The redaction of two folk-tales into one story is illustrative of self-definition and redaction as acts of resistance. The redactor's job, in creating canon, is to unite myths into one unified whole. Redaction resists current theories that Thecla is a protofeminist Christian type.
The redaction of two folk-tales into one story is illustrative of self-definition and redaction as acts of resistance. The redactor's job, in creating canon, is to unite myths into one unified whole. Redaction resists current theories that Thecla is a protofeminist Christian type.
The redaction of two folk-tales into one story is illustrative of self-definition and redaction as acts of resistance. The redactor's job, in creating canon, is to unite myths into one unified whole. Redaction resists current theories that Thecla is a protofeminist Christian type.
IN THE ACTS OF PAUL AND THECLA Margaret P. Aytner Union Theological Seminary ABSTRACT The Acts of Paul and Thecla is a redaction of two folk-tales, one centered in Iconium, and the other in Antioch, into one story. It is illustrative of self- definition and redaction as acts of resistance. Self-definition is resistance in that it creates "otherness." It is a political act, distinguishing, as political theorist Carl Schmitt notes, between friend and enemy. The redactor' s job, in creating canon, is to unite myths and their underlying self-definitions, into one unified whole that reflects them and redefines the "other." Thus the redacted story reflects the cultures of both foundational groups and resists simple definitions. By highlighting the two basic folktales upon which the Acts of Paul and Thecla are based, this paper illustrates the resistance inherent in self-definition and in redaction. And it resists current theories, which sug- gest that Thecla is a protofeminist Christian type. Jesus, lover of my soul, let me to thy bosom fly... Charles Wesley 1 I NTRODUCTI ON The first young wo ma n of t he Iconi ans, engaged t o t he first young man, s uddenl y st ops eat i ng a nd dr i nki ng; i nst ead, all day a nd all ni ght she sits affixed at t he wi ndow, her at t ent i on dr a wn t o t he ma n i n t he hous e next door. Thus rel at es t he nar r at or of t he ext racanoni cal Act s of Paul and Thecla (APTh), a component par t of t he great er Act s of Paul, whi ch i n t ur n is one of a numbe r of Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. 2 l Charles Wesley, "Jesus, Lover of My Soul," in Pilgrim Hymnal (Boston: The Pilgrim Press, 1965), 210. 21 am using, for the purpose of this paper, the short version of APTh. Ross Kraemer and Vir- ginia Burrus have suggested that for future efforts, I might look at the longer version of this text. I believe they are right to intimate that reading the longer version has implications for how the text is to be interpreted. But it is precisely for that reason that I am using the shorter ver- sion. By looking at the smaller case, the one in which only presumably three communities are -45" 46 SEMEIA What is the purpose of this text and texts such as this one? Is it properly classified as a novel within the tradition of Greco-Roman novels (Pervo), 3 or rather as an oral folk tale (Burrus; MacDonald, 1983)? And what does either classification reveal about its use within a nascent Christian community or communities? Was this tale used as a rhetorical device in order to glorify suf- fering, with death as the ultimate "happy ending?" (Perkins: 15-40). Is it, as Tertullian suggests, a pious legend perpetuated by some male presbyter out of his love for Paul? (Rordorf ). Or is it a subversive, women-related, tale of "autonomy through chastity" told within the confines of a widows' commu- nity? (Burrus; MacDonald, 1983; Davies). Writing this essay is, for me, an act of resistance against the latter group of scholars who read this text as the work of a single, proto-feminist, second- century community. These scholars ignore a parallel community, also evident in APTh, comprised of dominant males and submissive but passionate fe- males. Both communities of origin can be discerned at the first level of this text, the folk tales. At the second level, the redaction, the frame of a nascent house-church structure with male proto-presbyters is added. Also, the redac- tor adds gender-bending re-definitions of three of the main characters. This allows the redactor to superimpose a third level of readingthe Hellenistic novel, appropriated and redefined, its themes of love and female passion used "to think with" about Christian conversion (Brown, 1988:154). This argument will constitute the first half of the essay. Having illus- trated the richness of APTh, I will turn my attention to kinds of resistance inherent in the text. I shall highlight three kinds of resistance evident in APTh: the resistance of self-definition; the resistance of "biculturality"; and the resistance of master-narrative appropriation. 4 The second half of this essay will then reexamine the components of APTh to highlight the ways in which they serve to render APTh as a rhetoric of resistance. BUILDING BLOCKS: THE FOLK TALES IN APTH Stevan Davies and Dennis Ronald MacDonald each argue that it is most appropriate to classify the Apocryphal Acts, and APTh in particular, as products of oral legend, that is, as folk tales. MacDonald presents nine char- acteristics of oral folk tales that are clearly exhibited in the Apocryphal Acts in general, and specifically in APTh. Oral folk tales: 1) begin calmly, not with sudden excitement; 2) concentrate on one leading character; 3) contrast good involved, one can make theoretical hypotheses which, at another time, can be tested on the longer version. 3 For the counter-argument, see Holzberg. 4 In resisting a mono-faceted generating community for APTh, I am treating this text as a "family member." As an immigrant citizen, I embody a kind of "both-and" biculturality that is also evident in the text of APTh. AYMER: HAILSTORMS AND FIREBALLS 47 characters with evil characters; 4) often contain undifferentiated twin char- acters; 5) follow a "single strand" of narrative, rather than complex multiple plots; 6) contain repetition; 7) use tableaux scenes in times of narrative climax; 8) close calmly; and 9) contain narrative inconsistencies because of their oral transmission (MacDonald, 1983:26-33). However, neither MacDonald nor Davies notices that APTh consists of two such folk tales: Thecla in Iconium (hailstones) and Thecla in Antioch (fireballs). 5 The Iconian folk tale is contained in APTh verses 7-10 and 15-22. 6 It begins when Thecla hears Paul's preaching and falls in love. This creates the protagonist' s pair of Paul and Thecla. The antagonists are Theocleia, Thecla's mother, and Thamyris, Thecla's betrothed. The latter pair attempts to cure the "love-sick" Thecla, even throwing Paul into jail to do so. But Thecla goes to the jail, and sits at Paul's feet swooning to his words. So, Paul is cast out of the village as Theocleia calls for her daughter to be burned. As young men and virgins bring the materials for Thecla's pyre, Thecla finally sees her true lover, the Lord, in Paul's visage. As she mounts the pyre, she makes the sign of the cross; God, intervening, douses the raging fire with rain and hailstones. Note the following characteristics of this first narrative. The women are silent, yet passionate, actors. The men present the rational, oral argu- ments. And, all charactersantagonists, protagonists, and even the chorus are paired heterosexually. In Iconium, God is presented as vengeful, zeal- ous, and self-sufficient. The Christ is God' s servant (, v. 17, following Vouaux). It is from this Iconian narrative that some of my disagreements with the hypotheses of MacDonald and Davies emerge. Their insistence on a single women' s community of origin for these texts leaves too many unanswered questions. For example, neither scholar explains satisfactorily the role of Theocleia, the mother of Thecla, in Thecla's condemnation to the pyre (v. 20). According to MacDonald: Theocleia's violent response to Thecla's desertion is understandable when we keep in mind the economically precarious status of single women in most ancient societies.[...] Theocleia apparently was a widow, and if Thecla had married wealthy Thamyris, he would have supported his widowed mother-in-law. But when Thecla runs off after Paul [. . .] her mother loses both a child and a source of economic security. (MacDonald, 1983:51) MacDonald seeks to secure this argument by noting that, at the end of the narrative (v. 43), Thecla gives some money to her mother and her child. 5 For a point-by-point comparison of MacDonald' s folk tale characteristics with both of the folk tales in APTh, see, Appendix A. 61 argue below that verses 1-6 and 11-14 are redactions. 4 8 SEMEIA However, this hypothesis does not explain the presence of the "female ser- vants" who weep upon the loss of a mistress in the beginning of the narra- tive (v. 10), the keeper of the door whom Thecla bribes so as to get out, or his fellow who informs on him (vv. 18, 19). This evidence suggests that neither Thecla nor Theocleia is impoverished. Further, it should be noted that, when they bring the wood and straw for Thecla's pyre, the virgins of Iconium are accompanied by the young men (v. 22), and that Paul's makarisms and the testimony of Demas suggest a mixed audience of continent believers (vv. 5, 12). This is a portrayal of a society including both men and women believers, rather than one made entirely of women. By contrast, the second narrative, verses 26-39, commences when Thecla, walking in Antioch, is accosted by Alexander, the first man of the Antiochenes. She resists him, even striking him, thus knocking off a ritual headdress. Alexander drags her before the governor who sentences her to die in the arena for sacrilege of the imperial cult. Remanded for sexual safe-keeping to the care of Tryphaena, relative of Caesar, Thecla is revealed to be an agent of God who can even pray for the redemption of the dead. Throughout the narrative, there is female opposition to Thecla's treatment at the hands of the governor and Alexander. In the arena, Thecla is cheered by the women of Antioch and is even protected by a lioness. Finally, she baptizes herself in a pool of human-attacking seals, and she emerges invul- nerable to attack in a ball of flame. Upon her release, Thecla preaches to the governor and to the women of the household of Tryphaena. The moral division in the Antiochene tale is gender-based and serves as the basis for Davies' and MacDonald's arguments. It is in this story, rather than in the first, that the women are consistently good and the men are con- sistently evil. The women have most of the speaking roles, and Thecla is a powerful, holy woman capable of procuring eternal life for a dead woman by means of prayer alone (v. 29). In contrast, the two true male characters, omit- ting Paul for the moment, bring only death until threatened with their own destruction (v. 36). The Christ emerges as central, described as a refuge, a relief to the oppressed, a shelter, and most notably, God' s son (); God is described as "the living" (v. 37). Thus, it is apparent that APTh represents the folk tales of not one, but two different communities with contrasting memberships, agendas, and world-views. If the latter is, as scholars posit, a women' s community, the former is both mixed in gender and decidedly male-dominated. They also differ theologically and christologically. In retrospect, these contrasts are not unusual in formative Christianity. Indeed, major differences in communi- ties of origin exist among the books of the canonical New Testament. What makes the differences between these stories particularly interesting is that AYMER: HAILSTORMS AND FIREBALLS 49 someone attempted to gloss them by splicing these folk tales together into a genre resembling the Hellenistic novel. THE REDACTION, PART I: PIECES OF THE PUZZLE 7 "It would appear, . . ." argues MacDonald (1983:26), "that the written text of the stories is a veneer laid over narrative structures and techniques taken over from oral tradition." I suggest that this veneer was constructed by a redactor. S/he adds several pieces to the Iconian and Antiochene folk tales so that they may be read as one document. The largest of these is the frame of Onesiphorus (vv. 2-15, 23-26, 42). Onesiphorus is presented to the reader as the one who will show hos- pitality to Paul. He goes with his wife and two children to meet Paul, sight unseen, on the royal road to Lystra. Greeting Paul, Onesiphorus invites Paul and his companions back to his house. Onesiphorus is portrayed as having discernment, able to see in others the "fruit of righteousness" (v. 4). The house of Onesiphorus becomes the locale for Paul's preaching while in Iconium. As a result, all action in the first fifteen verses of the narrative is set with reference to Onesiphorus' house: Thecla is next door; Demas and Hermogenes in front, arguing; Paul inside. And yet, this is not crucial to the plot of the first folk tale. Paul could be in anyone' s house and still have Thecla next door and two men outside. The fact that the redactor names Onesiphorus suggests that he has a certain significance. After verse 15 and through both of Paul's trials, Onesiphorus disappears, to reappear in a tomb outside of Iconium with his entire family (v. 23). With Paul, the family members have been fasting for six days. One of Onesiph- orus' children gets hungry and tells Paul who sends him to market to buy bread. There the child meets the newly-released Thecla and brings her back to Paul. Onesiphorus, with Paul, rejoices to see Thecla. They break bread to- gether and share the ritual meal. Paul turns down two separate requests from Thecla: the first to follow him and the second to be baptized. Then Paul sends Onesiphorus and his family home. The final time Onesiphorus is mentioned is in verse 42. Upon her return to Iconium, before she even goes to her mother' s home, Thecla makes a stop at the house of Onesiphorus, where she throws herself down weeping and offering her thanksgiving. Only after this does Thecla return home to preach to her mother. For the redactor, the role of Onesiphorus seems to be that of the spon- sor of an assembly (). In the redacted text, he serves as a proto- 7 For a chart detailing the redacted additions to the folk tales of APTh, see Appendix B. 50 SEMEIA presbyter: one who hosts the church, gives hospitality to the wandering preacher, and to whose house Thecla feels the need to return. Yet, he has no real power or jurisdiction in the text over any person in the text, except, perhaps, those in his family. So he is not a true elder. The house of Hermias in Myra, which the redactor mentions briefly, is a parallel to the house of Onesiphorus. However, Tryphaena, with all of her faith and despite the conversion of her house, does not have similar traffic in her house. Part of what the redactor is establishing, then, is the framework of the male proto- presbyter, evidence of a nascent male political structure within this church community. Two others are added to the redactor' s narrativethe twin characters Demas and Hermogenes. Despite the part that they play in the Iconian folk tale, they are not crucial to that narrative. Rather, Demas and Hermogenes, as an unrighteous duo, represent a Christian community that disagrees with the redactor' s community on the fundamental theology of the resurrection. The redactor uses them as a foil to Paul. Onesiphorus questions their righ- teousness; and later, with Thamyris they prove that they are enemies of Paul and of Paul's community, both in their actions and in their theological con- structions. In addition to persons, the redactor has added a list of makarisms as an embellishment on the theme of continence which was central to her/ hi s com- munity (vv. 5-6). Thus, those that are blessed are "those keeping the flesh pure," "the continent," "those having wives as if they did not have them," and indeed, very explicitly, "the bodies of virgins" (vv. 5-6). This addition serves to express explicitly the one belief shared by these two disparate com- munities, that the Christian life is one of continence and self-denial. Similarly, the redactor uses two of the added Onesiphorus sections to in- troduce into the narrative a ritual of communal bread-breaking and sharing. In the first instance, the breaking of bread is a thanksgiving for the safe ar- rival of Paul and precedes his sermon in the house of Onesiphorus ( v. 5). In the second, it is a meal of thanksgiving for the safe arrival of Thecla (v. 25). Accompanied by vegetables and water (rather than wine), and once again including Onesiphorus and his family, it serves as a community ritual of joy in having come together. Thus, the redactor appends to the story from each originating community a shared ritual of thanksgiving. Finally, the redactor plays gender games with the main characters of the folk tales. Two instances of this are the reformation of Theocleia at th end of the redactor' s story and the description of Paul at its beginning. In the first folk tale, Theocleia is an unequivocally wicked character. She and Thamyris serve as the foils of Paul and Thecla. Indeed, she condemns her daughter to death. What then about Theocleia is worth reclaiming in the eyes of the redactor? To better understand this, a brief excursus into gender portrayal is in order. AYMER: HAILSTORMS AND FIREBALLS 51 Richard Baer, Jr. (39), notes that for Philo women epitomize sense- perception () rather than the more rational intellect (vo). Since the latter is preferable, it behooves women to take on this masculine quality. One way in which women can do this is by "changing into a virgin," that is, by abandoning the world of sense-perception with all of its desires, sex in- cluded (Baer: 51). The widow is like a virgin "because she is widowed of the passions which corrupt and maltreat the mind" (Baer: 53). Thus, Theocleia, the widow, is redeemable, and is redeemed by the redactor, because she is able to recapture that state of virginity which is "blessed." 8 Similarly Thecla, the virgin, after consummating her love with the Christ at her baptism, cuts her hair, dresses in man' s clothing, and becomes a "man" of God. She, too, crosses over from sense-perception to intellect. In a different way the redactor plays games with Paul's physical appear- ance, which is most pleasing. 9 Malina and Neyrey (129) note that Paul is described as a military general: short, with bent legs, and bald (v. 3). His eye- brows that meet and his hooked nose are both desirable characteristics of a warrior. And where a general is full of heart ( ), Paul is said to be full of grace ( ). Malina and Neyrey (146) argue that "the portrait of Paul, while consonant with a military figure, is first and foremost that of a noble or ideal male. He is essentially masculine and virile accord- ing to the conventions of antiquity." Ironically, it is this very ideal male who preaches continence throughout APTh. These five additions are the mortar with which the redactor holds to- gether this mosaic. As with other mosaics, close examination reveals slight flaws, the most glaring of which are Paul's return to Antioch in verse 26 after his escape from Antioch in the beginning of the narrative, and Thecla's ac- companiment of Paul to Antioch, after he has just refused her that right in the preceding verse. These flaws notwithstanding, this construction, like a mosaic, holds together as a single work. In order to see it, however, one must step back from the detail of the added pieces to examine the entire "mosaic" of the narrative. THE REDACTION, PART II: ADDING THE NOVEL One of the ongoing arguments regarding this and other Apocryphal Acts is whether this text can be classified as a novel. Representative of the position of classicists is Niklas Holzberg. Holzberg describes the plot of a typical Hel- lenistic novel in this manner: 81 will discuss further the ways in which the redactor uses sexuality and continence when I discuss below the larger story that the redactor is telling. 9 For much of this argument, I rely on Malina and Neyrey: 100-152. 52 SEMEIA The main characters in the story are a young man and a young girl [stell] from distinguished families and of incomparable beauty; either as newly-weds or after their betrothal they set out on a long journey to far-off lands and undergo, together or separately, a series of, in the main, harrow- ing experiences. The most frequent cause of their tribulations is a mutual pledge of unswerving fidelity. [. . .] they are frequently in danger of being murdered [...]. The favored setting for these adventures is Asia Minor and the Near East [...]. At the end of their ordeals they are reunited and return home to live thereafter a life of complete bliss. On occasion there are one or more deities at work (9-10) Holzberg dismisses APTh and other Apocryphal Acts out of hand for consideration as novels. His definition of "the novel" is restricted to those texts which he terms "idealistic," on the one hand, and "comic-realistic" on the other. These texts, he states, "share a certain ideological framework" that "reflects their author' s attitudes toward the particular social and political situation of their age." "And," he continues, "the way in which the authors of the comic-realistic novels react to the picture of life drawn in those idealis- tic novels bears the unmistakable marks of an ideological dispute" between them and the idealistic authors (11). In contrast, Holzberg argues, the Apoc- ryphal Acts cannot be included in the genre 'ancient novel' because they represent more properly the beginnings of its reception and influence.... The variations on the theme of the lovers beset by misfortunes demonstrate alone that here the ideological climate has undergone a radical change. [. . .] However, it is equally obvious that this transposition takes the texts beyond the bounds set by a literary tradition which had risen out of a specific socio-political situ- ation [that is the Roman conquest of the Hellenistic world] and then grown under circumstances which remained comparable. (Holzberg: 34) The latter argument is somewhat specious, for it presumes that only two "novelistic" traditions could possibly emerge from the Roman takeover, completely ignoring other fictional responses of those communities that were not totally "Hellenized," either in belief or in language. Further, Holzberg at- tempts to define literary genre by ideology rather than by structure. While he does not fail to see the marked similarity between the Apocryphal Acts and the ancient novels, he rejects them primarily because of their Chris- tian content, which is very different from the pagan novels with their pan- theon of deities. For Holzberg, it is not that the Apocryphal Acts are devoid of fictional critiques of the socio-political life. It is, rather, that they critique popular religious practice along with it. Richard Pervo, an early Christianity scholar, represents the other side of this argument. Unlike Holzberg, he does not see this evidence as a reason to dismiss APTh as a novel. Pervo argues, AY MER: HAILSTORMS AND FIREBALLS 53 The ApocActs are novels not because they share, on balance, sufficient motifs with Chariton and Heliodorus, but because they are novels: the prod- ucts of an extended narrative designed by an author who has welded vari- ous sources and forms into a unified whole. Like most ancient novels they are historical fictions. Their service to a particular group and creed may set them apart, but this could be a somewhat deceiving conclusion. (244) I take some exception to Pervo's classification of APTh as a novel per se, as I do Holzberg's out-of-hand dismissal of such. Thecla is a brief tale and much less complex than the longer Hellenistic novels. However, it is clear that the redactor intends to appropriate two aspects of the novelistic plotthat of the besieged lovers who are faithful to each other and are reunited in the end, and that of the erotic power which underlies the novel. Judith Perkins (41-76) calls the first of these two novelistic aspects "mar- riage as a happy ending." She asserts that novels served to reinforce the symbolic universe of the Roman world, in which legitimate marriage be- tween two Romans was an ideal to be reached at whatever cost. The redactor of APTh, seems, at first, to appropriate this central story of the Hellen- istic world. As a typical Hellenistic novel, the protagonists of the Acts of Paul and Thecla are beautiful people: Paul, the ideal male, as shown above; and Thecla, a beauty whose imminent destruction causes the condemning gover- nor to weep (v. 34). Throughout the narrative, Paul and Thecla are continent, showing "unswerving fidelity," although like the main characters in a novel, they are separated. And, as in a typical Hellenistic novel, they return to each other chaste. Ironically, however, their chastity becomes a means to fictive kinship, rather than to marriage. Thecla, in essence, becomes an , Paul's brother. 10 The redactor also appropriates the erotic power of the novel. For it is clear that Thecla is experiencing many of the classic signs of having fallen in love. The redactor reports that Thecla is not eating, drinking, or sleeping (vv. 7-8), and she follows Paul everywhere, even to prison (vv. 18-19). These are symptoms similar to those found in ancient Greek novels. 11 But the cure for Thecla's love-sickness does not seem to lie in finding Paul, but in the bap- tism which she self-administers in the stadium. After this event, Paul's fears 10 Although this is not present in the text, an argument can be made for the accuracy here of the masculine, rather than the feminine . Thecla is no longer a woman, in the sense that she is a threat to Paul's continence. Her hair is cut. Her identity is changed. She, like Maximilla in Acts of Andrew, has become a man. For more on this see R. Rodman' s "Who' s on Third?" in this volume. 11 For example, note this scene from the Greek novel Daphnis and Chloe by Longus: "Her heart ached; her eyes wandered uncontrollably; she kept repeating ' Daphnis.' She took no inter- est in food; she lay awake at night; she disregarded her flock . . . " (294) and so on. Compare this to Thecla's trance, her night-wandering, her searching for Paul even as she is condemned to be burned. 54 SEMEIA of her love-sickness are abated when she tells him she has received the water (v. 40). So it appears that Thecla's passion has been sated, but not by Paul. This, then, is the source of Holzberg and Pervo's disagreement. How can a story be a novel and not result in a marriage? And yet, how can one dis- miss the clear influences of the novel on this and other Apocryphal Acts? What is the redactor trying to do in this story? One way for me to better understand this is to remember the words of my fifth-grade science teacher: "For every action, there is a equal and opposite reaction." That reaction, whether in science or in the ancient world, is resistance. Two UNIVERSES OF IDEAS: SELF-DEFINITION AS RESISTANCE At least three forms of resistance present themselves in APTh. The first is the resistance inherent in self-definition, especially self-definition as pre- sented in the stories a community tells to itself and about itself. According to Henri Desrosche (152), to find the origin of these ideas one has to go to the world of the imaginary, the collective imaginary, in which a community through ideas which manifest themselves in a number of ways, including ritual, song, and storyconstitutes for itself a consciousness. This collective consciousness links itself to a collective imagination by means of a collec- tive memory. Such a memory is "constituted," and moreover is "constitu- tive," for through it, and because of it, active forces are unleashed. In their pre-' script' -ural form, folk tales and other oral narratives are a part of this collective (Desroche: 153). When they are finally "scripted" these same stories become a part of a "universal" memory; their forms become part of a written "canon" of some collective whole, in the same way that the legend of John Chapman has become a part of the "canon" in the United States as the story of Johnny Appleseed. Oral and scripted legends, when they are about extraordinary persons like Johnny Appleseed or Thecla, can become hagiographies. For the consti- tutive force behind the collected consciousness of a community (sometimes called "belief" or "faith") is strong enough to "construct" saints, regardless of historical verification, by force of collective memory. As P. Delooz states more or less all the saints appear to be constructed saints in that, being nec- essarily saints because of a reputation made by others, and because of the role expected of them by others, they are remodeled at the level of collective mental representations. (7-8, cited in Desroche: 155) This implies that, for the purpose of this essay, it matters little whether Thecla was historically present at any time. Through their collective memories, at least two communities of women and/ or men chose to construct her story as analogous to their own. And, through the telling, retelling, and the even- AYMER: HAILSTORMS AND FIREBALLS 55 tuai "scripting" of her story, they kept it as part of the collective "universal memory" of their community. John Gager calls that which is constructed by the ideas of one com- munity a "world." By "world" he means those socially constructed concepts of "reality, duties, social roles, etc." that we perceive as eternal (9). Margaret MacDonald concurs. Using the theories of Berger and Luckmann, she speaks of the Pauline writings as a symbolic universe: "The projection of the thought of a certain New Testament community" (11). This universe both shapes and is shaped by the community from which it comes, "reinforc[ing its] social structures . . . and being reinforced by them" (MacDonald, 1988:11). Such mutual reinforcement is what Gager (9) calls "world-maintenance." The two folk tales of APTh, then, represent two constructed and main- tained worlds, symbolic universes, each of which reinforces the beliefs and the practices of the community from which it emerges. Through their collec- tive imaginations, these two communities chose to construct Thecla's story, as part of their canon, and by doing that to construct their own stories of self- definition. Self-definition is resistance in that it creates "otherness." It constitutes "the specific political distinction to which . . . actions and motives can be reduced: . . . that between friend and enemy" (Schmitt: 26). Thus, in Iconium, Thecla and all those who listen to Paul and turn to the continent life are friends. Thamyris, Theocleia, and all of those men and women who try to hinder the continent life are enemies. In contrast, the enemies of the Anti- ochene community, thus, of the continent life, are entirely masculine; and this gender division also extends beyond the realm of humanity into the animal kingdom. In addition, the "outside world," which upholds the conventions of marriage and desire, and supports the imperial cult, that is, the world out- side of the , this world is "other" to both the Iconian and the Anti- ochene communities. By creating a story of a moral ideal, the originators of the Iconian and Antiochene folk tales draw for themselves moral boundaries outside of which they will not step. And, through their representations of Thecla, they accept as a moral responsibility whatever political consequences emerge from not crossing those boundaries. "BICULTURALITY": RESISTING THE SIMPLE STORY The combining of these two folk tales into one unit, then, suggests a joining of worlds and world-views, a re-creation by redaction. The redactor' s job, in recreating canon, is to unite their myths, their self-definitions, into one unified whole that reflects them and redefines the "other." Thus, the redacted story is similar to the double consciousness, the "both-and" biculturality of the immigrant citizen. It resists simple definitions. 56 SEMEIA Fernando Segovia notes that we persons of the Caribbean basin who have emigrated to this country have a unique perspective on the world. Having emerged from two worlds, we find ourselves in a paradox. "While our . . . situation does mean having no place to stand, it also means having two places on which to stand" (Segovia: 65). It is in the process of re-creating the self and the other that we learn the fine art of negotiating two divergent situations to create a clumsy synthesis within our bodies, a synthesis which is at once volatile and stable. Biculturality, however, is necessarily tempered by the imperfections of both imperfect cultural systems. The redactor has to balance these imper- fections, as well as to highlight commonalties and differences. So s / he has to stand with a foot in each world, and create in that place a clumsy syn- thesis of the male-dominated Iconium and the female-dominated Antioch. Like Thecla, s/ he must learn and struggle, and come to the synthesis which emerges out of a fiery passion, and an immersion in one' s first love. In practice, this standing between two communities creates a nascent male-dominated world order. Perhaps, it is the redactor' s concession to help to make sense of a world being turned sideways. So, the narrative keeps one foot in Iconium. The apostle is still the primary source of the evangel. And the head of the churches that meet in homes still seems to be a man, as Onesiphorus and Hermias show. At the same time, a foot stands in Antioch. Virgin women and widows are unleashed with charismatic power into the community. Like the apostle, they can go forth and preach. For they have with them the ultimate "man," their lover and their pattern, God' s son. The freedom that its women have puts this community at odds with its contemporaries. D. MacDonald, in arguing for exclusive female authorship, makes a case for conflict between the APTh com- munity as redacted and that of the pastoral epistles (1983:54-77). He points out the probability that APTh (or at least its foundational folk tales), along with the other acts of Paul, was the source of great antagonism; he also argues that it became the catalyst for the composition of the pseudonymous pastorals which restricted the power and voice of women and their stories. 12 This may well have been the case. Nevertheless, APTh is neither solely a women' s nor a men' s text. It carries the "both-and-ness" of its generating stories: the masculinity of Iconium as well as the feminine power of Antioch. As a bicultural entity, it resists simple definition. A NEW HAPPY ENDING: RESISTANCE AND THE MASTER NARRATIVE If the first job of the redactor is to resist the "outside world" of "others," and the second is to create a bicultural unity out of two divergent groups that 12 Other arguments also are canonized into the final redaction. Two of these are the one against the imperial cult, and the one against the theology of "Demas and Hermogenes." AYMER: HAILSTORMS AND FIREBALLS 57 defied simple definitions, then the third is to use the very tools of the era, in this case the novel, to accomplish both of these previous tasks. Sociologist Barbara Harlow notes that resistance literature of the twen- tieth century, whether written under occupation or in exile, "presupposes a people' s collective relationship to a common land, a common identity, or a common cause." Some sort of "' occupying power ' . . . has either exiled or subjugated" this people, and has intervened in the people' s "literary and cul- tural development." Because of this, popular "literature" becomes "an arena of struggle" (Harlow: 2). And popular literature, which in twentieth-century movements often consists of the press and propaganda, "can . . . become a means in the hands of the resistance which will wrest back from the repres- sive authorities the control over cultural production," even if the majority of the resistance is illiterate (Harlow: 12). Narrative, and especially narrative fiction, plays an important role in this resistance. It appropriates and challenges the "master narratives of society those ideological paradigms which contain within their plots a prede- termined end" (Harlow: 78). So it is also with the redacted version of APTh. Both in its explicit resistance of the "master narrative" of marriage as the happy ending and in its implicit co-optation of that same "master narrative" as a paradigm of conversion, APTh serves as a novelistic resistance literature, one which defies the Roman idealization of marriage. Explicitly, the redactor of APTh appropriates the "master narrative" of the novel to herald the life of the sexually continent. S/ he sets out a parallel structure to that of the novel, with a male-female protagonist pair, Paul and Thecla, who are separated from each other yet remain faithful. However, whereas in the Hellenistic novels marriage is the goal, in APTh, celibacy, at first seems to be, in itself, the end. The resistance underlying APTh is the very explicit valuing of continence over all other sexual interactions, includ- ing normally legitimate marriage. Although this elevation of sexual continence resists the dominant cul- tural strain, it is not unusual within religious circles. As previously stated, the ideal for the female convert is the reversion to virginity. As Richard Baer, Jr., puts it, "when souls become divinely inspired, from (being) women they become virgins, throwing off the womanly corruptions which are (found) in sense-perception and passion" (55). Using this as a model, then, the explicit supertext of the APTh is that Paul helps Thecla to become a man, by con- vincing her to remain a virgin committed to the religious life. This is why, after she is baptized, Thecla changes into men' s clothes and cuts her hair (v. 40). And yet, the eroticism and the love-sickness which Thecla exhibits until her baptism deny the simple conclusion that celibacy is indeed the end, or that there is no marriage in APTh. It is clear, however, that Thecla's love is not Paul, the redactor' s ideal man. In order to identify Thecla's lover, the reader has to return with the redactor to the open window in Iconium. What has so captivated Thecla is 58 SEMEIA not Paul, but Paul's words, those about faith in Christ. It is because of these words that she will not budge from this window for three days and nights (v. 7). Thecla's sojourn in the prison with Paul is similar: she sat at his feet and heard the great deeds of God (v. 18). It is "the Lord" that appears to her in Paul's visage before she is to ascend the pyre; God, who takes pity on her and sends the hail and rain (vv. 21-22). This fits nicely with the Antiochene folk tales in which God' s son is the "good man" who saves Thecla. Thecla's desire is finally fulfilled at the climactic baptism scene where she gives her- self wholly to her "lover," and emerges a changed being, invulnerable to any attack (v. 34) The marriage is completed and she has been made perfectly ac- ceptable to her new family (v. 40). Thus, APTh goes beyond using the narrative of the novel to uphold celibacy. It holds up marriage, but a specific kind of marriage, that between the believer and the Christ. If one views Thecla as the ideal convert, then this becomes an example of using a woman "to think with." For if becoming a virgin is one way for a woman to move toward a more perfect way of living the masculine equivalent is "the divine impregnation of the s o u l . . . In this context it is God . . . that plays the active, dominant, male role, and man who is receptive and passive" (Baer: 55). Thecla is used by the redactor as the quintessential "lover" of Christ, who falls in love with the beautiful one, goes through many trials to be with her lover, and finally is able to consummate that love. But as perfect convert, Thecla does not only remain a model for women. Remember, at least one male-dominated community told her story also as a sacred myth. So, men too must become like the virgin Thecla, fall in love with God' s son, and finally consummate that relationship in baptism. If Paul's role is to turn Thecla into a man, then Thecla's role as the ideal convert is to help men to become women before God. CREATIVE RESISTANCE One of the most important lessons that APTh teaches about resistance is that resistance is not merely reactive. Indeed, resistance can be quite pro- active and creative, both of intended constructions as well as those which it unintentionally constructs. For example, APTh intentionally constructs a world in which continence is key, regardless of what the Hellenistic world might presuppose. It intentionally constructs a world in which the parousia is still to come, and in which Demas and Hermogenes are pariah. Legal sociologists Alan Hunt and Gary Wickham call this "the mechanism of the sacred. This mechanism operates by making some objects or practices sacred and others profane" (96) in an attempt to bind a society together. But as is evident from the process of redaction and reconfiguration through which APTh has gone, "the content of the sacred and profane is not AYMER: HAILSTORMS AND FIREBALLS 59 fixed" (Hunt and Wickham: 96). Thus, the "othering" at the folk tale stages of these Thecla stories changes at this stage of the narration, and must nec- essarily change again as more stories are added on to create the extended narration. At each stage, the collection, as well as each of its parts, is repre- sentative of some type of resistance, some kind of self re-creation, some biculturality, some appropriation. The new community redefines itself, re- sisting older definitions to stand in a new "both-and" place. So, returning to my original resistance, I reassert that APTh is prob- ably not the work solely of some proto-feminist communitywhich does not mean that I do not believe there was a women' s community, or even more than one, involved in the writing and redacting of the stories surround- ing this constructed saint. Rather, using my bicultural stance to think with, I argue that Thecla was a heroine to both genders and to at least two diver- gent communities. Some of what they wrote and imagined of her life rang true and became part of APTh. Some was told by word of mouth only, and if written down, is now lost. Some rings true for the late twentieth-century in the Western academic world. Some parts of it didn' t even make sense for its period. All of it is, finally, an act of world-construction, of self-definition, of cultural appropriation, of resistance. And, as Foucault notes: "One does not have to maintain that these confused voices sound better than the others and express the ultimate truth. . . . It is sufficient that they exist and they have against them so much which is set up to silence t hem. . . " (cited in Hunt and Wickham: 32). 6 SEMEIA APPENDIX A This appendix highlights the major characteristics of folk tales as seen in APTh. Note, also, the parameters of the two separate folk tales. Characteristics of Folk Tales 13 Iconian Folk Tale APTh 7-10,15-22 Antiochene Folk Tale APTh 26-39 1. begin calmly, not with sudden excitement 2. concentrate on one leading character 3. contrast good characters with evil characters 4. contain undifferentiated twin characters 5. follow a single strand of narrative 6. contain repetition 7. use tableaux scenes in times of narrative climax 8. close calmly Thecla is sitting by the window of her house, when she hears Paul in the house next door Thecla Thecla and Paul: good Theocleia and Thamyris: evil virgins and young men who bring wood to Thecla's pyre Thecla falling in love with the Lord Thecla's silence under questioning Paul's questioning by the governor Thecla on the pyre (omitted by the redactor, in order to join the two stories) (omitted by the redactor, in order to join the two stories) Thecla Thecla and Tryphaena: good Alexander and the governor: evil none Thecla, Tryphaena, and the women of Antioch oppose Alexander, the governor, and the imperial cult repeated trials in the arena repeated protestations by the women use of and the scene in the arena is a series of tableaux scenes in the house of Tryphaena 13 McDonald, 1983:26- AYMER: HAILSTORMS AND FIREBALLS 61 APPENDIX An Outline of APTh Highlighting the Additions of the Redactor Others (v. 1) Demas and Hermogenes introduced. Paul is coming from Anti- och, trying to win them over. FRAME (V. 2-3A, 4) ONESIPHORUS AND HIS FAMILY GO TO MEET PAUL. Gender (v. 3b) Paul is described as a Roman general, the ideal male. EUCHARIST (V. 5A) EUCHARISTIC FEAST AT THE HOUSE OF ONESIPH- ORUS Makarisms (vv. 5b-6) Paul's makarisms on continence ICONIAN FOLK TALE (VV. 7-10) Others (vv. 11-14) Demas and Hermogenes inserted. Actions have no bearing on final outcome of the story ICONIAN FOLK TALE (W. 15-22) FRAME (V. 23-24) ONESIPHORUS AND FAMILY REINTRODUCED, WITH PAUL, FASTING AND PRAYING FOR THECLA. ONESIPHORUS' CHILD FINDS THECLA IN THE MARKET PLACE, AND THERE IS A REUNION. EUCHARIST (V. 25A) CELEBRATORY EUCHARISTIC MEAL OF BREAD, WATER, AND VEGETABLES. FRAME (V. 25B) AWKWARD TRANSITION, IN WHICH REDACTOR RETURNS ONESIPHORUS AND HIS FAMILY HOME, AND THECLA AND PAUL END UP IN ANTIOCH, ALTHOUGH HE HAS REFUSED HER THE PRIVILEGE OF FOLLOW- ING HIM. ANTIOCHENE FOLK TALE (VV. 26-39) (Note: Paul is immaterial and quickly disappears.) Gender (v. 40-41) Thecla cross-dresses as a man, is accepted as a be- liever, and is sent to teach. FRAME (V. 42) THECLA RETURNS TO HOUSE OF ONESIPHORUS TO GIVE THANKS Theocleia is redeemed. ^ s Copyright and Use: As an ATLAS user, you may print, download, or send articles for individual use according to fair use as defined by U.S. and international copyright law and as otherwise authorized under your respective ATLAS subscriber agreement. No content may be copied or emailed to multiple sites or publicly posted without the copyright holder(s)' express written permission. Any use, decompiling, reproduction, or distribution of this journal in excess of fair use provisions may be a violation of copyright law. This journal is made available to you through the ATLAS collection with permission from the copyright holder(s). 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