I

Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................................... III
INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................................................1
1 ACCENTS IN ENGLAND...........................................................................................................4
1.1 ESTUARY ENGLISH: THE TERM AND ITS MEANING........................................................................7
1.2 ACCENT ANALYSIS OF ESTUARY ENGLISH...................................................................................9
1.2.1 The use of RP as a basis for description.............................................................................11
2 ESTUARY ENGLISH PHONOLOGY..................................................................................14
2.1 THE VOWEL SYSTEM IN ESTUARY ENGLISH...............................................................................14
2.1.1 Vowels plus [-r] .................................................................................................................22
2.1.2 Vowels plus [-l] .................................................................................................................23
2.1.3 A typology of the RP and EE vowel system.........................................................................24
2.1.4 Conclusion: the Estuary English vowel trend.....................................................................27
2.2 THE CONSONANT SYSTEM IN ESTUARY ENGLISH............................................................................28
2.2.1 L Vocalisation....................................................................................................................30
2.2.2 Plosives: affrication and glottaling....................................................................................32
2.2.3 The phoneme /r/ .................................................................................................................37
2.2.4 Labio-dental and dental fricatives......................................................................................38
2.2.5 Yod Dropping and Yod Coalescence ..................................................................................40
2.2.6 H Dropping........................................................................................................................42
2.2.6.1 H Dropping and R Insertion....................................................................................................... 43
2.2.7 Conclusion: the Estuary English consonant trend ..............................................................43
2.2.8 Hyper-correctness in Estuary English................................................................................44
2.3 SYNTACTIC FEATURES OF ESTUARY ENGLISH...............................................................................45
2.3.1 Words and expressions typical of Estuary English..............................................................47
2.4 STRESS AND INTONATION............................................................................................................50
2.5 ARTICULATORY SETTING ............................................................................................................52
3 ESTUARY ENGLISH - REGIONAL LEVELLING
IN THE SOUTHEAST OF ENGLAND........................................................................................53
3.1 MAPPING ESTUARY ENGLISH...................................................................................................53
3.2 THE ORIGIN OF ESTUARY ENGLISH ..............................................................................................54
3.3 THE SPREAD OF ESTUARY ENGLISH .............................................................................................56
3.3.1 R Dropping and L Vocalisation..........................................................................................58
II
3.4 THE PHENOMENON DIALECT LEVELLING ...................................................................................62
3.4.1 Milton Keynes....................................................................................................................63
3.5 THE POPULARITY OF ESTUARY ENGLISH........................................................................................64
4 ESTUARY ENGLISH - SOCIAL LEVELLING IN THE SOUTHEAST OF ENGLAND70
4.1 ESTUARY ENGLISH - A CLASSLESS ACCENT ....................................................................................70
4.2 ATTITUDES TOWARDS ESTUARY ENGLISH......................................................................................73
4.3 ESTUARY ENGLISH - A CONTEXT-RELATED ACCENT .......................................................................78
4.4 ESTUARY ENGLISH - TOMORROWS RP.....................................................................................83
5 PROJECT RESEARCH IN CANTERBURY............................................................................84
5.1 METHODOLOGY .........................................................................................................................84
5.1.1 Informants .........................................................................................................................85
5.1.2 Recordings.........................................................................................................................88
5.2 ANALYSIS ..................................................................................................................................90
5.2.1 Male adult informants........................................................................................................91
5.2.2 Female adult informants ..................................................................................................102
5.2.3 Comparison: male and female informants ........................................................................112
5.2.4 Girls ................................................................................................................................114
5.2.4.1 The fifth form.......................................................................................................................... 114
5.2.4.2 The sixth form......................................................................................................................... 119
5.2.5 Boys.................................................................................................................................130
5.2.5.1 The fifth form.......................................................................................................................... 130
5.2.5.2 The sixth form......................................................................................................................... 134
5.2.6 Comparison: male and female pupils ...............................................................................142
5.3 INTERPRETING THE RESULTS .....................................................................................................145
CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................153
BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................................................................................................................156
III
Acknowledgements
This thesis would have never been written without the help and encouragement of a
number of people who have assisted me through discussion or correspondence. First
of all I am grateful to Prof. Dieter Kastovsky (University of Vienna) for first
suggesting that I write my thesis on Estuary English - not to mention Dr. Christiane
Dalton for having been a helpful guide along the way.
For further encouragement and linguistic device I especially want to thank Dr.
Bryan Jenner (phonetician at the University of Vienna) who persuaded me to consider
alternative approaches when I was too engrossed in my own ideas. In this regard I
would also like to mention Dr. Paul Coggle, a senior lecturer at the University of
Kent, who always willingly answered my questions on this topic and kept sending me
up-to-date articles from England.
For the successful carrying out the research project in Canterbury I am
indebted to Mr Tim Armstrong and Mrs Gwen Armstrong and Mrs Hilary Wade for
giving the permission of recording their pupils and introducing me to other useful
informants. At the same time I have to say thank you to all the pupils and informants
who were willing to be recorded.
Finally, I want to thank all my other friends, especially my fellow students,
Sabine and Birgit, and my very good friend Markus who not only has supplied the
computer but who was always prepared to listen to me when I was discouraged.
Vienna, January 1999. Christina Schmid
1
Introduction
The present century has seen great changes both in the internal social structure of
Britain and in the position of Britain in the world. The world-wide extension of
English and its use as a lingua franca demand a relatively uniform and stable language
pronunciation model, a reference system and yardstick, not only for English native
speakers, but also for the rest of the world. For historical reasons the standard accent
Received Pronunciation (RP) still serves as a homogeneous model. However, like any
other accent variety throughout history, the standard pronunciation of the south-east
of England cannot resist the inevitable and continuous process of change. Since 1950
the phonetic distinctiveness of RP has been becoming blurred, the result of a change
in the feelings and subconscious attitudes of speaker and listener towards the non-
linguistic homogeneity of the RP speaking group. Thus, despite Daniel Jones
eagerness to make RP appear a clinically uniform and unvarying linguistic system, the
pronunciation of RP has always been susceptible to personal variation, and has
produced many subvarieties which have actually led far away from what people used
to associate with the original notion of RP. Today, there are only a small number RP
speakers left, and it may only be a question of time before RP completely ceases to
exist. Thus, as a matter of fact, RP is slowly but surely on its way out.
One reason for the gradual decline of RP is changes within Britain:
improvements in communication of every kind, which have produced a more fluid
society in which social and geographical barriers have been progressively weakened,
and the sharp divisions between classes have begun to disappear. In fact, a new
English middle class with different conceptions and attitudes towards accents has
emerged. As the research in this thesis will demonstrate, the variety spoken by these
speakers can no longer be recognised as a variety of RP, because it simply no longer
exhibits the characteristics of RP. In fact, RP is in the process of being replaced by
Estuary English (EE), the prevailing accent in the South-east of England.
Estuary English is spreading so quickly from one community to another that it
is strongly influencing the formerly great diversity in the spoken realisations of the
English language, in terms of the sounds used in different parts of the country and by
different sections of the community. Thus, the thesis will concentrate on the extent to
2
which one can maintain that Estuary English, socially as well as regionally, is levelling
England.
It is true that Estuary English is the trendy and fashionable accent of the
younger generations. Estuary English, as the advanced speech of the young, has been
characterised by the older generation as slovenly and debased. Although, at any one
time, there have always been disparities between the speech sounds of the younger
and older generations, the new accent has managed to become increasingly accepted
by a majority of English society. Most people are actually content to see RP finally
wither because they regard it as a 140 years old, southern and public school
(Radford - Wainwright, The Guardian: 10.9.1998) accent which is a class thing and
an excluding thing (ibidem). They have therefore already voted for Estuary English
by preferring to speak it.
Unfortunately, until recently linguists have not seemed willing to accept and
take the new popular accent seriously, but have persisted in judging this accent variety
as a recent development of RP. Therefore, I was keen to face the challenge, and
venture to realise the existence of Estuary English. This thesis offers a reasonably
comprehensive account of the pronounciation of Estuary English. I have of course
relied upon my own familiarity with this accent. But I have also endeavoured to make
appropriate use of different kinds of scholarly treatment, wherever they have been
available to me and to whatever tradition they belong. My aim has been to describe
this variety with reference to the already existing description of the accepted accents
RP and Cockney. Since I have had to rely partly on my own findings and impressions,
the reader must bear in mind that some of my statements I make are for this reason
necessarily tentative.
The structure of my thesis is as follows: chapter 1 focuses on accents in the
south-east of England in general terms; chapter two endeavours to describe the
phoneme inventory for vowels and consonants in Estuary English, highlighting how
this accent variety is phonetically and phonologically different from the standard
accent RP; the linguistic nature of Estuary English will be seen against its social and
geographical background in chapters three and four which will acknowledge its
popularity among English speakers; and finally chapter 5 will discuss the results of the
fieldwork I undertook in Canterbury. In the course of the thesis it will become clear
3
why and to what extent one is actually justified in calling Estuary English the regional
standard of the south-east of England.
4
1 Accents in England
English has many dialect varieties all of which are structured, complex, rule-governed
systems. They are therefore equally good as linguistic systems and wholly adequate
for the needs of their speakers. (cf. Trudgill 1974: 20) There is one superposed
variety of English that is used in print, and which is normally taught in schools.
Standard English
1
is the standard dialect
2
which is used throughout the country for
institutional purposes, such as publishing, education, government, or commercial
correspondence. It is codified by dictionaries and grammar books. Standard English
can be accompanied by any accent
3
. However, there is one accent which only occurs
together with Standard English, Received Pronunciation
4
, the accent variant which
has always been regarded as the accent of the best-educated and most prestigious
members of English society, and is used by educated speakers in southern England.
(cf. Strevens 1985: 7) The public school -Oxbridge- education system in the
nineteenth century created a linguistically homogeneous and distinctive governing
class which spent its formative years well away from London in geographically
decentralised institutions. Its distinctive accent, RP, lost any regional connotation, but
became an extremely significant marker of social class in all parts of England, being
opposed everywhere to the broad dialects of working-class folk who continued to live
restricted, local lives.
In the present century the standard accent RP, often referred to as The
Queens English or BBC English, is unusual, in that the relatively small number of
speakers who use it do not identify themselves as coming from any particular region.
Katie Wales (cf. 1994: 4) concludes that RP is an accent variant of a rather exclusive

1
Historically speaking, the standard dialect developed out of the English dialects used in
and around London as these were modified through the centuries by the speakers at court, by
scholars from the universities and other writers, and, later, by the public schools. As time passed, the
English used in upper classes of society in the capital city came to be regarded as the model for all
those who wished to speak and write well. (cf. Trudgill 1974: 17)
2
The term dialect refers to varieties which are grammatically and lexically as well as
phonologically different from other varieties. (cf. Petyt 1980: 16)
3
Accents, on the other hand, concern solely differences of pronunciation. (cf. Chambers -
Trudgill 1980: 5)
4
The first use of the term Received Pronunciation is attributed to A.J. Ellis in 1869, with
linguists settling on this usage in the 1930s. The label originates from the accent which was
received at the royal court, which is hence generally accepted and approved as true and good. (cf.
Wright 1996: 261)
5
group; it is estimated that only 3 to 5% of the whole English-speaking population
speak it. Its dissemination as a class pronunciation throughout the country caused it to
be recognised as characteristic of a non-regional and social accent. Since then
pronunciation has been two things in England: a vertical indicator of geographical
origins, and a horizontal caste-mark separating RP speakers from the rest. (cf. Wright
1996: 260)
The accent situation is usually compared to a triangle or a pyramid (cf. Wells
1982a: 14) whose horizontal dimension represents geographical variation, regionality,
and its vertical dimension social variation. At the base there is a considerable degree
of regional differentiation, widest among groups on the lower social levels; there are
striking linguistic differences, especially by region but also by sex and other factors.
The most stigmatised broad accent associated with the area in and around London is
the nonstandard dialect Cockney.
5
The accent pyramid rises to a narrow point at the
apex, since upper-class accents exhibit no regional variation within England. RP, the
accent of those on the higher social levels, is relatively uniform. However, RP
comprises some sub-varieties. The conservative RP or U-RP (upper-crust RP) is
associated with the upper class and is especially used by the older generation. Gimson
(cf. 1989: 88) distinguishes another U-RP form, namely advanced RP which is
adopted by young people of exclusive social groups. These three varieties of RP are
often judged to be affected and fall into the category of marked RP, which is on the
way to becoming extinct. Three decades ago it was the standard accent on television
and radio. Nowadways it is often ridiculed.
6
The neutral version of RP is unmarked
RP which embraces general RP or mainstream RP, a variety which is said to be most
commonly used and is the norm for England in the media; another unmarked RP
variety is adoptive RP which is learnt by someone as an adult rather than as a child;

5
The label Cockney suggests really broad variety allied with the least educated. Historically,
Cockney speakers were born within the sound of Bow Bells, that is, about a quarter of a mile from
the church of St. Mary-le-Bow in Cheapside near London Bridge and the Billingsgate fish market.
The term originally was a compound meaning cocks egg, and was used for a pampered child, then
for a city person, and finally for a Londoner. Cock o the walk associations still cling to the term,
for Cockney is seen as a strutting, show-off variety of language, admired by those who use it and the
object of amused interest by others. (cf. Algeo 1992: 169)
6
In the lecture Paul Coggle held on January 26 in 1996 he called marked RP a kind of
strangulated form of RP which evokes the feeling of speaking with a plum in the mouth.
6
finally, near RP is an accent without strong regional identity which is generally
regarded as educated, middle class RP. (cf. Algeo 1992: 161)
Although it is still legitimate to place RP at the top and Cockney at the bottom
of the accent hierarchy in the southeast of England, it is necessary to broaden the
perception of this continuum and to consider the middle classes in further detail. It is
true that, before World War II, those who wished to make their way in the world had
to speak RP, which provided the apex to the pyramid. Any other accent marked the
speaker as unsuitable for admission to the inner circles that provided security and the
opportunity for advancement. At the beginning of the nineteenth century middle class
speakers were less mobile, and their children were likely to attend school in their
regions whose teachers themselves probably used the regional accent. Lower-paid
workers were the least mobile of all, the most geographically and culturally bound to
their home areas, and they thus tended to lead the most local lives. Today their
dialects continue to form the base of the pyramid, and it is still to some extent true
that among the lower middle classes the geographical variation is greater than in the
upper middle class, but less than in the working class. (cf. ibidem 166; cf. Petyt 1980:
29) However, it is certainly true to say that, after World War II, the position of RP in
British public life began to yield, and attitudes towards accents in England started to
become modified.
There has been a blurring of the once sharply stratified divisions between
different social classes in English society in the twentieth century. Regional accents
have gradually become accepted in the BBC and are even heard from leading
politicians. In general, people are now much more mobile, spend some ten years at
school, are subject to the continuous pressure of mass communication media, and are
increasingly centred on large cities. Thus, the base of the pyramid is much eroded.
Middle-class intellectuals move about a great deal in the course of their professional
lives and tend to form a homogeneous group of increasing numbers and importance.
Owing to the emergence of the new English middle classes, the intermediate varieties
within the London accent triangle have been becoming more and more influential and
powerful. These varieties are summarised by the term mesolect. The standard accent
RP is called the acrolect, while the dialect variety Cockney is called basilect because it
deviates most extensively from the acrolect. (cf. Wells 1982a: 18) Thus, one is faced
7
with a continuum of phonetic variation as one passes along the continuum of social-
class gradation.
Although pronunciation is still a class marker in England, and those desirous
of getting ahead are likely to modify their native speech styles strongly in the direction
of RP, the majority of the middle class speakers prefer a mesolectal variety. Most of
them are original dialect speakers who have received a higher education in the state
system and assimilate their speech to RP to the extent which they feel to be
appropriate to their status without rejecting their dialectal background. (cf. Trim
1961/62: 31) However, this is not RP as people knew it some decades ago, but a
newly evolved accent variety which has established itself as a compromise voice
between RP and Cockney. The English middle class in the south-east of England has
chosen to adopt a prevailing accent which is now common, even fashionable on radio
and TV. (cf. Abercrombie 1992: 9) Unlike Cockney, speakers of this non-standard
accent variety are speakers of the Standard English Dialect. (cf. Francois Chevillet
1992: 28) In fact, J.C. Wells (9 Nov. 1998c) defines it as standard English spoken
with an accent that includes features localizable in the southeast of England. Some
linguists like Tom McArthur (cf. Newsweek: 26.4.1993) call this accent variety the
New London Voice, other linguists like David Rosewarne (cf. TES: 19.10.1984)
and Paul Coggle (cf. 1993a: 23) refer to it as Estuary English.
1.1 Estuary English: the term and its meaning
Estuary English is the most influential accent in the south-east of England. The term
Estuary English was coined by David Rosewarne who first referred to this accent in
the article Estuary English in the Times Educational Supplement (19 October
1984). He described Estuary English as a mixture of non-regional and local south-
eastern English pronunciation and intonation. Already in 1983 David Rosewarne was
aware of the fact that existing descriptions of pronunciation varieties had made no real
mention of accents intermediate between the standard accent Received Pronunciation
(RP) and non-standard localisable accents in London and the South-east. A database
composed of recordings from radio and televison eventually confirmed his
8
supposition: There appeared to be a particularly important gap in the descriptions of
accent varieties in London and the South-East of England. (Rosewarne 1994b: 3)
The estuary referred to is the Thames estuary
7
, which indicates that the first
speakers of this variety of language were not restricted to London but included the
inhabitants of the neighbouring provinces: parts of Kent and Essex. Thus, the
heartland of this variety lies by the banks of the Thames and its estuary; Estuary
English is most evident in suburban areas of Greater London and the adjacent home
counties, comprising Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Hertfordshire and Essex, lying north and
south of the Thames estuary. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 23)
It is possible to classify Estuary English in the light of the regional and social
criteria mentioned in chapter 1. Features of regional pronunciation are distinguished
as educated regional when found in highly educated speech such as RP, and popular
regional in less educated speech such as Cockney. Because of the large degree of
gradation amongst the popular regional forms in the speech of the Greater London
population noted by David Rosewarne, Estuary English may be termed a modified
regional accent, because it is a mixture of educated regional, RP, and popular regional
pronunciation, Cockney, which is typical of the suburban districts. (cf. Gimson 1989:
88) Therefore, linguists such as Tony Bex, Paul Coggle and David Rosewarne place
Estuary English in the middle of a continuum with the standard accent Received
Pronunciation and the non-standard accent Cockney at either end. In an interview
with Newsweek Tom McArthur puts it the following way:
Were dealing with a continuum. People are strung out along it like beads on a
string between RP and Cockney. (McArthur, Newsweek: 26.4.1993)
Consequently, the new accent variety Estuary English shares features of both RP and
Cockney. This linguistic classification reflects the social hierarchy in England; Estuary
English speakers are said to be the representatives of a newly emerging middle class
bridging the upper and lower classes; Estuary English speakers are hence grouped in
the middle ground (Rosewarne 1994b: 3).

7
Keith Battarbee (13 Nov. 1996) mentions the regional arrogance of the South-east taking it
for granted that Estuary means the Thames estuary, although there are many estuaries in Great
Britain.
9
1.2 Accent analysis of Estuary English
Phonetic and phonemic analysis will occupy an important place in the study of the
sound system of Estuary English. Its complete description must provide information
not only on the phonetic characteristics of the sounds, but also on the phonological
level which analyses the patterning of sounds, including their functional, phonemic
behaviour. Since Estuary English has not yet been defined as an accent, it must be
seen against a background of its related accents, Cockney and General RP.
On the level of phonemes, Estuary English exists in a continuum containing
characteristics of both forms, Cockney and General RP, in varying degrees.

It is only
by means of constantly referring to these two accents that a proper description of the
EE phoneme inventory is achieved. Thus, the phonemic analysis of EE will shed light
on the different coexistent phonemic systems of RP and Cockney, because the number
of phonemes differs in the sound systems of RP, Cockney and Estuary English.
The fact that the standard accent RP is the best-known manifestation of the
Southern British Standard dialect is one reason for choosing RP as a reference accent.
Section 1.2.1 gives a brief introduction to its phoneme inventory of both consonants
and vowels. While the consonant system of English is relatively uniform throughout
the standard accent RP and the non-standard accent EE, the vowel system of EE and
the phonetic realisations of vowel phonemes in EE are more interesting to discuss.
Therefore, chapter 2 establishes the phoneme inventory for vowels in EE, attempting
to characterise the basic aspects of its phoneme inventory as a structured system of
vowel contrasts. By doing this one will find out how the reference accent RP and the
non-standard accent EE differ and what they have in common.
The phonemes will be represented by the phonemic or impressionistic
transcription with the alphabet of the International Phonetic Association
8
. (cf. Roach
1991: 42) Symbols referring to phonemes are enclosed in slanted brackets, whereas

8
The phonetic symbols are part of the set suggested by the International Phonetic
Association (IPA), a body founded in 1886 by a group of leading phoneticians from France,
Germany, Britain, and Denmark. (cf. Ladefoged 1975: 25)
10
symbols referring to allophones are enclosed in square brackets.
9
Since the vocalic
sounds in the EE vowel system may be considered allophonic variants of RP
phonemes the use of allophonic symbols is justified. Furthermore, it is only logical to
make a firm distinction between the phonetic qualities of RP and EE vocalic
phonemes. There are several possible ways of transcribing the vocalic sounds
phonemically
10
. The solution used in this thesis is the one Wells has adopted in his
LPD (1990), because it gives explicit information in the notation about the phonetic
realisation of the vowel phonemes in the matter of quality and quantity. The
transcription of consonants is less difficult because EE differs less in its use of
consonants. For representations believed to include more functional phonetic detail,
an allophonic, systematic or broad phonetic transcription is used which will emphasise
a particular feature of EE, like the glottal reinforcement [?] or the rounded back
vocoid [V]. (cf. Crystal, 1997: 393; cf. Ladefoged 1975: 59)
Finally, English phonology is always undergoing change over time. Therefore,
there are two ways to set about describing differences between RP and EE; both
approaches, the diachronic approach, comparing their different historical
development, and the synchronic approach, describing the existing accents as they are,
are equally appropriate. Although this paper is based on the investigation of the
synchronic differences in phonetic detail, focusing on a comparison of the different
sound systems of RP and EE, it will sometimes be necessary and interesting to go
back in the history of the English language in order to explain certain tendencies of
Estuary English. (cf. Wells 1982a: 72)

9
Throughout the thesis I shall use square brackets to represent phonemes different in
quantity or quality from the corresponding RP vowels. The category of quality is indicated by
different symbols, for example [u:, ]; moreover, the category of length is highlighted by the sign
[:].
10
There are different ways, all equally legitimate, of allocating the English vowels to
phonemic categories. Daniel Jones lays emphasis upon the distinctive importance of length
distinguishing long and short members of five phonemes [i:, , a:, a, o:, o, u:, , W:, W], where
the sign [:] indicates not only length but also a related quality. Sivertsens analysis, on the other
hand, is based on the short vowel phonemes /, e, a, o, , U, W/; the remaining sounds are
regarded either as sequences of these elements or as compounds of one of these elements + /j/ or /w/:
[i:] is interpreted as / + / or /j/, [u:] is interpreted as / + / or /w/ and so on. (cf. Gimson
1989: 98)
11
1.2.1 The use of RP as a basis for description
Since RP is one of the most extensively described English accents
11
, it is a necessary
yardstick to describe any accent of English. Linguists have mainly used Received
Pronunciation as a descriptive guide to the contrasts and similarities between accents.
It enables us to epitomize the differences between different English accents which are
therefore described in terms of their distance from the standard accent Received
Pronunciation. In this context of linguistic description RP is an essentially abstract
and ideal model of the sound system of English. For this reason, this thesis follows
suit in using RP as a system of reference, interpreting its phonemes as highly
conventionalised. (cf. Wright 1996: 260)
The phoneme inventory for the vowels in RP consists of twenty phonemes
(excluding the two reduced vowels [i, u] associated with weak syllables). Giegerich
(cf. 1992: 49) suggests that we group the vowel phonemes in contrasting pairs. The
main argument for such pairing is the similar qualities of the members of such pairs
and their complementary behaviour. Thus, the RP vowel system constitutes a system
by being pairwise related. Following the criteria of the long-short opposition of
vowels and taking the dimensions of high-low and front-back into consideration, the
RP vowel inventory may be structured in terms of pairs (1.a):
1.a
/i:/ - // peat - pit
/e/ pail /e:/ - /e/ bay - pet
/A:/ - // father - dad
/u:/ - // pool - put
/W/ pole /o:/ - /U/ boat - putt

11
Daniel Jones, widely considered to be the leading phonetician in the first part of the
twentieth century, attempted to describe the sounds of English; however, he was essentially
describing his own accent. Thus, his 1907 volume Phonetic Transcription of English Prose giving a
description of Received Pronunciation was based on his own speech. It was only in later works that
12
/O:/ - // caught - pot
/:/ - /W/ pearl - banana
/e/ and /W/ are diphthongal realisations of /e:/ and /o:/ and are therefore different
from the true diphthongs which are invariably of a diphthongal quality. The true
diphthongs are therefore not members of the symmetrical vowel pairs (1.b):
1.b
/a/ pile
/a/ foul
/O/ foil
Bryan Jenner (cf. 1996: 129) and Heinz Giegerich (cf. 1992: 63) treat the centring
diphthongs /W, W, eW/ as surface and untrue diphthongs
12
and regard them as
allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-r]. Because RP is a non-rhotic
accent the three phonemes are not realised as //, /e/ and // plus /-r/. Therefore, these
three sounds are not diphthongal but consist of a simple vowel + /-W/ as a variant of /-
r/ in non-rhotic accents such as RP and EE (cf. Jenner 1996: 121; cf. Johansson 1973:
66) (1.c):
1.c
/W/ pier
/W/ poor
/eW/ pear

the definition was expanded to cover the pronunciation used by the educated classes in southern
England. (cf. Wright 1996: 259)
12
Jenner (cf.1998: 3) justifies this reclassification of the vowel system comparing the three
phonemes /W, W, eW/ with the German vowels in `hier, `nur and `Herr. The vocalic sequences
in the German words are also not considered diphthongs but are conditioned realisations of an
underlying vowel plus consonant.
13
Thus, one differentiates between seven short vowels /, e, , U, , , W/, which are
labelled checked because they do not occur in stressed monosyllables with no final
consonant, and their five long counterparts /i:, e, A:, W, O:, u:, :/, the true
diphthongs /a, au, O/, and three diphthongal glides /W, eW, uW/ which are labelled
free, since they occur free of any checking consonant. (cf. Roach - Hartman 1997:
viii-ix) As far as the phoneme inventory for consonants is concerned, there are
twenty-four consonantal phonemes which are classified in two general categories:
firstly, the fortis and lenis obstruents /p, b, t, d, k, g, TS, dJ , f, v, Q, D, s, z, S, J , h/
and secondly, the fortis and lenis sonorants /m, n, , l, w, r, j/.
14
2 Estuary English phonology
2.1 The vowel system in Estuary English
The description of vowel sounds has always presented considerable difficulty because
vowels differ in the ways in which they divide up a particular continuum. Vowel
qualities in Estuary English are a compromise between unmodified regional forms and
those of general RP. Thus, each EE vowel has a wide range of values.

Therefore,
one should bear in mind that the description of the vowel system in EE will only be an
abstraction. Subtle differences in the pronunciation of the same phoneme, as it occurs
in different words or as it is pronounced by different speakers, cannot be captured.
Applying the criteria established in section 1.2.1 for the formation of vowel
pairs, the vowels in the vowel system of EE can also be organised in pairs. By means
of Wellss vowel system of London English (cf. 1982b: 303), which reflects varieties
intermediate between RP and Cockney, David Rosewarnes list (cf. 1996a: 15) of the
vowels in Estuary English, and my observations based on the research done in 1998
in Canterbury, the EE vowel realisations may be structured in terms of pairs (2.a),
along with the EE allophones of the true RP diphthongs (2.b). Thus, the pairs may be
realised as follows:
2.a
[W] - [] peat - pit
[U] - [E] bay - pet
[A:] - [, e] father - dad
[W ] - [] pool - put
[U] - [U] boat - putt
[OW] - [] caught - pot
[:] - [W] pearl - banana
15
The close vowels /i:/ and /u:/ are habitually glided to [W] and [W ] in the speech of
EE
13
. It is due to the Diphthong Shift (discussed below) that RP vowels /e/, /W/ and
/O:/ have resulted to [U], [U] and [OW].
2.b
[A] price
[]
14
house
[aw] foil
Estuary English has six short vowels [, E, U, , , W]
15
. Considering the systemic
differences in the phoneme inventory for the vowels in RP and EE, one notices the
loss of short // which has glided to a diphthongal realisation. The varying realisations
are phonemically represented by David Rosewarne (cf. 1994a: 5) as [, e]; for
example, the RP version /}bd/ for `bad is in EE pronunciation [}bed] or [}bd].
There are two reasons that could explain this phenomenon. Firstly, it is probably due
to the lowering of the short RP /e/ to [E], giving [}bEd]
16
for /}bed/, that the qualitative
distinction to RP // was changed; consequently // glided to [, e]. Secondly, EE
vowels in general are said to be longer in their pronunciation and are hence potential
glides which offers a further explanation for the development of // to [, e].
17
As

13
Jenner (cf. 1996: 122) claims that all long vowels are currently articulated with as ittle
articulatory effort as possible.
14
The data and my personal impression consider [] the most frequent realisation of the
RP vowel /a/ next to the also common EE allophones [W, U, UW, EW, E].
15
Although Wells (cf. 1984: 61) states that the short vowels of southern accents are
systemically the same as those of RP, Rosewarne mentions the loss of RP // in the EE vowel
system.
16
As far as my research on EE is concerned, I cannot share Gimsons assumption (cf. 1989:
107) on the diphthongization of /e/ in the direction of [] in popular London speech, so that /}bed/
would be pronounced [}bed].
17
Jenner (cf. 1996: 122) claims that the degree of lip-spreading or rounding is considerably
reduced or delayed which is characteristic of the speech of the younger generation; vowels are
16
a result, the duration of the // glides in Estuary English show up contrastive
degrees of length and vary considerably according to their phonetic environment.
One has to take the difference in the phonetic realisation of a given phoneme
into consideration; although the number of phonemic terms of RP and Estuary
English are sometimes the same, the phonetic realisations of these phonemes are often
different.

For example, the long RP vowel /A:/ in `bath has undergone a realisational
difference, becoming relatively back.
18
The realisation of the EE vowel [U] in `cup,
`love or `hut is much more front than the RP /U/
19
: [}kUm tWm}hUt fWW}kUp Wv
}tW, }lUv] Come to my hut for a cup of tea, love! (cf. Coggle 1993a: 32)
The final RP vowel // in words such as `happy, `lucky, `coffee is realised
with a closer quality in EE. Also in general RP one can notice this trend which is
called Happy Tensing. (cf. Wells 1982a: 258) In EE, however, this [i] in final post-
consonantal position may sometimes be lengthened to [i:]. Consequently, [}veri }prti]
for `very pretty may also be pronounced [}vEri: }prti:]. In final position the vowel /i/
is not only longer in Estuary English than in RP but may also tend towards the quality
of a diphthong. (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5)
In a large set of EE words, the initial syllable of the stem is pronounced [ri:],
although in RP it would be pronounced /r/. Consequently, in EE the prefix of `rebut,
`recant, `refuse, `regret or `remove is pronounced with the long vowel /i:/.
However, this pronunciation is given as a non-RP variant in the current edition of the
LPD (cf. Wells 1990: 586, 590, 591, 593). David Rosewarne (1994a: 5) claims that
this is indicative of the growing influence of EE in the last ten years. Similarly, the
prefix `de- as in `default or `deter is pronounced /d/ in RP and [di:] in EE and is

currently articulated with as little articulatory movement as possible. The reason for this is to be
found in a general trend towards overall laxity in the articulatory setting.
18
Gimson (cf.1989: 89) suggests that advanced RP forms may indicate the way in which
the RP system is developing. However, the realizational change in the quality of several vowels in
general RP does not reflect the vowel quality in EE. Different to EE, the RP /e/ is more open and
more retracted and the // is closer.
19
It is interesting to mention that Paul Rastall has noted some vowel fluctuations in the
south-east of England which he interprets as reactions to the Estuary English pronunciation by a
17
again added as a non-RP variant in the LPD (cf. Wells 1990: 192, 202). (cf.
Rosewarne 1994a: 5) A further example of vowel lengthening in Estuary English can
be seen in word-final [u:] such as [}ju:] `you where RP would have either short // or
strong form with /u:/. Both versions, however, are shorter than the EE [u:]. (cf.
Rosewarne 1994: 5)
The accent EE varies in the phonemes it selects for the lexical representation
of particular words or morphemes and therefore differs in the incidence of phonemes
in a given lexical item. One wide-ranging lexical change concerns the incidence of /i/
and /W/ in weak syllables. The use of /W/ rather than the RP unstressed /i/ in suffixes
such es `-ed and `-es leads to categorical homophony of lexical pairs such as
`tended and `tendered being pronounced [}tEndWd]; RP pronunciation of /}si:krt/
`secret becomes [}sWkrWt] in EE or [}ma:kWtN], the EE pronunciation for
`marketing. (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5) This trend is also gaining ground amongst
traditional RP speakers. (cf. Wells 1970a: 245)
The main difference between the phoneme inventory for vowels in RP and
Cockney is the vowel shift affecting long vowels and diphthongs. This diphthong shift,
which exhibits a set of phonetic changes almost as fundamental as the Great Vowel
Shift
20
, has penetrated into Estuary English and extends a long way across the
spectrum. The following two tables are an attempt to outline the present diphthong

younger generation from EE speakers on the one hand and older standard speakers on the other. One
example is [] for the expected /U/ in [}sm] `some. (cf. Rastall 1994: 7)
20
At this point it is interesting to consider the diachronic aspect of language change. As a
matter of fact, the Great Vowel Shift from Middle English to Early Modern English, was a
systematic chain reaction affecting the long vowels of English. They became closer and those that
were already close were diphthongised. The raising of the vowels is often diagrammed as a bottom-
top movement (cf. Wright 1996: 272); low vowels were systematically raised. The Diphthong Shift
that affects many local accents nowadays is diagrammed in a simplified form as a countershift, long
vowels and diphthongs being lowered from the top to the bottom. (cf. Wells 1982a: 256)
The vowel shifts took different lengths of time to affect different regions of England; this
process is referred to as lexical diffusion. One could claim that the Great Vowel Shift has never
stopped operating and its continuation is revealed in the Diphthong Shift affecting not only the long
vowels and diphthongs in Cockney, but also to some extent the vowels in Estuary English.
It was the people in the southeastern part of the country who were first influenced. The
movement of wealthy and affluent people from East Anglia and Kent to London in the fifteenth
century facilitated the spread of the innovative pronunciation to London accents. The spread of
Estuary English has been initiated by a kind of countermovement; since World War II lower and
middle class Londoners have been moving to the neighbouring counties of London. Thus, one could
18
shift which affects Cockney and Estuary English in varying degrees.

argue that the Great Vowel Shift has had a considerable impact on the pronunciatiation of Estuary
English. (cf. Wright 1996: 273)
19
`tea RP /i:/ => EE[W],C[e]
`say RP /e/ => EE[E,U, A],
C [a]
`time RP /a/ => EE[, A],
C [O]
`boy RP /O/ => EE [, aw],
C [o]
`food RP /u:/ => EE [W ], C
[W]
`road RP /W/ => EE [U, a],
C []
`house RP /a/ => EE
[UW,U,E,
EW, W,
], C [a:]
`park RP /A:/ => EE [a:, A:], C
[O:]
(cf. Barnickel: 1980: 172)
The phoneme inventories for vowels in EE and in Cockney consist of more
diphthongal phonemes than the vowel system of RP. It is due to the Diphthong Shift
that the number of vowel oppositions is greater in RP than it is in Estuary English or
Cockney; for example the RP // - /u:/ and // - /i:/ opposition is not present in
Estuary and Cockney forms. The diphthongisation of monophthongs, one major
characteristic of the Cockney vowel system, entails the loss of the category of length
20
between /u:, / and /i:, /; /u:/ diphthongises to [W] in [}fWd] (food) and /i:/ to [e]
in [te] (tea). (Klaus-Dieter Barnickel 1980: 172) In Estuary English, however, /i:/ is
glided to [W] in [}sW] (sea) and the EE equivalent of /u:/ is [W ], as in [}blW ].
The vowel in the word `face shows considerable variation in the standard
accent RP, where it is realised as /e/, and the non-standard accent Estuary English
which realises this vowel as [U]. (cf. Wright 1996: 266) Thus, the RP diphthong /e/
becomes [a] or just [U] in EE, the altered vowel quality being followed by a
lengthened glide as in [}sU] `say which is homophonous in EE with `sigh. The EE
vowel in `price is realised differently compared to its RP equivalent /a/ in having a
nasalised starting vowel and a longer glide; both EE variants [U] and [A] are possible
allophones of RP /a/, the latter EE pronunciation variant [A], however, is more
common. Thus, RP /e/ and /a/ merge into [U], as with [}wU] for `wayand `why.
(cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5)
Another realisational difference is the vowel /O:/ becoming less open and
increasingly closer, similiar to the quality of the cardinal vowel 7 [o:]. (cf. Roach
1991: 13) For a long time London speech has tended to generalise the glide [OW] in
word-final position, which is [O:] preconsonantally; also in RP the vowels /OW/ and /O:/
have recently been merged as [OW], making `court and `caught homophones /}kOWt/.
Also in EE and to some extent in near RP the /O:/ is shortened and centres as a glide
[OW] as in [}flOW] which stands for both `floor and `flaw. Thus, in a free syllable the
vowel /O:/ in `saw is pronounced [}sOW] and in a checked syllable the vowel is closing
to [O] as in [}bOd] `board or [}wO?W] `water. Wells (cf. 1982b: 311) therefore
distinguishes two distinct phonemes /OW/ and /o: %O / and refers to this process as
the Thought Split. (cf. Wells 1982a: 236)
In medial positions the vowel /O:/ in /}O:QW/ `author, /}O:gWnaz/ `organise or
/}O:fWl/ `awful becomes a nasalised sound [OWw] in EE: [}OWwQW] (author). (cf. Coggle
1993a: 32) Similarly, the diphthong /O/ in `choice, is matched by the triphthong
[aw] in EE, whereas in Cockney the vowel in `boy becomes closer from /O/ to [o]
resulting in [}bo].
21
The RP vowel /W/ in words such as `coat, `nose or `ghost has first fronted
to [] and then, owing to the Diphthong Shift which involved the gradual lowering
of the first element (cf. Peter Trudgill - Tina Foxcroft 1979: 72), become [a] or
[] in Cockney and [U] in EE; thus, /W/ in `no becomes [a] or just [U] and is
equivalent to the RP speakers pronunciation of /}na/ `now, /}ra/ `row and
/}tan/ `town. Thus, for an Estuary English speaker the words `no, `row (meaning
`series), `now, `row (meaning `quarrel) are pronounced with the diphthong [U].
(Coggle 1993a: 32)
The diphthong /a/ exhibits a considerable range of social variation. The word
`mouth may be pronounced with vowel qualities as diverse as [UW], [EW], [E], and
[EW], as well as the more familiar EE types [], and [U]; the quality of [U]
seems to be becoming gradually backer. (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5) David North (cf.
1985: 81), who has done research on the phonetic development of the /a/ phoneme
in Kent, also mentions several similar qualitatively different realisations of /a/
ranging from the ones already listed to [] and [W]. Thus, the Estuary English
pronunciation varies from [}hEWs] and [}hUs] to [}hUWs], [}hEWs], [}hEs] or [}hs]
and [}hWs] for `house, depending on the speakers social background. Similarly, the
diphthong /a/ changes to [O] in Cockney and in EE just to [A] or [], so that [}tAm]
or [}tm] are EE pronunciation options for `time.
The diphthongs /a/ and /a/ can also undergo a monophthonging process,
called Smoothing, which has always been typical of Cockney. However, it has also
penetrated into Estuary English and even into general RP. This gives /a/ and /a/
the realisation [a:] with qualities ranging from front [a:] to centralised-back [A:]. For
RP-influenced EE speakers the quality of the monophthong is that of the starting-
point of the underlying diphthong; Cockney-influenced EE speakers, on the other
hand, regularly have a back starting-point. Thus, `shower and `shire become
homophones and are pronounced [}SA:W]
21
. These centring diphthongs [aW, AW] which

21
It is interesting to note at this point that this particular monophtongisation of the
diphtongs /a/ and /a/ to /a:/ is also characteristic of advanced RP, and David Jowitt (cf. 1995: 14)
22
derived from /aW, auW/ may sometimes become monophthongal, giving `fire [}fA:]
and `tower [}tA:].
22
This monophthongisation of /aW/ and /aW/ and their coalescence
with [A:] is one of the most striking sound changes in the twentieth century.(cf. Wells
1982a: 239)
Estuary English differs in the incidence of phonemes in the lexical items
`either and `neither. Every speaker has at his disposal, both an /i:/ and an /a/. It is
typical of an EE speaker to prefer the /i:/ to the diphthong /a/, producing [}WDW] and
[}nWDW]. (cf. Wells 1982a: 78; cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 6)
2.1.1 Vowels plus [-r r]
Those sequences traditionally regarded as centring diphthongs /W/, /eW/ and /W/ are
listed in section 1.2.1 (1.c) as allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-r]. It is
interesting to note that conservative RP has one more member /OW/ in `soared. The
disappearence of /OW/ as an independent phoneme reduces the system characteristic of
general RP. The peculiarity of the RP and EE vowel system for having these vowel
phonemes was caused by the loss of /-r/.
23
Thus, general RP and EE do not
pronounce the /r/ in words like `here, `sure, `sport, etc. To simplify matters, the
resulting glides will not be included in the typology of vowel systems presented below
(cf. section 2.1.3).
There is a development under way in Estuary English which is called the
Second force Merger or also cure lowering, whereby the /W/ in /pW/ `poor
undergoes a lowering, sometimes via intermediate stages such as [oW] and [OW] to [O:],

has noted that in royal speech the first element in /a/ is sometimes a fronted /a:/. Since this feature
is not typical of Estuary English, it is of no importance here.
22
Prince Charles is found to be the most enthusiastic exponent of this feature; the sentence
`There is a mousedown at the house would be rendered as /DeWzW}mA:s }dA:n Wt DW}hA:s/.
Stuart Wavell describes the upward mobility of Cockney in his article Those royals dont arf talk
common (ST: 14.12.1997). He claims that the lower class speech and upper-class speech coincide.
23
These vowel phonemes occur in non-rhotic accents like RP and EE; Scottish Standard
English and General American have the historic /-r/ and are therefore termed rhotic accents. (cf.
Giegerich 1992: 62)
23
so that the realisation of RP /W/ in `sure becomes [O:]. The word `poor is
homophonous with `pore, `pourand `paw, all being pronounced [}pO:]. According to
Wells (cf. 1982b: 287) there are already plenty of RP speakers who merge /W/ of
`tour and /O:/ of `tore and pronounce some or all of `poor, `moor, `your and `sure
with [O:]. One reason for this tendency is that the frequency of occurrence and
functional load of /W/ is extremely low. (cf. Gimson 1984: 49) The EPD gives both
the /W/ and the /O:/ as pronunciation possibilities, which proves that both versions
are already accepted. However, it is characteristic of RP that words in which the
vowel /W/ is preceded by a consonant plus yod are relatively resistant to the shift
from /W/ to [O:], e.g. `pure, `furious and `cure. Thus, while in RP there is a
tendency to make [W] a positional allophone of /O:/, restricted to the environment
Cj_, Estuary English has gone one step further so that [W] becomes [O:] when
preceded by a consonant plus yod, pronouncing `cure [}kjO:]. (cf. Rosewarne 1994:
5) A further development is that [W] can be monophthongised through Smoothing of
the sequence [u:W], such as `fewer, `steward; however, the [W] from Smoothing of
[u:W] is not subject to the possibility of Lowering to [O:]; hence, pronouncing `fewer
[}fjO:] does not occur.
Furthermore, Estuary English gives evidence of a development towards
triphthongization. RP /W/ becomes the triphthong [W] in EE as in [}nW] `near. The
other EE triphthong is [EW] as in [}skwEW], which would be /}skweW/ in RP for
`square. Thus, the systemically equivalent variant for /W/ is [W] in EE, and /eW/ has
the variant [EW] which in rapid EE speech is merged with /:/ in a long vowel, [}n:]
and [}skw:] (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5). This subsequent development of
monophthonging a centring diphthong to a long monophthong is quite common and is
often found in the southern part of the Estuary English area. (cf. Wells 1982a: 216)
2.1.2 Vowels plus [-l l]
Although the voiced lateral sound /l/ is phonetically vowel-like and may therefore be
regarded as a vocoid, its function is actually consonantal because it is marginal in the
24
syllable. Therefore the /l/ is treated as a consonant and is dealt with in further detail in
section 2.2.1. However, it is worth mentioning that the vocalised /l/ results in new
vocalic glides which are regarded as allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-
l]. Thus the EE vowel glides [, E, , ] in e.g. EE [}mk] `milk, [}Sef]
`shelf, [}dw] `doll and [}v] `vowel will not be included in the part-systems of
Estuary English in section 2.1.3.
2.1.3 A typology of the RP and EE vowel system
It is convenient to subdivide vowel systems of English into four part-systems. (cf.
Wells 1982a: 168) Part-system A comprises the checked short vowels. In both
accents, RP and EE, part-system A has seven members. One systemically notational
variant includes /E/ for `dress which can be interpreted as the consequence of the
systemic change giving the phoneme // diphthongal realisations [, e]. (cf. section
2.1)
RP

e W
U
EE

E W
, e U
Part-system B comprises the traditional long vowels, the two closing
diphthongs /a, O/ and the diphthongal realisation of /e:/. Consequently, in RP the
part-system B includes four members /i:, e, a, O/. In EE however, it is due to the
Diphtong Shift that part-system B has systemically equivalent notational variants
including /W/ for `fleece, /U/ for `face and for `price and /, aw/ for `choice.(cf.
Wells 1982a: 171)
RP
i:
EE
W
25
e
a O
U
A, , U aw,
Part-system C comprises the long vowel /u:/, the diphthongal realisation of /o:/
and the true diphthong /a/. Therefore, in RP part-system C includes three members.
In EE the vowel [W ] for `goose is a diphthongal realisation of /u:/; [U] is another
variant of the vowel in `goat, and the same holds true for the glide [] in `mouth.
Like in RP, this gives a three-term C system in EE. (cf. ibidem 174)
RP
u:
W
a
EE
W
U
U, EW, UW, EW, E, ,
W
Traditionally (cf. ibidem 176) part-system D comprises the long vowels and
the centring diphthongs. Since the three diphthongs /W, W, eW/ are treated as the
allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-r], they are not included in the D
system. Thus, in RP part-system D includes three long vowels. Similar to RP, EE has
also three phonemes introducing the vowel glide [OW] as an allophonic variant of /O:/.
RP
: O:
A:
EE
: OW
A:, a:
26
The RP vowel system comprises seven phonemes in part-system A, four
phonemes in part-system B and three in part-system C. If the treating of centring
diphthongs as allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-r] is considered
sufficient grounds for excluding the /W, eW, W/, the three-term part-system D is
justified. Thus, the RP vowel system is 7-4-3-3, as set out in the following table. (cf.
ibidem 119)
27

e W
U
i:
e O
a
u:
W
au
: O:
A:
Although the EE vowel system comprises the same number of phonemes as
the RP system, one must take into account considerable variation within one
phoneme; there are often many allophonic variants of one phoneme. However, the EE
vowel system is 7-4-3-3, as set out in the following table.

E W
, U
W
U
A, , U aw, A
W
U
EW,UW,EW,E,,W
: OW
A:, a:
2.1.4 Conclusion: the Estuary English vowel trend
There is a certain regularity of pattern in the behaviour of the vowels, and
observations about recent changes in RP confirm these findings. Latest examinations
(cf. Henton 1983: 365) concerning changes in the vowels of RP show that /, e, , O:,
u:/ are relatively more central among younger speakers. Hentons findings reflect the
description of the EE vowels in this thesis. She lists the lowering and centring of //
as well as the fronting of /U/. Moreover, /i:/ and /u:/ are rather centralised and
markedly diphthongal, and // is approaching /W/ in unaccented syllables. The long
front-tending vowels undergo a counterclockwise shift, the long back-tending vowels
a clockwise shift, compared with RP.
28
In conclusion, it has become clear that the close back and front vowels /, i:,
, u:/ are moving towards the centre, and those already front, like the phoneme /e/,
are being lowered, which gives the following vowel trapezium:
2.2 The consonant system in Estuary English
It is legitimate to regard Estuary English as having the same phoneme inventory for
consonants as RP. However, there is a notable difference between the two accents in
the realisation of the alveolar lateral /l/, which becomes vocalised in EE (section
2.2.1). There is also a difference in the realisation of /t/ where EE in many positions
favours an unreleased stop (section 2.2.2). Compared with RP, the quality of /r/ is
also different in EE (section 2.2.3). A further phonemenon called TH Fronting will be
a matter of discussion in section 2.2.4. Yod Dropping and its competitive
development, Yod Coalescence, is another feature characteristic of Estuary English
discussed in section 2.2.5. Finally H Dropping is a noteworthy shibboleth in EE
(section 2.2.6).
29
30
2.2.1 L Vocalisation
Inspection of the distribution of the non-accommodatory allophones of /l/ in RP
shows that the clear variety occurs before a vowel and /j/, while the dark variety
occurs after a vowel, before a consonant, /w/ or a pause. The Estuary English
equivalent of the RP dark [K] is non-alveolar, hence tongue-tip contact does not occur
and therefore the allophone [K] has a vocoid realisation. This development, called L
Vocalisation, converts [K] into a non-syllabic back vocoid [V]
24
or, even more often,
into its rounded equivalent [] in all environments where RP has the lateral velarised
[K], e.g. EE [}mk], RP [}mKk], EE [}SEf], RP [}SeKf].
It is probably due to the lateral sound /l/ being voiced and frictionless, and
therefore, linguistically speaking, in many respects vowel-like, that the [K] can be
completely absorbed by the preceding vowel. At the Cockney end of the Estuary
English spectrum the vocalised /l/ is entirely absorbed by a preceding /O:/, as in `salt
RP /sO:lt/, EE [}sO:t]. This phenomenon causes a set of homophones; `faulty books
results in [}fO:ti }bks] and can be easily mistaken for `forty books. Another example
would be `awful and `all full which are homophones pronounced [}O:f]. Therefore,
the sentence `Im afraid our single rooms are [}O:f] could be confusable in rapid
speech. Similarly, `Pauls, `pulls, `pause and `paws are also homophones [}pO:z],
and likewise `fault, `fought and `fort resulting in [}fO:t]. (cf. Rosewarne 1996b: 17)
With the remaining vowels the vocalised /l/ is not absorbed, but remains
present as a back vocoid. But in the environment of a following non-prevocalic [K]
most vowels are subject to neutralisation. The vowels /, W/ in `rill and `real fall
together in EE as [}rV], while the vowels /, u:/ in `full and `fool are also
neutralised to [}f]. Also the vowels // in `Val, /e/ in `veil and /a/ in `vowel
are neutralised resulting in [}vV].

24
Some investigators report the unrounded [V] after front vowels, as [fV] `fill. (cf. Wells
1982b: 313)
31
It is interesting to note that David Rosewarne (cf. 1994a: 3) suggests the use
of the phonemic symbol [w] in word-final positions after a vowel, in order to
emphasise the strong degree of lip-rounding in the EE rendering of the RP dark [K].
Therefore, the RP pronunciation /}i:l/ for `eel is matched by EE [}i:w] and likewise
in `doll which is realised as [}dw]. It is obvious that L Vocalisation offers the
prospect of phonemic status for new diphthongs such as [], [E],[], and [].
Thus, Estuary English is much further along the continuum of diphthongisation than
RP.
From a functional viewpoint, the velarized [K] can also fulfil a syllabic function;
the vocalisation of this syllabic [K1] being realised by a monophthongal vocoid is
particularly common in Estuary English, e.g. in `middle, `apple or `drizzle: EE
[md], RP [}mdK1], EE [}p], RP [}pK1] and EE [}drz], RP [}drzl1].(cf. Wells
1982a: 258)
L Vocalisation is a sound change still very much in progress; speakers are by
no means consistent. They fluctuate between using a lateral consonant and a vocoid; if
they use a vocoid it may be unrounded or rounded; and they may restrict L
Vocalisation to preconsonantal environment (i.e._ (#)C `fall down) and absolute final
environments (i.e._A `fall) or they may extend it to word-final prevocalic
environments (i.e. _#V `fall off). (cf. Wells 1982b: 313) Although L Vocalisation is
overtly stigmatised, Wells (cf. 1982a: 259) shares David Rosewarnes assumption (cf.
TES: 19.10.1984), saying that L Vocalization is beginning to seep into RP and will
become entirely standard in English over the course of the next century.
25
It extends
from Cockney towards the RP end of the scale. Not only politicians but also Princess
Diana and Prince Edward have been caught vocalising the /l/. (cf. Hymas ST:
10.4.1994)

25
Paul Rastall (cf. 1997: 7) who sporadically heard vowel fluctuations on the television and
on radio in the southeast of England, did not encounter L Vocalisation in the words `Malvern and
`told. Instead, he heard [a] for the expected EE [O:] in [}malvWn] `Malvern, EE [}mO:vWn]; and
[O:] for EE [W] in [}tO:ld] `told, EE [}tWd].
32
2.2.2 Plosives: affrication and glottaling
Among the most revealing of all the features in Estuary English is the replacement of
the voiceless stops /p, t, k/, especially the /t/, by a glottal stop. Glottalisation consists
either of a full glottal realisation [?], or of a combined glottal and oral plosive [?p, ?t,
?k] which is called preglottalisation. The term glottal reinforcement is used to cover
both types. (cf. Higginbottom 1964: 129) In the case of a glottal plosive, the
obstruction of the air-stream is formed by the closure of the vocal folds, thereby
interrupting the passage of air into the supra-glottal organs. The air pressure below
the glottis is released by the sudden separation of the vocal folds. The compression
stage of its articulation consists of silence, its presence being perceived auditorily by
the sudden cessation of the preceding sound. (cf. Gimson 1989: 168) The glottal
plosive is articulatorily unique in its being a plosive-allophone that is not articulated
orally. (cf. Pointner 1996: 2)
The glottal stop is an important sound in the English sound-inventory. It
occurs as a means to strengthen vowels and plosives in many varieties of English, and
even, in some respects especially in the standard accent RP. Thus, although the
glottal stop is not a significant sound in the general RP system, the [?] sometimes
serves as a syllable boundary marker, when the initial sound of the second syllable is a
vowel, e.g. `co-operate [kW}?pWret] or `reaction [r}?kSn]; any initial accented
vowel may be reinforced by a preceding glottal onset in RP, e.g. `its empty
[ts}?empti]. In these instances the glottal stop only modifies an oral plosive or vowel
by adding a glottal component. In this position it is sometimes regarded as posher
than mere oral realisations. (cf. ibidem 35)
The voiceless plosives /p, t, k/ and also the affricate /tS/ are often preceded in
syllable-final environments by a glottal stop [?]. This sound is inserted before the oral
closure is effected and is referred to as preglottalisation. This reinforcement of final
fortis plosives is increasingly typical of RP speech; final /p, t, k/ have the oral closure
reinforced by a glottal closure, e.g. `shop [}S?p], `shot [}S?t] or `shock [}S?k]. (cf.
Gimson 1989: 169) Also the usage of glottal reinforcement occuring in utterance-
medial position is sufficiently widespread among RP speakers. This is the case when
the word medial or final stop is made by /tS/ and is followed by a vowel, e.g.
33
[}m?tSz] `matches; where /p/ and /k/ precedes /tS/, glottal stop occurs before /p,k/,
e.g. [}p?ktSW] `picture. (cf. OConnor 1952: 216)
Some RP speakers and most EE speakers replace word-final /p, t, k/ by a bare
[?] when the following consonant is homorganic, i.e. /t, d, tS, dJ / or non-syllabic /l/
and /n/ as in `that table [}D?}tEbl1], `get down [}gE?}dn], `that chair [}D?}tSEW],
`that joke [}D?}dJ Uk], `witness [}w?nWs] or possibly unreleased [}wtnWs],
`Upminster [}U?mnstW] and `Scotland [}sk?lWnd]. The replacement of final /p, k/ by
[?] is less frequent in EE, except where it is followed by a homorganic consonant, e.g.
`soappowder [}sW?pUdW].
The [?] is also heard for /t/ before other plosives, e.g. in `football [}f?bK]
and sometimes before nasals, e.g. `nutmeg [}nU?mEg]. While in RP the replacement of
/p, t, k/ by [?] is rare in final position, it is typical of EE; thus, `have a look RP
/}hvW}lk/, EE [}vW}l?] or `get up RP /get}Up/, EE [gEd}U?] or towards the
Cockney end of scale [gE?}U?]. Cockney [?] can also function as the realisation of /d/
followed by a syllable boundary or word boundary, e.g. [}brE? n1}bU?W] `bread and
butter, [}g?}gOWd] `good god.
Where word-final /p, t, k/ are preceded by a nasal, a [?] may occur in EE, as in
[}lm?] `lamp, [}wEn?] `went. In fact, glottaling of /p/ and /k/ seems to be
commonest after a nasal, thus [}dJ Um?] `jump, [}pN?] `pink. However, EE speakers
seem to glottal /t/ much more readily than /p/ and /k/ in this environment. The same
applies intervocalically where Cockney speakers use a full [?] for /t/ in [}lE?W] `later,
but only a preglottalised [?p] in [}pE?pW] `paper. (cf. Wells 1984: 56)
Commonly, a pure [?] is to be heard for /t/ before all non-syllabic consonants
except /h/. For RP speakers the [?] is very common before a stressed syllable, e.g. `at
last [W?}lA:st], while EE speakers would also use a glottal stop after a stressed
syllable, e.g. `Scotland [}sk?lWnd]. Often in EE, an unaccented /t/ is replaced by [?]
between vowels or /n,l/ and vowel, e.g. in `daughter [}dO:?W], `butter [}bU?W],
34
`Saturday [}sU?Wde],
26
or within a phrase as in `not in [n?}n]. Glottal replacements
of /p, k/ also occur in similar situations, e.g. in `supper [}sU?W] or `paper [}pe?W].
The use of [?] for word-final /t/ before a word beginning with a vowel is one
characteristic distinguishing the EE accent from traditional RP, e.g. [D?}z] `that is,
[kwa?}z] `quite easy. The most obvious /t/ glottaling occurs in syllable-final
position, as with [bU?] `but, [h?] `hit or [kEn?] `Kent. In Cockney, `whip, `wit and
`wick might be pronounced homophonously as [}w?]. However, the bare glottal stop
is more common as a realisation of underlying /t/ than /p/ or /k/ in EE.
The glottal stop occurs frequently before syllabic nasals and sonorants, i.e.
before unstressed /Wm, Wn, WN, Wl/. (cf. Sivertsen 1960:113) Where the nasal or lateral
following /t/ is syllabic, T Glottaling is subject to sharply differing social evaluations
according to whether the syllabic sonorant is in fact nasal or lateral. In the
environment of a following syllabic nasal, pronunciations such as [}bU?n1] `button,
`cotton [}k?n1], [}h?m1 ] `happen may be considered to extend into RP. Glottaling of
/k/ in the environment of a following nasal /n/ means that broad Cockney neutralises
the opposition between /k/ and /t/ in this position: [}rE?n1] `reckon and [}QrE?n1]
`threaten.
Where it is before a lateral, the use of [?] is felt to be strongly Cockney-
flavoured, and subject to a similar evaluation to that of intervocalic [?]. This applies
independently of whether the underlying /Wl/ is realised as one segment or two,
vocalised or not; e.g. [}b?z] `bottles or [}l?] `little. Therefore, only Cockney
speakers would pronounce words such as `hospital and `little as [}sp?] and
[}l?]; an Estuary English speaker, however, would aspirate the voiceless alveolar
plosive /t/ so that `hospital and `little result in a pronunciation such as [}hspt
s
]

26
Not characteristic of EE, but of Cockney is the voiced tap that is used in this
environment. It is characteristic of a casual style in many accents and also in Cockney, where
peculiarly enough, it is regarded by Cockney speakers as a correct variant, e.g. [}m\W] `matter,
[}bU\W] `butter. (cf. Siversten 1960: 119)
35
and [}lt
s
]
27
. It is due to the considerable prominence given to the phoneme /t/ that
the vocalic quality of the [K] is enforced and hence vocalised.
28
Aspirated [p, k, t] are considered the RP influenced EE norm. Paul Coggle
(cf. 1993a: 43) calls this feature the breathy t. The contact of the tip and the blade
of the tongue is relaxed so that the airstream escapes through a narrow groove
formed in the centre of the tongue, causing a friction between the tongue and the
alveolar ridge. The escape of air is more diffuse than for the articulation of the
voiceless alveolar stop /t/, and can be compared with the fricative /s/. The resulting
affricate is represented as [t
s
] by David Rosewarne (cf. 1994a: 4) and Paul Coggle (cf.
1993a: 43): [}t
s
i:] `tea, [}t
s
p] `top, [}t
s
E] `tell. This feature is typical of Estuary
English speakers coming from the Cockney end of the spectrum. Additionally, David
Rosewarne (cf. 1994a: 4) reports of an EE speaking informant who rendered words
with intial /t/ followed by a semi-vowel /w/ like in `twenty as [tSw] as in [}tSwEnti:];
similarly, in EE /st/ in initial and in postvocalic medial position is pronounced
sometimes as /St/ as in [}SteSWn] for `station and [}EStSeWri:] for `estuary.
Usually, affrication is encountered in initial, intervocalic and final position in
EE. In the latter it is usually preglottalised, such as in [}A:?t
s
] `art. Word-initially, /t/
and /d/ are often affricated in EE, thus [}t
s
En] `ten, [}d
z
g] `dog; in intervocalic
environment /p, t, k/ are also usually aspirated, like [}bEt
s
W] for `better or [}lEt
s
W] for
`letter which is considered by most informants the correct and normal variant, while
[}bE?W] or [}lE?W] is regarded as stigmatised. (cf. Wells 1982b: 325). It is, however, by
no means a feature of EE to use the zero variant; in intervocalic environments one
finds [}lo] for `little or [}bEW] for `better which is typical of broad Cockney, but
which has not so far penetrated the EE spectrum.
As far as the pronunciation of /t/ across the speech spectrum is concerned, it is
certainly true to say that RP speakers tap the phoneme /t/ most often and Cockney
speakers tap the fewest. Estuary English speakers find themselves in the middle

27
Wells (cf.1982b: 326) calls this feature typical of posh Cockney.
36
range; Paul Coggle demonstrates this with the following example-sentence: `In
Scotland the butter and the water are absolutely outstanding. This sentence contains
five times the phoneme /t/. An RP speaker may tap all or only four or three of the five
/t/ phonemes: /}sktlWnd/ or [}sk?lWnd], /}bUtW/, /}wO:tW/, /bsW}lu:tli/ and
/at}stndN/ or [1au?}stndN]; a Cockney speaker realises the five /t/ phonemes by
producing a glottal stop: [}sk?lWnd], [}bU?W], [}wOW?W], [bsW}lW ?li] and
[U?}stndN]. Similarly, for RP influenced EE speakers preglottalisation applies to
cases when /p, t, k/ are in syllable-final position followed by consonants or a pause,
whereas EE speakers closer to the Cockney end of the social scale, would also favour
a glottal stop when /p, t, k/ are preceded by a vowel, a liquid, or a nasal. Peter Roach
(cf. 1973: 21) finds this trend extraordinary, taking into consideration the different
types of glottalisations with sometimes exclusive distributions for different speakers.
According to Frank Pointner (cf.1996: 3) the minimal requirements, as far as
the speech organs are concerned, for the articulation of the glottal plosive, and its
resulting ability to adjust to almost any environment, is responsible for its wide spread
to some extent in RP, quite commonly in EE and especially in Cockney. Peter Roach
(cf. 1973: 21) maintains, on the other hand, that the glottal reinforcement contradicts
the principle of least effort because it clearly involves more rather than less
articulatory complexity and effort.
Beyond any doubt, T Glottaling is one of the most heavily stigmatised features
of Estuary English pronunciation because it marks Cockney speech, and is hence a
feature found at the bottom of the Estuary English continuum: [}bU?W] `butter or
[}wOW?W] `water. The bare [?] as the realisation of word-internal intervocalic /t/ is one
of the most stereotyped characteristics of Cockney, and hence it suffers some degree
of overt stigmatisation; e.g. [}wOW?Wl Wn }s?W lAn] `Waterloo and City line.
However, in consonantal environments T Glottaling is considered current mainstream
RP. But despite its unenviable reputation, the glottal stop is now widely perceived as
a stereotype of urban British speech which can be heard almost throughout the social

28
The rounded back vocoid [] is the result of the development called L Vocalisation.
(see 2.2.1)
37
scale in the South-east. Thus, glottaling has spread very fast in the course of the
present century. (cf. Milroy 1994: 5)
2.2.3 The phoneme /r r/
Another shibboleth of Estuary English is the sound [] which has a special quality in
this accent. David Rosewarne (cf. 1994b: 5) was the first to draw attention to this
sound which is to be found neither in RP nor in Cockney. It seems to be somewhat
closer in pronunciation to the American /r/.
The [] is a voiced post-alveolar frictionless continuant articulated with the tip
of the tongue lowered and the central part raised close to the soft palate. The air-
stream is allowed to escape freely, without friction, over the centre of the tongue.
This allophone of the RP phoneme /r/ is, therefore, phonetically vowel-like, but,
having a non-central situation in the syllable, it functions as a consonant. (cf. Gimson
1989: 208)
The degree of labialisation may vary considerably when producing [].
Although lip position of /r/ is determined by that of the following vowel, most EE
speakers labialise the allophone [] whatever the following vowel. Consequently, lip-
rounding is so extreme that the [] is replaced by [], and homophones of the type
`wed and `red are produced. This w-quality is similar to the one discussed above
under L Vocalisation (2.2.1). In fact, the relationship between the phonemes /l/ and /r/
is seen in standard variants of Christian names like `Terry and `Derek which become
`Teland `Del when written, and which are pronounced [}tE] and [}dE]. (cf.
Coggle 1993a: 48) This labio-dental frictionless continuant [] is referred to as a
substitute for [] in defective speech not only by Paul Coggle (cf. ibidem 48) but also
by A.C.Gimson (cf. 1989: 209). Finally, as far as the degree of retroflexion of the
tongue is concerned, EE [], despite its similarities to the American /r/, does not have
retroflection.
Such pronunciation, which was considered a fashionable affectation in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, is now apparently again smart among
38
Estuary English speakers. Media personalities like Jonathan Ross, Derek Jameson and
David Bellamy provide clear examples of this phenomenon, the funny r, as Paul
Coggle calls it (cf. 1993a: 48).
2.2.4 Labio-dental and dental fricatives
Another heavily stigmatized Cockney feature which is slowly penetrating into Estuary
English is TH Fronting. It involves the replacement of the dental fricatives /Q, D/ by
labiodentals /f, v/ respectively. Thus, the voiceless dental fricative /Q/ is slowly
merging into the labio-dental phoneme /f/; for example, [}fNk] for /}QNk/ or [}frU t
}smf] for `throw it, Smith. The same holds true for the voiced dental fricative /D/,
which merges with /v/ such as [}fA:vW] for /}fA:DW/ or [}mUvW}brWv}n] for `mother,
breathe in.
29
(cf. Wells 1984: 57) Wells (cf. 1982a: 96) links this phenomenon to the
articulatory complexity of the dental fricatives /Q, D/ which has probably led to their
replacement by labio-dental fricatives /f, v/. Compared with /Q, D/, the labio-dentals
/f, v/ are more natural.
While TH Fronting affects the voiceless fricative in all environments, it applies
to the voiced one only in non-initial position; the lenis /D/ in `this, therefore, does not
become [vs], but more commonly [ds]. Thus, for the lenis /D/ EE speakers choose
other alveolar articulations. A very common alternative is the coalescence of an
alveolar plus /D/ into a single dental consonant, e.g. `got the [}gdW] or into the
original alveolar one, e.g. `in the [}nW] (cf. Gimson 1989: 185; cf. Wells 1982b: 329);
one phrase that occured very often in the interviews was `and then which the majority
of my informants realised as [Wn}nEn].
Moreover, [}fNk] is not only used for /}QNk/ but also for `-thing in
combination with `some-, `any- and `no-: [}gv m}sUmfNk]. This phenomenon is
typical of Cockney in which /N/ is phonemic. Although EE speakers are said not to be

29
Wells (cf. 1982a: 96) considers this feature persistent infantilism, because it is often
found the speech of children who tend to replace complex sequences with simpler or more natural
ones.
39
likely to adopt the -[Nk] for `-ing feature, I, myself, often heard this feature from
different speakers in Canterbury. These people, most of whom coming from a lower
working class background, pronounced `anything else as [}nfnk
h
Es], aspirating
the phoneme /k/ very strongly. It is interesting to mention at this point that aspiration
of the final sound /k/ becomes increasingly common in England today.
Additionally, the verbal termination `-ing may be either /-N/ or /-n/ without
/k/ in Estuary English. Some speakers at the Cockney end of the social scale prefer /-
n/ in words like `working [}wWkn] (see section 5.2.1, speaker: Eric Fisher)
Although this feature is today considered a characteristic of vulgar speech, the
pronunciation /-n/ for the termination `-ing was common in the sixteenth and
seventeenth century and became increasingly fashionable in the eighteenth century.
(cf. Gimson 1989: 201)
There is a hierarchy of acceptability for Cockney features which influences the
extent to which these marked characteristics affect the EE - RP part of the spectrum.
Being low in the acceptability hierarchy, the majority of EE speakers would neither
adopt TH Fronting nor the pronunciation /-n/ for /-N/.
30
Paul Coggle (cf. 1993a: 49)
observed on the one hand a certain readiness amongst his university students to use
the glottal stop, even in its least acceptable positions, and on the other hand, a certain
reluctance to replace the dental fricatives by the labio-dental fricatives. Nevertheless,
the number of speakers who live well beyond Cockney territory but neverthless do use
TH Fronting is surprisingly high. Thus, whether this stigmatised feature will
eventually penetrate into higher social groups of EE speakers or not, remains to be
seen. (cf. ibidem 50)

30
Paul Coggle sent me an e-mail at the beginning of August 1998 informing me that he
encounters these features in Secondary Modern Schools much more often these days than he did
some years before.
40
2.2.5 Yod Dropping and Yod Coalescence
Yod-dropping
31
in environments where RP has an alveolar stop plus yod, was
originally a feature associated with Cockney, and has hence been considered
undesireable, e.g. [}tu:n] for `tune, [}du:k] for `duke or [}nu:] for `new. This
phenomenon has to some extent affected the EE spectrum. Especially in the
environment /n_/ Yod Dropping is commonly heard in EE in words like [}nW tr]
`neutral, [nW }mWniW] `pneumonia. (cf. Wells 1982b: 330; cf. Trudgill - Hughes
1987: 36) Also, in many cases of RP /j/ + /u:/, an alternative pronunciation without /j/
exists. Both main pronunciation sources, the LPD (Wells 1990: 4) and the EPD
(Roach - Hartman 1991: 2) give both versions of `absolutely: next to /bsW}lu:tli/, the
main pronunciation of British English, one finds /bsW}lju:tli/ as the alternative form.
Only conservative RP speakers pronounce the phoneme /j/ in `absolutely, `evolution
and `suit. The same pattern is followed for `illuminate, `lute, `salute, `suit and
`super.
In fact, /j/ dropping has been very influential in recent years and the preference
for /u:/ is growing increasingly common in Estuary English and also in general RP,
especially after /l/ and /s/ in a stressed syllable, e.g. `salute and `suitable being
realised as [sW}lW t] and [}sW tWb]. Thus, general RP and EE speakers do not
pronounce the /j/ phoneme in the lexical pairs `lieu and `loo EE [}lW ], general RP
[}lu:], `lute and `loot EE [}lW t], general RP [}lu:t], thus creating homophones; the
only difference between general RP and EE speakers may be noticed in the different
realisation of the vowel /u:/.
The /ju:/ remains predominant after /Q, z/, e.g. /n}Qju:zzm/ and `presume
/pr}zju:m/, and is most of the time the preferred alternative version of general RP
speakers. In EE, the phoneme /j/ in words such as `assume and `issue is most often
dropped. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 52) Additionally, the /ju:/ is retained after plosives, nasals

31
At an earlier stage in the history of the English language, /j/ was lost after /r/ and /l/ in
words like `rudeor `Luke, which were pronounced [}rj:d] and [}lj:k]. (cf. Trudgill - Hughes
1987: 36)
41
and /f, v, h/, e.g. `beauty, `queue, `argue and when /l/ is preceded by an accented
vowel, e.g. value, curlew. Therefore, the phoneme /j/ in words like `beauty, `pure,
`few and `view is not likely to disappear in EE. (cf. Gimson 1989: 214)
After preceding /t/ or /d/, Yod Dropping is in competition with the
development Yod Coalescence, which is widespread in EE. The /j/ is not dropped
after /t/ or /d/ but /tj, dj/ in words like `tune and `duke are pronounced [}tSW n] and
[}dJ W k]. Thus, the current form with /tS/ and /dJ / represents the outcome of a
coalescent assimilation
32
, whereby an alveolar plosive followed by a palatal semivowel
combined into a palato-alveolar affricate. (cf. Wells 1984: 59)
In initial position RP /tj/ coalesces to /tS/ as in: /}tju:b/ to [}tSW b] for `tube;
/}tju:zd/ to [}tSW zdU] for `Tuesday or [}stSW dWnt] for `student. Paul Coggle
(1993a: 51) gives an example sentence: `Give the stew to Stuart, not that student,
stupid![}gv DW}stSW tW}stSW Wt, nt Dt }stSW dWnt, }stSW pd]. Coalescence to /tS/,
however, is not characteristic of Cockney which is typified by the loss of the phoneme
/j/ as in [}tu:b] for `tube. Although RP resists yod coalescence in more formal styles
of speech, this feature is nevertheless frequent in unaccented sequences in informal
allegro RP speech, e.g. `Christian [}krstSWn]. (cf. Gimson 1989: 214) The other
development from /dj/ to /dJ / can be noticed in words like `duty, `dew and `dual
which in EE tend to become [}dJ W t], [}dJ W ] and [}dJ W ], so that `dune and `June
become homophones, [}dJ W n]. `We sang a duet on the dual carriageway [wW}sNW
dJ }Et Wn DW}dJ W }krdJ wU] (cf. Coggle 1993a: 52)
In unaccented syllables there is often variation between /jW/ and /-W/, e.g,
`immediate, `media. In these cases which involve a preceding alveolar plosive where
the /jW/ form may be regarded as the primary one, this form is often changed to /tS, dJ /
in EE, e.g [}mWdjWt, }mWdJ Wt] for `immediate and [}mWdjW, }mWdJ W] for `media.
(cf. Gimson 1989: 215)

32
Coalescence to /tS/ may be regarded as a continuation of an earlier development; `nature
was actually once pronounced with intervocalic [tj]. The current form with [tS] is hence also the
result of a coalescent assimilation. (cf. Wells 1982a: 96)
42
While many Cockneys have decided to maintain the phoneme /j/ in certain
words in order to raise their social acceptability, RP speakers tend to favour Yod
Dropping in certain environment on the one hand, but still prefer the pronunciation
with the phoneme /j/ in words like `assume or `pursue on the other hand. It will be
interesting to see if the EE versions will become more dominant than the RP
pronunciation. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 53)
2.2.6 H Dropping
Initally in words such as `hit, `hammer, the RP accent has the voiceless glottal
fricative /h/. In Cockney, H Dropping, one of the best known features of Cockney,
prevails: `Hello, Henry! How are you [}ElWu }Enr}U a: jW ]. (Coggle 1993a: 54)
While one could maintain that there is no /h/ in the phoneme system in Cockney, EE
probably found a compromise in having the /h/ which acquires optional zero
realisation. Thus, `hedge and `edge are phonologically distinct, but `hedge can be
realised as [}hEdJ ] or [}EdJ ] respectively according to the EE speakers social
background. (cf. Wells 1982a: 254) No distinction is made between RP minimal pairs
as `hill, `ill, `high, `eye or `hair, `air. Thus, in some EE speakers speech the /h/
words will behave as if they had an initial vowel, e.g. `a hill /Wn}/. (cf. Gimson
1989: 193)
Although in the RP accent the pronouns `he, him, her, his, together with the
auxiliaries `has, have, had regularly lack the /h/ in unstressed positions, it should not
be counted as an instance of H Dropping. In fact, since H Dropping is a stigmatised
feature, it is only found at the Cockney end of the Estuary English spectrum. It is not
considered characteristic of educated RP speech at all; furthermore, even people who
are classified as belonging to the Cockney spectrum pronounce the phoneme /h/. Paul
Coggle (cf. 1993a: 54) mentions Jonathan Ross, who, although speaking Cockney,
pronounces the /h/ in the sentence: [g? }dJ b wa: }nt n W}hUw] `Good job we
are not in a hurry. However, there are plenty of Estuary English speakers who are
firmly at the Cockney end of the spectrum and retain many stigmatised features of
43
Cockney, including H Dropping. Paul Coggle (cf. ibidem 55) has heard the sentence in
Canterbury: [}Ugzn1}ksz f fW}kdz ? }Um] `Hugs and kisses for the kids at home.
2.2.6.1 H Dropping and R Insertion
In non-rhotic accents like RP and EE, linking /r/ occurs before a vowel, as in `far
away /}fA:
r
W}we/, thus in an environment where nonprevocalic /r/ has been lost.
However, phonetic /r/ may occur in unhistorical environments, like the intrusive /^r/ in
the example `put a comma in /}ptW}kmW
r
n/ where /r/ is inserted between a non-
close vowel and a following vowel.(cf. Wells 1970: 240; cf. Wells 1984: 59)
H Dropping similarly encourages R Insertion. When the /h/ is lost in words
like `hill or `house, the /h/ words behave as if they had an initial vowel, which
encourages some Estuary English speakers to insert an /r/ following the rules of the
intrusive /r/, which is based on the idea of pronouncing an /r/ when a vowel is
immediately followed. This linking form occurs in certain unstressed syllables, where
unstressed H Dropping permits the deletion of /h/: `for his friends /}fW
r
z }frendz/. In
Cockney and also in Estuary English this rule is extended to H Dropping in stressed
positions: `draw hands [}drOW
r}
ndz] (cf. Coggle 1993a: 56)
2.2.7 Conclusion: the Estuary English consonant trend
It has become clear that most of the preceding sections list features which suffer from
stigmatisation. Although L Vocalisation is still stigmatised at the moment, it is the
most popular and fashionable trend, followed by Yod Coalescence and glottal
reinforcement. The older, middle class Brits who embrace RP as a model, must realise
that their off-spring insists on using L Vocalisation, Yod Coalescence and adopting
the glottal reinforcement in certain positions. Only a minority of Estuary English
speakers replace /D, Q/ by /v, f/ and TH Fronting must therefore be regarded as a
feature which is much more frowned upon than L Vocalisation or glottal
reinforcement. In conclusion, one must stress that although all the above mentioned
features are hallmarks of Estuary English speech, only some speakers display all of
44
them. Thus, many people who adopt L Vocalisation and glottal reinforcement do not
accept H Dropping or TH Fronting.
2.2.8 Hyper-correctness in Estuary English
As a matter of fact, the accent Estuary English incorporates features which are
characteristic of Cockney. Most of these features are still stigmatised at the present
time and are regarded as uncouth by the majority of the population. For example,
people who use a glottal stop between vowels will sooner or later realise that they are
regarded as second class people wearing a tattoo; it is a statement about a person and
at the same time an indicator of his social class in British society. Awareness of this
results in two extremes: on the one hand, some stigmatised features of the Estuary
English accent have a certain protest value for those people who wish to rebel against
the Establishment; on the other hand, people eager to disguise their working-class
background often over-articulate their words. The behaviour of the lower middle class
is governed by their recognition of an exterior standard of correctness and their
insecurity about their own speech. Their desire to speak correct English sometimes
leads to hyper-correctness. (cf. Romaine 1994: 76)
Most Estuary English speakers already realise that they might sound a bit
prissy and over-precise if they tap every single /t/ in positions where a glottal
reinforcement is generally accepted. However, in their eagerness to speak correct
English, some EE speakers even re-insert the traditionally unpronounced /t/ in words
such as `Christmas pronouncing it as [}krstmWs]. Pronouncing the /t/ in `often has
now firmly established itself in general RP and Estuary English. (cf. Coggle 1993a:
44)
Yod-insertion is occasionally heard in Estuary English; words like `Lucy,
`soon, `scooter and `soothe are sometimes pronounced like [}ljW s], [}sjW n],
[}skjW tW] and [}sjW D]. Although this tendency is not widespread in Estuary English,
it indicates a certain insecurity about Yod-omission
H Dropping is another stigmatised feature which has penetrated into Estuary
English from Cockney. Therefore many young Estuary English speakers, in their
45
eagerness to pronounce the phoneme /h/, call the letter h [}hatS] giving full
prominence to the /h/. For confirmation of this phenomenon one only needs to listen
to various pupils when spelling words which include the letter h; most of them call the
letter h [}hAtS]. Additionally, Paul Coggle (cf. ibidem 54) has heard this phenomenon
in TV word games such as Blockbusters. Furthermore, by hypercorrection, /h/ is
introduced into items whose RP pronunciation has an initial vowel, e.g. [}hWstW]
`Easter.
2.3 Syntactic features of Estuary English
The principal means of identifying Estuary English speakers is from the characteristic
pronunciation of consonants and vowels. Unlike Cockney, EE is associated with
standard grammar and usage. Nevertheless, Estuary English may sometimes be
accompanied by the non-standard dialect typical of the south-eastern region.
Therefore, certain syntactic features which are regularly encountered in EE speech are
worth mentioning. Although the grammatical differences between standard English
and south-eastern non-standard English are relatively few, they are regularly heard in
EE speech. Most of these syntactic features derive from Cockney and are therefore
highly stigmatised.
One syntactic feature characteristic of Cockney which has affected the EE
spectrum is the use of multiple negatives. As a matter of fact, multiple negatives are
heavily stigmatised but nevertheless widespread in English
33
. Mainstream Estuary
English speakers, therefore, avoid the use of multiple negatives. Only Estuary English
speakers close to the Cockney end of the spectrum retain this feature in their speech:

33
Paul Coggle (cf.1993a: 67) adds that there is no reason to object to this form of negation
because the standard variety of other languages like French, Spanish and Russian, also requires the
use of double negations. James and Lesley Milroy (cf. 1993: 226) also mention that Chaucer,
Shakespeare and Pope used multiple negatives without being criticised. Thus, the abhorrence of the
multiple negative is relatively recent. In fact, multiple negation was used in Old English (ne purfan
ge noht besorgian = you need not fear) and in Middle English (for ne wren nvre nan martyrs swa
pined alse hi wren = for never were martyrs tortured as they were). (cf. Freeborn, French, Langford
1986: 43)
46
`Lucy hasnt got no money. One common EE negation is `aint
34
; `aint is the
present tense negative form of the verb `to be: `I aint telling you. It also functions
as a negative when `have is used as an auxiliary verb: `I aint seen her. Additionally,
`aint frequently combines with a `no or `never to form the double negative: `I aint
got no money. (cf. James Milroy - Lesley Milroy 1993: 227; cf. Peter Trudgill 1994:
36) The use of `never, a possible remnant of the double negative, is more widely in
evidence, as in `I never knew he was a teacher. It is used as a past tense negative in
the same way as `didnt. This is becoming extremely popular in EE and serves to
negate the sentence, while in the standard dialect of English `never has the sense of
`not on any occasion. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 69)
When a person moves across the spectrum from the Cockney end towards
Estuary English this particular feature is bound to disappear from someones speech.
Failure to do so will lead to the culprit being discriminated against and rejected by the
middle class. (cf. ibidem 67) Therefore, the use of a multiple negative does not
penetrate far into the EE spectrum.
Furthermore, the use of emphatic personal pronouns in Estuary English as
subject of the sentence is quite common: `Me and her go to school together every
day. or `Me and my mate went to the disco last night. (cf. ibidem 60) [}mn1}mA
}mU? }wEntWDW}dskU }lA:s n?]. The standard dialect of English not only prefers
to place `my friend at the beginning of the sentence, but also to use the subject
pronoun `I rather than the object pronoun `me. The reflexive pronouns are formed
by adding `self to the possessive: `He has done it hisself; `They like to have this for
theirselves. (cf. James Milroy - Lesley Milroy 1993: 230)
Additionally, `theres is an invariable form without concord of number in
Estuary English which is often used even in the formal spoken style of EE users as in
the sentence: `Theres three reasons this decision has been taken by the Hospital
Board. It is also characteristic of EE to replace `as or `as if by `like which is used

34
The feature `aint is a survival in the nineteenth century hyperlect of a verb form which
is now regarded as non-standard but which could be heard in the most aristocratic and royal
households. (cf. Honey 1989: 44)
47
in all functional varieties to introduce a clause: `They are spending money like there
was no tomorrow.(cf. Rosewaren 1996b: 18)
For some EE speakers in the Southeast the loss of verb-endings in the present
tense is complete, and only the pronoun remains to indicate person: he go; she go. As
far as the verb `to be is concerned, `were is often replaced by `was in sentences like
`We was walking down the street, a feature which is becoming more and more
popular in Estuary English although it has its origin in Cockney. (cf. James Milroy -
Lesley Milroy 1993: 222)
It is a persistent Cockney habit to mix past tenses and past participles. There is
considerable variation in the formation of the past tense and the past participle.
Sometimes the past tense is extended to the past participle like in: drive - drove -
drove; speak - spoke - spoke. On some occasions the present tense form is identical
with both past tense and past participle: come - come - come; give - give - give. (cf.
ibidem 220) This grammatical feature found in south-eastern dialect speech is
particulary common amongst Cockney speakers and is therefore rarely found in
Estuary English.
Finally, it is relatively common in EE to replace the relative pronouns `who,
which, whose, whom, that by `what. `What is used to refer to people and things:
`The girl what is coming over; `The car what I saw. (cf. ibidem 228)
2.3.1 Words and expressions typical of Estuary English
With regard to vocabulary there are some words and expressions which are typical of
Estuary English. Words that spring to mind are `cheers, `mate and `basically.
Traditionally, `Cheers! has always been used as a toast when people are about to
start drinking in a social setting. In Cockney, however, the meaning of `Cheers has
been extended to cover the meaning of both `good-bye and `Thank you. In the
course of time, any small service rendered evokes in Estuary territory the ubiquitous
`Cheers!. This use of `Cheers! has nowadays spread beyond Cockney and Estuary
English both geographically and socially. (cf. Rosewarne 1996b: 18; Coggle 1993a:
59)
48
`Cheers! is frequently accompanied by the word `mate which tends to be
pronounced [}mU?]. `Mate means `friend and is used by Estuary English speakers
towards the Cockney end of the spectrum. It is interesting to add that `mate is a
typical expression of Australian English and might possibly have penetrated into the
Estuary English spectrum via the TV soap opera Neighbours.
The nearer to the RP end of the spectrum a speaker is, the more unlikely he or
she is to add `mate. Generally, `mate is a social class word and tends to be dropped
by Estuary English speakers as they progress up the social scale. (cf. ibidem 60)
The word `basically is generally considered widespread in Estuary English
and is extremely popular among the younger generation. Originally `basically used to
be an indicator about the speakers full grasp of the matter under discussion.
Nowadays `basicallyserves as a useful filler word giving the speaker thinking time
in order to assemble a response. (cf. ibidem 61)
There are also some syntactic and semantic features characteristic of the
standard dialect of American English that have penetrated into the speech of Estuary
English speakers. Estuary English is more open to influence from American English
(AmE) than the standard accent RP which for centuries has disdained AmE. Evidence
for the fact that EE speakers are more receptive to Americanisms are expressions like
`hopefully, `by no means
35
and the phrase `There you go. Snappy responses like
`Right! and `Sure! replace the conventional replies `Correct! and `Certainly! The
appropriate EE answer for the sentence `So you have no money? is `Right! instead
of `Correct!, or for the sentence `Could you give me a hand, please? is not
`Certainly appropriate but `Sure. (cf. ibidem 64)
The use of the greeting `Hi!, unknown in the standard dialect of British
English only three decades ago, is now in widespread use, particularly among EE
speakers. It is especially favoured on the telephone in such opening gambit as `Hi,
Philip. Paul here. (cf. ibidem 65)

35
These expressions are Germanisms which crept into American English long ago:
Germans eager to find an English equivalent for `hoffentlich encountered the literal English
translation `hopefully; another example from German is `keineswegs which is the equivalent of `by
no means. (Coggle 1993a: 63)
49
Another example of the openness to Americanisms is the adoption of `right
[rA?] as a tag by EE speakers. This tendency to add a question tag at the end of a
sentence is extremely popular among EE speakers. Narrations of recent events are
frequently fuelled with this tag which increases not only the dramatic effect but also
ensures the narrator of the listeners attention. `And there I was waiting at the bus
stop, right? When this car draws up, right? Another commonly added question at the
end of a sentence is `you know what I mean? A similarly popular tag is `innit?, a
reduced form of the standard dialect of English `isnt it? This tag is increasingly used
as a general purpose tag, meaning `is this not the case?. The variety of different tags
required by the Standard English is replaced by the single tag `innit? typical of
Estuary English. Thus, an EE speaker could say something similar like `Waynes
stupid, innit? (cf. ibidem 66)
American influence is also noticeable in phrases like `Excuse me which is used
for apology as well as for attracting attention in EE. The word `different generally
collocates with `than in place of `from, or even perhaps `to in the standard dialect of
English. As far as telecommunication is concerned, phrases like `The lines busy for
`The lines engaged, `Who is this? for `Who that? and `collect call for `reversed
charge calls are borrowed American forms which are making their way into the
standard dialect of English via Estuary English. (cf. Rosewarne 1996b: 18 and
1994b: 6)
It is open to speculation why Estuary English speakers are more willing to
accept Americanisms than other non-standard accent speakers of the standard dialect
of British English. Paul Coggle (cf. 1993a: 65) proposes the following theory: since
EE has originated and is extremely popular in cosmopolitan areas, which are densely
populated, speakers are more broad-minded and hence ready to adopt new influences
than other people who live in remote rural areas. The fact that RP speakers living in
the same geographical area do not show the same openness towards Americanism can
be explained socially. The RP accent is an indicator of ones social high status.
Therefore RP speakers tend to identify more unhesitatingly with the established order,
thus rejecting linguistic innovations from outside, on the basis that these are inferior.
Estuary English speakers have climbed up the career ladder only since the Second
World War and cannot look back to forebears who wielded power for generations.
50
This undoubtedly has the effect of ones world view being less committed to the
Establishment. These people welcome a change more happily.
2.4 Stress and intonation
Some prosodic features characteristic of Estuary English are worth mentioning. As
far as the rhythm is concerned, Estuary English is slower than RP, with fewer
syllables spoken per minute. One detects a certain tendency in EE towards the use of
stress to mark syllables that are considered non-prominent in RP. EE speakers stress
prepositions, auxiliaries and `that-clauses, in unmarked utterances: `Im interested
that you say that. (cf. Rosewarne 1996b: 18) Thus, EE intonation is characterised by
frequent prominence being given to prepositions and auxiliary verbs which are not
normally stressed in general RP. Thus, the nuclear tone can fall on prepositions: `Let
us get to the point. This can cause problems of communication such as in the
sentence: `Totters have been in operation for years. It is not clear whether `for or
`four is meant. (cf. Rosewarne 1994b: 6)
Additionally, some Estuary English speakers give full value to unstressed
syllables at the end of words such as in `Friday, `hurricane or `woodland. While RP
speakers would not stress the second syllable pronouncing these words /}fradi/,
/}hUrkWn/ and /}wdlWnd/, one frequently hears Estuary English speakers giving
syllables in weak positions full prominence: [}frAdU], [}hUrkUn] and [}wdlnd].
Thus, the final syllables (-day, -cane, -, land) are pronounced in the same way as if
they stood on their own. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 53) In polysyllabic words the stress in EE
is often placed later than in RP: `temporarily receives stress on the first syllable in RP
and on the third in EE. (cf. Rosewarne 1996b: 18)
As far as intonation is concerned there is a particular feature of Estuary
English which is often referred to as upspeak. This is the use of rising tone where,
in RP, a falling tone would be used. There is a steep rise in pitch on the last word and
a lengthening of the vowel in the accented syllable of the word. Upspeak is a
particular characteristic of Australian English and is labelled Australian questioning
51
intonation (AQI)
36
, although it also occurs as a rising intonation at the end of a
declarative sentence. (cf. Wright 1996: 268) In the following examples from my
research, the symbol C is used to indicate AQI. The first speaker is Linda Claridge:
....doing mundane jobes like unloading the dishwasher C feeding the
dog,....giving time the washing will go out C ......then I can have my breakfast
C, Daniel goes off to school at five past C .... so then I leave for work at
about eight thirty Cto arrive at the museum at a quarter to nine C
Helen Dodds interview displays upspeak:
This morning I got up, had a cup of coffee with my husband Cand watched
some news this morning C... and he went off to work....(where did you spend
your last holidays?) In Seattle, in the States, cause my parents are normally
there Chm at Christmas Cand we were there for nearly three weeks.
The last example is Fiona Carter, another woman who uses upspeak in the interview:
..and Im going to Dublin in August for a hen night Cand my friends getting
married C and then in September Im off to Mallorca for two weeks.
Thus, EE upspeakers are producing a fall-rise tone which begins on the tonic syllable
and continues to rise over the rest of the unit. The rise is emphasised and achieves
extra height by lengthening of the vowel. For an RP speaker the pitch movement
would start on the tonic syllable and continue as a fall to the end of the tone unit. The
pitch of intonation patterns in EE appears to be in a narrower frequency band than in
RP. In particular, rises often do not reach as high a pitch as they would in RP.
Upspeak has a participatory function. Incorporating AQI into the tone of voice
is a useful device for ensuring the hearers continued involvement in a narrative,
highlighted by fillers such as `You know what I mean? and `Right? mentioned in
section 2.3.1. AQI also has an interactional meaning in a conversational setting. Using
AQI indicates that the speaker is not ready to give up her turn in the conversation.

36
The label AQI was invented by Gregory Guy and Julia Vonwiller. (cf. Wright 1996: 268)
52
The use of upspeak extends across both geographical areas and social classes. (cf.
Bradford 1996: 22)
2.5 Articulatory setting
The articulatory setting is a long-term muscular adjustment of the speakers larynx
and supralaryngeal vocal tract. (cf. Wells 1982: 92; cf. Laver 1994: 115-16) The
following assumptions that are forwarded concerning the articulatory setting of EE,
are based merely on my impressionistic interpretation of the recordings.
As far as the setting of the larynx is concerned, Estuary English speakers
employ the phonation type which may be characterised as nasal voice. It is
interesting to note that AQI is often associated with a nasal voice quality, which
explains why Estuary English speakers sound more nasal than RP or Cockney
speakers. The average pitch used for both male and female Estuary English speakers
tends to be deeper than RP. The average degree of loudness range tends to be louder
than RP.
As far as the setting of the supralaryngeal vocal tract is concerned, EE
speakers are characterised by a raised larnyx voice. This results from the vertical
displacement of the larynx in an upward direction from the neutral position. The
raised larynx voice is accompanied by a modification of this type, in that the centre of
gravity of the tongue is fronted and probably also lowered from the neutral position.
EE is produced with a small amount of muscular tension throughout the vocal
tract. An auditory quality which can be labelled as nasality is a frequent component of
the Estuary English setting. Nasalisation involves the operation of the soft palate and
is particularly noticeable in association with the pronunciation of low front vowels.
(cf. Trudgill 1974: 186) The combined effect of these components of the setting is to
produce a type of speech that is somewhat loud, deep and nasal. Many of my
informants considered this type of voice quality unpleasant.
53
3 Estuary English - regional levelling in the Southeast of
England
3.1 Mapping Estuary English
Estuary English is a new accent variety in the south-east of England, which comprises
the sub-areas of the South Midlands, East Anglia and the Home Counties. The Home
Counties area centres on the counties immediately around London, but includes also
parts of Hampshire, Berkshire and Buckinghamshire. Since this area is dominated by
Londons linguistic influence, Peter Trudgill (cf. 1990: 77) calls this new London-
based area The Home Counties Modern Dialect Area.
Since 1983 Estuary English has spread northwards to Norwich and westwards
to Cornwall, with the result that it is now spoken south of a line from the Wash to the
Avon. (cf. Rosewarne 1994b: 4) So far Estuary English is restricted to an area with a
diameter of around 150 km or 90 miles. Paul Coggle (cf. 1993a: 27) suggests that
Estuary English spreads outwards until it reaches a major isogloss
37
. Beyond the
northern boundaries of Cambridgeshire, Northamptonshire and Oxfordshire, Estuary
English encounters a major dialect boundary
38
in the north where the phonemic
realisation of the vowel /U/ in words such as `love and `cup is [u]. The dialect
boundaries from the west of London to the Dorset coast are characterised by the
salient feature of the postvocalic /r/
39
.
David Rosewarne (cf. 1994b: 5) is thoroughly convinced that the influence of
Estuary English will progress further west and north, claiming that it is only a
question how long these features in the south-west and those in the north will
withstand the power of Estuary English. In fact, the number of rhotic speakers is
becoming smaller and smaller every year. Towns such as Reading, Portsmouth and

37
An isogloss is a line drawn on a map to mark the boundary of an area in which a
particular feature is used. A number of isoglosses falling together in one place suggests the existence
of a dialect boundary. (cf. Crystal 1997: 205)
38
The so-called bath and love boundary (cf. Coggle 1993a: 27) This isogloss divides
England into two major Modern Dialects. Northern accents have preserved the Middle English vowel
system being characterised by the systemic difference of one vowel compared to southern accents. (cf.
Trudgill 1990: 51)
39
The south-west of England including Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, Dorset, Gloucester,
Hereford and Wiltshire is characterised by rhoticity.
54
Southampton are currently in the process of losing the postvocalic /r/. Additionally,
according to Paul Coggles observation, (cf. 1993a: 27) there is some evidence to
suggest that young people further north are adopting some of the features of Estuary
English.
3.2 The origin of Estuary English
The origins of Estuary English are numerous, and many sources have been influential
in its spread. As a matter of fact, Estuary English has developed out of a combination
of geographical and social factors. Generally, peoples mobility has increased through
advances in the speed and ease of travel, by the geographical distribution of work
opportunites, and the institution of annual holidays away from home.
55
In fact, the increase of geographical mobility in recent years has had a far-
reaching effect on the spread of Estuary English. It is due to the highly developed
transport system that individuals have become regionally mobile, commuting daily
from one one region to another
40
, and therefore having regular contact with speakers
of different regional varieties.
41
Thus, railways have threatened the regional dialects
and intensified the internal movement of Englands population from village to village,
from village to town, and from all parts to London. Because of the extension of
railway and underground lines it became possible for people to live outside the capital
and commute to work, which encouraged people to evacuate to the countryside.
Consequently, since the Second World War large numbers of Londoners have moved
out of the capital and settled in the Home Counties and in the favoured provinces of
Sussex, Kent and East Anglia. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 24)
As a result of this, many people have accommodated, in the long-term, to the
rural and rather non-mobile group amongst whom they have come to live, and
individuals from different regional backgrounds have formed social groups. This
migration has led to prolonged dialect contact of people speaking different regional
varieties since the newcomers continued to speak their London accent in their newly
adopted territories. Thus, for more than fifty years there has been contact between
people from urban and rural backgrounds. (cf. Trudgill 1986: 11) In such a diffuse
situation the two dialects in contact slowly started to give rise to a dialect continuum,
with the original dialects remaining at either end; the acrolect, the standard English
dialect, has come into contact with its related basilect, the non-standard dialect
Cockney, which has resulted in the growth of the intermediate mesolectal variety
Estuary English. (cf. Kerswill 1996: 292)
It is certainly true that the propagation of change must be a direct
consequence of the interaction between individuals; accommodation only occurs
during face-to-face interaction. (cf. Kerswill - Williams 1997: 205; Trudgill 1986: 39)
Sufficient face-to-face interaction between speakers from different areas and social

40
I met a lot of people in Canterbury who lived in Brighton and travelled to Canterbury
either by train or by car every day.
56
backgrounds happens in schools.
42
Therefore, Estuary English is said to be the result
of the growth of comprehensive state schools
43
, which were firmly established by the
1970s. From that decade onwards an overwhelming majority of teenage pupils, from
different social backgrounds, has been studying together. David Rosewarne (cf.
1994b: 7) explains this phenomenon in the following way: in a comprehensive school
a minority of pupils displays the standard accent RP, whereas the majority speaks a
local accent. Because of the powerful force of peer group pressure
44
that the mixing
of the pupils will result in accent accommodation. By the time teenagers leave school,
their adopted accent will be Estuary English.
3.3 The spread of Estuary English
The influence of London pronunciation on the surrounding areas has always been
particularly strong. Urban groups which are exposed to interaction in more
fragmented and specialised networks reveal conscious attempts to revise or change
their traditional pronunciation. Thus, an urban environment facilitates change. London
must not only be regarded as the powerful and dominant stronghold, but is also a
trend-setter for linguistic change; speakers who use Estuary English are perceived as
setting the fashion.
The importance of the media as a model of pronunciation is clear. One factor
responsible for the imitation of Estuary English is the media of mass communication,
radio and television broadcasting. As maintained by many newspaper articles, the
ascendancy of EE is mostly the responsibility of television and radio. (cf. Margolis,
ST: 28.8.94) Much of radio and television is broadcast by the British Broadcasting

41
As a matter of fact, the majority of population did not travel far afield until after the
Second World War; only a small number had cars, and the rest usually went to the same seaside
resort for the annual holiday. (cf. Noble 1985: 13)
42
In the 19th century the public schools, the preparatory schools, and the ancient
universities were the main guardians of RP; the established middle class sent their children away to
board rather than attend local schools where they would have to mix with the children of their own
servants. After 1972 it became more common for students from working-class homes to enjoy higher
levels of education. (cf. Honey 1989: 29)
43
This type of secondary school caters for all the secondary education of all the children in
a given area. (cf. Willmott 1966: 78)
44
During the 1960s many youngsters struggled to shake free of RP and to adopt the
Liverpool Scouse accent of the Beatles generation. (cf. Honey 1989: 33)
57
Company (BBC). From the foundation of the BBC in 1922 its head, John C.W.
Reith
45
, demanded that its announcers be of good social position, with appropriate
interests and tastes, and speak the standard accent RP.
46
(cf. Abercrombie 1992: 6)
Vernon Noble (cf. 1985: 13) looks back sadly to a period of time when the
announcers and newscasters set an example of clarity of expression and precise
diction. The BBCs insistance on the maintenance of RP was reflected in the careful
selection of announcers and presenters with RP accents and in the establishment of the
BBCs Advisory Committee on Spoken English (1926).
It was not until the 1960s that the BBC relaxed its policy, accepting more and
more regional voices among announcers and programme presenters. Furthermore, the
proliferation of local broadcasting in the last thirty-five years has also changed the
standards set by the BBC. Consequently, in the last decade BBC radio programmes
have gradually accepted non-RP voices from its announcers. (cf. Christopherson
1987: 17) Today the standard accent RP is an outdated concept. Graham Pointon, the
director of the BBC Pronunciation Unit, justifies this new tendency, saying:
We do not see our role as being `guardians of the language as some would
like to think us, but as reflecting the preferred usage of the British public.
...Inevitably, some people do not like these changes, but we try to judge our
amendments to coincide with, or follow, developments in the country as a
whole. (Pointon 1988: 12)
However, there is still a widespread public expectation that certain aspects of radio
and television broadcasting should be transmitted in the standard accent RP; national
radio news bulletins are conventionally read by RP speakers, confirming the widely
accepted assumption that the authority of a message is enhanced by its being spoken
in RP. Thus, RP is still a pre-requisite for the main newscasts.
47
Thus, via media and face-to-face interaction, coupled with population
mobility, Estuary English, like all new linguistic innovations, has diffused
48

45
It is interesting to know that John C.W. Reith himself did not speak RP; he was a Scot.
(cf. Abercrombie 1992: 6)
46
This is one reason why BBC English has been a synonym for RP.
47
On the 21st of October 1998 Paul Coggle emailed that he has not yet heard any examples
of vocalised /l/ in the newscasters speech.
48
The mechanism by which new accents spread from speech community to speech
community across the country is called regional diffusion. The course of a spread is typically
58
geographically outwards from the political capital London, and spread from there to
other cities, thence to towns, thence to villages. Estuary English proceeds by lexical
diffusion
49
. Regional diffusion is fuelled by the salience of linguistic features. In fact,
only salient features are diffused and some more quickly than others. During long-
term accommodation to speakers who are members of the same immediate speech
community, speakers modify their pronunciation of linguistic variables that are salient
markers within their own community. It is because of social stigmatisation and
phonological contrast that the variables such as glottal reinforcement, H Dropping or
L Vocalisation have turned into salient markers. Londons working-class accent is
therefore the most influential source of phonological innovation in England; thus,
since the 40s mainstream RP has been subject to immanent invasion by trends
spreading from the working class urban speech of London (cf. Milroy 1994: 4; cf.
Wells 1982b: 301)
3.3.1 R Dropping and L Vocalisation
London has always been the centre of linguistic innovations originating in a non-
standard dialect and associated with the speech of lower working class people. These
pronunciation features slowly diffuse from the lower social strata to the higher and
gradually diffuse outwards from London into adjacent areas. At the present moment L
Vocalisation is undergoing geographical diffusion spreading rapidly into rural
varieties, even in the north. (cf. Lass 1985: 328) The widespread diffusion of L
Vocalisation is no surprise because it must be considered a salient feature of London
and the Home Counties, and hence a clear candidate for this type of rapid diffusion.
The example of L Vocalisation demonstrates that there is social and geographical
orderliness about the spread of a change which reflects certain aspects of social
structure. In fact, the sound change of L Vocalisation can be interpreted as a

represented as an S-curve via which accents like Estuary English diffuse through the English
population.
49
Roger Lass (cf. 1984: 327) compares lexical diffusion with an epidemic of infectious
disease. The rate of infection characteristically increases for a certain time, and more of the
population are infected more quickly; then the rate of infection dies away, leaving some people
unaffected. In fact, I often heard EE being referred to as a virus spreading in the Southeast of
England.
59
development, which mirrors the process of R Dropping, a sound change which was
completed by the end of the Early Modern English period. (cf. Hill 1940: 310; cf.
Lutz 1994: 167) Today it has slowly approached the maximum growth supportable by
the environment and has achieved an equilibrium.
The liquids /l/ and /r/ have a vowel-like character and may therefore be
considered weak consonants. On the sonority scale, which indicates inherent
consonantal strength, the two phonemes are ranked just before the semi-vowels /j, w/.
(cf. Giegerich 1992: 133) A description with reference to syllable position /r/ is
restricted to syllable onset position as a result of coda weakening; [K] is suffering now
from coda weakening. One can therefore argue that the progressive weakening of
consonants in coda position spans the entire history of English. (cf. Lutz 1994: 171)
In the course of the history of English, /r/ became restricted to the onset and
peak position but was weakened in coda position in very late Middle English and
Early Modern English. Thus, in former days /r/ occured both in the onset and rhyme
so that the words `chairand `more were pronounced [}tSe:r, }mo:r]. In the course of
time the natural phonetic development Pre-R Breaking occurs, which involves the
epenthesis of a schwa between any of the vowels /i:, e:, o:, u:/ and a following /r/, so
that `chair and `more are pronounced [}tSe:Wr, }mo:Wr]. Pre-R Breaking also applies
to the true diphthongs /a, a/; examples are `tower [}taWr] and `fire [}faWr]. (cf.
Wyld 1921: 300) Dobson (cf. 1968: 740) refers to this development as a lowering
process which Angelica Lutz (cf. 1994: 171) interprets as the progressive weakening
of /r/ in coda position. The next stage, Pre-Schwa Laxing, involves the switch from a
tense vowel to a lax vowel, so that [bi:Wr] developed to [bWr] and finally R
Dropping encouraged the complete loss of /r/. Thus, short vowels plus /r/ developed
into the long monophthongs /A:, :, O:/ in words such as `star, `bird, `corn and as far
as the long vowels followed by /r/ are concerned, they developed into the glides /W,
eW, W, OW/ in words such as `fear, `bare, `poor, `lore, which some phoneticians
50
refer to as the centring diphthongs. They are by no means restricted to the

50
like Daniel Jones, Alfred Charles Gimson, John Wells or Peter Roach
60
environment of a final /r/, but are also found in preconsonantal position as in `beard,
and prevocalic /r/ as in `vary. (cf. Wells 1982: 213; cf. Lutz 1994: 169)
The phoneme /l/ exactly parallels the description of the conditions for the total
vocalisation of the weaker liquid /r/ in the same phonotactic positions outlined above;
/l/ has also undergone a progressive weakening. In fact, the dark [K] is a result of coda
weakening and can be interpreted as an instance of partial vocalisation in the coda of
the syllable; the RP pronunciation of the words `footballand `milk are [}ftbO:K,
}mKk]. Just recently a development I may call Pre-L Breaking
51
has occurred, and the
epenthesis of an // after front vowels and a more rounded /w/ after back vowels
have been inserted between the vowels and a following dark [K], so that `football and
`milk are pronounced [}ftbOWw, }mk].
One may therefore postulate that both consonants, /r/ and /l/, have been
vocalised and gradually fused with the preceding vowel. The end-result from a
phonemic point of view is a complex vocoid sequence, namely either a long
monophthong or a glide. One consequence of R Dropping was that the centring
diphthongs /W, eW, OW, W/ were added to the inventory of vowel phonemes in non-
rhotic accents and therefore also to the phoneme inventory of the standard accent
RP.
52
Comparable in its magnitude to the effects of R Dropping, L Vocalisation has
potentially massive implications for the reorganisation of the vowel system. (cf. Wells
1982a: 218) Just as it was R Dropping which assured phonemic status for the
diphthongs /W, eW, OW, W/, so L Vocalisation offers the prospect of eventual
phonemic status for new diphthongs such as /, E, , / (see section 2.2.1
above). Sooner or later the outcome might be that these glides will be added as
diphthongs to the inventory of vowel phonemes in L vocalised accents. If David

51
Apart from Pre-R and Pre-L Breaking in recent time, the phenomenon Breaking often
happened in the history of Old English. Originally, it appears to be the insertion of [] between a
front vowel, /r, l/ if followed by another consonant, /x/ alone, and sometimes /w/. (cf. Lass 1994:
48)
52
R Dropping also applied after the mid central vowels /:/ and /W/; nurse: n:rs
n:s ;standard: stndWrd stndWd. But this change did not cause any new diphthongs. (cf. Wells
1982a: 218)
61
Rosewarnes prediction (cf. TES: 19.10.1984) of Estuary English becoming the new
standard accent of the standard dialect of English comes true, then the description of
the phoneme inventory for vowels of EE will consist of more diphthongs than its
predecessor RP.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century non-rhoticity was overtly
stigmatised because it had clearly originated in Cockney. John Keats was criticised
because of his habit of rhyming such pairs as `higher : Thalia; thorns : fawns; thoughts
: sorts indicating that his accents was non-rhotic. This feature was regarded as
inappropriate for serious literary discourse. Moreover, the written mode was seen as
offering a guide to correct pronunciation; therefore /r/ Vocalisation was interpreted as
a failure to pronounce a letter sanctioned in writing. (cf. Smith 1996: 37) However, as
a matter of fact, the disappearance of postvocalic /r/ in upper-class nineteenth century
speech is attested, and non-rhotic accents are now associated with RP. Thus, although
the loss of /r/ is described as vulgar in the Early Modern English period, it made its
way into the accepted and prestigious standard accent RP. (cf. Windross 1994: 443)
Similarly, L Vocalisation is nowadays slowly diffusing from the lower social strata to
the higher, and people are displaying a similar attitude towards L Vocalisation today
as they did some time ago towards R Dropping.
Like R Dropping, L Vocalisation is also spreading very quickly today. Not
long ago most of the south-coast rural dialects, including those of Kent, Sussex and
Surrey, were characterised by rhotic accents. In present-day English non-rhoticity is
the prestige norm in England and Wales, and rhotic pronunciations are receding quite
rapidly in the face of non-rhotic throughout England. Today there are only two
regions which are still fully rhotic; firstly, parts of Lancashire, although even there
younger people seem to be dropping the /r/, and secondly, the south-west of England
including Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, Dorset, Gloucester, Hereford and Wiltshire.
We are therefore witnessing a process of dialect death. (cf. Trudgill 1990: 51)
Similarly, areas which are not yet dominated by the accent Estuary English are
not likely to be able to withstand the power of L Vocalisation in the long run because
L Vocalisation is a popular and trendy feature being readily adopted by the majority of
the people, and is hence spreading rapidly. One could therefore argue that we are
62
observing a dialect death process of non-L vocalised accents in some parts of
England. Since R Dropping seeped into many geographical areas and social classes in
England, it is logical to assume that L Vocalisation will sooner or later become the
accepted norm in England and will be associated with a concept of Standard English.
3.4 The phenomenon dialect levelling
All these different linguistic impulses, originating in the geographical and social
factors listed above, explain why the accents of the Home Counties are falling to the
onslaught of Estuary English (Coggle 1993a:24). The traditional dialects which were
prevalent in the rural areas of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Hampshire and Essex are being
replaced by the mainstream dialect Estuary English, which is spoken by a majority of
the population in urban areas. (cf. Trudgill 1994: 16) We are witnessing the
development of regional varieties of English towards London speech, resulting in a
relatively uniform pattern of speech which is spreading rapidly across south-eastern
England. Linguists have related this discovery to the process called dialect levelling,
in which differences between dialects in the south-east are gradually being ironed
out.(Wright 1996: 276). Thus, differences originally characteristic of different
accents are becoming less and less marked, so that it is today more difficult to tell
apart young speakers from different regional areas. (cf. Kerswill 1996: 298)
The London influence entails the tendency towards urbanisation and
centralisation in the surrounding areas. In fact, Estuary English provides an urban
rather than a rural accent. Urbanisation plays an important role in the process of
supplanting rural dialects and accents by their urban counterparts. The influence of
London over the south-east of England is the most striking example of the
urbanisation of speech communities. However, other big cities such as Liverpool,
Manchester and Birmingham are having a similar urbanising effect on the speech of
their surrounding areas. Paul Coggle (Coggle, ST: 28.8.1994a) explains the levelling
process by linking the trend towards broad-based, urban-influenced dialect areas to
63
a global tendency towards uniformity which can be witnessed in many areas of
modern life throughout the world.
53
3.4.1 Milton Keynes
Dialect levelling has been observed in Milton Keynes by Paul Kerswill and Ann
Williams who started a research project on the newly emerging Milton Keynes
dialect in 1990. Milton Keynes is in the county of Buckinghamshire in England, close
to the borders with two other counties, Bedfordshire and Northamptonshire. It lies
some 90 kilometres north-west of London. Milton Keynes was designated a new town
in 1969. Building programmes and the rise of new towns, where people are given the
possibility to form new social groups, typify geographical mobility. Large population
movements from the capital to new housing developments in Dagenham, Basildon,
Hemel Hempstead, Stevenage, Peterlee, Telford, Crawley and Milton Keynes have
greatly increased the influence of London speech. (James & Lesley Milroy 1993: 216)
In 1990 Paul Kerswill and Ann Williams analysed the speech of 48 children,
distributed across three age groups, 4, 8 and 12, and one caretaker for each child.
76.2% of the inhabitants originally came from the south-east, most frequently from
London. (cf. Kerswill 1996: 293) This research reveals that the childrens speech
resembles that of young people elsewhere in the South-east and has completely
supplanted the older dialect of the area. Thus, the children tend not to adopt the
marked regional characteristics of their parents speech. According to SED (1962-71)
records the traditional features of the speech in this area were characterised, for
example, by rhoticity, the glottal reinforcement, non- L Vocalisation and no TH
fronting. The interviews show that the children prefer the standard non-rhotic
pronunciation of `arm /}A:m/, but favour non-standard pronunciation in the case of

53
Paul Coggle (cf. ST: 28.3.1993b) maintains that not only in the sphere of language but
also in disparate spheres like architecture, food and clothing this drift towards uniformity is clearly
discernible: there is little difference in the design of hotels from Australia to Zambia; fast food is
available in Moscow, Paris and Tokyo as well as in New York; and fashion trends are similar
throughout the world.
64
glottal stop in `better [}bE?W], TH fronting in `feather [}fEvW] or `three [}frW] and L
Vocalisation in `fill [}f]. (cf. Kerswill - Williams 1997: 222)
54
Thus, many of the linguistic developments Paul Kerswill and Ann Williams
observed are not peculiar to Milton Keynes, since they are found over much of the
South-east. This again suggests that this part of England is subject to dialect levelling.
In fact, it is argued that new towns like Milton Keynes exhibit the levelling tendencies
in its region in a more extensive form, representing a kind of accelerated dialect
levelling. Milton Keynes may therefore be considered a microcosm of developments in
the south-east of England. (cf. Kerswill - Williams 1994: final report)
By means of their findings Paul Kerswill and Ann Williams (cf. ibidem)
summarise dialect levelling as follows: first, the traditional rural dialect of the small
settled population is supplanted by a number of new varieties imported as a result of
mass in-migration. Within one generation, a relatively homogeneous speech
community becomes heterogeneous. Then, as the new population establishes itself and
a second generation grows up, we see the emergence of a more uniform, levelled
variety, marked by the rejection of strongly regional features.
3.5 The popularity of Estuary English
The spread of Estuary English is reflected by its popularity amongst the different
social classes in England. This is due to its being grouped in the middle ground
(Coggle 1993a: 23). The direction towards the middle ground is nowhere more
apparent than in its growth amongst the middle class in England.
Estuary English has become popular because it is felt to be in some sense
admirable and worthy of imitation. In fact, most young people in the South-east now
speak a version of Estuary English because it increases their social acceptability.
Many RP speaking pupils at fee-paying schools no longer want to feel uncomfortably
posh amongst their friends from state Secondary Modern or comprehensive schools.
Therefore, they shift to the middle ground of pronunciation, termed Estuary English.

54
Some residents call this new Milton Keynes dialect Milton Keynes Cockney. (cf.
Kerswill - Williams 1997: 222)
65
On the other hand, by means of Estuary English pupils from a lower social
background with broad localisable accents do not need to feel rather unsophisticated
amongst their RP speaking friends.
55
By adopting Estuary English the students
increase their social credibility (Rosewarne 1994b: 7) and enable themselves to fit
into the group. Thus, on encountering contemporaries in nursery and at school, the
acquisition of Estuary English is essential. The popularity among the young is
significant for the future, because EE speakers who went to school in the seventies
are now well established in important positions in politics, business and finance, the
professions and, most important, television and radio. (cf. Rosewarne 1996a: 14)
As far as business circles are concerned, reference is made to the fact that
important posts in industry and the civil service are held by Estuary English speakers.
(cf. Hughes 1987: 1) One example given by David Rosewarne (cf. 1994b: 7) is Nigel
Kennedy, the violinist, who comes from an RP-speaking background, but has shifted
his accent towards Estuary English in order to popularise classical music. Another
example mentioned by Rosewarne (cf. 1994b: 5) concerns the chairman of Dixons
who stated that RP speakers in business had accommodated towards Estuary English
in order to be more consumer-friendly.
According to David Rosewarne (TES: 19.10.1984) it is to be heard on the
front and back benches of the House of Commons and is used by some members of
the Lords, whether life or hereditary peers. Even the Prime Minister wades into
estuary English (Ward, Guardian: 3.6.1998) in an interview on a chat show. John
Honey, a former professor of English at Osaka International University in Japan,
reports the failure of Tony Blair to guard his educated accent from the infiltration of
Estuary English. (Wynne-Jones, Independent on Sunday: 19.10.1997)
Since the acceptance of Estuary English by the BBC (see section 3.3), it has
been spreading faster. The massive use of radio, television, film, and video vastly
increases the amount of exposure to the sound of Estuary English. People adapt their
speech to imitate influential people, often media personalities such as Jonathan Ross,

55
Last school year in May I performed a theatre piece with my Year 12 and 13 German
groups of three schools, the Archbishops School, a secondary modern school, Barton Court
Grammar School and the Kings School. I found that their similar accent, namely Estuary English,
united them and let them converse with mutual respect.
66
Paul Merton and David Bellamy who are Estuary English speakers. (cf. Cox, TES:
20.5.1994) If one considers David Bellamy, the respected botanist and zoologist, one
notices that his accent is already along the EE spectrum towards Cockney. His
pronunciation of the vowel /a/ in `flower is realised as a Cockney vowel [w], or
the /a/ in `foundation becomes [a:]; he pronounces the vowel /O:/ in `quarter [a].
These destinctive Cockney features can be encountered frequently in his speech. (cf.
Coggle 1993a: 79) David Bellamy is an expert who has been particularly chosen to
present TV programmes not only because of his knowledge but also because of his
common touch and his appeal to the ordinary viewer (cf. ibidem 80). Also
comedians and boxers, like the popular boxer Frank Bruno, fall into the category of
EE speakers at the Cockney end of the spectrum.
At the other end of the spectrum one finds the popular cook Delia Smith who
is close to RP with a flavour of Estuary English. Her success can be attributed to her
choice of recipes, her approach to cooking, and her popular accent which lets her
appear as a friendly and informative person. (cf. ibidem 81) She never drops the /t/
intervocalically, but only word-finally and most often only in homorganic
environment. I recorded one of her cooking programs on the 7th of December 1998
and I therefore have some evidence of T Glottaling and the use of /W/ rather than the
unstressed RP /i/ in suffixes in her language: [wW}g?O: DW}lUvli }kntsn1trEtWd
}flEvW] `...we got all the lovely concentrated flavour...; the dark /l/ has already
become vocalised in her speech, pronouncing `salt [}sOWwt] in `salt and pepper, or
`smell [}smE] in `your home will smell like an Italian kitchen, or [}bz lWvz]
`basil leaves for example. In Delia Smiths language one can also find some examples
of Yod Coalescence: [DWsOWs r}dJ W ss] in `the sauce reduces and reduces.
Another example of a media personality who speaks Estuary English is Robert
Kilroy-Silk in the programme Kilroy. In one of the sequences which was recorded
in 1994 he said, `We are all real people with real points of view....this is a
conversation with real people vocalising the /l/ at every opportunity. One audience
member, Debbie Robinson, not only used L Vocalisation in [sW pW}fS] `superficial,
but adopted also word-final glottal reinforcement in [}kWp?] `keep it and Yod
67
Dropping in [SW ] `issue in the sentence `..he never really goes into any issue and he
makes conscious effort to keep it very superficial...
Not only the commercial and local radio stations but also Radio 1 and
Radio 2 have newsreaders from the Estuary camp. Consequently, many new words
and idioms, or fashionable pronunciations of individual words, are copied from
television or radio. (cf. Trudgill 1986: 41) As far as advertising is concerned, there is
substantial demand for Estuary English speakers. The commercial world was quick to
choose Estuary English as the most suitable accent. The Bacardi ad set in the West
Indies uses an Estuary male voice, and the image-promoting Wella ad for hair-styling
mousse also profits from a female Estuary voice. Thus, advertising agencies believe
Estuary English can appeal more successfully to certain target audiences than an RP
accent. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 78)
While EE is the greatest influence on the current evolution of RP, American
English is the greatest influence on the grammar, vocabulary, and idiom of Standard
English. It is primarily because of the influence of television and cinema that English
people have become familiar with the American voice, increasing tolerance of other
peoples speech. One reason why American English features have become popular is
the fact that they have been glamorised by the film industry and by a number of
American programmes shown on British television. (cf. Honey 1989: 98) Although no
accommodation takes place (cf. Trudgill 1986: 40), people develop a passive
knowledge of American English and copy vocabulary such as `hopefully, using it in
the American manner, as a sentence adverbial (see section 2.3.1 above). (cf. Honey
1989: 100)
Laurence Urdang (1990: 13) refers to television as the great leveller, which
exposes the English population, by means of soap operas and sitcoms set in various
parts of the England, Australia and the United States, to many different accents. By
the mid 1980s it had become possible for British television viewers to follow three
different Australian soap operas a day on most days of the week. (cf. Honey 1986:
104) Their popularity can be explained by the general attractiveness to the British of
the Australian life style, especially the relative classlessness of Australian society.
Since the onset of this frequent exposure to Australian English it has become clear
why EE speakers picked up the intonation pattern referred to as upspeak (see section
68
2.4 above). East Enders was launched in 1985; its location is in the East End of
London, among lower-class people. The predominant flavour of the dialogue is
Estuary English. Having seen some sequences of the series I would admit that the
vowels have a Cockney flavour and that T Glottaling and L Vocalisation are only the
most obvious features of the speech of the majority of the characters.
Additionally, it is also via pop music
56
that youngsters are encouraged to
embrace Americanisms. Pop music is both a mouthpiece and a cult leader, and enjoys
the advantage of almost universal exposure amongst the younger generation.
Thousands of young people are influenced by Cds and cassettes released by pop
singers.
57
Katie Wales (cf. 1994: 4) reveals the passing of RP
58
in the House of Windsor.
She claims that some members of the Royal Family speak in the demotic, urban, non-
standard dialect Geordie
59
which is associated with the working-class. The speech
habits of the younger royal generation, the Queens sons Andrew and Edward, and
especially the late Princess Diana and the Duchess of York, are estuarial, adopting
even some of the features of Cockney. Princess Diana used word-final glottal stops as
in [}DEWz W}l? Wf }? W}bau?] `There is a lot of it about, and vocoids as allophones of
/l/ as in [}mk] `milk. In An Interview with the Princess of Wales on the 20
th
of
November 1995 Diana repeatedly vocalised the /l/ in `people realising it as [}pi:p];
she used L Vocalisation in the words [}SEf] `shelf and [}wE] `well in the sentence
`But then during the years you see yourself as a good product that sits on a shelf and
sells well or [}hEp] in `I was crying for help. Yod Coalescence becomes obvious in
her realisations of the words [stS}ESn1] `situation and [}stSpd] `stupid in the
sentences `...but here was a situation which hadnt ever happened before in history
and `...because I hadnt passed any O-levels or A-levels that I was stupid. The

56
Vernon Noble (cf. 1985: 14) defines pop music as music popular among young people,
characterized by strong rhythm and electronic amplification.
57
Vernon Noble (cf. 1985: 13) cynically remarkes that Bernard Shaws untutored Liza
might become a pop star today, since her language is no barrier to fame. Giving this example he
undoubtedly implies that bad language is no longer any career handicap.
58
Another synonym of RP is the Queens English or the Kings English.
59
This regional dialect is spoken in the Newcastle-upon-Tyne area. (cf. Honey 1989: 2)
69
continuously employed allophone of /t/ in her interview is the heavily affricated [t
s
],
the `breathy t, which Diana also adopted from Estuary English.
In fact, many articles, such as Charles Hymass Young royals put on
slang(cf. ST: 10.4.1994), report the mixture of `Sloane slang
60
and Cockney
describing the tendency towards Estuary English in the Royal Family. Princess
Dianas speech is a good example of generational change in pronunciation; the
language of Prince Charles, who is twelve years older than Lady Diana, is much more
conservative, and the Queens pronunciation is even more conservative than her
sons. The difference in age between Prince Charles and his former wife indicates how
rapidly Estuary English is establishing itself. (cf. Arthur, The Independent: 10.9.1998)

60
In popular terms, advanced RP is associated with the Sloane-speak of the `Sloane
Rangers, the young upper-class generation. (cf. Wales 1994: 5)
70
4 Estuary English - social levelling in the Southeast of
England
4.1 Estuary English - a classless accent
Regional and class dialects are difficult to separate; there are regional variations in
every class dialect and class variation in every regional dialect. But regional variations
become less strongly marked as the speakers ascend the social scale. (cf. Brook:
1973: 29; cf. Giles - Powesland 1975: 24) For decades it has been solely by the
standard accent RP that the upper class was marked off from the others. (Ross, Inde
on Sunday: 5.6.1994) Therefore, Received Pronunciation may be considered a social
rather than a regional accent, and is recognised as a class-related accent, usually
equated with the highest socio-economic level of the English society.
Apart from the prestige variety, London and a certain radius around used to
host also the co-existent stigmatised lower-class variety, Cockney. As a matter of fact,
RP speakers are members of the higher social class and have higher prestige and
status than Cockney speakers, who are members of lower social class, which includes
people such as dustmen, factory-workers and street-cleaners. Thus, accent has always
been significantly linked to social class in England and has constituted an important
index of class affiliation. The higher a persons social class standing, the greater the
likelihood that he or she will speak RP. Speakers in Britain have been placed on a
continuum with respect to accent in terms of the degree to which they exhibit the
characteristics of RP or exhibit various degrees of broadness of regional accent. This
accent continuum is roughly correlated with judgements of social status such that the
more a speaker deviates from the standard accent the lower will be the social prestige
attributed to him. (cf. Giles - Powesland 1975: 21)
As far as the present-day situation is concerned, RP is not any longer the
exclusive property of a particular social stratum. The Second World War is
considered to have been the great leveller of social class divisions, with people
working closely together whose backgrounds would not otherwise have given them to
expect even to speak to each other. (cf. Honey 1989: 48) Therefore, since the mid-
nineteenth century the breadth of accents has gradually declined under the influence of
the vast improvement in educational opportunities, mass media and the erosion of the
71
traditional class system. (cf. ibidem 10) Consequently, a nation without gross social
inequalities has developed in which the majority of the working-class and lower-
middle-class in the South-east are now midway between the acrolect RP and the
basilect Cockney, having adopted the mesolect Estuary English.
These changes entered the standard variety RP from the bottom up. They
affected more casual speech before the more formal styles. This change from below
refers to the departure point for the diffusion of Estuary English through the social
hierarchy. (cf. Romaine 1994: 140) This intermediate accent, termed Estuary English,
is today Londons popular accent, associated with the intermediate classes. Since
Estuary English includes some features of both RP and Cockney, it is welcomed by its
speakers as a compromise. People who choose to speak Estuary English are therefore
socially mobile: RP speakers can converge on it from above by adopting some
features of Cockney, and Cockney speakers can converge on it from below by
discarding certain of their Cockney features.
In fact, at the RP end of the spectrum, some members of the present younger
generation reject the standard accent because of its association with the
Establishment, in the same way that they question the validity of other forms of
traditional authority. Additionally, they are well aware of the fact that the standard
accent of advanced RR or general RP can arouse hostility and prefer to switch to the
more street-wise Estuary English accent. For them a popular accent like Estuary
English has a greater and less committed prestige. They realise that talking posh is
therefore to be avoided in the interests of being regarded as `one of us rather than
`one of them (Coggle 1993a: 26). RP speakers therefore often grasp the possibility
to move down the social scale by adopting some features of this fashionable accent.
At the Cockney end of the spectrum speakers can seize the chance to move up
market towards RP. Cockney speakers know that they sound rather unsophisticated
and therefore adopt some features of Estuary English in order to be accepted in a
particular group. (cf. Rosewarne 1996a: 13)
Dominic Kennedy (cf. The Times: 11.9.1995) tells the story of Nick Leesons
success in business life. Nick Leesons voice betrays both his Cockney origin and his
achievements in the business world. Estuary English served him well at his job
interview for the City, where it is already the accepted accent. As a matter of fact, RP
72
speech may imply that the speaker has a need to camouflage his or her origins and
perhaps even his or her true personality. This suspicion of a deliberate disguise in the
form of pronunciation patterns may lead regional-accented speakers to question the
genuineness of the RP speakers nonlinguistic characteristics, such as his or her
motivations and attitudes. (cf. Giles - Powesland 1975: 69) RP may be interpreted as
a disguise and an affectation. This perceptual tendency may be generalised as a
conception of the RP speaker as a person who strives for social advancement,
modifying his or her behaviour in pursuit of this end. Thus, it is not surprising that the
Estuary English speaker Nick Leeson is more favourably perceived in terms of his
reliability and intentions. Unlike RP, Estuary English obscures social origins. While
RP speakers may conceal local origins, they at the same time identify themselves with
the upper class. Estuary English, however, represents a new accent variety that is
neither an indicator of ones social origin nor of ones geographical provenance.
Thus, Estuary English has given rise to the general erosion of class barriers
and consequently a greater degree of democratisation of Britain. Tom McArthur
61
, the
linguist and lexographer, asserts that people are more comfortable these days, and that
cross-class communication has become more desirable. (cf. Pedersen - Curnan,
Newsweek: 26.4.1993) Just as fewer people regard themselves as working class, so
many people who were born to privilege or have achieved success through education
and a career now feel that the old class distinctions can today be disadvantageous to
them. This explains the reluctance of the upwardly mobile to adopt RP, switching
instead to a more relaxed voice, namely Estuary English.
As Estuary English spreads, both geographically and socially, it may well
become the broad meeting place, the common ground for a coming together of
British society. (Coggle 1993a: 87)
The influence of radio (see section 3.3 and 3.5 above), in constantly bringing more
regional and popular forms of pronunciation to the ears, also reflects the
modifications in the structure of English society: the sharp divisions between classes
are beginning to disappear. (cf. Gimson 1992: 86) Estuary English may be considered
the first accent which bridges the gap between upper and lower classes, uniting RP

61
Tom McArthur is the editor of the Oxford Companion to the English Language and the
scholarly journal English Today.
73
and Cockney speakers in one society, and may therefore be said to be a kind of social
lubricant (McArthur, Newsweek: 26.4.1993). Newspaper articles rightly state:
...the accents of the upper and lower classes are linguistic rockpools, stranded
by the tide of Estuary English (Wavell, ST: 14.12.1997)
Matteo Persivale writes in the article Blair tradisce linglese colto [Blair
betrays Standard English] that the Prime Ministers switching to Estuary English
reveals his hope for a societ senza classe [classless society] (Corriere della Sera:
20.6.1998); Tony Blair could thus fulfil Mr Majors dream of a classless society. (cf.
Coggle, ST: 28.3.1993b)
4.2 Attitudes towards Estuary English
In view of these developments it is of interest to examine current attitudes towards
RP and Estuary English in order to assess their relative prestige. The English are
particularly sensitive to variations in the pronunciation of their language, and accent
prestige has always been of particular interest. These judgements about accents are
based on social and cultural values, and have more to do with the social structure of
the community than with language. They are judgements about speakers rather than
about speech. (cf. Trudgill 1975: 29)
The matched-guise technique
62
is a means of assessing language attitudes
and provides to the listener samples of speech which are thought to act as identifiers,
allowing the expression of social stereotypes. Results of previous studies show that
accent evaluation is an expression of social convention and preference which, in turn,
mirrors an awareness of the status and prestige accorded to the speakers. (cf.
Edwards 1982: 21) RP speakers are perceived as relatively more ambitious,
intelligent, self-confident, determined and industrious than regionally accented
speakers. (cf. Honey 1989: 60; cf. Martin 1954: 74) All other British accents have less
prestige than RP, but they are not equal in their relative inferiority to it. There is a
hierarchy of accents in which RP always has the top position. Scottish English and the

62
This technique was introduced by Lambert, Hodgson, Gardner and Fillenbaum in 1960. It
has been criticised for its artificiality; a tape-recorded speakers personality after hearing him or her
read the same passage is evaluated by judges. (cf. Edwards 1982: 22)
74
accents of Wales and Ireland are near the top. Accents associated with urban areas
like Cockney, Scouse, Glaswegian and the accent of Birmingham all equally compete
for bottom place. (cf. Braid, Inde on Sunday: 20.11.1995; cf. Giles - Powesland 1975:
28)
It becomes clear that people judge accents by preconceptions which they
already hold about their speakers. These stereotypes are living reminders of Britains
continuing class system. As a matter of fact, RP has become associated with the ruling
class, the establishment, the highest levels of power and prestige. It is spoken by those
who are at the top in social, political, and economic terms. Moreover, it is linked to
education and competence. Estuary English, like other varieties of accent, is
downgraded in comparison with it, and the speakers of Estuary English and those of
other stigmatised urban accents adopt this rating scale which combines respect for RP
with devaluation of their own accent. EE evokes a stereotypical image of shell suits,
beer bellies, Ford Escorts, chunky gold chains, flats in Marbella and women with
white high-heeled shoes, preferably worn without tights. This stereotype marks EE
speakers as members of the lower strata of British society. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 73)
However, Estuary English is spoken across a very wide social spectrum (see
section 3.5) and, contrary to popular belief, the number of professional people, many
of them academically educated and highly qualified, is increasing. Paul Coggle (cf.
ibidem 74) listened to television interviews with surgeons and found that medical
consultants and surgeons no longer displayed the RP accent, but a variety of regional
accents; among these, EE was well represented. Moreover, he (cf. ibidem 75) claims
that, despite the conservative character of universities, one can identify significant
numbers of EE speakers amongst academic staff. Thus, EE speakers are found across
the academic career structure and include professors, deans and even vice chancellors.
It is thus impossible to find any profession in which EE is not represented. The
stereotype of the EE speaker as working-class, common and uneducated begins to
look distinctly questionable.
Nevertheless, the prestige of Estuary English is rated very low. Although
some people are inclined to think of RP as an odd and impractical aspiration (Mush,
Inde on Sunday: 18.6.1995), the triumphs of EE, the new easy-going way of talking,
are humble. Many people in Britain find the spread of EE, the nauseating Cockney
75
twang(Young, ST: 3.12.1995), horrifying. Another journalist describes EE as an
ugly concoction ... born in London and the unclassy areas down the River Thames
(Johnson, The Economist: 28.9.1996). Other people call EE slobspeak and slack-
mouthed patois (Coggle, ST: 28.8.1994a). Gordon Connelly (ST: 21.3.1993) writes
in his letter of complaint:
We are plagued with idiots on radio and television like the dregs of humanity,
to the detriment of our children. ...I have a little list, except that it is not so
little, of those who should be banned for ever from inflicting their barbaric
accents and misuse of the English language on viewers and listeners. ... I
wrote to the BBC on this matter a year ago, only to be informed by some
minion working for the corporation that the English language is changing. I
am not aware of this and neither are any educated people in this country. The
only change is the increasingly slovenly use of speech.
The words lazy, sloppy and bad are often used to express a negative view of
regional accents which Freeborn, French and Langford (cf. 1986: 82) link to two
factors, the impreciseness view and the incorrectness view. (cf. ibidem 82) The
glottal stop replacement of /t/ is frequently cited as an example. However, the use of
[?] is by no means sloppy or haphazard. Not every /t/ can be replaced by [?]. (see
section 2.2.2) The possibility of replacement is governed by the position of /t/ within
the word, and the use of [?] must therefore be regarded as an orderly business. (cf.
ibidem 83) According to Peter Trudgill (cf. 1975: 34) it is a perfectly normal speech
sound used as a consonant in many of the worlds languages. But since the glottal
stop is most often encountered in lower working class speech, it is considered bad,
and is therefore a social barrier between the middle class and the working class. (cf.
Romaine 1994: 73) The highest social class uses glottal stops nearly half the time, and
the lowest class almost all the time. But in intervocalic positions, the higher social
class is not likely to use glottal stops, while the lower social class is. To give an
example, Edward Cotton and Simon Cleobury from the Kings School and Tom
Williamson with his friend Alex Lister from Eton College, who must certainly be
associated with a higher social class, very scarcely adopted a glottal reinforcement and
never in an intervocalic environment, while most informants from the lower middle
class readily display a [?], also in intervocalic position. (see section 5.3)
76
It is widely held to be good to pronounce /h/ in words like `hammer or
`hill, and bad to drop it. (see section 2.2.6 above) Actually, /h/ only occurs in
syllable initial, pre-vocalic positions, namely before a vowel, as in `help, `hill,
`hammer, and in a small number of words like `behind and `ahead where it comes
between vowels and is therefore not a very useful consonant. In fact, it can be used to
distinguish between only a small number of words, such as `hill - ill and `ham - am.
In most cases the words involved are unlikely to occur in the same context, and the
loss of /h/ causes very little confusion. Thus, accents without /h/ are in a sense more
efficient than those with. One must not forget that RP also has pairs of words that are
homophones, such as `hour and `our which are not mixed up. (cf. Trudgill 1975: 33)
It is no more careless to omit the /h/ in `hill than it is to omit the /r/ in `clear.
Similarly, why should /l/ vocalisation be a sloppy feature if /r/ vocalisation is
not considered incorrect, lazy or slovenly? Post-vocalic /r/ (see section 3.3.1) is
associated with speakers who are uneducated and rural, although in the past it was
not considered bad. (cf. ibidem 35) This example shows that standards are matters
of fashion and convention. At one time, all accents of English were rhotic. However,
in the seventeenth century it became fashionable in Court circles to drop the /r/ except
where it occurred before vowels. The accent of the Court had social prestige, and
developed later into present-day English. Thus, according to the incorrectness view
RP is not the correct pronunciation; what counts as correct is a matter of social
convention, relative to time and place. (cf. Freeborn - French - Langford 1986: 82)
Taking the ugliness view of Freeborn, French and Lageford (cf. ibidem 83)
into consideration, Estuary English is disdained because of a complex of factors that
are linked to social, political and regional biases rather than to aesthetics. (cf. Trudgill
1975: 37) Aesthetically speaking, people find RP inherently the most pleasant,
attractive, charming and sonorous form of English, whereas Cockney is considered a
harsh, ugly, unattractive accent. (cf. Giles - Powesland 1975: 10) Estuary English like
Cockney is often deemed ugly and extremely unpleasant. These evaluations are
not only associated with social class, but also with geographical origin. A distinctive
characteristic of language prestige in Britain has traditionally constituted rural dialects
as more favourable than urban ones. In fact, most accents which are held to be ugly
77
and slovenly are urban accents. In the heavily urbanised society, a rural way of life,
and the countryside in general, have pleasant connotations. The connotations for a
rural accent are therefore pleasant. If you dislike Estuary English it is only because
you know that someone with an Estuary English accent comes from London, and
because you know that London lies at the heart of an industrialised area. However,
urban accents are gradually receiving a greater share of attention; since as much as
ninety percent of the population of England is urban, this attention may be considered
timely. Young people are tending to reject both RP and rural accents in favour of
urban accents, especially that of the capital city. They regard Estuary English as
cosmopolitan and fashionable, hence urbane. (cf. Coggle, ST: 6.8.1995)
Additionally, EE is a marker of personal identity; upper and middle class
young people feel that a flavour of EE identifies them as being more ordinary and less
privileged than they really are. Women think that a hint of EE helps them to appear
tougher and more positive. Coggle confirms this:
A middle-of-the-road Estuary flavour seems to fit the bill. More and more
people, and - significantly- more and more young people are finding their way
to this middle ground. (1993a: 87)
Since Estuary English conveys a middle-of-the road image, speakers are
more favourably evaluated than standard accented speakers with respect to
friendliness, good-naturedness, personal integrity, generosity, honesty and social
attractiveness. One may conclude that although RP communicators may be high on
expertise, they are low on trustworthiness. An EE communicator, however, might be
lower on expertise but is definitely higher on trustworthiness because people can
identify him or her as an ingroup member. This explains why people no longer want to
adopt RP. They feel that this adaptation is treachery to their origin and real identity. It
emerges that most peoples desire to speak better English is only a very superficial
one. Deep down, most people do not want to alter their accent, because they would
regard themselves as disloyal, arrogant, unnatural and probably ridiculous towards
their friends and family. They would think they were being untrue to their
background, way of life and personality. (cf. Trudgill 1975: 66) Therefore, it is true to
say that Estuary English is, in a very real sense, highly valued and prestigious in a
manner that is not usually expressed. Most speakers, if pressed, admit that they like
78
their accent, which is most of the time Estuary English.
63
Thus, EE has covert
prestige which suggests the linguistic change in the community towards the
nonstandard. (cf. Giles - Powesland 1975: 37) EE speakers are seen as more
community-related, and more concerned with the development of interpersonal
relations, personal integrity and social attractiveness.
4.3 Estuary English - a context-related accent
The ideal answer to the individuals dilemma about changing his or her accent, either
upwards or downwards, is code-switching, that is the ability to move between two or
more accents, which enables the speaker to show his sense of community variously
with the educated speakers of RP or with groups which express their regional or class
identity by a non-standard accent.
Estuary English speakers may be regarded as members of a divergent dialect
community because there is a considerable amount of linguistic distance between the
local dialect Cockney and the national standard dialect to give rise to mesolectal
varieties united in the term Estuary English. In such a divergent dialect community it
is quite normal to find situational accent-switching. Hence, speaking Estuary English
implies integrated variant-switching. Every individual may choose between the
standard and the non-standard variant of a variable; the variant [?] of /t/ in `bet co-
occurs with variant of /h/ in `hill, while the other variants [t] and [h] similarly co-
occur. At either end of the dialect continuum you find some speakers who exhibit on
the one hand co-occurrence of the standard variants of all variables, speaking the
standard dialect of English with the standard accent RP, and on the other hand co-
occurrence of different non-standard variants, speaking the non-standard dialect
Cockney. But the majority of speakers demonstrate a tendency to co-occurrence of
the standard variants with non-standard forms, speaking the mesolectal variety of
these two dialects, Estuary English. (cf. Trudgill 1986: 92)

63
Whenever I asked some lower class informants if they liked their way of speaking they
promptly replied that they knew how awful their accent was. I thought I could find some traces of
guilt in their facial expression, as if they were ashamed of not having tried hard enough to alter their
accent and adopt good English as they called it. In the course of conversation however, they
revealed, that it was due to what they had heard from other people either on TV or at school that they
considered their accent inferior.
79
It is well known that different accent varieties function differently according to
the context within our contemporary society. Accent mobility, which is the ability of
an individual to modify his or her accent, is both person-based and context-based. (cf.
Giles 1973: 88) There is a general attitude preferring one form to another, according
to speech style appropriateness in particular contexts and speakers speech
adjustments relative to listeners speech styles. (cf. Street - Hopper 1982: 179) In
formal settings, speakers automatically choose standard speech variants, whereas
informal contexts, such as homes, bars, and street corners, are characterised by
ingroup forms. Thus, every speaker possesses an accent repertoire from which they
can select pronunciation, patterns depending on the nature of situational constraints.
The choice of accent depends on the manner in which a speaker adjusts his or her
speech patterns within a given interaction.
This accent continuum used to comprise two extremities, one extremity
representing the standard pattern of pronunciation and the opposite extremity which
corresponded to the broadest local-regional accent, Cockney. Switching from
Cockney to RP or vice versa meant adopting a whole range of linguistic features
characteristic of this accent, so that the Cockney speaker was likely not to get it right,
and the RP speaker risked being regarded as patronising and belittling speakers with
broad accents. Since Estuary English incorporates some features of both accents, the
probability is higher that the speaker will be able to adopt it more naturally. Actually,
one could argue that Estuary English is already the product of a partial accent
convergence because people from higher and lower social backgrounds have decided
to meet halfway adopting EE. This makes accent convergence even easier to perform;
if the sender wishes to gain the receivers social approval, he or she, either by upward
or downward accent convergence, may switch half-way or even less to a version of
EE. (cf. Giles 1973: 90)
One may therefore postulate that Estuary English provides the basis for a
context-related accent. It is the style of speech considered appropriate in many
socially-defineable situations and it is spoken to some degree by all social groups. In
an EE community every speaker has at least two accent varieties at his or her
disposal, either RP and EE, or Cockney and EE. Cultural norms prescribe the use of a
more RP related Estuary English variety in formal, public situations, and a more
80
relaxed EE variety with a Cockney flavour in less formal contexts. A context-related
accent does not imply that its speakers are a specially privileged group socio-
economically, neither does its pronunciation have connotations of high social status. It
is simply the code thought more appropriate in terms of participant factors, topic, and
setting. Thus, change of context involves appropriate accent-switching. (cf.
ODonnell - Todd, 1980: 27; cf. Giles - Powesland 1975: 16) Trudgill (1983: 190)
claims:
Southern English speakers will often command a range of the social dialect
continuum and slide up and down it according to social context.
People can successfully switch to a more desireable accent in a more formal
and public context, while retaining their regional accent for use with friends and
family. (cf. Coggle, ST: 6.8.1995) Tony Blair switching to the more casual Estuary
English exhibits flexibility on popular television programmes, such as the Des
OConnor Show (see section 3.5). Infact, in Italy Estuary English is interpreted as a
lingua franca used by speakers from different social backgrounds to converse together
in a relaxed way switching to it whenever the speakers feel it is appropriate. (cf.
Persivale, Corriere della Sera: 20.6.1998) As far as children and teenagers are
concerned, it has always been accepted that they have several modes of speech, their
home speech, the language they use in the playground with their peers, and a more
formal language which they use in class. They are being socially responsive when they
use different accents. (cf. Fitzsimons, The Edwardian: 29.6.1993)
The opposing trend is displayed by those who feel that educational standards
are declining.(cf. Strevens 1985: 8) Most children in school use EE, and the extent to
which EE differs from RP varies according to the region the child lives in and the
social class of the family and his or her friends. Very often teachers, who are prone to
hold generalised expectations, downgrade EE speakers. However, they seem to forget
that EE is an important factor in group membership and an important way of
signalling group solidarity. EE is something you share with people who are like you
and with whom you identify. It is also closely linked to the conception of identity.
Thus, it is claimed that children should not be asked to modify their accent, because
this involves a serious danger of alienating the child from the teacher and the school.
(cf. Trudgill 1975: 58; cf. Street - Hopper 1982: 180) Besides, against the pressures
81
of home and peer group, teachers have little hope of changing the pupils accents. The
aim should rather be to add Standard English and RP to the childs accent repertoir,
not to replace other accent varieties. (cf. Wilby, The Independent: 23.6.89)
Godfrey Talbot (cf. 1987: 15) sees an urgent need to start a battle against
bad language, which should begin at home and at school, replacing computers by
activities like reading and writing. He fears that youngsters will fail to do themselves
justice when facing a job-interview board. John Honey, a University professor of
English, also argues strongly against allowing school children to express themselves in
local speech forms, on the grounds that standard English will help them to get the best
deal out of life. Unattractive accents hinder their speakers job prospects, and it is not
uncommon for job advertisements to mention well-spokenness as a qualification for
certain kinds of occupation. (cf. Honey 1989: 10) Thus, unless children acquire a
more statusful accent, namely RP, they will be at a social disadvantage. By not
helping pupils to improve their accent, teachers or parents are keeping them down and
denying them opportunities for upward social mobility. According to Peter Trudgill
(cf. 1975: 56), however, it is not common for job interviews to specify a well-
spokenness which implies the exclusion of any regional or social accent different
from RP. For the majority of personnel managers and employers, including even those
from banking, accountancy and insurance firms, accents have never been an important
factor in their selection of staff.
Gillian Shephard, the Secretary of State for Education, also sought to fight the
growth of slang among schoolchildren and particularly of Estuary English, a
bastardised form of Cockney that is spreading across Britain (Abrams, Inde on
Sunday: 18.6.1995). It is a campaign to stop communication by grunt and to
encourage better English, and to hold back the advancing tide of glottal stops
(ibidem). Local slang should not be used in polite society and grunts and slack
language (ibidem) were impoverishing children. The Department of Education
proposed a new qualification in spoken English and a national survey of standards.
Mrs Shephard launched a crusade against waffle and slang (Thomson, The Times:
14.10.1994) and campaigned for the use of plain, simple and effective English. (cf.
Rafferty, TES: 2.9.1994) According to Coggle (cf. TES: 4.9.1994b) Gillian Shephard,
eager to achieve high standards of spoken English, fell into the trap of labelling certain
82
features of regional accents as sloppy speech. The glottal stop is a feature belonging
to this accent and is not a result of sloppy speech. Tony Bex claims that there are
occasions where a grunt (Bex, Guardian Education: 6.9.1994) may be a perfectly
appropriate and acceptable mode of expression. In fact, slang may add liveliness, and
expresses a sense of intimacy in the use of language. Slang can be used to bring an air
of friendly informality to a situation. (cf. Brook 1973: 126)
Since an accent apparently has the potential to influence someones chances in
life, one would expect that the nature of the phenomenon of accent, and of the
prejudices surrounding it, would be a matter on which everyone ought to be
thoroughly informed. Paul Coggle (cf. TES: 4.9.1994) therefore suggests the
introduction of language awareness programmes which cover not only the features of
RP and local accents, but also the common reactions which the more stigmatised
varieties evoke. Instead of discriminating against Estuary English, one should inform
children that social judgements will be made about the way they speak and that they
should learn to adapt to different environments. If a person is going to make a good
impression in a job interview, then he or she should be aware that the use of the
glottal stop could mean failure to get the job. Actually, most teenagers are fairly
aware of accent prestige and it is therefore not necessary to impose an accent on them
because they naturally display different accents in different contexts. They know how
to move between accents as situations demand. Thus, it is a waste of time trying to
teach children to use RP. Gillian Shepherd would have done better to attempt to
educate people to the view that all accents and dialects are equally valid, and that
there are no grounds for discriminating against speakers who use EE or other non-
standard accents. If anyone, later in life, feels the need , for reasons of geographical
and social mobility, to change their accent, they will be able to do this with a
reasonable degree of success without formal instruction, simply through association
with others who have the desired accent.
Thus, every individual is required to become proficient in accent switching,
learning that each situation demands an appropriate -formal or casual- accent; they
will discover sooner or later that Estuary English is one accent that is most likely to
suit the purpose of a given context because it comprises a wide spectrum. Thorough
research will need to be done to discover how and in which situations people switch
83
between RP and EE or Cockney and EE, but my personal experience confirms that
people very often do accent-switch. Ed Cotton, a student of Kings School, for
example (see section 5.2.5.2), associates with Kings School a highly formal
environment and automatically displays an RP accent with only few Estuary English
features at school; outside school with his friends he is a speaker placed in the Estuary
camp. One may presume that probably all the informants of my data taped in a formal
situation, not knowing me as a friend but rather as a stranger, converged upwards on
the accent continuum. Those interviewed in a pub naturally adopted a more casual
Estuary English version. Analogically to ones outward appearance, people attending
a formal meeting or having an official appointment will attach great importance to the
way they dress compared to their outfit at home with their family and friends. Thus,
society itself sets norms and rules, and people most often conform to them; they know
what is appropriate in different contexts and know how, when, where and to whom to
use Estuary English.
4.4 Estuary English - tomorrows RP
One can justifiably label the new accent variety Estuary English a regional standard,
in view of the fact that it is spoken over a wider geographical area than RP, and by a
wider spectrum of people than RP. Estuary English is a powerful accent which breaks
down class barriers, and which has established itself as a marker of social identity for
the younger generation. Doubtless, it is on the way to becoming accepted in all parts
of the country and in any class of society. People who speak Estuary English do not
only fit into any geographic environment in the south-east of England, but also
promote their social mobility. Thus, Estuary English is a unique accent in that it is
classless and regionless at the same time, something that RP has not achieved.
Estuary English, a linguistic compromise between two accents at the extreme
ends of the social scale, is a perfectly intelligible accent. Its phonetic characteristics
are spreading geographically and socially, losing their localisability, and thus to some
extent justifying the claim that EE is tomorrows RP. (Rosewarne 1994b: 3; Wells
1997: 46)
84
5 Project research in Canterbury
5.1 Methodology
The area chosen for the research project was Canterbury and its neighbouring villages.
Canterbury is in the county of Kent in southern England; it lies 100 kilometres
southeast of London. The analysis is based on the non-standard variety of English
spoken in the city of Canterbury, and should demonstrate that EE is becoming the
characteristic speech in Canterbury. I came to Canterbury in October 1997, but it was
not until January 1998 that I started the research which was finished at the end of
May 1998. It was advantageous to work and live in the city in which I conducted the
research because this gave me enough time to familiarise myself with the local culture
and local speech. In the course of my research I had regular contact with my
informants and can therefore truly claim to know the local speech. I had time to build
up a good relationship with speakers in long-term participant-observation (cf.
Cheshire 1982: 8), where I got to know a group of speakers, and became semi-
integrated into the community for a period of eight months.
The aim of the investigation was to accumulate sufficient data from each
informant to make possible a detailed phonological description of the speech of EE,
and to obtain a range of different speech styles which are of EE quality. I began the
research by collecting a number of idiolects in order to see whether any consistent EE
pattern would emerge. I was well aware that variation at all levels of language is
correlated with certain extra-linguistic features such as the age, sex and
socioeconomic class of speakers. I subjected my informants to sociological analysis,
establishing a social index for each. This index included occupation, locality, place of
birth and parents occupation. On the basis of this information, obtained from the
informants themselves, it was not possible to attribute the speakers to a particular
social level; the criteria of class membership are too complex and dependent on
various other factors so that much more information would have been needed to
achieve some realistic results. F.M. Martin (cf. 1954: 58) refers to the difficulties
entailed in trying to establish boundary lines separating the upper, middle and lower
class systems.
85
5.1.1 Informants
My final sample consisted of 48 people who were born in Canterbury and had spent
their entire life there, or who came from neighbouring districts such as Herne Bay.
One of the most important requirements was that the informant was a native of Kent,
and it was desireable that he should have spent most his life there. In selecting
informants I focused on adults and teenagers, in whose speech I expected to find
evidence of EE. The informants were equally divided between the sexes and age
groups, so that there were thirteen men and women, and twenty-two teenagers from
two age groups: fourteen or fifteen year olds being under peer group pressure, and
seventeen to eighteen year olds moving from childhood to adolescence. Thus, gender
and age were the primary social variables of the study. (cf. Francis 1983: 49)
The survey was carried out by the direct method of collection. The direct
method involves face-to-face contact between investigator and informant in an
interview conducted in the home locality of the informant, usually in his residence or
workplace. (cf. ibidem 69) Most of the time, actually, I endeavoured to make the
recordings in the home of my informants; pupils were recorded at school and some
friends of mine preferred to be taped in local pubs they frequented. Sometimes the
patience of the informants and my time were limited, so that a sampling procedure had
to be designed to elicit just the material wanted in the most economic way.
The recordings were based on spontaneous speech which was obtained by
interviewing the informants about their daily routine. I quickly tried to gain the
confidence of my informants and to place the newly-formed relationship on a friendly
footing. I tried to reveal enough of my own background and mission to win the
informants trust and cooperation. I convinced them that I was genuinely interested in
what they had to say which let them accept the situation and enjoy the opportunity to
talk to a sympathetic listener. Since the informant must always be regarded as the
teacher and the fieldworker as the pupil, I put myself into the position of pupil who
has to learn from his instructor, the informant. Above all, I adopted a typical
fieldworkers personality that would allow me to enlist the enthusiastic cooperation of
the informants. (cf. ibidem 80) I therefore displayed a great deal of curiosity, not only
about the accent in question, but also about their way of life and their daily routine. I
endeavoured to keep the information flowing without pushing the informant to get on
86
with the interview. Basic human qualities of understanding, sympathy, and friendliness
helped to establish a good atmosphere. One needs to have an instinctive ability to
immerse oneself in the life of the informant.
Careful records were kept of time, place, source, and circumstances. The
question about the informants daily routine was the guiding instrument of the
interview, in which I attempted to get the informant to produce the desired sample of
EE. Since the data need to be consistent for comparisons to be meaningful, I stuck to
the same method for every informant. Therefore I am sure of comparability across the
corpus; the material collected from each informant is as close as possible to that
obtained from other informants. The question as to their daily routine entailed similar
reponses and thus similar features, in which I expected to encounter EE
characteristics.
It was effortless to find male informants willing to be taped. The relaxed
atmosphere in pubs was the prerequisite for natural pronunciation in an interview.
However, the right timing was essential; I tried to be in a pub at approximately eight
oclock, ready to tape my informants at about nine oclock. By that time they were
mellow and easy-going but not drunk. Steve Turner (see section 5.2.1), the manager
of the pub Canterbury Tales was very helpful in, firstly, providing me with a
comfortably quiet corner where I could tape the people and, secondly, introducing
me to some people he knew were born in Kent. As far as my female informants are
concerned, it was more difficult to make contact. Women do not usually spend much
time in pubs, and if I happened to see some, they seemed to be protected by their
circle of friends. It was only at school I had the possibility to make friends with female
colleagues. One of my teaching colleagues, Hilary Wade
64
, was kind enough to get in
touch with all her friends from Herne Bay with a Kentish background, and drove me
to all their houses so I could tape them.
The fieldwork procedures used here aimed to record different speakers from
different social backgrounds. In order to discover an EE accent continuum, it made
sense to choose people from the lower and upper ends of the socioeconomic scale. In
schools I met people from the upper social strata. Working in three different schools
87
in Canterbury, I found it easy to make contact with teachers. Thus, when asking
colleagues if I could record their speech, I was more likely to achieve acceptance and
less likely to make the kind of social errors that cause a stranger to be looked on with
suspicion.
When I went to a local pub I expected to meet people of a lower class
background. Because I was dressed casually and drinking a pint of beer, people
assumed I came from a working class background, and I was therefore more readily
accepted by informants who were themselves working people. I was always friendly
and able to get on to good terms with these strangers. Moreover, I was patient and
tactful, content to listen to a good deal of information that did not interest me in order
to elicit the items of information that I was seeking; although I loathe football I had to
learn a lot about this sport in order to talk about this favourite topic of men sitting in
pubs, thereby eliciting L Vocalisation. Furthermore, the ability to understand and
speak a version of Estuary English has obvious advantages in communicating easily
with informants, especially from the lower social strata. I put the informant at ease
from the beginning; I distracted him as little as possible from the accent; I did not
impose on him the wearying task of hearing a question in RP and answering in EE.
Sometimes it was safe to admit bluntly that I was collecting dialect material,
sometimes it was more prudent to formulate it differently. I told them that I was a
German speaking language assistant hoping to record speech samples spoken by
different people. I explained that my pupils back in Vienna found the tapescripts in
their textbooks boring and were eager to listen to something exciting and real. In fact,
it was essential, if natural spontaneous speech was to be obtained, for some people
not to know that their language was the object of study. The fact that I was a
foreigner allowed them to think that I did not know anything about the different
accents spoken in England or the prestige they carried. Thus, they saw in me a
positive outsider who would not judge their speech.
One of the chief difficulties is how to collect the material without distorting it.
It is essential that the recorded speech should be natural, but, if the speaker knows
that what he says is being recorded, that knowledge is almost sure to interfere with

64
Hilary Wade is 44 years old and teaches German at Barton Court Grammar School.
88
the naturalness of his pronunciation or of his choice of words. On the other hand, any
attempt to record speech without the knowledge of the speaker is liable to cause
resentment. It is well known that in informal situations, where people are more
relaxed, less attention will be given to speech, and a more natural and spontaneous
style will be used. (cf. Brook 1963: 146) Recent surveys have attempted to develop a
methodology that will overcome, or at least alleviate the problem of the Observers
Paradox by working as a friend of a friend within social networks. (cf. Cheshire
1982: 7) In fact, being a member of the school staff and at the same time establishing
a bond of friendship with pupils were important for being granted genuine interviews
and hence natural undistorted results. Probably the best way of obtaining a natural
record of speech is to initiate light conversation of general interest before asking them
about their daily routine. I disregarded the earlier part of the recording, during which
the speaker was most likely to suffer from a self-consciousness that might have
affected his speech. I had often switched on the tape recorder before the informants
noticed. They laughed when they eventually realised that the tape recorder had been
on all the time. Their laughing made the atmosphere even more relaxed.
5.1.2 Recordings
For the recordings a SONY Full Auto Shut-Off stereo cassette-corder model
no.TCM-939 was used, with a Sanyo MP-101 Imp.600 microphone. The availability
of a high-fidelity portable electronic recording machine, which permitted the entire
interview to be recorded for later transcription and study, was essential. Since the tape
recorder was quite small it could be hidden somewhere invisible to the informant.
Because of its highly sensitive microphone it was possible to record an entire
interview without allowing the operation of the machine to be so conspiciuous as to
distract the informant.
The strongest advantage of taping pupils was that it was relatively easy for me
to become accepted. As a teaching assistant I occupied a position between a teacher
and a personal friend. I had lengthy and relatively unstructured series of talks with my
students. This method provided me with detailed information about their opinions,
their daily lives, the social groups to which they belonged. Where adults were
89
sometimes hesitant about being recorded, teenagers accepted it as an activity in its
own right. They were familiar with recording equipment and less inhibited by its
presence because they all were used to working with tape recorders at school. The
children were recorded at schools in friendship pairs, having a genuine conversation
about various topics, such as the difficulties of dyslexic people, before they actually
remembered to say something about their daily routine. Thus, teenagers are less
preoccupied by tape recorders, although the machines might also remind them of the
GCSE exam. Female adults had to be carefully prepared and given a good explanation
why I wanted to tape them. Two women refused to be taped on the grounds of their
awful voice. Thus, dividing the informants into three groups, pupils were the easiest
target, followed by male adults who were also helpful and easy-going, while women
were often quite reluctant and hesitant.
Finally, the data were transcribed phonetically. In the project I investigated
five sociolinguistic phonetic variables characteristic of Estuary English: glottal
reinforcement (see section 2.2.2), L-Vocalisation (see above 2.2.1), Yod Coalescence
(see section 2.2.5); and, as far as the vowel phonemes are concerned, I focused mainly
on the Diphthong Shifts, taking the vowel changes /e, a, O/ => [U, A, Aw],
/W, a/ => [U, UWE EW W]; /i:, u:/ => [W, W ] (see section 2.1) into
consideration.
The phonetic transcription was carried out impressionistically. I tried hard to
write down as accurately as possible what I heard. However, some speakers are quite
inconsistent in their pronunciation. So strong is the pressure of RP upon them, so
willing are they to accept variant forms, and so ready are they to modify their own
pronunciation in conversation, not only with strangers but also with people outside
their own intimate circle, that their spoken words often fluctuate between various
different forms.
I was trained to use the conventions of The International Phonetic Alphabet.
There are conventions that ascribe detailed phonetic values to the symbols, including
diacritics which modify the symbols value, and a second one which uses a simple set
of symbols. However, neither the phonemic nor the phonetic transcription may be
regarded as appropriate for our purpose (see section 1.2). This analysis is based on a
different formality; it comprises many allophonic variants, but does not contain any
90
diacritics. Therefore the term allophonic transcription

may be more accurate because it
occasionally includes phonetic symbols to give an accurate label to an allophone.
Other linguists like Peter Ladefoged (cf. 1975: 37) call this kind of transcription a
systematic phonetic transcription.
5.2 Analysis
It is the main aim of this thesis to give evidence of the influence of Estuary English on
the speech of informants. I therefore tried to disregard the extreme RP and Cockney
ends of the Estuary English spectrum and chose, from my sample, twenty-two
speakers who I thought displayed many of the EE features.

Thus, the interviews of
five men, five women and twelve students, four of them taken from the fifth form and
the rest of them sixth formers will be listed, evaluated and discussed below. The
evaluation of the four EE features on which I concentrated on in the interviews will be
descriptive, highlighting the extent to which each of the speakers may be termed a
typical Estuary English speaker.
65
The four sociolinguistic variables:
T Glottaling /t/ => [?]
L-Vocalization [K] => [, w]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence /tj, dj, nj/ => [tS, dJ , n]
Diphthong Shift /e, a, O/ => [U, A, aw]
/W, a/ => [U, UWE EW W]
/i:, u:/ => [W, W ]
As far as the social index (discussed above) is concerned, the addition of the
informants and the informants parents jobs must suffice to give a vague reference
about their social status. It is because of the lack of information about the speakers
social background that I do not venture to attribute them to a particular social class.

65
The relevant extracts of every informants interview can be found on the tape which is
enclosed with the thesis. The interviews are chronologically listed, so that the first one you can listen
91
To give an example, one of my informants, Charlotte North, (see section 5.2.2) is a
bar maid, but this job could make it possible for her to study at university. John
Stevens (see 5.2.1), on the other hand, runs a business as a motor trader and is at the
same time a gifted artist attending courses at university and holding exhibitions.
Before each transcription a short portrait of the informant is presented. This
includes the relationship I had to the informant, that is to say whether he or she was a
close friend, a casual acquaintance or a teacher. Furthermore, the context of place and
time and the situation in which he or she was taped is also mentioned. This should
give a vague idea about the environment and circumstance the speaker was in when
being taped, which provides some explanation of the extent of self-consciousness
from which the speaker might have suffered.
After comparing the speech of male and female adults, the interviews of the
fifth and sixth formers will be considered. Both age groups exhibit certain
characteristics in their speech which will be examined in their discussion. Finally, an
overall conclusion will broaden our understanding of the miscellaneous factors that
make people speakers of a particular accent. Furthermore, I shall discuss what
differences in sex, age and context have to do with the choice of Estuary English.
5.2.1 Male adult informants
name age place of birth lives in
John Stevens 41 Sittingbourne Gillingham; then:
Rainham
Eric Fisher 43 Whitstable Whitstable; then:
Canterbury
Paul Rumley 37 Canterbury Canterbury;London;
now: Margate
Tony Scurr 26 Herne Bay Herne Bay
Steve Turner 30 Sidcup (London) Canterbury
1. John Stevens

to is John Stevens and the last one is Alex Lister. Unfortunately, the sound quality is not always very
92
job mothers job fathers job
self-employed motor trader retired; stock buyer retired: teacher (children
with learning disablities)
John Stevens had been a personal friend of mine for over six months before I asked if
I could possibly tape him. He knew I was interested in accents and was particularly
keen on Estuary English. I taped him at his house on a Saturday over a cup of tea.
I get up at hmm, what time - at about eight thirty, eight, eight thirty, have a cup of
A}gE? Up
h
}tWm w?}tm ?W}b? E?}QWti }E? Et}Q:ti }hvW}kUpWv }tW, }kUpU
tea, cup of tea ... have a few phone calls....I wander off to the garage and hmm I just
}te... }hvW}fjW }fUn }kOWwz...}wndrWv }tu DW}grdJ n1dW}dJ Ust
get on with my work really. Doing the repairs....then the parts are delivered... we go
}gE?n }wQmA}w:k }rEWli }dW n DWrW}pEWz...}DnDW}pA:ts A: dW}lvWd....w}gUn1d
and have a lunch break for about ten minutes, I buy some chips, I go to the chips
}hvW}lUntS}brEk fW}bU? }tEn }mnts }bsWm }tSps A}gU tu DW}tSpSpn1d
shop and have chips...We normally work till about hmm I dont know - about
}hv }tSps...}wW}nOWmWli }wWk t W}b? m1AdUW}nU W}b?
seven...get cleaned up and just doss in front of the TV or we go out for a couple of
}sEvn1... }gEt }klWnd Up }nd dJ Us}ds n }frn?v DWtW}vW wWgW}U? fW}kUpWv
beers.
}bWz

good.
93
T Glottaling 21 opportunites: 13 times [?]
homorganic T Glottaling in [w?}tAm];
[?] preceded by a nasal [}frn?]; word-
final T Glottaling followed by vowel, in
[?W}b?]; no T Glottaling in
intervocalic environment within a word
[Q:ti, pA:ts]
L-Vocalization 3 opportunities: 3 times [, w]: [}kOWwz,
}t, }kUpWv]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity ([}fj]: /j:/ is retained
after /f/)
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E]
/a/ is realised most often as [A] and
sometimes as []
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as [U], in rapid speech
once as [UW] in [dUW}nU] and in
unstressed position it is once realised as a
schwa in [gW}U?]
/a/ is not only realised as [], but also
as [U].
/i:/ is always realised as [W]; the [e] in
[}te] was intentionally pronounced
/u:/ is always realised as [W ]
John Stevens displays many of the features of Estuary English. He takes every
opportunity to vocalise [K] and realises the majority of /t/ phonemes with a [?]. The
RP vowel /a/ has the typical Estuary quality of [A, ]; /A/ is also realised with the
Estuary flavour of [, U]. The long RP vowels /i:, u:/ respectively glide into [W,
W ]. Thus, on the basis of this interview John Stevens may be assessed as an Estuary
English speaker in the middle spectrum.
2. Eric Fisher
94
job mothers job fathers job
stage technician shopkeeper corn chandler
It was during one of my pub tours with the tape recorder in my bag looking for
Kentish people with an Estuary English accent, that I happened to come across Eric
Fisher. I explained to him that I was a teaching assistant in need of some `natural
speech I could use in my school class in Austria.
Im used to get up quite early, well earlyish, eight oclock, nine. Sometimes Im
}A}jW zdW}gE?Up kwA?}Wli, wW }WliS}U?W}klk }nAn }sUmtmz Am}w:kN
working, sometimes Im not. If Im working, I get up and go to work on a Monday
}sUmtmz AmnW}fAm }wWkn A}gE?Up n1d }gU tW}wWk nW}mUndi
morning because I work in a theatre...Mondays and Tuesdays maybe I have to go and
}mOWnNkWz A }wWk nW}fWtW... }mUndz n1d }tSW zdz }mUbi A}hf tW}gU n1d
get to work by nine oclock. Other days, for the rest of the week, if Im working I
}gE?W}wWk bU}nAn W}klk UvW}dEz fWDW}rEstWvW}wWk fAm1}wWkn A
may not have to get there till hm six thirty in the evening... This is when I start and I
}mE}n?v tW}gE?DEWt m1}sks }fWtin D}Wvnn ... }Dzz }wEnA }stA:t WnA
may finish whenever the show finishes. On a Saturday night I, hm, we do a show in
}mE}fnSwWn}EvWDW}SE }fnSz nW}sE?Wdi }nA? Am w}dW W}S n
the afternoon and another one in the evening. And then well have to take all the
DW}UftWnW n n1d Wn}UvWwUn n D}WvnNnEn }wK}v tW}tEk KW
scenery down...
95
}sWnWri }dUn...
T Glottaling 14 opportunites: 9 times [?]: homorganic
T Glottaling [}gE?DEW]; word-final T
Glottaling [kwA?}Wl]; only one T
Glottaling example in intervocalic position
within a word [}sE?Wde], everywhere else
/t/ is tapped [}QWtW]
L-Vocalization 4 opportunities: 2 times []: [wW, t]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence 1 opportunity: 1 time: [}tSWzdWz]
Diphthong Shift /e/ is sometimes realised as [U], but most
commonly as [E]
/a/ is most often realised as both, [A] and
[]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as [U] and as []
/a/ is realised as [U]
/i:/ is always realised as [W] in `scenery
/u:/ is always realised as [W ]
Eric Fishers interview includes all features of Estuary English and also some of the
Cockney dialect like TH Fronting. Referring to those features focused on in greater
detail, one needs to mention that L Vocalisation is very often accomplished. T
Glottaling is also most often realised. The pronunciation of `Tuesday demonstrates
that Yod Coalescence, also occur whenever possible. Similarly, his vowels are all of
EE quality. Since Eric Fisher sometimes realises the phoneme /e/ as [U], one may
suggest that he is at the Cockney end of the Estuary spectrum.
3. Paul Rumley
job mothers job fathers job
service engineer nurse engineer
96
Like Eric Fisher, he is one of the pub acquaintances. We had a glass of beer together
and I told him about my intention to collect some interviews for my pupils in Austria.
I get up at about half past seven and I warm the bottle of my baby boy; hes
A}gE? Up }?W}b? }haf }past }sEvn1}ndA }wOWm DW}b? WvmA }bEbW}bo}hz
five months old hmm go downstairs, put the bottle in the microwave, press it for fifty
}fAv }mUnts }Ud Wm }g dUn}stEWz }p? DW}b? n DW}mAkrWwEv }prEs?fW
}fftW
seconds...and give it to my baby boy....and I feed him and hes alright...I go upstairs
}sEkWndz..n1d }gvt tW}mA }bUbW }bo...}nd A }fWdm }nd z OW}wt..}A gW
Up}stEWz
and make her a cup of tea....cornflakes, have a cup of coffee, a toast maybe.....
}nd }mEkW}kUpWv }tW...}kOWnflEks }hvW}kUpWv }kfi W}tUst }mEbi....
schools, hospitals to repair....At the end of the day I finish doing my various tasks;
}skW z }hspt
s
z tW}rpEW...}? D}EndWv DW}dU}A}fnS}dW n mA }vrWz }tA:sks
I go home, see how my wife is getting on, see my little lad, see what hes been doing
}A}gU }hUm }sW}h mA }wAvz }gE?n n }sWmA }l? }ld }sW}w?z }bWn
}dW N
... (sports) I go weight training once or twice a week...I dont like football...Im not a
...}A}g }wE? }trUnN}wnts }twAsW}wWk...}A}dWnt }lAk }f?bA:...Am }n?W
great friend of sports, really.
}grE? }frEndWv }spOWts }rEWlW
97
T Glottaling 25 opportunities: 15 times [?]:
homorganic T Glottaling [}wE?}trUnN];
word-final T Glottaling [}gE?Up] followed
by a vowel, lateral T Glottaling [}b?,
l?], but aspirated /t/ in [}hspt
s
Wz]
L-Vocalization 8 opportunites: 8 times []: [}b?,
}Ud, OW}wt, }skW z, }hsptz, l?,
}f?bA:]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is realised as [E] and [U]
/a/ is realised as [A, ] and [U]
/O/ is realised as [o]
/W/ is realised as [U, , W] and in
unstressed position just as a schwa
/a/ is realised as [] and once just as
an [U] in [dUn}stEWz]
/i:/ is strongly realised as [W]
/:/ is also strongly realised as [W ]
Paul Rumley may be put at the Cockney end of the Estuary English scale. He
pronounces a glottal stop not only in word-final position followed by a vowel, but
also in lateral environments, such as [}b?]. He uses every opportunity to vocalise /l/
and his vowels often take on a Cockney quality.
4. Tony Scurr
job mothers job fathers job
computer engineer housewife cardiac technician
Tony Scurr was also taped in one of the pubs where I used to eavesdrop on other
peoples conversations, to find out if they could be of any use for my data collection.
As with the two preceding informants, I was a stranger to Tony Scurr, but I quickly
98
won his confidence. However, the moment the tape recorder was switched on he
became self-conscious, and it was much harder to have a conversation with him.
Well, I get up at eight thirty in the morning or Im supposed to get up at eight, I drive
}wE }}gE? Up }? E?}QW?i n DW}mOWnNOWm sW}pUzd tW}gE? Up }? }E? A }drAv
to work; I work with computers. Thats about it really, and then I go home...(what do
tW}wWk A }wW? wQ kWm}pjW ?Wz }D?z W}b? }? }rEWlW }nd }DEn A }gU
}hUm..
you have to do in your job?) computer systems are linked together, so that computer
kWm}pjW ?W}sWstWmz }lnkt tW}gEDWsW }D? kWm}pjW ?Wz
can talk to each other....thats basically it. I work for an accountant, thats mainly tax
}kn }tOWk tW}WtS}UDW...}D?z }bUskli }? A }wWk fWW}kntn1z }D?z }mEnli }tks
work. (in your spare time?).. I fix peoples computers I suppose. Thats about it...
}wWk ... A}fks }pWpz kWm}pjW ?Wz AsW}pUz }D?s W}b??
(weekends?)...either I do something to one of my ...or look after the house or
}WvA }dW }sUmQNtW}wUnWv mA OW}lk }AftWDW}hz OW
painting the fence or something like that, I dont know, that sort of stuff. (last
}pEntNDW}fEnts OW}sUmQn lA}D? A}dUn }nU }D? }sOW?Wv }stUf
holidays?) Amsterdam,.. brilliant, its cool.
mpstW}dem...}brWlWnt }?s }kW
T Glottaling 31 opportunities: 25 [?]: homorganic T
Glottaling [}D?kWm}pjW ?W]; word-final T
99
Glottaling followed by a word beginning
with a vowel [}gE?Up]; T Glottaling in
intervocalic position [kWm}pjW ?Wz]
L-Vocalization 3 opportunities: 3 times []: [wE,
pWpz, kW]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity (/j/ is always retained after
plosives: [kWm}pj?W]
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E], only once as
[U], [}bUskli]
/a/ is commonly realised as [, A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as [U] as in `go home
[}gU }hUm]
/a/ is realised as []
/i:/ is realised as [W]
/u:/ is realised as [W ]
Tony Scurr also displays most features characteristic of Estuary English; out of 31
opportunities he realises 25, glottal reinforcements and glottals the /t/ phoneme also in
intervocalic positions. The L Vocalisation is accomplished whenever given the
opportunity. Only occasionally he uses vowels of Cockney quality. As far as the rest
of his vowels is concerned, they may be evaluated as EE vowels.
100
4. Steve Turner
job mothers job fathers job
bar manager librarian
Steve Turner is a good friend of mine and was a great help when it came to finding
useful informants fulfilling all my criteria. He is the manager of the pub I most often
frequented, the Canterbury Tales, and knew his guests well, being well informed
about their regional origin and social background. Being introduced to the people as
one of Steves friends made it easier for me to become their friend. One evening I
taped Steve at his home after a relaxing dinner.
Right. As Im working a double shift at work I would get up at about half past eight,
}rAt }zAm }wEWkNW}dUb }Sft ? }wWk
h
A}wd }gEt }Up
h }
t W}b? }hAf }pAs }E?
hmm shower and wash and do all the washy bits, have breakfast hmm listen to the
Wm }SWn1d }wSn1d }dW }OWw DW}wS}bts }hv }brEkfEst m1}lsn1tWDW
radio news, bit of weather as well hmm and then basically wander and walk to work,
}rEdiU n: }njW z }b?Wv }wEDWWz }wE m1}nEn }bEskli }wndWn1d }wOWk t
}wWk
I live five minutes away from work, so its a short walk or I ride a bicycle; and I get
A}lv }fAv }mnts W}wEfrm }wWk sW}tsW}SOWt }wO:k OA }rAd }bAsk m1}nd A
to work for ten oclock, depending on what sort of day it is...I start doing particular
}gEt t }wWk fW}tEn W}klk d}pEndNn }wt }sOW?Wv }dU?}z...A}stA:t }dW N
jobs that need doing on that particular day...And then start planning things already
pW}tkjlW}dJ bz }Dt }nWd }dW Nn }Dt pW}tkjlW}dU...}nEn }stA:t }plnN}Qngz
101
from there, if weve got music on in the evening, make sure the staff know what is
W}wEdi }frm }DEWf wv}gt }mW zk n n DW}WvnN}mEk }SA DW}stA:f }nU }wts
coming up so they can chat about it; if Ive got a quiz on that particular evening I
}kUmN}Up }sW }DE}kn }tS? W}b?t f Av }g?W}kwz n }Dt pW}tkjW lW}WvnN
A
read through the questions and make sure I know what Im talking about.
}rWd }Qr DW}kwEstSWnz n1d }mEk }SA }nW }w?Am }tOWkNW}bt
T Glottaling 31 opportunities: 10 times [?]: word-final
T Glottaling followed by a vowel [b?Wv]
L-Vocalisation 3 opportunities: 3 times []: [dUb,
wE, bsk]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence 2 opportunities: 1 or 2 times: he corrected
[}n:] and said [}njW z], [}mW sk],
although the /j/ is normally retained after
nasals.
Diphthong Shift /e/ is realised as [E] and often as [U] as
in `day [}dU]
/a/ is realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as [U, W]; sometimes
`know is pronounced as [}nU] and
sometimes as [}nW]
/a/ is always realised as []
/i:/ is realised as [W] in [}WvnN]
/u:/ is always realised as [W ]
Steve Turner has one particular feature in his speech which I very often noticed in
other peoples communication; he quite audibly aspirates word-final plosives.
102
Although it has not yet been mentioned as a feature characteristic of EE, it is
gradually seeping into the Estuary repertoire. Like the other male informants, he
exploits every opportunity to vocalise /l/, and frequently, although less often
compared with the others, glottals the /t/. He also seems to favour Yod Dropping, but
is aware of its stigmatisation and corrects himself.
5.2.2 Female adult informants
name age place of birth lives in
Linda Claridge 42 Herne Bay Herne Bay
Kerry Jackson 35 Herne Bay Herne Bay
Helen Dodds 32 Tumbridge Wells Maidstone;
Ashford; then:
Herne Bay
Fiona Carter 28 Canterbury Canterbury
Charlotte North 26 Canterbury Canterbury
1. Linda Claridge
job mothers job fathers job
part-time museum assistant housewife electrical engineer
Linda Claridge was introduced to me by Hilary Wade, to whom I am grateful for
having assisted me in finding female informants. I came to Lindas house and was
welcomed by her as a friend. It was on a Sunday morning and we had tea together
while I taped her.
My day starts around ten past seven in the morning; Im not an early riser, I always
}mA}dE}stA:ts W}rWnd }tEn }pA:st }sEvn1n DW}mOWnNAm }ntWn }Wli }rAzWA
say Im not a lazy person, Im a tired person. The first thing Ive got to do is to get a
}OWwEz }sEAm }ntW}lEz}pWzn1}AmW}tAWd }pWzn1DW}f:st }QNAv }g?t }dW z
103
quick wash and get dressed...then I have to come down and do all the mundane jobs
}gEtW}kwk }wSn1d }gE? }drEst...}DEn A}hv tW}kUm }dan nd d}Ow DWmUn}dEn
like unloading the dishwasher, feeding the dog, making my son sandwiches, because
}dJ bz }lAk Un}lWdNDW}dSwSW}fWdNDW}dg }mEkNmA }sUnz }sndwtSz
hes going to school...hes sixteen, hes doing his GCSEs at the moment. Well have
hz }gWNtW}skW ...hz sks}tWn hz }dW Nz }dJ WsWEz}Wz ? DW}mWmWnt wWK
to wait and see. Hmm, if its a nice day I might have done some washing, everything
}hv tW}wEt? }nd }sWm1f }tsW}nAs }dUA}mA? }mAtWv }dUn }sUm }wSN}EvrQN
in our house comes alive at night....I certainly dont have time to run around with the
n }W}hs }kUmz W}lAv ?}nt...A}sWtEnli }dWnt }hv }tAm tW}rUn W}rAnd
wQ
vacuum cleaner...I just about manage to get my jobs done for about eight oclock,
DW}vkjW m }klWnW...A}dJ UstW}bt }mnWdJ tW}gEt mA }dJ bz }dUn fWW}bA?
then I can have my breakfast....I leave for work at about eight thirty to arrive the
}EtW}klk }DEn A}kn }hv mA}brEkfEst...A}lWv fW}wWk ? W}bA? }Et }Q:tt
museum at a quarter to nine.
W}rAv DWmjW }zWWm W}kwOWtWtW}nAn
T Glottaling 31 opportunities: 9 times [?]: homorganic
T Glottaling [}gE?drEst] word-final
glottaling before vowel [W}b?}Et]
L-Vocalisation 4 opportunities: 3 times [, w]: [OWwEz,
}skW , }Ow]
104
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity: /ju:/ is retained after a
plosive [vkjm] and a nasal
[mjzk]
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E]
/a/ is realised as [A] and only once as []
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as [W], sometimes
tending to have a slight quality of [U]
/a/ varies in its realisation between [W,
, A]
/i:/ is always realised as [W]
/u:/ is on all occasions realised as [W ]
Linda Claridge displays many features of Estuary English, but much fewer than her
male counterparts; she only drops the phoneme /t/ nine times and never in intervocalic
position within a word. She is also not consistent with L Vocalisation. Only the
diphthong /a/ is realised as a vowel typical of Estuary English. The long
monophthongs /i:/ and /u:/ are uniformly glided into [W, W ].
2. Kerry Jackson
job mothers job fathers job
care assistant nurse engineer (buildings)
Like Linda Claridge, Kerry Jackson is a friend of Hilary Wade, and I taped her in her
living-room on the same day. It was easy to talk to her and I think we had a very
natural conversation which lasted in total over half an hour.
I work nights, so I go in, I spend all day up and then at eight oclock, Im on duty at
}A}wWk }nAts, sW }A}gWn A}spEn? }O:}dEUp nd }DEn ? }Et W}klk Am n
eight oclock and I work till around eight oclock next morning (How can you
105
}djW ti }E?W}klk A }wWk }t W}rWnd }EtW}klk }nEkst }mOWnN
manage?) Quite easy. Youre tired, I mean you do get two hours break, but you dont
}kwA?}Wzi jWr }tAWd AmW}jW }dW }gEt }tW }AWz }brUk }bUt jW}dWnt
really, you can go and doze, but you dont really sleep, because when somebody is
}rWli jW}kn }gWn1}dUz }bUt jW}dWnt }rWl}slWp bW}kOWz }wEn }sUmbWdz
dying, cause its a nursing home, you have to be up, you know, and ready hmm you
}dANkWz }tsW}nWsN}hWm j }hv tWbW}Up jW}nU n1d }rEdWm1j
just keep going....you just walk around, drink coffee and tea, talk, cause when I read
}dJ Ust }kWp }gWN...j }dJ Ust }wOWk W}rnd }drnk }kfWnd }te}tOWk kWz }wEnA
a book, I drop down to sleep which you mustnt do. (When do you sleep?) Once
}rWd W}bk A}drp }dUn tW}slWp }wtSjW}mUsnt }dW }wUnts
youve done night, you dont ever catch up. What I do do is I come home, pick
j }dUn }nA? jW}dWnt }EvW}ktSUp }w? A}dW }dW z A}kUm }hWm }pk
up...from my mother in law; she has Ryan for me, take her to school, come back,
}Up...}frm }mA}mUDWn }lOW}SWz }rAWn fW}mW}tEkWt }skW }kUm }bk
have a shower, bit of breakfast and I have two hours, thats it. When I get up, I go
}hvW}SAW}b?Wv }brEkfEst }nd A}hv }tW }AWz }D?zt wWn }A}gEt Up }gW
back up to the school, you know, I have my lunch, go back up to the school....but Im
}bk }Up tWDW}skW , jWnW, A }hv }mA }lUntS}gW }bk }Up tWDW}skW ...}bU? Am
very tired.
106
}vEr}tAWd
T Glottaling 32 opportunities: 9 times [?]: word-final T
Glottaling [E?W}klk], [?] preceded by a
nasal [spEn?]
L-Vocalisation 4 opportunities: 4 times []: [t,
skW ]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence 1 opportunity: not realised: [djW ti]
Diphthong Shift /e/ is realised as [E], sometimes a slight
tendency towards [U] may be noticed
/a/ is usually realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ varies between two variants, [W,
U]; the common expression `you know
is usually realised with the vowel [U] in
`know
/a/ is differently realised; she uses the
three ordinary Estuary variants [A, W,
]
/i:/ is usually realised as [W], only once as
[e] in [}tE]
/u:/ is always realised as [W ]
Kerry Jackson displays many features of EE. Although she only drops nine /t/
phonemes, she exploits every opportunity to vocalise the [K]. She is not consistent in
her realisation of the diphthong /a/; however, the allophonic variants are typical of
Estuary English.
3. Helen Dodds
job mothers job fathers job
she and her husband are
running a business
housewife traffic management
consultant
107
Helen Dodds was also a friend of Hilary, and I taped her sitting on her sofa with her
two lively children on my lap who sometimes interrupted the conversation.
I still get up early, but there is no rushing in the morning...this morning I got up, had
}A}st }gEtUp }Wli }bU? }DEWz }nW }rUSN}n DW}mOWnN...}Dz }mOWnN}A}gt }Up
}hd
a cup of coffee with my husband and watched some news this morning on television
W}kUpWv }kfW}wQmW}hUzbWnd }nd }wtSt }sUm }njW z Ds }mOWnNn }tElEvJ Wn
and he went off to work and Pamela got up first, she always gets up first before your
}nd hW}wEntf tW}wWk }nd }pm1lW}gtUp }f:st Si }OWwEz }gEts }Up }f:st b}fOW
sister, cause your sister cant get out of bed and Rosy got up at about half eight or
}jOW}sstW}kWz jW}sstW}kAnt }gEt }U?v }bEd n1d }rWzi }gtUp }? W}b? }hA:f }E?
something and I sort of a bit of work on the computer...and thats it, really. (What
}sUmQN}nd A}sOW?WvW}btWv }wWk n DWkWm}pjW tWz...}nd }D?z? }rWli
about your business?) Its a joinery business and hmm so I do look at administration,
}tsW}dJ OnWri }bznWs }nd m1}sW A }dW }lkW? Wdmn}strESn1
...running around delivering things, little things and collecting things, it is nice,
...}rUnNW}rAnd dW}lvWrN}QNz }l? }QNz }nd kW}lEktN}QNz }?z }nAs
because I can fit it in,... bring the children at school and then, its nice.
bW}kOWz A }kn }ft }? n...}brNDW}tSWldrWn ? }skW n1d }DEn }ts }nAs
T Glottaling 32 opportunities: 13 times [?]:
homorganic T Glottaling [}bU?}DEWz],
word-final T Glottaling [W}?], T
108
Glottaling in a lateral environment [}l?]
L-Vocalisation 3 opportunities: 3 times []: [st, l?,
skW ]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence 1 opportunity: not realised [njW z], the
/ju:/ is retained after plosives
[kWm}pjW tW]
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E]
/a/ is most often realised as [A]
/O/ is realised as [O] in [}dJ OnWri]
/W/ is realised as [W] once in `so
/a/ varies between a quality of [U, ,
A]
/i:/ is typically realised as [W]
/u:/ is also typically realised as [W ]
Helen Dodds may be considered an EE speaker of the middle spectrum. She glottals
the /t/ phoneme not only in homorganic and word-final positions, but also in lateral
environment, which is felt to be strongly Cockney flavoured. She is also consistent in
L Vocalisation and her vowels are of typical Estuary English quality.
4. Fiona Carter
job mothers job fathers job
secretary personal assistant shop assistant electrical manager
Fiona Carter was one of the few women I met in a pub. She was the barmaids friend
and only wanted to be taped on the condition that her friend be taped as well. When I
eventually recorded her she did not seem to be self-conscious at all and we had a nice
conversation. Nevertheless, I had the impression she was hyper-correcting herself.
I woke up this morning at seven oclock, got up for work at twenty past seven, got
A }wUk }Up Dz }mOWnN}t
s }
sEvn1W}klk }gW }Up

fW}wWk }t }twEntW}pA:st }sEv:n
109
ready for work, got a lift to the office, got to the office, quite a busy day today, very
}g }rEdWfW}wWk
h
}g?W}lft tWDW}fs }gt tWDi }fs }kwA?W}bzW}dEtW}dE}vEr
busy day, lots of people calling, lots of appointments made, business report typed,
}bzW}dE}ltsWv }pWp }kOWlN}ltsWv W}pOntmWnts }mEd }bzns }rpOWt }tApt
s
got in from work at five oclock, had my tea, got changed and ready to come back
}g?n frWm }wWk
h
}t }fAv W}klk
h
}hdmA}tW}gt }tSEndJ d }nd }rEdi tW}kUm
out to work, had two vistors in the pub this evening, Ronald and Tony, very
}bk }U? tW}wWk
h
}hd }tW }vztWs n DW}pUb Ds }WvnN}rnWKd }nd }tWnWvEri
unexciting; the normal Wednesday evening; today I went shopping as well; I bought
}UnEksAtNDW}nOWm }wEnzdi }WvnNtW}dEA }wEnt }SpNWz }wE }A}bOWt
Hercules video at lunch time and the treasure, the muppet treasure island video hmm
}hWkjW lWz }vdEW }? }lUntS}tAm }nd DW}trEJ WDW}mUpt }trEJ W}AWlWnd }vdiW
and a new to from Eatham.
m1}ndW}nW }tp frWm }Wthm
T Glottaling 25 opportunities: 5 times [?]: word-final T
Glottaling [g?], homorganic T Glottaling
[U?tW]
L-Vocalisation 4 opportunities: 3 times []: [}pWp,
}nOWm, }wE]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence 1 opportunity: 1 time [}nW ]; /ju:/ is
retained after plosives [}hWkjW lWz]
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E]
/a/ is most often realised as [A]
/O/ is realised as [O] in `appointment
110
/W/ is realised as [U, W]; in `video
she uses [W]; `woke, however, is
pronounced as [U]
/a/ is usually realised as [U]
/i:/ is strongly realised as [W]
/u:/ is always realised as [W ]
Fiona Carter similarly displays most of the features characteristic of EE. In word-final
positions, also when followed by a word which starts with a vowel, and homorganic
position she glottals the /t/. On most occasions she vocalises the dark /l/ and drops the
/j/ in `news. Therefore, she may be regarded as a speaker further towards the
Cockney end of the EE spectrum.
111
5. Charlotte North
job mothers job fathers job
bar maid usher at Crown Court railway-worker
Charlotte North is a friend of Fiona Carter. I taped her in the pub where she was
serving. She was taped after Fiona and was very embarrassed when she finally said
something about her daily routine.
I get up at eight thirty, I come downstairs, I [unintelligible] my kitchen up, ready for
A}gE?Up }t Et}QWti A}kUm }dnstEWz A}frE? mW}ktSn Up }rEdfW
the day. The pub opens at eleven oclock. I start food as soon as the pub opens,
DW}dUDW}pUb }UpWnz }? W}lEvn1W}klk A}stA:t }fW d Wz }sW n Wz DW}pUb }UpWnz
kitchen is open till three oclock. I shut my kitchen; I may go and pick my mum up
}ktSWn s }Upn1}t }QrWW}klk A}SU? mA}ktSn A}mE}gU nd }pk mW}mUm Up
from work at four thirty. Thats my day over. (And in the evening?) Drink. Drink!
}frWm }w:k ? }fOW}QWti }D?z mA }dE}UvW}drNk }drNk
(sports?) I go to the gym twice a week, but not every week, only when my friend
A}gU tWDW}dJ m }twAsW}wWk }bU? }n? }Evri }wWk Wnli }wEn mA }frEnd
Fiona is ready to go. She needs to be pushed. But I do a quiz night on a Thursday
}fUnWz }rEdi tW}gU }S}nWdz tWbW}pSt }bU?W}dW W}kwz }nA? WnW}QWzdE
night, we have a few people come down for that; sometimes I help out behind the bar
}nA? w}hvW}fjW }pWp }kUm }dAn fW}D? }sUmtAmz }hEp }U? b}hAnd DW
}bA:
112
but not very often; and thats about it. (holidays?) My last holiday was Corfu last
}bU? nt }vEri }ftWn n }D?z W}b?? mA}lA:s }hlWdEwWz kOW}fW lASt}jW
year, that was with my friends...and the time before that I went to Florida.
}Dt wWz }wQmA }frEndz ...}nd DW}tAm bW}fOW}D? A}wEnt tW}flrWdW
T Glottaling 31 opportunities: 18 times [?]: word-final
T Glottaling [}SU?], frequently when
followed by a vowel
L-Vocalisation 3 opportunities: 3 times []: [}pWp,
}t, }hEp]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity: /ju:/ is retained after /f/ in
[fjW ]
Diphthong Shift /e/ is realised either as [E] such as in
`holiday or as [U] in `day
/a/ is most often realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as [U] in all occasions
/a/ varies between the variants [A, U,
]
/i:/ is strongly pronounced as [W]
/u:/ is always realised as [W ]
Charlotte North is a speaker who may be assigned to the Cockney end of the
spectrum. T Glottaling in different environments and L Vocalisation are characteristic
of her speech. She sometimes realises the vowels with a strong Cockney flavour
converting /e/ and /W/ to [U]. The variants of /a/ are typical of EE.
5.2.3 Comparison: male and female informants
The frequency and distribution of the four variants vary strikingly from one speaker to
another. However, it is legitimate to suggest that men may be identified by some
features while women are characterised by other tendencies.
113
The mens data show a strong preference for [?] in any environment where a
glottal reinforcement is possible. The frequency of glottal reinforcement is higher than
50% in all the five male informants interviews, whereas the four women, Linda
Claridge, Kerry Jackson, Helen Dodds, and Fiona Carter, never exceed 50%. Word-
final T Glottaling in homorganic environments is certainly widespread in both male
and female speech; since this feature has seeped into Estuary English from RP it is
not a stigmatised and marked characteristic of Estuary English. If, however, people
show a preference for using a word-final [?] before a word which starts with a vowel,
they place themselves in the Estuary camp. On the basic transcribed data we may
conclude that men are more willing to adopt stigmatised features of EE than women.
A vowel preceded by a [?] in word-final position is more often encountered in male
speech than in female. Given the choice women would use a glottal reinforcement
most often in word-final position, followed by a word which starts with a consonant.
Three of my male informants, Eric Fisher, Paul Rumley and Tony Scurr, use a [?] also
in intervocalic positions. The womens data , on the other hand, demonstrate a certain
reluctance to pronounce a [?] in an intervocalic environment. Only Helen Doddss
pronunciation of [}b?] indicates a slight Cockney flavour in the female speech.
As far as L Vocalisation is concerned, both men and women tend to take
advantage of almost every opportunity to vocalise an [K]. John Stevens, Paul Rumley,
Tony Scurr, Steve Turner, Kerry Jackson, Helen Dodds and Charlotte North vocalise
[K] on every occasion. Therefore it is legitimate to suggest that L Vocalisation is
already an accepted and popular feature of EE employed in different situations and
contexts by the majority of speakers. No matter in which environment I taped them,
or whether I was a well received friend or just a casual acquaintance, or even a
complete stranger, all of my adult informants regularly made use of L Vocalisation.
Three of the five female informants were recorded in their homes where they expected
a stranger to come with their friend Hilary Wade to make recordings. Linda Claridge,
Kerry Jackson and Helen Dodds made regular use of L Vocalisation. The same
assumptions hold true for the male informants; John Stevens and Steve Turner were
taped at their house and similarly displayed L Vocalisation at every opportunity. Thus,
114
I did not only encounter this feature in informal contexts like pubs, but also under less
informal conditions.
It is difficult to judge the quality of certain vowels, but it is possible to value
them impressionistically. Generally speaking, one can maintain that men tend to use
more Cockney influenced vowels, while women pronounce the vowels in a more RP
related manner. In fact, men are prone to realise the RP vowel /W/ most often as
[U] and sometimes as []. Four women out of five stuck to the more RP flavoured
variant [W] and would only occasionally realise /W/ as [U]. Also vowels such as
/e/ and /a/ are interesting to consider. While men repeatedly realised /e/ as [U],
womens preference was clearly [E]. Moreover, /a/ was either pronounced as [A] or
[], but while men frequently chose [], women preferred [A]. Both men and
women exhibited a great variety of possible realisations of the vowel /a/; [, U,
W, A] were used frequently, although the variant [] was most popular.
Thus, taking all these findings into consideration, the following deduction
becomes inescapable: men seem to be further along the Estuary English scale than
women because they are liable to use more frequently a glottal reinforcement, even in
intervocalic environment. Like their female counterparts, they vocalise [K] and given
the opportunity of Yod Dropping they are likely to take advantage of it. While Eric
Fisher and Steve Turner welcomed the possibility to realise Yod Dropping, Kerry
Jackson and Helen Dodds avoided it. On account of the tendencies concerning the
realisation of vowels, men are producing more Cockney flavoured vowels while
women attempt to pronounce the vowels in a more RP influenced way.
66
5.2.4 Girls
5.2.4.1 The fifth form
name age place of birth lives in

66
Peter Trudgill (cf. 1974: 94) also found in his research project in Norwich that women are
more aware of the social significance of linguistic variables and are therefore hesitant to use bad
language.
115
Gemma Stebbeds 15 Canterbury Faversham
Katharine
Braithwaite
15 Dover Dover
116
1. Gemma Stebbeds
job mothers job fathers job
pupil at Archibishops housecare assistant clerk
Gemma was one of the pupils I prepared for the oral GCSE exam in German. She and
four of her class mates were taped together.
I get up about half past six and ....have no breakfast, walk to the train station, get on
}A}gEt Up W}b? }hAf }pAst }sks }nd }hv mW}brEkfEst }wOWk tWDW}trAn stUSn1
the train and do my homework I havent done on the train and just talk to my friends
}gE?n DW}trUn }nd }d n}hWmwWk A }hvn1t }dUn n DW}trUn }nd dJ Us }tOWk
and stuff, get off the train, walk to the bus station and then catch a bus and get the
tWmA }frEndz }nd stUf }gE?f DW}trUn }wOWk tWDW}bUs }stESn1nd }DEn }ktSW}bUs
bus about a quarter to nine and then come to school, do lessons and have break and
}nd }gE? DW}bUs W}b?W}kwOW?WtW}nAn }nEn }kUm tW}skW d }lEsn1 z }nd
}hv
then usually I eat my apple to be healthy and then my other lessons and then have
}brEk }nEn }jW J Wli }Wt mA }p tWb}hEWQi }nEn mA }UDW}lEsn1z }nEn }hv }lUntS
lunch and then....finish my other lessons and then get the train, get the bus back to
}nEn }fnSmA }UDW}lEsn1z }nEn }gE? DW}trEn }gE? DW}bUs }bk tWDW
the train station, get on the train again and walk back home and get in; mum usually
}trEn }stESn1}gE?n DW}trEn W}gEn }nd }wOWk }bk }hUm }nd }gE?n }mUm
has got my dinner ready; so I can get straight on with my homework, if Im a good
117
}jW J WlizWz }g? mW}dnW}rEdsW A }kn }gE? }strU?n wQmW}hUmwWk f1Wm W
girl and then I watch a bit of telly.
g}gW }nEn A}wtSW}b?f }tEl
T Glottaling 24 opportunities: 14 times [?]: word-final
T Glottaling [W}b?], sometimes when
followed by a vowel, homorganic T
Glottaling [}gE? DW], intervocalic T
Glottaling [}kwOW?W]
L-Vocalisation 4 opportunities: 4 times []: [}p,
hEWQi, skW , gW]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is usually realised as [E]; however,
sometimes she pronounces `train and
`station with the vowel [U]
/a/ is commonly realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ varies between [W, U]; `home is
often pronounced as [}hUm]
/a/ is typically realised as []
/i:/ is always realised as [W]
/u:/ is also on all occasions realised as
[W ]
Glottal reinforcement, not only in word-final position but also intervocalically,
and L Vocalisation are characteristics of Gemmas speech. The vowels are also
realised in a way which is typical of the Estuary English accent. Therefore it is
legitimate to suggest that her accent is Estuary English.
2. Katharine Braithwaite
job mothers job fathers job
118
pupil at Archibishops sculptor health investigator
Katherine was a friend of Gemmas and one of the group I taped together at school.
I get up at twenty to seven, just to be different, twenty to seven I get up and then by
}A}gE?Up }? }twEnttW}sEvn1}dJ UstWb}dfrWnt }twEntWtW}sEvn1A }gE? Up }nEn bA
seven oclock Im dressed and Ive packed my school bag, then I do whatever I want
}sEvn1W}klk Am }drEst }nd Av }pkt mW}skW }bg DEn A}dW wt}EvWA }wnt
s
to do until seven thirty when I make my lunch and then I have my breakfast and I get
tW}dW Wn}t }sEvn1}QWt}wEnA }mEk mA }lUntSn}DEn A}hvmA }brEkfEst }ndA
in the car and my Dad drives me to the [unint.] station which is in the next village
}gE?n DW}kA: }nd mA }dd }drAvz mtWDW...}stUSn1}wtSz n DW}nEkst }vWldJ t
to ours and I get the train all there to Canterbury then I walk down to the bus
}AWz }nd A}gE? DW}trAn }OWw }DEWtW}kntWbWri }DEnA }wOWk }dn tWDW}bUs
}stESn1
station and I get my bus then I get into school at about ten to nine and then I either
}mW}gE? mW}bUs }DEn A}gE?ntW}skW ? W}b? }tEntW}nAn nd DEn}ADW}sW
see my riends or go straight of to registration; I adore my lessons, have break and go
mW}frEndz OW}gU }StrA?Wv tWrEdJ Wz}trUSn1AW}dOWmA }lEsn1z hv }brEk nd }gU
and get something to eat, cause Im hungry all the time; then we have some more
nd }gE? }sUmQNtW}W? kWz}Am }hUngr}OWwDW}tAm }DEn wW}hv sUm }mOW
119
lessons and then we have lunch and we sit outside and mess around.
}lEsn1 z n}En w}hv }lUntS}nwW}s? ?}sAd n }mEs W}rnd
T Glottaling 31 opportunities: 14 times [?]: word-final
T Glottaling [W}b?], also frequently
when followed by a word which starts
with a vowel [}gE?Up], homorganic T
Glottaling [}gE?DW]
L-Vocalisation 5 opportunities: 5 times [, w]: [}OWw,
}skW , Wn}t]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is realised as allophonic variants of
[U, A, E]; `break [}brEk], `station
[}stUSn1], `train [}trAn]
/a/ is always realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is most often realised as [U]
/a/ is realised as both [A] in `hours,
`time and [] in `around
/i:/ is always realised as [W]
/u:/ is also always realised as [W ]
Katherine displays many shibboleths of Estuary English. All vowels that are realised
with the /W/ phoneme in RP adopt an [U] quality in her interview. She is
inconsistent in the realisation of the /e/ phoneme, but the variants she uses are typical
of EE. It is apparent that the process of L Vocalisation is already completed in her
idiolect. As far as the phoneme /t/ is concerned, approximately half of the given
opportunities are put into glottal reinforcements.
5.2.4.2 The sixth form
name age place of birth lives in
Emilie Stone 18 Canterbury Westmarsh
120
Sarah Almond 16 Luton Herne Bay
Lizzie Jerome 16 Ashford Shottenden
Hannah Moyse 16 Canterbury Faversham
121
1. Lizzie Jerome
job mothers job fathers job
pupil at Archbishops teacher of dyslexia salesman
Lizzie, Hannah, Sarah and Emilie were the only group with whom I had four full
periods a week, which is the reason I had the opportunity to get to know them well.
We became friends and performed a theatre piece together. The interview is therefore
truly natural; we were all sitting together having an amusing conversation which
lasted more than one hour.
Well... I get up at half past six and then I go and straight away and have a shower
}wW }A}gE? Wp }? }hAf }pAst }sks }nEn }A}gWn strEW?W}wEn1}hvW}SAW
..and..hmm then I usually come out the shower in about ten minutes...or a quarter of
...nDm1}DEn }jW J Wli }kUmU? DW}SAWn W}b? }tEn }mnts OW}kwtWWvn1
an hour this morning...hmm...then I get dressed..and..downstairs by ten past seven
}AWDs }mOWnNWn..nDn1}A}gEt }drEst..n1d }dEWnstEWz bA}tEn }pA:st }sEvWn
and have breakfast at about twenty past, half past seven ..go upstairs at half past
nd }hv }brEkfEst ?m1 }ba? }twEnti }pAst }hAf }pAst }sEvWn..gW}UpstEWz ? }hAf
}past
seven and brush my teeth and then at twenty to eight I go outside wait for the bus and
}sEvWn n1}brUSmA}tWQ}nDEn ? }twEnti tW}Et A}gW Ut}sad }wEt fWDW}bUs
the bus comes and then I get on the bus and go to the bus station.
}nd DW}bUs }kUmz n }DEnA }gEt n }DW}bUs Wn }gW tWDW}bUs }stESn1
(lunch time?)...well, school starts at ten to nine..and then hmm we have
122
}wW }skW K}stA:ts }? }tEn tW}nAn n}DEm1w}hv
registration until five past and then we have assembly until twenty past hmm nine
rEdJ W}strESn1Un}t }fAv }pAst n}DEn w}hv W}sEmbli Wn}t }twEnti }pA:st m1}nAn
and then we have our first lesson which lasts until hm ten thirty-five and then we
nd }DEn w}hv }AW}f:st }lEsn1wtS}lA:sts Un}t m }tEn }Q:tifAv n}DEn wW
have a breaktime until five to eleven..then another lesson and then lunchtime at five
}hvW}brEktAm Un}tWK}fAv tWi}lEvn1DEn W}nUDW}lEsn1nDn1}lUntStAm }? }fAv
past twelve till five past one
}pA:st }twEv }t }fAv }pA:st }wUn
T Glottaling 38 opportunities: 11 times [?]: word-final
T Glottaling, also when followed by a
word which begins with a vowel
[}strEW?W}wE], homorganic T Glottaling
[}kUmU? DW]
L-Vocalisation 9 opportunities: 8 times []: [}wE,
}skW , Un}t, twEv]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is once realised as [EW] in `straight,
but on every other occasion she chose [E]
/a/ is most often realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is always realised as [W], its quality
becoming increasingly back
/a/ is realised as [EW] in `downstairs,
as [U] in `outside and as [A] for the
rest of her opportunities
/i:/ is always realised as [W]
/u:/ is also usually realised as [W ]
123
Lizzie is an Estuary English speaker who has to be grouped at the RP end of the
continuum. Although she frequently glottals the phoneme /t/, she is not always in
harmony with L Vocalisation. Her vowels are also more RP oriented; the phoneme
/a/ is realised as [A, U] but never as [] which is a more typical characteristic
of EE speech; the phoneme /W/ is simiarly realised as [W].
2. Emilie Stone
job mothers job fathers job
pupil at Archbishops headmistress of a primary
school
secondary school teacher
like the others (see above)
My alarm goes off at nine oclock and Im meant to get up at a quarter past nine, but
}mAW}lA:m }gUz f ? }nAn W}klk }nd Am }mEnt tW}gE? Up
h
?}kwOW?W}pAst
}nAn
I hardly ever do ..hmm and then I get up and have a shower and then go and watch
}bU? A}hAWdli }EvW}dW Wm }nEn }A}gE?Up n1}hvW}SUWWnEn }gWn1}wtS
TV and have a rest and then go and get some breakfast and eat it and then have a rest
tW}vWn1}hvW}rEstWnDEn }gW n1d }gEt }sUm }brEkfEst n1}W?? ndDWn }hvW}rEst
and my whole day is activity and then rest, cause Im getting better at the moment.
}nd mW}hUK}dEWz k}tvWt}nDEn }rEst kWz Wm }gE?N}bEtWDW}mWmWnt
(What sort of troubles did you have?) Ive got ME hmm so I get very tired very easily
A}hv }gt }mWWm }sW A}gE? }vEri }tAWd }vEri }WsWli
124
and I have no memory, what? I dont, I used to have a really good memory, but I can
n1d }A}hv nW }mEmWri wW? A}dWnt A}jW zd tW}hvW}rWli }gW d }mEmWri }bU?
}A
hardly remember anything now; its awful. But Im getting better very slowly hmm
}kn }hA:dli rW}mEmbW}nQN}n }?z }OWf }bU? AWm}gE?N}bEtW}vEri }slUli Wm
but the whole recovery process is because Im doing activity rest, activity rest. So my
}bU?W}hWKrW}kUvWri }prUsWs z bW}kzWm }dW Nk}tWvWti }rEst k}tWvWti }rEst sW
whole day has to be spaced out and planned hmm which is great fun hmm. But it
mW}hWK}dE}hz t bW}spEzd }Ut n1d }plnd m1}wtSz }grEWt }fUn m1}bU??
means that I cant just sort of go out and do whatever I want to, because Ive gotta
}mWnz }DtA }kA:nt }dJ Ust }sOWtWv }gWu }U? }nd d wt}EvWA }wntW}kWz }Av
}g?W
plan my whole day around whatever Im gonna do.
}pln mW}hUK}dEW}rnd w?}EvWm }gnW}dW
T Glottaling 46 opportunities: 21 times [?]: word-
finally [}W??],in homorganic environment
[?}nAn]; intervocalically [}gE?N]
L-Vocalisation 5 opportunities: 1 time []: [}OWf]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is commonly realised as [E],
sometimes tending to a quality of [U]
/a/ is always realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ varies between the two variants [U,
125
W]
/a/ is most often realised as [U], only
occasionally as [] as in `around
/i:/ is always realised as [W]
/u:/ is also usually realised as [W ]
Emilies accent is typical of Estuary English. She commonly adopts glottal
reinforcements and her vowels are also realised in a way which is significant of EE.
Although L Vocalisation does not seem to be accomplished very often, I am inclined
to pass the blame onto bad luck. I know Emilie quite well and I often had the
opportunity to catch her converting [K] to [, w]. A possible explanation might be
that she realises every dark /l/ as [] but the [K] in `whole.
3. Sarah Almond
job mothers job fathers job
pupil at Archbishops support teacher in a
primary school
hairdresser and owner of a
pub
like the others (see above)
I get up at about six thirty and my mummie brings me a cup of tea in bed so I can
}A}gE? Up }? W}b? }sks }Q:ti }nd mA}mUm}brNgz mi W}kUpW}tWn }bd sW}A
have a drink...and I just shout at everyone in the house so that I can have the
}kn }hvW}drNk...Wnd }A}dJ U}SU?? }EvrwUn n DW}hsW}Dt A}kn }hv DW
bathroom first..then get dressed, then about half seven I leave to come to school with
}bA:QrW m }f:st DEn }gEt}drEst hn1}b? }hAf }sEvWn A}lWv t }kUm t }skW wQ
mW
126
my mummie who drives me and we go and pick up one of my best mates, Joe, and
}mUmi }hW }drAvz mi }nd wW}gU n1d }pk Up }wUnWvmW}bEst }mE?s }dJ U n1d
bring her to school because her father takes us home...mmh we arrive at school at
}brNg t }skW b}kWz hW}fA:DW}tEks Uz }hWm m1wW}rAv }? }skW ?
W}b?
about eight oclock. Then have a couple of lessons if you feel like it and then school
}E? W}klk
h
DEn }hv W}kUpKWv }lEsn1z f jW}f }lAk ? }nd }DEn }skW
finishes at three fourty. So Im at home by about ten past four..then sit down, do a bit
}fnSWz }? }QrW}fOWti sW Am ? }hWm }bAW}b? }tEn }pAst }fOW}DEn }st }dn
d
of homework, go up my Dads pub, get drunk, go out with my boyfriend (every day?)
W}b?Wv }hWmw:k }gWUp mA}ddz }pUb }gE? }drUNk }gWU? mA}bOfrEnd
no, every now and again.... (Do you help there?) Sometimes, if
}nU }Evri }nUn1d W}gEn ..... }sUmtAmz }f
there is a big dinner on and then Im a waitress and I have to wear this stupid
}DEWzW}bg }dnWn n}DEnAmW}wEtrWs n1d A}hv t }wEWDS}tSW pd
uniform with braces and sometimes my Dad pays me a couple of fiver, tenner or so
}jW nfOWm wQ}brEsWz nd }sUmtAmz mA}dd }pEz mW}kUpKv }fAvW}tEnWW
even to do some washing-up or do some bar work, little bit of bar work , just
127
sW }WvWn tW }d }sUm }wSNUp
h
OW}d }sUm }bA:wWk
h
}l? }b?Wv }bA:w:k
}dJ Ust
collecting glasses and stuff.
kW}lEktN}glA:sz n1d }stUf
T Glottaling 31 opportunities: 20 times [?]: word-
finally, often followed by a word which
starts with a vowel [}gE?Up], homorganic
T Glottaling [W}b?}}tEn], lateral T
Glottaling [}l?]
L-Vocalisation 7 opportunities: 6 times []: [}skW ,
}f, }l?]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence 1 opportunity: 1 time: [StSW pd]
Diphthong Shift /e/ is most often realised as [E],
sometimes flavoured with a quality of [U]
/a/ is usually realised as [A]
/O/ is realised as [O], in `boyfriend
/W/ is very often realised as [U],
sometimes also as [W]
/a/ varies between [] in `about,
`house and [U] in `out, `now
/i:/ is strongly pronounced as [W]
/u:/ is always realised as [W ]
Sarah is an EE speaker in the middle of the road. She prefers glottal reinforcement to
the phoneme /t/ in word-final and intervocalic position. L Vocalisation is only natural
for her. Almost all the vowels take on a quality of Estuary English; /W/ and /a/ are
merged to [U]; sometimes /a/ is also realised as []. The long vowels /i:/ and /u:/
are glided into [W, W ] which is identical to all my informants interviews.
128
4. Hannah Moyse
job mothers job fathers job
pupil at Archbishops hairdresser ?
67
like the others (see above)
On a normal school day I usually get up at half past six, cause theres me and
}nW}nOWmWK}skW dEA}jW J Wli }gE? Up }? }hAf }pAst }sks kWz }DEWz }mWn1d }mA
my sister and we both fight to get in the bathroom. So Ill run to the bathroom to get
}sstA w}bWQ}fAt t }gEtn DW}bA:QrW m sW}AK}rUn t DW}bA:QrW m tW}gE?n
in there first and that takes...about twenty minutes. So, then hmm I would get ready
}DEW}f:st nd DWt }tEks...W}bt }twEnti }mnts sW }DEn m1}AwWd }gEt }rEdi fW
for school and everything hmm usually we have breakfast at about ten past seven
}skW nd }EvrQNm1}jW J WwWv }brEkfEs? W}bt }tEn }pAst }sEvWn m1
hm my mum cooks us a big breakfast but now Im starting my healthy eating, so Im
mA}mUm }kkss W}bg }brEkfWst }bU? }nU Am }stA:tNmA}hEKQi }WtiNsW Am
having a yoghurt ....We get the train at ten to eight. By about ten past eight were in
}hvNW}jgW t...w}gE? DW}trUn ? }tEn t }E? }bAW}bt }tEn }pAst }Et }wWrn
Canterbury...and so then I arrive at school, do all the school things...
}kntWbWri...}nd sW }DEn W}rv }? }skW d}OWw DW}skW }DNz

67
Hannah does not see her father; therefore, she does not know.
129
I leave school at three fourty, get the bus to the train station, get the train home...
}lWv }skW ? }QrW}fOWti }gEt DW}bUs tWDW}trUn }stESWn }gEt DW}trEn }hUm...
But then at home at ten past five usually, just in time for Home and Away and
}bU? }DEn ? }hWm ? }tEn }pAst }fAv }jW J Wli }dJ Ust n tAm fW}hUmn1d W}wU
Neighbours, sit down in front of the TV... I usually try to get my homework done
}n1EbWz }st }dUn n }frnt Wv DW}tWvW... A}jW J Wli }trAtW}gE? mA}hWmw:k
}dUn
before I have my tea, cause I have tea and then about seven oclock my boyfriend
bW}fO:W}hv mA }tW}kWz A}hv mA}tWn1DEn W}bUt }sEvWn W}klk }mA}bOfrEnd
comes over.
}kUmz }WvW
T Glottaling 42 opportunities: 14 times [?]: word-final
T Glottaling, sometimes followed by a
word with a vowel [}brEkfEs? W}bt],
homorganic T Glottaling [?}tEn,
}bU?}nU]
L-Vocalisation 9 opportunities: 5 times []: [}skW ];
([}OWw] is a form of elision)
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is realised either as [E] in `eight or as
[U] in `train, `away
/a/ is realised as both [A] and [] in
`arrive
/O/ is realised as [O] in `boyfriend
/W/ is either realised as [W] or as [U]
in [}hUm] `home
130
/a/ is once realised as [U] and once as
[] in `about
/i:/ is always realised as [W]
/u:/ is also typically realised as [W ]
Although Hannah is sometimes inconsistent in the use of L Vocalisation, she regularly
glottals the phoneme /t/. The vowels are characterised by a strong flavour of Estuary
English. Therefore it is true to say that Hannah, like her friends, is an EE speaker in
the middle spectrum.
5.2.5 Boys
5.2.5.1 The fifth form
name age place of birth lives in
Keith Baldwin 15 Canterbury Canterbury; now:
Whitstable
James Crittenden 14 Margate Margate
1. Keith Baldwin
job mothers job fathers job
pupil at Archibishops ? glacier
Like the girls, Keith Baldwin was one of the fifth formers studying for the German
GCSE exam. I taped him together with some of his friends during one of the lessons.
I get up at half past six, ready to leave the house by ten past seven, get to school by
A }g? Up }? }hA:f }pA:st }sks }rEdi tW}lWv DW}hs bA}tEn }pA:st }sEvWn }gE?tW
half past seven, cause my Dads to be working at Littlebourne by eight oclock in the
}skW bA}hA:f }pA:st }sEvWn }kWz mA}ddz t }bW}l?bOWn bA}E? W}klk n DW
morning this is....School rushes the day of course, doing the lessons and stuff like
131
}mOWnn }Dzz }skW }rUSDW}dEWv}kOWz }dW NDW}lEsn1z nd }stUf }lAk
that....Then I get home, have something to eat. (school breaks?) Theyre boring. I
}Dt...}DEm A}gE? }hm hv }sU?n tW}W?... DEA }bOWrNA
play basketball....(at home?) Have my dinner and watch TV... Favourite programs, I
}plE}bUskWtbOW...}hvmA }dnWnd }wtS }tWvW...}fEvWrt }prWgrmzA
may like comedy programs, Shooting Stars... (weekends) I go to the cinema,
}mElAk }kmWdi }prWgrmz }SW ?N}stA:z... A }gW tWDW}snWmA
swimming, bowling...and thats about it.
}SwmN, }bUlN...nd }D?z W}b?}?
T Glottaling 17 opportunities: 11 times [?]: word-
finally [}gE?}hm], sometimes when
followed by a word which starts with a
vowel; word-internally [}SW ?N], lateral T
Glottaling [}l?], homorganic T
Glottaling [}gE?tW]
L-Vocalisation 4 opportunities: 4 times [, w]: [}skW ,
l?, }bUskWtbOW]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is usually realised as [E], sometimes
adopting a quality of [U]
/a/ is always realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as [W] in `programs,
[U] as in `bowling and [] as in
`home
/a/ is realised as []
/i:/ is strongly pronounced as [W]
132
/u:/ is always realised as [W ]
It is exceptionally rare in Keiths speech to pronounce the phoneme /t/ in positions
where a glottal reinforcement would also be possible and appropriate for EE speakers.
L Vocalisation is realised on all occasions. He may be allocated to the Cockney end of
the spectrum especially because his vowels sometimes adopt a flavour characteristic
of Cockney, such as /W/ which is occasionally realised as [].
2. James Crittenden
job mothers job fathers job
pupil at Archbishops accountant state agent
James Crittenden was a very shy boy; unfortunately it happened that I had to tape him
separately on his own at school. Despite his shyness he did not seem to suffer too
long from self-consciousness; nevertheless I could not deny the embarrassment in his
facial expression.
I wake up at a quarter to seven, get dressed, go and have my tea, go down to get my
A}wEk Up }t }kwOWtWt }sEvn1}gE}drEst }gW nd }hv mA }tW, }gW }dAn tE }gE?
bus, getting to Canterbury, get another bus to school; leave school at three
}bUs, }gEtNtW}kntWbri }gEt W}nUDW}bUs tW}skW , }lWv }skW t }QrW
fourty...get on another bus, go home, do my homework, watch TV, play on my
}fOWti...}gE?n W}nUDW}bUs, }gW }hWm, }d mA }hWmw:k, }wtS }tWvW}plEn
mA
computer and have my tea, watch a bit more TV and go to bed. (weekends?) I wake
kWm}pjW ?Wnd }hvmA }tW}wtSW}bt }mOW}tWvWnd }gW tW}bEd A}wEk
133
up; I go and play tennis and then I go home, do some more homework, hmm go
U? A}gW n1d }plE}tEns }nEn A}gU }hUm, }dW }sUm mOW}hWmw:k m1}gW
outside...(sport?) I play tennis in the morning ....I started coaching; Ive been coached
}U?sAd...A}plE}tEns n DW}mOWnN... A}stA:td }kUtSNAv }bWn }kUtSt
for two and a half years.
fW}tW n1W}hA:f }jWWz
T Glottaling 17 opportunities: 4 times [?]: word-finally
when followed by a vowel [}gE?n],
intervocalically [kWm}pjW ?W]
L-Vocalisation 2 opportunities: 2 times []: [}skW ]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is usually realised as [E]
/a/ is commonly realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as both [W] and [U] in
`go and `home
/a/ is realised as [U] in `outside and
[A] in `down
/i:/ is always realised as [W]
/u:/ is realised as [W ] on every occasion
The only reason James does not make use of more glottal reinforcements is the fact
that he did not feel comfortable in his conversation with me. His embarrassment put
paid to a natural, undistorted speech. Despite his concentration on the proper
pronunciation of the phoneme /t/, L Vocalisation is always realised. In a more natural
conversation his vowels would probably have adopted a more Cockney flavoured
quality. Unfortunately, there is no proof.
134
5.2.5.2 The sixth form
name age place of birth lives in
Edward Cotton 17 Canterbury Canterbury
Simon Cleobury 18 London London; now:
Canterbury
Tom Williamson 18 Hammersmith
(London)
Southwest London
Alex Lister 18 London Canterbury
1. Edward Cotton
job mothers job fathers job
A-level candidate at Kings Primary school teacher solicitor
Edward Cotton was one of the four gifted A level candidates in German at the Kings
School. As an additional German teaching assistant I regularly participated in their
conversation class. I taped Edward at school together with his friends.
Im not a boarder, so I have a home in Canterbury. But I get up at about seven, have
Am }ntWn }bO:dWsW }AvW}hWm n }kntWbri }bUt A}gEt Up }t W}ba? }sEvn1}hvW
a shower, have my breakfast, and I walk to school. So I leave the house at about
}SaW}hvmW}brEkfEst }ndA }wO:k t }skW KsWA }lWv DW}has t W}bA?
eight oclock in the morning, get to school, if Im early, if Im on time, about a
}Et W}klk n DW}mOWnN}gEt tW}skW K}fAm }:li }fAm n }tAm W}bAtW
quarter past eight, sort my things out. Then we have assembly, lessons start at nine,
}kwOWtW}pAst }Et }sOWt mA }QNz}Uut? }DEn w}hv W}sEmbli }lEsWnz }stAt
h
t }nAn
and there are lessons all through the day with a mid-morning break until half past
135
}nDEA }lEsn1z }O: }QrW DW}dEwQW}md }mOWnN}brEk Un}tK}hA:f }pAst
twelve or a quarter past one. Then we have lunch, hmm then depending on what day
}twEKv OW}kwOWtE }pAst }wUn }DEn w}hv }lUntSm1n}DEn d}pEndNn wt }dE
the week is we may have lessons in the afternoon, or sport or activities or; on
DW}wWkz w}mE}hv }lEsn1z nDW}AftWnW n OW}spO:t OW}ktvtz OWn
Mondays we have orchestra, so the school day is very long and when thats finished I
}mUndEz w}hv }O:kEstrA sW DW}skW K}dEz }vEr}lng nd wEn }Dts }fnSt A
go home.
}gW }hWm
T Glottaling 30 opportunities: 3 times [?]: word-
finally, also when followed by a vowel
[W}bA?}Et], homorganic T Glottaling
[}Ut?}DEn]
L-Vocalisation 6 opportunities: 0 [, w]: the realisation
of `all through must be regarded as a
kind of elision [}O:QrW ] and does
therefore not count as an example of L
Vocalisation
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E]
/a/ is realised as [A] on every occasion
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is realised as [W], with a slight
backer quality than the RP equivalent
/a/ is realised as [A] in `shower and
[U] in `out
/i:/ is slightly realised as [W]
136
/u:/ is slightly realised as [W ]
Ed is an interesting young man who is not only very intelligent and naturally gifted, he
also manages to be on friendly terms with everybody. He is well-received amongst
teachers, classmates and friends. The secret of his popularity is his sensitivity to
accent and his readiness to adopt the accent appropriate to a particular setting and
circumstance. According to the given context he would slide up and down the accent
scale, being an expert in accent-switching. He enjoys school; in its conservative
setting he accurately switches to an RP accent. Since I recorded him at school it was
clear that he would speak a near RP accent. When once I met him in a pub meeting
his friends, not only had his clothes changed, but also his accent. He quite
convincingly spoke Estuary English, displaying also some of its syntactic features.
The accent Ed adopted for this interview is a near RP accent with EE features only
seldom encountered.
2. Simon Cleobury
job mothers job fathers job
A-level candidate at Kings music teacher conductor; musician
Simon was another A level candidate in the group which I assisted once a week at the
Kings School. Simon was taped together with Edward Cotton.
Well, like Ed, I live at home as well. So I get up at about sevenish.. have a shower,
}wE }lAk }Ed A}lv t }hWm Wz }wE sW }A}gEt }Up t W}bA? }sEvWnS...}hv
}SAW
then get ready, have breakfast, then I , then either my mum or me drives in, I have to
DEn }gEt }rEdi }hv }brEkfEst }DEn A}DEn }EDWmA}mUm OW}mW}drAvz n A}hv tW
drop my sister of for another school in Canterbury on the way and then we come
137
}drp mA }sstWf fWW}nUDW}skW Kn }kntWbWri n DW}wE}nEn w}kUm
here; if Im driving, I got to park in a car park and then walk in to school. But that
}hW}fAm }drAvNA}gtW}pA:k nW}kA: pA:k nd }DEn }wO:k ntW}skW KbUt }Dt
does not happen every day, so thats not too bad. Then we get into my house at
}dUznt }hpn1}Evri }dEsW }Dts nt }tW }bd }DEn w}gEt }nt DW}hAs }?
school and usually go straight to assembly hm....being in the sixth form we dont
}skW nd }jW J Wli }gW }strEt tWW}sEmbli m1.... }bWNn DW}sksQ }fOWm }wW
}dWnt
have every lesson, we have free periods, we are meant to work, but invariable people
}hv }Evri }lEsn1}wW}hv }frW}pWrdz wWA }mEnt tW}w:k }bU? n}vrWbli }pWpK
dont, then have lunch either twelve thirty or one fifteen depending on which lessons
}dWnt }DEn hv }lUntS}EDW}twEKv }Q:tOW}wUn }fftWn d}pEndNn }wtS}lEsn1z
Ive got. Hm then its lunch break and just do what we want, play some pool or
Av }gt m1}DEn ts }lUntS}brEk nd }dJ Us }dW }w? wW}wnt }plEsUm }pW OW
watch TV or something. Then its lessons again.
}wtS}tWvWOW}sUmQNDEn }ts }lEsn1z W}gEn
T Glottaling 34 opportunities: 4 times [?]: word-final T
Glottaling [W}bA?], also when followed
by a vowel [}bU? n}vrWbli]
L-Vocalisation 8 opportunities: 4 times []: [}wE,
}skW , }pW ]
138
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E]
/a/ is commonly realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is most often realised as [W], with a
quality tending to become back
/a/ is realised as [A] on every occasion
/i:/ is usually realised as [W]
/u:/ is typically realised as [W ]
For students at the Kings School it is unheard to speak a more streetwise accent
such as Estuary English. However, Simon speaks slight Estuary English. Although he
pronounces most /t/s and would never glottal one in intervocalic position within a
word or in lateral environments, L Vocalisation is frequently realised. But the vowels
are still more influenced by RP than by Estuary English.
3. Tom Williamson
job mothers job fathers job
A-level candidate at Eton Her Majestys inspector for
schools
airline pilot
Tom Williamson was introduced to me by Steve Turner, the bar manager of the
Canterbury Tales. I taped him together with his friend Alex Lister one evening in
this pub.
Well, I tend to get up at about eleven oclock and I stay in bed for about an hour,
}wEKA}tEnd tW}gEt }Up t W}bAt W}lEvn1W}klk ndA }stEn }bEd fWW}bAtWn }AW
have lunch at about twelve, one oclock, and then, most of my days I actually spend
}hv }lUntSt W}bAt }twEv }wUn W}klk nd }DEn }mOWstWv mA }dEzA }ktSWli
doing organ practise which is very boring but its necessary for the job really hm
139
}spEnd }dW N}OWgWn }prkts }wtSz }vEri }bOWrN}bUt ts }nEsEsWrfWDW}dJ b }rWli m1
playing the organ, learning new pieces, you know, run of the mill stuff, hm I have
}plEiND}OWgWn }l:nN}njW }pWsz jWnW rUn Wv DW}mK}stUf m1A }hvWn }Wvn1}sN
an even song at about five oclock in the afternoon, which is very exciting....the choir
t W}bAt }fAv W}klk nDW}AftWnW n }wtSz }vEri }ksAtN...DW}kwAW}sNz
sings in the cathedral. And after that I go to the pub.. this is probably my favourite
n1DWkA}QWdrWKnd }AftW}Dt A}gW tWDW}pUb...}Dsz }prbWbli ma }fEvWrit
actually which is the Canterbury Tales, I think its a nice atmosphere here, plenty
}ktSWli }wtSz DW}kntWbWri }tElz A}QNk }tsW}nAs }tmWsfW}hW}plEnti
of good geezers. (sport?) What about sport? Ah! Well, I try to, I like to do
Wv }gd }gWzWz wt W}bUt }spOWt Ah }wE A}trAtWA}lAk tW}dW
swimming... I think thats a very good way of keeping fit. Football. Ive never been a
}swmN...A}QNk }DtsW}vEr}gW d }wEWv }ki:pN}ft }ftbA Av }nEvW}bWnW}grEt
great football fan.
}ftbA }fn
T Glottaling 35 opportunities: 0 [?]
L-Vocalisation 7 opportunities: 4 times [, w]: [}twEv,
wE, ftbA]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence 1 opportunity: 0 (new: [njW ])
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E]
/a/ is most often realised as [A]
140
/O/: no opportunity
/W/ is always realised as [W], which
tends to be backer in its quality
/a/ is realised as [A] on every
opportunity
/i:/ is typically realised as [W]
/u:/ is also characteristically realised as
[W ]
Tom Williamson comes apparently from a very posh social background which bans
any accent that is different from RP. Nevertheless, L Vocalisation is gradually seeping
into his RP based speech. I had the impression he wanted to appear trendy and
camouflage his upper-class origins. He had already managed to change his outward
appearance and clothes, taking the role of a trendy EE speaker. I am sure that after
leaving school he will quickly adopt the accent Estuary English.
4. Alex Lister
job mothers job fathers job
a job at the hotel nurse music teacher
Alex Lister, a friend of Tom Williamsons, was taped in the pub Canterbury Tales.
Well, it very much depends on the day and my job at the hotel, if they ask me
}wEKt }vEr}mUtSd}pEndz n DW}dEnd }mA}dJ b t D}hWtWKf }DE}Ask m
irregularly to come in and do the, Im not full time, when they have, when they are
}rEgjWli tW}kUmn nd }dW DWAm }nt }fK}tAm }wEn }DE}hv wEn }DE
short of persons, they phone me up and give me ten minutes notice to get round there
}SOWtWv }p:zWn }DE}fWnm}Up }n }gvm}tEn }mnts }nWts tW}gEt }rnd }DEW
r
141
and start working. But on a normal day I do very little except for socialise come
nd }stA:? }wWkN}bU?nW}nOWmWK}dEA}dW }vEri }ltKW}ksEpt fW}sWJ WlAz }kUm
round the pub and Im meant to be doing some preliminary work cause Im hoping to
}rUnDW}pb nd Am }mEnt tW}bW}dW N}sUm }plWmn1Wri }wWk kEz Am }hWpn1tW
study politics at the university to which I go to. Hm, its quite difficult to say, cause
}stUd}pltks }t DWjW n}v:sWti tW}wtSA }gW t m1ts }kwA? }dfkWKt tW}sEkWz
my daily routine is quite irregular. Hm....I get up normally around ten oclockish and
}mA}dEli rW }tWn z }kwAt }rEgjWlA m1A}gEt Up }nOWmWli W}rAnd }tEn W}klkS
}nd
have some breakfast when I feel like it. Im a bit of a computerholic. I play all my
}hv }sUm }brEkfEst }fAm }wEnA }fWK}lAkt Am W}bt WvWkWm}pjW tWhlk A}plE
computer games, type letters to people and etcetera..hm have lunch when I can
}OWKmA kWm}pjW tW}gEmz }tAp }lEtWz tW}pWpKnd }EtsEtrWWm1 }hv }lUntS}wEnA
afford it which is not often cause I dont earn very much money.
}kn W}fOWd t }wtSz nt }fEn }kEzA }dWnt }:n }vEri mUtS}mUni
T Glottaling 37 opportunties: 3 times [?]: word- finally
[}stA:?], in homorganic environment
[}kwA?}dfkWKt]
L-Vocalisation 9 opportunities: 0 [, w]
Yod Dropping / Coalescence no opportunity
Diphthong Shift /e/ is always realised as [E]
/a/ is usually realised as [A]
/O/: no opportunity
142
/W/ is realised as [W] with a slightly
backer quality
/a/ varies between the variants [,
U, A]; `round is once pronounced as
[}rnd], another time as [W}rAnd], and
a third time as [}rUnDW]
/i:/ is realised as [W]
/u:/ is realised as [W ]
Since Alex is a friend of Tom Williamsons it is highly probable that they share a
similar social background and therefore also a similar accent. Alex only occasionally
uses a glottal reinforcement; a [?] in homorganic environment is not only typical of
Estuary English but is also common in RP. However, the vowel /a/ has already
adopted a quality of Estuary English, being often realised as [, U]. Thus, Alex
speaks an RP accent with few Estuary English features.
5.2.6 Comparison: male and female pupils
The new generation seems to be increasingly aware of the importance of accents and
has therefore acquired a capacity to switch between different accents as the situation
requires. The gender difference does not seem to play an important role in the
occurrence of the features typical of Estuary English. It appears to be relevant to take
their social background, the school they attend, and their friends into consideration.
Most significant, however, is the situation and the context in which they are taped. It
is apparent that more detailed investigation needs to be done into context-related
accent switching. I found that teenagers are experts in camouflaging their original
accent, adopting a more trendy accent in informal situations, and more conservative
accents in formal and serious contexts. Since I only recorded them once
68
, it is
difficult to prove the various accents they are capable of adopting. I had the pleasure
of meeting most of my students regularly and in different social settings, and therefore

68
Of the informants, seven of my pupils were actually recorded a second time; they were
asked to read a word list and a reading passage. (see section 5.3)
143
I had the advantage of listening to the different speech patterns they used
appropriately as the situation demanded.
As a matter of fact, 15 year olds have always tended to distance themselves
from their parents and teachers. Parents are often likely to be shocked by the accents
their offspring use which seem to be provocative and vulgar, full of argot words
which adults do not understand. Keith Baldwin, Katherine Braithewaite and also, to
some extent, Gemma Stebbeds are teenagers who delight in using as much Estuary
English and Cockney features they possibly can. Adopting stigmatised features grants
them popularity and acceptance in their peer group. Glottal reinforcement and L
Vocalisation is readily displayed in their interviews. Also the vowels are heavily
influenced by the Estuary and also Cockney accent. The vowel /W/ is frequently
realised as [U] and sometimes as []; /e/ is regularly pronounced as [U], and /a/
exhibits the typical Estuary English qualities [, U, A]. Since James Crittenden
was taped on his own I was unable to find similar tendencies.
As far as the second age group is concerned, my informants were more
conscious of the significance of being taped. The four girls, Lizzie, Sarah, Hannah and
Emilie attend the same school and are good friends; therefore it was convenient for
them to be taped together. In friendship pairs I could also be relatively sure of the fact
that they would not suffer from self-consciousness. It was because of their close bond
of friendship, their confidence in me, and the relaxed atmosphere that the accent they
chose was primarily of Estuary English quality. Sarah Almond and Emilie Stone made
use of T Glottaling in half of the opportunities offered to them, and Lizzie Jerome and
Sarah Almond vocalised the [K] on almost every occasion. The vowels similarly had
the quality of Estuary English. /e/ was realised as either [E] or [U], /a/ was most
commonly pronounced as [A], the preferable variants for /W/ were the variants [W]
and [U], and finally, /a/ varied between [U, , Ew, A].
Being a sixth former at the Kings School in Canterbury entails a sense of
obligation as far as devotion to the honour of the school and behaviour in general is
concerned. The head of modern languages, Tim Armstrong, always used to say Kings
School was a different world because pupils come from higher social backgrounds
and are prepared to climb up the career ladder. In such a school one expects pupils to
144
speak good English. However, Estuary English has already made its way into the
speech of most students. Pupils are aware of the conservative setting and would never
address their teachers in broad Estuary English, but would rather stick to a near RP
Estuary English variety. Amongst their friends, however, they certainly switch to the
more trendy accent of EE, displaying all its typical features. As I was the German
language assistant I had the opportunity to be both teacher and friend at the same
time. After A level mock exams I met them outside school for a drink. They
successfully switched to Estuary English, demonstrating that this was their preferred
accent. Thus, at school and probably also later at work, they will find it more
appropriate to switch to near RP with only few Estuary English features.
The welcome disappearance of upper class boarders was also noticeable in the
few months I was at the Kings School. Pupils of the Kings School no longer want to
be regarded as aloof and snobbish young people. Practising a theatre piece together
with the Kings School and two other state schools was a great experience for me,
and enabled me to realise how Estuary English unites all the young people, regardless
of which social background they come from. In the Kings School, on the other hand,
surrounded by medieval walls and buildings, they obviously find it more appropriate
to adopt a more RP influenced accent. Thus, it is understandable that Edward
Cottons and Simon Cleoburys interviews displayed only a few features of Estuary
English. T Glottaling would never happen in an intervocalic environment. Wordfinal
glottal reinforcement in a homorganic environment is more likely to be considered
appropriate in the formal context. While Ed Cotton disdained L Vocalisation at
school, Simon Cleobury realised [K] as a vowel on half of the opportunities he had.
The vowels are typical of a near RP variety.
Tom Williamson and Alex Lister also come from a high social background and
might be attributed to the higher class. Attending Eton College surely must be
considered a privilege associated with high standards and the received and generally
accepted accent, RP. I taped them in a pub and was a complete stranger to them. This
must have prompted them to switch to an accent very close to RP. A [?] did not seem
to be approprate in the context in which I recorded Tom Williamson; his friend Alex
Lister was also careful in pronouncing a glottal reinforcement. Very occasionally Tom
Williamson preferred a vocalised /l/ to a dark /l/. Alex Listers realisations of the
145
vowel /a/, however, was typical of Estuary English; he varied between [], [U]
and [A], whereas his friend preferred the variant [A].
Apart from the 15-year-old youngsters whose choice of accent fulfills a
different purpose, young adults accent repertoire comprises various accents they are
inclined to adopt in different situations. Accent-switching is a successful mechanism
for coping with and adapting oneself to different situations and social settings. While
speakers from a higher social background still see the necessity to apply an acrolect
accent, with only few Estuary English features, their preferred accent is Estuary
English which they use with their friends in their leisure time. Speakers who may be
attributed to the middle class similarly move upmarket on the accent scale, adapting
Estuary English by consciously using more RP influenced vowels in situations where
they feel it is important to be accepted or taken seriously by a certain group of people.
Young people from a lower social background also welcome the opportunity to
switch to a more popular accent, avoiding the most stigmatised features which might
possibly reveal their broad accent.
Thus, especially amongst young people one notices an increasing awareness of
when to use which accent in different contexts. All of them gradually build up a
repertoire of different accents. Beyond any doubt, their preferred and most popular
accent is Estuary English, but according to different situations they appropriately
reject some of the characteristics of Estuary English or add some of the features
typical of RP.
5.3 Interpreting the results
Samples of speech from twenty-two informants are the basis for the conclusion that
speakers from different social backgrounds share to a greater or lesser extent Estuary
English as their common accent. Although the male informants data generally exhibit
more features of Estuary English than the womens interviews, one must clearly
conclude that the adults idiolects can be identified by obvious characteristics of
Estuary English. The variable /t/, which is defined as the alternation of [?] and [t], is
realised as a glottal reinforcement in word-final positions in homorganic environment
by almost every informant, as in examples such as [w?}tAm] `what time, [}bU?n?]
146
`but not; only Steve Turner and Kerry Jackson avoid their opportunities, but they
frequently use glottal stops in word-final positions before a word which begins with a
vowel, such as [}sOW?Wv] `sort of; glottal reinforcements in an intervocalic position
within a word are produced by three of the five male informants, Eric Fisher, Paul
Rumley, Tony Scurr, only once by a female informant, Helen Dodds, and three female
adolescents Gemma Stebbeds, Emilie Stone, Sarah Almond, and the two 15-year-
olds, Keith Baldwin and James Crittenden. While male adults clearly do not hesitate to
use even stigmatised features of EE, women are very reluctant to do so. Well defined
context-related accent switching prompts young people to adopt marked
characteristics in informal settings.
L Vocalisation is particularly common in the speakers interviews. Most of the
informants actually take advantage of every opportunity; four out of the five men,
John Stevens, Paul Rumley, Tony Scurr, Steve Turner, the three women, Kerry
Jackson, Helen Dodds, Charlotte North, and the fifth formers, Gemma Stebbeds,
Katherine Braithwaite, Keith Baldwin and James Crittenden, vocalise every [K]. Even
Simon Cleobury from the Kings School and Tom Williamson from Eton realise 50%
of their opportunities; this confirms the assumption of the rapid spread of some of the
features identified with Estuary English. The discoveries indicate that L Vocalisation
is no longer a stigmatised feature, but that it is gradually becoming accepted by the
majority of speakers.
According to the analysis of the adolescents data, the findings suggest a
relatively new awareness of context-related accent-switching. Young people can
choose between different accents, and appropriately switch to the one with which they
feel comfortable in a particular situation. Although Sarah, Hannah, Emilie and Lizzie
speak Estuary English in informal situations at school, they would not use too many
glottal stops in formal conversation with teachers or in job interviews. As far as the
four male sixth formers are concerned, they cannot be regarded as typical Estuary
English speakers; all of them
69
attended or are still pupils of highly prestigious
independent schools. Therefore, they are not likely to display EE features such as the
glottal reinforcement too often. Nevertheless, the data suggest that they have already

69
I recently learned that Alex Lister had just finished his A level year at Eton.
147
adopted some of the features of EE, such as glottal reinforcement in defined
environments and the L Vocalisation, in their accent repertoire, and are happy to use
them in relaxed and informal contexts, for example with their friends or in pubs. The
realisations of the vowels in their interviews, however, are not typical of Estuary
English and clearly come from a more RP influenced background.
The vowel realisations of many informants are representative of the vocalic
phonemes described in chapter 2. The long monophthongs /i:/ and /u:/ have
respectively glided into [W] and [W ]. Although speakers are not consistent in the
realisations of the phonemes /e/, /a/, /W/ and /a/, most speakers show a
preference for the realisations which are characteristic of Estuary English.
/e/ is occasionally
realised as [U] by
the following
informants
both EE variants
[A, ] are used for
/a/ by
The /W/ phoneme
is most of the time
realised as [U] by
the informants
The /a/ diphthong
displays a variety of
allophonic
realisations, such as
[], [U] by
John Stevens, Eric
Fisher, Paul
Rumley, Steve
Turner, Charlotte
North, Gemma
Stebbeds, Katherine
Braithwaite, Emilie
Stone, Hannah
Moyse, Keith
Baldwin
John Stevens, Eric
Fisher, Paul
Rumley, Tony
Scurr, Linda
Claridge,
John Stevens, Eric
Fisher, Paul
Rumley, Tony
Scurr, Steve
Turner, Kerry
Jackson, Fiona
Carter, Charlotte
North, Gemma
Stebbeds, Katherine
Braithwaite, Emilie
Stone, Sarah
Almond, Hannah
Moyse, Keith
Baldwin, James
Crittenden
John Stevens, Eric
Fisher, Paul
Rumley, Tony
Scurr, Steve
Turner, Linda
Claridge, Kerry
Jackson, Helen
Dodds, Fiona
Carter, Charlotte
North, Gemma
Stebbeds, Katherine
Braithewaite, Lizzie
Jerome, Emilie
Stone, Sarah
Almond, Hannah
Moyse, Keith
Baldwin, James
Crittenden, Alex
Lister
On the basis of these evaluations, John Stevens, Eric Fisher, Paul Rumley,
Tony Scurr, Steve Turner, Charlotte North, Kerry Jackson, Gemma Stebbeds,
148
Katherine Braithwaite, Emilie Stone, Hannah Moyse, Sarah Almond and Keith
Baldwin are the Estuary English speakers who exhibit most characteristics of EE in
their interviews. The rest of the informants may be put at either the RP or the
Cockney end of the Estuary English continuum. Thus, all five male informants are EE
speakers; two out of five female informants demonstrate all common EE features, the
other three women display some but not all of the EE characteristics. Three of the
girls from the sixth form may also be termed typical EE speakers. Their male
counterparts, however, do not fall into this category. The fifth formers, both boys and
girls, exhibit every EE shibboleth. It is important to mention at this point that
teenagers at the age of fourteen or fifteen are more malleable, and are therefore more
likely to adopt a very broad accent which sooner or later they might change. There is
therefore a greater likelihood of obtaining recordings of pure vernacular speech in
speech samples from teenagers. In fact, most of my fourteen- and fifteen-year-old
informants, as they came under peer pressure to conform in all matters of behaviour,
displayed many features of the Cockney accent. Nevertheless, the tape recorder and
also my presence reduced the probability of recording undistorted speech patterns; it
was obvious that they avoided the typical features of Cockney which I had previously
and repeatedly heard them using in the classroom, like [nfnk] for `anything.
Although the degree to which a speaker uses Estuary English may depend on
the context, I have to emphasise that many shibboleths of Estuary English are also
used in formal situations by the majority of speakers. I had the opportunity to meet
again some of those students at the Archbishops School whom I had previously
recorded in Canterbury. I took the opportunity to have them read a word list and a
short reading passage:
word list
get up, newspapers, situation, gradually, travel, Gatwick, bottle, haircut, people,
football, basketball, little, frightening, milk, butter, stupid, table, shell, suits,
tune
reading passage
Hey, could you get up and give me the newspapers? Thanks!
What an embarrassing situation, Tel!
Stop singing this stupid tune, will you!
149
I gradually understand where you want to travel.
Get me to Gatwick!
Lots of people play football and basketball.
The little bottle with milk is over there and butter is right on the table.
All the people with shell suits are vulgar, arent they! Yes, quite a lot.
The object of the word list and the short reading passage is to extend the spectrum of
contexts in a more formal direction in order to give us more insight into a formal
speech style, the so called word list style (Trudgill 1974: 48). The informants were
asked to read aloud, at a normal speed and as naturally as they could, a list of twenty
lexical items. The informants attention was directed to a single item at a time, and to
the pronunciation of that particular item. Because of the tests artificiality the speakers
are prompted to use not their normal everyday pronunciation when reading out a list
of single words. The effect is to produce a very formal style of pronunciation and
thereby to introduce a formal degree of sophistication into the examination of
contextual styles. In addition to this, the list is designed to include phonological
variables characteristic of Estuary English. The reading passage, moreover, includes
all the items in the word list. This makes comparison of individual items in different
styles possible. It is also worth noting that a test of this form ensures that a large
amount of necessary phonological information can be gathered which one could not
otherwise be certain of eliciting, even during a long conversational interview. (cf.
Trudgill 1974: 48)
The following two tables must suffice to demonstrate the percentage of
frequency of the four variables (T Glottaling, L Vocalization, Yod Coalescence and
Yod Dropping) in the speech of seven informants.
word list
get up, newspapers, situation, gradually, travel, Gatwick, bottle, haircut, people,
football, basketball, little, frightening, milk, butter, stupid, table, shell, suits,
tune
T Glottaling 9 opportunities
L Vocalisation 9 opportunities
150
Yod Coalescence 4 opportunities
Yod Dropping 2 opportunities
Sarah
Almond
Keith
Baldwin
James
Critten-
den
Gemma
Stebbeds
Katherine
Braith-
ewaite
Lizzie
Jerome
Hannah
Moyse
[?] 1 1 1 1 2 3 2
[] 5 9 5 5 3 4 3
[tS, dJ ] 4 3 3 4 4 4 3
/j/-
drop.
1 2 2 1 1 1 1
reading passage
Hey, could you get up and give me the newspapers? Thanks!
What an embarrassing situation, Tel!
Stop singing this stupid tune, will you!
I gradually understand where you want to travel.
Get me to Gatwick!
Lots of people play football and basketball.
The little bottle with milk is over there and butter is right on the table.
All the people with shell suits are vulgar, arent they! Yes, quite a lot.
T Glottaling 15 opportunities
L Vocalisation 12 opportunities
Yod Coalescence 4 opportunities
Yod Dropping 2 opportunities
Sarah
Almond
Keith
Baldwin
James
Crittenden
Gemma
Stebbeds
Katherine
Braithe-
waite
Lizzie
Jerome
Hannah
Moyse
[?] 5 5 1 3 4 5 1
151
[] 8 9 5 5 3 3 2
[tS, dJ ] 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
/j/-drop. 2 2 1 1 2 1 2
Concentration was higher when pronouncing the words of the word list compared
with the reading passage; this explains the considerable frequency of T Glottaling in
the reading passage and the reluctance of the production of a [?] in the word list. The
speakers avoided word-final T Glottaling before a vowel and were particularly
opposed to intervocalic T Glottaling within a single word. Thus, speakers are aware
of the stigmatisation carried by glottal reinforcement and do not tend to use any in
formal speech. However, sometimes this feature penetrated into the informants
language, and the evaluation demonstrated in the two tables above shows that glottal
reinforcement happens more often in the less artificial reading passage than in the
word list. Only Hannah and James were exceptionally careful to use very few glottal
stops. The /t/ in `Gatwick was particularly likely to be realised as a [?] by the
majority of the seven informants. Some speakers preferred to aspirate the /t/ in words
like `get up, `bottle and `littlewhich were often realised as [}gEt
s
Up, bt
s
K, lt
s
K]. The
/t/ in `footballand `basketball are regularly not audibly released, and in rapid speech
/t/ is normally elided from `football and `basketball.
L Vocalisations stigmatisation has obviously decreased to such an extent that
speakers neither hesitate to vocalise the [K] in many words of the word list nor in the
reading passage. The prepared adoption of this feature indicates the willingness to
accept L Vocalisation not only in casual language but also in formal communication.
Unfortunately, speakers did not have many opportunities to display Yod
Coalescence in their interviews. The new data finally imply the acknowledgement of
Yod Coalescence in every possibility in the word list and reading passage. The words
`situation, `gradually, `stupid,and `tune were most often pronounced [stS}ASn1],
[}grdJ Wli], [}stSpd] and [}tSW n] in both reading passage and word list by all of the
informants. As far as Yod Dropping is concerned, the alternative form [}sW t] of `suit
is already recognised as an RP variant pronunciation next to the more conservative
152
RP form /}sju:t/. The dropping of the phoneme /j/ in the word `newspaper is
characteristic of Estuary English. The speakers were inconsistent in the phenomenon
Yod Dropping; speakers pronunciation of the word `newspaper varied between the
form [}nW zpApW] and [}njW zpApW].
The fact that the four variables which are characteristic of the non-standard
accent variety Estuary English occur not only in the reading passage but also in the
word list, undeniably hints at the vast spread of these features amongst young
peoples language, and their increasing acceptance in more and more formal speech.
Although they tend to avoid heavily marked features such as the glottal reinforcement
in intervocalic position in more formal situations, they still stick to other less
stigmatised characteristics of Estuary English such as L Vocalisation and Yod
Coalescence.
153
Conclusion
Language has always been transmitted from one generation to the next, and in the
course of time innovations have crept in. These linguistic inventions differed from one
speech community to another, and younger generations have started new fashions of
speech; some of these innovations were quickly rejected as the older speakers
corrected or ridiculed them, and they therefore had no permanent effect on the
language. Others, for various reasons were adopted and passed on in waves of change
from speaker to speaker and place to place, until they effected a change over a whole
area.
During the last thousand years the language spoken in England has undergone
very striking changes which have affected every aspect of language: its morphology,
syntax, and vocabulary, as well as its pronunciation. Despite these changes the system
has remained stable. Therefore, the loss of the opposition /O:/ in `caught and /OW/ in
`court, a change which was completed in the early twentieth century, was no
impediment to communication. Similarly, earlier coalescence of vowel phonemes by
the homophony of `meet - meat caused no confusion, so why should the new
homophones resulting from the changes in the twentieth century? The disappearance
of /OW/, a characteristic of conservative RP, and the acceptance of /W/ for the
formerly distinctively pronounced words `sure, pure and `shore, tore was a linguistic
novelty in the mid-twentieth century. Today, the phoneme /W/ tends to be replaced
by [O:] in Estuary English, which results in many homophones such as in the pairs
`moor ~ more, `poor ~ pour, `your ~ yore, `sure ~ shore.
In the early twentieth century, words containing // + /f, Q, s/ had an
alternative pronunciation with /O:/, e.g. `off, cloth, cross. Such a variant is associated
with conservative RP but was replaced by // in the early twentieth century. Another
change which had its starting point at the beginning of this century was the short //
phoneme whose quality became backer. Additional lowering is now causing the
allophonic gliding realisations [, e].
The most striking development, the Diphthong Shift, must be interpreted as a
continuation of the Great Vowel Shift; the earlier processes affected the long Middle
154
English vowels and caused diphthongisation, whose resulting long and diphthongised
vowels are today influenced by the Diphthong Shift. While the Great Vowel Shift was
a bottom-up movement, the Diphthong Shift is a top-down movement, lowering and
centring the vowel phonemes. For example, the former realisational difference of [o]
and [o:] merged into [o:], which diphthongised to [o] in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, and whose quality changed at the beginning of this century to
give /W/. Its present alternative pronunciation in EE is [U]. Another example is the
Middle English /i:/ phoneme which slowly changed to /Wi/ in early Modern English,
and which has established itself as /a/ in the Present English sound system and is
moving to an allophonic realisation [A] in EE today.
It was not until the mid-twentieth century that the use of /W/ rather than the
unstressed /i/ became regular in the second and fourth syllables of `visibility. Around
this time, the distinction between /ns/ and /nts/ became blurred, and the /nts/ cluster
tends to prevail today; the majority of speakers pronounce `prince and `prints as
/}prnts/
The coalescence of medial /tj/ or /dj/ as in `nature, `virtue, `creature was
general by the early eighteenth century. Since the mid-twentieth century oppositions
between medial /tS, dJ / and /tj, dj/ have been rare; in the case of /t, d/ + //, the
palatal affricate has prevailed, e.g. in `gradual, `perpetual, `mutual. Today, in the
late twentieth century, the phonemes /tj/ and /dj/ are in the process of coalescing with
/tS/ and /dJ / in initial position, in words like [}tSW zdU] `Tuesday or [}dJ W ti] `duty.
While in the mid-twentieth century the glottal reinforcement started to replace
/t/ before a homorganic consonant and before other plosives, T Glottaling is now
extending into more phonetic environments; the replacement of /t/ in final positions by
[?] is frequently heard today. Happy Tensing is also a feature which has only
recently started to affect the final vowel // in `happy. The more centralised // is
replaced by a short variety of the more tense /i:/ in General RP and a long diphthongal
variety of /i:/ in Estuary English.
155
L Vocalisation must be seen against the background of R Vocalisation; both
phenomena are signs of vocalisation of liquids in the English language. Although it
was fashionable in Elizabethan times to pronounce the /r/ in words such as `servants
and `heard, /r/ is vocalised in many parts of England today. Similarly, today we
witness the vocalisation of [K] in words like `milk. (cf. Wells 23 Sept. 1998a)
Thus, one realises that, despite the adjustments in the number of phonemes
and the systemic, realisational and distributional changes which have taken place, the
history of the English sound system has displayed, over the last thousand years, a
considerable degree of stability. This will hold true for the future phoneme inventory
of Estuary English if the present sound changes prevail and are completed at some
stage. One may therefore conclude that it is useless to try to prevent changes in the
English language, because it shifts and alters according to new ideas and social
practices. (cf. Cox, TES: 15.11.1996) Thus, Tony Bex (Guardian Education:
6.9.1994) is absolutely right when he says:
If it [Estuary English] is a fad, it will wither in the same ways as the mock
Liverpudlian accent withered after the Beatles et al. If it [Estuary English]
represents a more permanent historical shift (similar, for example, to the
adoption of the East Midland dialect in the 15
th
and 16
th
centuries), there is
nothing ... [one] can do about it.
Throughout the thesis it has become obvious that Estuary English is only a
new name for a rather ordinary phenomenon. It is a continuation of a trend which had
its beginnings when London became the capital city and the centre of poltical and
cultural, and hence linguistic, importance. Since then there has been a tendency for
features of popular London speech to spread out geographically and socially. But it is
due to the erosion of the English class system and the greater social mobility in Britain
that this trend is more clearly noticeable. However, the need for further research into
accent in relation to social differences and mobility is obvious. (cf. Wells, English
Teaching Professional: 3.4.1997) I therefore agree strongly with J.C. Wells (9 Nov.
1998c) who rightly urges Hard evidence of its supposed geographical and social
dissemination is eagerly awaited.
156
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