the reform. the Tridentine reforms faced a precarious future. But the decree was nonetheless far reaching because the cult of the saints pruned away the wildest of beliefs and practices that Protestants ridiculed. Trent's emphasis for reform." that is. like layers of fresh paint on an old table. But who was to conduct the grand plan of Catholic Reformation?Throughoutprevious ages. religious orders had fostered reform through movements that renewed evangelical piety. episcopal reform attacked the existing abuses directly rather than only adding an alternative form of commitment. or religious women who no longer interpreted the cloister as a prohibitionon apostolic work with the people. even if the council members recognized that many devotions had invited magic and superstition into religious practice. This was a path open to Trent because with Luther and the 50 years after him. the Barnabites (1530). resulting in a more vigorous Catholic devotionalism intended to "delightand teach" (Sanchez Lora 1988: 381. establish educational and pious institutions. Women had a counterpart in orders like the Ursulines (1535). Moreover. The 79-year-old Gian Pietro Carafa. the results were not new monastic or mendicant orders dependent on the feudal system of wealth for support.208. These new religious organizations fit the emerging urban society. and merely increasing its power over the bishops was a path fraught with danger. and live a life of exemplary virtue himself. 403). the council decree required that the faithful be instructed that all the saints were subordinate to Christ. increased the nepotism of the Vatican while simultaneously using the Inquisition against local prelates and creating the Index of ForbiddenBooks. It was a ground-up approach that was administratively feasible through control over the appointment of qualified bishops. and the Daughters of Charity (1633) that served the urban population. the Visitation nuns (1610). who remained faithful to Catholicism (Batillon 1966: 770 if. The papacy itself was in need of radical reform. it may be said. His four-year pontificate came close to making disobedience synonymous with heresy (Fenlon 1972). who was biblically attested.EVOLUTION OF MARLAN DEVOTIONALISM 55 Erasmus in Rotterdam. Marian devotionalism is as much a product of Tridentine educational reforms as of Catholic piety. Even the mendicant orders had new reform movements such as the Augustinian Recollects (1588). But because the episcopal approach depended upon a strong papacy to stand up to Caesaropapism and recalcitrant bishops.unlike the strategy that depended on religious orders. Erasmian reforms played a significant role in the Catholic Reformation. Trent placed greater emphasis upon the diocese. In this case. Accordingly. which lasted just two days in December of 1563 before the council'sclose.). of course. end clerical misbehavior. priests adhering to a strictly disciplinedlife of devotion. as Catholicism soon learned. But Catholicism has survived popes who cite the authority of This content downloaded from 68. The conciliar decree on the intercession of the saints provides an example. Trent had decided that this and other reforms could be summed up in a catechism that would connect theological definitions to the Catholic populace.7 The theology behind this pronouncement was not very elaborate since the decree came in the twenty-fifth session. And although sometimes contested as too much like Protestantism. but the greater need was for curtailment of corruptionand for education in the faith. theological decrees had impact on devotional life. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . was not upon dogmatic statements or condemnations of Protestant doctrines.
Baptism had to be performedin church and carefully recorded. Houdon 1992: 196 n19). Trent's declaration on tradition and scripture. Those who faithfully repeated Trent's less innovative formulation were drowned out by the better published scholars (cf.8 But Trent's decree was not what the First Vatican Council described as the "two sources"theory. Trent's effects came in ebbs and flows rather than in lock-step advance. St. which bore resemblance to those of Luther. or historical reasons to justify the faith. 2) education. The speeches and proceedings of the Council give us a description of how Trent's participants understood each other's positions. Thus. Ambiguity. Robert Bellarmine.mass was not to be celebrated in a home.82. an effort to include psychological. This content downloaded from 68. and. and Trent reaffirmed the utility of including such nonbiblical definitions as a source of faith. and one should not equate Tridentine reform with the policies of Paul IV alone. sermons were to be preached at every Sunday mass. and St. whose importance can be measured by the extensive diffusion of their works.marriages had to be performed in a church before a priest for validity. for instance. generally skirted controversialquestions. in Tametsi . To put the matter in sociological terms familiar to those who have read Crozier and Friedberg (Vasquez and Olabarri 1995: 367). The Council of Trent strove to reconcile the type of change preached by Fray Bustamante. both the reaction (Erasmian Franciscanism) of Friar Bustamante in Mexico in 1555 against the "excesses' of the Mexican devotion at Guadalupe and the devotion itself (popular religion) fell within the spirit of Tridentine Catholic reform. cultural. in which the practice of popular Christianity was on a par with the Bible (Dulles 1969: 49-51. This had been invoked in addressing the teachings of Wycliff. this spirit can be summarized as 1) Humanism.24 on Tue. and "TwoSources"eventually was regarded as Trndentinein origin. Like most institutional reform movements. as distinguished from post-conciliar interpretations. Overall. who questioned the devotion.). gradual steps to radical attack on existing institutions and practices.while not as "scientitic" as the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century . The decrees of Trent. often juxtaposing Erasmian sobriety and effusive devotionalism.the most revolutionary decree . emphasizing the worldwide scope of Catholicism. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . with the renovation of piety from Archbishop Montutfarwho encouraged it. Peter Canisius. also laid foundations for subsequent conflicts over interpretation in which both sides claimed Trent as guide. The "two-sources" theory gained ascendency after the council. repeated the lesson learned from the christological and Trinitarian controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries when language borrowedfrom philosophy was needed to explain the scriptural passages. I surmise that the ambiguity of Trent's decrees was intentional since such a course helped preserve Catholic unity and left the door open for a possible reconciliation with some Protestants. intentionality can be attributed to the sessions of the Council. which . For purposes of this essay. something that went against more than a thousand years of Christian practice wherein the simple promise of spouses sufficed for matrimony (Kamen 1993: 275-85). the Council of Trent contributed a style or spirit to reforms that were to take at least a hundred years to percolate down to the grass roots. that is. however. confessionals were required to safeguard the confidentiality of the sacrament.208.56 STUDYOF RELIGION JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC councils to implement policies of their personal preference that contradict the decrees. Trent's most lasting contribution was to reform the liturgy and the sacraments (Kamen 1993: 431 ff. Espin 1995: 18 nl2). partly because it was advanced by theologians such as Melchior Cano. 3) evolutionary view of reform. especially in clerical training in seminaries. I believe that because individuals and factions at Trent had to find majoritarian support for the final wording of the documents. and 4) universalism. which preferred slow. the process of decision making was driven by a rationality of a constructed reality.was an approachthat improved upon scholasticism's a priori reasoning or Protestant fundamentalism. These four traits animated Catholic reform within the sixteenth and seventeenth century Ibero-Mediterraneanpolity.
and was given the name "baroque" (Braudel 1949/1973: 827-29). An example of how the Tridentine capacity to infuse customs with the theological importance of devotionalism can be seen in the reform of indulgences. But if we use Vovelle's notion of mentalitg as the dialectical relationship between the objective conditions of people's lives and the way in which they can be applied to material religion and its agencies as well as to a describe it. The Baroqueand Post-TridentineCatholicism The sack of Rome by the troops of Charles V in 1527 in retaliation for Pope Clement VII siding with France allowed for an unprecedented reconstruction of the city during the rest of the sixteenth century. Cardinal Cervini (later Pope Marcellus II) had read Luther's complaints against the abuses of indulgences and concluded that the principal motivation for the misguided of indulgences lay with the drawn-out pilgrimages and corporalpenances imposed "buying" upon the forgiven (Houdon 1992: 60-61). Trent put limits on the appeal to previous church declarations.for instance). it is true. was finished in 1593 (Delumeau 1971/1977: 29-30). were "irreformable" because they were transmitted through cultural and situational facthat were "reformable" tors (polygamy. "baroque" This content downloaded from 68." but this text was withdrawn so that the Latin words "partim. While ostensibly reforming only the decidedly nonbiblical custom of indulgences.82. Fifty-four churches were built or rebuilt by the time the century's most glorious achievement.Trent moved away from the buying and selling of indulgences ."things handed down" . the cupola of St. the council added that traditiones were subject to scrutiny as to whether they were made "underthe inspiration of the Holy Spirit.24 on Tue. partim" were eliminated from the final decree. indulgences ceased to be a marketable commodity. the majority of the council members feared that a decress that seemed to echo the Protestant emphasis upon scripture would prove confusing.EVOLUTION OF MARIAN DEVOTIONALISM 57 The original council draft. The traditiones addressed in the 1546 decree were "theological formulations with wide acceptance.208. Trent simultaneously reconstructed the Sacrament of Penance in Christian life."With this qualification.an objectionableform of material theology but unique to Catholicism was the shift toward devotionalism around sacramental confession that lasted at least until the II Vatican Council. Only the traditiones connected to dogma (quae ad fidem pertinent)merited respect equal to that of the gospel (Jedin 1957/1961:2:62-67). Peter's.. so that not every decree competedwith scriptural authority. By substituting devotional prayers to Mary and the saints for these arduous penances. Trent's 1546 decree in the fourth session stated that the source of faith was in scripture and also in the traditiones (in the plural) . Like the Protestant Reformation."while the contemporarysense of tradition as "common practice"fits the category of "reformabletraditions. the theological potential of the reformabletraditions was clearly a consideration. Who would buy an indulgence worth 30 days of fasting. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .application as satisfaction for the souls in Purgatory made indulgences something of a spiritual work of mercy and an expression of Catholic piety that Protestantism did not embrace. the judgment and consensus of the Church. if merely reciting a prayer would obtain the same amount of merit? Moreover.10 (consuetudines)was applied during the conciliar The notion of traditions as "customs" discussions when a distinction was made between those describedabove as coming from the and those inspiration of the Holy Spirit and which. The old system forced penitents to take time away from family and business for two or three years in order to fulfill the penance: "buying"an indulgence was a more convenient alternative. had stated that revelation was contained "partly in scripture and partly in unwritten traditions. on that account.. However.from "approvedholy fathers and councils."But although Trent viewed customs as different from theological pronouncements."9Rejecting the advice of some members who essentially agreed with Luther (Houdon 1992: 47). The style used in this marvelous rebirth made Rome the artistic capital in the nineteenth century by Jacob Burkhardt of Europe.
Here was a woman whose miraculous visions and charismatic leadership served to strengthen the papacy. In essence. for instance.58 JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC STUDYOF RELIGION grand artistic style. Illiterate and a member of the Dominican third order (which means she was not cannonically a "nun"). On the one hand. The sponsored communication of symbols among the classes characterized this epoch within the Ibero-Mediterraneanpolity. the centralization of ecclesiastical resources within dioceses dried up funds for independent This content downloaded from 68." This was far from the only paradox of the baroque. during the baroque the bourgeoisie of a conservative Catholicism had a route to modernization other than the rationality of liberal Protestantism.208. Because they were less susceptible to economic vagaries. baroque Catholicism did not place rational and charismatic religious leaders in a dichotomous system in which one can exercise only one or the other but never both at the same time. Maravall supposes that the integration of emotion and rationality during the baroque was an acceptableformula for social power. The snowballing economicdisasters concominantwith the disintegration of Spanish hegemony forced an introspective look at interior. often employ institutions and religion in ways that challenge the preconceptions developed to explain a different reality. But the baroque was also the world's first mass culture. and consequently the Latin American and Latino experiences. In contrast to the twelfth through the fifteenth centuries. Sanchez Lora (1988) shows how the baroque praise of the church'sgreatest mystics actually reduced the number of women visionaries. an illiterate woman who had to dictate all of her letters to a scribe. Certainly. the era witnessed the reduction in the number of such mystics and of their convents. 42 passim). The era affirmed 'practical mysticism"in such a way that St.S. For those who understand literally Weber's opposition of rationality to charismatic leadership and of bureaucracyto mysticism (Weber 1949: 361 passim). 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . produced a conservative social culture which arose amid a series of calamitous crises (Maravall 1975/1986: 20-26 passim). they tell us. it should not be far-fetched to suppose that analysis of the baroque Catholic reality merits attention. where female seers and holy women recounting their revelations seemed to be everywhere. The Ibero-Mediterranean experience. The Ibero-Mediterranean polity acquired techniques of manipulating public culture by enriching rationality with good measures of tradition and sentiment (Maravall 1975/1986: 58-60). the phenomenon of a female mystic restoring the respectability of a patriarchal bureaucracy is normal.24 on Tue. material manifestations of power and prosperity. if scholars of U. accordingto Maravall (1975/1986: 14-15. built a "structure" for social and institutional responses during the age among elites and the poor both in urban and rural circumstances(Maravall 1975/1986:62-74). Thus. one of the most popular saints of devotionalism during the baroque period was St. religion voice the need for new paradigms that better correspondto the American experience (Warner 1997). Catherine.Catherine's mysticism had hastened the return of the papacy to Rome after its sojourn in Avignon. has been declared a 'Doctor of the Church. The baroque. Catherine and the baroque represent an anomaly. There was frequent repetition of Seneca's rediocritas. understood as "the intermediate class" (Maravall 1975/1986: 31) in describing the arbiters of virtue's restoration. Catherine of Siena. virture and values were consideredmore important than transient. in contrast with the Weberian premise that liberal rationality is a path to bourgeois modernization as seen in the Protestant experience. For instance. spiritual values. But for a worldview that sees rationality crowned in importance when it is linked to emotion. Contributions to scholarship on the Ibero-Mediterraneanexperiences over the past two decades have produced a corpus of studies that diverge from some of the premises central to the theories and methods of Durkheim and Weber. St. The convergence of these factors.82. In sum. The contemporary Spanish historians Jose Antonio Maravall (1975/1986) and Jose Sanchez Lora (1988) have contributedto the corpusof works that view the baroque mentalitM as a explanatory factor in Spanish history.
Approximatingchivalric norms. If the art of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries depicted humankind as passive before nature and God. Honor was the civic force that could transform the objectively sinful world into an expression of subjectively experienced faith. the half-openedlips. and Descartes' intuitive cogito. ergo sum in philosophy. Public confidencein social institutions was at a low ebb and the baroque resurrected institutions of the Middle Ages. Thus. a pera virtue essential for imposing sonal. animating the old order with spiritualized emotion. the baroque was an epoch of belief.the mass. Gonzalez de Cellorigo viewed his age as 'a republic of enchanted people who lived outside the natural order"(cited in Sanchez Lora 1992: 258) There was a need to assert one's will over external reality because ordinarysenses could not penetrate to the spiritual meaning of reality. convent life . If ecstasy and visions. the sacred is affirmed only in the juxtaposition of an angel. but it fit the Catholicism of the time that accepted the Renaissance by spiritualizing it. magical. The rapturous gaze.EVOLUTION OF MARIANDEVOTIONALISM 59 convents. clerical celibacy. The 200-year-old Imitatio Christi was popular throughout the age: its interiority addressed a contemporaryneed and its reputation as a classic work of a happier epoch of Christian experience enhanced its appeal. The practitioners of baroque piety sought holiness through emulation of the saints of the past. Yes. If the people of the baroque knew that it was impossible simply to repeat the past. but it added to painting and sculpture a gilded effulgence and adornment of symbolism to reaffirm the majesty of the sacred. The Reformation had failed to eliminate the Catholic faith. The baroque did not retreat from the Renaissance realism that expressed human control of nature. and mystical. fainting spells and light-headedness This content downloaded from 68.208. the popular diffusion of the visions of a few great mystics during the baroque paradoxicallyreduced the number of mystics in popular Catholicism. Teresa at the moment of spiritual marriage offers a woman in almost sensual rapture. the Renaissance was right to affirm that humanity was in control of itself and of nature. made more local and less dramatic visionaries seem less important. scripture. It's hard to see the light from a 40-watt bulb in the glare of a bright spotlight. they still believed that they could restore the inner." upon an unresponsive world the heroic qualities cultivated within one's soul (Sanchez Lora 1988: 133-37). manifesting itself outwardly in dramatic outbursts of ecstasy which merged the material with the divine. I present here only a brief outline of his exposition. The baroque effort to represent the sacred by the heights of emotion eventually made it an object of ridicule and a vehicle of kitsch in the twentieth century. he argues. surroundedby golden rays coming from heaven. inner conviction to live with rectitude became "honor. on the other. suffering and pain. the celebration in popular devotional publications of the wondrous visions of the greatest women mystics. In spite of considerable reasons for skepticism.the subjective validation of faith had become crucial (Maravall 1975/1986: 19-26 passim). But there were other less dramatic examples of how subjectivity permeated baroque spirituality. Calderonde la Barca's 'La Vida Es Suefo" in theater. The spiritual was miraculous. papacy. the poised and perfectly formedgestures of the personages in religious baroque art expressed the contact between human and divine. especially by reliving its contact with the miraculous. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . but because virtually every objective religious symbol was under attack .24 on Tue. the Italian Renaissance recast humankind as dominant over nature and in control of the encounter with God. Bernini's famous representation of St. Tridentine reform and the baroquewere born together and cannot be fully understood in isolation from each other.82. but the baroque insisted that contact with the sacred caused a loss of control because it suspended the human being in ecstasy. moral virtues upon which a unified Christendomhad been based. The explanation of how the baroque as art form discloses a culture and mentalito has been masterfully accomplishedby Maravall. Baroque emphasis upon subjective feeling as the core of reality had direct repercussions in religion. statues. The gaunt figure of Cervantes's don Quixote de la Mancha spoke to this tendency in literature.
and. The baroque. Most pious women given to harsh physical penances were far from charlatans. Omercifuland sure effulgence Ofaithful and certain guide Otender Virgin Mary refuge of Carmelites. 155-56). De misericordia fuente de clemencia ameno huerto. Oh Clemente y cierto efugio. self-inflicted scourging. and of course. the skepticism of authority. distinguishing it from the Unitive way. But subjective religion at every stage tended toward the miraculous and ecstatic. the miraculous legitimation of the vision. Carmel. it was often in a discourse made familiar during earlier centuries. One example is the Dominican circle around St. oh Piado y cierta guia. and the like. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . composed by the famous. de Carmelitas refugio. port and resplendent star. de se promesa benigna. the authenticity of Teresa's mysticism ran counter to the tendencies of her imitators (Sanchez Lora 1988: 223-24 n57. en quien el verbo del Padre tom6 natural origen. Maravall 1975/1986: 11). When visions were reported. or improvisedby peasants. a prayer form that cannot be simply translated into English as "joys." were baroque outbursts of religious feeling. William Christian (1981) has shown the transfer of the narrative form for older eleventh century visions to those of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries: an apparition to a simple. Pura Virgen del Carmelo. Fromthis valley of exile in which we now live we beg you with tears to snatch us fromerror. embellishing litanies. recited from memory. although characterized by severe self-imposed penances. I offer below (with my own prose translation) some verses of a gozo. warned against a tendency to adopt practices that damaged one's health in the pursuit of ecstasy. shifted the general focus of the Middle Ages on the parade of miraculous favors experienced by clients coming to the shrines in order to emphasize the miraculous events at the origin of the devotions (Kamen 1993: 132-36. Dios te salve. De este. Theologians placed such piety in the Purgative way. the partronness of sailors and fishermen (Canino Salgado 1974: 51-53). Fountainof mercy Pleasing gardenof clemency and for Carmelites. Mother in whom the Wordof the Father took human beginnings. Zimdars-Swartz1991. the saints. however. A popular dimension to baroque spirituality is reflected by the gozos (goigs in The gozos Catalan). the eucharist. Ruega por nos a Jesl. in styles that mixed poetry with prayer. his holy cross. for Mary. y de lOJcarmelitas Puerto y Estrella resplandeciente. although in an ironic way. has que aparezcamos dignas por mdritos de su Crux. This content downloaded from 68. the leading mystic of her time.208. Queen. then these could be induced by rigorous fasting. the request for a 'sign". Teresa of Avila. even if the criteria of our age might consider them to have been exaggerated in the exercise of piety. valle del destierro.60 JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC STUDYOF RELIGION did not come to the suppliant by prayer alone. They were composedin honor of Christ. and for his compassionatepromises make us emerge worthy throughthe merits of His cross. oh Duke Virgen Marta. Reina.82. te pedinos nos saques libres del yerro. Madre. Often they were poetic paraphrases of scriptural verses.24 on Tue. 5-12). Rose of Lima that produced admirable examples of Catholic sanctity during the baroque. long hours of meditation. in honor of Our Lady of Mt. added to prayers like the rosary. the building of a Marian shrine (see Poole 1995: 28-30. Pray to Jesus for us. Godgreets you. They could be sung. St. en que al presente vivimos con lgrima. poor believer. Pure Virgin of Cannel. loosely based on the Salve Regina.
its resonance with an indulgenced prayer and its use of easily understood symbols is crowned with a doctrinal verity in the closing refrain. This short excerpt. Unfortunately. sermons that successfully incorporated the gozos were often printed as an aid for a local priest's Sunday sermon. The gozos could also be preached. which kept most of them from achieving any appearance of high art. sermons repeated concepts central to the gozos. preaching. Moreover. regularly celebrating the apparition and glorifying the image as miraculous. But the simplicity of the composition. however. and concentratedon direct communicationwith the people throughthe media of the spoken wordand populartracts (Kamen 1993:415).In the process. areas in which it could not compete with Castilians. demonstrates the popular character of the gozos. Kamen (1993: 434) says that the different spirit breathed by the baroque age into preexisting devotions is discerned most clearly by examining these gozos.EVOLUTION OF MARIANDEVOTIONALISM 61 The reference to "Carmelitas" is not to the vowed members of that strict religious order. The closing lines carry the christological corrective for devotionalism insisted upon by Trent. they simultaneously diffused devotions such as that of the Mexican Guadalupe.since Trent had obliged every priest to preach. Kamen makes the following observation about not only the gozos but all the devotional literature of the period: Counter-Reformation literature in Catalonia had no creative or artistic impulse: it was directed to what it saw as a greater glory. They were incorporatedinto sermons because they alluded to scriptural themes. 171 n287). During the baroque epoch. the gozos became a materially measurable mainstay of Catholic devotion. published in Mexico from 1651 to 1699 (151). Poole has identified 76 sueltos. miraculous effects. the gozos could reimage connections between devotion and history that satisfied a thirst for the miraculous. sometimes. most of the studies of the gozos seem to focus on their cultural importance rather than as in Kamen's study on their social functions. The invocation of 'Port" and 'Star" reinforce the maritime relevance of this devotion. the saving of souls for God.82. their poetic language delighted the public. The Counter-Reformation contributed to the preservation of the indigenous languge because it shied away from literary brilliance and elite culture. but to all those who wore the brown scapular and by that practice had become members of the Carmelite Third Order for lay persons. But. In the case of the Mexican Guadalupe. They are perhaps the most telling of the measurable components of material theology in Marian devotion within baroque Catholicism." and a commonway of celebrating this feast on July 16 is to set adrift the statue within a boat adorned with flower garlands. What Kamen says of Catalonia was true also in Latin America and the Philippines. In other words.208. the gozo used here was collected in Puerto Rico during the 1970s (Canino Salgado 1974: 5-8 passim). Often awarded an indulgence for pious recitation. with its pedestrian rhymes and images. we know that these specimens of material theology were present This content downloaded from 68. most of which identified Guadalupe with the Immaculate Conception and the genealogy of Mary (155). In fact. in echo of Maravall's premise that the baroque was an era of mass culture. even though many did not have adequate preparation to do so. and they afforded graphic explanation of a statue or painting in the church. particularly since another title of Mary is "Maris Stella" or "MorningStar.24 on Tue. As subjective flights of faith. the gozos became a singularly important means of connecting Tridentine reforms. And because the gozos were frequently printed underneath engraved reproductionsof statues or paintings. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Because of a dramatically increased ability to publish books for popular coinsumption. and popular Catholic practice.it helped to keep alive the language of the people and conservedfor Catalans a religious individualityand identity which otherwise may have been swamped by the cultural imperialism of Castile. theology. the public generally attributed to these poetic prayers spiritual enrichment and. Henry Kamen indicates that in Catalonia they might have been even more effective in educating the populace to new religious values than the lithographs in Lutheran Germany (1993: 140. or leaflet sermons.
62 JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC STUDYOF RELIGION throughout the Catholic world from the baroque down to the present day. Therefore. but we do not have a clear and precise measure of their diffusion or use. it may be said that even without complete quantitive measures. evolutionary reform. Meditation books. baroque theatrics did find a place in the church. These were not biographies searching for historical events.208. The humanism of the council'sreforms facilitated a literate reemination of Catholic devotions in order to reshape religious practice by new norms of reasonableness. they can be consideredmaterial theology that was coloredby the principal tendencies of Trent. Much as Shakespeare in England felt free to explore in drama the psyches of the Prince of Denmark or the Plantagenet kings. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The Jesuits insisted that drama and theater be part of the curriculumin their schools. although both coexisted during the baroque period. Texas use baroque poetic schemes. took up interior- This content downloaded from 68. including the KSpiritual Exercises of St. As devotionalism. the general information is sufficient to categorically state that the gozos were instruments for mediating popular religiosity with theological orthodoxyfound among Catholics . the hagiography of the Flos Sanctorum became the more prominent tendency. writers approachedthe sacred under this logic: Saints tell the truth. The difference between humanism in art and in religion was not always clear. The four traits of Trent that affect the analysis of Marian devotionalism were summarized above as: humanism. The twentieth century Catholic inheritors of this tradition dramatize the Nativity and Christ's Passion in barrios as different as the South Bronx and the Philippines in popular religiosity (Dfaz-Stevens 1990). but instead celebrated evidence of the supernatural destiny of God's heroes. but at the same time preserve the Catholic tradition of honoring exemplary men and women of the church. The saint's personality was determined by the core of inner spirituality. Rather than trace the impact of social forces and events upon persons. whips were used for self-scourgingto elicit repentance from the public. In the opaque syllogistic form that may have given the baroque its name (Braudel 1949/1973: 827 n381). to affirm what was already known about sanctity.this vision is not a lie. Richard Flores (1995: 77-97) has shown that the Spanish verses of the "Pastorela"currently performedin San Antonio. Maravall 1975/1986: 9397).). Catholicism was showered with the popular biographies and there is ample evidence that more copies of these accounts were sold than of the Bollandists' works (Delumeau 1971/1977: 42. And although the autos were excluded. In a genre exemplified in the Flos Sanctorum. one can assert that within baroque Catholicism. I think it relevant to reexamine each of these sometimes contradictory trends for their effect upon devotionalism. Alongside this sober humanism was the opposing impulse toward the miraculous. Ignatius Loyola. One side of this tendency had its optimum expression with the enormous project undertaken by the Bollandists in 1643 to publish critical editions of the earliest lives of each saint in the calendar. baroque hagiography producedlives of the saints for popular consumption.82. using these as a vehicle for teaching religion and history. In an admittedly truncated form. replete with imagined dialogue. On the basis of material theology. see 228. Kamen 1993: 413-15. and universalism. but this encouraged the multiplication of these auto sacramentales outside the church buildings as a baroque art form with the popularity of theater (Stnchez Lora 1988: 249 n119.24 on Tue. Nonetheless. These popular accounts were very different from the critical historical work of the Bollandists. Preachers used props such as skulls and catafalques to represent approachingdeath. Trent had prohibited celebrating miracle plays or sacred dramas in churches. and Sanchez Lora 1988: 62ff. these "Lives' affirmed the power of the holy individual to transforn society. education. This saint had a vision. and crowns of thorns to evoke pity (Kamen 1993: 361). It became a way to reform the cult of the saints by eliminating preposterous miracles and glaring historical inconsistencies. Catholic humanist scholarship used drama to heighten the exemplar quality of the lives of the saints. Baroque hagiographytook license with historical events to re-create anecdotes.
as the dispersion of Jesuit criollos after the suppression of the Society (1773) demonstrated when some European intellectual circles enthusiastically received American themes as offering philosophical substance for political alternatives to Enlightened Despotism (Blanke 1986).) produce lists of theological books.208. especially where not threatened with competing intellectual trends. the civil code permitted a man or. Trent had stressed education in its reforms. Contact with Rome was often a measure of Catholic educational achievement. the spirit of Trent sought to develop the repulsion of insects into a more educated expression of Catholic belief. in prescient anticipation of our century. the official prayers composedto excommunicatethe locusts . however. but to imagine the sacred as operative in the present day. While Protestant Reformers (or Friar Bustamante) might have ridiculed this custom as superstitious. often leaving their form intact (xii. Eusebio Kino and the incomparable Sor Juana In6s de la Cruz. in composing a vision of hell for those making the Exercises. but a "docudrama" to educate the public about evidence for Mary's concern for the contemporary. it required as much missionary attention as overseas (Kamen 1993: 378). for instance. would not constitute a falsification of historical events. when they represented intellectual stimulus to those who viewed East Coast. One example is the way baroque reformers treated the Spanish practice of excommunicating locusts. For instance. Delumeau (1971/1977: 42. the effort was energetic in rural parts of Spain. Mexico in the 1660s might be compared to Stanford and Berkeley during the 1960s. for instance. Along with the confesionarios meant to guide confessors.a questionable theological act . Kamen (1993: 413). one Jesuit preacher used descriptions of the Thirty Years'War (Sanchez Lora 1988: 243-44). a woman to kill a spouse found in flagrante delicto. Henry Kamen stresses the ability of the "machineryof Trent"to alter the content and function of local devotions. suggesting that sinful habits should be expelled along with the pests . see 228). showing the popularity of volumes on moral theology during the baroque. the criollos had a more enviable intellectual melieu than European intellectuals. Graduates returned to their countries usually as professors in seminaries. In the Americas. Reverence for an individual's subjectivity came to the fore in moral theology. prompting the Jesuits to use the term "the Indies' to describe Catalonia because. Austria and Hungary long after it had been eclipsed in Italy and France (Braudel 1949/1973:829). Thus. The Ignatian compositionof place. the diffusion of high quality Catholic education meant that Mexico City and Lima were not backwater in comparison with peninsular universities like Salamanca. Each of the ethnicities sent their best and brightest to Rome. the baroque as artistic style (and probably as a mentalitOas well) endured in Poland. These universities were organized around colleges for the many nationes of the Catholic world (Caraman 1981).also offered instruction to the faithful. Ivy League academic life as too stultifying. they said. anachronistic rendering of the dialog between the MexicanVirgin of Guadalupe and Juan Diego.a most desirable goal (Sfinchez Lora 1988: 317 n24). Thus. these texts clearly impacted upon the awareness of sin in popular Catholicism but through the prism of baroque honor. and the establishment of the Gregorianum (1555) and Angelicum (1580) universities in Rome aided mightily in this effort. with scholars like Carios Siguenza y G6ngora. In fact. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . In reviewing the effect of Trent on Catalonia. 430-35 passim).EVOLUTION OF MARIAN DEVOTIONALISM 63 ity where the Imitatio Christi had left off. In this climate. Trent's road to reform through a moderate evolution rather than through a radical revolution preserved and enriched popular religiosity.82. and Sanchez Lora (1988: 62ff. where they adapted the Roman ideals of reform to local circumstances. In some ways. Every reformable tradition had some worth that could be celebrated. Educationin the faith was central to Trent's reforms. Thus. but while the training cultivated a sense of loyalty to Rome. Intense in the Americas. was used not only to transport the person into the eternal.24 on Tue. it also preserved national differences. But the moral theologians This content downloaded from 68. a dramatic.
82. the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Presented with problems for global evangelization that Protestantism did not generally share in the seventeenth century. The christologicalfocus of these devotions provide evidence that the theological subordination of Marian devotions in Tridentine theology had an impact on popular piety.iii). then Christ would necessarily be honor-bound to bestow this privilege upon his mother. More importantly.12which was made up of biblical prayers. lending a universal character to Catholicism's deliberations. Hamlet. III. The Immaculate Conception HonoringMary because she was conceived without sin was a prime example of how a cult could be transformed into devotionalism by an infusion of a high theological purpose. and while contested by Protestants in Europe.24 on Tue. the case of the Chinese rites was first presented in 1645 and was not finally adjudicated until 1704). if Mary were always sinless. The concept of a divinity compelled by standards of honor derived from feudal society animated the insistence that if the Immaculate Conceptionwas a possibility. but an irreformableone. The same universal function was exercised by other baroque devotions: the Infant of Prague and. but the local devotions emphasized that the appearance of the Virgin in the colonies connectedcolonial Catholicism with Europe. St. the congregationgave a hearing to local interests.208. Post-Tridentine moral theology required the aggrieved spouse to provide the offenders with the opportunity for confession before seeking revenge (Sanchez Lora 1988: 62ff. the Immaculate Conception was above all a theological statement. Concern with unity of a far-flung Catholicism was addressed through the Vatican Congregationde Propaganda Fide. Ponderous when forming policy (for example. stressing native clergy and seminaries while gingerly sidestepping Europeanimperial interference (Pizzorusso 1995). the congregation collected ethnological descriptions on the world's cultures. In most cases. then she would not have needed redemption by Christ. The thorny question of how Mary This content downloaded from 68. Such texts exemplify how the baroque morality examined the structure of society's rules and emphasized that compliancerequired inner conviction. Nonetheless. In the process of forming policy. the American or Philippine Madonna was a virtual reproductionof a European Madonna (Lefaye 1974/1976: 224-30). even if not all final decisions went in that direction. that if Mary did not suffer from Original Sin.64 JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC STUDYOF RELIGION of the baroque argued that although legally permissible and excusable because of the emotions provoked. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . above all.: see also. The Immaculate Conceptionwas not just a devotion: for its adepts. however. what Jesuit theologian Francisco Suarez called "active obedience" (Maravall 1975/1986:63-65). Bernard before him. in the Americas it found a garden in which to flower.not a reformabletradition. then she would have to be considered a species different from the rest of humanity (sui generis). it was also a dogma. Marian devotionalism was more widely diffused than that of any of the saints and her most popular invocation in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries proved to be that of the Immaculate Conception. Unlike the rosary. as had St.11Catholicism developed new Christian responses to native religions. the council had insisted on devices such as a crucifix over every main altar to insure that popular piety did not stray from theologicalorthdoxy as to Christ's central importance to all piety. Franciscans such as Ram6n Llull and Duns Scotus argued in favor of the Immaculate Conception.such an avenging murder would not be honorable since it would condemn the adulterers to sure damnation. Moreover. It was contested within Christianity long before the Reformation. persuaded that the classification sui generis constituted an honor the chivalric Christ would gladly bestow upon his mother. or the image of Our Lady of Guadalupe which was a symbol of heavenly concern for the contemporary. Marian devotion became a unique vehicle for establishing a post-Tridentine Catholicism. Thomas Aquinas argued.
the seventeenth-century popular preacher. Pius V in 1570 threatened "ipso facto deprivation' for any cleric-making public. If it had only been a theological argument. These biblical verses were translated into a symbolic language appropriateto painting and sculpture. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 12-15. but equally important to belief. With Spanish public clamor growing. popular affirmation of either side of the argument about the ImmaculateConception. the proclamationwas not considered definitive. Luke Wadding. The Vatican preparedto censure the issuance of these medals. during the baroque. an inscription in one that "Marywas not touched by the first sin" was interpreted as apostolic testimony to dogma of the Immaculate Conception (Stratton 1994: 68-69). The Council of Basel (1431) had declared the Immaculate Conception a dogma. and moon were added to representations of Mary to allude to the scriptural passages. paralleled the relationship of tradition and scripture during the baroque. A striking example of this convergence of the popular religious imagination and theological discourse came in 1595 when excavation in Spain of an early Christian tomb unearthed leaden plates with inscriptions in Latin and Arabic. Moreover. and speculum sine macula. probablybecause it would have made the Protestant versus Catholic split even greater. St. visual images were no less important to the common believer than words because symbols communicate true knowledge of sacred matters (cited in Stratton 1994: 84-86). Despite support from the Jesuits during the Council of Trent. James the Apostle. 130-40). Kamen comments: On balancethe Catholicpreferencewas for attractingpeople to the public liturgy. an Irish Franciscan. the Franciscans were unsuccessful in having a new Marian dogma declared. In France. animosities between Spain and France had so poisoned the political climate that the pope could not accede to one monarch's request without antagonizing his rival and the papal decree Regis Pacifici once again imposed silence on the matter. a form of the theological doctrine of predestination that later was pursued with vigor by Calvin. 6:10).EVOLUTION OF MARLAN DEVOTIONALISM 65 could be redeemed before Christ had been born was resolved in the Franciscan school by stating that salvation could be conferred in anticipation of Christ's death on the cross. Philip III petitioned Pope Paul V in 1616 to declare the Immaculate Conception a dogma. roses. Angel faces. but because the statement came in a session that lacked a valid quorum. where the oral interest of the sermon and the sensual appeal of music and the altar tended to make the world of the book superfluous. Symbol and text. This episode exemplifies how. only served to stimulate subsequent debates (Stratton 1994: 68-69). religious symbols within Catholicism came to be viewed as distinct from text. However. But three years and three commissions later.208. Indeed it may be arged that one grat advantage of the Churh in the pot-Reforation >nrod was that it continued to control all the cultural images that predominatedin late mediaeval society and This content downloaded from 68. however. Wisdom (7:26). With the addition of such popular staples the Immaculate Conceptionand also the doctrine of the Assumption became major components of Marian devotionalism throughout the Catholic world. tota pulchra. Louis Grignon de Monfortwas to add Marian verses to popular songs (Delumeau 1971/1977: 19192). that is. argued that although the pope had prohibitedspeaking about the Immaculate Conception. the Spanish monarch struck medals with an image of the Blessed Mother and the inscription "Concebidasin pecado original" ("Conceivedwithout original sin") for populardistribution. These symbols were understood among all social classes in the polity that was at once Spanish and Catholic (Maravall 1975/1986: 58. But the devotees of the Immaculate Conception rose to the challenge of postTridentine theology and elaborated scriptural bases for their piety: mulier amicta sole. sun. Trent's cautious ambiguity about the Immaculate Conception. said Wadding. a declaration which would have enhanced the king's reputation for piety.82. Because popular imagination ascribed the writings on these libros plaimbeosto St. the Immaculate Conception might have faded away. he had not forbidden artistic representation of it. In an effort to impose church unity. it might be said. But in defense of the devotion of the Spanish monarch. the woman of Revelation 12.24 on Tue. Song of Songs (4:7.
Popular manifestations of the Immaculate Conception in paintings. Marian devotion under French hegemony was no longer tied to local religion and a regional ethnicity.82. the "machineryof Trent" welded together theology and popular Catholicism. the Spanish Inmaculadas of the baroque became the This content downloaded from 68. Velazquez.24 on Tue. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .13This mode of thinking opened the door for a "campaign" to extend the devotion among Catholics so as to make the Immaculate Conceptioninto a universal dogma. and served perfectly to communicatethe message (Kamen 1993:416). Mary of the Immaculate Conceptionstands without a veil or a crown:her head is uncovered and her hair hangs loose. Francisco Suarez. . much as today political campaigns in the United States are organized to lobby Congress. lest the breach about it in their own Church be made wider. In all of these seventeenth-century paintings. Successfully embracingsuch primal images. 117. This effort did not displace already established local Marian devotions in Castile and Catalonia. and it emphasized Mary's message rather than simply celebrating her glories (Zimdars-Swartz 1991: 66-67 passim). rationality and emotion. a different and more domesticated Mary was iconized. possibly because like other enduring sacral images. could so grow in popularity that they would acquire the status of irreformabletraditiones pertaining to faith. Two centuries later in 1856. offering evidence that Catholics availed themselves of the "leave to pray" even if it were not yet a command to believe. When the devotions of the Miraculous Medal and Lourdes were developed in post-Napoleonic France. A seventeenth-century Protestant by the name of John Patrick.. which it dare not command them to believe as an Article of Faith"(cited in Stratton 1994: 38 n13). 109-10. but a much too real figure.66 JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC STUDYOF RELIGION thereforedid not need to invent new forms:traditionalsymbols such as the relic of a saint or the Christmas crib were (as they were termed in fifteenth-centuryEngland)'booksof the commonman'. After the declaration in 1854 of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception. It was an artistic rendition of the dogma that was to remain relatively fixed in Spain (Stratton 1994: 104-22). but to Craft and Cunning. the image of the Immaculate Conceptionstands upon the crescent moon. whose merry attitudes and games by no means harmonize with the solemnity of the august mystery which the artist wished to represent" (cited in Stratton 1994: 106 n70). even uncombed. enunciated the principle that customs.. but to Ultramontanism. Valdes Leal. Stevens-Arroyo1995). Spanish patronage for pictures of the Immaculate Conception generated a century of paintings such as those by Rubens. The production of articles of material theology for the Immaculate Conception increased after 1616. reformabletraditions. However. but was put under immediate scientific scrutiny. which has no relation at all to Piety. that is. the popular appeal of the baroque Immaculate Conceptionlasted longer than its unfashionableness in the artistic world. disorderly in dress and hair. The wild hair. most of which found their way into popular reproduction. it had no lag time to invent a legend.208. . it touches elemental religious feelings. Cano and Murillo. saw the ability of piety to overwhelm theology: "Thoughthe pretended Infallible Chair has not thought fit as yet to determine the Controversie about the Immaculate Conception. . a French critic commented on one of Murillo's baroque Inmaculadas in the Louvre with terms that might be used today: "Forourselves we can see nothing in the famous picture . yet however it has given them leave to pray that."the "Amazon" in archetypal theory (Hall 1980: 82-85. however. The success of the baroque was not permanent. but it contriubted to the increase of Marian piety. Spanish imperial interests and culture. and prints (ldminas) were freely distributed among the populace with funds provided from the elites who saw it their pious duty to promotethe devotion as dogma. conforms to the image of the "wild woman. Formal theology entered into the seventeenth-century debate on the Immaculate Conception when the Spanish Jesuit. however. around which whirl a crowd of little naked infants. uncoveredwithout domesticizing veil or ennobling crown. suspended in heaven and attended by angels. Zubaran. medals.
Africans. This content downloaded from 68. and the established devotion to the Immaculate Conceptionbecame the most popular path. a 1639 text stated that St. In the Americas. The conversion of Native Americans. Baroque New Mexicoprovides a striking example of how the mentality of the time explained evangelical successes. some assumed that because the "Ladyin Blue"was not Sor Maria. one Spanish preacher fatuously claimed that the Mexican Guadalupe had first appeared in Spain (Poole 1995: 157). Gutierrez de Arroyo 1960). because as described by William Christian (1981). even during the baroque. Carlos Siguenza y Gongoralinked the Aztec legend of the return of Queztalcoatl to a visit by St. But his Erasmian caution was drowned in a sea of pious preference for the miraculous. she must have been the Blessed Mother. The New World Franciscans promptly found natives to testify that indeed they had heard "a Lady in Blue" speaking in Spanish to them (Weber 1992: 99-100). This linkage enabled Spaniards to describe the colonies as a stage upon which a European faith danced.EVOLUTION OF MARIAN DEVOTIONALISM 67 icons for the effort to make into dogma belief in the Assumption of Mary.24 on Tue. Castile's Our Lady of Charity is named patroness of Cuba (Arrom 1971) and Catalonia's Our Lady of Montserrat becomes the "black Madonna" of HorIiigueros. wrote a letter to Franciscan missionaries in 1631 explaining that in her visions. But for the criollos in America. In contrast to how Protestantism was centered in Europe at that time. thus confirming that mysticism bound together the disparate territories of Catholicism. a respected Spanish mystic and member of the ConceptionistPoor Clares. and Asians was viewed as a way of filling up the places left in the church by the defection of European Protestants. Bernardino Sahaguincomplained of how easily Marian devotion could disguise continuing belief in native religions. Subsequently. much as the Aragonese held Our Lady of Pilar as theirs. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and seventeenth-century Catholicism. Puerto Rico (Parrilla 1990: 11-14.208. Thomas to Mexico. something Maravall calls "psychologicalparticularization"(Maravall 1975/1986: 67 n46 citing Sua. she had preached to the Indians of New Mexico. Lafaye 1974/1976). even apostolic. Christian preaching. Based upon Origen's citation of the lost Acts of Thomas that the apostle had traveled to India. The "Americanization" of Extremadura'sOur Lady of Guadalupe in Mexico is not a solitary phenomenon:Andalusia's Our Lady of Candelaria becomes patroness of the Canary Islands (Stevens-Arroyo 1993). Maria de Jesus de Agreda.82. Our more skeptical age may view the affinity for Marian devotion in newly evangelized countries as syncretism with native goddess worship (Benko 1993) or as resistance to imperialism (Benavides 1995). This launched speculation about wh:ichnative symbols might have origins in a miraculous pre-conquest contact with Christianity. In fact. linkage of their local devotion with European Madonna'sbestowed the grandeur of a world religion upon colonial Catholicism. a notion that occasionally took on millenarian implications (Phalen 1970. But Trent had emphasized the need to link all devotion to the bible. When (under considerable pressure) the nun recanted her visions. Catholicism was expansively global. suspecting that these had resulted fromAmerican contact with ancient.rez de Figueroa). Thomas the Apostle had appeared in Brazil. (Lefaye 1974/1976: 180-206). culminating in 1950 with the declarationby Pope Pius XII. Local devotionalism was the vehicle for particularity. often declaring the local Madonna patroness of their ethnicity. Theologians reasoned that Catholicism allowed people in different climates to react differently to the same religious stimuli. Not to be outdone. The Marian Path to Global Christianity Particularization and universalization were the ebb and the tide in the sea of sixteenth. these devotions bestowed importance upon towns that sponsored them. seventeenth-century Catholic missiologists began to analyze native religions for beliefs compatible with Catholicism or for symbols that resembled Christian images. body and soul into heaven. especially in the Americas. the criollos turned Marian devotions to the same function.
the single main altar in the church of Santa Maria de Mediona was augmented by six lateral altars with statues dedicated to Mary and the saints and nearby St. Quinti added seven (Kamen 1993: 20-23). Spanish law maintained that without majoritarian consensus the king could not change a tradition by decree:and royal violation of local tradition gave legitimate grounds for rebellion. Crucial to the development of Marian devotions within Catholicism was a homology between legal and religious conceptualization of tradition. Rationality was not absent from this social equation. Suarez' monumental treatise on the rights of nations. Because of its radical political implications. unlike written laws. For instance. Suarez stated that conversion to Christianity conferredrights as an ethnic republic or natio. the practice of local traditions was seldom challenged by central authority in Castile. such as the lives of the saints (Kamen 1993: 347). Moreover. the relatively high level of literacy in New Castile (45%) . At the height of Hapsburg power. their rights could not be taken away by the ruler. summarized a century of struggle to reconcile the exigencies of a global Spanish Empire with evangelization of peoples living outside of Europe (Stevens-Arroyo 1996. De Legibus. Yet studies have shown that both in Spain This content downloaded from 68. Maravall 1975/1986: 74-75). the king must uphold the local traditions which organically form individuals into a natio. symbols. Kamen notes that the relative prosperity of the age through the infusion of American silver into the economy made it possible for the local Catalan parishes to purchase new statues in the baroque style and add them to their church. but neither was it enthroned. which are frozen in time. fig. It is difficult to imagine the Tridentine reforms having an impact on material theology independent of these concomitantsocioeconomicinfluences. To gain legitimacy as ruler of disparate peoples. One must factor in the strong work ethic in parts of Spain that impelled large numbers of people towards self-improvement (Kamen 1993: 200-202). in contradiction with the divine right of kings upheld by James of England. so that Christianity brought benefits to a converted people. Inclusion within the Spanish empire guaranteed these rights. Suarez said local traditions have been validated by the collective will of the people and. Migrants to America often intensified their practice of religion as a means of higher social status in what has been called "horizontalsocial mobility"(Maravall 1975/1986:36-37. 11023). both in theology and politics. the traditions of nations grow and change as they are practiced.208. Dellumeau provides a similar analysis for eighteenth-century France (Delumeau 1971/1977: 147. The records of the Spanish Inquisition provide a highly accurate measure of repression because the Inquisition was charged with ferreting out religious beliefs dangerous to church and state. SuArez'teaching may be the overriding reason for the suppression of the Society of Jesus in the middle of the eighteenth century (Furlong 1965). In sum. but also in Spain.in his thinking. although the protection of cultural and religious traditions had a recognizable potential for rebellion against imperial authority.devotion to the American apparitions was popular not only in the colonies. From 1546 to 1683. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the Peruvian Our Lady of Copacabanahad gozos recited in her name in Catalonia as early as 1690 (Kamen 1993: 146). both grew simultaneously (Maravall 1975/1986: 19-26).provideda popular market for published materials. affordingthem an origin different from positive law. Organic Traditionin Society and Religion The emphasis in this article upon the religious forces that controlledmaterial theology is not intended to minimize the simultaneous influences from social factors.82. the unwritten traditions of nations have more validity than written treaties signed by rulers. Similarly. emotional appeals and communitarian sentiment. 1).68 STUDYOF RELIGION JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC Moreover.higher than in Protestant Germany.24 on Tue. Curiously. Because baroque legal formulations of tradition were inextricably woven with religious conceptions. the baroquebestowed the force of law on tradition. Once Christians.
tradition was an organic force that expressed a regional identity. and its expression in Latino religion in the United States today. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Not incidentally. Jansenism and its rejection of baroque exuberance was part of the package imported from France. Sober Jansenistic worship and quasi-Calvinist rejection of "superstition"appearedin nineteenth century Spanish Catholicism (Delumeau 1971/1977: 121) as did French conceptions of absolutism and rationalism.24 on Tue. Catholicism re-imaged Marian devotions as a bridge to the polity under the global expression of Christianity. processions and local devotions were circumscribed. they reflected the tendencies of baroque devotionalism because Latin America's Tridentine Catholicism had not been displaced in the Latin American countryside. that opinion to the contrary(Espfn 1995) is implausible. CONCLUSIONS While I have only been able to point to a few proofsfrom the corpus of historical works on Catholicism of the period. I believe that there is enough evidence here to discount the opinion that Marian devotionalism is merely a relic of "medieval" Christianity. reflect the baroque Catholicism of the ethnic republics of the Ibero-Mediterranean polity. Thus. The devotionalism developed under the Hapsburgs had a markedly local and ethnic characterthat characterizedthe longstanding recognition of the rights of each of the empire's nationes. It might be suggested here that the monarchy'sincursion into local religious autonomy was as much a political event as its overt policies of centralization. the concepts of the profane and the sacred derived from Durkheim are of questionable use for analyzing popular This content downloaded from 68. In this polity. resonating with the Ibero-Mediterranean Hapsburgs. I would submit that some categories of contemporary social scientific study of religion could be reviewed. pastorelas. These are so clearly traceable to the era of the baroque and Trent. where the criollos vastly outnumbered peninsular Spaniards. Urban centers in the Americas. gozos. both legal and religious.208. and devotional prayers in an artistic style that appeals to the emotions. when the Enlightened Despotism of the Bourbon dynasty revoked local privileges that had been enjoyed under the Hapsburgs. For instance. The evolution of a Mexican devotion of Our Lady of Guadalupe offers examples in material theology of many of these baroque characteristics. Latin American Catholicism. I consider Marian devotionalism to be a product of baroque Catholicism. preserved local legal custom and language while resisting subordination to a centralized national state. the Bourbonsalso attacked the use of languages other than Castilian. In the attempt of the Bourbonic Reforms to privatize religion. Neither was popular Catholicism substantially altered by Jansenism or anti-Jansenist Ultramontanism within the church or by Positivism and anti-clericalism in civil society. Although these wars came in the eighteenth century. passion plays. became a battleground after 1760. came under attack. not increased." (Cahill 1996: 70-72). The Iberian countryside was targeted because that was the heartland of the ethnic identities. Using material theology as a measure.82. holy cards. The effort of Carlos III after 1759 to subordinate the ethnic republics to a centralized monarchy is when traditions. The backbone of Latino popular Catholicism is fleshed out by rosaries. activity in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In light of this research. Religious tradition still plays this role in much of Latin American and Latino popular Catholicism today. Intended to undermine the nationalities of such regions as Catalonia and Galicia in favor of a single concept as "Spaniard. eventually reinforcing a criollo identity and a Mexican nationalism. Analysis of the popular support for independence ought to include the role of baroque theology in preparing the populace to see political revolt as a moral necessity. While Protestantism took a path of reform that divorceddevotion to and belief in Mary's role in salvation.EVOLUTION OF MARIAN DEVO`IONALISM 69 (Kamen 1985) and in America (Hampe-Martinez 1996) the Inquisition underwent slackened.
Sanctos. especially in the Americas. we may better understand Christianity in our own time by paying more attention to the baroque Catholic multi-lingual. 3 For instance.82. 2 David Cahill (1996) providesa critical review of the advantages and limitations in Annaliste history and the study of mentalite and places them in the frameworkof popularreligion. 4 The Latin term was natio. If there is merit to this view.e. then this article has developed an explanation for one of the ways that Catholicism "managed" the Christian ethos in the distinctive milieu of the IberoMediterranean polity. Delumeau opined that European religion before the sixteenth centurywas not Christian. These are also my sources.' The Ibero-American is not of mixedblood(mestizo).24 on Tue. could 'hire and fire"chaplains at will without reference to theology or piety..).and seventeenth-century Reform Protestantism. docentes eos.. but a white person.a theory decisively refuted by the time the bookwas translated into English. Max Webers univocal use of rationality as a secularizing factor. bonumatque utie esse suppliciterecwinvocare. 'Creole. NOTES 1 Not all popular religion was connectedto theology in this way and indeed some of the cofradfasa especially those that had begun in the fourteenthand fifteenth centuries. As late as 1773." because they were 'promulgated. una cum Christo regnantes."For a detailed explanation of this important reliance on the spoken word as a form of law. legitimo magnum usu. new terminology may be useful "denomination" to capture the significant transformation of Christianity represented by IberoMediterranean Catholicism. In sum.if the twenty-first century ushers in a more a global polity.and twentiethcentury United States Evangelicals.208. rather than to a politicalinstitution.. 'it had been supersededby the present image' (216). 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .i. only when the people lived in organized societies could they belong to a natio. when the Society of Jesus was suppressed.ob beneficiaimpetrandaa Deo per fiJiumejus Jesum Christum.70 JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC STUDYOF RELIGION Catholicism dating from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Cahill 1996: 72-75)." but that their categories have diminished applicability in the study of Catholicism. orationes suas pro hominibus Deo offerre.I]nprimis de Sanctorum intercessione. in the original 1971 French edition. multicultural global expression that contrasted with the Eurocentrism of sixteenth. and dismissal of the baroque Catholicism as merely the "workof Jesuit probablism"(cited in Maravall 1975/1986: 59 n8) blocks an unbiased understanding of the modernizing functions of tradition within the Ibero-Mediterranean polity. and. 7 . 6 Poole reports that the silver and copperstatue was melted down at the end of the seventeenth century to make candelabrabecause by then. ad eorumorationes.opemauxiliumqueconfugere. invocatione. Reliquiarium honore. But the reformsof the sixteenth century attempted to substitute the autonomous cofradiaswith more controlledpious organizations. for the most part. his disdain for tradition (Shils 1981: 9 ff. Note as well that this thinkdng was part of the baroqueage. Moreover. It is not so much that Durkheim and Weber are "wrong. 8 These conciliar and synodal decrees were 'unwritten. See Bossy's Introductionto the 1977 English edition. from which come the cognates 'nation"and'nationality. born crioUo in America."but the meaning was closer to the current use of "ethnicity" because the reference was to a group of people with identifiable social characteristics. because while societies without writing were entitled to rights under the lex gentium. much as "sect" and "church"have been superseded by in explaining the United States' experience. see Sophia Menache(1990). I try to use them criticallyas suggested by Cahill. One recent and provocative critique asserts that Weber's emphasis upon rationality conforms to a "Liberal Protestant metanarrative"and can be said to describe "the management of the Christian ethos" in the Anglo-European polity rather than to analyze Christianity itself (Milbank 1990: 92-93). 6 For those not familiar with this term. of Europeandescent. the Enlightenment of eighteenth-century Europe and Manifest Destiny of nineteenth. it is not the same as the French cognate often used in English. the Jesuits This content downloaded from 68. The nationes were more developedthan the gentes. fideles diligenter instruant.
82.and (Blanke 1986). In The Transit of Civilization from Europeto Anerica: Essays in Honorof Hans Gaiinsky. Stevens-Arroyo and Andr6s I. 1475). the Tridentine decree on marriagewas not promulgatedin England until the time of Queen Victoria. In Enigmatic powers: Syncretism with African and indigenous peoples' religions among Latinos. But when compared with the institutional supportand key roles played by PropagandaFide and the missionaryorderswithin Catholicism during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Ttbingen: GunterNarr Verlag. REFERENCES Arrom.quaest. Dominicin the twelfth century. 13 Potest igitur hic Ecclesiae sensus [de Conceptione Imrnaculata]ita crescere. the biblical and the Oriental. 2 vols.EVOLUTION OF MARIANDEVOTIONALISM 71 continued to functionin Russia since the monarchthere. Carroll. tum ad fidem.ut tandempossit Ecclesia absolute et simpliciterremdefinire(In III part. in church and at home. In Certidumbrede America. Leiden:Brill. The example of CorpusChristi in eighteenth-century Cuzco. especially after the collapse of the Swedish colonies in the New World. 59-74. 1971. Blanke. Braudel. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The Church of England sponsored in the early eighteenth century a Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts adopting views towards non-Europeans suggested in the 1684 book. Vidal of the Pontifical Seminary of the Josephinum for this valuable historical information. Ferdinand. sect.the rosarybecame the Marian prayer par excellence. Benko. This content downloaded from 68. Canino Salgado. 1974.had a strong missionaryimpulse.208. Cahill. vel a Spiritu sancto dictatas et continua successione in ecciesia catholica conservatas.. Lutherans were limited in missionary contacts with Americannatives. Le Miditeran. 1949/1973. 1981. a technicality which might have allowed Catholicsin England up until the nineteenth century to marryby a secret exchange of vows between lovers as in Romeoand Juliet. the effort of the Protestant and Reformedchurches for missionary activities amongnon-Europeansis shallow and late in developing. During the baroque. although the GermanFree Churches. 1981. Jose Juan. aut ab ipsis apostolis Spiritu sancto dictante quasi per manus traditae ad nos usque patrum exempla secuta. nec non traditiones ipsas. cum utriusque prevenerunt. eds.184-214. David. William. I am indebted to Dr. 1986. the decreehad no validity.orthodoxorum unus Deus sit auctor. Erasmo y Espana: Estudios sobre la historia espiritual de siglo XVI. Pope Sixtus IV approvedthe rosary in 1479 (Stratton 1994: 124). 19-46. Thus.recited at births and wakes. The virgingoddess. Otto von Walburg Truchsess.Without promulgationin a specificregion. Bataillon. Gustav H. The cult of the Virgin Mary: Psychological origin&. speaking in proxyof the CardinalArchbishopof Augsburg. Madrid:EditorialGredos. San Juan: Editorial de la Universidadde Puerto Rico. New York:Paulist Press. tum ad mores pertinentes. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econ6mica.quae ab ipsius Christi ore ab apostolis acceptae. the Anglicaninstitution was much more limited than the Roman agency and focused on ministry to slaves in America (Thompson1951).especially the Moravians. who disguised his own role in creating the prayer by alleging that it had been invented by St. Clearly modeledon the Vatican's PropagandaFide. D. Jaime R. III. 1571. eds. Marcelino. Marcel.e et le monde Mediterranman 4 l'epoque de Philippe II. Claude LeJay.art. Popular religion and appropriation: Latin American Research Review 31: 2. New York:Harperand Row. 12 The rosaryin its present formof 15 mysteries.1551-1962. Michael. New York:BildnerCenter Books. disp. Philip. Stephen.October7. had been designedin the fifteenth century by the Dominican friar. Princeton: Princeton University Press. though it had been "written" also. Remarks on the Transit of Ideas: 'America is West'. omnes libros tam veteris quam novi testamenti. Jedin (1957/1961: 2:62 nl) conjectures that the treatise De Actawas written by LeJay. It was not until the Great Awakenseventeenth-centurydisdain in Calvinistcircles towards"savages" ings in the eighteenth century that the ReformedChurchbegan to consideritself more than a Europeanorganization. Benavides. Syncretism and legitimacy in Latin Americanreligion. virtually omnipresent within Catholicism. P6rezy Mena. Gozos devocionales de la tradici6n puertorriquefia. Christian. Translated by SiAn Reynolds from the revised 1966 edition into English as The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II. 9 [H]anc ueritatemet disciplinamcontineriin libris scriptis et sine scriptotraditionibus. edited by WnifredHerget and KarlOrtseifen.. but worldwidedevotionwas stimulated by the victoryat Lepanto. Thomae. 1993. 1966. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1996. 1986. Catherine. Sacred Theoryof the Earth by Thomas Burnet. and Anglicans stood in contrast with sixteenth. edited by Anthony M. tamquam vel oretenus a Christo. Local religion in sixteenth-century Spain. traditionibusin volumexii of the council's 11 There are notable exceptions to this general trend. Gustavo. XXVII. University of the nations: The story of the Gregorian University with its associated institutes.24 on Tue. VI). 1995.. 10 The obeervationswere made by the Jesuit. 67-110. La Virgen del Cobre:Historia. legenda y sfmbolo sincr6tico. II. did not allow the decreeto be promulgated(even by the pope). Caraman. Alain de la Roche (d.pari pietatis affectu ac reverentiasuscipit et veneratur.
Quetzalcoatl and Guadalulpe: The formation of Mexican national consciousness. Isabel. Ana Marfa. In Enignatic powers.New Haven: Yale University Press.Oxford:OxfordUniversity Press. Itinerario de la segunda visita postoral de Su Ilma. Cambride: CambridgeUniversity Press. John H. Louis:Herder. Revelationtheology. 1988. Maravall. From Puerto Rican to Hispanic:The politics of the Fiestas Patronales in New York. ed. DeKalb:NorthernIllinois University Press. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Translatedby E. Pizzorusso. London. Stafford. Shils. . The VoxDei: Communications in the MiddleAges. Jaime Balmes Redurx Catholicismas civilization in the political philosophyof PedroAlbizu Campos. 1980. Knopf. MarcelloCerviniand ecclesiasticalgovernmentin TridentineItaly. Maria.Andrew. 113-36. Reformation. 1996.Vols. Helen. Giovanni. Furlong. English translation by Terry Cochran.Jose L. Hall. Dermot.conventos y formas de la religiosidadbarroca.WilliamV. Rodrfguez-Salgado. .Minneapolis:Universityof MinnesotaPress.Mercedes. 1969.1995. London:Burns and Oates. 1994. 1993. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Mujeres. 1995. 1964. Theology Phelan.1531-1813.CM. New York:New AmericanLibrary. New York:AlfredA. Notre Dame: Universityof Notre Dame Press.1531-1797.72 JOURNALFORTHE SCIENTIFIC STUDYOF RELIGION Delumeau.Inquisitionand societyin Spain. ImperialSpain. Taves. Flores. Pentecostalism and popularCatholicism:The poor and Traditio.Anthony M. Stevens Arroyoand Ana Marfa Dfaz-Stevens. Tucson:The University of ArizonaPress. TheMarymyth:On the femininityof God. Milbank. Hackett. Catholic HistoricalReview 75: 383-404. Henry. The persistence of religious cosmovisionin an alien world. 1990.In Bruiging the Atlantic: Toward a reassessment of Iberian and Latin American cultural ties. Juan Alejo de Arizmendi. Trans. The inter-Atlantic paradigm:The failure of Spanish medieval colonizationof the Canaryand Caribbeanislands. 1 and 2. 1990. In The Expulsion of the Jesuits fromLatinAmerica. Orlando.Wolfgang. Hubert.edited by Magnus Morner. Quetxalc6atlet Guadalupe:La formationde la consciencenationale au Mexique(15311813). Roma nei caraibi: L'organizzazionedeUe missioni cattoliche nelle Antille e in Guyana (16351675). Menache. Recent works on the Inquisition and Peruvian colonial society. New York:New YorkUniversity Press. The phoenix and the flame: Catalonia and the Counter-Reformation. Edward. La cultura del Barroco. Stratton. 1957. Colleen. ed.John. Guti6rrez del Arroyo. 1974/1976. Madrid:Fundaci6nuniversitaria espaihola. 14-43. 1985. Jos6 Antonio. Stevens-Arroyo. 1995. Graf. Los Pastores: History and performance in the Mexican shepherd's play of South Texas. Heresy and obedience in Tridentine Italy: Cardinal Pole and the Counter-Reformation.Teodoro. 1995. Hudon. Berkeley:University of CaliforniaPress. San Juan: Editorial de la Universidad de PuertoRico. 1965.Historyof the Councilof Trent. New York: Macmillan. 1993. 1570-1820. D. Analyzing popular religiosity for socio-religiousmeaning.Maurice. Catholicism from Luther to Voltaire: A new look at the Counter-Reformation. 1995. 1961.London: Routledge. New York: BildnerCenterBooks. Dulles.82.Spain underthe Hapsburgs. 1975/1986. Hamington.(1803-1814).41-46.1989. John Leddy. 1995. Jedin.eds. . Latino Studies Journal 1: 2847. edited by Marina Perez de Mendiola. Iconograf(apolitica del Nuevo Mundo. Greeley. The householdof faith: Roman Catholicdevotionsin mid-nineteenth-century Anerica. 17-36. Virgin Mother. Richard. Avery. New Haven: Yale University Press. Nor. Guillermo.1995. Fenlon.2 vols. Lynch.Oxford:Blackwell. Jean.John. Reinhard. .Counter-Reformation and the early modern state: A reassessment. Kamen. de Dr. 1988. and social theory:Beyondsecular reason. McDannell.Albany:State University of New YorkPress.2d ed. Sanchez Lora. 1971/1977. TheMillenial Kingdomof the Franciscans in the New World. Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress. TheImmaculateConception in Spanish art. 1972. The moonand the virgin:Reflectionson the archetypalfeminine. Poole.Chicago: University of ChicagoPress. 1992. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Roma:L'tcole franqaisede Rome.1977. Washington.DC:SmithsonianInstitution Press.. Dfaz-Stevens. BenjaminKeen. Revistadel Instituto de Cultura Puertorriquetia 9: 40-45.24 on Tue. 1990. In An Enduring Flame: Studies on Latino PopularReligiosity. Comparative Studies in Societyand HistoryM35: 515-43. Suzanne L.1970. 1986. Ann. Stevens-Arroyo and Andr6sP6rezy Mena.1996. 1995. maiden queen: Elizabeth I and the cult of the Virgin Mary. The changing face of empire: Charles V. Philip II and Hapsburg authority. Tradition. New York:Bildner Center Books. Material Christianity: Religion and popular culture in America. 1469-1716. The Jesuit heralds of democracyand the new despotism. Hail Mary?The strugglefor the ultimatewomanhoodin Catholicism. 1990.. 1984. Journal of Hispanic/Latino Theology3: 2.San Francisco:Harperand Row. 15511559. OurLady of Guadalupe:The origins and sourcesof a Mexicannational symbol.208. edited by Anthony M. Jacques. 129-52. Latin AmericanResearchReview31: 43-65. Eliot. Culture of the Baroque: Analysis of a historicalstructure.1981. Hampe-Martfnez. This content downloaded from 68. New York:Seabury Press. L6pez-Baralt. Espin.edited by Anthony M. 1960. rev.St. Lafaye.New York:SeaburyPress.Sophia. 1995. Paris: Editions Gallimard.
eds. 1997. Sociology of Religion 58: 217-38. 1995. This content downloaded from 68. Thetheoryof social and economicorganization.24 on Tue.New York:Macmillan. London: SPCK. 1949.Editedby TalcottParsons.Hampshire.David J. Weber.Henry Paget. Into all lands: The history of the Societyfor the Propagationof the Gospelin Foreign Lands. Stephen J. 1991.UK Sandra L.New Haven:Yale University Press. Valentfn and IgnacioOltbarri.208. Tracy. 1951. 1992. Weber. James D. The CatholicHistorical Review71: 547-75. Religion. 10 Sep 2013 21:00:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Understandingsocial change in the nineties:Theoretical approachesand historiographical perspectives. boundaries and bridges.82. 1985. The Spanish frontierin North America.1580-1650. Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press. The 1996 Paul Hanly Furfey Lecture. EncounteringMary:FromLa Salette to Medjugorje. Warner. Zimdars-Swartz.Variorum: Aldershot.EVOLUTION OF MARIAN DEVOTIONALISM 73 Thompson. With and without the Counter-Reformation: The Catholic Churchin the Spanish Netherlands and the Dutch Republic. Vdzquezde Prada.Max.
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?