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South East Asian economies - Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, South Korea and Thailand
recorded very high growth rates during 1980s and early 1990s. However, these economies
had also large current account deficits as a result of very large trade deficits and interest
payments on foreign debt. In fact, in most of these countries the current account deficit
was as high as or even higher than that in Latin American economies.
These current account deficits were financed by short term capital inflows that led to a
sharp accumulation of foreign currency denominated and largely unhedged foreign
liabilities. These imbalances reflected a demand boom driven by excessive investment into
speculative and unproductive assets.
In all of these affected economies, there was a boom bust cycle in the asset markets that
preceded the currency crisis. Stock and property prices soared, then plunged leading to
the currency and financial crisis, and plunged even more after the crisis leading to deep
and wide spread economic crisis. The financial intermediaries, both banks and non-bank,
were the creators of this asset cycle.
Subsequently when the price bubble burst, the effects of the fall in the asset cycle began to
show by early 1997, the macroeconomic variables had already seriously deteriorated in
most of these economies. As the asset prices fell further, it became increasingly doubtful
whether governments would really stand behind the deposits and loans that remained.
Both the depositors and lenders rushed to withdraw their money. Foreign investors
stampeded to recover their loans and investments, forcing currency devaluation, which
worsened the crisis even further as banks and companies found themselves stuck with
assets in devalued baht or rupiah, but with liabilities in US dollars.
The crisis has led to dramatic depreciation of the nominal exchange rates (Table-9.1). The
sharp movement of the exchange rate has greatly complicated the macroeconomic policy
choices by raising the cost of repaying foreign debt, weakening the financial and corporate
sectors. Remarkably, the CPI inflation rate since June 1997 has been in the range of 5-12
per cent with the exception of Indonesia. Mexico, by way of comparison, experienced a 40
per cent surge in inflation during first ten months of its crisis in 1995. Despite large
increases in nominal interest rates in some countries, only Korea and Thailand have been
able to maintain real interest rates as a significantly higher levels than those before the
crisis.
Table-1.1 Exchange rate changes and inflation rate in Asian crisis economies
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In June 1997 - May 1998 (in per cent)
Korea 16 17 15 14 10
Malaysia 21 27 20 16 -1
Philippines 16 36 10 26 -3
Thailand 13 15 0 21 -1
Source: Kalpana Kochhar, Prakask Loungani, and Mark R. Stone (August 1998).
Economic activity has slowed more sharply than expected in all affected countries due to
lack of both internal and external demand (Tables-3.3 and 3.4). Crisis countries including
Japan account for 45 to 55 per cent of the exports to the region. Imports have declined by
4 to 13 per cent in volume.
Most countries have experienced sharp slowdowns in money and credit growth by varying
intensity and duration during the adjustment period (Table-9.2). These reductions in
monetary growth reflect the declines in demand and more cautious lending behaviour by
the banks. Banks attempt to strengthen their balance sheets in the context of dropping
collateral guarantees, more stringent credit rating of loans, stringent provisioning
requirements, improved credit risk assessment techniques and generally more risky
financial environment.
The crisis unfolded against the backdrop of several decades of outstanding economic
performance in Asia, and the difficulties that the East Asian countries face are not
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primarily the result of macroeconomic imbalances. Rather, they stem from
weaknesses in financial systems and, to a lesser extent, governance. A combination of
inadequate financial sector supervision, poor assessment and management of financial risk,
and the maintenance of relatively fixed exchange rates led banks and corporations to
borrow large amounts of international capital, much of fit short-term, denominated in
foreign currency, and unhedged. As time went on, this inflow of foreign capital tended to
be used to finance poorer-quality investments.
Although private sector expenditure and financing decisions led to the crisis, it was
exacerbated by governance issues, notably government involvement in the private sector
and lack of transparency in corporate and fiscal accounting and the provision of financial
and economic data. Developments in the advanced economies, such as weak growth in
Europe and Japan that left a shortage of attractive investment opportunities and kept
interest rates low in those economies, also contributed to the build-up of the crisis.
After the crisis erupted in Thailand with a series of speculative attacks on the Baht,
contagion spread rapidly to other economies in the region that seemed vulnerable to an
erosion of competitiveness after the devaluation of the Baht or were perceived buy
investors to have similar financial or macroeconomic problems. As the contagion spread to
Korea, the world’s eleventh largest economy, the possibility of default by Korea raised a
potential threat to the international monetary system.
The build-up to the difficulties in east Asia, which eventually lead to the present economic
and financial crisis in these economies and elsewhere can be traced in four major factors.
They relate to:
• various features of their external economic environment that at first were favourable,
but that turned sour in several respects in 1996-97;
• various structural weaknesses, particularly in the financial sector, that made these
economies and especially their financial systems increasingly fragile and vulnerable to
adverse developments.
During 1992-95, the group of countries known as the ASEAN-4 (Indonesia, Malaysia,
Thailand and Philippines), Singapore and Korea experienced unparalleled impressive GDP
growth rates. Inflation was moderate, at least by developing country standards. The
absence of significant fiscal imbalances in most cases confirmed the discipline of
macroeconomic policies. Rapid, outward-oriented growth attracted large foreign
investment. With fiscal positions healthy in most cases, the sizeable current account deficit
being run up persistently in some cases - most notably in Malaysia and Thailand - reflected
shortfall of private saving relative to private investment and a significant part of this
investment was being financed by foreign capital attracted by relatively high return. This
brought mixed blessings. Absorption of the capital inflows posed challenges in terms of
their productive deployment and their prudent intermediation through financial systems
that were not well developed. These challenges were more severe with short-term flows,
especially flows into banks and other financial institutions. The scale of difficulties that
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arose therefore depended on macroeconomic policies and the soundness
of financial system.
The surge in capital inflows to emerging markets in the early 1990s was contributed by the
decline in asset yields in the industrial economies. There was also sharp narrowing of
asset yields. Apart from contributing to the surge in inflows and associated challenges,
these developments magnified the potential reversal when yields turned upward in the
industrial countries in early 1997. Movements in exchange rates among the major
currencies in recent years have been another significant external factor. When the US
dollar weakened during 1994 and 1995, especially against the Japanese Yen, these
economies generally gained competitiveness as their currencies depreciated in trade
weighted terms. Conversely, when this decline in dollar was reversed over the two years
beginning in mid-1995, these countries suffered substantial losses in competitiveness with
adverse effects on net exports and growth. These swings in competitiveness have tended
to affect the current and capital accounts of BOP and investors’ expectations of future
exchange rate changes. Besides, a number of developments contributed to the slowing in
export markets. Among them, a widespread deceleration of imports by the industrial
countries, a glut in the global electronic markets that resulted in a sharp fall in prices, and
a slow down of growth in much of the Asian region itself.
The financial crisis that began to erupt in Asia in mid-1997 has resulted in sharp declines in
the currencies, stock markets, and other asset prices of a number of Asian countries;
threatened these countries’ financial systems; and disrupted their real economies. In
addition to its severe effects in Asian, the crisis has put pressure on exchange rates in
emerging markets outside of the region, and is expected to knock somewhat more than 1
per cent off the rate of world growth in 1998.
The economic and financial crisis that erupted in Southeast Asia in July 1997 has
continued to deepen and broaden through December 1997. In early 1998, there were
encouraging signs in the Asian crisis countries that financial market confidence was
beginning to return. In May and June 1998, however, there was renewed volatility in
financial markets with exchange rates depreciating significantly in Indonesia because of
political turmoil and in Japan amid persistent policy uncertainties. As a result, economic
conditions in Asia have weakened considerably, with repercussions elsewhere. The
economies most affected directly by the crisis experienced drying up of private foreign
financing, together with large currency depreciation and decline in asset prices. Large
exchange rate depreciation and falling equity prices in turn have exposed and exacerbated
financial sector fragility in many countries. Between July 1997 to July 1998, currencies of
Southeast Asian countries depreciated in the range of 4 per cent (Singapore) to 70 per
cent (Indonesia) in real effective exchange rate terms (using INS weights). The crisis is
causing sharp contraction in domestic demand in these countries, with decline in real GDP
and lowering of near-term growth prospects.
The contagion and slipover effects have affected the outlook for other emerging market
countries, including Latin America and Russia. Reduced availability of foreign financing,
increased interest spreads on foreign borrowing, lower stock market prices, and policy
tightening to reduce vulnerability to disruptive changes in market sentiment have generally
weakened near-term growth prospects for emerging market countries in all region,
including some of the transition countries. The scope for speculative pressures to spread
across countries and the degree of contagion / slipover effects tend to depend:
• on trade and capital market linkages (for example, a devaluation in one country
adversely affecting the international competitiveness of other countries);
As noted above, the drying up of private foreign financing, large currency depreciation,
and decline in asset prices in these countries are causing sharp contraction in domestic
demand, which will be only gradually counterbalanced by increased net exports.
Contagion and slipover effects have been felt by many emerging market countries in other
region in the form of declining stock markets and intense pressures on exchange rates and
have adversely affected the outlook for these economies. In general, the adverse effects
seem likely to be moderate, with growth remaining positive, but there are risks of a
sharper slowdown if the crisis in Asia were to deepen or other adverse internal or external
disturbances were to affect these economies. The effect of the crisis are also being felt
through weaker commodity prices, including oil. For developing countries that are net
importers of these products, there will be a helpful terms of trade gain, but for many net
exporters there will be negative impact on growth, and on current account and fiscal
positions, that will be significant in some cases. Contributing to the pressures was the
growing evidence that output in Japan, having faltered in 1997, was falling quite markedly
in the first half of 1998, and that activity was slowing more sharply throughout much of
Asia, including China and Hong Kong SAR.
The sharp slowing of world growth predominantly reflects developments in Asia, while
growth in the rest of the world generally has been well sustained. In the United States,
consumer spending and business fixed investment have remained buoyant. In Western
Europe, recovery has taken firmer hold in Germany and France and in most other cases
growth remains robust. The encouraging strength of domestic demand in North America
and Europe is underpinned by low inflation, high equity prices, generally supportive
monetary conditions, improved fiscal position, and strong business confidence.
Japan, which is the market for about one sixth of the exports of the ASEAN-4 and
Korea bears a particular responsibility to support recovery in Asia by ensuring resumption
of solid growth in domestic demand. The authorities have taken measures in the fiscal,
monetary, financial sector, and other structural areas in order to further the revival of the
economy, but policy design and implementation are assessed to have fallen short in clarity,
timeliness and forcefulness.
In Korea, the recession has deepened considerably and unemployment has risen sharply.
The Korean won has depreciated recently, but remains stronger than several months ago.
Interest rates have already come down sharply, but cautious monetary policies will
continue to be needed to maintain exchange market stability. Significant progress has
been made in financial sector restructuring and in corporate debt work-outs.
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Consolidation of merchant banks is well advanced, that of commercial banks is under
way, but the restructuring of large banks and corporations is yet to be initiated.
Malaysia is better positioned externally than the other crisis countries, because of a
smaller short-term debt burden. Economic growth has contracted sharply in 1998, but
inflation has remained low. The authorities’ response to the deteriorating situation has
included a reversal of earlier fiscal tightening, combined with efforts to stimulate private
sector credit partly by lowering bank’s reserve requirements and also by dealing with non-
performing loans and recapitalization needs. It will be important to ensure that increases
in public spending are productive. More active use of interest rate policy is considered
desirable to defend and strengthen the exchange rate and guard against rising inflation. A
key uncertainty is financial sector fragility in the face of a sharp downturn in activity and
asset prices.
Philippines has been affected to a lesser degree by the Asian crisis, but the economic
conditions seem to have deteriorated recently. The growth projection for 1998 has been
revised downward, fiscal deficit is widening, and market pressures have pushed up interest
rates. The focus of structural reforms is on the banking sector and the plans to reform
public finances and strengthen the banking system need to be firmly implemented to
reduce the economy’s vulnerability.
Singapore has been hit less hard by the regional turmoil, reflecting the country’s strong
macro-economic positions and sound financial sectors. A fiscal stimulus package
introduced in late June 98 should help growth remain positive.
Thailand is in the midst of severe recession. Relative exchange rate stability in the past
few months has allowed an easing of the policy stance, with interest rates declining
sharply. Structural reforms have focused on bank and corporate debt restructuring. A
financial sector restructuring package announced in August 98 deals with insolvent banks
and recapitalization of viable banks.
Chinese economy has been subject to significant strains, despite the currency remaining
stable. In China, growth in 1998 is expected to slow significantly, because of both
weakening of external demand and evidence of overbuilding and excess inventory
accumulation in the past. Further cuts in interest rates in recent months and proposed
increases in infrastructure spending will provide worthwhile support for activity in the
period ahead. The slowing of growth has heightened the importance of accelerating
structural reforms, especially in the financial and public enterprise sectors.
Hong Kong SAR has suffered a much more severe weakening of activity, reflecting the
economy’s greater openness, the reversal of the previous sharp runup in asset prices, and
the temporary tightening of monetary conditions that have been required to maintain the
peg under the currency board arrangement. The authorities have introduced fiscal
measures to support activity, and the flexibility of domestic wages and prices and the
strength of the banking system, together with a gradual return of confidence, should help
limit the slowdown and promote recovery.
Latin America: The risk of the contagion spreading to Latin America is real. A number of
Latin American countries are now running current account deficits as large as those of the
afflicted Asian countries before their collapse (for example, Chile’s is 7.5 per cent of GDP,
Brazil’s is 4.1 per cent of GDP, Colombia’s is 7.7 per cent of GDP). In Brazil and
Mexico, the ratios of short-term debt to foreign exchange reserves are similar in those of
adversely affected Asian economies. The ratio of short-term debt plus amortisation as per
cent of foreign exchange reserves is 196 per cent for Mexico and 159 per cent for Brazil.
Brazil is the key since it accounts for 45 per cent of Latin America’s GDP. US $12.7
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billion of capital fled the country in September. The foreign exchange reserves
lost in last few months has been of the order of about US $20 billion. The fiscal deficit
has been 7.8 per cent of GDP over the past year. Interest rates have been increased to 50
per cent to support the currency, and this is considered to be unsustainable.
Russia: There have been intense recurrent financial market pressures in Russia and
Ukraine, as a result of persistently large fiscal imbalances, significant short-term foreign
liabilities and delays in implementation of structural reforms. In Russia, market sentiments
have been weakened further by concerns about the effect of the decline in oil prices on the
current account position. Substantial hike in interest rates have at times been needed to
defend the rouble; but interest rates have been left for long periods at extremely high levels
that have limited confidence in the sustainability of confidence. This has contributed to
sharp losses in stock market values.
Five “crisis” countries: Indonesia, Thailand, Korea, Philippines and Malaysia are impacted
to different degrees; also, all countries in the region are affected (Indochina, PNG), and
China is more and more involved, both the problems and the solutions. The economic
situation has continued to deteriorate since last July 1998, the forecast for end 1998
appears somber and outlook for 1999 is uncertain. Nevertheless, the economic policies
continue to evolve in the right direction. Further, though the IMF and the World Bank
have not been able to stop the economic decline, they have certainly shown the ability to
respond quickly.
All the countries are now in the midst of an important recession that will strongly affect
the economies in 1998. The forecast for 1999 is uncertain.. As of August 1998, stock
markets are down between 58 percent (Korea) and 38 percent (Indonesia). Exchange rates
are down between 84 percent (Indonesia) and 35 percent (Korea). After a long slide down
in the months to January of this year, exchange rates and stock markets had started to
recover (with the major exception of Indonesia which took a 40 percent hit within a few
days early January). But further shocks reappeared in 1998 as concern at the situation in
Japan impacted more and more negatively the markets. On the whole, the markets have
strongly reacted both regional and local events.
After a slowdown in growth in 1997, but still positive, (second half the year compensated
by first half of the year) negative growth is forecast for 1998 with the Philippines and
perhaps Malaysia less adversely affected than others. Thailand and Korea are likely to see
negative growth of around 5 percent, while for Indonesia the number is likely to be
between negative 10 and negative 15 percent.
Three main factors as indicated below are responsible for the current recession:
• An effective collapse of the regional market. Imports are down between 4 and 13
percent in volume. The crisis countries including Japan 45 and 55 percent of the
exports to the region This explains that the performance in volume is not at the level it
should be (between negative 0.6 percent for Indonesia, 5 percent Malaysia and 24
percent Korea).
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• Prices of exports are going down significantly. So, performance in value is
very low, given the decline in exchange rates: (decline in Malaysia and Indonesia,
positive 1.4 percent in Thailand, positive 5 percent in Korea).
None of this has been compensated so far by sharp increases in public demand, either in
terms of investment or current expenditures.
(c ) Problems on the supply side: The corporate sector face considerable difficulties in
responding to demand, mainly due to collapse of financial sector. There is also the problem
of trade finance and internal credit crunch due to various factors such as:
Each country is, in effect, exporting its recession to its neighbours. At the same time, there
is no obvious engine of growth to pull the region from recession. Recent speculation about
the devaluation of the yuan and constant fears regarding possible collapse in Hong-Kong,
with a resulting devaluation of its currency, have fueled destabilising fears of another
round of devaluation. Recent interventions and events around the Japanese yen and Russian
ruble have also created further problems in international trade and capital flows.
Political and social events have played a significant part in the crisis. Political changes in
Thailand and Korea have assisted in stabilising of the exchange rate, with the establishment
of a clearly understood and supported reform programme. Political uncertainty in Indonesia
played an important role in the opposite direction. Sustainability of the reform effort
depends heavily on real progress being achieved on the social front. There are signs of
social unrest almost everywhere, though to different degrees.
Unemployment rates are now between 3 percent (Malaysia), 6 percent (Korea) and 15
percent (Indonesia). Poverty is therefore increasing at an alarming rate. Indonesia, which
had such an impressive record of poverty reduction, is the most worrying case with real
fears that the proportion of the population under the poverty line could increase to 11 or 12
percent in 1998. This is compounded by drought impacts, not only in Indonesia.
The greatest concern is the real fear of major reversals in the achievements of East Asian
over the past generation. Social areas, including ensuring food and medicine supplies,
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keeping children in school, and protecting women’s health are key targets for
interventions by the government and multilateral funding agencies.
The IMF is charged with safeguarding the stability of the international monetary system.
Thus, a central role for the IMF in resolving the Asian financial crisis was clear, and has
been reaffirmed by the international community in various multilateral forum. The IMF’s
priority was also clear to restore confidence to the economies affected by the crisis. In
pursuit of its immediate goal of restoring confidence in the region, the IMF responded
quickly by:
• helping the three countries most affected by the crisis Indonesia, Korea, and
Thailand to formulate and implement programs of economic reforms that could
restore confidence. The Philippines extended and augmented its existing IMF
supported program in 1997, and arranged a stand by facility in 1998;
• approving in 1997 about US$35 billion of IMF financial support 1 for reform
programs in Indonesia, Korea, and Thailand, and spearheading the mobilization of
some US$77 billion of additional financing from multilateral and bilateral sources
in support of these reform programs. In July 1998, committed assistance for
Indonesia was augmented by an additional US$ 1.3 billion from the IMF and an
estimated US$5 billion from multilateral and bilateral sources.
The reform efforts have been invaluably aided by the World Bank, with its focus on the
structural and sectoral issues that underpin the macroeconomic, and the Asian
Development Bank (ADB), with its regional specialization.
The IMF’s immediate effort to reestablish confidence in the affected countries entailed:
• the introduction of flexibility to exchange rates, where it did not already exist;
• concerted action to correct the obvious weaknesses in the financial system, which
constituted the major element in the crisis;
• structural reforms to remove features of the economy that had become impediments to
growth (such as monopolies, trade barriers, and nontransparent corporate practices)
and to improve the efficiency of financial intermediation and the future soundness of
financial systems.
• The maintenance of a sound fiscal policy, including through providing for rising
budgetary costs of financial sector restructuring, while protecting social spending.
Forceful, far-reaching structural reforms are at the heart of all the programs. As financial
sector problems were a major cause of the crisis, the centerpiece of the Asian programs
has been the comprehensive reform of financial systems. While tailored to the needs of
individual countries, in all cases the programs have arranged for:
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• the closure of unviable financial institutions, with the associated write down
of shareholders’ capital;
• the recapitalization of undercapitalized institutions;
• close supervision of weak institutions; and
• increased potential for foreign participation in domestic financial system.
To address the governance issues that also contributed to the crisis, the reform of the
financial systems is being buttressed by measures designed to improve the efficiency of
markets, break the close links between business and governments, and prudently liberalize
capital markets. Transparency is being increased, both as regards economic data (on
external reserves and liabilities in particular) and in the fiscal and corporate sectors, as well
as in the banking sector.
The IMF supported programs and policy advice to the crisis countries have placed
particular emphasis on broad ranging structural reforms of the financial and corporate
sectors, competition and governance policies, and trade regimes. In broad terms the
suggested reforms may be summarized as follows:
The financial crisis first started in Thailand, with the baht coming under a series of
increasingly serious speculative attacks and the markets losing confidence in the economy.
On August 20, 1997, the IMF’s Executive Board approved financial support for Thailand
of up to US$4 billion, equivalent to 505 per cent of Thailand'’ quota, over a 34-month
period.
The program was modified on November 25, 1997, in light of a larger than expected
depreciation of the Baht, a slowdown of the economy that was sharper than anticipated,
and severe adverse regional economic developments. The modifications included:
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• additional measures to maintain the public sector surplus at 1 per cent of GDP.
• Establishment of specific timetable for implementing financial sector restructuring
including strategies for the preemptive recapitalization and strengthening of the
financial system, and
• Acceleration of plans to protect the weaker sectors of society.
The program was further modified on February 24, 1998, to give clear priority to
stabilizing quickly the exchange rate while limiting the magnitude and negative social
impact of the larger than expected economic downturn, and to set the stage for Thailand’s
return to the international financial markets. Among the modification were;
The program was again modified on May 26, 1998, with main priority minimizing any
further decline of the economy and bringing about an early recovery, while preserving
progress made in stabilizing the exchange rate and fostering confidence. The modified
program called for:
The shift in financial market sentiment that originated in Thailand exposed structural
weaknesses in Indonesia's economy, particularly the size of short-term foreign debt owned
by the private corporate sector. On November 5, 1997 the IMF approved financial support
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of up to US$10 billion equivalent to 490 percent of Indonesia's quota over the next
three years.
• Fiscal measures equivalent to about 1 per cent of GDP in 1997/98 and 2 per cent in
1998/99 to yield a public sector surplus of 1 per cent of GDP in both periods, to
facilitate external adjustment and provide resources to pay for financial restructuring.
The fiscal measures included cutting low priority expenditures, including postponing
or rescheduling major state enterprise infrastructure projects removing government
subsidies, eliminating VAT exemptions; and adjusting administered prices, including
the prices of electricity and petroleum products.
• Adjustments to the 1998/99 budget that would result in a public sector deficit of about
1 per of GDP, in order to accommodate part of the impact on the budget of the
economic slowdown;
• Limiting the monopoly of the national marketing board to rice, deregulating domestic
trade in agricultural produce, and eliminating restrictive market arrangements; and
• Measures to alleviate the suffering caused by the drought, including ensuring that
adequate food supplies are available at reasonable prices.
Due to policy slippage and other developments, the rupiah failed to stabilize, inflation
picked up sharply, and economic conditions deteriorated. The government issued a
Supplementary Memorandum of Economic and financial Policies on April 10, 1998. The
measures included the following:
After the economic situation was worsened and the economic program driven off track by
social disturbances and political change in May, 1988, the government issued a Second
Supplementary Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies on June 24, 1998. The
envisaged measures are given high priority to strengthening the social safety net
comprehensively restructuring the banking system and include:
• Increasing social expenditure to a level equivalent to 7.5 per cent of GDP with
measures comprising the provision of food, fuel, medical, and other subsidies, the
expansion of employment generating programs, supported by the World Bank, ADB
and bilateral donors.
• Taking measures to limit the budget deficit to 8.5 per cent of GDP, a level that can be
financed with foreign funds, including cuts in infrastructure projects and improvements
in the efficiency of state run operations.
Over the past several decades, Korea transformed itself into an advanced industrial
economy. However, the financial system had been weakened by government interference
in the economy and by close linkages between banks and conglomerates. Amid the Asian
financial crisis, a loss of market confidence brought the country perilously close to
depleting its foreign exchange reserves. On December 4, 1997 the IMF approved
financing of up to US$21 billion, equivalent to 1,939 percent of Korea’s quota, over the
next three years. The initial program of economic reform assumed a growth rate of 2.5 per
cent in 1998 and included the following measures:
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• Comprehensive financial sector restructuring that introduced a clear and
firm exit policy for financial institutions, strong market and supervisory discipline, and
independence for the central bank. The operations of nine insolvent merchant banks
were suspended. Two large distressed commercial banks received capital injections
from the government and all commercial banks with inadequate capital were required
to submit plans for recapitalization;
• Fiscal measures equivalent to about 2 per cent of GDP to make room for the costs of
financial sector restructuring in the budget, while maintaining a prudent fiscal stance.
Fiscal measures include widening the bases for corporate, income and VAT taxes.
• Efforts to dismantle the nontransparent and inefficient ties among the government
banks and businesses, including measures to upgrade accounting, auditing, and
disclosure standards, require that corporate financial statements be prepared on a
consolidated basis and certified by external auditors, and phase out the system of cross
guarantees within conglomerates.
• Capital account liberalization measures to open up the Korean money, bond, and
equity markets to capital inflows, and to liberalize foreign direct investment.
On December 24, 1997, the program was intensified and accelerated as the financial crisis
in Korea worsened and concerns about whether international banks would roll over
Korean short term external debt placed additional pressures on international reserves and
the won. The revised measures, whose announcement was followed by a significant
voluntary increase in rollovers and extension of claims by international bank creditors on
Korean financial institutions, included the following:
• Further monetary tightening and the abolition of the daily exchange rate band;
• Speeding up the liberalization of capital and money markets, including the lifting of all
capital account restrictions on foreign investors access to the Korean bond market by
December 31, 1997;
• Speeding up trade liberalization measures, including making binding under the WTO
the liberalization of financial services as agreed with the ORCD.
On May 2, 1998 the Korean authorities updated the program of economic reform in view
of the progress made in resolving the external financing crisis and the even weaker
outlook for economic activity. Positive developments included the conclusion of the
restructuring of US$ 22 billion of Korean banks' short term foreign debt, a successful
return to international capital markets through a sovereign global bond issuance of US$4
billion, improvement in the current account to a substantial surplus, and an increase in
usable reserves to more than US$30 billion. The measures included:
• The accommodation of a larger fiscal deficit of about 2 per cent of GDP in 1998 in
light of weaker growth and through the operation of automatic stabilizers and
measures to strengthen the social safety net;
• Measures to strengthen and expand the social safety net including through a widening
of the coverage of unemployment insurance and increases in minimum benefit duration
and levels.
The crisis in Asia is still unfolding and new disturbances cannot be ruled out. The markets
began in early 1998 to distinguish better among the different country situations, with
progress in implementing economic reforms being seen by the markets as less steady in
Indonesia than in Korea and Thailand. In the latter two countries, exchange rates have
stabilized and the external financing situation has improved. In Indonesia, the social
disturbances and political uncertainty in May 1998, which were among the factors
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impeding economic reform in Indonesia and had impacts that further worsened
economic conditions, have subsided.
The IMF World Bank, ADB and bilateral donors have augmented, in July 1998, the
financing for Indonesia’s revised program of economic reform. It takes into account the
need to urgently repair the country’s distribution system and strengthen the social safety
net, as well as to act quickly to stabilize the economy and restructure the banking system.
While the global effects of the East Asian crisis appear to have been contained to date,
devaluation of the Russian Ruble, the recession in Japan and the weakness of the yen have
introduced some new uncertainties.
Additional measures are being undertaken in the affected countries in terms off economic
restructuring to mitigate the adverse effects on output and employment. These measures
include the following:
Targeted fiscal positions have been eased over time to allow for greater social spending in
all three affected countries. In Indonesia, for example, the overall budgetary cost of social
safety net programs is new estimated at about 7.5 per cent of GDP. It includes funding of
food, fuel, and medicine subsidies; employment-generating programs targeted to poor and
vulnerable regions and households; health expenditure, including on village health centers
and immunization programs, and student aid to minimize the decline in school enrollment.